Rebellion, Defeat and Exile

The 1959 Uprising in East Timor

Viqueque Rebellion
1959

Revised Second Edition

Ernest Chamberlain

Point Lonsdale,
Australia
2009
2

Preface

With the opening in Dili on 7 December 2005 of the Resistensia Timorense –

Arkivu ho Muzeu (The Archive and Museum of the Timorese Resistance), a large
range of previously unpublished documents has become available on the recent
history of Timor-Leste. Similarly, Chega !, the Final Report of the Comissão de
Acolhimento, Verdade e Reconciliação - CAVR (Commission for Reception, Truth
and Reconciliation) has provided comprehensive and important information on the
struggle and suffering of the Timorese people. However, both the Archive and
Museum and CAVR records principally cover the period from 1974 to1999.
This brief monograph is offered as a contribution towards the understanding of
the history of an earlier period – the 1959 “Viqueque Rebellion” that was brutally
crushed by the Portuguese in two short weeks.1 Regrettably, most of the participants
in these events have passed on – and the remainder are now quite elderly and frail.
Hopefully, this monograph – despite its many acknowledged shortcomings2, will
encourage others to examine the period and offer their interpretations.
This year ie 2009 - the 50th anniversary of the Rebellion, is expected to see
increased interest in understanding this little known part of Timor-Leste’s relatively
recent past.3
Advice and assistance from former “rebels” - including the late Evaristo da
Costa and his daughter Eva, Salem Sagran and Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa;
has contributed greatly to this monograph. Information provided by Peter Rohi, a
former Jakarta/Surabaya-based journalist, has also been very helpful. Encouragement
from Brigadier General Taur Matan Ruak in writing this - and other monographs, is
appreciated. I would also like to thank my Timorese friends and work colleagues in
Dili, Taci Tolu, Oecusse, Viqueque and Iliomar for their encouragement and support
during my service in Timor-Leste (1999-2006).

Ernie Chamberlain
Point Lonsdale - Australia
18 June 2009

1
The author published an earlier 75-page version of this monograph – with the same title, in February
2007.
2
For ease of reference, the Index to this monograph and Annex E provide a listing of the rebels who
were deported to Lisbon and Africa.
3
The 1959 Rebellion was selected as a topic for the Timor-Leste Studies Association research
conference “Understanding Timor Leste” at the University of Timor-Lorosae (2-3 July 2009) and a
related History Workshop at the CAVR offices at Balide (4 July 2009). Postscript: additionally, the
author also gave a presentation, in Bahasa Indonesia, based on this monograph to the extended families
of a few surviving rebels in Audian (Dili) on 7 July 2009.
 3

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page

Preface
INTRODUCTION

Some Notes on Sources 2

PRELUDE TO THE UPRISING

Early Inspiration 4
Indonesian Policy and Views on “Incorporation” 5
An Appeal to President Sukarno 6
Criticisms from Jakarta 6
Portuguese Timor - Malay, Mestiço and Worker Grievances 8
The Bandung Conference – 1955 10

THE REBELLION

Beginnings 12
The “Ex-Permesta 14” 15
Security Concerns on the Lautem Coast 24
Conditions in the Baucau and Viqueque Circunscrições 25
The Rebel Leadership – and its Direction 28
The Plan 31
Arrests in Dili 34
The “Movimento de Aileu: Paulo de Castro” 35
The Uprising in Viqueque and Baucau 36
Ethno-linguistic Divisions and Violence 51

AFTERMATH

Casualties 54
Into Exile 58
Imprisoned and Exiled in Lisbon, Angola and Mozambique 64
After-Effects 66
In Exile 68
Some Exiles Return 71
Reports of Unrest in Portuguese Timor 73
An End to African Exile 74
1974-1975 – and Apodeti 75
Rebel Exiles in Africa and Portugal 79
More Exiles Return 80
Recognition, Reunions, Memorials
– and claims against Portugal 81
The Popular Consultation of 1999 – and Militia Group “59/75” 85
Compensation Claims - “Caso de Grupo 59” 87
Counting the Exiles 87
Recent Indonesian Interpretations of the Rebellion 88
The Memorial at the Bebui River 89
4

Continuing Ethnic Violence in Viqueque 89

DISCUSSION 91

A Future History ? 97

--------------------------------------------------------

Annexes:

A. Map - Circunscrição de Viqueque. ((not included))

B. Sejarah Perjuangan Timor-Timur Untuk Sekolah

Menengah Atas (History of the East Timor Struggle for
Senior High School), Anhar Gonggong & Susanto Zuhdi,
Direktorat Pendidikan Menengah Umum, Departemen
Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, Jakarta, 1992 - translated extract
(English). ((not included))

C. Declaration/Request for Political Asylum by the “Permesta 14” –

27 March 1958; 20 June 1958. ((not included))

D. Araújo, A. (Armando) L.J. de, O Célebre Massacré de Uato-Lari e

Uato-Carbau Verificado no Ano de 1959 (The Truth of the Infamous
Massacre at Uatolari and Uato-Carabau in 1959), Jakarta/Kupang,
1974 – including: Araújo, A. (Armando) L.J. de (et al), Memorandum
– Assunto: Sobre o acontecimento ocorrido em 7 de Junhe [sic] de
1959, na Cirrcunscriçõe [sic] de Viqueque – Timor (Memorandum –
Report: On the event that occurred on 7 June 1959 in the
Circumscription of Viqueque - Timor), six pages, Cólonia Penal do
Bié (Angola), 21 April 1960. ((not included))

E. Deportees – 1959 Rebellion.

F. Costa, F.A.S. da, Os Nomes dos Detidos Timorenses para Angola do

Ano de 1959 (The Names of the Timorese Detainees in Angola in
1959), Silva Porto (Bié, Angola), 6 June 1960 – in Portuguese
(initialled/authenticated by Evaristo da Costa, Salem Musalam Sagran,
Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa and Juman bin Basirun).
((not included))

G. TERJEMAHAN: Pejuang Perintis Integrasi Timor Timur Ke Dalam

Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia (TRANSLATION: Pioneer
Fighters for the Integration of East Timor into the Unitary Republic of
Indonesia), Dili, 8 December 1995 - in Bahasa Indonesia with an
English translation. ((not included))

H. Pinto, L. dos Santos, Certidão - Estado-Maior General das Forças

Armadas Serviço de Coordenação de Extinção da PIDE/DGS e LP
 5

(Armed Forces Chief of Staff’s Office for the Coordination of the

Disbandment of the PIDE/DGS & LP) Lisbon, 22 March 1983 – in
Portuguese. ((not included))

Bibliography

Books
Selected Internet Websites/“Blogs”
Selected Reports and Articles

Index (Note: brief biographies of individual rebels are at Annex E).

 REBELLION, DEFEAT and EXILE

The 1959 Uprising in East Timor

INTRODUCTION

Timor-Leste’s modern-day declaration of independence, as the Democratic

Republic of Timor-Leste (RDTL), was made in Dili on 28 November 1975 by
Fretilin’s President, Francisco Xavier do Amaral – just nine days before the
Indonesian military attack and seizure of Dili. This seemed the culmination of a long,
but disjointed, struggle for the country’s independence – but presaged a further 24
years of struggle against Indonesian occupation.
The 19th and early 20th centuries saw several attempts to resist Portuguese
occupation – without success.4 This monograph examines the brief and unsuccessful
two-week uprising against Portuguese rule that broke out in Portuguese Timor in early
June 1959 – commonly referred to as the “1959 Rebellion” or the “Viqueque
Rebellion”. Up to several hundreds of Timorese were killed, scores imprisoned - and
64 exiled to Lisbon and Africa, along with four Indonesians. No Portuguese are
known to have been killed or injured in the uprising.
Inspired by the independence of neighbouring Indonesia, the aims of the
Rebellion in 1959 reportedly including integration into the Republic of Indonesia –
but any direction or official support from Jakarta has yet to be proven. However, the
involvement of Indonesians in the Rebellion – ie the Indonesian Consul in Dili and a
group of then recently-arrived exiles, has been a complicating, sensitive and
contentious issue. Importantly, the 1959 Rebellion exacerbated ethno-linguistic
tensions in the Viqueque area, and this precipitated local violence in the periods 1975-
1978, 1999-2002, mid-2007 and, most recently, in early 2009.
To date, no comprehensive history of the Rebellion – including its inspiration
and aftermath, has been published. Indeed, the 2005 CAVR Final Report stated that
the background to the 1959 uprising “remains largely unexplained”.5 The 1959
Rebellion is only lightly covered, if at all, in most English-language publications on
Timor-Leste’s history.6 While not claiming to be a comprehensive, all-revealing and
4
The several earlier uprisings against Portuguese occupation - in the 19th century and the major revolt
by Dom Boaventura ending in 1912, are well covered in Pélissier, R., Timor en guerre: le Crocodile et
les Portugais (1847-1913), Orgeval, France, 1996; and Gunn, G.C., Timor Loro Sae 500 Years, Livros
do Oriente, Macau, 1999. For the little-known “alleged revolt” in Suro in 1935 that resulted in the
dismissal of the régulo of Alas, Dom Carlos Borromeu Duarte – see Cardoso, A.M., Timor na 2ª
Guerra Mundial – O Diario do Tenente Pires, CEHCP ISCTE, Lisboa, 2007, pp.29-30. Madjiah, L.E.,
“What could be worse than East Timor refugee camps ?”, Jakarta Post Online, Jakarta, 23 November
2000 – claims “Throughout Portuguese rule, there were 550 large and small-scale rebellions recorded
in East Timor.”
5
Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation (Comissão de Alcolhimento, Verdade e
Reconciliação – CAVR), Chega ! - The Final Report of the Commission for Reception, Truth and
Reconciliation, Dili, 2005, Part 3.2, para 28 – see also para 64 on “disputed” Indonesian involvement.
6
Chamberlain, E.P., The Struggle in Iliomar – Resistance in rural East Timor, Point Lonsdale,
2004/2008 – provided brief coverage of both the 1959 Viqueque Rebellion and the Uni Republik Timor
– Dilly (URT-D) at pp.17-19/pp. 41-42. Expanded coverage was included in Chamberlain, E.P.,
Faltering Steps: Independence Movements in East Timor in the 1950s and 1960s, Point Lonsdale,
December 2005 – and subsequently in Chamberlain, E.P., Rebellion, Defeat and Exile: The 1959
2

authoritative history of that period, this monograph attempts to shed some further
light on the events of 1959 and their consequences.
Many records and statements related to the Rebellion - particularly regarding
Indonesian involvement, are patently tendentious and “self-serving” – and sometimes
quite inaccurate. Accordingly, this monograph concludes with a discussion section
that offers the author’s opinions on a range of the more interesting inconsistencies,
ambiguities and anomalies in the currently available records.

Some Notes on Sources

In relating the 1959 Rebellion, the sources used in this monograph are
principally memoranda to Canberra from Australian Consuls in Dili during the period
1956-1963 (held in the National Archives of Australia - NAA); documents in the
Archives in Lisbon - ie in the Torre do Tombo (TdT) and the Arquivo Histórico
Ultramarino (AHU); reports of interviews by the Surabaya/Jakarta-based journalist,
Peter A. Rohi - and discussions with him; the author’s interviews with surviving
rebels (Evaristo da Costa7, Salem Sagran, Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa, Abel
da Costa Belo); and a book published in 1998 by General Filipe Themudo Barata –
the Governor of Portuguese Timor in the period mid-1959 to 1963.8 The book “Pulau
Timor” by the Timorese author António Vicente Marques Soares is also a useful
source.9

Former 1959 rebels: Evaristo da Costa, Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa and
Salem Sagran ; Kuluhun – Dili, 4 April 2007.

Uprising in East Timor, Point Lonsdale, February 2007; and Faltering Steps: Independence Movements
in East Timor – 1940s to the early 1970s, Point Lonsdale, October 2008.
7
Evaristo da Costa passed away in Dili on 11 March 2009.
8
Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo: Da primeira ameaça da Indonésia ao nascer de uma nação
(Contemporary Timor: From the first threat by Indonesia to the birth of a nation), Equilíbrio Editorial,
Lisboa, 1998.
9
Soares (Mali-Lequic), A.V.M., Pulau Timor – Sebuah Sumbangan Untuk Sejarahnya, 2003 – see
pp.99-105. Viqueque-born (Lacluta, 1947), Sr. António Soares served as a teacher and administrator.
 3

Some official Portuguese Government correspondence of the time – provided on an

Internet website “blog”, by Janet Gunter has been quite helpful.10 Her March 2007
article, based on field research in Viqueque, was also an important contribution to an
understanding of events - and her yet-to-be-published master’s degree thesis is
expected to provide further insights.11 Additionally, an article by Professor Geoffrey
Gunn, first made available on the Internet in February 2006, contains some useful
information on the exile of the “1959 rebels” in Angola – including some information
on their pre-rebellion backgrounds.12
Very recently - on 5 June 2009, Nobel Prize laureate Dom Carlos Filipe
Ximenes Belo published a six-page article: “A Revolta de 1959 em Viqueque,
Watolari e Watocarbau”13 that included discussion of the “causas remotas” and
“causas proximas” of the Rebellion. Interestingly, Dom Belo closed his article with:
“To all those who lost their lives because of the so-called ‘Revolt of 1959’,
I – as a Timorese who witnessed with my own eyes and ears the physical and mental
violence in my hometown of Baucau, bow my head as a sign of respect and solidarity.
To some extent, I take the liberty to affirm “they also have contributed to the
Independence of our Motherland – to them I offer my prayers and respect.”

In the mid-1990s, the Indonesian Government sought to resurrect, revise and

“reconstruct” the history of the Rebellion - promoting the uprising as the beginning of
a struggle by the people of Portuguese Timor to integrate into the Republic of
Indonesia. Coverage in the Jakarta, Surabaya and Dili press of the reception of the
returning rebel exiles - and an “official” history14 published by the Indonesian
Government were elements of this campaign. Much of this information however
needs to be examined critically.

---------------------------

“Faltering Steps” – a “companion” monograph by the author of this

monograph – attempts to more broadly relate independence movements in Portuguese
Timor - and Indonesian attempts at subversion, from World War II to the early 1970s.

10
Gunter, J., Haree Ba Uluk: Timor Portuguese Pre-1974 – A Post-Colonial Forum for Learning and
Debate. http://raiketak.blogspot.com/timorhistory/index.html
11
Gunter, J., “Communal Conflict in Viqueque and the ‘Charged’ History of ‘59”, The Asia Pacific
Journal of Anthropology, Vol 8, No 1, March 2007, pp. 27-41. In her “Return to Rai Ketak” blogsite
posting “June 6, 1959” on 6 June 2009, Ms Gunter estimated deaths in the Rebellion and its suppresion
as “between 50 and 500”.
12
Gunn, G.C., “Revisiting the Viqueque (East Timor) Rebellion of 1959”, Diversidade Cultural Na
Construção Da Nação E Do Estado Em Timor-Leste, Universidade Fernando Pessoa, Porto, 2006, pp.
27-53. Professor Gunn cites reports by the Portuguese Polícia Internacional e de Defesa do Estado
(PIDE) on the exiled rebels. – the draft of the article was available earlier on the Internet as Gunn,
G.C., “Revisiting the Viqueque Rebellion of 1959” (Draft), Nagasaki, 9 February 2006.
13
Belo, C.F.X. Dom, “A Revolta de 1959 em Viqueque, Watolari e Watocarbau”, Porto, 5 Junho de
2009 (six pages). The author is responsible for the English translation (from Portuguese and Bahasa) of
the passage cited above.
http://forum-haksesuk.blogspot.com/2009/06/revolta-de-1959-em-viqueque-watolari-e.html
14
Gonggong A. & Zuhdi, S., Sejarah Perjuangan Timor-Timur Untuk Sekolah
Menengah Atas (History of the East Timor Struggle for Senior High School),
Direktorat Pendidikan Menengah Umum, Departemen Pendidikan dan
Kebudayaan, Jakarta, 1992 – see translated extract at Annex B.
4

PRELUDE TO THE UPRISING

Early Inspiration15

In the late 1930s/early 1940s, Francisco “Ciko” (also as “Siku/Siko”) Lopes16

– a “nationalist” and independence activist, was reportedly forced to flee Dutch Timor
and entered Portuguese Timor.17 During the WWII Japanese occupation of
Portuguese Timor, Francisco Lopes – together with Arnaldo dos Reis Araújo18,
collaborated with the Japanese military. Following the Japanese surrender in Timor in
September 1945, Francisco Lopes was prosecuted by the Portuguese Timor
authorities and imprisoned on Ataúro Island (22km north of Dili).19 On his release,
Lopes reportedly returned to Atambua in Dutch Timor and continued to agitate for the
independence of Portuguese Timor.20 Lopes met with young educated men in
Portuguese Timor and “the idea for integration ((of Portuguese Timor into Indonesia))
15
Much of the information for this “Inspiration” section is sourced from Rohi, P.A., Pemberontakan
Rakyat Timor Timur 1959, Mutiara, Edition 775, Jakarta, 29 August - 4 September 1995 – and
interviews with the few surviving rebels.
16
Known as Francisco Lopes, his full name was “Inácio André Francisco Lopes – alias Siku Lopes” –
see footnote 16.
17
Rohi, P.A., Pemberontakan …, Mutiara 775, 1995, op.cit, p.14.
18
Arnaldo dos Reis Araújo, born 1913, had been jailed by the Portuguese for 29 years in February 1946
for collaboration with the Japanese during World War II – and was reportedly only released on 25
April 1974. However, a press report – White, K., “War criminal now leads provisional Timor govt”,
Northern Territory News, Darwin, 5 February 1976 – claims that Arnaldo Araújo, a “catequista”
(religious teacher) who had led “Black Columns” against the Australians in Timor during World War
II, was tried for collaboration with the Japanese in 1946, sentenced to nine years “exile” on Ataúro,
was released in the early 1960s and became a teacher in Dili, and “acquired a large cattle property at
Zumalai on Timor’s south coast” (NAA: A10463, 801/13/11/1 Part 21). White’s source on Araújo’s
background is probably interviews with José Ramos-Horta. In Ramos-Horta, J., Funu - The Unfinished
Saga of East Timor, Red Sea Press, Trenton, 1987, p.32, Ramos-Horta claims that Arnaldo Araújo was
“the only Timorese to be given a prison sentence for war crimes.” However, by early 1954, according
to the Chief Justice of Portuguese Timor, about 1,000 Timorese who had collaborated with the
Japanese had been tried and sentenced – most of whom had been associated with massacres at Aileu,
Ermera and Lautém – see Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 12/1/1, 8 February 1954 (NAA: A1838,
3038/7/1 Part 1). Araújo was the founding chairman of the Apodeti political party (27 May 1974 – see
footnote 385) and became East Timor’s first Governor after the Indonesian occupation - ie for the
period 1976-1978. See also footnotes 16 and 403.
19
A 1975 press article related that “Sitko Lopes”, a Dutch national, collaborated with the Japanese in
Dili – working as an interpreter and translator. After the war, he “returned to Europe” – but on his
return to Dili in 1948, he was arrested, tried as a collaborator and sentenced to 10 years on Ataúro.
When his appeal was heard in Goa in 1958, he was sentenced to an additional six years – but remained
imprisoned for a further 16 years ie totalling 26 years: Seah, C.N., “Island of Death”, The Straits
Times, Singapore, late October 1975 (NAA: A10463, 801/13/11/3 Part 3, p.279). The article also
briefly mentioned the incarceration of Arnaldo Araújo (footnote 15 above). In September 1959, the
Indonesian Consul in Dili sought clarification of the status of the sentence of Inácio André Francisco
Lopes, querying his sentence of “16 years 4 months imprisonment and an indemnity of $ 3 000 – to the
relatives of the victims”: Indonesian Consul – Dili, No. 192/I, 8 September 1959. In November 1959,
the Consul sought to interview Francisco Lopes in prison.
20
Gonggong A. & Zuhdi, S., Sejarah …, 1994, p.42 also makes brief mention of
“Ciko Lopes in Atambua” as providing information on independence to “several
community leaders” in Portuguese Timor in 1953 – see Annex B. However, these
reported activities of Francisco Lopes in the early 1950s are difficult to reconcile – particularly any
return to Atambua, as he appears to have been imprisoned on Ataúro throughout the 1950s. However,
according to Salem Musalam Sagran (in an interview with Takahashi Shigehito in Dili on 19 July
2008), Lopes was in Dili in the mid-1950s and was a regular caller at the Indonesian Consulate. This
suggests that Lopes may perhaps have been on some form of “conditional release” in Dili in the mid-
1950s – ie until probably some time in 1958.
 5

actually began in 1953/1954.”21 The few independence activists in Portuguese Timor

reportedly maintained contact with Lopes through Protestant pastors in the border
area.22 Within Portuguese Timor, lacking “intellectuals with leadership ability”, these
disaffected young men met with the Indonesian Consul in Dili, “Lasutna Suwarno”,
who reportedly “promised to act as the intermediary with the Indonesian central
government if the movement demanding independence was successful.”23

Indonesian Policy and Views on “Incorporation”

In the last months of World War II, the Japanese actively encouraged - and
organised, Indonesian nationalists in seeking independence from the Netherlands.
Mohammad Yamin, as a member of the Body for the Preparation of Indonesian
Independence (Badan Penyelidik Usaha Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia -
BPUPKI), produced a paper on 31 May 1945 on the “Territory of Indonesia” that
included the proposal to incorporate Portuguese Timor as part of a future independent
Indonesia.24 On 11 July 1945, Sukarno – soon to be Indonesia’s first President,
expressed his view: “I am 100 % in agreement with the view held by Mr Yamin” ie
with Mohammad Yamin’s “Pan-Malay” proposal including the inclusion of
Portuguese Timor.25 Following Indonesia’s independence, Mohammad Yamin

21
Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih Berkibar di TimTim Sejak 1959” (“The Red and White
Flag Really Flew in East Timor in 1959”), Vista, No.57, Jakarta, 20-29 August 1989, p.20 – quoting
one of the Timorese rebel leaders, José Manuel Duarte. Duarte also implies meeting with Francisco
“Ciko” Lopes in Dili in the early 1950s. Salem Musalam Sagran, one of the deported 1959 Rebellion
exiles, also cited the 1945 Indonesian Proclamation of Independence as “driving the outbreak of the
Viqueque Rebellion” - Subroto, H., Saksi Mata Perjuangan Integrasi Timor Timur, Pustaka Sinar
Harapan, Jakarta, 1996, p.172.
22
“70% of the population of Indonesian Timor is Christian, mainly Protestant. It came as a surprise to
me that there should be a much higher percentage of Christians there than in Portuguese Timor where
the figure is only about 15%” – see Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 158/60: Visit to Kupang (by
Consul W.A. Luscombe), 23 November 1960, p.8 (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/6 Part 1; A4359,
201/2/8/12). The report also noted that there was a Roman Catholic church and seminary in Atambua
(population about 5,000). Later official figures (1968) showed 74 percent of Indonesian Timor as
Christian: 41 percent Catholic, 33 percent Protestant – with 11 percent Muslim and 14 percent animist.
23
Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista, No.57, 1989, op.cit., p.20 – citing former rebel
José Manuel Duarte. Duarte’s reference to contact with “Lasutna Suwarno” is probably Indonesian
Consul, Leopoldo Lo de Wijk Lasut. The Indonesian Consulate opened on 20 May 1954. Leopoldo Lo
de Wijk Lasut (born in Menado), the first Indonesian Consul, served 23 April 1954 – 3 February 1956.
He was replaced by Dominggus Octavianus Lahallo (born in Ambon) who arrived in Dili on 31
December 1955. A “Suwarno” also served in the Indonesian Consulate as the Chancellor in 1959 – see
footnote 53.
24
A copy of the paper, “The Territory of Indonesia”, can be found at NAA: A1838, 3034/7/1 Part 5.
The paper and Mohammad Yamin’s “incorporationist” views - ie to include Portuguese Timor, were
first publicly reported in Australia in an article titled “All New Guinea in Indonesian Wartime Hopes”
in The Sydney Morning Herald, Sydney, 20 June 1959. Earlier suggestions of Indonesian suzerainty
over Timor during the Sriwijaya and Majapahit empires are related in Nahar, M., “Some Historical
Notes on Timor”, Home News/Feature, Jakarta, 15 October 1975, pp.12-14 and 16 October 1975,
pp.11-13 (NAA: A10463, 801/13/11/1 Part 3).
25
Record of the Meeting of the Committee held on 11 July 1945, p.5. Sukarno noted however that the
“hands of the Imperial Japanese Government will decide what shall form the future state of Indonesia.”
(NAA: A1838, 3034/7/1 Part 5). A modern “Pan-Malay” or Melayu Raya (Greater Malay) movement
was founded in Kuala Lumpur by Ibrahim Yaacob/Yaakub in 1938 as the Kesatuan Melayu Muda
(KMM – Malay Youth Union). Under Japanese military auspices, Yaacob met with Sukarno and
Mohammad Hatta in Taiping (Perak, Malaya) in mid-August 1945 – but the movements Melayu Raya
and Indonesian Raya did not merge. Yaacob fled to Indonesia in late August 1945, became a supporter
of President Sukarno, died in 1979 and is buried in the Heroes’ Cemetery at Kalibata (Jakarta).
6

continued his call for the incorporation of Portuguese Timor – including through his
newspaper “Mimbah Indonesia”.26 However, in a speech in Jogjakarta on 20 July
1953, President Sukarno declared that the Republic of Indonesia had made no
demands for, nor was she striving for, the inclusion of Portuguese Timor - but only
West Irian.27 Later as Education Minister, Mohammad Yamin modified his position,
by declaring that Indonesia did “not lay any claim” to Portuguese Timor28.

An Appeal to President Sukarno

In May 1954, President Sukarno travelled to Indonesian West Timor. During

his visit to the towns of Atapupu and Atambua near the border with Portuguese
Timor, “Timorese from the Portuguese half of the island” came to see the President
and, after executing war dances and offering gifts, they requested Sukarno “not to
forget those who were still sighing under the colonial yoke of Portugal.”29 According
to a report from the Australian Consul in Dili, Sukarno “also toured the villages
adjacent to the Portuguese frontier, and that during this tour he was approached by
some of the native peoples from the Portuguese territory who submitted a petition
inviting Indonesia to absorb the peoples of Portuguese Timor.”30 The Consul
continued: “should there be any truth in the report, then the local Government would
undoubtedly be aware of the fact, but there would certainly be a close blanket of
secrecy imposed on those officials who had knowledge of the alleged incident, and it
is the policy of the Government to endeavour to prevent all information on political
matters within the province reaching outside peoples and foreign governments.”

Criticisms from Jakarta

In late 1954, an item in the Jakarta press warned of the strategic danger to the
Republic of Indonesia presented by Portuguese Timor: “It has become clearer every
day how dangerous Portuguese Timor is for the security of Indonesia, the more so
after it has turned out that certain foreign powers have included Portuguese Timor in
their scheme to strengthen their strategic defence systems in South East Asia. This
situation has drawn the attention of the Indonesian government which is planning to
take speedy steps to meet this threat.”31

26
Mohammad Yamin - when the former Finance Minister, urged incorporation of Portuguese Timor in
speeches on 22 June 1952 (Summary of World Broadcasts, 1 July 1952) and in Makassar on 26 August
1952 (Digest of Events in Indonesia, No 57).
27
Digest of Events in Indonesia, No 55, 31 July 1952.
28
On Minister Yamin’s statement in Kupang on 29 January 1954 see Antara, Jakarta, 30 January 1954
as reported in Australian Embassy – Jakarta, Memo 121, 30 January 1954 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part
1); and also The Times of Indonesia, 1 February 1954, p.4. In a speech on 28 October 1958, Yamin
declared: “Greater Indonesia has a wider territory and greater authority than the former Dutch East
Indies” – Persbiro Indonesia, 3516A, 29 October 1958 (NAA: A1838, 303/4/1/1 Part 2). On 10 March
1960 – following an “incorporationist” remark in a speech by Mohammad Yamin to an All-Indonesian
Youth Meeting in Bandung in February 1960, Foreign Minister Subandrio issued a repudiating “no
claim” statement – see The Indonesian Observer, 11 & 12 March 1960: NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1).
29
Australian Embassy – The Hague, Memo 411/54, 20 May 1954 reporting on an item in the
Netherlands newspaper Het Parool (Independent Labour) of 18 May 1954 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part
1).
30
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 9, 23 June 1954 (NAA: A11604, 605/15).
31
The Times of Indonesia, Jakarta, 17 December 1954 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1).
 7

One source of Indonesian complaint was the illicit trafficking of copra from
the islands of Eastern Indonesian to Portuguese Timor - and thence to Singapore, that
avoided Indonesian taxes and duties.32
Separatist movements in Eastern Indonesia also had some minor impact on
Portuguese Timor in the mid-1950s. In October 1955, the Republic of the South
Moluccas reportedly sent an emissary to Lautém – hoping that the authorities would
on-forward a message from their movement to the United Nations.33
In mid-1957, in commenting on an Australian Joint Intelligence Bureau (JIB)
assessment on Portuguese Timor, the Australian Consul in Dili reported: “it is correct
to say there is no real Internal Security problem in the Portuguese half of the Island.”34
The Consul was dismissive of the JIB’s comments on occasional friction between
“Indonesian and Portuguese patrols in the border area” - noting instead that “relations
between the Indonesian half of the Island and the Portuguese are at present most
friendly.”
However, in late 1957, the issue of Portuguese Timor’s possible incorporation
into Indonesia was raised during Constituent Assembly deliberations in Jakarta on the
definition of “Indonesian territory”. “All parties were of course agreed that Indonesian
territory included West Irian - and representatives from certain other parties, viz:
Murba (Trotskyist) and I.P.K.I. (Proclamation of the Upholders of Indonesian
Independence) Parties, suggested that the definition of Indonesian territory include the
British territories in Borneo and Portuguese Timor. … They based their arguments for
these claims on the fact that the divisions in Borneo and in Timor were made under
colonial regimes without references to the people concerned and without the true
interests of both Borneo and Timor being taken into account. Nevertheless the
Constituent Assembly did not accept these arguments … .”35

Portuguese Timor - Malay, Mestiço36 and Worker Grievances

32
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 138/51, 18 September 1951 (NAA: A1838, TS656/1/2/3)
describes the illicit copra trade including the “handsome profit” of Chinese traders in Dili - and noted
that “Timor’s Government finances benefit by import and export tax, and the Colony’s Financial Fund
benefits … There is no doubt that the Local Authorities know what is going on but are loath to enforce
laws that would make so many people unhappy.”
33
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 20, 20 October 1955 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1). The Republic of
the South Moluccas, or Republik Maluku Selatan (RMS), was a self-proclaimed republic declared on
25 April 1950 comprising Amboina, Buru, Ceram and adjoining islands. Interestingly, RMS maps
included islands immediately north of Portuguese Timor as within RMS territory – including Wetar
and Kisar; as well as the Portuguese Timor island of Ataúro (NAA: A1838, 3038/11/63 Part 1).
34
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 153/57, 19 July 1956, p.2 (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/1 Part 1).
35
Australian Embassy - Jakarta, Memo 1733, 29 November 1957 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 4). The
Constituent Assembly unanimously resolved to define Indonesian territory as “all area belonging to the
former Dutch East Indies at the moment of the outbreak of the Pacific War in December 1941” ie not
including Portuguese Timor. The Constituent Assembly was dissolved on 5 July 1959.
8

In mid-1954, the Australian Consul in Dili prepared a memorandum –

“Portuguese Timor – Political”, that described an emerging discontent among some
groups in Dili. The Consul related that:
“the Malay and Malay-speaking population of Portuguese Timor – a relatively
small percentage of course – can be said to have some knowledge of the
political scene in South and South East Asia, and are in general a fairly
intelligent class of people. Some members of this section of the community
have made frequent contact with the Consul for Indonesia. … ((They)) usually
work as mechanics and truck drivers for the Government and commercial
circles. However there is not always full employment for these people, except
during the coffee season, and at times their living is very precarious indeed.
There have been reports over the past two weeks, passed to me in strict
confidence, that some of these subjects harbour animosity towards the local
Government, and have on occasion expressed their grievances to the Consul
for Indonesia. Further, that this section of the community is joined by the
many poorer class of half caste ((mestiço/mestizo)), born in Timor, who in
many cases obtain only temporary employment with the Government as
occasion offers, and when no such Government employment is offering take
odd jobs as may be available. The general complaint from this section of the
half caste community is that without permanent Government employment,
they can have no fixed livelihood, that the Government continues to bring out
Portuguese from Portugal for work which could and should be done by many
of these half castes. Actually, the complaint from these people extends
somewhat deeper within the country’s political scene, in the sense of the
following: -
‘… the indigenous native still continues to pay head tax and is still
conscripted for cheap labour … should there at anytime be a plebiscite as to
the continuance under Portuguese rule, or otherwise, the indigenous native
would vote to come within the framework of Indonesia …’.”

However, in reference to the above quote from an unidentified source, the

Australian Consul added that he “would most certainly discount the opinion regarding
a plebiscite, which I believe exists only in the disgruntled and unhappy minds of this
section of people, who are at times living under conditions which, according to their
own standards, are not compatible with their rights and dues … However, whilst
appreciating that the behaviour and loyalties of some native elements … is perhaps at
best an uncertain quantity in regard to some of them in times of emergency and stress,
the present circumstances of those who inhabit Portuguese Timor is satisfactory if one
thinks only in terms of physical well being, food and other requirements to their
particular standard. It would not be so regarded by other Asian peoples who have
gained independence of course.”37

36
The official population statistics for Portuguese Timor for 1950 showed a “Civilised Population” of
7,471 – comprising: “568 Whites; 48 Indians; 2,022 Mixed ((ie Mestiço/Mestizo – malae oan in
Tetum)); 54 Negroes; 3,128 Asiatics ((Chinese)); 1,541 Timorese; and 110 Arabs” – and a “Non-
Civilized Population” of 434,907 – Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 34/52, 23 July 1952 (NAA:
A1838, 3038/1/1 Part 1). A later Consulate report indicated the “Indonesian population of Portuguese
Timor” as “possibly about 100 of the Islamic faith referred to as Arabs … mostly engaged in the
piecegoods trade. … There are a few real Malay types originally from Kupang but there would not be
more than 30 of these …” – Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 68/54, 23 February 1954 (NAA:
A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1).
37
Australian Consulate – Dili, Despatch No 9, 23 June 1954 (NAA: A11604, 605/15; TS656/1/2/3).
 9

A year later in 1955, the Australian Consul in Dili reported on a similar

theme that:
“It has recently been confirmed beyond any reasonable doubt that the local
Authority has introduced certain repressive measures designed to stifle free
expression of thought, in open discussion, if relating to local political, social
or economic conditions in Portuguese Timor … particularly in regard to social
conditions and benefits for lower category employees. … The poorer class of
Portuguese, chiefly half-castes, are employed in what is regarded by them as
insufficiently paid positions and their living conditions are certainly not very
good. It is understood that the repressive measures take the form of a stern
warning to a person or persons concerned whose expressed opinions have
come under notice, and in future to avoid discussions of a political nature if
connected with Portuguese affairs. … There has been no suggestion, so far,
that communism is involved in anti-government statements which may have
been expressed by certain people – merely a criticism of their lot and the belief
that their conditions of pay and advancement and living could and should be
better. … The number of disgruntled persons are few indeed, there are no
secondary industries in Portuguese Timor which, if they did exist would
employ numbers of workers, amongst which it could be expected that some
political activity would eventually emerge … Furthermore, the indigenous
native is very primitive, and it is usually considered that his intelligence is far
below that which would be required to absorb communist doctrines or any
other form of political thought. … he is generally regarded as a very loyal
person and obedient to the Native Chiefs who in turn are responsible to the
Administration. The loyalty of these Native Chiefs is unquestioned. …
However, it is known that the local government is apprehensive in regard to
communist activity and anti-colonial feelings in Indonesia and elsewhere in
South East Asia.”38

The Portuguese Government’s concern was evidenced in the 1955 budget for
the Province that included funding for the establishment in Portuguese
Timor of the PIDE (Polícia Internacional e de Defesa do Estado) –
the regime’s secret security and intelligence agency. A PIDE staff –
comprising five personnel at a salary cost of 45,600 patacas, was
planned for 1956 to strengthen the existing “public security police”
force in Dili of 54.39

The Bandung Conference – 1955

The inaugural Afro-Asian Conference hosted by Indonesia in Bandung, West

Java (18-24 April 1955), is also cited as an inspiration for the nascent independence
38
Australian Consulate – Dili, Despatch No 3, 14 April 1955 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).
39
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 312/55, 16 November 1955 (NAA: 3038/1/1 Part 1). The PIDE
proposal was based on Decree Law 39749, Lisbon, 9 August (BOdT, No.38, 18 September 1954,
pp.494-500) on the “reorganization” of the PIDE service. Funding for 1956 detailed in BOdT, No.53
Suplemento, 31 December 1955, p.1044. However, a PIDE “delegation” was not established in
Portuguese Timor until March 1961 – ie after the 1959 “Viqueque Rebellion” (see footnotes 339 and
340).
10

movement in Portuguese Timor – “the uprising did not just have a strong connection
with the Afro-Asian Conference itself, but was a direct result of the development of
the ‘Spirit of Bandung’ in the Portuguese colony.”40 Although the issue of Portuguese
Timor was not formally raised at the Bandung Conference, its final communiqué
declared that “colonialism in all its manifestations is an evil which should speedily be
brought to an end.”

