Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
13 (1989) 139-158
osterreichisch -
some political aspects of railway building in the Balkans see Mikhajlo Minoski,
'Planovite na Avstro-Ungarija
za direktna zheleznichka vrska Viena-Solun preku Bosna
(1869-1902)'
[Austro-Hungarian
Plans for a Direct Railway Connection
Between
Vienna and Salonica via Bosnia (1869-1902)], Glasnik INI (1974) 85-106.
139
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IN MACEDONIA
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compulsory work was still in use and in fact was ,used during the
same period to build a road from Varna to Ruse, following the
orders of Midhat Pasha, but it does not seem to have been implemented in the case of railways. Of course, we can not exclude
the possibility that the money administered by the British companies and offered as wages might had been collected from the
local population through extra taxation. However, such a
possibility is contradicted by the enthusiasm which the villagers
displayed when welcoming the engineers. Foreign navvies of
various nationalities were used as foremen of gangs but they did
not substitute for local labour .17
In early 1871, an enterprise on a scale comparable to railway
building was completely unknown in Macedonia. Although in
other parts of the Balkan Ottoman provinces Baron Hirsch seems
to have managed to exploit the compulsory labour of the peasantry
by exerting pressure on the local authorities, in Macedonia there
was no ground for such an attempt. 18 The different treatment
might be explained by the fact that peasants in Macedonia had
been used extensively and taxed heavily to promote road construction during the late 1860s with almost no result.19 Another
attempt in such ashort period of time probably seemed unrealistic;
it was bound to increase discontent towards the authorities, cause
serious financial problems and intensify the problem of public
insecurity. Although it must have been widely known that cheap
labourers were abundant in that region, still no guarantee could
17. Peter F. Sugar claimed in his paper 'Railroad Construction and the Development of the Balkan Village in the Last Quarter of the 19th Century>, in: Der Berliner
Kongress von 1878 (Wiesbaden 1982) 493 that, following an agreement between the
Ottoman government and the construction company, the Varna-Ruse line was built
on compulsory labour and caused wide discontent to the local population. If that
was the case, then the evidence of Barkley, who had no reason to defend the Porte,
is contradictory. See Henry. C. Barkley, Between the Danube and Black Sea (London
1876) 96-105 and by the same author Bulgaria Before the War (London 1877) 15,
30-31, 86, 94,99, 194. Furthermore Sugar's view does not appear to be very soundly
documented.
18. Radoslave M. Dimtschoff, Das Eisenbanwesen auf der Balkan-Halbinsel
(Bamberg 1894) 44.
19. See PPAP 1866-1872. Later on, during the construction of the Hijaz railway,
Ottoman troops were also used as navvies. They were volunteers and worked without
payment on the promise that their military service would be reduced by two years.
See William Ochsenwald, The Hijaz Railroad (Charlottesville 1980) 37.
145
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tion was over and native workers were again available trouble
did not stop. From June 1886 the Albanian-speaking peasants
of the region, completely unfamiliar with the foreign presence
(which had probably increased during the crisis in order to cover
the vacuum left by the recruits), started to attack and rob the
Italians and Belgians.24 Conditions gradually deteriorated and
by mid-October, after several robberies and a few murders had
taken place, some sub-contractors and labourers abandoned their
work. Moreover, local vendettas and rivalries between villages
concerning employment on the railway line under construction
were so intense that they could not be handled by the inefficient
gendarmerie. Although the situation was deliberately exaggerated
by the company in order to excuse slow progress, the British Ambassador in Constantinople, Sir William White, and the French
Consul in Salonica, Jean Baptiste de Sainte Marie, feared that
the delay might negatively affect British and French trade in Serbia
(Austria-Hungary had railway access to Serbia since early Autumn
1886) and made certain representations
to the provincial
authorities. Thus, by early November 1886, the authorities of the
Salonica and Kossovo vilayets had taken the necessary precautions.
for the protection of the workers.25
Although railway construction in central Macedonia relied
chiefly upon local workmen, in western districts the situation was
slightly different. The labour force which took over the building
of the Salonica-Monastir
line consisted again of both local
residents and foreigners. However, according to Krsteski, this
time the foreign element, both west European and Balkan,
represented more than thirty per cent of the workers. Italians in
particular, from the Piemonte district, were employed in such
24. During the same years Italians were also engaged in large numbers in railway
construction in Greece and Serbia (Christina Agriantoni, Oi aparches tis
ekviomichanisis stin Ellada ton 190 aiona [The Commencement of Industrialisation
in Greece in the 19th Century] (Athens, 1986)292-293. Emile de Laveleye, The Balkan
Peninsula (translated by Mrs. Mary Thorpe) (rev.edn., London 1887) 219.
25. Fa 195/1553, Blunt to White, Salonica, 27 Oct. 1886, ff.410-421. Fa 78/3905,
Blunt to White, Salonica, 6 Nov. 1886,ff.192-193.PPAP 1887, lxxxii, 676. AMAE, CPC
Salonique, vol. 7, de Sainte Marie to de Freycinet, 4 Sept. 1886, ff.368-369; 14 Nov.
1886, f.390. Attacks against the foreign navvies were also commonly observed in
Anatolia: Donald Quartaert, Social Disintegration and Popular Resistance in the
Ottoman Empire, 1881-1908 (New York 1983) 75.