((Photograph not included))

Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai addressing the Bandung Conference

According to a press report, President Sukarno arranged for three Timorese

youth to travel secretly from Portuguese Timor to Bandung and attend the Conference
as “observers”.41 Their participation was reportedly managed by Indonesia’s Consul in
Dili, Leopoldo Lasut (see footnote 20) - and the three Timorese were reportedly
“smuggled” into West Timor and then flown to Bandung. Reportedly quoting one of
the observers - Marcelino, the press item related that the group met with President
Sukarno on the “side-lines” of the Conference and: “Bung
Karno directed us to struggle for Independence – there was

40
“Uprising” – is a reference to the subsequent “1959 Rebellion” - Rohi, P. A., “Soekarno, KAA, dan
Timor-Leste”, Kongres, Jakarta, 28 April 2005 & marhaenis.org, 9 May 2005, p.1. See also Rohi, P.A.,
Pemberontakan Rakyat Timor Timur 1959, Mutiara, Edition 775, Jakarta, 29 August – 4 September
1995, p.14 – in which José Manuel Duarte related that the Africa-Asia Conference’s “Deklarasi
Bandung” inspired the “gerakan bawah tanah” (underground movement) – and displayed a purported
“seragam pasukan” (uniform) worn by the rebels. Peter Apollonious Rohi (“Kore Rohi” - born Sabu,
14 November 1942) served in the TNI (Marinir) before commencing a career in journalism in 1970.
41
Rohi, P. A., “Soekarno …”, 2005, marhaenis.org, 9 May 2005, p.2 – citing an interview with
Marcelino (a purported “youth observer” in Bandung from Portuguese Timor) in Venilale (East Timor)
in 1996; and Rohi, P.A., email to author, 19 January 2007. In the article, Rohi stated that his interview
with Marcelino was “in the context of reconstructing the Viqueque Rebellion of 3 June 1959.”
According to Rohi, Marcelino had brought back a “painting of President Soekarno by Basoeki
Abdoellah from the 1955 Africa-Asia Conference as a souvenir” measuring about 100cm x 65cm. To
date, articles/emails by P.A. Rohi are the only known written source on Marcelino and the reported
visit of three Timorese youth to Bandung as observers in 1955. Rohi also briefly related Marcelino’s
visit to Bandung and advice from President Sukarno in “Kemenangan Fretilin dan Dampak Politik
bagi Indonesia”, Sinar Harapan, Jakarta, 5 September 2001.
 11

no order for us to integrate with the Republic of Indonesia

… but we realized that it would be impossible for us to stand
alone.” On their return to Timor from their reported
attendance, while maintaining the secrecy of their visit, the
observers reportedly joined informal anti-Portuguese ((photo Marcelino
42
underground movements. - 2007 not included))
In 2007, the author met three times with Marcelino
– ie Marcelino António Fausto Guterres43, in Dili on 3 and
10 April - and in Baucau on 28 June. Marcelino related that in 1955, the Indonesian
Consul in Dili, Leopoldo Lasut, had “recruited” three “top-achieving” Timorese
students to attend the 1955 Bandung Conference: Marcelino, Januario dos Reis44 and
“Chiquito”45. They visited the Indonesian Consulate in Dili, completed forms and
were photographed. However, they did not travel to Bandung as planned - due to
“tensions between Indonesia and Portuguese Timor”. The Consul advised them to
return to their homes and await further contact – but, according to Marcelino, none
occurred.46

42
An official Indonesian publication: Brahmana, R., Buku 20 Tahun Timor Timur Membangun, Jakarta,
1996 – makes perhaps a brief allusion to activity in this period at p.27 as follows: “In 1955 in fact,
there was a planned resistance rebellion by youth in the territory in Dili. This plan was then widely
spread to all the districts of the territory.” This passage is also quoted verbatim in Wila, M.R.C.,
Konsepsi Hukum …, Bandung, 2006. In September 1955, the Portuguese Administration reacted to
reports of a submarine allegedly landing personnel on the south coast, but no intruders were
discovered: see Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 189/56, 5 September 1956 (NAA: A5954, 2269/4).
43
Marcelino was born in Venilale on 25 February 1931 – and was 24 years old at the time of contact
with the Consul. His father, Dom Cristóvão Fausto Guterres (died September 1992, aged 87), was the
traditional head of the Venilale “jurisdição” – a grouping of six villages. “Cristóvão Fausto Guterres”
is identified as the Chefe de Suco of Uato Haco (Venilale) in 1952 – Sherlock, K., East Timor: Liurais
and Chefes de Suco; Indigenous Authorities in 1952, Kevin Sherlock, Darwin 1983, p.19. The
dedication and merit of Cristóvão Fausto Guterres during WWII as a chefe de jurisdição was formally
acknowledged in BOdT No.1, 1 January 1963, p.7. According to Marcelino, a forefather - Dom
Cristobal Guterres, had been the raja of Venilale.
44
Born in Baucau - according to Marcelino, Januario dos Reis subsequently became a member of the
regional parliament (DPRD I) in Dili during the Indonesian period.
45
Marcelino could not recall Chiquito’s family name, but knew that he was from Manatuto and had
been killed by Fretilin in Aileu in early 1976. It is highly probable that “Chiquito” was João Pereira da
Silva – who was subsequently a leader of the 1959 Rebellion and, in 1974-75, a founding and senior
member of the Apodeti political party (see footnotes 55, 138, 365, 374, 385, 386, 395 and 430).
46
Marcelino visited Bandung for nine days in December 1996 with an Indonesian-sponsored party of
60, including a tour of the “Gedung Merdeka” – the site of the 1955 Asia-Africa Conference (author’s
discussions with Marcelino in Dili on 3 and 10 April 2007 – and 28 June 2007 in Baucau). Marcelino
confirmed that he had possessed a large portrait of Indonesian President Sukarno (see footnote 38) –
but he had purchased it in Dili. In 2007, the author also discussed the purported 1955 visit to Bandung
with Marcelino’s son, Joni (in Dili), and Marcelino’s younger brother, Virgílio Cristóvão Fausto
Guterres - b. 21/5/1941, resident in Melbourne (Australia).
12

THE REBELLION

Beginnings

In the mid-1950s, a small group of independence activists in Portuguese Timor

– mostly junior civil servants in Dili, apparently had a range of aims. All resented the
excesses, exploitation and human rights injustices inflicted by the Portuguese regime
in Timor. In November-December 1956, the Portuguese Under-Secretary of State for
Overseas Affairs, Carlos Krus Abecassis, made an extensive visit to Portuguese
Timor47.

((Photograph not included))

Sr. Eng. Carlos Abecassis (right) meeting the widow of Régulo D. Aleixo
Corte Real at Ainaro. Governor Serpa Rosa is on the left.48

Before his departure from Dili, he passed a 17-page instruction to Governor

Captain César Serpa Rosa directing that abuses and social injustices be corrected –
including the “immediate abolition of corporal punishment used to compel natives to
work or to increase their pace of work” by “overseers, Posto chiefs or anyone else”.49
However, conditions did not improve, and the continuing abuses were subsequently

47
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 267/56, 7 December 1956 (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/1 Part 1).
48
Boletim Geral do Ultramar, No.378, Lisbon, December 1956, p.19. A memorial to Régulo D. Aleixo
Corte Real – killed by Japanese troops in May 1943, was inaugurated at Ainaro during the visit.
49
Abecassis, C.K., Extractos das Instruções ao Governo de Timor, Dili, 19 December 1956 - Annex II
in Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp. 199-203 and discussed at pp. 17-22.
Governor Barata noted that “ironically, such reactionary instruments as the palmatória (see footnote
116) and the azorragues (whip) were referred to ((by local authorities)) as education devices.” – p.20.
 13

detailed in a “Memorandum” produced by exiled rebels in Angola in 1960 50 – see

Annex D.
Some of the independence activists in Portuguese Timor sought the
installation of a Timorese “native” regime that would still have strong links to
Portugal – while others, the majority, reportedly favoured integration with Indonesia.
The Dili group continued their contact with the Indonesian Consul in Dili (ie
Leopoldo Lasut until December 1955, Dominggus Lahallo to late 1956, and then
Nazwar Jacub Sutan Indra) – including through members of the local staff in the
Consulate: David Verdial who had been born in Atambua (Indonesian Timor), Salem
Sagran, and Mu Then Siong/Celestino Peter Guterres.51 Several of the activists in
Portuguese Timor also had family contacts in West Timor.52 Acknowledging their
inspiration from West Timor, the group in Portuguese Timor reportedly adopted a
Tetum-language slogan: “Hamutuk ho manu alin sira, ita sadere sa sira, sira sae ita
mir sae, sira tun ita mir tun.” (“Uniting with our brothers elsewhere, we depend on
them – they advance and we will also, they fall and we will too.”)53.
In July 1956, José Manuel Duarte (1934-2003), who was to become one of the
movement’s Timorese leaders – and later in the 1990s the principal spokesman of the
surviving rebel veterans, moved with his family from his government position
(assistant observer) in the meteorological office in Dili to a regional post in the
Viqueque Circunscrição.54

50
Araújo, A.L.J. de (et al), Memorandum – Assunto: Sobre o acontecimento ocorrido em 7 de Junhe
[sic] de 1959, na Cirrcunscrição [sic] de Viqueque – Timor (Memorandum – Report: On the event that
occurred on 7 June 1959 in the Circumscription of Viqueque - Timor), six pages, Cólonia Penal do Bié
(Angola), 21 April 1960 – in Araújo, A.L.J. de, O Célebre Massacré de Uato-Lari e Uato-Carbau
Verificado no Ano de 1959 (The Truth of the Infamous Massacre at Uatolari and Uato-Carabau in
1959), Jakarta/Kupang, 1974 – attached as Annex D to this publication. The Memorandum focuses on
injustices in the countryside – it was written by the “Viqueque group” before the “Dili group” of
leaders, who had departed Dili in early June 1959 for Lisbon, arrived in Angola (together with the four
Indonesians) in early June 1960. The Memorandum was signed, in order, by Amaro Loyola Jordão de
Araújo, Mateus Sarmento Jordão de Araújo, José Manuel Duarte, Joaquim Ferreira, António da Costa
Soares (António Metan), Fernando Pinto, João Lisboa, Armindo Amaral, Paulo Amaral and Domingos
Soares. The content of de Araújo’s 1974 (120mm x 205mm) booklet (at Annex D) - including the
Memorandum, was later included in a larger format booklet of the same title ie Costa, E. da (et al), O
Célebre Massacré de Uato-Lari e Uato-Carbau Verificado no Ano de 1959 (The Truth of the Infamous
Massacre at Uatolari and Uato-Carabau in 1959), Dili, 2005. This larger A-4 2005 publication contains
additional material including discrete declarations (declaração) by several “Dili group” former rebels
citing injustices (see also footnote 442). José Manuel Duarte, a signatory to the Memorandum of 21
April 1960, repeated many of the allegations in his Memorandum - Duarte, J.M., “Memorandum sobre
o acontecimento em Timor em 1959”, Colónia Penal de Bié (Angola), 31 August 1960 (TdT, Lisbon:
AOS/CO/UL-32A2, Part 7). Duarte’s Memorandum – with a covering letter dated 2 November 1960,
was forwarded to Dr Salazar (President of the Council of Ministers) by the Director of PIDE (Lisbon).
51
Rohi, P.A., Pemberontakan …, 1995, op.cit., p.14. Subsequently - from the early-mid 1980s, H.
Salem/Salim Musalam Sagran/Syagran was prominent in Islamic affairs in East Timor eg as the
Chairman of the Majelis Ulama Indonesia – Timor Timur (MUI, Indonesian Scholars’ Council – East
Timor, see footnote 417) and an author (see bibliography). His later activities are noted in Chega !,
CAVR Final Report, Chapter 7.8, para 383-384. Bazher, A.B., Islam di Timor Timur, Gema Insani
Press, Jakarta, 1995, p.21 notes that David Verdial, a “non-Muslim” was from Bobonaro - and that
Muhammad Sidin was also employed at the Consulate. For Mu Then Siong see footnotes 319 and 345;
and Berlie, J.A., East Timor: A Bibliography, les Indes savantes, Paris, 2001, p.197 refers to Mu Then
Siong/Celestino Peter Guterres as a driver at the Indonesian Consulate (and later deported to Angola).
52
The parents-in-law of José Manuel Duarte - who was later to become prominent in the attacks at
Viqueque and Baguia in June 1959, reportedly came from the island of Roti/Rote, about 25 km
southwest of Kupang.
53
Rohi, P.A., Pemberontakan …, Mutiara 775, 1995, op.cit, p.14.
14

The Indonesian Consul, Nazwar Jacub Sutan Indra, invited several of the
activists to the Consulate – including Luís da Costa Rego, João Pereira da Silva, José
Beny Joaquim, Fernando Woodhomal55 and, together “with ‘elementos 14rabes’ ,
began a pro-Indonesia propaganda campaign among the natives” – assisted by the
Chancellor at the Consulate, Suwarno. 56
One of the leaders of the “Dili group” was reportedly Francisco Maria Xavier
Jesus de Araújo – a Timorese with considerable land holdings, who was a member of
the Conselho de Governo in Dili.57 His ambitions to become the Governor of the
Province had been frustrated, and he reportedly joined the independence activists in
their efforts for greater rights and freedoms for the indigenous Timorese.
The group expanded – reportedly proselytising from “door-to-door”, and by
late 1958/early 1959 had reportedly gained adherents across Portuguese Timor with
the following organisation58:
• Dili (“Central Sector”): Luís da Costa Rego (leader)59,
Joaquim Ferreira, Francisco de Araújo (see footnote 54).
• Aileu: Paulo da Conceição Castro (see footnotes 163-168).
• Ermera: Eduardo de Araújo, Alexandria [sic],
Viana de Jesus, Cripim [sic] Borges de Araújo.
• Same: Francisco Dias da Costa. ((photo Luís Rego
• Manatuto: Germano das Dores Alves da Silva, not included))
João Pereira Sikito [sic] da Silva.
• Baucau: Abel da Costa Belo.
54
Duarte, J.M., “Memorandum sobre o acontecimento em Timor em 1959”, Colónia Penal de Bié
(Angola), 31 August 1960 (TdT, Lisbon: AOS/CO/UL-32A2, Part 7). Notice of his move to Viqueque
in 1956 was promulgated in BOdT No.31, 4 August 1956, p.506.
55
Fernando “Woodhomal” may have been “Fernando Wosdimal” – of “Indian background” – advice to
author by former rebels Evaristo da Costa (aged 73 years), Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa (75
years) and Salem Sagran (78 years) in Dili, 2 April 2007. “A.H. Wadhoomal, a Hindu merchant”
arrived in Portuguese Timor from India in 1925 - Archer, C.H. (British Consul-General, Taiwan),
Report on Portuguese Timor, Canberra, 3 May 1941, para 111 (NAA: A981, TIM D 1 Part 2).
56
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.51 and pp.217-218 – Annex V, Report of the
Police Superintendent, Abílio da Paixão Monteiro, 25 July 1959.
57
Francisco Maria Xavier Jesus de Araújo was born in Luca (Viqueque) on 12/1/1893 and - with effect
26 March 1946, was appointed as the Secretary for the Administrative Council for Social and Public
Assistance (BOdT, No.9, 21 December 1946, p.57). He was elected to the Conselho do Governo in
1955 for the period 1955-1958 vide BOdT, No.38, Declaração, 17 September 1955, p.757. Francisco
de Araújo had substantial coffee holdings in Ermera. He was the patron of the popular Sporting
(Group/Club) de Timor – a club for the elite and “integrated/assimilated” Timorese, and provided land
in the suburb of Vila Verde for the Club. When arrested in June 1959, the PIDE claimed that “red and
white” (ie Indonesian) flags had been found in his Dili residence. For his dismissal from the Conselho
de Governo and remarks in 2007 by rebels on his innocence see footnotes 263-265. The extent of his
involvement in the rebel movement has yet to be established with certainty. Former rebel Evaristo da
Costa has however declared that Francisco de Araújo “was involved” – discussion with author, Dili, 29
October 2008. In discussions with the author on 6 December 2008, Câncio Noronha was also adamant
that Francisco de Araújo had been involved – see footnote 265.
58
As listed in Rohi, P.A., Pemberontakan …, Mutiara 775, 1995, op.cit., p.14. Sarong, F., “Pejuang
Timtim yang Kesepian”, op.cit., Kompas Cybermedia, Jakarta, 21 May 1999 reports that one of the
rebel leaders, João Pereira da Silva, was killed in Aileu – but João Pereira da Silva is noted as being
among those arrested on 3 June 1959 (see footnote 160). João Pereira da Silva was reportedly killed in
the Aileu area by Fretilin - but in very early 1976. Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998,
op.cit., p. 59 relates the conspirators’ “infiltration of the interior of the Province” with “links in
Remexio, Aileu, Lete Foho, Ermera, Same and Ainaro.”
59
Luís da Costa Rego (also known as Luís Cina/China) was a civil servant (driver) in the Serviços de
Agricultura. His father was Chinese and his mother, Timorese.
 15

• Manufahi: Matheus Ferreira.

• Viqueque: Amaro Loyola Jordan [sic] de Araújo60.
• Uatolari: Antonius [sic] Metan (António da Costa Soares).
• Lospalos: José dos Ramos da Sousa Gama .

The Governor of Portuguese Timor (1959-1963) – Filipe José Freire Themudo

Barata, later noted that in early 1959, the rebels had “links in Remexio, Aileu, Lete
Foho, Ermera, Same and Ainaro” and used festivities such as weddings and other
social gatherings to disguise their activities.61

The “Ex-Permesta 14”

In March 1957, a separatist rebellion against Jakarta arose in Sulawesi – the

Permesta62 Movement. The Movement demanded greater autonomy for eastern
Indonesia and opposed the growing influence of the Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI –
Communist Party of Indonesia) on President Sukarno and his government. Soon after,
Permesta representatives arrived in Kupang (the capital of Indonesian “West Timor”)
and were welcomed by several of the local leaders and gained support from youth,
schoolteachers and some military personnel63 – where “support for Permesta was
certainly linked to a fear of Muslim domination” and resentment of rule by officials
from Java.64 On 3 April 1957, pro-Permesta military personnel and youths in Kupang
seized control of the security forces and detained public officials – and, while “there
was no blood spilt”, “for many months the situation was somewhat uncertain.”65 On
13 April, Lieutenant Colonel Sumual – the Permesta leader, visited Kupang from
Makassar (Sulawesi) and was warmly welcomed.66 The Indonesian “army estimated
that about 100 of its soldiers in Kupang supported the movement”, and “there was
60
Amaro de Araújo had been a civil servant in the Treasury Department from 1919 until dismissed for
corruption in August 1948 – see detail at Annex E. Amaro, together with his brother Mateus, are listed
as a retired civil servants in Costa, F.A.S. da, Os Nomes dos Detidos Timorenses para Angola do Ano
de 1959 (The Names of the Timorese Detainees in Angola in 1959), Silva Porto (Bié, Angola), 6 June
1960 – see Annex F. Aged 58 years, Amaro was the oldest of the rebel leaders and reportedly a
grandson of the 1912 rebel leader Dom Boaventura. Amaro died in exile in Angola in April 1969 – see
footnotes 328 and 380 for further background.
61
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.59. Some Indonesian reports have also
claimed that the 1959 Rebellion was also supported in the Aileu, Same and Ermera areas – ie south and
south-west of Dili; see Gonggong A. & Zuhdi, S., Sejarah …, 1992, op.cit., p.44.
62
Permesta (Perjuangan Semesta – Total Struggle). The Movement’s Charter (Piagam) was signed in
Makassar (now Ujung Pandang), Sulawesi/Celebes, on 2 March 1957 by the Region VII/Wirabuana
military commander, Lieutenant Colonel Herman Nicolas Ventje Sumual. The Permesta Movement
had been defeated by September 1961. See Harvey, B. S., Permesta: pemberontakan setengah hati,
1984 for reference to Permesta in the Lesser Sundas at p.83 and p.228 – and, more generally also:
Conboy, K., Kopassus – Inside Indonesia’s Special Forces, 2003, pp.37-59; Conboy, K. & Morrison,
J., Feet to the fire: CIA covert operations in Indonesia 1957-1958, 1999; and the Permesta Information
Office website at http://permesta.8m.net/. For the “companion” PRRI rebellion in Sumatra, see
footnote 95).
63
“Many of the soldiers involved in Kupang were ex-KNIL Christians from Manado and Timor” –
KNIL ie Koninklijk Nederlandsch Indisch Leger (Royal Netherlands East Indies Army) - Farram, S.G.,
From ‘Timor Koepang’ to ‘Timor NTT’: A Political History of West Timor 1901-1967 (unpublished
PhD thesis), Darwin, 2004, p.298. Termed the “4 April Incident”, the Permesta supporters forced the
resignation of the Yonif 712 commander, Major Abdul Latief – see Angkatan Bersenjata Republik
Indonesia (ABRI) – Kodam IX/Udayana, 42 Tahun Pengabdian Kodam IX/Udayana (42 Years of
Service by Military Region IX/Udayana), Kodam IX/Udayana, Denpasar, 1999, p.76.
64
Farram, S.G., From ‘Timor Koepang’ …, op.cit., p.298.
65
Ibid, p.299.
16

support also from some members of the police and some schoolteachers and their
students.”67
However, in March 1958, Sukarno government forces moved against the
Permesta Movement in the Lesser Sundas68 and, soon after, Yonif (Batalyon
Infanteri) 701 was despatched to restore control in Flores and Indonesian Timor.69
The Indonesian armed forces ie Tentara Nasional Indonesia (TNI)70 arriving in
Kupang met little resistance. Several hundred Permesta supporters led by a police
officer – Kotadia71, initially fled into the countryside but soon surrendered to the
authorities. However, eleven dissident soldiers – reportedly from the resident Yonif
712, fled in a seized military truck. “Following a pursuit, nine surrendered with their
weapons, but the other two fled into Portuguese Timor together with twelve
civilians.”72
In March 1958, the Jakarta press reported that 14 Indonesians – all military
personnel, had fled from Indonesian West Timor and sought asylum in Portuguese
Timor. One press report related that: “As a result of the ban against the Permesta
Movement, a few days ago, and as a consequence of the local purge carried out by the
26th Regiment, all supporters of the so-called Permesta Movement have fled into
Portuguese Timor”73, and Portuguese Timor has “granted asylum to one officer, two
sergeants and 11 soldiers from Nusa Tenggara.”74

66
ABRI, 42 Tahun …, op.cit., p.77. At this time, Lieutenant Colonel Sumual was the “Head of the
Military Government” – and became Chairman of the Permesta Supreme Council and Chief of Staff of
the Permesta Revolutionary Army.
67
Farram, S.G., From ‘Timor Koepang’ …, op.cit., p.300. An official Indonesian military history
records that “between one and two companies of Yonif 712, together with its headquarters and the
Kompi Pemuda (Youth Company) supported the Permesta movement.” – ABRI, 42 Tahun …, op.cit.,
p.77.
68
The Lesser Sundas (Sunda Ketjil) – or Nusa Tenggara, comprised the island groups from Lombok to
Timor inclusive, but not the Moluccas or Sulawesi to the north and east. In October 1958, the Lesser
Sundas was formally divided into the regions of Bali, Nusa Tenggara Barat (NTB) and Nusa Tenggara
Timor (NTT). The Permesta movement had established a nominal command in Nusa Tenggara (ie the
Lesser Sundas) on 5 May 1957 with a “Regional Military Command” under “Military Governor”
Lieutenant Colonel R. Minggu. For Permesta activity in Eastern Nusa Tenggara – initially on the island
of Flores, see “Permesta di Nusa Tenggara” in Permesta Membangun sourced from Leirissa, R., PRRI
Permesta - http://permesta.8m.net/relates/artikel_permesta_membangun.html
69
C Company of Yonif 701 under Captain Soegiri was the principal sub-unit deployed to Kupang that
“detained and internally cleansed Yonif 712 personnel … that was achieved smoothly without recourse
to armed violence.” – see ABRI, 42 Tahun …, op.cit., p.77. Following its “cleansing”, Yonif 712 was
used against the rebels ie to “neutralise sympathisers … and disarm civilians” and, in a reorganisation
to limit opportunities for further unrest, several of its companies were swapped with elements from
Bali and Flores – pp.77-78.
70
The TNI was retitled Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia (Indonesian Armed Forces – ABRI)
on 21 June 1962 – and formally reverted to TNI in 2000.
71
Kotadia (-1991), while serving with the Netherlands Indies police at Ende (Flores), had befriended
Sukarno who had been exiled on the island in the period 1934-1938. In 1958, Kotadia reportedly
surrendered his group to avoid bloodshed – and pledged loyalty to the new Republic. Several of the
pro-Permesta officers, including Lieutenant Sine (Army) and Lieutenant Stall (Air Force), were
reportedly imprisoned in Denpasar (Bali). The foregoing information was provided to the author by
Peter A. Rohi (Jakarta) – email 25 October 2006.
72
ABRI, 42 Tahun …, op.cit., p.77.
73
“Penjokong2 ‘Permesta’ kabur ke Timor Portugis” (“Permesta Supporters Run Away to Portuguese
Timor”), Merdeka, Jakarta, 3 April 1958, p.1.
74
“Pem. Portugis Tim beri asyl politik pada 14 orang ‘Permesta’ dari Nusatenggara” (“Portuguese
Timor Government Grants Political Asylum to 14 Permesta Fugitives from Nusa Tenggara”), Merdeka,
Jakarta, 16 April 1958, p.1. See also Casey, R.G. (Minister for External Affairs, Australian Department
of External Affairs), Record of Conversation with the Australian Consul – Dili (F.J.A. Whittaker),
 17

Several contemporary reports – including statements by an Indonesian Consul

in Dili, and several later English-language publications have suggested however that
the “14” came from Sulawesi.75 An “official” Indonesian version of the “14” was
published in a high school text-book in 1992.76 This briefly related that in 1958, 14
“youths” from Kupang crossed into Portuguese Timor, made contact with Timorese
youth77 and “proselytised the spirit of independence as enjoyed in the Republic of
Indonesia.”
In 1960, an Australian Methodist Minister in Kupang, the Reverend G.S.
Dicker, related the following to the Australian Consul in Dili on “the escape of the
Army deserters to Portuguese Timor in 1958”: “He ((Dicker)) came across the party
of deserters at a river crossing in the Soe area ((about 110 kilometres east of Kupang,
on the main road to Dili)). They had just crossed the river when their pursuers arrived
on the scene. Dicker expected some sort of fight. However, the pursuing force halted
in full view of the deserters and made no attempt to capture them or molest them in
any way. Dicker’s interpretation of this is that both the parties were heavily under the
influence of the Permesta which, he says, was very strong in Kupang at the time.”78
However, the 14 may have subsequently entered the Oecussi enclave (ie Portuguese
Timor territory) from the west – ie taking a route from Kupang along the northern
coast through Lelogama district. On their arrival in Oecussi, the group reportedly
robbed a Chinese trader, taking his radio – a “very well-known incident that created
negative attitudes to the escapees.”79
From Indonesian Timor, the fleeing Permesta 14 crossed into the Portuguese
Timor enclave of Oecusse. Here, they met with the Acting Administrator of Oecusse,
Canberra, 29 April 1958 (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/1 Part 1; A10302, 1958/769) – the Consul reported
“two N.C.Os and 11 O.R. … had come by small boat … they said they had come from the ‘Eastern
Indonesian Movement’ ” … “presumably from the South Moluccan Republic” (see footnote 30 for
background) – ie totalling the figure of “13” first reported in Merdeka on 3 April 1958. Minister
Casey’s discussion with Consul Whittaker is also briefly mentioned in Millar, T.B. (ed), Australian
foreign minister: the diaries of R.G. Casey, Collins, London, 1972, p.295. The erroneous belief that the
14 Permesta fugitives were “RMS” - and had come from the Moluccas, is also included in the editor’s
preface to Araújo, Abílio de (Jolliffe, J. & Reece, B. eds), Timorese Elites, Canberra, 1975 (NAA:
A1838, 3038/1/1 Part 2) ie “As recently as 1959, several hundred Timorese were killed in an uprising
led by Moluccan separatists.”
75
Tengku Usman Hussin (Indonesian Consul - Dili, who replaced Nazwar Jacub on 3 June 1959)
initially declared to the Australian Consul that the “Permesta 14” had come from “Manado” (Northern
Sulawesi) as reported in Australian Consulate - Dili, Saving 25, 19 April 1960 and Memo 78/60, 18
June 1960 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1 and 3038/2/9). For English-language publications that
address the 1959 Viqueque Rebellion in general terms see Jolliffe, J., Cover-Up, 2001, pp.45-46; Dunn,
J., East Timor – a rough passage to independence, 2003, pp.27-28; Gunn, G., Timor Loro Sae 500
Years, 1999, p.260; Taylor J.G., Indonesia’s Forgotten War, 1991, pp.21-22. Taylor, J.G., East Timor:
The Price of Freedom, 1999, p.21 states that the Permesta group had come “from southeast Sulawesi”
as does Nicol B., Timor - A Nation Reborn, Equinox Publishing, Jakarta, 2002, p.33 ie “fled from
Sulawesi”. Dunn, J., East Timor …, 2003, p.27 discusses the “14” seeking political asylum and notes
that “Among the remnants were Lubis, Kawilarang from Jakarta, Simbolon and Hussin from Sumatra
and Warouw, five colonels, and Major Sumual.” However, this should not be misinterpreted - the
detailed bio-datas of these senior PRRI/Permesta officers do not indicate that any entered Portuguese
Timor after the failure of their separatist movements. For PRRI background, see footnote 95.
76
Gonggong A. & Zuhdi, S., Sejarah Perjuangan Timor-Timur Untuk Sekolah
Menengah Atas (History of the East Timor Struggle for Senior High School), 1992 –
see translated extract at Annex B.
77
Ibid, “such as José Peirera Da Costa, Abel Bello as well as with Ricardo, Germano Peirera Da Costa
and others.” p.43.
78
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 158/60: Visit to Kupang (by Consul W.A. Luscombe), 23
November 1960, p.6 (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/6 Part 1).
79
Rohi, P.A. (Jakarta), email to author, 27 October 2006.
18

Fernando Plínio dos Santos Tinoco80 on 23 March 1958 and sought “assistance
(political asylum)”.81 The Permesta 14 – with their ages and declared “PRRI” military
ranks (see Annex C) were:
Lambertus Ladon [sic]82, 28 years, Lieutenant; Gerson Pello, 26, Lieutenant;
Jobert Moniaga, 25, First Sergeant; Eddy Welong, 22, First Sergeant; Albert
Ndoen, 36, Second Sergeant; Jeheskial Folla, 29, Second Sergeant; Ambrocius
Dimoe Logo, 27, Corporal; Urias Daniel, 23, Corporal; Dominggus Adoe, 29,
soldier; Lourenz Tangsi, 29, soldier; Paulus Adoe, 29, soldier; Anderias Therik,
21, soldier; Jonathan Nenotek, 21, soldier; and Jermias Pello, 18, civilian.83

All were born in Nusa Tenggara Timor (NTT) – most in Kupang, except for
Lambertus Ladow: Surabaya (East Java); Jobert Moniaga: Menado (Sulawesi);
and Eddy Welong: Malang (East Java)
A few days later, the 14 were transferred to Dili and initially accommodated in
the harbour aboard the small coastal freighter N/M Dom Aleixo – and their 13
weapons84 were secured in the Depósito de Material de Guerra.
On 28 April 1958, the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs sent a note
verbale85 to the Portuguese Legation in Jakarta advising that:
“according to reports received by this Ministry, fourteen members of the
Indonesian Armed Forces had, on the 23rd March, 1958, crossed the
Indonesian Territory of Timor and entered the Portuguese Territory of Timor,
Oe-Kussi, from where they have been transferred by the Portuguese
Authorities to Baucau. The fourteen members of the Armed Forces are
believed to consist of: one First Lieutenant, one Second Lieutenant, two
Sergeants and ten soldiers. The Ministry will greatly appreciate any
cooperation from the Government of Portugal in returning the fourteen
Indonesian nationals to the Government of Indonesia, as the Ministry is
convinced that they have been misguided by propagandists of the anti
Government rebellious groups and therefore not conscious of what they were
80
Secretary Fernando Plínio dos Santos Tinoco (born 31/8/1914) was promoted to Administrator of the
Oecusse Circunscrição on 11 October 1958. A Circunscrição was a modern-day District.
81
A translation of their formal written request for political asylum ie “Declaration” signed in Dili on 27
March 1958 is at Annex C. This was forwarded to Lisbon under cover of a letter from Governor Serpa
Rosa - No 11, Dili, 1 July 1958 (AHU, Lisbon: MU/GM/GNP/084, Part 15).
82
A typing/translation error – should be “Lambertus Ladow”.
83
In interviews in late July 1995, three of the “Permesta 14” related that they had all been resident in
Kupang – and that their group comprised: “Gerson Tom Pello, Jezkial Fola, Jermias Toan Pello, Paul
Adu, Albert Ndoen, Eddy Welong, Am Dimulogo, Dominggus Adu, Yuber [sic] Moniaga, Lambert
Kling Ladaw, Orias Daniel, Andrias Therik, Laurens, and Jonathan Neno Ta Ek”. See Rohi, P.A., “Apa
Kata Pelaku Pemberontakan Rakyat Timor Timur 1959 – Integrasi itu Tekad Historis dan Etnis”,
Mutiara, Edition 776, Jakarta, 5-11 September 1995, pp. 14-15 – interviews of Gerson Pello, Jeremias
Pello, Jezkial Fola and José Manuel Duarte. The article related that the Pello brothers and Am
Dimologo were from Camplong – about 45 km east of Kupang. “Yuber” (ie Jobert) Moniaga was
Manadonese ie from Northern Sulawesi. See also Sarong, F., “Pejuang Timtim yang Kesepian” (“The
Loneliness of an East Timorese Warrior”), Kompas Cybermedia, Jakarta, 21 May 1999 – when
interviewed in the Kupang area in mid-May 1999, “Jeremias” Pello did not admit to service in either
the Indonesian military or the Permesta movement before fleeing with the group to Portuguese Timor.
84
The weapons comprised: a Dutch machine gun, a Bren machine gun, an Australian sub-machine gun,
a Sten sub-machine gun, a Browning automatic pistol, eight Lee Enfield rifles – together with
bayonets and 1,603 rounds of 7.7mm and 9mm ammunition. This listing was compiled by the Chief of
Administrative Services in Dili (Intendente L. Lisboa Santos) and forwarded to Lisbon under cover of a
letter from Governor Serpa Rosa - No 11, Dili, 1 July 1958 (AHU, Lisbon: MU/GM/GNP/084, Part
15).
85
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Note Verbale No. 23118/I, Djakarta, 28 April 1958.
 19

doing. The Ministry also requests that the weapons carried by the fourteen
Indonesian nationals mentioned above be returned to the Government of
Indonesia.”

Subsequently, the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs “noted with pleasure

of the best consideration the Government of Portugal have given to the requests made
by the Government of the Republic of Indonesia” – and again sought the return of
“two brenguns, two stenguns and five Lee Enfield rifles”. That note verbale also
advised that “after thorough investigation, it appear that only 2 (two) of the 14
(fourteen) men who entered the Portuguese Territory of Timor are members of the
Armed Forces of the Republic of Indonesia, e.g.: 1. Ladouw, Lambertus – Corporal;
2. Welong, Udy – Private; while the other 12 men do not belong to the Armed Forces
of the Republic of Indonesia.”.86
A few days after the arrival of the Permesta 14, the Indonesian Consul in Dili,
Nazwar Jacub (sometimes as “Yacub”) Sutan Indra87, called on the Australian
Consulate and sought to travel to Australia – for urgent medical treatment. He arrived
in Darwin on 1 April 1958 and, having “undergone a thorough check in Darwin, …
had been given a clean bill of health on all possible counts” – despite his claims that
he was suffering from malaria.88 Consul Jacub also complained of a sore shoulder –
however while the “physiotherapist at the hospital in Darwin could find nothing
wrong”, Yacub persisted in his assertion and asked for permission to travel to Sydney
for specialist examination.” The escape of the 14 Indonesians to Portuguese Timor –
and Consul Nazwar Jacub’s sudden visit to Darwin and Sydney, apparently
precipitated concerns in the Australian Department of External Affairs on “Political
Asylum for Indonesians”:89
“If the revolt in Sumatra is suppressed, it is just conceivable that we will be
confronted with isolated requests for political asylum by Indonesians
belonging to the dissident movement. Another contingency, although the
likelihood of it is very slight, is that we may receive requests for political
asylum from Indonesian officials serving in or visiting in Australia.”

Within a few days of their arrival in Dili, the 14 Indonesians were settled in
Baucau – the Province’s second-largest town about 135 kilometres by road east of
Dili. The Government provided the Indonesian “asilados políticos” (Portuguese –
political exiles) with a “daily subsidy of seven patacas per day (43$.75 escudos)”.
“At the time, this was a generous amount considering the very modest lifestyle of the

86
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Note Verbale No. 33007 II-a, Djakarta, 14 June 1958. However, note
that according to Rohi, P.A. (journalist, Jakarta), Lambertus Ladow - the leader of the group, and
“Yuber” (ie Jobert) Moniaga, had been junior personnel in Yonif 712 (email to author, 25 October
2006).
87
Nazwar Jacub/Yacub Sutan Indra (born Padang Panjang, West Sumatra – 2 June 1925) served as the
Indonesian Consul in Dili from 3 November 1956 until 4 June 1959 – having reportedly completed his
designated tour of duty. Nazwar Jacub spoke “excellent English, German and Dutch”. He had a close
association with the Islamic community in Dili, funding the refurbishment of the An-Nur mosque in
1957. He was a widower with three children – his wife had died of illness in Dili on 7 January 1957,
and his mental stability was questioned by his successor (see footnotes 126 and 135).
88
Department of External Affairs – Canberra, 1529/11, 23 April 1958 (NAA: A1838, 1529/11). The
Australian Consul - F.J.A. Whittaker, was absent on recreation leave in Australia, and Consul Jacub
reportedly “stood over” the locally-engaged clerk/interpreter at the Australian Consulate (C.J.
Sequeira) on 29 March demanding an authorization to travel to Darwin – Whittaker, F.J.A., Letter to
Secretary, Melbourne, 14 April 1958 (NAA: A1838, 1529/11).
89
Department of External Affairs – Canberra, Memo, 16 April 1958 (NAA: A1838, 1529/11).
20

Timorese – and a worker with the construction service did not receive a weekly wage
of much more than this.”90 “They lived without great problems, in a climate of
idleness, the majority of them in the company of local girls.”91 However, the
Indonesian Consul, Nazwar Jacub Sutan Indra, is also reported to have provided funds
to the Indonesian exiles in Baucau as “subsistence” – as they were “neither paid
enough by the Portuguese nor allowed to earn enough to live on.”92
A few months after the arrival of the ex-Permesta group, the Australian
Consul in Dili met with three of the “Indonesian political refugees” when visiting
Baucau in early July 1958 and reported93 that the group comprised: “two majors, one
first lieutenant, one second lieutenant, two sergeants, and seven other ranks” (ie a total
of 13); they were all living in a recently-constructed guest house in Baucau owned by
“Mr Ricardo”94; were “all staying in Baucau on the bounty of the Portuguese
Government”; and that their spokesman, the First Lieutenant, “mentioned that they
were extremely grateful to the Portuguese Government for having granted them
asylum, and for the kind way they were being looked after.” The First Lieutenant also
related to the Australian Consul that “at the time they made their break from Kupang,
a much larger group set off for Portuguese Timor by another route but were overtaken
and captured.”95
90
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.53. At pp. 90-92, Barata provides
comparative salaries in Timor in 1959, in escudos, together with prices for rice, sugar, potatoes and
tobacco. The weekly wage for a civil construction worker is cited as 48 escudos. The pataca was
replaced in early 1959 by the escudo – at a rate of one pataca = 5.6 escudos. In 1958, one pataca was
the equivalent of 21.5 Australian pence. In 1958, at USD 76, Timor had the lowest per capita GDP of
Portugal’s colonies eg: Macau at USD 232; Mozambique: USD 121; Cabo Verde: USD 97. In 1959,
Portugal’s per capita GDP was USD 246 – such economic statistics of the period are related in Barata,
F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp. 87-93.
91
Ibid, p.53.
92
As advised to the Australian Consul by the “replacement” Indonesian Consul, Tengku Usman
Hussin: Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 78/60, 18 June 1960 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/9). The
Australian Consul also reported that the Portuguese police alleged “much larger sums were drawn from
the bank than the Consulate would normally need” and that “the rebels, after arrest, had admitted
receiving money from the Consul.” Governor Barata also indicated that the Portuguese stipend was not
always paid on time and the asilados were in debt to local storekeepers in Baucau - Barata, F. T.,
Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.79. Consul Nazwar Jacub’s alleged disbursement of funds is
also related in an affidavit submitted to the UN Secretary General by José Martins (29 September
1941-1996, see footnote 385), President of the KOTA (Klibur Oan Timor Aswain – Fighters for
Timorese Unity) political party: Implicação da Republica da Indonesia na Vida de Timor Português
[sic], stamped Provisório and Secreto, 23 March 1976 – paragraphs 4-15 cover the 1959 Rebellion
(NAA: A1838, 3038/10/13/1 Part 2).
93
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 109/58, 4 July 1958 (NAA: A11604, 605/15A). On ranks, see
footnote 83. According to Rohi P.A., the other ranks cited above were “semacam pengakuan di antara
mereka sendiri” (“a type of rank ‘self-granted’ among their group”) – email to author, 27 October
2006. Note that a listing of all deportees prepared in Angola by the exiled rebels in June 1960 shows
Gerson Pello as an alferes (second lieutenant), Albertus Nundun (sic – ie Ndoen/Ndun) as a sarjento
da Aviassão (Air Force sergeant), Jeremias Pello as a soldado (soldier) and Lambertus Ladow as a
tenente (lieutenant) – and refers to all 14 Indonesians as “homens Armados” (military men) - Costa,
F.A.S. da, Os Nomes dos Detidos Timorenses para Angola do Ano de 1959 (The Names of the
Timorese Detainees in Angola in 1959), Silva Porto (Bié, Angola), 6 June 1960 – see Annex F.
94
José dos Santos Ricardo – who reportedly bought the land from Venancio Boavida and built a guest
house and small soap and cheese factories (author’s discussions with Marcelino Guterres, Baucau, 28
June 2007). The guest house/hotel, “Estalagem de Santiago”, was acquired by the Government in the
mid-late 1960s – correspondence to the author, Sherlock, K., Darwin, 5 October 2007. The “guest
house” is now the Pousada de Baucau – ie renamed from the “Hotel Flamboyant” during the
Indonesian period. The photographs overpage were provided by the family of José dos Santos Ricardo
to the author in 2007.
95
This may have been a reference to the far larger group led by Kotadia – see footnote 68.
 21

((Photographs not included:

1. The Estalagem de Santiago – Baucau, 1958

2. Seven of the “Permesta 14” – Estalagem de Santiago, Baucau – 1958

Albertus Ndun – second from the left (black trousers)
Lambertus Ladow – third from the left (in white, seated)
With the children of the Ricardo family.))

According to the Australian Consul, “this First Lieutenant went on to say that
if only they could contact Menado [sic] ((ie, the Permesta headquarters in northern
Sulawesi)), Menado would most certainly find a means of transporting them to that
Port by ship.” The Consul noted his impression that all members of the ex-Permesta
group in Baucau “were of the Christian faith”, and the three personnel that he had met
impressed him “by their intelligence and courteous bearing.”
As noted earlier, the “replacement” Indonesian Consul, Tengku Usman
Hussin, initially contended that the “14” had come from “Manado” (see footnote 72) –
but subsequently, in late 1960, the Consul changed his earlier claim and asserted that
22

the 14 had deserted from the Indonesian Army in Kupang and, after committing a
series of robberies, had fled to Portuguese Timor and sought asylum.96
In 1958, a meeting of Australian “Heads of Mission” in South East Asia
concluded: “it is not in Australia’s interests for the Revolutionary Government ((in
Sumatra)) to be suppressed.”97 It has been implied that the Australian Government -
that was allegedly providing limited clandestine support to the PRRI/Permesta rebels,
made a request to the authorities in Portuguese Timor to accept the 14 Indonesians
who had fled from Kupang.98 However, this claim has yet to be substantiated by
credible evidence.
Immediately after the 14 Indonesians were settled by the Portuguese
administration in Baucau (as noted - the Province’s second-largest town, east of Dili),
Marcelino (from Venilale, 35 kilometres by road south of Baucau - see footnote 40)
reportedly visited the group. Gerson Pello - a leader of the “Permesta 14”, and
Marcelino - a local bangsawan (Bahasa Indonesia - “noble”), became close friends
and Gerson regularly visited Marcelino’s home where they “discussed efforts to
struggle to free Timor from Portuguese colonialism as had been suggested by
Sukarno. As an initial step, they set up a soccer ((ie football)) coaching programme
under which youth - whose nationalist spirit had been awakened, were recruited.
Marcelino provided a truck for the training and for travel to matches outside the local

96
Australian Consulate - Dili, Memo 144/60, 20 October 1960 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1) – the
Indonesian Consul also related that the “full details of the case were forwarded to the Portuguese with a
request to return the men as fugitive criminals. However no reply was ever received from the
Portuguese; presumably they preferred the political refugee story of the deserters themselves.” Earlier,
the Portuguese Army Chief of Staff in Dili, Captain Manuel Herculano Chorão de Carvalho, had told
the Australian Consul that the Indonesians were part of a group of “385 rebels” from “Indonesian
Timor” who had been granted asylum in mid-1958 and relocated to three areas in Portuguese Timor in
1959 – Australian Consulate – Dili, Sav 2, 11 December 1959 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1).
97
Consensus of Opinion on Main Issues, Meeting of Australian Heads of Mission in South East Asia
-1958, Singapore, March 1958, p.3 (NAA: A1838, TS383/1/2/2). For discussion on continuing “to
sustain the dissidents by clandestine means” by the United Kingdom and the US, see United Kingdom
High Commission – Canberra, Memorandum to Prime Minister R.G. Menzies, 12 March 1958 (NAA:
A6705, 34).
98
The PRRI (Pemerintah Revolusionir Republik Indonesia) was declared at Bukittinggi (Sumatra) on
15 February 1958. While there were also regional autonomy issues, the secessionist PRRI led by
dissident Army officers was opposed to the growing influence of communists in the Sukarno
Government in Jakarta. The Permesta movement aligned itself with PRRI on 17 February 1958 – and
the two rebellions subsequently proposed amalgamation into a united front - ie the Federal Republic of
Indonesia. United States covert support to the PRRI/Permesta (Operation HAIK: CIA with US Navy
and Air Force support) is well documented – see Kennedy, D.B., Operation HAIK …, 1996. For
alleged Australian involvement see Slater, S. and Waterford, J., “Finger in the Pie”, The Canberra
Times, Canberra, 17 February 1991, p.1 and pp.17-18. This press item cites Australian Department of
External Affairs cables and contends that the Australian External Affairs Minister, Richard Casey,
directed the Secretary of the Department of External Affairs, Arthur Tange, to “get in touch” with
Portuguese authorities ie with a view to using Portuguese Timor as a “communications base” and
monitoring events in “Ambon and the Moluccas” – p.17. The foregoing is also cited extensively in an
Indonesian publication: Soebadio, H., Keterlibatan Australi dalam Pemberontakan …, 2002, pp.226
-251 and in a reviewing article by Piliang, I.J., Australia Terlibat dalam Pemberontakan PRRI/
Permesta, Jakarta, 14 August 2002. Moreover, a report by the Australian Senate – citing the press
article “Finger in the Pie” by Slater and Waterford (above), asserts: “The officers had come to
Portuguese Timor as a result of a request by the Menzies Government to Portugal in March 1958 for
co-operation in assisting a rebel movement (Permesta) in Sulawesi and Maluku.”: Australian Senate
Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Committee, Final Report on the Inquiry into East Timor, Canberra,
7 December 2000, p,116, paragraph 6.16, footnote 21. However, as yet, there appears to be no direct or
credible evidence that Australia specifically requested the Portuguese authorities to accept the 14
“Permesta asylum seekers” – see also the concluding “Discussion” section of this monograph.
 23

area. These soccer matches however were only a cover. The real objective was to
establish an underground movement to drive out the Portuguese from East Timor. It
was agreed to form two groups. The first group would engage in physical acts using
armed force. The smaller second group, as the ‘konseptor’, would prepare a
government for when independence was achieved by the first group. Contact between
the two groups was conducted secretly – so that if the first group failed and were
captured, they could not reveal the role of the second group, enabling the second
group to continue the struggle.”99
In the author’s 2007 interviews with Marcelino (Marcelino António Fausto
Guterres), Marcelino related meeting Gerson Pello at a Baucau hospital in late 1959
while seeking medical assistance for his (Marcelino’s) young blind daughter and
developing a friendship with Gerson – and both played football together. However,
Marcelino denied any involvement with the 1959 Rebellion or any “underground
movement” – although he was acquainted with Abel da Costa Belo of Baucau and
several other Timorese who were actively involved. Rather, according to Marcelino,
he remained committed to the concept and ideals of the 1955 Asia-Africa Conference
and its “Movement” – and continued to await further contact from the Indonesian
Consul.100
Some months later, on 21 December 1958, following an internal argument
among the Indonesian group, five were relocated by the Portuguese authorities from
Baucau Town further south to the Viqueque Circunscrição 101 - ie about 205
kilometres by road east-southeast of Dili. According to Gerson Pello: “because I
quarrelled with Lambert Kling Ladaw [sic], the 14 of us from Kupang were divided
into two groups. Five were sent to Uatolari and exiled there.”102 This “Uatolari
Group” comprised: Gerson Pello, Jeremias Pello, Albert Ndoen, Jezkial Fola and
Jobert Moniaga. In the 1950s, the Uatolari (Leça) Posto administrative centre was
located in Afaloicai village, about 47 kilometres by road from Viqueque Town ie in
the hills - (altitude 257 metres) about three kilometres to the north of the south coast
road and about three km east of the Bebui River – see the map of the Viqueque
Circunscrição at Annex A.103
99
Rohi, P.A., email to author, 19 January 2007. Peter Rohi - then a Surabaya-based journalist, and
Gerson Pello reportedly visited Marcelino in Venilale in 1996. Rohi’s interview with Marcelino is
related briefly in Rohi, P. A., “Soekarno, KAA, dan Timor-Leste”, Kongres, Jakarta, 28 April 2005 &
marhaenis.org, 9 May 2005. For Marcelino’s alleged attendance at the 1955 Asia-Africa Conference in
Bandung, see footnotes 38-43. The veracity of Rohi’s account of Marcelino’s involvement is further
considered in the concluding “Discussion” section of this monograph.
100
During discussions with the author in Baucau (28 June 2007), Marcelino proudly displayed a copy
of a 1980 handbook on the Bandung Conference and again related his visit to Bandung in December
1996 – see footnote 43. Marcelino also stated that Gerson Pello had visited him in Venilale in 1983 and
1994. Marcelino admitted that he had owned a “painting” of President Sukarno – but that he had
bought it in Dili, not Bandung (ie contrary to Peter Rohi’s press item - see footnote 38). Marcelino had
been employed as a driver by his father – and subsequently by a Chinese merchant. In mid-1974, he
was noted as a “mototoriste mecânico” [sic] employed by the Câmara Municipal de Baucau – BOdT,
No.30, 27 July 1974, p.583 and No.31, 3 August 1974.
101
As noted earlier, a Circunscrição was a modern-day District comprising several Postos - ie modern-
day Sub-Districts. Note that “Viqueque” was a Circunscrição, a Posto and a town.
102
Rohi, P.A., “Apa Kata …”, Mutiara 776, 1995, op.cit., p.14. The “Uatolari” Group in the Viqueque
Circunscrição comprised: Gerson Pello, Jeremias Pello, Albert Ndoen/Ndun, Jezkial Fola – whose
parents-in-law were all from Rote/Roti island, and “Yuber” (ie Jobert) Moniaga from Manado in
northern Sulawesi. Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.53 notes the five moved to
Viqueque on 21 December as comprising “Gerson Pello, Albert Ndoen, Jehsekial Follo, Jeremias Pello
and Jobert Moniaga”.
103
In 1978-79, the Posto/Kecamatan offices were relocated by the Indonesian administration to
Matahoi village on the coast road ie about seven kilometres to the south-west of the original Posto
24

However, despite being termed the “Uatolari group”, the five Indonesians
resided in the centre of Viqueque Town – in houses on the eastern side of the Town’s
main square ie opposite the Posto headquarters and residence of the Portuguese
Administrator (see map at page 42). Soon after their arrival, all five Indonesians
began to openly criticize the excesses of Portuguese rule and proselytize the success
and advances of Indonesian independence – with Gerson Pello the most active. The
Indonesians also attracted the attention and admiration of Timorese youth by teaching
pencak silat – an Indonesian form of martial arts, and by their skilled participation in
local football matches including in Luca, Ossu, Uatolari and Uato-Carabau.104

Security Concerns on the Lautém Coast

On 14 July 1958, the Governor of Portuguese Timor, César Serpa Rosa105,

departed Dili for Lisbon - and the Military Commander, Lieutenant Colonel Manuel
Aguiar106, was appointed as Encarregado de Governo (Acting Governor). Lieutenant
Colonel Aguiar was described as dedicated and conscientious – “but of a reserved
temperament” and “less accustomed to the subtleties of politics.”107 However,
according to the Australian Consul in Dili, Governor Serpa Rosa’s “successor as
Acting Governor would not accept any responsibility with the result that Timorese
affairs stagnated and the various Administrators in the interior were left to their own
devices.”108
The Acting Governor was faced with several security concerns:
- in late 1958, 16 rifles were stolen from the military storehouse in Dili (13 of
which were eventually recovered);
- to the east, Indonesian contraband copra traders were continuing to visit the
northern coast of the Lautém Circunscrição;
- and weapons and explosives were being traded to Indonesian vessels from
Japanese wartime caches in the Lautém and Viqueque Circunscrições.109

location.
104
See map at page 41 - author’s discussions with Hermenegildo da Cruz, Constantino de Oliveira
Simões, António Pinto and Rogério Pinto in Viqueque Town – 29 June 2007.
105
Captain César Maria de Serpa Rosa served as Governor from 31 December 1950 to July 1958 – he
had previously served as the Governor of Zambesia Province, Mozambique. A replacement Governor,
Major (Engineer Materiel Services) Filipe José Freire Themudo Barata (1918-2003), arrived in Dili on
22 June 1959 and assumed his appointment – ie a few days after the end of the military action in the
Viqueque Circunscrição. He should not be confused with Brigadier Francisco António Pires Barata -
the commander of military forces in Portuguese Timor from 1961, who became Acting Governor in
April 1963 on the departure of Governor (then) Lieutenant Colonel F.J.F.T. Barata.
106
Lieutenant Colonel (Infantry) Manuel Albuquerque Gonçalves de Aguiar – arrived in Portuguese
Timor on 7 May 1957 and relinquished his position as Acting Governor to F.J.F.T Barata in late June
1959 and his appointment as Military Commander in October 1959 to Lieutenant Colonel (Cavalry)
Serpa Soares.
107
Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p. 42, p.50 – comment by Governor F.T.
Barata.
108
Australian Department of External Affairs, “Indonesia and Portuguese Timor” (Brief by J.A.
Benson), Canberra, May 1964 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 3). “Fillipe Ribeiro” [sic], the
Administrator of the Baucau Circunscrição, was described by a visiting United States official as
“reportedly inept, corrupt and slightly unbalanced.” – United States Embassy - Djakarta, Despatch 138,
19 August 1960 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1). For the career of Administrator 2nd Class José Maria
Ribeiro Filipe (born 11/6/1910) see BOdT, No.51, 26 December 1959, p.844. Filipe was transfered
from Baucau to Ermera on 12 March 1960.
109
Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.51.
 25

In May 1959, the Army Chief of Staff in Dili reported that Indonesian boats
from the Celebes (Sulawesi) and the nearby island of Kisar, crewed by “Celebes
rebels” (ie Permesta – see footnote 59) were continuing to visit the Lautém north
coast and “intimidate the local administrative authority.”110 Accordingly, in May, a
military detachment - commanded by Portuguese Army Sergeant Carneiro Cirineu,
was stationed at Lospalos as a security measure. In late May, an Indonesian vessel
(“prau” or “corcóra”) landed on the Lautém coast and its crew came ashore. Several
rifles were seized from the Indonesians – and the weapons were flown from Baucau to
Dili.111 The Acting Governor despatched the Chief of Administrative Services,
Intendente Dr Lisboa Santos, to the area to investigate matters – including to the
Laivai area (about 60 km east of Baucau town), but his report was inconclusive.112
Subsequently, the Australian Consul reported that the confiscated rifles “were of the
old Dutch NEI pattern” and confirmed that “the crew members were returned to their
prau, and ordered put to sea. The authorities now believe, as one of the crew members
said, that those who possess rifles carry them on their trading ventures as there is very
little security in their areas and a rifle is a necessary possession. However, the
authorities also believe that these Indonesians intended contacting local Chinese in the
Lautem district with a view to bartering copra for manufactured goods.”113

Conditions in the Viqueque and Baucau Circunscrições

The Viqueque Circunscrição (see map at Annex A) comprised four Postos:

Ossu (1st class Posto), Uatolari (2nd Class Posto) and Lacluta and Uato-Carabau (3rd
Class Postos). Viqueque Town, the location of the Administrador and the
Circunscrição offices, also functioned as a Posto Sede (Central Posto) administering
the Town and a surrounding area.114 The Viqueque Circunscrição had an
“administrative management”115 of civil servants – in order of rank: an Administrator
(Administrador); a Secretary (Secretário); a Chefe de Posto (1st class) – Ossu; an
Aspirante; an Encarregado de Posto (ie Posto Administrator) (2nd class) – Uatolari;
two Encarregado de Posto (3rd class) – Lacluta, Uato-Carabau; an Intérprete; a First
Corporal Sipai116; four Second Corporal Sipais; and 13 Sipais.117
110
Carvalho, M.H.C. de, Captain, “Incidents with Indonesian Rebel Boats”, Report 2/59, Dili, 14 May
1959. For earlier landings of Moluccan RMS rebels in the Lautém area in 1955, see footnote 30.
111
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 123/59, 7 June 1959 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1). The
Consul reported that there were no casualties in the clash - and also reported seeing eight of the seized
rifles being off-loaded from the Portuguese aircraft in Dili on 30 May 1959.
112
Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.51.
113
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 155/59, 3 August 1959, p.4 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).
114
The boundaries of the Viqueque Circunscrição and its Postos (Divisão Administrativa) were
detailed in Diploma Legislativo No 555, BOdT, No.22 – Suplemento, 5 June 1959, pp.391- 393.
115
“Administrative management” refers to personnel of the Civil Administrative Services. A small
number of civil servants from other government agencies and services - eg the meteorological, health,
public works, and agricultural and veterinary services, also served in the Circunscrição.
116
Sipai (plural: Sipais) were indigenous police – appointed as members of the Corpo de Polícia.
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.55, footnote 13 describes “sipaio” (also as
“cipaio” in some documents) as “Timorese guards with a police function and rudimentary training.”
The “Corpo de Cipaios” was established on 28 December 1945 as promulagated in Legislative
Diploma No. 247 (BOdT No. 9, 21 December 1946, pp.55-56). This provided for a first corporal and
six privates at each Circunscrição centre - and a second corporal and two privates at each Posto.
117
As provided for in the Provincial Budget for 1959 (BOdT, No. 52, Suplemento 2, 31 December
1958, p.808), the “total annual salaries” for each of these appointments, in escudos, were:
Administrador: 14,256; Secretário: 8,496; Aspirante: 5,760; Chefe de Posto - 1st class: 7,200;
Encarregado de Posto – 2nd Class: 4,608; Encarregado de Posto - 3rd Class: 3,648; Intérprete: 1,920;
26

Conditions in the Viqueque Circunscrição in the mid-late 1950s118 have been

described at the time as follows:
“Conditions were notoriously bad … even though whipping and the use of the
palmatória119 had been outlawed three years before, these practices continued
there. People had to work for paltry wages. The administration had cut the
wages offered to the local labourers by the Australian-owned Timor Oil
Company to less than one third of what the company had offered.”120 Further,
and more specifically – “the rebellion … was triggered by dissatisfaction of
local villagers against the corruption by the Portuguese administrador (district
head). One of his corrupt practices was to reduce the wages provided by Timor
Oil for villagers involved in the company’s oil production activities in
Aliambata. The corrupt district head reduced the A$300 and A$90 wages
provided by the company to A$21, and pocketed the lion [sic] share. Yet the
villagers still had to work for Timor Oil. Those who refused, were locked up.
Eventually, the people could not stand this exploitative behaviour of their
colonial master, and the 1959 Viqueque rebellion started.”121

The movement of Timorese was restricted as “every Timorese was legally

required to obtain a transit pass (guia de transito) if he wished to leave his posto,
either temporarily or permanently. Therefore, the Timorese did not travel between
postos as much as they might otherwise have done.”122

First Corporal Sipai: 720; Second Corporal Sipai: 624; Sipai: 528. Sipais were phased out in the early
1970s when replaced by guardas auxiliares of the Corpo Polícia de Segurança Pública de Timor
(founded in 1963) and the Polícia Municipal (BOdT, No.52, Suplemento, 31 December 1974).
118
As noted earlier at footnote 47, abuses in the countryside – including in Viqueque, were detailed by
a group of rebels in Araújo, A. de (et al), Memorandum – Assunto: Sobre o acontecimento …, 21 April
1960 – see Annex D. See also Duarte, J.M., “Memorandum sobre o acontecimento em Timor em
1959”, 31 August 1960, op.cit.
119
The palmatória was a stick (a “ferule”) – about 2cm thick and about 40cm long, with a disc at the
end (with holes so as not to cushion the blow). The palmatória was used to strike the palm of the hand
repeatedly – “It’s really painful. Sometimes they would beat someone’s hand until the hand became
swollen and was bleeding. If they hit you a lot, you couldn’t use your hand for weeks. … Sometimes
people got it simply because they could not afford to pay the imposto ((head tax)).” - Pinto, C. and
Jardine, M., East Timor’s Unfinished Struggle: Inside the Timorese Resistance – A Testimony, South
End Press, Boston, 1997, pp.33-34. See also Belo, C.F.X. Dom, “A Revolta de 1959”, op.cit., 2009, p.1.
120
Lennox, R., Fighting Spirit of East Timor – the life of Martinho da Costa Lopes, Pluto Press,
Annandale, 2000, p.63.
121
Aditjondro, G.J., Is oil thicker than blood ?, 1999, footnote 10 - cites interviews to support the
above. His references indicate that his indirect source on this misappropriation of wages however is
Araújo, A.L.J. de (et al), Memorandum – Assunto: Sobre o acontecimento, op.cit, p.3 – included in
Annex D, that details this corrupt activity by the “Administrador da Circunscrição”. Accordingly, the
“A$” figure cited by Aditjondro should be $ as “escudos” – ie at a rate of escudos per month (compare
with figures at footnote 87). Timor Oil Limited had held concessions on the south coast since 1908
(see, Timor Development Syndicate, A Few Impressions of Portuguese Timor, Sydney, 1912 - NAA:
A1336, 2526; and references in Chamberlain E.P., 2004/2008, op.cit.). Post-WWII, the company was
re-established in early 1957, and a company work camp was established in Uatolari near the Posto
offices. Drilling recommenced at Aliambata in mid-October 1957 but was moved westward to Beaco
several months later. In September 1960, Timor Oil’s operations ceased in Viqueque and drilling
operations recommenced at a site in Suai. When drilling commenced at Aliambata in 1957, the
Administrator of Viqueque was Francisco de Salles d’Andrade e Castro Botelho Torrezão (since at
least 1956 until mid-July 1958) – and replaced by Artur Marques Ramos (b. 9/10/1928) on 10 October
1958 (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/12/2 Part 2; 756/2/4/1).
122
Hicks, D., “Unachieved Syncretism: the local level political system in Portuguese Timor”,
Anthropos Institut, 78, Edition St-Augustin, Switzerland, 1983, p.24, footnote 8 – focusing specifically
on Viqueque.
 27

An exiled Timorese rebel leader, José Manuel Duarte – writing from the Bié
penal colony in Angola in 1960, claimed “all this ill-treatment and abuse practised in
Timor … put the idea in our heads to plan a revolt and demand our rights as free
citizens.”123 Duarte stated that he “had been complaining since 1953 against the
Portuguese use of forced labour, whipping and other forms of corporal punishment,
and wage discrimination against Timorese.”124 Duarte also wrote of Timorese being
“beaten with whips (called chouriços - or ‘sausages’, in Timorese slang)” and noted
that the “many abuses in Timor are the reason for the planning of a revolt to ask for
our rights as free citizens.”125 He also related a clash in 1958 between him and the
then recently-arrived Secretary/Acting Administrator of the Viqueque Circunscrição,
Artur Marques Ramos.126
Indignant at Portuguese oppression and injustices, it appears that some of the
Indonesian Permesta exiles - with the encouragement and some funds from the
Indonesian Consul, collaborated with local dissident Timorese and planned an
uprising in the Viqueque Circunscrição (and possibly the Baucau Circunscrição to
the north) in support of the main effort to be undertaken in Dili. Jeremias Pello - the
123
“Todos estes maus tratos e abusos praticados pelos mandantes de Timor, à sombre da sua
autoridade, levaram-nos à cabeça a ideia de planear a revolta para reclamar os nossos direitos de
cidadãos livres.” - Duarte, J.M., “Memorandum sobre o acontecimento em Timor em 1959”, 31 August
1960, op.cit, p.7. Jolliffe, J., Cover-Up, 2001, pp.45-46 and 325-326 - quotes from Duarte’s
Memorandum that “described whippings, torture, arbitrary injustices and racial discrimination”.
Duarte’s Memorandum was forwarded by the PIDE Delegation in Angola to Lisbon – then sent by the
Director of the PIDE to the President of the Council of Ministers (PIDE, No. 7.434-S.R., Lisbon, 2
November 1960). Duarte’s statement is also related in Jolliffe, J., “Indonesia now wants all the gory
details”, The Canberra Times, Canberra, 19 August 1995, p.17.
124
Australian Senate Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Committee, Final Report on the Inquiry into
East Timor, p.116, paragraph 6.16. See also Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 20, 20 October 1955
(NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1) - in mid-1955, the Australian Consul, citing a Portuguese source, had
reported “recent calls on conscripted labour …, life under the Administrator of Manatuto ((to the
northwest of Viqueque)) was worse than under the Japanese.” For later descriptions, see Australian
Consulate – Dili, Memo 158/60 “Visit to Kupang”, 23 November 1960 (NAA: A4359, 201/2/8/12);
Memo 73/61 “Conditions in Portuguese Timor”, 10 May 1961 (NAA: A1838, 3038/1/1 Part 1 &
3038/2/1 Part 3) – including on race and class relations; and Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 172,
20 September 1963 – later disseminated as Dunn, J.S., “The Timorese under Portuguese
Administration” – five pages, Digest of Despatches, Serial No. 19, Department of External Affairs,
Canberra, 13 December 1963 (NAA: A1838, 756/2 Part 1). Xanana Gusmão also recounted whippings
and other abuses by functionaries of the Portuguese administration – although use of the whip and cane
had, in theory, been banned by the Government in 1956: Gusmão, X. (Niner, S. ed), To Resist is to
Win !, 2000, p.6. and Chega !, CAVR Final Report, Part 3, para 27. Such practices contrasted with the
concept of a benign “civilizational plurality” and harmonious racial interaction espoused in the concept
of Lusotropicalismo (Gilberto Freyre - 1900-1987, and António de Almeida - 1900-1984) – see Sousa,
I.C. de, “The Portuguese Colonization and the Problem of East Timorese Nationalism”, pp.183-194 in
Lusotopie 2001, Paris, 2001 and also related articles analysing this concept and its practice in
Lusotropicalisme - Lusotopie 1997, Paris, 1997.
125
Duarte, J.M., “Memorandum sobre o acontecimento em Timor em 1959”, 31 August 1960, op.cit.,
p. 5 and Berlie, J., email to author, 13 December 2006. See also footnote 274, for Francisco Xavier do
Amaral’s similar complaints of corporal punishment by Portuguese using the “chicote” (a two-tailed
hand whip) and also Pinto, C. and Jardine, M., East Timor’s Unfinished Struggle, op.cit., 1997, p.33.
126
Ibid (Duarte, J.M.), p.9 – Acting Administrator Ramos tore up Duarte’s submission – “to show who
was the boss”. Artur Marques Ramos (born 9/10/1928) was appointed a trainee (estagiario) Chefe de
Posto in May 1955 vide BOdT, No.19, 7 May 1955, p.415, and his first appointment was as the Chefe
de Posto at Laga in July 1955 vide BOdT, No.31, 30 July 1955, p.672, and transferred to Laclubar in
May 1956. A “diplomado” of the “Overseas Administration Course”, he does not appear to have
served as an aspirante or sat the Chefe de Posto examinations. Secretary Artur Marques Ramos – who
had been transferred to Viqueque on promotion from Ermera, was appointed Acting Administrator of
the Viqueque Circunscrição on 10 October 1958 (BOdT, No. 43, 25 October 1958, p.653).
28

youngest of the 14 Indonesians, related that “after we mixed with the local people, we
joined in their struggle against the Portuguese … they all felt oppressed and therefore
had to fight to free themselves from their colonial shackles.”127
At about this time, the Australian Consul in Dili summarised the seemingly
benign security situation in Portuguese Timor, noting:
“There are no political factors in Portuguese Timor and therefore no political
leaders …. no Secondary Industry – therefore there are no labour troubles.”128