147
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40. PP AP 1870, lxvii, 852. Desertion before the completion of the work was a common feature of railway construction in the Ottoman Empire. In Anatolia companies
attempted to control the situation by dividing the labour foice employed into gangs
with a headman, who was responsible for the maintenance of the strength of his gang
(Quartaert, Disintegration, 74-75). In British India labourers for railway construction were organised and employed on a family basis (J.N. Westwood, Railways in
India (Newton Abbot 1974) 31).
41. FO 195/952, Blunt to Elliot, Monastir, 6 July 1872, ff.607-613. It is worth mentioning that less than a year after the whole line was opened to traffic northern Albanian districts were already being brought under the influence and control of central
government (FO 195/1065, Blunt to Elliot, Salonica, 17 Sept. 1875, ff.225-226).
42. To tackle the problem the authorities prohibited the export of livestock for six
months (FO 195/1007, Blunt to Elliot, Salonica, 17 Feb. 1873, ff.82-83>".A Muslim
labourer which worked on the Constanta-Chernavoda line from 1856 to 1860 was
able to save enough money to buy a house, six bullocks, three cows and a small flock
of sheep (Barkley, Between the Danube, 105).
43. PPAP 1874, lxvii, 952.
44. Ibid., lxvi, 510.
152
The prospects and hopes for further improvement in the living conditions of the agricultural class were checked by a prolonged drought in the spring of 1874 which decimated houses,
cattle and sheep. Grain, tobacco and cotton crops failed, in some
cases almost completely, and exports were kept at very low levels.
To make matters worse a severe winter followed and, as a result,
by the spring of 1875, forty per cent of the sheep and thirty per
cent of the cattle had perished.45 Hence, four years after construction had started and only a few months after the whole line
was open to traffic, all the profits and investments had vanished
and the amount of money in circulation was reduced considerably.
Nevertheless, it was again the railway that facilitated access to
the famine striken areas of Velesa" (Titov Veles) and Prilep
(Perlepe); but this time it brought not money but 'immediate and
effectual relief'. In contrast the district of Drama could not be
assisted effectively owing to limited communication facilities.46
For the 'industrial class' the situation was quite different. As
we have seen, the carpenters, masons, ironsmiths etc. in the district
of Salonica could be classified into two groups: the itinerant artisans or journeymen, natives of central Albania who used to appear in November and leave in May, and those who resided permanently in towns and villages. Although in 1852 Ami Boue
observed that the former group could be used for railway building,
there is no evidence that such artisans were indeed employed in
this way. 47 However, we may very well assume that during the
summer months, when both the construction
work and
agricultural pursuits in the fields were most intensive, there was
an increased demand for native artisans, which caused an unusual
rise in wages. In the preceding years carpenters and masons in
the city and district of Salonica worked for an average wage of
1s 10d, while their colleagues in the interior would get a maxi45. PPAP 1875, lxxvii, 447-449. Drought and severe winters during the same period
occurred not only in Macedonia but all over the Ottoman Empire together with earthquakes (Roderic H. Davison, Reform in the Ottoman Empire (Princeton 1963)
301-304).
46. AMAE, CCC Salonique,vol. 27, Krajewski to Duc Decazes, 31 July 1876,
ff.297-312. FO 195/1065, Blunt to Elliot, Salonica, 27 Mar. 1875, ff.82-87.
47. Ami Boue, Sur restablissement "de bonnes routes et surtout de chemins de fer
dans fa Turquie d'Europe (Vienna 1'852) 39. PPAP 1870, lxvi, 558-559, 565.
153
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IN MACEDONIA
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impossible and extra income vital for survival. Soon the tendency to emigrate to the New World increased on account of both
financial hardship and political instability in the region.
The second factor was the gradual use of foreign labourers,
especially in the employment of Italians. The latter could be
classified into two groups: (a) those who were brought by contractors to work on a specific project - the rest of the Europeans should be included in this category as well - and (b) the
seasonal migrants who were willing to migrate to any part of the
world which seemed to offer prospects for good wages, no matter what risks were involved.52 It should also be notedthat after
the major part of the railway network was completed, the labour
market expanded due to a visible increase in worker mobility.
Hence, Serbians and Belgians were transported to Kossovo,
Italians, Austrians and other Europeans to Monastir and Kossovo,
Austrians and Montenegrins to eastern Macedonia and Thrace.
Migration of the natives seems also to have increased. Competition between local and foreign workmen restricted the chances
of the former group for a substantial supplement when it was
so urgently needed. Nevertheless, robberies, usually prepetrated
against foreign labourers, could be considered as a primitive
response to the problem, and a way of redressing economic injury to the local population.
To summarise, railway construction did affect the development
'of the labour market in Macedonia but not always in a positive
way. Although the initial rise in wages favoured the agricultural
and the labour classes the consequent integration of th~ local
labour market with the Balkan and the world nlarkets soon
negated these early profits. In the late 1880s and in the 1890s
railway projects in the European provinces of the Ottoman Empire inevitably captured the interest of numerous Balkan and European labourers, especially Italians, who were wandering in the
eastern Mediterranean basin. In a context of financial weakness
and non existant governmental protection the influx of foreign
52. J.D. Gould, 'European Inter-Continental Emigration. The Road Home: Return
Migration from the U.S.A.', Journal of European Economic History 9 (1980) 76-77.
156
navvies into Macedonia accelerated the saturation of the Macedonian labour market and necessitated emigration and urbanisation.
St Antony's
157
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