The Rebel Leadership – and its Direction

The principal Timorese rebels were Luís da Costa Rego (Luís Cina/China) in
Dili and Amaro de Araújo in Viqueque. They were assisted by José Ramos de Sousa
Gama (Zeca), Domingos da Conceição Pereira, João Pereira da Silva (Chiquito), José
Manuel Duarte, David Verdial (known as “Garuda”), and Germano das Dores Alves
da Silva – while the leaders of the Indonesian exiles involved in the Rebellion were
Gerson Pello and - possibly, Lambertus Ladow.
According to the analysis of the Australian diplomatic service: “apparently,
the revolt was fomented by the Indonesian Consul in Dili, Nazwar Jacub129, who
organised and presided at secret meetings in Dili of certain discontented elements of
the population. The half-castes and the assimilated Timorese who were employed in
the lower grades of the Civil Service were undoubtedly dissatisfied by pitifully
inadequate wages … It seems certain that the Consul was not acting under
instructions from Jakarta: this much was admitted by the Portuguese Government.”130
Soon after the uprising, the Australian Consul had reported to Canberra that “the ADC
to the Governor has informed me that they do not intend to make any issue with
Djakarta concerning the activities of the Indonesian ‘Political Refugees’ and their
former Consul Nazwar Jacub. They will merely ask Djakarta to take the Indonesians
now held in custody as being unwanted here.”131 Two weeks later, the recently-
arrived Governor, Major Filipe José Freire Themudo Barata, wrote to the Ministry of
the Interior in Lisbon reporting that: “The former Indonesian Consul (Nazwar Jacub)
and Consulate personnel had taken a preponderant and active part in the preparations;
and the Indonesian political refugees (at least the senior ones) had links with
Indonesian authorities (Government rebels ?) … and expected armed support via the
north coast … ((and)) were, without doubt, the heads of the insurgency, and at least
for some of the time acted in accordance with Consul Jacub.” Importantly, however,
Governor Barata noted: “Nothing was found that allowed us to confirm or deny that

127
Sarong, F., “Pejuang …”, 1999, op.cit., p.2.
128
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 45/59: “Biographical Notes on Personalities in Portuguese
Timor”, 2 March 1959 (The National Archives – Kew: FO 371 143954).
129
Nazwar Jacub/Yacub Sutan Indra (born Padang Panjang, West Sumatra – 2 June 1925) served as the
Indonesian Consul in Dili from 3 November 1956 until recalled on 4 June 1959 (see footnotes 84, 137)
– having reportedly completed his designated tour of duty. His replacement - Tengku Usman Hussin,
claimed that Nazwar Jacub had been “mentally deranged” and that Jacub was later reprimanded by the
Indonesian authorities for his involvement with the uprising : see Australian Consulate – Dili, Saving
25, 19 April 1960 and Sav 37, 10 June 1960 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1).
130
Australian Department of External Affairs, “Indonesia and Portuguese Timor” (Brief by J.A.
Benson), Canberra, May 1964 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 3).
131
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 143/59, 14 July 1959, p.2 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1). The
Governor of Portuguese Timor, Major Filipe José Freire Themudo Barata (footnote 102) took up his
post on 22 June 1959 – about two weeks after the uprising in Viqueque. Several years later - in October
1969, as a Colonel, Barata was elected to the National Assembly in Lisbon as the representative of
Portuguese Timor.
 29

the Indonesian Government had instigated or was aware of the event.”132 Governor
Barata also noted that the majority of the natives that supported the rebels were naïve
and had been influenced by reports of a “secret revelation” by “Lucia, the clairvoyant
of Fátima” that “1960 would be the era of liberation for Timor.”133
However, the Army Chief of Staff in Dili - Captain Carvalho, in discussion
with the Australian Consul, “speculated that they were either under orders from
Jakarta to test Timorese reaction to the prospect of the country becoming Indonesian,
or from the Indonesian rebel movement who might have been trying to embarrass the
Central Government by making it appear that they were interfering in Portuguese
affairs.”134 The Chief of Police in Dili “did not believe the Indonesian Consul was
acting under instruction from the Djakarta Government, but was working for the
Indonesian rebels combined with a hatred for the Portuguese” – he also noted that the
Indonesian Consul, Nazwar Jacub, was a Sumatran from “Kotta Tingghi”, the early
centre of the PRRI rebellion.135 Several years later, then ex-Governor Barata wrote
that “the investigators thought that Consul Nazwar Jacub took the full initiative for
events in solidarity with the rebels in Sumatra – seeing success in an uprising in
Timor as a consolidation for its party. Perhaps this has a great deal of truth … .”136
However, the Australian Consul noted that there was “nothing to support Carvalho’s
suggestion that the Indonesian rebel movement might have been behind the trouble
except that Jacub was a Sumatran who professed little love for the Javanese. The
selection of Usman, another Sumatran, to take Jacub’s place may be an indication that
Djakarta did not subscribe to this theory.”137
In August 1960, Governor Barata discussed events with the Australian Consul
who summarised the Governor’s remarks as follows: “There has been no acceptable
evidence produced that Indonesia had anything to do with last year’s unrest although
the Portuguese feel that Djakarta’s rather overdone concern for the welfare of the
Indonesians who had been arrested showed where their sympathies lay (the Governor
was referring to the efforts of the present Indonesian Consul, Tengku Usman Hussin,
to obtain details of the charges against these people and his protests at the way they
were being held without trial). In the Governor’s view, Djakarta was probably not the
instigator but was, nevertheless, willing to exploit the situation to the full once it had
developed, presumably with the object of discrediting the Portuguese system. … Nor
was there any evidence to suggest that these refugees were other than genuine rebels
as they had claimed. The fact that the Consul had been distributing money to the
132
Barata, F. J. F. T. Governor, Letter No.15 to the Minister of the Interior, Dili, 27 July 1959,
paragraph 2. However, Portuguese authorities reportedly informed United States officials that the
Rebellion “had been caused by Indonesians given asylum from the revolts in Sumatra and Celebes”:
Australian Embassy - Washington, Cable, 25 July 1959 (NAA: A11604, 605/15A). Connect with later
personal views by Barata on official Indonesian involvement described at footnotes 465-469.
133
Barata, F.J.F.T., Letter No. 15, ibid., paragraph 3. This is a reference to the prophecies of Lucia dos
Santos - one of the children who reportedly spoke with an apparition of the Virgin Mary at Fátima,
Portugal, in 1917.
134
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 78/60, 18 June 1960, p.1 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).
135
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 155/59, 3 August 1959, p.1 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1). The
PRRI was proclaimed at “Bukit Tinggi”, Sumatra – see preceding footnote 95; and footnotes 84, 85,
126 and 137 for data on Indonesian Consul Nazwar Jacub Indra.
136
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.73.
137
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 78/60, 18 June 1960, p.4 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1). In
mid-1960, Tengku Usman Hussin commented that “Djakarta … used Sumatrans for posts such as Dili,
while all the popular ones went to Javanese officers … Sumatrans had to either go where they were
posted or resign.” : Australian Consulate – Dili, Sav 38, 10 June 1960 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1).
The first “Javanese” Consul to serve in Dili, Raden Emas Jonopranoto, replaced Tengku Usman Hussin
in August 1961.
30

refugees proved nothing, he said, because the sums involved were not so large as to
suggest that special funds, outside normal consular requirements, had been made
available to him. The stories of arms being brought in, he dismissed as baseless
rumours which had doubtless been started by the refugees to gain adherents to their
cause.”138 At about this time, a United States diplomat visiting from Jakarta noted that
the Indonesian Chancellor in Dili, Sastrawidjaja, “spoke quite frankly about the role
of the previous Consul General, Mr. JACUB in fomenting and exploiting [sic] the
insurrection of 1959.”139
Jacub’s replacement as the Indonesian Consul in Dili, Tengku Usman Hussin,
later told the Australian Consul that Jacub “simply hated the Portuguese ((he blamed
them for the death of his wife, Asma Yunus – died 7 January 1957, buried at
Taibessi)) and may have encouraged the Indonesians privately. He was certain to help
them financially, but this could be explained by the fact that the Portuguese neither
gave them enough, nor allowed them to earn enough money to live on.”140 The
Tengku also related that “Jacub apparently had the Indonesians using the ‘Merdeka’
((‘Freedom’)) cry”, and “he ((the Tengku)) said that Jacob had behaved oddly in a
number of ways before his departure and implied he had become perhaps a little
unbalanced at the shock of his wife’s death.” The Australian Consul also reported:
“As for the suggestion that the Indonesian Government was behind the affair, the
Tengku dismissed this as a convenient invention by the Portuguese to hide the fact
that there is genuine discontent in the country.” Much later, in a 1999 interview – as
related earlier, Jeremias Pello, one of the “Indonesian 14” exiled to Lisbon and
Angola, indicated that the Indonesian role in the uprising in the countryside was not
pre-eminent eg “Under the coordination of a number of local identities such as João
Pereira da Silva (killed in Aileu), Luís da Costa Rego, David Verdial, Salem Sagran,
and Domingos da Conceição Pereira – we ((ie the Indonesians)) were given tasks.”141
The Plan

In November and December 1958, the Indonesian Consul Nazwar Jacub

reportedly sent João Pereira da Silva - a Timorese medical assistant employed by the
Health Services, to Baucau in order to brief the Indonesian asilados on the plan for
the uprising. In December, the Indonesian Consul himself visited Baucau. In early
February 1959, Luís da Costa Rego, a driver employed by the Agricultural and
Vetinerary Service, travelled to Viqueque to explain the plans for the attack to Gerson
Pello and Albert Ndoen – two of the five Indonesians who had been relocated to the
138
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 114/60, 25 August 1960, p.1 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).
Connect also with Governor Barata’s later views on official Indonesian involvement at footnotes 465-
469.
139
United States Embassy – Jakarta, Despatch 138, 19 August 1960, p.2 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part
1).
140
Australian Consulate – Dili, Saving 25, 19 April 1960 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1). Jacub’s wife
had died of illness in Dili, and Jacub apparently blamed the poor medical treatment at the Dili Hospital
as causing his wife’s death. The Australian Consul added that “Whatever the truth of the Tengku’s
version, in my opinion he believes it. For my part, I am prepared to accept it, pending my receiving
something official on the outcome of the Lisbon enquiry.”
141
Sarong, F. “Pejuang …”, 1999, op.cit., p.2. However, contrary to Jeremias’ statement above, João
Pereira da Silva (from Manatuto) was not killed in Aileu in 1959 – but transported to Lisbon on 8 June
1959, later exiled to Angola, returned to East Timor and was a founder of the Apodeti political party
and Ketua Cabang (Branch Chairman) in 1974 (see footnotes 385 and 386). However, João Pereira da
Silva was detained by Fretilin in Dili in August 1975, taken from prison in December – see Australian
Embassy – Jakarta, Memo 389, 15 March 1976 (NAA: A10463, 801/13//11/1 Part 21), and killed by
Fretilin in the Aileu area in early 1976. For other references to João Pereira da Silva, see also footnotes
42, 55, 365, 374, 385, 386, 395 and 430.
 31

Viqueque Circunscrição in late December 1958.142 Following these visits by the

Indonesian Consul and his “emissaries”, two of the Indonesian group - “Lieutenant”
Lambertus Ladow and “Lieutenant” Gerson Pello, reportedly travelled “frequently
and clandestinely” throughout the Circunscrições of Baucau and Viqueque – with
Lambertus visiting villages in Baucau, Laga (35 kilometres by road east of Baucau),
and Ossu (21 kilometres by road north of Viqueque Town); and Gerson visiting
villages in the Postos of Uatolari and Uato-Carabau (northeast of Viqueque town).143
In Dili, two of the conspirators, accompanied by a “corporal” (probably Francisco
Orlando de Fátima Soares), reportedly made a reconnaissance of the Portuguese
military headquarters at Taibessi – noting the locations of military stores, guard posts,
sentries, and the duty officer.144 By early March 1959, the plan for the uprising had
reportedly been completed.145
The Timorese conspirators originally planned the uprising for 28 May 1959 –
when the two major recreational clubs in Dili, the Sporting Club de Timor and
Sporting Club e Benfica, would be holding functions to celebrate the anniversary of
their founding. However, in the first days of May 1959, Indonesian Consul Nazwar
Jacub reportedly convened a planning meeting at Areia Branca - a beach area on
Dili’s eastern outskirts, attended by “tens” of the conspirators146, and convinced them
to delay the date of the revolt until the night of 31 December when the uprising could
exploit Portuguese unpreparedness during the New Year celebrations.147 He noted that
any noise of the revolt would then be covered by the sound of “panchoes” - ie
fireworks and rockets. However, the meeting was reportedly tense – several of the
Timorese disagreed with the deferment of the revolt and left the meeting. Before
closing the meeting, the Consul reportedly stated: “We are all Indonesians, we all
have the same flag.”148
The deferral of the uprising until December 1959 is also noted in a
“Memorandum” by one of the rebels - Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa, a seaman,
as follows:
142
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p. 218 – Annex V, Report of the Police
Superintendent, Abílio da Paixão Monteiro, 25 July 1959. The visit to Viqueque in February 1959 by
Luís da Costa Rego is also referred to in Araújo, A.L.J. de (et al), Memorandum – Assunto: Sobre o
acontecimento ocorrido em 7 de Junhe [sic] de 1959, na Cirrcunscrição [sic] de Viqueque – Timor, six
pages, Cólonia Penal do Bié (Angola), 21 April 1960 in Araújo, A.L.J. de, O Célebre Massacré de
Uato-Lari e Uato-Carbau Verificado no Ano de 1959 (The Truth of the Infamous Massacre at Uatolari
and Uato-Carabau in 1959), Dili, 2005. A copy of the Memorandum is included in Annex D.
143
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.54. Governor Barata refers to both as
“Lieutenants”.
144
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.56.
145
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p. 218 – Annex V, Report of the Police
Superintendent, Abílio da Paixão Monteiro, 25 July 1959.
146
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.59 – also notes the attendance of Jacub’s
children. However, in discussions in Dili with the author on 2 April 2007, former rebels Evaristo da
Costa, Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa and Salem Sagran insisted that the only meeting at Areia
Branca attended by the subsequent rebels was hosted by Crispim Borges de Araújo to thank Vicente
Vidigal and Mário Martins for their assistance in facilitating “trade certificates”. Evaristo joined the
“movement” in April 1959, Frederico in May 1959 – while Salem stated that he was never involved
with the movement - but rather was an “innocent”.
147
For the deferment of the uprising, see also “Kepulangan Pejuang Integrasi Timtim”, (“Return of
East Timor Integration Fighters”), Republika Online, Jakarta, 11 November 1995; “Pejuang Timtim:
Saya Tidak Pernah Menduga …” (East Timor Fighter: I Never Imagined …”), Kompas/Kompas
Online, Jakarta, 7 January 1996, p.1 & p.8; and Rohi, P.A., “Soekarno …”, 9 May 2005, op.cit. quoting
Marcelino (footnote 40) on the change of dates. It is perhaps relevant to note that Consul Nazwar Jacub
was scheduled to conclude his appointment as Consul and depart Portuguese Timor in June 1959.
148
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.59.
32

“On the night of March of the last year … I met with Mr Luís da Costa Rego
… at his house … I began to tell about the treatment I received in my job. I
told him that I had had enough of working and never having enough money
and never having the possibility to live well. … he told me that in December,
there will be a surprise and they ((our governors)) will all be taken and all be
sent off to Lisbon. Some days passed, and on one morning … he gave me
some papers to look after, together with some letters. … Out of curiosity, I
glanced over them and observed a plan drawn with all of the points marked
with various numbers and relating the names involved, and mine also – and
the letters, I was not able to read.”149

According to Governor Barata, the revised plan envisaged the following

phases:
“On the night of 31 December, Indonesian lieutenants Lambertus and Gerson,
a sergeant and six other exiles would march to Dili and seize the military
installations, including the paiol ((weapons and ammunition storehouse)):
- One of the plotters, a driver, would take control of the vehicle compound.
- Another one of the main cabecilhas ((ringleaders)) would take account of
the police and distribute the catanas ((machetes)) in the Agriculture
Department warehouse to the prisoners – and with the support of other
rebels, they would fall upon people in their clubs, slaughtering them.
- Other previously assigned personnel would seize road intersections,
buildings etc.
- Other phases were envisaged in the countryside: in Aileu, for example, a
party was to be planned in one of the plotters’ homes to which all the
garrison’s officers, sergeants and civilian employees would be invited.
They would soon be without their heads.
- All would be completed in an hour, and Indonesian flags then flown at all
the seized locations.”150

However, the plan had already been compromised. The Government had
apparently first received information about the rebel movement “at the end of March
and the beginning of April 1959 from a Timorese closely associated with the rebels –
but who disagreed with their plans.”151 According to the Australian Consul in Dili, the
Acting Governor had reportedly received anonymous letters in March and April
warning of the planned uprising, but had decided not to react in order to “give enough
rope” to the plotters.152 The Australian Consul’s report also related that the Indonesian
Consul, Nazwar Jacub, had also presided over “secret meetings” in Dili in the first
half of 1959, and that his locally-employed staff had been noted photographing public
149
Costa, F.A.S. da. (Prisoner No 52), Memorandum, Bié (Angola), 6 May 1960 – and as discussed by
Frederico with the author in Dili on 2 and 6 April 2007. Frederico’s Memorandum implies that the
deferral of the uprising to December was known in March – while Governor Barata (footnotes 143
-144) relates that Nazwar Jacub convinced the conspirators “in the first days of May” to delay the
revolt until 31 December.
150
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.59.
151
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.52. Governor Barata related that the
informant “cautiously” reported the rebels’ plan to a “well-respected intermediary” in the informant’s
region and “sought advice”. However, the intermediary did not take the information seriously, and “it
was a delay of some months” before the Government was told of the plan and the Indonesian Consul’s
meetings.
152
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 155/59, 3 August 1959 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1). Also
related by Governor Barata in Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp. 52-53.
 33

buildings.153 So, the plan for the uprising was known to the Portuguese authorities in
Dili – with some sources reporting that it had been disclosed by a vengeful female
Timorese informant to the Chief of Police (ie “cherchez la femme” – ie betrayed by a
woman).154 In 2007, a group of former rebels related to the author that the plot was
disclosed by Inácio Fernandes - the son of the liurai of Betano (João Batista) in the
Alas/Same area. Inácio Fernandes had originally been one of the conspirators – but
“became afraid” and revealed the plans to Pantaleão (a mestizo of African descent),
who informed the Portuguese authorities.155
However, Father Jorge Barros Duarte contended that “the son of the régulo of
Lacló (D. Luís dos Reis Noronha) – Câncio dos Reis Noronha, heard of the plans
through family connections and denounced the rebel movement to the Government
through Bishop D. Jaime G. Goulart in May 1959”.156 In 2008, Câncio Noronha157
related to the author that he had been informed of the plot in November 1958 by
Inácio Fernandes158 – a disaffected member of the rebel group who was employed as a
driver for the Agricultural Service. Câncio Noronha passed the information to the
Bishop of Dili, Dom Jaime Goulart.

Arrests in Dili

While aware that the date of planned revolt had been delayed until December,
the Acting Governor - Lieutenant Colonel Aguiar, was worried that some of the more
radical conspirators might still launch attacks at the end of May. On the morning of 27
May, he informed the Army Chief of Staff, Captain Carvalho, of his concerns – who
then ordered heightened security measures: military patrols and picquets, a stand-by
army detachment, and increased police patrols.159 Captain Carvalho also briefed the
153
In May 1958, the Indonesian Consul had received six “commercial” cameras that, after an initial
impounding by the Portuguese authorities, were released to the Consul in July 1958: see Australian
Consulate – Dili, Memo 109/58, 4 July 1958 (NAA: A11604, 605/15A). Governor Barata also noted
the clandestine photography and the discreet, but active, anti-Portuguese campaign by the Indonesian
Consul - Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.51.
154
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 130/59, 29 June 1959 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1; A1828, 383/7/1)
and as also related by José Manuel Duarte - ie who contended that one of the rebel group in Dili - a
low-level civil servant, revealed the plan to his mistress who informed the Portuguese authorities - see
Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit., p.20. Gunter, J., “Communal
Conflict in Viqueque …”, 2007, op.cit., p.31 relates that an “angry wife … denounced her husband’s
subversive activities to officials in Baucau.” A later Australian Consulate – Dili Memo (12 February
1963 – NAA: A1838, 3038/10/1 Part 2) suggested the plotters’ failed attempt to acquire arms from the
Army Ordnance Depot in Dili compromised their plans.
155
Emails from Evaristo da Costa to author - 28 March 2007 and 3 March 2009; and author’s
discussions with former rebels Evaristo da Costa, Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa and Salem
Sagran in Dili on 2 April 2007 and Evaristo da Costa on 29 October 2008. Evaristo stated that Inácio –
a “Tropas” (soldier), was the driver for a Portuguese major. Evaristo and Inácio had been long-term
friends.
156
Duarte, J.B., Em Terras de Timor, Tiposet, Lisboa, 1987, p.137.
157
Discussion with Câncio dos Reis Noronha, Melbourne, 6 December 2008. Câncio knew of
Pantaleão, but stated that Pantaleão was not involved in the disclosure of the rebels’ plans.
158
Inácio Fernandes was recorded as a driver “second class” in the Agriculture and Forestry Service in
1974 – BOdT, No. 4, 26 January 1974, p.54; and as “lugar da guarda florestal” – No. 28, 13 July 1974,
p.549.
159
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.60. The Acting Governor/Military
Commander had apparently earlier consulted with the Chefe de Gabinete (Head of the Cabinet
Department) - Lieutenant Daniel Rudolfo Sottomayor Carvalho Braga, on the developing plot – but not
the Army Chief of Staff, Captain Carvalho. Lieutenant Braga also functioned as the aide-de-camp to
the Acting Governor/Military Commander. The rivalry and jealousy between Lieutenant Braga and the
Army Chief of Staff - Captain Carvalho, is noted by Governor Barata at pp.42-43 and p.60. Daniel
34

two Army company commanders in the Dili barracks on security contingency plans.
However, the festivities planned for the night of 27 May at the two clubs in Dili were
amended but not cancelled – with a ball scheduled at the Club Benfica. Military
personnel attending the ball were advised to go in civilian clothing, but to remain
“armed”. News of the possibility of unrest became known to the public “with the
topic being argued openly in a restaurant.”160 The Australian Consul in Dili attended
the Club Benfica ball on the evening of 27 May and reported that beforehand “stories
were circulating to the effect that subversive elements would attempt to throw bombs
into the Benfica Club … Nothing eventuated at the Club, or elsewhere in Dili, and the
festivities ended at 3 a.m. without any bangs … .”161 However, many people cancelled
their attendance at the Club Benfica ball – including Francisco de Araújo, a suspected
conspirator and member of the Conselho de Governo (see footnote 54).
Having precipitated “panic among the population”, the Acting Governor now
felt forced to initiate a “repressive phase” against the conspirators. The first to be
arrested was reportedly the rebel who had been tasked with action against the police
and who had been planning to leave Dili – the authorities were fearful that an early
attempt might be made to seize arms from the military depot.162 On the afternoon of 3
June, the Portuguese police reportedly arrested 15 of the cabecilhas da revolta
(leaders of the revolt) in Dili:

João Pereira da Silva, Valentim da Costa Pereira, João [sic] de Sousa Gama,
Evaristo da Costa, David Verdial, Luís da Costa Rego, José Beny Joaquim,
Francisco Orlando de Fátima Soares, Carlos Salvador de Sousa Gama,
Gervásio Soriano, Abel da Costa Belo, José Ramos de Sousa Gama, Tomaz da
Costa Belo, Saleh bin Hamad [sic – ie Ahmad] Bassarewan (see footnotes 307
and 417 for alternative spellings) and Crispim Borges de Araújo.163

On 4 June, Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa - a 25 year-old sailor, was

arrested in Dili. Further arrests followed including the arrest of three men in Letefoho
(about 80 km southwest of Dili in Ermera Circunscrição): Alexandre Viana de
Jesus/Maia, José Maria Maia and Eduardo de Araújo.164

The “Movimento de Aileu: Paulo de Castro”165

Braga retired from the military in the mid-1960s (BOdT, No.32, 6 August 1960, p.428; BOdT, No.43,
22 October 1960, p.595) with a “louvado” (commendation) - and served as a senior civil servant in
Dili, receiving a medal for his service in late 1974 (BOdT, No.46, 16 November 1974, p.840).
160
Ibid, pp. 60-61.
161
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 123/59, 7 June 1959, p.1 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).
162
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 155/59, 3 August 1959 claimed arrests began on 27 May and all
the Dili conspirators had been arrested by 30 May (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).
163
Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp. 218-219 – Annex V, Report of the Police
Superintendent Abílio da Paixão Monteiro, 25 July 1959.
164
Evaristo da Costa – email to author, 24 January 2007. Evaristo da Costa has declared that he was
arrested on 2 June. Arrests in Dili continued into June – eg Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa was
arrested on 4 June: see his Memorandum, Penal Colony of Bié (Angola), 6 May 1960; Juman bin
Bachirum was arrested on 11 June; and Salem Musalam Sagran was arrested on 11 August 1959.
165
Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.213 – Annex IV, Report by Lieutenant R.C.
Braga. Lieutenant Braga uses “Movimento …” as the title for Section 4.5 of his Report - but this
Section is omitted from F.T. Barata’s 1998 book (Timor contemporâneo …, op.cit.).
 35

In early 1959, the Portuguese authorities reportedly became concerned about a

“bizarre organisation”166 led by a local chieftain in Aileu (in the mountains, about 42
km by road south of Dili). This group reportedly “extorted money from the more
credulous local population” by selling “safe conduct” amulets with “supernatural”
powers that would protect wearers against harm during the “approaching war”. The
police saw such “profit-making as great highway robbery.” Suspecting a connection
with the plans for the uprising, Lieutenant Braga, the Chefe de Gabinete of the
Government in Dili (see footnote 156), followed developments in Aileu closely but
did not move against the “organisation”.
However, once the arrests began in Dili, the organisation in Aileu was broken
up and several people detained. These included António da Costa Araújo – a local
notable and coffee plantation owner (the father of Abílio de Araújo – see footnote
164); “the brother in law of Dom João, the liurai of the Kingdom of Aileu, Inesman;
António Soriano; Pablo Castro; representatives of the noble houses of Aileu; and
Master Francisco Dias of Alas” - both Francisco Dias da Costa and António da Costa
Araújo were also Catholic catechists.167 According to Abílio de Araújo, “the police
repression in Dili was terrible and nobody dared to speak the names of those detained
… a true terror” directed by “Sergeant Camara” (ie the Chief of Police, Manuel Vieira
da Camâra Júnior) - and “although not formally imprisoned, the heads of all the
detainees were shaved like criminals.”168
According to one report, Paulo de Castro and António Soriano - “who had
planned a revolt against Portuguese sovereignty” in 1959, were associated with a
Catholic cult, the Hoho Ulu movement, and had held “several meetings with the
people of Aileu”.169 Of the Aileu detainees, only “Pablo Castro” (ie Paulo da
Conceição Castro), António Soriano and Francisco Dias da Costa were later exiled –
departing Dili for Angola aboard the N/M India in early October 1959 and,
subsequently, transferred to Mozambique.170

166
Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp.55-56.
167
The arrest of these Aileu notables is related in Araújo, A. (Abílio) de, As Duas Margens da Ribeira
de Aileu, Lisboa, 2007. As noted above, Abílio de Araújo’s father - António da Costa Araújo, was
briefly detained in Dili before returning to his plantation in Aileu. António was killed during the
Indonesian occupation in December 1978 in the Aileu area, and his remains are yet to be recovered. Dr
Abílio da Conceição Abrantes de Araújo was the Fretilin Minister of State for Economic and Social
Affairs in late 1975 and subsequently a senior leader of the external Resistance (Head of the External
Delegation) until expelled from Fretilin in August 1993/May 1994. In July 1999, he founded the
Partido Nacionalista Timorense – which contested parliamentary elections in Timor-Leste in 2007.
168
Ibid. For the dismissal of Chief of Police, Manuel Vieira da Camâra, see footnote 338.
169
The Hoho Ulu movement, named after a sub-village between Aileu and Maubisse, was founded in
the last quarter of the 19th century - see Duarte, J.B., “O fenomeno dos movimentos nativistas”, op.cit.,
pp. 43-46. The movement had reportedly evidenced anti-Portuguese activities during World War II -
including the “Maubisse uprising” in late August 1942. In 1967, the movement conducted an activity
on the outskirts of Dili at Fatu Metan that “expressed abhorrence for the sovereignty of Portugal and
sympathy for Indonesia”. One of their cult symbols, the Menino Jesus (Baby Jesus) was reportedly
“affiliated” with the Apodeti political party in 1975.
170
In April 2007, three of the returned rebels declared to the author that Paulo de Castro and the
“Movimento de Aileu” had no connection with the plot or the uprising. Rather, they opined that his
“troublesome group” was falsely implicated by the Portuguese in the “1959 Rebellion” as a convenient
means of ridding themselves of the group. In Angola, Paulo was among those classified as “Não
considerado culpado” (“not considered guilty”) – see the listing at Annex F. According to several
returned rebels, two Timorese were killed in Aileu during Portuguese suppression operations – author’s
discussions with Evaristo da Costa, Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa and Salem Sagran, Dili, 2 April
2007.
36

The Uprising in Viqueque and Baucau171

The first indications of unrest in the Viqueque area apparently arose at the end
of May 1959 when the Administrator of the Baguia Posto (about 50 kilometres
directly southeast of Baucau Town - see the map below) reported to the Baucau
Circunscrição that two of the exiled Indonesians in the Viqueque Circunscrição had
held clandestine night-time meetings with village chiefs in the Uatolari and Uato-
Carabau Postos to plan a revolt.172

((Map – not included: Portuguese Timor – Eastern Region – 1959))

On 1 June, while enroute to a meeting in Dili, the Administrator of the Baucau

Circunscrição, José Maria Ribeiro Filipe, was contacted at Manatuto by the Secretary
of the Baucau Circunscrição, Francisco Menezes173, and advised that, in Dili, “a
revolt had been spoiled, and the ringleaders imprisoned.” 174 The next day in Dili,
Administrator José Filipe was ordered by the Acting Governor to fly back to Baucau,
arrest Abel de Costa Belo (in charge of the Baucau Postal Office) and “Zeca Gama”
(José Ramos de Sousa Gama) - a resident of Laga, and return with them to Dili.
171
The following description of the Rebellion draws principally from the following sources: Barata, F.
T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit; a report written in late 1959 by Monsignor Martinho da
Costa Lopes; a report to Lisbon by Governor F.T. Barata dated 6 October 1959 (based on the
Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes report); interviews by Indonesian journalists (Rohi, Diatmika,
Sarong, Herman) of Indonesian and Timorese participants in the Rebellion; and memoranda from the
Australian Consulate – Dili.
172
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p. 228 – Annex VIII, Report of the
Administrator of the Circunscrição of Baucau (José Maria Ribeiro Filipe), 3 February 1961.
173
Secretary Francisco Xavier Aleixo Santana de Menezes (b. 14 /8/1929) had earlier served an
attachment in Viqueque as Acting Administrator after Viqueque Administrator’s Torrezão’s departure
to Portugal in July 1958. On the appointment of Secretary Artur Marques Ramos to Viqueque on 10
October 1958, Menezes returned to his post in Baucau.
174
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.227. For comment on Baucau Administrator
José Maria Ribeiro Filipe, see footnote 105.
 37

In Viqueque, at the beginning of June, the Acting Administrator of the

Viqueque Circunscrição, Artur Marques Ramos, received a message from Secretary
Francisco Menezes in Baucau that a “revolutionary movement had been discovered in
Dili, intended to stage an uprising on 28 May – and, in concert, the Indonesian
political exiles in Viqueque had been holding meetings in Luca.”175 However,
Administrator Ramos later noted that he found the report “not believable”- as he
regularly saw the Indonesian exiles, and neither the moradores (local militia) nor
sipaios (local police) – who had been instructed to watch the Indonesians, had
reported any suspicious activity to him. Further, although “believing these reports to
be untrue”, he had interviewed four of the Indonesians who had “signed a stamped
declaration appealing to be returned to Indonesia.”176 Soon after, the Administrator
of the Baucau Circunscrição - on instructions from Dili, sent a message to advise the
Indonesians that a vehicle would be sent for them and matters would be investigated
in Dili – ie the nine Indonesians in Baucau and the five in Viqueque would be
officially escorted to Dili.
On 5 or 6 June, Viqueque Administrator Artur Ramos met with the Secretary
of the Baucau Circunscrição, Francisco Menezes, at Ossu and was told that António
Metan (António da Costa Soares)177, a chefe de povoação (sub-village head) in
Uatolari, had been given a pistol and 100 rounds of ammunition by Abel da Costa
Belo – and that Joaquim Ferreira was also involved in the plot. Ramos immediately
telephoned the Uatolari Posto – the Encarregado de Posto (Posto Administrator)
Eduardo Caeiro Rodrigues178 was absent in Dili, and directed that António Metan - as
well as Joaquim Ferreira (the son of the raja of Uma Kiik village) and Zeferino dos
Reis Amaral (the régulo and village chief of Luca), report to the authorities
(Administração) in Viqueque Town as soon as possible.179
175
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.223 – Annex VII, Report of the
Administrator of the Circunscrição of Viqueque, 23 January 1961. Luca is located southwest of
Viqueque Town - note however that Zeferino dos Reis Amaral, the village chief of Luca, was
reportedly involved – see footnote 176. “Leça”, a name used for the Posto site in Uatolari, is also a
location known to have been visited by Gerson Pello.
176
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.63 and pp.223-224.
177
The background of António Metan (António da Costa Soares) is unclear. “António Metan” is
mentioned in Hicks, D., “Unachieved Syncretism …”, op.cit., pp.28-29 - as heading the principally
Tetum-speaking “princedom” of the seven-village suku of Caraubalo in the Viqueque Posto (ie on the
eastern edge of Viqueque Town) and domiciled in the village of Lamaclaran. Hicks notes that by 1966-
67 - because of António Metan’s “previous disastrous dealings with the Administration, the political
authority and influence of his descent group had vanished” and was “scarcely royal at all”. Metan was
replaced by João da Sá Viana – see Hicks, D., Roh Orang Timor (Tetum Ghosts and Kinship),
Pustakaan Sinar Harapan, Jakarta, 1983. However, João da Sá Viana is listed in Sherlock, K., 1983,
op.cit., p.41 as the Chefe de Suco of Caraubalo in 1952, suggesting that the António Metan mentioned
by Hicks may not be the António Metan involved in the 1959 Rebellion. For the Rebellion’s António
Metan’s connection with Afaloicai (Uatolari) see footnotes 180, 198 and 405.
178
Eduardo Caeiro Rodrigues (born 20/2/1927) - Encarregado 3rd class, was first appointed to Uatolari
in May 1956 vide BOdT, No.19, 12 May 1956, p.227. He returned to Uatolari on 1 July 1957 (vide
BOdT, No.27, 6 July 1957, p.477) following the suspension and subsequent dismissal of the
Encarregardo de Posto of Uatolari, Policarpo Soares on 6 May 1957. Policarpo Soares (born
26/1/1916 – of the Mascarenhas Ingles clan), was appointed amanuese in the Health and Hygiene
Department on 18 July 1946, and became an Encarregado do Posto 3rd Class vide BOdT, No.40, 4
October 1952, p.574. The suspension of Policarpo Soares under a Penal Code provision was
promulgated in February 1957 - BOdT, No.8, 23 February 1957, p.112; BOdT, No.16, 20 April 1957,
p.249; BOdT, No.19, 11 May 1957. Policarpo Soares was dismissed vide BOdT, No.24, 15 June 1957,
p.437 for an offence apparently related to his previous service at Lacló (Manatuto). For Eduardo Caeiro
Rodrigues, see also footnotes 179 and 295.
179
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.224 – Annex VII, Report of the
Administrator of the Circunscrição of Viqueque (Administrator 3rd Class Artur Marques Ramos), 23
38

((Map – not included: Viqueque Town – 1959, see footnote 177))

180

On the morning of Sunday, 7 June, António Metan – together with Joaquim

Ferreira and Zeferino dos Reis Amaral, were interviewed in Viqueque Town - with all
denying any knowledge of a plot. António Metan was ordered to stay in the
moradores quarters in Viqueque Town until the investigation concluded – but was
permitted to return beforehand to the house of Amaro de Araújo (a former civil
servant) in the Town to collect some clothing. There, he met Gerson Pello – the leader
of the Indonesian exiles in the Viqueque Circunscrição, who directed António Metan
to return immediately to Uatolari - about 47 kilometres by road northeast of Viqueque
Town, and begin the uprising.181 António Metan - a sub-village head (chefe de
povoação) and a descendant of the liurais of Afaloicai, reportedly “had grievances”
against the acting Encarregado de Posto of Uatolari, Eduardo Caeiro Rodrigues.182
On arrival at Uatolari, António Metan called the six village chiefs together – including
Abílio Meneses of Afaloicai183, and convinced them and the local Timorese police
(sipaios) to support the uprising.

January 1961. Zeferino dos Reis Amaral is also identified as the Chefe de Suco of Luca village in 1952
in Sherlock, K., 1983, op.cit., p.40.
180
This sketch map of Viqueque Town is based on Map 27 “Viqueque” in Terrain Study No 50: Area
Study of Portuguese Timor, Allied Geographic Section and Directorate of Intelligence - AAF SWPA,
27 February 1943 (NAA: A6779, 20). Amendments include the location of the “Secretária/Office”
building.
181
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.224, It appears that a group of moradores
had been assembled to guard a quantity of money awaiting disbursement to local vendors for copra that
had recently been purchased by the Government.
182
Gunter, J., “Communal Conflict in Viqueque …”, 2007, op.cit., p.30 – Gunter notes that Eduardo
Caeiro Rodrigues was a “mestizo” ie of mixed race.
183
However see footnote 174 on António Metan’s reported connection with the suku of Caraubalo.
Abílio Meneses is noted as the Chefe de Suco of Afaloicai in 1952 in Sherlock, K., 1983, op.cit., p.41.
 39

According to José Manuel Duarte (see footnotes 18, 46, 49, 51 and 120),
“when the arrests occurred in Dili, those of us in Viqueque became worried. Sooner or
later, we would surely be caught also. But we didn’t want to just surrender. Finally,
we decided to take action. If we remained quiet – we would still surely be arrested. So
to demonstrate our resolve, we took direct action … we were aware that we wouldn’t
be successful, but through our Movement we wanted to tell the international
community that we did not want to be under Portuguese colonial rule.”184
Accordingly, the uprising in the Viqueque and Baucau Circunscrições began
on the late afternoon of Sunday 7 June 1959185 with a raid by a small rebel group led
by António Metan and Abílio Meneses - aided by several local sipaios and villagers,
on the Posto administration offices at Uatolari – during which they cut the telephone
line to Viqueque Town. As noted earlier, the Encarregado de Posto of Uatolari -,
Eduardo Caeiro Rodrigues, was absent in Dili. There were no casualties in the seizure
of the Uatolari Posto, and 12 rifles were reportedly seized by the rebels. That
afternoon, according to Governor Barata, several of the Indonesians in the Viqueque
Circunscrição who were not involved in Uatolari attack “peacefully played football –
when the national ((ie, Portuguese)) flag had already been pulled down in Uatolari.”186
From Uatolari, the rebels sent a messenger eastward to two villages in the
neighbouring Posto of Uato-Carabau (sometimes as “Uato-Carbau”)187 with
instructions to seize the Uato-Carabau Posto headquarters.188
However, as noted above, not all the Indonesians in the Viqueque
Circunscrição participated in the seizure of the Uatolari Posto – or the subsequent late
evening attack on the offices in Viqueque Town. One of the Indonesians, Jezkial Fola,
later explained that, although a member of the “Uatolari group”, he was playing
football with the son of the Portuguese Posto chief on the afternoon of the Uatolari
raid – which subsequently provided him with “an alibi”; and Albert Ndoen also did
not participate because “he was at the house of his girlfriend.”189 Accordingly, it
appears that the late afternoon attack at Uatolari was led by Abílio Meneses, the
village chief of Afaloicai (Uatolari Posto) and António Metan (António da Costa
Soares), a sub-village head – who were later joined by Jobert Moniaga, the Indonesian
“Permesta 14” exile from Manado.

184
Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit., p.21.
185
Abílio de Araújo incorrectly cites the date of the revolta in Uatolari and Uato-Carabau as 11 May
1959 - and does not mention the arrests in Dili nor any involvement by the Indonesian Consul –
Araújo, A. (Abílio) de, Timor Leste: Os Loricos Voltaram a Cantar: Das Guerras Independentistas à
Revolução do Povo Maubere, Trama, Lisboa, June 1977, p.165 and p.182.
186
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.64. The local police at Uatolari apparently
did not resist the rebels – and two were later dismissed and imprisoned on Ataúro – see footnotes 285
and 286.
187
In 1959, the Uato-Carabau Posto administrative centre was located in the village of Afaloikai/
Afaloicai in the hills (altitude 426 metres) about eight kilometres north from the south coast road – the
Posto centre was moved to Uaniuma village on the south coast road in 1979. The position of
Encarregado de Posto at Uato-Carabau in 1959 had been vacant for about one year ie since the posting
of Francisco da Sousa back to Lacluta on 13 May 58 – Da Sousa had moved from Lacluta to Uato-
Carabau in August 1956. Note: there are three villages called “Afaloikai/Afaloicai” – ie one each in the
Postos of Baguia, Uato-Carabau and Uatolari (see map at Annex A) - These were formerly “united”
and ruled by Dom Feliciano.
188
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.64.
189
Rohi, P.A., “Apa Kata …”, Mutiara 776, 1995, op.cit., p.15. Jezkial also added: “However, like
Lambert Kling Ladaw who led the Viqueque group, Albert ((Ndoen/Ndun)) was also regarded as
responsible for the Uatolari group – so both of them were sent to Angola.” For the activities of Jezkial
Fola and Albert Ndoen/Ndun on 7 June, see also footnotes 195 and 209.
40

On the evening of Sunday 7 June, the rebel group in Viqueque Town led by
Amaro de Araújo and Gerson Pello sent messages to several surrounding villages to
raise further support. According to Gerson Pello, the leadership of this rebel group
comprised: Amaro de Araújo, José Manuel Duarte, Jeremias Pello and himself190 –
and their aim was to seize weapons and ammunition from the administrative offices
(Secretária da Administração) of the Viqueque Circunscrição in Viqueque Town.191
José Duarte subsequently stated that, while he was subordinate to Amaro de Araújo in
the rebel movement, he operated as Araújo’s “right hand” in Viqueque. According to
Governor Barata, an Indonesian - Jobert Moniaga, was also a key figure as Moniaga
advised the nine Indonesian asilados políticos in Baucau Town, by telephone, of the
plans for the uprising.192
This date for the start of the uprising in Viqueque, ie Sunday 7 June, was also
cited in a report written by the Roman Catholic priest, Monsignor Martinho da Costa
Lopes193, who visited the Viqueque area a few months later – and most of his account
was repeated in Governor Barata’s initial report to Lisbon on the Rebellion.194
However, in interviews many years later, some rebel participants in the attacks in
Viqueque have also cited (mistakenly) the date as “3 June 1959”.195
In Viqueque Town on Sunday 7 June, Administrator Ramos was unaware of
events in Uatolari that afternoon and - “in a spirit of extreme confidence beyond the
limits of prudence”, excused from duty two of the armed Timorese police (sipaios)
who, with a few irregular militia (moradores), were responsible for guarding the
190
Governor Barata cites Gerson Pello as the leader – referring to him as “Tenente” (Lieutenant)
Gerson. In his 1998 book, Governor Barata also implied that Jobert Moniaga was involved in the attack
in Viqueque Town – although in later interviews with Indonesian journalists, Moniaga’s participation
in the Viqueque Town raid is not mentioned by Gerson Pello, Jeremias Pello, Jezkial Fola or José
Manuel Duarte. The Governor does not name the Timorese participants – rather, referring only to
“three or four Timorese of a certain cultural level” - Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998,
op.cit., pp. 64-65.
191
Rohi, P.A., “Apa Kata …”, Mutiara 776, 1995, op.cit., p.13.
192
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.64.
193
Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes (Timorese priest – the first native prelate, 1918-1991) had been
appointed a Deputy to the National Assembly in Lisbon representing Portuguese Timor from
November 1957. In May 1977, he was appointed the Apostolic Administrator of Dili – serving until
1983. His report in late 1959 - “Breve resenha de alguns factos ocorrido em Viqueque e Uatolari
(1959)” provides a brief chronology and recounting of the Rebellion – together with “Breve
comentario” and “Sugestões”. The report was released in July 1995 in Lisbon as part of the “Arquivo
Salazar” (see the report at TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS/AOS/CO/ UL-36, Part 5) – but the Monsignor’s
authorship was deleted from the report as required by the release conditions. Monsignor Martinho
Lopes’ report is also referred to in Jolliffe, J., “Indonesia now wants all the gory details”, The Canberra
Times, Canberra, 19 August 1995, p.17. – which also notes the release of the Arquivo Salazar papers.
194
The report by Governor Barata acknowledged Monsignor Martinho’s report as the principal source
of information for his (Barata’s) report and repeated the same chronology and events - Barata, F. J. F.
T. Governor, letter to the Ministry of Overseas Territories, Dili, 6 October 1959 – but does not include
Monsignor Martinho Lopes’ “Comments” and “Suggestions”. A copy of Governor Barata’s report No.
34 of 6 October 1959 – in Portuguese, and related material, can be found at Gunter, J., Haree Ba Uluk:
Timor Portuguese Pre-1974 – A Post-Colonial Forum for Learning and Debate: http://raiketak.
blogspot.com/timorhistory/index.html. Governor Barata’s report concluded with a comment on
Monsignor Martinho Lopes’ involvement to the effect that - “due to his background and tendencies of
his spirit”, the Monsignor had “concerned himself more with possible excesses of repression than with
the criminal acts of the sublevados ((rebels))”. Governor Barata’s report was forwarded by the
Portuguese Ministry of Foreign Affairs to the Director of the PIDE in Lisbon – Ministry of Foreign
Affairs - Lisbon, No.181 36-A, 14 January 1960 (TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS N.T. 8971).
195
Gerson Pello apparently mistakenly cited “3 June 1959” when interviewed in 1995 - Rohi, P.A.,
“Apa Kata …”, Mutiara 776, 1995. op.cit., p.13; and others have stated 1 June and 3 June. These
references however are probably meant to relate to the first arrests of the conspirators in Dili.
 41

Secretária da Administração ie the Viqueque Circunscrição headquarters complex in

Viqueque Town.196 Administrator Ramos assessed that “the area was calm” and “the
movement had already been uncovered in Dili, arrests made, and the Indonesians
were to be sent to Dili the next morning.”197
During the evening of 7 June, two of the Indonesians, Jezkial Fola and Albert
Ndoen were reportedly drinking tuak (palm wine) at the house of Manuel Pinto in
Viqueque Town – and did not participate in the any of the attacks. Separately, Gerson
Pello, Jeremias Pello and several others were drinking tuak at the home of Mau Rubik
– and the attack on the Viqueque Circunscrição headquarters was “launched” from
that house.198 Very late in the evening of 7 June, Jeremias Pello and José Manuel
Duarte cut the telephone lines from Viqueque Town to the Ossu Posto - about 21
kilometres to the north, and established a small blocking position at a bridge north of
Viqueque Town to disrupt any movement of government forces from Ossu or
Baucau.199 At about midnight, the rebels’ main group surprised the sipaios and
moradores in the Viqueque Circunscrição offices ie the Secretária da Administração
– see map and photographs overpage, “knocking them over one-by-one” and “rolling
them out the windows”.
Gerson Pello commented: “luckily, the building was high, so they were
rendered unconscious or died – we didn’t know. We seized 67 weapons of four
different types200 – but the ammunition was different. So, although the raid wasn’t
very successful, we did surprise them.” Those participating in the attack included
Gerson Pello, João Lisboa and Leki “Bure” Rubic (also as “Leque Rubic”).201 During
the attack, Leki Rubic stabbed and wounded a sipaio, Jacinto Pinto.202 The group
reportedly carried a “merah putih” (Bahasa: red and white – ie Indonesian) flag.

196
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp. 64-65.
197
Ibid, p.55.
198
Author’s discussions with Hermenegildo da Cruz, Constantino de Oliveira Simões, António Pinto
and Rogério Pinto in Viqueque Town – 29 June 2007. This account of the activities of Jezkial Fola and
Albert Ndoen/Ndun differs somewhat from that related at footnote 186.
199
Soares (Mali-Lequic), A.V.M., Pulau Timor – Sebuah Sumbangan Untuk Sejarahnya, 2003, p.102 –
names the bridge as the “Luca-To’in bridge”.
200
José Manuel Duarte cites seizing “50 rifles, pistols and ammunition” and also “46 weapons” -
Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih …”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit. Other reports indicate 24
weapons were seized in Viqueque Town and 12 each at the Uatolari and Uato-Carabau Postos ie
totalling 48. The weapons were mostly 1886-model Kropatschek 8mm-calibre bolt-action rifles – but
also included bolt-action Lee Enfield and Garand rifles. The Australian Consul – Dili’s initial cable to
Canberra reported a “sub-administrative post near Baucau raided by four men June 7th who stole 48
rifles. Later two men apprehended, 22 rifles recovered.” – Cable 17, 9 June 1959 (NAA: A1838,
3006/4/3 Part 1).
201
According to José Manuel Duarte, “the leadership of the group comprised about 50 people.
However, it could be said that the whole of people in Viqueque participated in the revolt. At the time,
the population of Viqueque was about 20,000. They were all followers.” - Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata)
Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit., p.21. It is unclear whether the Indonesian Jobert Moniaga
participated in the attack in Viqueque Town - or had departed earlier for Uatolari with António Metan
and participated in the attack on the Uatolari Posto earlier on Sunday afternoon.
202
Author’s discussions with Hermenegildo da Cruz, Constantino de Oliveira Simões, António Pinto
and Rogério Pinto in Viqueque – 29 June 2007.
42

((Map, photographs not included: Secretária office - photo,

Town Centre - map, Administrative Posto - photo))

Gerson Pello related that “I had a Chinese woman, a bread seller in Viqueque,
make the flag.”203 The handful of rebels also wore red and white-coloured “atribut”
(Bahasa: “insignia”).204 The Indonesians also reportedly wore red bandanas –
embroidered on the front with a buffalo, in white, a “symbol of strength”.205
A little after midnight (ie early on 8 June), the rebels moved to attack the
adjacent residence of the Administrator of the Viqueque Circunscrição, Artur
Ramos.206 However, the Administrator – together with his family, a junior civil
servant (aspirante administrativo) – João Hermenegildo da Costa207, and an injured
sipaio escaped in a jeep. At the bridge north of the Town, the Administrator’s vehicle
was initially blocked by several tree trunks felled by the Jeremias Pello/José Duarte
group and fired upon by Jeremias Pello. However, driving off the road into a gully,
the vehicle reached Ossu without further injuries to its occupants.208 At 0300hrs on 8
203
Rohi, P.A., “Apa Kata …”, Mutiara 776, 1995, op.cit., p.15. Gerson Pello added that “the Chinese
also wanted integration ((with Indonesia)) – and consequently there was a Chinese, Mu Teng Siong
[sic], who was also exiled to Angola” – see also earlier footnote 48, and also footnotes 319 and 345. An
interview in early November 1992 with the newly appointed Governor of East Timor, Abílio Osório
Soares – a nephew of the rebel José Manuel Duarte and, who as a 13-year old in 1959 had known three
of the Indonesian participants, refers to the rebels as “attacking and carrying the Red and White flag” –
Forum Keadilan, No. 327, Jakarta, 6 November 1992. Following a visit to the Viqueque area in early
July 1959, the Australian Consul reported on the background to the uprising and included: “it is known
to me, however, that there were many natives in that area who were in possession of small Indonesian
flags”: Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 143/59, 14 July 1959, pp.1-2 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part
1) – see footnote 266.
204
“Pejuang Integrasi Timtim di LN Presiden Minta Menlu Urus Kepulangan Mereka” (“East Timor
Integration Fighters Overseas – President Asks Foreign Minister to Arrange their Return”), Republika
Online, Jakarta, 11 November 1995, p.2. José Manuel Duarte also related rebels and supporters
wearing red and white “badges” - Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit.,
p.21. The claim of wearing Indonesian flags as the “panji perjuangan” (banners of the struggle) is also
made in Lopes da Cruz, F., Kesaksian – Aku dan Timor Timur (Witnessing – East Timor and I), 1999
and in the Indonesian school text-book ie Gonggong, A. & Zuhdi, S., Sejarah …, 1992, op.cit. – see
translated extract at Annex B. See also Governor Barata’s reference to rebels wearing “the colours of
the Indonesian flag” in Uatolari – footnote 207.
205
As described to the author by Constantino de Oliveira Simões, Viqueque Town, 29 June 2007.
Constantino related meeting Gerson Pello on 8 June - and being berated by him for not having
participated in the attack on the Viqueque Circunscrição office.
206
According to one version, Acting Administrator Artur Ramos “was reading a newspaper in his
residence when he was fired upon by Domingos Amaral – from a noble clan of Luca, but was not hit
and fled from Viqueque to Baucau.” – see Soares (Mali-Lequic), A.V.M., Pulau Timor …, 2003,
op.cit., p.102.
207
Aspirante João Hermenegildo da Costa (born 23/8/1925) had been posted to Viqueque on 22 July
1958. He was promoted on 18 January 1960 to become the Encarregado de Posto at Baguia.
208
However, José Manuel Duarte contended that the Administrator leapt from the vehicle and escaped
into a ravine – and was later assisted by a local Chinese to return to his (Administrator’s) house. Jezkial
Fola states that he later saw bullet holes in Administrator Ramos’ vehicle - Rohi, P.A., “Apa Kata …”,
Mutiara 776, 1995, op.cit., p.15. Joaquim Ferreira was also reportedly a member of the blocking group
at the bridge - author’s discussions with Hermenegildo da Cruz, Constantino de Oliveira Simões,
 43

June, Administrator Ramos spoke with the Chefe de Gabinete, (Lieutenant Daniel
Rudolfo Sottomayor Carvalho Braga – see footnote 156) in Dili and, having described
the events, was directed to drive north to Baucau (about 43 kilometres by road) and
await further orders. At about 0400hrs, João Hermenegildo da Costa - the Viqueque
aspirante administrativo, telephoned the Administrator of the Baucau Circunscrição,
related the situation in Viqueque, and passed Administrator Ramos’ request for 50
moradores to accompany him (Ramos) back to Viqueque Town. The Baucau
Administrator, José Maria Ribeiro Filipe, immediately ordered the arrest of the nine
Indonesian exiles resident in Baucau – and “this was achieved without any difficulty
as they were still asleep at that hour.”209 Administrator José Filipe also ordered local
village chiefs in Baucau to assemble all able-bodied men and, armed with “zagaias”
(spears), to watch the coastline and to conduct patrols in their areas.
In Viqueque Town, early on the morning of Monday 8 June, Gerson Pello’s
group seized a light truck and travelled to the Uatolari Posto (about 47 km by road)
where they were met enthusiastically by local “amontinados” (“rebels”) “wearing
cloth ribbons on their chests with the colours of the Indonesian flag.”210 The leaders
then moved on to Uato-Carabau northeast of Uatolari (about 46 km by road) where
the Posto headquarters had also been seized – the position of Encarregado de Posto
of Uato-Carabau had been vacant for about one year.211
According to Jezkial Fola – an Indonesian asilado who appears not to have
participated in the attacks, the streets of Viqueque Town were empty when he awoke
on Monday morning, 8 June – and he was alone. Many of the residents of the town
had fled their homes and, according to Jezkial, he encouraged a local Chinese
merchant to transport several of the injured guards to a medical post in his (the
Chinese merchant’s) vehicle.212
Soon after midday on 8 June, Administrator Artur Ramos returned to
Viqueque Town with a small lightly-armed force of an officer (Lieutenant Ferreira), a
sergeant (Sergeant Pires) and nine soldiers. The Chinese driver of the light truck taken
to Uatolari by the rebels had returned to Viqueque Town, and Administrator Ramos
was told of the situation in Uatolari and Uato-Carabau where local leaders had rallied
their tribal warrior militias (arraiais) in support of the Rebellion. Ramos responded
by mobilizing loyal arraiais in the three Postos of Viqueque, Ossu and Lacluta.
According to Governor Barata, on Monday 8 June, two of the Indonesians who had
remained in the Viqueque Town area were captured in Ossu – probably Jezkial Fola
and Albert Ndoen.

António Pinto and Rogério Pinto, Viqueque Town, 29 June 2007.

209
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p. 228 – Annex VIII, Report of the
Administrator of the Circunscrição of Baucau (José Maria Ribeiro Filipe), 3 February 1961.
210
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.65: “recebidos pelos amotinados que tinham
ao peito tiras de pano com as cores da bandeira indonésia”.
211
The position of Encarregado de Posto at Uato-Carabau in 1959 had been vacant since the posting of
Francisco da Sousa back to Lacluta on 13 May 58. In early 1959, four Chefe/Encarregado de Posto
positions were unfilled ie “vago” – BOdT, No. 3, 17 January 1959, pp.44-46. A replacement
Encarregado de Posto, Joaquim Pereira da Silva (born 3/1/1928), was not posted from Mape
(Bobonaro) to Uato-Carabau until 16 Jun 1959 – BOdT, No. 26, 27 June 1959, p.447. A description of
the seizure of the Uato-Carabau Posto can be found in Gunter, J., “Majesty yet no mercy”, 7 December
2002 - http://raiketak.wordpress.com/category/power/page/4/ .
212
Rohi, P.A., “Apa Kata …”, Mutiara 776, 1995, op.cit., p.15. Jezkial noted that his actions “gained
the sympathy of the Portuguese.” He implied that Gerson excluded him from involvement in the attack,
because he (Jezkial) was married and “someone had to carry the news back to Kupang ” – connect with
reports at footnotes 186 and 195. Subsequently, Jezkial was not exiled to Lisbon or Angola – but
repatriated from Portuguese Timor to Indonesian Timor in October 1960 with eight other Indonesians.
44

((Map – not included: Central Portuguese Timor –

based on ONC Chart N-13 – Scale 1:1,000,000))

The Portuguese administration in Dili planned to fly 50 troops - commanded

by Captain Manuel João Fajardo, from Dili to Baucau as reinforcements on the
morning of Tuesday 9 June using a recently acquired Heron aircraft.213 However, at
the last moment, the group was transported by Unimog truck to Baucau – about 135
kilometres by road. The initial operational plan preferred by the Acting Governor and
the Army Chief of Staff, Captain Carvalho, was for the Portuguese forces to move in
strength from Baucau southward into the Viqueque Circunscrição – to restore order
and consolidate control in Viqueque Town before moving against the rebels in
Uatolari and Uato-Carabau. However, the Chefe de Gabinete - Lieutenant Daniel
Braga, feared that the rebels might move north from the Uatolari/Uato-Carabau area
and attack the Laga Posto on the north coast (35 kilometres east of Baucau by road)
where he believed the rebels might find further supporters – and, perhaps, assistance

213
Military forces in Portuguese Timor in 1959 reportedly comprised 650 Timorese regular troops with
30 Portuguese officers and 50 Portuguese NCOs – plus a Timorese reserve (Segunda Linha) force:
Australian Consulate – Dili, Cable 18, 1 July 1959 (NAA: A1209, 1959/612). The official regular
establishment, as promulgated in the 1959 Provincial Budget, was: 1,009 personnel including 43
Portuguese officers and 55 Portuguese sergeants – about 85 percent of the other ranks were Timorese. –
BOdT, No. 3, 17 January 1959, p.84.
 45

from the Indonesian island of Wetar about 60 kilometres to the north across the Wetar
Strait. Lieutenant Braga convinced the Acting Governor of his preferred plan.
Accordingly, in order to block any rebel advance to Laga, it was decided to reinforce
the Posto at Baguia214 (in Baucau Circunscrição about 50 kilometres southeast of
Baucau Town) with a military detachment that had been guarding the Baucau radio
station. Captain Manuel João Farjado was placed in charge of local military
operations in the two Circunscrições.
As noted earlier, in Uato-Carabau the local raja, Fernando Pinto, and his
followers had joined the Rebellion and seized the Posto.215 However, realising that a
victory over the Portuguese forces was not possible, the rebel leaders planned to
attack the Posto at Baguia (about 18 kilometres by road north of Uato-Carabau)
before attempting to withdraw westwards and cross the border into Indonesian
Timor.216 Their advance to Baguia from the Uato-Carabau area however was
interrupted as heavy monsoon-season rains had flooded the rivers across their route,
and the rebel force was delayed in Uato-Carabau “for four nights” - giving time for
the Portuguese to reinforce and defend the Baguia Posto.217 The defenders in the
small fort (tranqueira) at Baguia were equipped with machine guns and easily
repulsed the rebels’ first attack at about 1100hrs on 11 June.218 During the attack, a
small force of Portuguese reinforcements (a corporal and two Timorese privates)
arrived from Baucau equipped with a “lança-granadas Bazuka” (grenade-launching
bazooka)219 and immediately joined the engagement while a rebel attack was
underway. The rebels’ bolt-actioned rifles were no match for the defenders’
firepower. Much of the rebels’ ammunition was also faulty - or of an incorrect calibre,
resulting in many misfires and explosions in the breeches of their rifles. José Manuel
Duarte subsequently related: “when pulling the triggers, we were forced to face away
from our targets.”220 Governor Barata also commented on this, later writing: “Happily
for us, the weapons and ammunition that they had stolen were of weak quality (many
cartridges did not go off).”221 After several attempted assaults lasting about two hours,
the rebels withdrew towards Uato-Carabau – with the retreating rebels “becoming
afraid as the support of the people began to wane.”222 Governor Barata later noted

214
The area of the Baguia Posto was 207 sq km. The population of about 5,000 were predominantly
Makassae-speakers (about 85 percent), but the villagers of Afaloicai and Ossu Huna in the south-west
of the Posto were Naueti-speakers – ie representing about 15 percent of the Posto’s population.
215
The Chefe de Posto of Uato-Carabau - Joaquim Pereira da Silva, was reportedly absent in Dili. In an
interview in 1995, Gerson Pello stated that Thomas Cabo Sipai [sic] raised the Indonesian flag in Uato-
Carabau on 18 June - Rohi, P.A., Pemberontakan …, Mutiara 775, 1995, op.cit, p.15, but it is likely
that the flag-raising occurred several days earlier. The family name of Thomas Cabo Sipaio (ie Cabo
Sipaio – local police corporal) was reportedly “Pinto”.
216
As related by José Manuel Duarte in Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989,
op.cit., p.22.
217
Ibid, p.22.
218
The rebels’ attack at Baguia is also described in Gunter, J., “Majesty but no mercy”, 7 December
2002 - http://raiketak.wordpress.com/category/power/page/4/ .
219
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.68. Probably either a 2.36 inch (60.07mm)
or 3.5 inch (89mm) recoilless rocket launcher.
220
As related by José Manuel Duarte in Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989,
op.cit., p.22. Duarte also notes that while Portuguese forces were equipped with machine guns, “we
only had Lee Enfield and Garand rifles.”
221
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.68.
222
As related by José Manuel Duarte in Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989,
op.cit., p.22.
46

that “in the Baucau Circunscrição only two village chiefs had supported the rebels,
and they had not suborned the local people.”223
Meanwhile, the force led by Captain Manuel Fajardo had advanced from
Baucau to Viqueque and moved northeast towards Uatolari. A linesman had repaired
the break in the telephone line near Ossu and, having contacted a colleague in Uato-
Carabau, reported that the rebels had returned from Baguia and dispersed into the
surrounding countryside.224
On 11 June, the Portuguese force - together with loyal arraiais and mortar
support, recaptured the Uatolari Posto and began a series of arrests.225 On the
following day, 12 June, the Portuguese authorities arrested three village chiefs in the
Uatolari area: Paulo da Silva of Makadiki village; Celestino da Silva - Matahoi
village226; and Tomé Leal of Uaitame-Vessouro village - (see village locations at
Annex A). Further arrests were made on 13 June: Alberto Ribeiro - the fuc-mean
(red-haired) of Afaloicai village; the village chief of Afaloicai - Abílio de Meneses;
António Metan227 - a sub-village head of Uatolari; the brothers Amaro de Araújo and
Mateus de Araújo; and – according to the reports of Monsignor Martinho da Costa
Lopes and Governor Barata, an Indonesian named “Joubert” (ie Jobert Moniaga).
Jobert was apparently killed by Portuguese troops soon after his capture. According to
Marcelino, Jobert was “shot and killed on the spot”.228 However, Gerson Pello related:
that “Yubert [sic], who was acting on my orders, was captured. Tragically, Portuguese
soldiers immediately crushed his skull with a rock.”229 According to several elders in
Viqueque Town, Moniaga was struck on the head with a bamboo pole by arraiais and
subsequently died of his wounds in the hospital in Baucau.230
Meanwhile, the rebels in the Uato-Carabau area - who had assembled to the
east in the area of the estuary of the Irabere River, were attacked by a 400-500 strong

223
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.68 and Annex VIII, p.228. The rebel
villages in the Baucau Circunscrição were the Naueti-speaking villages of Afaloicai and Osso Huna –
see footnote 211.
224
Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit., p.22 – Duarte related that
“unarmed” rebels surrendered, but those with weapons stayed in the jungle, initially building shelters
about two kilometres from the Posto town – probably Uatolari. The defeated rebels may have hoped for
extraction by boat – “through the Indonesian refugees, Sukarno had promised (?) support for the revolt
– but when it occurred, no boat came from Sukarno to support it.” - Araújo, A. (Abílio) de, Timor
Leste: Os Loricos…, 1977, op.cit., p.182/footnote 203.
225
In an interview in 1995, Gerson Pello stated that “Yuber” (ie Jobert) Moniaga had raised the
Indonesian flag in Uatolari on 11 June - Rohi, P.A., “Pemberontakan …”, Mutiara 775, 1995, op.cit,
p.15, but it is likely that the flag-raising occurred a few days earlier.
226
Sherlock, K., 1983, op.cit., p.41 lists Paulo da Silva and Celestino da Silva as Chefes de Suco
respectively of “Macadique” and “Mata Hoi” villages in 1953. Jolliffe, J., “Indonesia now wants all the
gory details”, The Canberra Times, Canberra, 19 August 1995, p.17 – reports her conversation with an
eye-witness who stated that he had given first aid to Celestino da Silva and other Timorese involved:
“He said the skin on Da Silva’s back was in shreds from a whipping and he had also seen the death
certificate of a fourth Indonesian, called George, who he said had died under torture.”
227
António Metan is also referred to by his formal baptismal name ie António da Costa Soares.
228
Rohi, P.A., “Soekarno …”, 9 May 2005, op.cit., p.2 – as recounted by Marcelino (of Venilale – see
footnotes 38 and 40) in 1996 (Gerson Pello was also reportedly present during the interview of
Marcelino).
229
Herman, J., “Pejuang Timtim Akan Tuntut Portugal – Atas Pembantaian 2,000 Orang di Viqueque”,
Jawa Pos, 16 November 1995, p.13. Gerson Pello was attending a reunion in Dili on 15 November
1995 in the home of José Manuel Duarte (see footnote 421). Note also footnote 223 above – “George”
is very probably a reference to Jobert Moniaga.
230
Author’s discussions with Hermenegildo da Cruz, Constantino de Oliveira Simões, António Pinto
and Rogério Pinto, Viqueque, 29 June 2007. Moniaga was reportedly easily recognizable as he had a
gold front tooth.
 47

force of loyal arraiais from the Lautém Circunscrição to the east led by the Lautém
Administrador, José Esteval Calado de Serra Frazão231. The mobilisation of this force
from Lautém was assisted by the small Portuguese Army detachment at Lospalos
under Sergeant Carneiro Cirineu. While Captain Manuel Fajardo remained in
command at Uatolari, Capt Barreiros – with a civil servant familiar with the area, was
despatched with a force to Uato-Carabau to engage the rebels. On the evening of 13
June, the arraiais force from Lautém retook the Uato-Carabau Posto, and the rebels
dispersed – “every man for himself.”232
On 16 June, the Government forces failed in an attack on the “revoltosos”
position at “Afalebe”233, but were successful the following day and captured Armindo
- the village chief of Osso-Huna (Baguia), and two Indonesians: the brothers Gerson
Pello and Jeremias Pello.234 According to Gerson Pello, following the rebels’ defeat,
he and his younger brother Jeremias Pello had hidden in the WWII “Japanese caves”
in the hills north of Ossu. The Portuguese reportedly used a staff member from the
Indonesian Consulate to convince them to surrender – after which they were shackled,
transported to Baucau and then flown to Dili.235 According to Viqueque elders, when
captured, Gerson declared himself to be a “Lieutenant” – but when challenged by
Portuguese officers to prove such by reading a map, Gerson was unable to do so.236
The reports of both Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes and Governor Barata
noted that the campaign against the rebels finished on 18 June.237
According to José Manuel Duarte, following the defeat at Baguia, he was still
determined to seek sanctuary in Atambua, Indonesian Timor – but all routes were
blocked by locals collaborating with the Portuguese authorities.238 With an injured leg
that limited his movement, he hid in the forest with a fellow rebel, Fernando Pinto -
the raja of Uato-Carabau. According to José Duarte, “a reward of 500 patacas – the
monthly wage of a senior Portuguese official … was offered for who-ever brought in
my head. The reward for the heads of those who had only just participated in the
Rebellion was 20 patacas … many killings occurred for the money … children were
beheaded just for the reward from the colonial government – the killers were the poor
and very ignorant villagers.”239 José Duarte also related that the Administrator of
Viqueque, Artur Ramos, had reported that he (Duarte) had been killed – but Governor
Barata “had questioned this, saying that if I had been killed why was there still
rebellion in Same and Betano ?”. The Governor then ordered that “I must be captured
alive – as all the rebels captured in Viqueque said that I was the leader of the
movement. The Governor needed me for questioning – that’s the reason that I was

231
José Esteval Calado de Serra Frazão – Administrator 3rd Class, born 19/11/1923, was later commended for his
action – see BOdT, No. 41, 10 October 1959, p.640. His career profile is outlined in BOdT, No.40, 4 October
1958, p.622.
232
“Salve-se quem puder” - Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.69.
233
“Afalebe” means “flat rock” in the Makassae language, but this site has not been located - possibly
Aba Dere sub-village of Babulo; or Afaloicai.
234
Barata, F. J. F. T. Governor, Letter to the Minister of Overseas Territories, Dili, 6 October 1959, p.1.
235
Rohi, P.A., “Apa Kata …”, Mutiara 776, 1995, op.cit., p.14. The capture of Gerson and Jeremias
Pello probably occurred on 20 June 1959 – not 17 June as indicated in the reports by Monsignor
Martinho da Costa Lopes and Governor Barata.
236
Author’s discussions with Hermenegildo da Cruz, Constantino de Oliveira Simões, António Pinto
and Rogério Pinto, Viqueque, 29 June 2007.
237
Barata, F. J. F. T. Governor, Letter to the Minister of Overseas Territories, Dili, 6 October 1959,
p.2 : “Terminou a campanha … regressam os arraias as suas terras.”
238
Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit., p.23.
239
Ibid, p.24.
48

saved, otherwise I would surely have been killed by the soldiers.”240 To stop the
bloodshed, José Manuel Duarte and Fernando Pinto decided to surrender and, through
an elder (Paul Waragea) who had connections with the Portuguese military,
negotiated to surrender in Ossu – but only to a Portuguese official. On 1 July, they
surrendered at Ossu – and were badly beaten, including by the Viqueque
Administrator, Artur Ramos. Soon after, they were transported to Baucau and then
flown to Dili.
The Portuguese Government had also despatched regular troops from Portugal
to reinforce their armed presence in the areas of the disturbances. On 17 June, 80
military police arrived in Baucau – having flown to Portuguese Timor in two
Skymaster aircraft via Goa, Ceylon and the Cocos Islands.241 On 26 July 1959, the
Portuguese navy Velho-class sloop, F 476 NRP Gonçalves Zarco, arrived in Dili from
Macau to reinforce a sense of security. This may have been precipitated by the claims
of the Chief of Police in Dili that an unidentified submarine had been sighted on 1, 2
and 3 July off Aliambata – on the south coast about 53 kilometres by road east of
Viqueque Town and about 10 kilometres from the Uatolari Posto.242
In concluding their reports, Monsignor da Costa Lopes and Governor Barata
also described summary executions of rebels in the Posto of Uatolari.243 While their
reports did not specify the date of the incident, these events probably occurred on 17
June. The reports related that the Acting Administrator of the Viqueque
Circunscrição (Artur Marques Ramos) and Senior Captain Barreiros were
transporting three prisoners – mentioned above ie: Alberto Ribeiro, Abílio de
Meneses and Armindo, in the vicinity of the Bebui River a few kilometres west of the
Uatolari Posto headquarters - when the prisoners reportedly escaped. Following a
pursuit by local loyal Timorese militia, Armindo was killed - and Alberto and Abílio
were captured. Soon after, according to the reports, Abílio and Alberto were joined at
the banks of the Bebui by a group of prisoners brought by jeep from the Uatolari
Posto: João Soares of Uatolari; Feliciano, a former soldier; Naha-Leque (of Uma Ain
de Baixo, Viqueque Posto); and three unnamed civilians.244 The seven were

240
Ibid, p.24.
241
Australian Consulate – Dili, Savin 22, 22 June 1959 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1). A further 80
military police and about 16 artillery pieces later arrived in Dili port on 30 September – Australian
Consulate – Dili, Memo 203/59, 11 October 1959 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1).
242
Australian Consulate – Dili, Cable 28, 7 July 1959 (NAA: A1209, 1959/612).
243
There is no reference at all to these summary executions in the main body of Governor’s Barata’s
subsequent book ie Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit.. As annexes, the book
includes reports by several officials including Lieutenant Braga, Administrator José Filipe Ribeiro
(Baucau) and Administrator Artur Ramos (Viqueque) – but these reports are incomplete, and the details
of the killings at the Bebui River are not included. In mid-1960, the Baucau Administrator José Filipe
was transferred to the position of Administrator of the Bobonaro Circunscrição. United States Embassy
– Jakarta, Despatch 138, 19 August 1960 , described Administrator Filipe as “reportedly inept, corrupt
and slightly unbalanced” (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).
244
The killings at the Bebui River are also related in Soares (Mali-Lequic), A.V.M., Pulau Timor …,
2003, op.cit, pp.102-104 – that lists the following as having been killed: Alberto Ribeiro (Uatolari),
Anselmo (Uato-Carabau), Abilio Menezes (village head, Afaloicai), Feliciano da Silva (Uatolari),
Naha-Lequik (Viqueque), Lequi-Rubik (Viqueque), João Henrique (Luca), Paulo da Silva (Uatolari).
“Feliciano Soares”, and “Paulo” are also suggested as two of the un-named civilians - Gunter, J.,
“Communal Conflict in Viqueque …”, 2007, op.cit., p.39. Thomas Cabo Sipaio/Cipaio of Uato-
Carabau was also reportedly executed (footnote 243) – and may have been one of these un-named
prisoners. Thomas is also cited as having raised the Indonesian flag in Uato-Carabau on 18 June -
Rohi, P.A., Pemberontakan …, Mutiara 775, 1995, op.cit, p.15 – see footnote 212. Elders in Iliomar –
who had participated as in the campaign in Uato-Carabau as arraiais from the Lautém Circunscrição,
also related the killing of Thomas Cabo Sipaio.
 49

reportedly killed by automatic weapons fired by Administrator Artur Ramos and

Captain Barreiros - and their bodies mutilated with spears and machetes and then
thrown into the flooded river. Both reports listed three eyewitnesses to the killings:
Miguel da Costa Soares, the régulo (traditional ruler) of Viqueque; António da Costa
Rangel, the village chief of Uai-Mori; and Miguel Amaral, the village chief of Uma
Ki’ic.245 These killings were also later described by surviving rebels: “Moreover,
seven of the people’s leaders were hailed as heroes – including Thomas Cabo Sipai
[sic] ((ie, Cabo Sipaio – local police corporal)), Antonius Metan and a local noble,
Abilir [sic] ((– ie, Abílio)) Afaloicai. Together with another four, they were shot with
pistols while prisoners.”246
A “Memorandum” (copy at Annex D)247 written in Angola by rebel leaders in
1960 states that Abílio de Meneses, the village chief of Afaloicai (Uatolari) was shot
and killed by Administrator Artur Ramos in the grounds of the Uatolari Posto on 19
June 1959 (ie not on the bank of the Bebui River as related above). Abílio’s daughter,
Elda Sousa Meneses, also described her father’s death: “after he was shot and killed
in the Posto Administrador, the family only found the body without the head. After
some time however, the head was found and buried with the rest of the body.”248 The
rebels’ 1960 “Angola” Memorandum also related that João Mariano, a sipaio, was
shot and killed in the Secretariat of the Uato-Carabau Posto by the Lautém
Administrador, José Esteval C. de Serra Frazão. João Mariano had surrendered –
draped in a Portuguese flag, but was summarily executed.249 According to the
Memorandum, the following were killed in the headquarters of the Viqueque
Circunscrição: Domingos da Costa Amaral (known as Domingos Jeremias – see also
footnote 203) and António Ferreira – both of Luca, and Leque-Rubic (married) of
Caraubalo. Elders in Viqueque related that Leque-Rubic – who had participated in the

245
Both the reports by Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes and Governor Barata gave no date for the
killings, and the number killed is unclear – ie reporting “seven”, but implying these comprised Alberto,
Abílio Meneses, João Soares, Feliciano, Naha-Leque, and three un-named civilians ie eight. Note also
that, according to the Memorandum (footnote 244), Abílio Meneses was reported as being killed in the
grounds of the Uatolari Posto on 19 June. Summarising a report from Administrator Ramos, Barata
cites “seven killed from the Posto of Uatolari” – see following footnote 250. These killings are also
related in Jolliffe, J., Cover-Up, 2001, pp.45-46, 325-326 citing a report to Portuguese Prime Minister
Dr António de Oliveira Salazar based on complaints from the Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes in
which Monsignor Martinho purportedly “suggested criminal charges” against Ramos and Barreiros. As
noted in footnote 240 above, Governor Barata’s 1998 book, Timor contemporâneo…, op.cit. provides
no details on these killings at the Bebui River. On the witnesses, Sherlock, K., 1983, op.cit., pp.41-42
lists the following as Chefes de Suco in 1953: “Miguel da Costa Soares – of Umuain de Baixo, António
da Costa Rangel – of Uai Mori, and Miguel da Costa Amaral – of Uma Quic”.
246
Rohi, P.A., Pemberontakan …, Mutiara 775, 1995, op.cit, p.15.
247
Araújo, A.L.J. de (et al), Memorandum – Assunto: Sobre o acontecimento ocorrido em 7 de Junhe
[sic] de 1959, na Cirrcunscrição [sic] de Viqueque – Timor, six pages, Cólonia Penal do Bié (Angola),
21 April 1960 in Araújo, A.L.J. de, O Célebre Massacré …, 1974, op.cit.
248
Gonçalves, J.L.R., Gente de Timor-Leste – Primeiro ano da Independência, Tipografia União Folha
do Domingos Lda, Faro, 2004, p.66.
249
The circumstances of the killing of João Mariano are also related in Gunter, J., “Communal Conflict
in Viqueque …”, 2007, op.cit., p.33. The killing of João Mariano – reportedly on 12 June, was
witnessed by Francisco Ruas Hornay (of Iliomar) – and related to his son, Constantino Hornay –
interviewed by the author in Dili on 26 June 2007. João Mariano’s son - Armindo Soares Mariano
(sometimes as “Armindo Mariano Soares”), was an early member of Apodeti (its Information
Secretary) and appointed Administrator of Dili in the late 1970s and later Chairman/ Speaker of the
DPRD I (Parliament) in Dili in July 1997. A prominent pro-integration leader, Armindo moved to
Kupang in September 1999. On 1 August 1959, João Baptista was appointed as segundo-cabo de sipais
at Uato-Carabau to replace João Mariano, and Agostinho da Costa Pinto and Feliciano Soares were
recruited as sipais at Uato-Carabau – BOdT, No.31, 1 August 1959, p.511.
50

7 June attack on the Circunscrição office, was shot by Administrator Artur Ramos
and then decapitated by a Timorese, Arlindo.250
According to the Memorandum written in Angola, the Administrator of the
Baucau Circunscrição, José Maria Ribeiro Filipe, ordered the killings of João
Henrique of Uatolari, and Lourenço and Castilho of Baguia. The liurai of Afaloicai
(Baguia), Aparício Pedro Ximenes was also reportedly beheaded.251 This
Memorandum, written by deported rebel leaders, summarised those killed as “more
than 500.”
A suspected rebel - Carlos de Carvalho of Nunumalau village (Uatolari), was
also shot and killed on the outskirts of Baguia by a Timorese local policeman (sipaio)
– reportedly while attempting to escape from police custody.252
A subsequent report by Viqueque Administrator Artur Ramos on the
Viqueque uprising was included as an annex in Governor Barata’s 1998 book – but
reference to the detail of incidents or casualties at Uatolari, Uato-Carabau and Baguia
was omitted. Rather, in lieu, Governor Barata inserted the following passage, as
comment, into Administrator Artur Ramos’ “bowdlerised” report:
“(A list of 21 names follows – the first seven from the Posto of Uatolari who
died as witnessed by the signatory ((ie Administrator Artur Ramos)); and 14 others -
including one from Uatolari who died in hospital, and the majority of the others were
from Uato-Carabau).”
Viqueque Administrator Artur Ramos concluded his report as follows: “In
conclusion, the signatory ((ie I, Administrator Artur Ramos,)) still wish to say that, in
my modest opinion, the repression of this movement was much too benevolent and
can encourage the repetition of such an event. The actions were as directed by the
superior authority - by telephone from Lieutenant Braga. I believe that Captains
Fajardo and Barreiros received the same instructions.”253

Ethno-linguistic Divisions and Violence

In mid-1960, the Portuguese Army Chief of Staff, Captain Carvalho, told the
Australian Consul that “only a hundred or two of the total Timorese population” had
been involved – and that the conflict “had been more a question of one tribe working
off old scores against another than anti-Portuguese feeling.”254
250
Note that according to Soares (Mali-Lequic), A.V.M., Pulau Timor …, 2003, “Lequi-Rubik” of
Viqueque) was among those killed at the Bebui River –see earlier footnote 241.
251
“Pedro Soares (Liurai of Baguia)”, “Lourenço” and “Castilho” are also listed as being killed in
Baucau – and “João Henriques of Naha-Reca, Ossu” as disappearing at “Bui-Bela” in Soares (Mali-
Lequic), A.V.M., Pulau Timor …, 2003. Sherlock, K., 1983, op.cit., p.20 lists Pedro Ximenes as
Chefe de Suco of Afaloicai village (Baguia) in 1952. Berlie, J., email to author, 13 December 2006 –
also notes the beheading of Lorenço. The revered tombs of Aparício and Lorenço are in the aldeia
(sub-village) of Bui Bela, one of the highest villages in the Matebian Mountains.
252
Related in the reports by Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes and Governor Barata – Carlos de
Carvalho had been detained and treated for injuries in the Baucau hospital, returned to Baguia, and
immediately before his death had been interrogated by the Encarregado de Posto of Baguia (ie
Amadeu Coelho – b. 14/4/1922, Encarregado since May 1957) and the Encarregado de Posto of Uato-
Carabau (the newly-appointed Joaquim Pereira da Silva). The date of the interrogation and the death of
Carlos de Carvalho are not recorded.
253
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.225 – Annex VII, Report of the
Administrator of the Circunscrição of Viqueque (Administrator 3rd Class Artur Marques Ramos) , 23
January 1961. Artur Ramos had earlier been appointed/promoted to “Administrator 3rd Class” of the
Viqueque Circunscrição – ie from Acting Administrator, on 25 August 1959 vide BOdT, No. 35, 29
August 1959, p.558.
254
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 78/60, 18 June 1960, p.1 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/9).
 51

As noted earlier, the Portuguese had been “aided by native auxiliaries”

(arraiais) against the rebels – principally “(loyal natives from Ossu), they converged
on the area from two points – Lautem and Viqueque, using mortars, bazookas and
machine guns.”255 On 5 August, the Portuguese Army Chief of Staff in Dili - Captain
Carvalho, commenting on casualties, told the Australian Consul that there had been
“quite a few … but this was unavoidable, and we had great difficulty in restraining the
native auxiliaries from Ossu … the natives of Ossu were greatly angered at the
disloyalty of Uatolari and Baguia peoples – very few were involved, really, and
wished only to punish them … and once military action was taken, other peoples in
the Uatolari and Baguia area were glad to assist in capturing remaining leaders in their
area.”256
As described earlier, the Portuguese also mobilised arraiais from the
neighbouring Circunscrição of Lautém under the Lautém Administrador, José Esteval
C. de Serra Frazão. This force, numbering 400-500, marched into the Uato-Carabau
and Uatolari Postos where they laid waste to villages.257 The Lautém force also seized
property and livestock before withdrawing eastward. The Government force from
Lautém was predominantly from the Fataluku ethno-linguist group - with lesser
numbers from the Makalero-speaking Posto of Iliomar258 bordering Uato-Carabau.
The Fataluku and the Makalero were traditional enemies of the Naueti speakers who
inhabited the Uato-Carabau Posto, the eastern half of the Uatolari Posto, and two
villages in the southwest of the Baguia Posto that had supported the uprising.259
Following a visit to the Viqueque Circunscrição in 1960, the Australian Consul
reported on “killings by the Army or officially-encouraged Lautem tribesmen” noting
that the Government gave “a free hand to Lautem people to move into the Uato-
Carabau area under Army protection and kill as many of their enemies as they could
find; some dozens of Uato-Carabau people are reported to have died.”260
Apart from the depredations of the Fataluku and Makalero auxiliaries from
Lautém into Viqueque’s Uato-Carabau Posto261, there were also other significant
ethno-linguistic – or tribal, elements to the conflict within the Baucau and Viqueque
Circunscrições.262 Of the five villages in the Uatolari Posto (291 sq km), the three
255
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 143/59, 14 July 1959, p.1 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1).
256
Australian Consulate – Dili, Record of Conversation, 5 August 1959 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part
1).
257
For detail see Chamberlain, E.P., The Struggle in Iliomar, op.cit., 2008, pp. 41-42.
258
It is unclear whether the force from Iliomar was accompanied by the Encarregado do Posto of
Iliomar - Filomeno da Cruz Miranda Branco (born 17/12/1910). Filomeno was the long-serving
Encarregado at Iliomar ie from 1954 to to 23 July 1959.
259
See Chamberlain, E.P., The Struggle in Iliomar, op.cit., 2008, pp.34-36 for Fataluku forays as
Japanese auxiliaries during World War II westward into both Makalero (Iliomar Posto) and Naueti
territories (Uato-Carabau and Uatolari Postos).
260
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 143/60 - “Tour of Viqueque Area”, 20 October 1960 (NAA:
A1838, 3038/2/9) – the Australian and Chinese Consuls accompanied the Governor on a visit to the
area. The Governor’s visit to Lacluta,Viqueque, Iliomar and Lospalos was briefly reported in the
Portuguese Government’s foreign affairs monthly bulletin ie Boletim Geral do Ultramar, No 426,
Lisbon, December 1960, p.642.
261
Gunn, G.C., A Critical View …, 1994, pp.86-87; and Gunn, G., Timor Loro Sae 500 Years, 1999 -
p.145 notes that the raising of militia in the Lospalos area by the Portuguese for action in Viqueque
exacerbated ethnic tensions among the Timorese.
262
Within the Viqueque Circunscrição (estimated population in 1959 of 37,150 - area: 1,850 km), the
largest number spoke Makassae (about 46 percent), about 25 percent spoke Tetum (Viqueque Town
and to the south and southwest), and about 20 percent spoke Naueti (including about 40 percent of the
Uatolari Posto and all villagers in the Uato-Carabau Posto). The foregoing figures are estimated by the
author on calculations using the 1960 census figures and the 2001 Suco Survey. Metzner, J.K., Man
and Environment in Eastern Timor, op.cit., 1977 notes a 1954 census survey that showed 34 percent of
52

villages in the eastern half of the Posto were Naueti-speaking: ie Afaloicai, Uaitame/
Vessoro, and Babulo; while the two western villages were mainly Makassae/Makasai-
speaking: ie Matahoi and Makadiki. In the period 1952-1958 - with the permission of
the traditional ruler of Uatolari, Don Humberto (of Uaitame), the villagers of
Afaloicai had expanded their rice fields into the Uaitame and Naedala areas, drawing
water from the Bebui River. The villagers from the three Naueti-speaking villages
appear to have been the basis of the 1959 Rebellion in Uatolari – and, although the
village chiefs of Makadiki and Matahoi were detained by the Portuguese on 12 June
(as related earlier), the Makassae-speaking people of those two villages appear to
have joined the Portuguese in attacking the rebels with “the Makassae-speaking
community joining volunteers raised by the Portuguese and conducting violence
against other communities … seizing land and domestic animals from the Afaloikai
community.”263

THE AFTERMATH

On 25 June 1959, with the operations against the rebels in the Baucau and
Viqueque Circunscrições concluded, the Director of Civil Administration in Dili -
Abílio da Paixão Monteiro264, recommenced the investigation in Dili of the 45
detained Timorese implicated in the revolt. For “ethical and political considerations”,
Governor Barata directed that the number of “detentions be scaled down” so as not to
“aggravate the wounds in the social fabric.”265 Governor Barata noted that his views
were opposed by several sectors - particularly by the military who advocated
“exemplary punishment” and “implacable toughness” in suppressing the uprising.
According to Governor Barata, “trustworthy information” had indicated that a
Timorese member of the Conselho de Governo, Francisco de Araújo, had been

the Uatolari Posto were Naueti speakers and 66 percent spoke Makassae. Metzner’s 1969 work is an
important reference, but his study only covers a transect from the northern coast to the southern coast
between the longitudes of 126° 15′ and 126° 35′ ie only as far east as Aliambata on the southern coast.
263
Tilman, M. & Pereira, D., “Tanah Dan Perumahan Di Timor Lorosae Antara Harapan Dan
Kenyataan” (“Land and Housing in Timor Lorosae – Between Hope and Fact”), East Timor Law
Journal, Article 14, 2004. This study, done in 2002, also relates the disempowerment of the Naueti –
who had supported UDT (União Democrática Timorense – Timorese Democratic Union) and Apodeti
in 1974-75 (see footnotes 398, 399, 406) and who subsequently retook their lands in Uatolari from the
Makassae during the Indonesian occupation period (beginning in early 1979 after the fall of the
Matebian Mountain resistance base). However, land and property conflicts in Uatolari have still to be
satisfactorily resolved. On the causes for the Rebellion, see also Babo Soares, D., “Building a
foundation for an effective civil service in Timor Leste”, Pacific Economic Bulletin, May 2003, p.13
who contends that “the essence of the protest was merely to insist that the colonial government pay
more attention to the social welfare of the locals, who until that time, had lacked access to education
and other government services.”
264
Abílio da Paixão Monteiro, an Administrator 3rd Class, was apparently also appointed Superindente
da Polícia.
265
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp. 69-70. In assessing Barata’s tenure as
Governor, the Australian Consul reported that Governor Barata “was widely regarded as the most
popular and most energetic governor in the recent history of the province” – and although he could
“hardly be described as a liberal, he was more tolerant of ‘oppositionist’ opinions than were his
predecessors”: Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 67, 6 Apr 1963 (NAA: A3092, 221/11/18).
 53

involved in the uprising – including in its preparatory phase. Due to the “political and
social considerations” - and following direction from Lisbon, Francisco de Araújo
appeared before an investigating session of the Conselho. Francisco defended himself
- but following a secret vote by the Council members, he was dismissed from the
Council and detained.266 However, according to a group rebels, Francisco de Araújo
was not involved in the movement. Rather, he was falsely implicated in the plot by
Câncio dos Reis Noronha267, a long-time rival. Câncio Noronha reportedly pressured
the police to force false confessions of Francisco’s involvement from two of his
employees: Crispim Borges de Araújo and Belarmindo de Araújo.268
In early July 1959, a few weeks after the violence, the Australian Consul
visited the Baucau and Viqueque Circunscrições and reported:
“I met very few natives on the road ((from Baucau)) to Venilale - the route to
Viqueque, but they were to be seen in the fields, carrying out the various
agricultural processes. However, at Ossu there were many on the roads, all
very bright and cheerful. Viqueque presented a different picture – hardly a
native to be seen – I felt it to be depressing. The Uato Lari area had been
‘swept clean’ – not a village left standing, completely burnt out and all
livestock driven off. Time did not permit continuing to Baguia, but I
understand that a similar situation obtains in that area. The actual disturbances
where the troops took military action was confined to the Uato Lari – Baguia
area. Aided by native auxiliaries (loyal natives from Ossu) they converged on
the area from two points – Lautem and Viqueque, using mortars, bazookas and
machine guns. … talking to the military Chief of Staff ((on 13 July in Dili)) …
he volunteered the information relating to the military action and the measures
taken. The Chief of Staff said that the actual shooting, and the use of mortars
etc, was more for the moral effect than anything else, but of course the native
auxiliaries were difficult to restrain. I have no doubt, however, that brief as the
action was, it was equally ruthless and complete. The Chief of Staff went on to
say that the natives implicated in the disturbances had no heart for any further
opposition to Portuguese authority once their leaders had been taken. … It is
known to me, however, that there were many natives in that area in possession
of small Indonesian flags … On the face of it, everything now appears to be
266
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp. 70-71 – for Francisco de Araújo’s
background, see footnote 54. His PIDE/DGS case file is PIDE/DGS Lisboa PC 636/59 NT 5292 (TdT,
Lisbon). A vacancy on the Conselho de Governo was declared on 21 September 1959, and voting by
the “electoral college” to fill the vacancy was conducted on 15 November. Câncio Noronha – an
empregado bancário, was appointed as a member of the Conselho – BOdT, No.3, 16 January 1960, p.2.
267
Câncio dos Reis Noronha was a son of the luirai/régulo of Lacló (Dom Luís dos Reis Noronha) –
see footnote 153. Câncio Noronha - and his brother, Bernardino, were evacuated to Australia in August
1942 and served, in Australia, in the Australian military’s “Z Special Unit” until early 1945. Returning
to Portuguese Timor in late 1945, Câncio Noronha joined the Health and Hygiene Service as a civil
servant – but soon after joined the Banco Nacional Ultramarino (BNU). As noted above, he was
appointed a member of the Conselho de Governo in late 1959 and also served in the Conselho
Legislitavo from its founding in April 1965 – including as a member of the revised 13-member
Government Council in December 1974 (the BNU representative).
268
Author’s discussions in Dili with Evaristo da Costa, Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa and Salem
Sagran in Dili, 2 April 2007 – who also noted that Francisco de Araújo’s wife was Indonesian.
However, according to Câncio Noronha, Francisco de Araújo was involved – and had written a letter to
his friend, António Senanes (the accountant at the Sociedade Agrícola Pátria e Trabalho - SAPT), in
which he accused the following of involvement in the plot: Câncio dos Reis Noronha, Bernardino dos
Reis Noronha, Alarico Fernandes (b. 31/12/04, father of 1975 Fretilin Minister Alarico Fernandes),
Domingos Soares (of SAPT) and six others (author’s discussion with Câncio Noronha, Melbourne, 6
December 2008).
54

normal – but I can sense that the authorities are not entirely happy – arrests
continue as interrogations progress … .”269

Casualties

Estimates of casualties among the rebels and villagers vary widely and are
difficult to assess accurately. Some English-language publications have suggested that
the number of deaths was as high as 1,000 270. While official Indonesian publications
relate that “hundreds of people were killed”, some Indonesia writers have claimed
10,000 or 40,000 were killed.271 As noted earlier, in April 1960, rebel leaders
deported to Angola summarised: “the number of those deceased was calculated as
more than 500.”272 Other published estimates were “about 1,500 killed”273 and “more
than 2,000”.274 Ms Janet Gunter has estimated “between 50 and 500” deaths (see p.3,
footnote 8).
One of the Timorese leaders of the Rebellion in Viqueque, José Manuel
Duarte, claimed that 545 Timorese were killed during the uprising – noting: “I myself
witnessed the brutality, and have sufficient evidence with which to win the case” and
that there were “at least nine others who can testify on what happened.”275 The
National Council of Maubere Resistance (CNRM) however, cited a far lower figure in
1995: “the badly planned rebellion failed, causing the expulsion of the Indonesians,
some 150 casualties and 60 Timorese deported to Angola and Mozambique by the
Portuguese colonial authorities.”276
Timor-Leste’s first President, Francisco Xavier do Amaral, stated: “in 1959, in
the aftermath of the uprising, a good number of women, children and old people were
gunned down by the Portuguese soldiers on the beaches of Watulari and Waturkabau.
Some were killed in Dili, Baucau, Weikeke ((Viqueque)). Others were deported to
Angola.”277 Amaral was training as a Jesuit priest in Macau at the time of the

269
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 143/59, 14 July 1959, pp.1-2 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).
270
Taylor, J.G., Indonesia’s Forgotten War, 1991, p.21 – “between 160 and 1,000”; Gunn, G., Timor
Loro Sae 500 Years, 1999, p.260 – “between 500 and 1,000 killed”.
271
Brahmana, R., Buku 20 Tahun Timor Timur Membangun, Jakarta, 1996, pp.28-30 cites “hundreds”.
Soekanto, Integrasi – Kebulatan Tekad Rakyat Timor Timur (Integration - The Determined Will of the
People of East Timor), Yayasan Parakesit, Jakarta, 1976, p.75 states: “According to records, more than
10,000 people were slaughtered by the Portuguese colonialists”. See also Kamah, M.S., Seroja:
pengalaman seorang wartawan di medan tempur Timor Timur, Eko’s, Palu (Sulawesi), 1997, p.25 that
claims “makan korban 40,000 jiwa” (“the loss of 40,000 lives”) in the 1959 uprising.
272
“… o número de mortos calcula-se acima de quinhentos !” - Araújo, A. de (et al), Memorandum –
Assunto: Sobre o acontecimento …, 21 April 1960, op.cit., p.5 – included in Annex D.
273
Rohi, P.A., “Timor-Portugis dari Masa-kemasa”, Kompas, Jakarta, 4 October 1974, p.V; and Rohi,
P.A., Pemberontakan …, Mutiara 775, 1995, op.cit, p.15.
274
Herman, J., “Pejuang Timtim Akan Tuntut Portugal – Atas Pembantaian 2,000 Orang di Viqueque”,
Jawa Pos, 16 November 1995, p.13. José Manuel Duarte claimed: “Portugal killed more than 2,000
citizens of Viqueque at the Bebui river”. Note however, Duarte’s previous claims of “about 500” and
“545” – see the following footnote 272.
275
Sampaio, A., “Portugal Accused of Human Rights Violations”, Publico, Lisbon, 4 January 1996 –
Duarte was speaking at a press conference in Dili in November 1992 when a member of the Indonesian
East Timor (Timor Timur) provincial parliament (DPRD I) in Dili. Earlier, Duarte had cited “about
500” - Mali Mau, M., “Jose: Saya merasakan kejamnya Portugal”, Surya, Jakarta, 14 November 1992,
p.13.
276
Conselho Nacional de Resistência Maubere (National Council of Maubere Resistance - CNRM),
“Indonesia’s desperate attempt to revise East Timor history”, Media Release, 3 July 1995, p.1.
277
Amaral, F. X. do, “My Response to the Film ‘Death of a Nation: The Timor Conspiracy’ ”, London,
2 July 1994 – his public statement after attending a debate in London on 30 June 1994.
 55

Rebellion and contends that, due to his pro-rebel sympathies, he was not appointed a
Catholic priest by the Portuguese authorities on his return to Timor in 1963.278
A large number of Timorese were arrested, together with 13 of the 14
Indonesian asilados reportedly involved – Jobert Moniaga had apparently been killed
in Uatolari on 11 June as noted earlier. Most of the Timorese detained appear to have
been minor civil servants and workers in Dili – as well as three Timorese staff of the
Indonesian Consulate, including the Consul’s “right-hand man” and also his driver.279
The Australian Consul reported on “wholesale arrests on little or no evidence and
great emphasis on the extortion of ‘confessions’ by torture.”280 Many of the prisoners
were initially held in the Portuguese armoury in Dili and, following interrogation,
were imprisoned aboard the unseaworthy coastal freighter, N/M Dom Aleixo, in Dili
harbour.

((Photograph of N/M Dom Aleixo not included))

Conditions aboard the vessel were very poor – with the prisoners sleeping on
the floor without blankets.281 Governor Barata noted that “despite the cool season”,
the heat aboard the Dom Aleixo was “unbearable.” He “considered it urgent to remove
these men from the Province - despite the human cost of separating them from their
families, as to keep them in those conditions was intolerable.”282
According to José Manuel Duarte, a number of the captured Timorese rebels
were also imprisoned on the island of Ataúro for three years – and some in Baucau for
two years.283 An “Islamic account” lists members of Portuguese Timor’s Islamic
community imprisoned for four-six months in Dili, Liquiça, Batugade and Ataúro.284

278
Nicol, B., Timor – A Nation Reborn, op.cit., p.107. See also Hill, H. M., Gerakan Pembebasan
Nasional Timor Lorosae, Sahe Institute/Yayasan HAK, Dili, 2000, pp.63-64; and Subroto, H., Saksi
Mata …, 1996, op.cit., p.190 that relates Amaral telling the Bishop of Dili that he (Amaral) was not
“anti-Portuguese” – but “anti the system” that the Portuguese implemented. In a 2009 interview,
Amaral related his refusal to be ordained – citing the abuses of the Portuguese colonial regime, in
particularly the use of the chicote (a two-tailed hand whip) to punish the Timorese (Anderson, C., “East
Timor’s First President Recalls His 9-Day Term”, Jakarta Globe, Jakarta, 18 March 2009). Francisco
Xavier do Amaral (b. 3/12/1937) joined the public service in Dili on 13 August 1965 and served as a
“tesoureiro” (“treasurer”) second-class in the Customs Service until early 1975.
279
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 173/59, 30 August 1959 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1). The
“right-hand man” - an “Arab”, was deported but released in 1961 and returned to Portuguese Timor -
see also Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 98/65, 12 July 1965, p.2 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 4).
280
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 78/60, 18 June 1960, paragraph 10 (NAA; A1838, 3038/2/1 Part
1; 3038/2/9).
281
Costa, F.A.S. da. (Prisoner No 52), Memorandum, Bié (Angola), 6 May 1960.
282
Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, op.cit., pp. 69-70. Conditions aboard the Dom Aleixo were
also described by José Manuel Duarte in Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989,
op.cit., p.24.
283
Duarte, J.M., Memorandum, Dili, 4 February 1994. Duarte stated that 16 rebels from the Viqueque
Circunscrição (“one from Uato-Carabau, one from Uatolari and 14 from Viqueque”) were “captured
and taken to Dili, and together with 52 from Dili, sent to Angola.”
284
Bazher, A.B., Islam di Timor Timur, Gema Insani Press, Jakarta, 1995, p.34 lists Ahmad bin
Abdullah Balafif, Muhammad bin Mahfud Bazher, Ambarak bin Mahfud Bazher, Salim bin Said al-
Katiri (Liquiça), Awad bin Bade al-Katiri, Saleh Duru, Abdul Pirus Husen Bima, Umar bin Mussallam
Syagran, Muhamad bin Mussallam Syagran - and refers to “others”.
56

In the Viqueque Circunscrição, 18 males – almost all from villages in Luca

and Carau-Balo, were arrested and imprisoned in Baucau285:

Carau-Balo Village, Viqueque Posto: Vicente Soares, Estevão de Araújo, Leki

Loic, Lela Vomuc, João Soares, Inácio Soares, Rubi Nahac, João Soares, Lacu
Caic, Mau Loic.
Luca Village, Viqueque Posto: António Soares, Nanu Alves, Duarte Soares,
Adalino Soares, Mateus Soares, Luís Soares, José Soares.
Viqueque Town: Manuel Pinto.

Additionally, several of the key rebels in Viqueque were also imprisoned

elsewhere in Timor, including286:
Zeferino dos Reis Amaral (aged in his 50s) - the régulo of Luca who had
attended pre-uprising meetings with Gerson Pello – imprisoned on Ataúro
Island for two-three years.
Celestino da Silva - the Chefe de Suco287 of Matahoi village – imprisoned on
Ataúro;
Celestino Amaral - imprisoned on Ataúro;
Tomé Amaral (village chief of Uai Tame – possibly Tomé Leal);
Armando da Silva, of Uatolari – imprisoned on Ataúro;
Fernando Soares Amaral (cabo-sipaio ie local police corporal) of Uatolari –
imprisoned on Ataúro288;
Julio da Silva289 (sipaio) of Uatolari – imprisoned on Ataúro;
João Ennes Pascoal of Uatolari – imprisoned on Ataúro.
Duarte Ximenes of Laga – imprisoned on Ataúro.
José Henriques of Uatolari – imprisoned in Baucau, escaped but killed (stoned
to death) in the street (near the Baucau church) by pro-Portuguese Timorese.
Joaquim Trinidade of Aliambata - imprisoned in Uatolari.290

285
From a list – “Naran Ema Nebe Castigo iha Baucau Tempo 1959 Viqueque”, drafted by Vicente
Soares (of Viqueque) and provided to the author by Virginia Pinto (younger sister of exiled rebel
Domingos Hornay Soares), Dili, 3 April 2007. Dom Ximenes Belo relates - as a school child in
Baucau, “hearing the piercing screams and despair” (os gritos lancinantes e desesperados) of the
tortured prisoners - Belo, C.F.X. Dom, A Revolta …, op.cit., 2009, p.5.
286
Author’s discussions with Hermenegildo da Cruz, Constantino de Oliveira Simões, António Pinto
and Rogério Pinto, Viqueque, 29 June 2007 – with additional names from lists in Soares (Mali-Lequic),
A.V.M., Pulau Timor …, 2003, op.cit, pp.102-104. At p.103, Soares (Mali-Lequic) also records that
Domingos Jeremias and António Pereira of Viqueque “disappeared” at Mali-Aba-Ulun, Viqueque; and
José Pinto and Luís “disappeared” at Uato-Carabau.
287
From 1912 to about 1966, the term “suco/suku” referred to a “princedom” or grouping of villages –
see Metzner, J.K., Man and Environment in Eastern Timor, Development Studies Centre – Monograph
No. 8, The Australian National University, Canberra, 1977 - that focuses on central Viqueque.
288
Fernando Soares Amaral (“segundo-cabo”) and Julio da Costa Amaral – “sipais da guaranicao” at
Uatolari were formally dismissed from the administrative service with effect 1 June 1959 - vide BOdT,
No. 31, 1 August 1959, p.511. Both were reportedly imprisoned on Ataúro – and subsequently at
Ermera (author’s discussion with Gaspar Mascarenhas, Matahoi, 24 October 2008). The following
were recruited on 1 August as replacement sipais for Uatolari: Guilherme da Cruz (segundo-cabo de
sipais) to replace Fernando Amaral; and Armando da Cruz as sipai to replace Julio Amaral – BOdT,
No. 31, 1 August 1959, p.511.
289
Although recorded as “Julio da Silva, Cipaio, Uatolari” in Soares (Mali-Lequic), A.V.M., Pulau
Timor …, 2003, op.cit, p.103, this is likely to be Julio da Costa Amaral – see preceding footnote.
290
Author’s discussions with Joaquim Trinidade (b. 1935), Aliambata, 24 October 2008.
 57

Several rebels and supporters were also reportedly “punished locally” eg

Francisco (Chico-Berek-Debu-Inan) and Mabe’oc – both of Crarec-Maruc were
punished at Uma Tolu, Lacluta; and “Pedro of Railaco” was similarly punished.291
Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes, serving as a delegate to the National
Assembly in Lisbon, returned to Dili in October 1959 and “was able to plead for
clemency” for the rebels.292 As noted earlier (footnote 190), most of his account of the
violence in the Viqueque and Baucau Circunscrições was also reported in Governor
Barata’s letter to the Ministry of Overseas Territories (footnote 191) – in particular,
the killings on the banks of the Bebui River in Uatolari. The report written by
Monsignor da Costa Lopes also included comments and suggestions not repeated in
Governor Barata’s letter to Lisbon. While Monsignor Lopes cited the executions on
the banks of the Bebui River in Uatolari, he was reluctant to unequivocally describe
the killings as “criminal”.293 His report also queried the circumstances of the death of
Carlos de Carvalho at Baguia. Monsignor Lopes offered some explanations for the
discontent that led to the Rebellion, including: a lack of schooling in the countryside,
shortages of government administrative staff294, and unfair practices such as the
obligatory sale of livestock by villagers at low prices. Apart from a reference to the
capture of “o indonésio Joubert” and “os indonésios Gerson and Jeremias”,
Monsignor Lopes does not mention in his report any involvement in the revolt of
Indonesians, the Indonesian Consul or Indonesia. Subsequently, on his return to
Lisbon, Monsignor Lopes wrote to Governor Barata in November 1959 to thank the
Governor for his “humane and Christian role in the events in Timor.”295
In 2007, several former rebels stated their belief that the Bishop of Dili in
1959, Dom Jaime Garcia Goulart, and Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes had
pressed for the exile of the arrested rebels – believing that a just trial for the rebels
was more likely outside Portuguese Timor.296 Both Dom Jaime Goulart and
291
Soares (Mali-Lequic), A.V.M., Pulau Timor …, 2003, op.cit, pp.102-104.
292
Lennox, R., Fighting Spirit … , 2000, p.64. Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes had returned to
Portuguese Timor from Lisbon during the National Assembly’s “regular northern summer recess”.
Lennox also notes that Monsignor Martinho Lopes “saw himself as a Portuguese patriot” … “defended
Portugal against insidious slander at the UN” … “and for him the Portuguese colonies were the
crowning glory of the Portuguese nation” - p.66.
293
“dificilmente deixará do ser qualificado de criminoso” - Lopes, da Costa, M., “Breve resenha …,
op.cit., Lisbon, 1959, p.3.
294
Monsignor Martinho Lopes’ report was not specific on these “shortages”. However, Artur Marques
Ramos – a Secretário, was the Acting Administrator of theViqueque Circunscrição and the Secretário
position was not filled. There were also vacancies in the Postos. As noted at footnote 208, at the time
of the uprising, the position of Encarregado de Posto at Uato-Carabau had been vacant for about one
year since the posting of Francisco da Sousa to Lacluta on 13 May 58 – with a replacement
Encarregado de Posto, Joaquim Pereira da Silva not posted from Mape (Bobonaro) to Uato-Carabau
until 16 Jun 59. At Lacluta, Encarregado Francisco da Sousa had been in bad health and was
hospitalised in Dili in November 1958 - and replaced in December 1958 by Laurentino António Pires.
A PIDE report discussing the “Motives for Discontent” noted that the “Mascarenhas Ingles
(Mousinho)” family – a notable and well-established Timorese family, was in dispute with the
authorities due to appropriation of property and the dismissal of family members from senior
government administrative posts - including four Chefe/Encarregado de Posto positions (PIDE –
Timor, Report, Dili, 23 October 1959 – TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS NT 8971 Part 1).
295
Lennox, R., Fighting Spirit …, 2000, p.66: Letter – Flight Timor to Portugal, 12 November 1959.
Jolliffe, J., Cover-Up, 2001, p.45; p.325 also notes that Monsignor Martinho Lopes wrote to Portuguese
Prime Minister Dr A. de Oliveira Salazar. See footnote 190 for detail on Monsignor Martinho da Costa
Lopes and his 1959 report on the Rebellion.
296
Statements to the author by Evaristo da Costa, Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa and Salem
Sagran, Dili, 2 April 2007. Dom Jaime Garcia Goulart (1908-1997) served as Bishop of Dili from
October 1945 to January 1967.
58

Monsignor Martinho Lopes later visited the rebels imprisoned in Lisbon and sought
improved conditions for them.
Governor Barata made several changes to the administration in Viqueque.
Acting Administrator Artur Marques Ramos was appointed Administrator - ie
“Administrator 3rd Class” of the Viqueque Circunscrição, on 25 August 1959.297
Earlier in mid-late June, the Encarregado de Posto of Uatolari, Eduardo Caeiro
Rodrigues – who had been absent from Posto at the time of the rebels’ attack on 7
June, was posted to Mape (Bobonaro). His replacement from Laclubar (Manatuto),
Aspirante Saul Nunes Catarino, was older (born 2/7/1904) and two grades more
senior. As noted earlier, Joaquim Pereira da Silva (born 3/1/1928), was posted from
Mape (Bobonaro) to Uato-Carabau to fill the long-vacant Encarregado de Posto
position in mid-late June 1959.298

Into Exile

Reporting on the fate of the 13 detained Indonesians, the Australian Consul

commented that in early June 1959 the then Acting Governor (the Military
Commander, Lieutenant Colonel Aguiar) “initiated the question of their being handed
back to Djakarta. However, soon after the new Governor ((Barata)) had taken office,
he ((Barata)) vetoed this, and said that the Indonesians, by their actions, had forfeited
all rights under which they were granted political asylum in Portuguese Timor, and
now became subject to the Portuguese criminal law and as such must be tried and
dealt with under Portuguese law. Negotiations are now proceeding between Lisbon
and Djakarta to resolve this question.”299
According to one of the exiled Timorese rebels, Evaristo da Costa, 11 of the
Timorese - including the “pemikir” (Bahasa Indonesia = “brains”) of the Rebellion
and Evaristo, left Dili by ship on 5 June 1959 for prison in Portugal.300 The report of
the Portuguese police superintendent in Dili listed the 11 departing on the Portuguese
passenger vessel N/M India301 as: João Pereira da Silva, Valentim da Costa Pereira,
Evaristo da Costa, David Verdial, Luís da Costa Rego, José Beny Joaquim, Francisco
Orlando de Fátima Soares, Carlos Salvador de Sousa Gama, Gervásio Soriano, Abel
da Costa Belo and José Ramos de Sousa Gama.302

297
BOdT, No. 35, 29 August 1959, p.558.
298
The postings of Eduardo Caeiro Rodrigues to Mape, Saul Nunes Catarino to Uatolari, and Joachim
da Silva to Uato-Carabau were promulgated in BOdT, No. 26 of 27 June 1959, p.447 – to have taken
effect on 16 June 1959. Governor Barata – who arrived in Dili from Lisbon on 20 June, was unlikely to
have been involved in these movements as they were approved by the Administrative Tribunal in Dili
on 19 June 1959. Subsequently on 18 June 1960, Eduardo Caeiro Rodrigues was suspended for
“disciplinary infractions committed during his tenure as Chefe do Posto at Uatolari … contrary to the
interests, prestige and dignity of the State” – belatedly promulgated in BOdT, No. 10, 11 March 1961
p.114. He was “dismissed at his request” on 16 April 1962 - vide BOdT, No. 21, 26 May 1962, p.429.
299
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 155/59, 3 August 1959 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).
300
Statement by Evaristo da Costa on his return to Jakarta on 5 January 1996 – reported in “Pejuang
Timtim: Saya Tidak Pernah Menduga …” (“I Never Imagined …”), Kompas/Kompas Online, Jakarta,
7 January 1996, p.1 & p.8. The N/M India was scheduled to depart Dili on 5 June, but its departure
was delayed until 8 June to embark the rebel prisoners. Evaristo was transported from Lisbon to
Angola in May 1960, and later exiled in Mozambique – before returning to Portugal and working in
menial jobs in the period 1983-1995.
301
The N/M India, of 7,631 tons, was built in 1951 and had a capacity for 387 passengers. Operated by
the Companhia Nacional de Navegação, it transported passengers (principally public servants and
troops) and cargo to/from Portugal’s colonial territories. Photographs of N/M India, Niassa and
Moçambique can be found at http://www.simplonpc.co.uk/Portugal_Nacional.html
 59

((Photograph not included – N/M India))

The Australian Consul noted “nine of the principal ringleaders … with some
others, were taken away in the Portuguese ship ‘India’ to Lisbon.”303 According to
Governor Barata, to avoid “panic” among the population, the 11 prisoners were taken
aboard the N/M India “with great secrecy at dawn on 7 June” – with the “normal
passengers” (including the departing Indonesian Consul, Nazwar Jacub) embarking in
the evening, and the vessel departed Dili at dawn on 8 June.304 This departure of the
initial group of exiles is also related in statements by José Manuel Duarte: “those who
had been arrested on 3 June 1959 had already been taken to Portugal, while the
remainder who had been captured outside Dili were incarcerated with me in the hold
of the Don Alezu [sic] … those sent first to Lisbon, were also sent to Angola.”305 The
11 Timorese deportees were disembarked in Lisbon from the N/M India on 20 July
1959 and – as “Traição A Pátria”, imprisoned in De Forte do Reduto Norte in
Caxias.306
On 4 October 1959, the majority of the rebel prisoners307 to be sent into exile
were embarked on the N/M India bound from Dili to Lisbon via Macau, Singapore,
Mormugão (Goa), Aden, Port Said and the Suez Canal.308 These prisoners comprised:
302
Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, op.cit., pp. 218-219 – Annex V, Report of the Police
Superintendent Abílio da Paixão Monteiro, 25 July 1959.
303
Australian Consulate – Dili, Cable 20, 16 June 1959 (NAA: A1209, 1959/612).
304
Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, op.cit., p.61. Governor Barata also notes that Nazwar Jacub’s
replacement, Tengku Hussin, had arrived on the N/M India a few days earlier.
305
Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit., p.24.
306
Costa, E. da, Declaração, Dili, 17 June 2001 – in Costa, E. da (et al), O Célebre Massacré …,
2005, op.cit.
307
Their completed pro-formae ie “Boletim Registo Polícial” – with fingerprints on the reverse, can be
found on file PIDE/DGS, PC 634/59 Caixa 5291 (TdT, Lisbon).
308
N/M India arrived in Dili on 30 September 1959 and, as noted above, disembarked an additional 80
military police and 16 artillery pieces : Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 203/59, 11 October 1959
(NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1). José Manuel Duarte related that “Bupati … Monteiro” ((Bahasa –
“Bupati” = “Circunscrição Administrator”)) - a friend from soccer/football activities, visited him
aboard the N/M India and offered to help his family in Viqueque – which he later did: Diatmika, A.G.,
“(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit., p.24. It is highly likely that “Monteiro” was
Administrator (2nd Class) Abílio Maria da Paixão e Morte de Jesus Ferreira Monteiro. According to
Abel da Costa Belo, the rebels believed that they would be tried in Goa - Subroto, H., Saksi Mata …,
1996, op.cit., p.172. Gata, A. C. L.G., Captain, Relatorio da Viagem do Navio India de Macau para
Lisboa – 1959, 11 December 1959 - provides a comprehensive account of that part of the voyage from
Macau to Lisbon. The ship’s voyage was subsequently diverted from Aden via Lourenço Marques
(Mozambique) and Lobito (Angola) – to Lisbon. The voyage to Lisbon is also partly related in Barata,
F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp. 229-234 – Annex IX, Extract of the Letter by Chief
of Police (Manuel Vieira Câmara Júnior) “Aboard the Vessel India …”, 15 November 1959.
60

- 52 Timorese – including four of “Arab descent” (“de origem arabes”)309 ie

Salem bin Mussallam Syagran (Salem Sagran), Usman bin Manduli
Loly, Saleh bin Ahmad Basyarewan [sic], Jum’an bin Basyirun 310; and
- the four Indonesian “ringleaders”: Gerson Tom Pello, Lambertus Ladow,
Jeremias Toan Pello, and Albert Ndoen (also as “Albertus Ndung”,
“Alberto L. Ndoen”, “Albert Ndun”).311

The N/M India also carried one “special status” Timorese prisoner, Francisco
M. X. J. de Araújo, who had been a member of the Conselho de Governo in Dili.
A consolidated listing of all deportees – ie those who departed Dili in both
June and October 1959, is at Annex E (alphabetical) and Annex F (Os Nomes dos
Detidos Timorenses para Angola do Ano de 1959 – prepared by deportees in Angola
in June 1960, that also notes their pre-arrest vocations and employment detail)312.
When the N/M India reached Macau, “one of the prisoners – Senhor Araújo –
reportedly managed to send a message to a relative, Dr Pedro José Lobo, President of
the Macao Senate and the island’s most powerful citizen.”313 The senior Portuguese
309
In Portuguese Timor, there were “only about 100 of the Islamic faith … mostly engaged in the
piecework trade”: Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 68/54, 23 February 1954 (NAA: A1838,
3006/4/3 Part 1); and “Islam … has a handful of adherents among a small community of Arab
descent”: Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 73 “Conditions in Timor”, 10 May 1961 (NAA: A1838,
3038/2/1 Part 3).
310
Bazher, A.B., Islam di Timor Timur, Gema Insani Press, Jakarta, 1995, p.34 – this publication uses
Islamic spellings of names that differ slightly from those in other reports..
311
The 52 Timorese and four Indonesian are listed – together with personal details, in the “Guia”
(“Pass”) by Lieutentant D.R.C. Braga (Chefe de Gabinete), Dili, 3 October 1959 (TdT, Lisbon:
PIDE/DGS Lisboa, PC 604/59, Caixa 5288) ie “special status” Francisco de Araújo is not listed. José
Manuel Duarte stated that 68 rebels were deported to Angola - Duarte, J.M., Memorandum, Dili, 4
February 1994 – this comprised 64 Timorese and 4 Indonesians. However, Duarte is also quoted as
citing “47” departing Dili on 4 October 1959 in Mali Mau, M., “José …”, 14 November 1992, op.cit.,
p.13. For a “primary source” listing prepared by the exiled rebels see the following footnote 309 (and
attached as Annex F) - and also Annex E. Note however an “error” in Annex F ie “22. Mateus Pereira”
should be “Matias Guterres de Sousa”.
312
Costa, F.A.S. da, Os Nomes dos Detidos Timorenses para Angola do Ano de 1959 (The Names of
the Timorese Detainees Sent to Angola in 1959), Silva Porto (Bié, Angola), 6 June 1960 – Annex F.
Those arrested and deported were predominantly from the Timorese “educated” class: more than 30
percent appear to have been “funcionario” (civil servants), several were in commercial employment, at
least three were village chiefs - others were mechanics, drivers, sailors etc and only three were noted as
“desenpregado” (“unemployed”). However, almost all of the Timorese participants in the Rebellion in
the Viqueque and Baucau Circunscrições would be classified as “villagers”. Gunn, G.C., “Revisiting
the Viqueque (East Timor) Rebellion of 1959, 2006, op.cit., provides an analysis of the employments
and vocations of some of the exiles. Annex E – Deportees 1959 Rebellion, summarises “all-source”
data on each of the rebels.
313
“Trouble in Timor”, Foreign Report, The Economist, London, 25 April 1963 (NAA: A1838,
3038/2/1 Part 2; 3006/4/3 Part 3). The main topic of the Report was the announcement in mid-April
1963 of the Ministry of the “United Republic of Timor – Dilly” – to which the Economist article
appended reference to the “abortive uprising in Timor at the end of 1961” (ie incorrect date) and the
relationship between Dr Pedro José Lobo (Presidente do Leal Senado de Macau) and the transiting
Francisco de Araújo. This relationship is also mentioned at p.406 in Fernandes, M.S.F., “A União da
República de Timor: o atrófico movimento nacionalista islâmico-malaio Timorense, 1960-1975” at
pp.355-431 in Guedes, A.M. & Mendes N.C. (eds), Ensaios sobre nacionalismos em Timor-Leste,
Collecção Biblioteca Diplomática do MNE – Série A, Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros Portugal,
Lisbon, 2005. Dr Lobo (born Manatuto, 12 January 1892; died 1 October 1965) was President of the
Maucau Senate (4 November 1959 – 9 May 1964). Apparently an orphan of probably Chinese or
Chinese/Timorese parents, he was adopted by a Portuguese official and was sent to study at the
Seminário de S. José in Macau (1901-1908) – letter to the author from Sherlock, K., Darwin, 5 October
 61

police officer on the N/M India reported that the son of Francisco de Araújo – ie
Constâncio de Araújo, came aboard the vessel to visit his father – accompanied by
Constâncio’s wife and child. Subsequently, the son-in-law of Dr Pedro Lobo also
visited Francisco and “passed his father-in-law’s compliments.”314 Francisco de
Araújo protested his innocence – claiming that he was the victim of an intrigue
initiated by one of the rebels, Crispim Borges de Araújo, his godson.315
Early on 20 October 1959, as the N/M India was entering Singapore to off-
load a cargo of coffee, the four Indonesians escaped from their cell, leapt overboard
and were picked up by a German freighter, the MS Bayernstein, at about 0500hrs.316
During the Indonesians’ subsequent detention by the Singapore immigration
authorities, their circumstances were reported in the local press.317 On 22 October, the
Indonesians spoke briefly with two Straits Times’ reporters and declared: “We are
Indonesian army officers – please inform the Indonesian Consulate here that we need
their help … we are all Sukarno’s men.”318 The Singapore maritime police called
upon the Indonesian Consul in Singapore to verify the status of the four Indonesian
escapees – but the Consul “declined to recognise them as his citizens.”319
Consequently, the Indonesians were returned to the N/M India by the Singapore
Immigration Police at 0635hrs on 23 October, and the vessel departed Singapore soon
after.
The four Indonesians were placed under greater security for the rest of the
voyage, and the four Timorese “arabes” were also isolated from the main body of
Timorese prisoners. Conditions during the voyage were described by one of the
prisoners, Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa, as follows: “During the trip from
Timor to Angola, I received only 52 cigarettes, a fresh water bath only once and was
able to take in the sun only twice.”320
After a voyage of eight days from Singapore, the N/M India arrived at the port
of Mormugão in Portuguese Goa321 on 30 October. The local police came aboard the
vessel to strengthen security, military personnel patrolled the wharf and erected
barbed wire, and a police patrol launch guarded the harbour waters. While checking
the passenger manifest, an immigration official queried the presence of a Chinese-
Timorese, Mu Theng [sic] Siong. The India’s captain explained that Mu Then Siong
(Indonesian Consul Nazwar Jacub’s driver who had been arrested in June) was a
Portuguese government contracted worker returning to Portugal – and no further
action was taken.322 The India then sailed to Aden where if off-loaded a 257-ton cargo
2007.
314
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp. 229-234 – Annex IX, Extract of the Letter
by Chief of Police (Manuel Vieira Câmara Júnior) “Aboard the Vessel India …”, 15 November 1959,
pp. 230-231.
315
Ibid, p.71 & p.231 - It was apparently alleged that Francisco de Araújo had abused a woman
connected to Crispim Borges de Araújo. For background on Francisco de Araújo see footnotes 54, 263,
265, 310, 330 and 336.
316
Gerson Pello describes exiting a porthole and using bed sheets as a makeshift escape rope - Rohi,
P.A., “Apa Kata …”, Mutiara 776, 1995, op.cit., p.15.
317
“Riddle of 4 Men Saved from the Sea”, The Straits Times, Singapore, 21 October 1959; “All
Portuguese on way to Lisbon: Mystery Deepens”, The Straits Times, Singapore, 22 October 1959.
318
“4 Rescued Men: New Riddle Now”, The Straits Times, Singapore, 23 October 1959.
319
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.72.
320
Costa, F.A.S. da (Prisoner No 52), Memorandum, Bié (Angola), 6 May 1960. Frederico also
described his arrest in Dili on 4 June 1959 and his pre-departure incarceration aboard the Dom Aleixo.
321
Goa – together with Damão and Diu, were incorporated into the Republic of India on 19 December
1961.
322
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp. 229-234 – Annex IX, Extract of the Letter
by Chief of Police (Manuel Vieira Câmara Júnior) “Aboard the Vessel India …”, 15 November 1959,
62

of timber taken aboard in Singapore. Immediately after its departure from Aden on 6
November, the India’s captain, Comandante Contreiras, announced that the vessel
was required to sail to the port of Lourenço Marques (Mozambique) to take cargo on
board for Lisbon ie rather than transiting the Suez Canal direct to Lisbon. This
diversion caused “great consternation” among the India’s passengers.323 Once at sea
and “out of the arab world”, the four Timorese “arabes” were moved to less harsh
accommodation, and a Catholic mass was celebrated for the prisoners on 12
November at the request of Rev. Ramiro Dias Branco. On 17 November while in
Lourenço Marques, one of the prisoners (Eduardo Francisco da Costa) passed a 100
pataca note to a crew member to purchase sugar and tea for him. Discovered,
Eduardo was taken ashore for interrogation, but was later returned to the ship.
While in the Atlantic Ocean on 25 November, Captain Contreiras received a
ciphered message requiring him to call at the Angolan port of Lobito (about 400km
south of the capital, Luanda) and to contact the local security authorities for further
instructions.
On the N/M India’s arrival in Lobito on 26 November, 52 Timorese prisoners
were disembarked into the custody of the local Portuguese military commander.
Initially, the prisoners were transported and detained at the military base in Nova
Lisboa (now Huambo, about 250 kilometres east of Lobito), but after two days were
divided into two groups – with 30 remaining in the Companhia Militar in Nova
Lisboa and 22 sent to the Bié penal colony at Capolo (about 70 kilometres south of
Silva Porto on Angola’s central highlands plateau).324 At the beginning of 1960, those
at Nova Lisboa were moved to join their comrades in the Bié penal colony.

((Map: Central Angola – not included))

p.233.
323
Ibid, p.234.
324
Gata, A.C.L.G., op cit. includes a listing at Annex 16 of the 52 prisoners disembarked at Lobito
(Angola) – not sighted by the author of this monograph. Costa, F.A.S. da, Declaração, Dili, November
2005, op.cit. describes detention with the Companhia Militar at Nova Lisboa.
 63

Central Angola: showing Lobito, Nova Lisboa, Silva Porto, Vila Luzo 325

From Angola, the N/M India continued its voyage to Lisbon, disembarking the
four Indonesian prisoners and Francisco de Araújo into the custody of the security
police (Polícia Internacional e de Defesa do Estado – PIDE) on 11 December
1959.326 Initially, this group was imprisoned separately from the 11 Timorese who
had arrived in Lisbon in July 1959 – but subsequently joined them in the prison in
Caxias. In early December 1959, the Portuguese authorities decided that the 11
Timorese would be sent to Angola – but they were to remain in Lisbon for a further
five months.327
In late December 1959 – about two weeks after their arrival, the four
Indonesians were questioned to confirm their earlier statements made in Dili.
Lambertus Ladow explained that “he had not met Major Mustafine at his house, but
rather had only met him casually in the Port of Baucau and their interaction had
nothing to do with the revolutionary movement.”328 Lambertus denied strongly that he
had told Joaquim Ferreira that “Indonesian forces would soon take part in the
occupation of Timor.” Lambertus also stated that - while he had requested in Dili not
to be repatriated to Indonesia, he now wished to return to Indonesia for the sake of his
wife and children – and now that President Sukarno had granted a general amnesty to
all political prisoners and refugees. In July 1960, commenting on the fate of the
deportees, the Army Chief of staff in Dili – Captain Carvalho, commented to the
Australian Consul that he was “quite certain that nothing has come out of the Lisbon
inquiry into the 1959 disturbances to indicate that Djakarta was involved in any
way.”329

Imprisoned and Exiled in Lisbon, Angola and Mozambique

In late April 1960, Lambertus Ladow – the senior of the four Indonesians
imprisoned in Caxias (Lisbon), wrote to the Indonesian Consul in Dili on behalf of the
Indonesian group and requested financial assistance.330 At about the same time, ten of
the senior exiles in Angola from Viqueque, led by Amaro de Araújo, produced a
325
Based on a map in Boletim Geral das Colónias, No 97, Lisbon, July 1933, p.112.
326
Gata, A. C. L.G., op cit., Annex 18 details the handover of the four Indonesian prisoners and a single
“special status” prisoner from Dili, Francisco M. X. J. Araújo - ie separate from the “52 Timorese”.
Rohi, P.A., “Soekarno …”, 9 May 2005, op.cit., p.2 notes that the four Indonesians were subsequently
imprisoned for some time in Angola before their release and return to Indonesia in 1962.
327
PIDE – Lisbon, 383/59-D.Inv., Lisbon, 17 December 1959 – to PIDE Luanda (TdT, Lisbon:
PIDE/DGS, PC 634/59, Caixa 5291).
328
Ladow, L., Auto de Perguntas, Caxias (Lisbon), 26 December 1959 (TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS
Lisbon, PC 604/59, Caixa 5288). The identity of “Major Mustafine” is not clear.
329
Australian Consul – Dili, Memo 99/60, 30 July 1960 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).
330
Ladow, L., Caixas (sic, ie Caxias) Lisbon, 24 April 1960 – original in Tetum (AHD, PAA-809-948-
46). Ladow comments that the group had arrived in Lisbon “in the winter.”
64

Memorandum detailing the causes and events of the Rebellion331 - see Annex D. This
Memorandum noted the leadership of the “500”-strong rebel group in Dili – but made
no mention of Indonesia, nor the 14 Indonesian Permesta exiles.
Soon after, on 31 May 1960, the 11 Timorese imprisoned in Portugal who had
arrived in Lisbon in July 1959 – together with the four Indonesians (Lambertus
Ladow, Gerson Pello, Jeremias Pello and Albert Ndoen) and Francisco de Araújo,
were transported from Lisbon to Vila Luso, Angola.332 Evaristo da Costa recalled “on
31 May 1960, the 11 Timorese in Lisbon were re-transported to Angola, together with
the four Indonesian officers” – and arrived in Vila Luso (Lwena) on 4 June 1960.333
Later in 1960, to facilitate continuing surveillance, the PIDE in Angola drew
up a list of the eight ringleaders of Rebellion: Joaquim Ferreira, João Pereira da Silva,
António Metan (António da Costa Soares), Fernando Pinto, Amaro de Araújo, Mateus
de Araújo and Luís da Costa Rego.334 PIDE records also indicated that Fernando
Pinto, “a former régulo of Uato-Carabau, was deemed influential and not to have
changed his ideas”, and the report noted that he “displayed a photograph of the
Indonesian Consul and chief organiser of the revolt in his house.”

((Photograph not included:

1959 Rebels - Cadeia Colonial Penal, Bié (Angola) 1960))

331
Araújo, A.L.J. de (et al), Memorandum – Assunto: Sobre o acontecimento ocorrido em 7 de Junhe
[sic] de 1959, na Cirrcunscrição [sic] de Viqueque – Timor (Memorandum – Report: On the event that
occurred on 7 June 1959 in the Circumscription of Viqueque - Timor), six pages, Cólonia Penal do Bié
(Angola), 21 April 1960 – in Araújo, A.L.J. de, O Célebre Massacré …, Dili, 1974 (at Annex D). The
Memorandum was signed, in order, by Amaro Loyola Jordão de Araújo, Mateus Sarmento Jordão de
Araújo, José Manuel Duarte, Joaquim Ferreira, António da Costa Soares (António Metan), Fernando
Pinto, João Lisboa, Armindo Amaral, Paulo Amaral and Domingos Soares.
332
Following vaccinations, the Guia de Marcha (Travel Pass) for their journey was signed on 31 May
1960 by the PIDE Director in Lisbon (TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS, PC 634/59, Caixa 5291).
333
Statement by Evaristo da Costa on his return to Jakarta on 5 January 1996 – reported in “Pejuang
Timtim: Saya Tidak Pernah Menduga …” (“I Never Imagined …”), Kompas/Kompas Online, Jakarta,
7 January 1996; and information emailed to the author from Evaristo da Costa on 11 January 2007.
Evaristo was one of the “11 Timorese” transported to Lisbon in early June 1959. As noted above,
Francisco de Araújo was also in the group moved from Lisbon to Angola - ie totalling 12. Evaristo
subsequently confirmed Francisco’s inclusion - email to author by Evaristo da Costa, 26 January 2007
and confirmed in discussions on 2 April 2007. Gunn, G.C., “Revisiting the Viqueque (East Timor)
Rebellion of 1959”, 2006, op.cit., p.44 - cites a PIDE report which can be interpreted to indicate that
“four Indonesians and 12 Timorese arrived at the port of Vila Luso in Angola on 3 June 1960” - ie
including Francisco de Araújo .
334
Gunn, G.C., “Revisiting the Viqueque (East Timor) Rebellion of 1959”, 2006, op.cit., pp.45-46 cites
the PIDE report and lists these seven – plus, by implication, Francisco de Araújo.
 65

According to Gerson Pello, the four Indonesians had not been put on trial in
Lisbon – but were sent to Angola where they were allowed to “live freely and choose
their own work.”335 Jeremias Pello chose to tend cattle so that he could act as a courier
each morning for messages from Angolan nationalists without the knowledge of the
police. “We used a code created by Lambert who was clever at such things as he had
previously been a radio operator. In 1961, with the assistance of the International Red
Cross, we returned to Indonesia – but travelling to Switzerland first.”336 President
Sukarno had reportedly requested the release of the four Indonesians during talks in
Lisbon with Portugal’s Prime Minister Dr António de Oliveira Salazar.337
There appears to have been no mention in the Portuguese media of the
Rebellion or its aftermath. However, with increasing international criticism of
Portugal’s colonial policies – including at the XV General Assembly of the United
Nations, Prime Minister Salazar stated in December 1960 that:
“Any person of good faith can see for himself that peace and complete calm
reign in our overseas territories, without the use of force and merely by the
habit of peaceful living in common.”338

Following an investigation in Lisbon, Francisco M. X. J. Araújo was released

and moved from Angola to live in Macau.339

After-Effects

Immediately after the uprising, the Portuguese administration in Dili

established a “coast-watching organisation” of “200 natives” supervised by police to
cover the northern coast - principally from Dili westward to Liquiça, with a less

335
Rohi, P.A., “Apa Kata … “, Mutiara 776, 1995. op.cit., p.15
336
Ibid, p.15 – quoting Gerson Tom Pello. Rohi, P.A., “Soekarno …”, 9 May 2005, op.cit., p.2 notes
that while in Angola they were considered by fellow prisoners to be “heróis da Asia” and relates the
activities of Jeremias Pello - then reportedly 17 years of age, as a clandestine prison “courier”.
337
Rohi, P.A., “Soekarno …”, 9 May 2005, op.cit., p.2. states that Sukarno negotiated with Portugal’s
Prime Minister Salazar for the release of the four Indonesians during Sukarno’s visit to Lisbon – this
probably occurred in early May 1960 (Sukarno arrived in Lisbon on 7 May 1960).
338
“Portugal e a Campanha Anticolonialista” (“Portugal and the Anti-Colonial Campaign”) – speech
delivered by Prime Minister Oliveira Salazar to the National Assembly, Lisbon, 30 November 1960,
Boletim Geral do Ultramar, No 426, Lisbon, December 1960, p.21 (Portuguese), p.713 (English). India
was cited as “eagerly assuming in the U.N.O. the leading role in the Afro-Asiatic opposition to
Portugal … for its claims on Goa. It also wishes to hand over Macao to China and Portuguese Timor to
the Indonesian Republic, which has more than once stated that it has not claims to it.” – p.24, p.716.
339
In April 1963, Francisco de Araújo greeted Governor Barata in Hong Kong when Barata was
returning to Lisbon at the end of his gubernatorial tenure in Timor. Francisco later corresponded with
ex-Governor Barata in Lisbon - Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, op.cit., p.71.
66

intensive coverage from Baucau eastward to Com.340 Small military detachments were
also established at Laga and Lautém – ie additional to Lospalos, by August 1959.
In early August 1959, at the request of Governor Barata and in response to the
Rebellion, a PIDE inspector from Lisbon (Mário Ferreira da Costa) visited the
Province to advise on security issues. As a consequence, the Chief of Police, Manuel
Vieira da Camâra Júnior, was dismissed – “an earlier confidential report had already
related his improper behaviour”, and replaced by an administrative official, Agapito
dos Anjos.341 The Governor and Inspector Mário da Costa also developed a proposal
to establish a local PIDE “subdelagação” in the Province.342. A few weeks later in
mid-November 1959, the Governor commented to the Australian Consul: “I shall be
happier when the five Metropolitan security police officers arrive – one cannot make
intelligence officers out of Administrators.”343
Some weeks after the arrests in Dili, the premises of a “Timorese-only” club in
Balide, the Associação Desportiva e Recreativa União, were burnt down. “It’s said
that the headquarters of the Club had been set on fire by the Portuguese colonial
authorities as it was considered a centre of anti-colonial subversion.”344
The Indonesian Government “had reportedly protested about the
‘disappearance’ of 12 of its nationals captured during the fighting.”345 On 26
September 1959, the Indonesian Consul in Dili wrote to Governor Barata seeking
“particulars regarding the death of one of the Indonesian detainees”.346 In response,
Governor Barata cited a Corpo de Polícia de Dili report that:
“an Indonesian, Jobert Moniaga, 26 years of age, single, the son of Frederik
Moniaga and Marga Berlaar, of Saelewere, Ntara [sic] ((ie, Sulawesi Utara =
North Sulawesi)), Menado, a first sergeant in the Revolutionary Party of the
Republic of Indonesia, died in the hospital at Baucau on 17 June of this year as
a consequence of injuries received after having taken up arms against
Portuguese sovereignty.”347

In January 1960, the Indonesian Embassy in Lisbon wrote to the Portuguese

Ministry of Foreign Affairs lodging a “strong protest against the actions taken by the
local authorities of Portuguese Timor” and calling the attention of the Ministry to:
- the arrests in 1959 of local staff of the Indonesian Consulate in Dili ie
David Verdial (“an Indonesian national”), Salem bin Musallam Sagran and
Mu Theng Siong – which “took place without previous notice … departing
from the common international practice between souvereign [sic] nations.”

340
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 155/59, 3 August 1959 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).
341
Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, op.cit., p.30, p.44. On 4 October, Manuel Vieira da Camâra
Júnior departed Dili for Lisbon on N/M India escorting the rebel deportees.
342
Ibid, p.30, p.44 and pp.125-127. The PIDE staff was not operational in the Province until 2 March
1961 – Australian Consulate – Dili, SAV.7., “Reorganisation of security in Portuguese Timor”, 10
March 1961 (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/6).
343
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 224/59, 18 November 1959 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1;
49/2/1/1 Part 1). The Governor noted that one of the PIDE officers would be fluent in Chinese – and of
considerable help in combating any infiltration from Indonesian territory. A PIDE presence in
Portuguese Timor had been earlier proposed in its 1955 budget, but not implemented – see footnote 36.
344
Araújo, A. (Abílio) de, As Duas Margens da Ribeira de Aileu, Lisbon, 2007. See also footnote 370.
345
Percival, J., “The Portuguese outpost the world forgot for 250 years”, The Sun Herald, Sydney, 13
August 1961.
346
Indonesian Consul – Dili, Note Verbale 203/I-b/59, Dili, 26 September 1959.
347
Governor of the Province of Timor, No. 285, Dili, 7 November 1959. For other accounts of the
circumstances of Jobert Moniaga’s death, see footnotes 225, 226 and 227.
 67

- The spreading by the local authorities of Portuguese Timor of “accusations

against Mr. Nazwar Jacub Sutan Indra, the former Indonesian Consul in
Timor-Dilly, that he was involved in subversive activities collaborating
with some of the Indonesians, who have taken refuge in Portuguese Timor.
Such accusations are without any grounds.”348

In October 1960, the Indonesian Consul in Dili, Tengku Usman Hussin,

advised the Australian Consul that the nine remaining Indonesians who had been
imprisoned in Dili had recently been taken by sea to Oecusse by the Portuguese
authorities - and “simply pushed across the border from the enclave.”349 The
Indonesian Consul added that “the nine men are in custody in Kupang and are to be
charged with armed robbery and probably other offences against the criminal law –
apart from any action the Army might be taking against them for desertion.”350 He
added that “the method of handing the men over was irregular and is bound to be
resented in Djakarta. It appears that the Indonesian Government was not notified in
advance … and caused considerable adverse comment there ((Kupang)) regarding the
Portuguese methods … regarding the four men still in Portuguese hands … Djakarta
will continue its efforts to have them brought to trial or returned to Indonesia.”351
Australian officials in the Department of External Affairs in Canberra
discussed whether Consul Nazwar Jacub had operated unilaterally – or had been
operating under instructions from the Indonesian Government.352 The Australian
Embassy in Jakarta was subsequently tasked to obtain “discreetly” any information on
the “present whereabouts and activities of Naswar [sic] Jacub Sutan Indra … Our
particular interest is in whether, as has been speculated in some quarters, he no longer
enjoys the confidence of his superiors.”353
To further strengthen security - primarily in response to the 1959 Viqueque
Rebellion, in 1961 Governor Barata formally re-established (ie “renascer”) a regional

348
Embassy of the Republic of Indonesia, No. B4/1/1/60, Lisbon, 4 January 1960. The letter also
complained of intimidation of local people from accepting employment at the Indonesian Consulate
and the “shadowing” of Consul Tengku Usman Hussin by local police that “prevented him from the
proper performance of his duties”.
349
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 144/60, 20 October 1960 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1) ie as
reported to the Australian Consul by the Indonesian Consul.
350
Australian Consulate – Dili, ibid – the Australian Consul also reported that the return of the
Indonesians had been “independently confirmed by a member of the staff of the civil prison in Dili who
has also verified the Tengku’s account of how it was done. It is assumed that this informal method was
adopted to avoid embarrassment of having to acknowledge Djakarta’s 1958 representations on the
subject” – connect with footnote 93 on “full details” of the 14 Indonesians having been forwarded to
the Portuguese authorities by Indonesian officials in 1958.
351
Australian Consulate – Dili, ibid - the Indonesian Consul, Tengku Usman Hussin, was in Kupang at
the time of the transfer of the nine Indonesians. Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 255, 26 December
1966 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 4) noted that the Dili-Kupang telephone link was closed by the
Portuguese administration in 1959 – but might “possibly re-open” in 1967.
352
Australian Department of External Affairs - Canberra, Manuscript Note, 1 July 1960 – in response
to Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 78/60, 18 June 1960 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/9).
353
Australian Department of External Affairs - Canberra, Memo 800, 7 July 1960 – acknowledged by
Australian Embassy – Djakarta, Memo 820, 21 July 1960 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1).
68

Timorese militia under Portuguese command – the Segunda Linha (Second Line).354
In October 1961, the Australian Consul reported:
“The target of 20,000 irregulars has been reached and, after completing a few
weeks of training, the bulk of the force is to be stood down and sent back to
their tribes. … Firearms will not be retained by the individuals.”355

In Exile

Those exiled in Angola do not appear to have been mistreated. Several reports
note that they were referred to as “Os Heróis da/de Asia”.356 According to José
Manuel Duarte:
“we remained prisoners, but the judicial process did not start immediately as
the charges prepared in Dili did not meet their prerequisites. So, we were
again interrogated in Angola … I took the opportunity to relate the actions of
the Portuguese colonial government, explaining all their errors. Because the
conduct of the Portuguese colonialists was beyond our tolerance, we felt that it
would be better to unite with Indonesia which had been independent since
1945 … I related the reality of the situation – for example, there were no
schools, hospitals, the people had to hand over their food crops, there were no
roads, forced labour everywhere etc – all as background to the Rebellion …
The conduct of our interrogators in Angola was far different from that in Dili.
In Angola, there was no torture. They just asked us to explain what we had
done, and the background to events. After we had revealed all, they weren’t
game enough to prosecute us. … Our dossiers were sent to the Portuguese
Minister for the Interior and, after a while, a decision was made that we had to
be released. To guard against further demands for integration and to
disempower us, we were divided into two groups. One was allowed to remain
in Angola, and the other was relocated to Mozambique. … Although we were
declared to be free men, we weren’t able to enjoy the same freedom as
Portuguese – and we continued to be watched closely.”357

354
Barata, F. J. F. T., Timor - esse desconhecido, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais & Política
Ultramarina, Lisboa, 1963, pp.25-26. Barata planned a force of 20,000 – essentially to replace the
moradores, beginning on the western frontier and in Manatuto (to reward the “people’s loyalty”). The
Segunda Linha was planned to be led by “traditional chiefs” – with régulos given the rank of major,
chefe de sucos (village chiefs) as captains and lieutenants, and chefe de povoação (sub-villages) as
“sargento-ajudante” - Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp. 136-141. Local
auxiliaries had also previously been termed “Segunda Linha” in the 19th century – see Oliveira, L. de,
Timor na história de Portugal, Vol I-III, Agência Geral do Ultramar, Lisboa, 1949-1952. See also
footnote 210. A useful history of Segunda Linha - including its re-organisation in the 1960s, can be
found in Sales Grade, E.A., “Timor: O Corpo Militar de Segunda Linha”, Revista Militar, 26 (4-5),
February 1974, Lisbon, pp.198-215.
355
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 188/61, 23 October 1961 (NAA, A1838, 696/5 Part 2).
356
Rohi, P.A., “Soekarno …”, 9 May 2005, op.cit. – see footnote 333; Araújo, A.L.J. de, O Célebre
Massacré …, 1974, op.cit. – “Heróis” in the title of a photograph; Herman, J., “Pejuang Timtim Akan
Tuntut Portugal – Atas Pembantaian 2,000 Orang di Viqueque”, Jawa Pos, 16 November 1995, p.13.
357
Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih …”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit., p.24. Jolliffe, J., Cover-Up,
2001, op.cit., pp.45-46, pp.325-326 (endnote 19) quotes extracts from José Manuel Duarte’s written
submission on human rights abuses by the Portuguese administration in Timor - see earlier footnotes
120-122. Pinto, dos Santos, L., Certidão - …, 22 March 1983, (see Annex H) indicates that Duarte
appeared before the Tribunal Militar Territorial de Luanda on 25 June 1960. Some of the rebels were
processed earlier by the Tribunal in mid-May 1960 - Gunn, G.C., “Revisiting the Viqueque (East
Timor) Rebellion of 1959”, 2006, op.cit., p.44.
 69

((Photograph not included - football team, with players named

– but see front cover))

1959 Rebels’ Football Team – Bié, Angola, 1961

José Manuel Duarte declared that there were 64 Timorese political prisoners
and “four from NTT” (ie Nusa Tenggara Timor – ie the Indonesians from Kupang,
West Timor) in Angola and Mozambique.358 This is confirmed by a listing (Os
Nomes dos Detidos Timorenses para Angola do Ano de 1959) produced in Silva Porto
(Bié) by Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa (“Detido Numero 52”) in June 1960 –
Annex F.359 That document noted the previous employment of each exile (with the
exception of a few from Viqueque) and grouped them as:
• I. De Dili Não Considerado culpado (From Dili, considered not
guilty) – 32 (including Francisco de Araújo).
• II. De Dili considerado como culpado (From Dili, considered guilty)
– 16.
• III. Os que assaltaram Secretária de Viqueque, Uatu-Lari e Uatu-
Carbau, Causaram mortes na ribeira mota Webui (Those who
attacked the Secretariat in Viqueque, Uatolari and Uato-Carabau –
Resulting in the deaths at the Bebui River) – 16.
• IV. … quarto Indonesios (four Indonesians) – 4, all with military
ranks (but see footnotes 80, 82 and 90).

358
Rohi, P.A., “Apa Kata …”, Mutiara 776, 1995, op.cit., p.14.
359
Costa, F.A.S. da, Os Nomes dos Detidos Timorenses para Angola do Ano de 1959 (The Names of
the Timorese Detainees Sent to Angola in 1959), Silva Porto (Bié, Angola), 6 June 1960 – Annex F.
The title of the document is not quite correct as the list also includes those Timorese sent initially to
Lisbon (departing Dili in early June 1959) and arriving in Angola in early June 1960 – as well as
Francisco de Araújo and the four Indonesians who were disembarked in Lisbon on 11 December 1959.
70

After 15 months of imprisonment in Angola, 32 of the deportees – essentially

those “not considered guilty” – see above, were released in February 1961 – with
“liberdade condicional”, but were required to reside and seek employment in the Bié
province capital, Silva Porto (now Kuito)360. Interestingly, those “considered not
guilty” and released conditionally included those from Aileu, Baucau, Letefoho – and
most of those from Dili. On 27 May 1961, a further group of 31 – “the most
responsible for the incident” including Evaristo da Costa were similarly released361 -
and all reportedly received a monthly subsídio of 120 escudos. A few months later, on
29 August 1961, a group of the previously released deportees, including Evaristo da
Costa and Salem Musalam Sagran, were embarked on the vessel N/M Moçambique
and transported to the Colonato do Limpopo (Limpopo resettlement zone) in southern
Mozambique.362 According to Evaristo, 31 of the deportees were sent to Mozambique,
with 32 remaining in Bié – including the four Indonesians and Francisco de Araújo.363
Those selected for transfer to Mozambique were the “inocente” – but, following the
intervention of Francisco Dias da Costa (the brother of Evaristo), two of the
“culpados” (Evaristo da Costa and Vicente Vidigal) were included in the group sent
to Mozambique.364 At Limpopo in Mozambique, the deportees became rural
“transmigrants”. In October 1961, several of the transmigrants – including Evaristo
da Costa, received a despacho from the Portuguese Minister for Overseas Affairs
directing that they remain in Limpopo for five years pending a review of their
situation.
According to a PIDE report of mid-October 1963, most of the former
Timorese rebels in Africa “took up with ‘mulheres de raça negra’ or local women
deemed mancebada (concubines or mistresses) and started families.”365 In 1967, José
Manuel Duarte applied for his wife and children in Portuguese Timor to join him in
Angola – and, “with the assistance of a member of the Portuguese Parliament
representing Timor and the intervention of a pastor”, his family arrived in Angola in
1969.366

Some Exiles Return

360
The 32 are listed in PIDE-Angola, No.43/61-S.INV., Luanda, 9 March 1961 (TdT, Lisbon:
PIDE/DGS PC 604/59 Caixa 5288). Their release was proposed in September 1960 by PIDE Luanda
and agreed by the Governor-General of Angola, Dr Silva Tavares, following an assessment that “the
investigation in Dili was undertaken in conditions that were unclear - and the nature of the facts
investigated with the resulting prejudice to the determination of the degree of responsibility of each of
the defendants.” – PIDE Angola, No. 398/61-S.INV., Luanda, 9 August 1961 (TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS
PC 604/59 Caixa 5288). 31 of the 32 who were released are listed as “De Dili Não Considerado
Culpado” (see footnote 356 above) – and Jose Soares (“attacked the Secretariat in Viqueque …”) was
also among those released.
361
The 31 are listed in PIDE Angola, No. 398/61-S.INV., Luanda, 9 August 1961 (TdT, Lisbon:
PIDE/DGS PC 604/59 Caixa 5288).
362
Costa, E. da, Declaração, Dili, 17 June 2001 – in Costa, E. da (et al), O Célebre Massacré …,
2005, op.cit.
363
Emails to author, 24 and 26 January 2007. Those sent to Mozambique appear to comprise the group
of 31 “not so culpable” released in February 1961 – plus Evaristo da Costa
364
Evaristo da Costa – discussions with the author in Dili, 2 April 2007. The listing of deportees at
Annex E indicates those deportees transferred from Angola to Mozambique – based on the
recollections of Evaristo da Costa, Salem Sagran and Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa on 2 April
2007.
365
As cited in Gunn, G.C., “Revisiting the Viqueque (East Timor) Rebellion of 1959”, 2006, op.cit.,
p.46.
366
Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih …”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit., p.24.
 71

At the outbreak of the war in Angola in early 1961, due to an influx of

Angolan detainees, most of the Timorese prisoners in Angola’s Bié penal colony had
been released - but remained confined to the Bié provincial capital, Silva Porto.
However, a number of the “tidak terlalu bersalah” (Bahasa – “not so guilty ones”)
were returned to Portuguese Timor.367 This group probably included Crispim Borges
de Araújo, Joaquim dos Santos and “Francisco Periero Ou Chiquito.”368
The four Indonesians: Gerson Pello, Lambertus Ladow, Albert Ndoen and
Jeremias Pello were transferred from Angola to Lisbon on 12 July 1961. They
remained in Lisbon until April 1962 and were then flown to Zurich before arriving in
Jakarta by air on 7 April 1962. Three of the four accepted offers to serve in the
Tentara Nasional Indonesia (TNI – “Indonesian Armed Forces”) – Jeremias Pello
however declined and returned to Kupang in 1963 to care for his aged parents.369
Gerson Pello was reportedly “parachuted into Irian Barat ((Dutch New Guinea)) - but
when Irian Barat finished, Gerson just left the military and wandered around …
Lambert and Albert remained in Jakarta.”370
In November 1961, a sub-group of the deportees in Mozambique – including
Salem Sagran, were transferred to Lisbon, before returning to Timor a few years
later.371
A group of seven Timorese – reportedly “cleared” of involvement in the
Rebellion, arrived back in Dili aboard the vessel Arbiru on 23 April 1963.372 On 10
August 1963, another group of eight - including Juman bin Bachirun and Salem
Musalam Sagran, arrived in Dili aboard the vessel Timor. For many Timorese, “the
returnees from Angola were ‘heroes’.”373
Fernando Pinto, a former régulo of Uato-Carabau reportedly desired to “save
face” with the people of his district before returning from Angola to Timor.
Accordingly, he requested compensation from the Portuguese authorities for cattle
367
Statement by Germano das Dores da Silva in Jakarta on 6 January 1996 when greeting returning
exiles (Evaristo, Armindo and Domingos) – reported in “Pejuang Timtim: Saya Tidak Pernah
Menduga …” (“I Never Imagined …”), op.cit. , Kompas/Kompas Online, Jakarta, 7 January 1996.
Germano had returned to East Timor in April 1970, was a founding member of the Apodeti party and
served as a member of the regional parliament (DPRD II) in Same (Manufahi, East Timor).
368
Rohi, P.A., “Timor-Portugis dari Masa-kemasa”, Kompas, Jakarta, 4 October 1974, p.V. “Francisco
Periero Ou Chiquito” is not listed as one of the deported rebels – however, note that “João Pereira da
Silva – alias Chiquito” was still in Angola in 1964 (footnotes 303 and 304) and returned to Timor in
April 1970, see footnotes 381and 382. Frederico Almeida da Costa returned in 1963 – and may have
been accompanied by Agostinho dos Santos and Vital Ximenes.
369
Sarong, F., Pejuang …, 1999, op.cit., p.2. The three who joined the TNI were “Klein Lado, Albert
Ndoen and his ((Jeremias’)) older brother, Gerson Pello.” Jeremias however was classified as a
purnawirawan (Bahasa – retired Indonesian military member) and received a pension as a veteran and
an “independence pioneer”.
370
Rohi, P.A., “Apa Kata …”, Mutiara 776, 1995, op.cit., p.15.
371
Sagran, M.S., Declaração, Dili, November 2005 – in Costa, E. da (et al), O Célebre Massacré …,
2005, op.cit.
372
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 85, 26 April 1963 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 3).
373
Gusmão, X. (Niner, S. ed), To Resist Is To Win !, 2000, p.16. Gusmão continued: “I had always
enjoyed stories – told in whispers by the older residents of Dili – the old elite made up of nurses,
employees of the printing industry and a few old retirees – about the 1959 case in Dili when the
clubhouse of the União was burnt down and why that club had become a symbol of anti-colonial and
sometimes racist sentiments against the Portuguese and Chinese.” Niner adds in an explanatory
footnote (f.18) on the 1959 uprising that “Around 160 lives were lost and 60 Timorese were exiled for
their part in the rebellion. Both UDT (União Democrática Timorense – Timorese Democratic Union)
and Fretilin claim this event as a formative influence.” José Alexandre (later “Xanana”) Gusmão served
as a junior civil servant in the Administrative Service in Dili in the period January 1966-July 1974 –
completing his obligatory military service from mid-1969 to mid-1971.
72

and other goods seized by the colonial administration from his father who had been
killed in Uato-Carabau during the uprising in 1959. Pinto’s claim comprised “23
buffaloes, ten horses, 20 goats, two gold horns (lua), three ropes of 300gm each
(essential to restrain cattle), 50 swords (essential items of bride wealth to negotiate
marriages and for funerals) and among other items: four table knives, four shirts, six
items of men’s clothing and five items of women’s clothing … . Pinto also asked that
22 buffaloes, 20 goats - as well as many other items, be given back to his sister-in-law
whose property was seized by the troops after her husband, João Gaspar from Uato-
Carbau, was killed.”374
In the mid-1960s, although no longer imprisoned, the deportees in Angola
were still watched closely by the PIDE and their agents. An official report in October
1964 indicated that: “Joaquim Ferreira, João Pereira da Silva, António da Costa
Soares, Fernando Pinto, Amaro Jordão Loyola de Araújo, Manuel Rodrigues Alin,
Luís da Costa Rego, and Gama keep the same attitude as they had in Timor and which
had led to their deportation to the Province.”375 “Chiquito” (João Pereira da Silva)
was noted as listening to radio broadcasts from Moscow and Peking and passing
information to other deportees. Both Chiquito and Joaquim Ferreira were
“encouraging the natives against the Portuguese”. A few months later, a similar report
accused these two “of listening to broadcasts from Moscow, Peking, Brazzaville and
Tangiers” – disseminating the information to other Timorese, and noted that they
“were optimistic that Timor would be annexed by Indonesia.”376 Comments were also
made on the activities of eight of the deportees – adding that “besides the eight
referenced, the rest are practically harmless - and there was no ‘political organisation’
… In general, almost all live with blacks (“pretas”) and have children. There are a
few who have cooperated with the authorities – and, as such, are viewed poorly by the
others resulting in divisions into groups.”377

Reports of Unrest in Portuguese Timor

In late February 1965, there were rumours in Dili of “unrest among the
Uatolari tribes” including “blood-letting ceremonies and other gatherings normally
not permitted by the authorities.”378 The Governor, the military commander and the
head of the civil administration made a hastily organised visit to the region - despite
the hazardous road conditions in the wet season, and the reported unrest abated.
In early July 1965, eight men suspected of plotting to “assassinate the
Governor and perhaps other senior officials with hand grenades” were arrested – two

374
Berlie, J., email to author, 13 December 2006, citing “A Written Report in the National Archives in
Lisbon”. Fernando Pinto’s claim was not resolved, and he reportedly died in exile in Angola.
375
Governo do Distrito do Bié, No 64, Silva Porto, 6 October 1964 (TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS 1507a,
NT 2080). “Gama” was José dos Ramos de Sousa Gama (“Zeca”).
376
PIDE – Silva Porto, No 33/65-S.R., Silva Porto, 8 February 1965 (TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS 1507a,
NT 2080).
377
Ibid. – the eight deportees reviewed were, in order: Joaquim Ferreira, João Pereira da Silva (O
Chiquito), Fernando Pinto, António da Costa Soares, Amaro Loyola Jordão de Araújo, Manuel
Rodrigues Alim [sic], Luís da Costa Rego, and José dos Santos [sic] de Sousa Gama (married to a
white European woman). All the “28 deportees” were living in Silva Porto – except for Luís da Costa
Rego (living on a farm about 40km outside the town); and Gervásio Soriano Aleixo and Venancio da
Costa Soares (living in the Colonata da Chicava about 40km from the town). Luís da Costa Rego’s
contact with an American evangelical missionary in the area - Charles Donald Cole, was viewed
suspiciously by PIDE.
378
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 50/65, 8 March 1965 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 3).
 73

in Dili and “six in the border area attempting to escape into Indonesia”.379 Each of the
three principal conspirators reportedly had close relatives connected with the 1959
Rebellion – arrested or deported.380 No details of this event were apparently made
public. At the end of 1965, a Timorese second sergeant – Manuel Vladimiro Osório
Soares, was transferred to Portugal “as a security measure”. Sergeant Osório Soares
had “been in contact with the Indonesian Consul and not advised his superior officers
of his conversations”.381

An End to African Exile

In mid-1966 – apparently following a request from Dili, the PIDE Delegation

in Angola, completed an investigation into the status of the remaining 35 deportees -
ie 27 in Angola and eight in Mozambique.382 Of the 27 in Angola - 14 were in
employment, 11 were unemployed and living on government subsidies, and two were
self-employed. Seven of those in Angola, “showed no desire to return to Timor” (Luís
da Costa Rego, Valentim da Costa Pereira, Jorge Anselmo de Lima Machado [sic] –
((ie, Maher))), Luís Soares da Costa Nunes, José Manuel Duarte – all five were
employed, Venancio da Costa Soares (unemployed) and Fernando Pinto (self-
employed). All 11 of those who were receiving a government subsidy “have in mind
to one day return to Timor”.
José Manuel Duarte notes that on 3 April 1969, in Angola, the rebel exiles
went into mourning at the death of one of the Timorese leaders of the Rebellion,

379
Australian Consulate – Dili, Cable 51, 8 July 1965 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 3).
380
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 98/65, 12 July 1965 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 4; 3038/2/1
Part 3). The Consul speculated that this plot might be connected with the activities of the United
Republic of Timor-Dilly (URT-D), but senior officials in the Australian Department of External Affairs
in Canberra noted that there was no evidence to suggest that the URT-D operated outside Jakarta – see
marginal notes on the copy of Dili’s Memo 98/65 on NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 3. The Australian
Consul’s Memo 98/65 – noted above, provided information on three of the eight arrested. One was an
“Arab/Timorese whose father, Abdullah, was the driver of the local judge, when he was arrested for his
part in the 1959 uprising … now dead” – but this description does not fit any of the four exiled
“arabes” – see footnotes 306 and 307. However, “Abdullah” may have been imprisoned in Portuguese
Timor – see footnote 281. Another of those arrested was “Kim Lim Yeong/Acoet” – the “younger
brother of the Indonesian Consul’s driver”, ie probably the younger brother of 1959 rebel Mu Then
Siong. The third was Castello – whose father had been “arrested in 1960 for his part in the previous
uprising and deported … from where he has not returned.” The Australian Consul’s Memo also relates
that, in mid-July 1965, a returned 1959 exile, an “Arab” who had been Indonesian “Consul Jacub’s
right hand man”, had sought employment at the Australian Consulate. The applicant had reportedly
learnt English in Lisbon – this was probably either Salem Sagran, an “Arab” (see footnote 307) who
had been exiled in Africa but spent several months in Lisbon before returning to Portuguese Timor
(footnotes 48, 368, and 370); or perhaps – but less likely, David Verdial, a non-Muslim, who had been
imprisoned in Lisbon (footnotes 48, 138, 160 and 345).
381
PIDE – Timor, Documento No. 2 (TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS CI(2), NT 4874). Sergeant Osório
Soares departed Dili on the N/M Timor on 22 October or 22 November 1965. Five years earlier, he had
joined the public service as an aspirante administravo acting as a chefe de posto - vide BOdT, No.6, 11
February 1961, p.62. He was released from the public service on 3 April 1961 in order to undertake his
military service obligations – vide BOdT, No.16, 22 April 1961, p.248. Manuel Vladimiro Osório
Soares was a younger brother of José Fernando Osório Soares – who became the Secretary General of
the Apodeti party (see footnote 388). Manuel Soares was reportedly transferred to the Azores “as a
result of his opposition (ie “pembangkannya”) – namely his friendship with the younger brother of the
Indonesian Consul” in Dili. - Rusdie, H., Suratama K. & Soares, A.J.O., Perjuangan Kemerdekaan
Rakyat Timor Loro Sa’e, 1997, p.9.
382
PIDE – Angola, “Assunto: Timorenses Fixados em Angola”, No. 237/66-SR-2a, Luanda, 5 August
1966 (TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS 1507a, NT 2080).
74

Amaro de Araújo.383 On 21 March 1970, 12 of the exiles – most with family

members, returned to Portuguese Timor from Angola aboard the N/M India: António
da Costa Soares, Gervásio Soliano Aleixo, Domingos dos Reis Amaral, João Lisboa,
João Pereira da Silva, Joaquim Ferreira, José Sarmento, Miguel Pinto, Nicodemus dos
Reis Amaral, Manuel Rodrigues Alin, Germano das Dores Alves Santana da Silva,
and Duarte Soares.”384 On their return, João Pereira da Silva and Germano das Dores
da Silva reportedly then “fled to Indonesia”.385
An Indonesian publication claims that, following increased security by the
authorities in Portuguese Timor in response to the 1959 Rebellion:
“East Timorese resistance leaders concentrated their movement overseas …
The leaders of the East Timor movement began preparations for their activities
by organising their forces in the East Timor-Indonesian Timor border area.
They even began to organise cells in Australia.”386

1974-1975 – and Apodeti

Following the April 1974 “Carnation Revolution” in Portugal387, a period of

“political development” began in Timor as Portugal sought to disengage from the
Province. Several of the former rebels who had returned from exile to Timor were
among the 36 “Os fundadores” (founders) of the Apodeti political party (Associação
Popular Democrática Timorense – Timorese Popular Democratic Association)388 ,
383
Mali Mau, M., “José …”, 14 November 1992, op.cit., p.13. Amaro de Araújo was the leader of the
Timorese rebels in Viqueque and had participated in the raid on the Viqueque Circunscrição buildings
on 7 June 1959. Amaro and fellow rebel Eduardo de Araújo – who died in Mozambique, were
reportedly grandsons of the leader of the 1912 Rebellion, Dom Boaventura. According to some
Indonesian sources - including Rohi, P.A., Pemberontakan …, Mutiara 775, 1995, op.cit, Dom
Boaventura fled to Kefamenanu in West Timor and died in 1969. However, Portuguese sources and
Chega !, CAVR Final Report (Part 3, para 21) contend that he was captured near Betano in October
1912 and died in prison on Ataúro. Indonesian sources may be confused with Dom João da Cruz
Hornay, the raja of Ambeno (Oecusse), who rebelled in 1910-1913 and later resided in Kefamenanu
until his death – see Hagerdal, H., Historical Notes on the Topass Leaders in Oecusse, Vaxjo (Sweden),
pp.31.32 who cites the “major revolt” by Dom João as “an offshoot of the great revolt of Dom
Boaventura of Manufai in 1911-12.” The rebellion by João de Hornai in Oecusse is also related in
Oliveira, L. de, Timor na história de Portugal, Vol II, Agência Geral do Ultramar, Lisboa, 1952, pp.
115-121.
384
“Relação dos Timorenses e Famílias a Repatriar”, 21 March 1970 – an annex lists former rebels
and the dependants returning with them (TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS 1507-A, NP 2080). Germano das
Dores is mentioned incorrectly in “Pejuang Timtim: Saya Tidak Pernah Menduga …” (“I Never
Imagined …”), Kompas/Kompas Online, Jakarta, 7 January 1996, as returning to Timor in 1986. See
Annex E for a consolidated listing, spelling of names, and returning family members.
385
Tomodok, E.M. ((Indonesian Consul – Dili: 1972-1976)), Hari-Hari Akhir Timor Portugis, Pustaka
Jaya, Jakarta, 1994, p.96.
386
Soekanto, Integrasi … ,1976, op.cit., p.76. While these claims may be an oblique reference to the
Indonesian-supported activities of West Timor-based Silvester Martins Nai Buti (1914 - 1991) in the
border areas in the early 1960s (see Chamberlain, E.P., Faltering Steps …, 2008, op.cit., pp. 100-101) –
no further information has been noted on the claimed “cells” in Australia.
387
For the transitional constitutional structure, see Junta de Salvação Nacional, Lei 3/74, 14 May 1974
– BOdT, No. 26, 29 June 1974, pp.488-497.
388
Apodeti was founded in Dili on 27 May 1974. The 36 Apodeti “fundadores” are listed in the
Apodeti Manifesto promulgated by the Committee for the Self-Determination of Timor on 19 June
1974 – see attachment to Department of Foreign Affairs – Canberra, File 3038/3/1, 8 August 1974
(NAA: A1838, 3038/2/2 Part 2). Note that the English translation, in error, only lists the first seven of
the Apodeti fundadores. Also, only 35 “pendiri” (Bahasa - founders) are listed at p.33 in Rusdie, H. et
al, Perjuangan …, March 1997, op.cit., – ie omitting Domingos Pinto Soares. The 36 are also listed in
Soekanto, Integrasi …, 1976, op.cit., pp.81-82 , and Tomodok, E.M., Hari-Hari Akhir ..., op.cit., 1994,
 75

that pressed for integration into Indonesia. These former 1959 rebels389 were: Abel da
Costa Belo (a member of the Apodeti Party Presidium), Germano das Dores Alves da
Silva, Vital Ximenes390, João Pereira da Silva (“Chiquito”), Frederico Almeida da
Costa, Gervásio Soriano Aleixo and Francisco Orlando de Fátima Soares. José
Duarte also asserted that in 1974 or 1975, he was contacted in Angola by José
Fernando Osório Soares391, the Secretary General of the Apodeti Party in Dili, and
appointed as “Apodeti Representative for Angola and Mozambique.”392 In explaining
the origins of Apodeti to an Australian journalist, José Osório Soares related that the
party’s real leaders were the former members of the “movimento de ‘59’ ” – or more
bitterly, “the massacre of ‘59’ ”- ie the Viqueque Rebellion of 1959.393 An Apodeti
newsletter in September 1974 printed a letter from nine “leaders of the 1959
Rebellion” supporting Apodeti’s policy of integration into Indonesia.394 An
Indonesian source also contends that “many of the personalities behind the founding
of Apodeti were veterans of the people’s rebellion of 1945-1949 in Lospalos and also
veterans of the 1959 independence struggle in Viqueque.”395 In a public address on 12
November 2008, the former Bishop of Dili - Dom. C.F.X. Belo, stated that Apodeti’s
“members came from those dissatisfied with the Portuguese Government who had
pp.96-97. Several works incorrectly include “José Martins” (of KOTA) ie instead of “João Martins
Corbafo” (see footnotes 825 and 826) among the 36 – including those of Tomodok; Soekanto; Gunn,
G., Timor Leste – 500 Years; Chrystello, C.J., 2000; and Chega, CAVR Final Report, Part 3, History of
the Conflict, p. 16, para 49: “José Martins defected from Apodeti, of which he had been one of the
founders.”
389
These former rebels are listed among the 36 “fundadores” in the Apodeti Manifesto cited in the
footnote above. Araújo, A. (Arnaldo) de (Governo Provisorio Timor Loro Sae), Matanza em timor
oriental, March 1976, Dili – cites the deaths in 1976 of Apodeti, UDT and Trabalhista members later
killed by Fretilin including: Osório Soares on 28 February 1976 - and “Chiquito, Gervásio Aleixo,
António Soares (Metan), and Vital Ximenes”.
390
Vital Ximenes - an Apodeti “founder”, was arrested by Fretilin in August 1975, imprisoned, and
later removed into the countryside by Fretilin in December – see Australian Embassy – Jakarta, Memo
389, 15 March 1976 (NAA: A10463, 801/13//11/1 Part 21), and presumably killed.
391
José Fernando Osório Soares was born in Same on 3 November 1938 – his wife was reportedly a
daughter of a former Governor of Portuguese Timor (1946-50), Óscar Ruas. Two of his uncles
(Joaquim Osório and José Manuel Duarte) were reportedly Timorese principals in the 1959 Rebellion.
José Osório Soares trained as a priest in Macau but, on his return to Timor, served as a civilian official
in the Portuguese administration – including as a Sub-District Administrator in several locations.
Background detail can be found in Rusdie, H. et al, Perjuangan …, March 1997, op.cit., pp.7-11 and in
Ramos-Horta, J., Funu, op.cit., 1987, p.32. Ramos-Horta claims José Fernando Osório Soares, a
“colonial official”, was dismissed from his Sub-District appointment over a rape charge, posted to Dili,
and three years later fired for fraud. However, Ramos-Horta also notes that he suspected “there was
some truth” in Soares’ claims that he (Soares) had been “framed by the Portuguese authorities for his
pro-Indonesian sympathies”.
392
Rohi, P.A., “Apa Kata …”, Mutiara 776, 1995, op.cit., p.14.
393
Juddery, B., “East Timor: which way to turn ?”, The Canberra Times, Canberra, 18 April 1975.
According to an Australian intelligence report: “Its followers include relatives and friends of the
Timorese who were involved in the insurrection of 1959, and Timorese priests.” – Joint Intelligence
Organisation (JIO), “A Descriptive Survey of Portuguese Timor”, JIO Study No. 3/75, Canberra, 1975
(NAA: A1838, 3038/1/1 Part 2). Following a visit to Timor in June 1974, Australian officials had
reported: “Apodeti is seen as the political heir of the 1959 rising against the Portuguese in Viqueque
which was instigated by refugees from the Permesta/PRRI revolt.”- Australian Department of External
Affairs, Cable O.CH79457, Canberra, 3 July 1974 (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/11/2 Part 2). For Fretilin
and UDT positive attitudes towards the 1959 Rebellion as a “formative influence” – see footnote 370.
394
Hill, H.M., Gerakan Pembebasan Nasional Timor Lorosae, 2000, p.62 – footnote 22 cites the
Apodeti publication ie O Arauto de Sunda, No. 3, 18 September 1974.
395
Soekanto, Integrasi – Kebulatan Tekad Rakyat Timor Timur (Integration – the Determined Will of
the People of East Timor), Yayasan Parakesit, Jakarta, 10 November 1976, p.79. For the alleged
“Lospalos uprising 1945-1949”, see Chamberlain, E.P., Faltering Steps, op.cit., 2008, p.5.
76

been involved in the revolt of 1959 in Viqueque, Uato-Carabau and Uatolari – and
some members of the Arab community in Dili who had asked the Consul of Indonesia
for integration … the mentor of the ideals of Apodeti was the Portuguese major Arno
Metelo [sic]396, the Armed Forces Movement’s delegate in Timor”.397
In 1974, a group of the ex-rebel members of Apodeti
arranged for the production of a booklet : O Célebre Massacré
de Uato-Lari e Uato-Carbau Verificado no Ano de 1959 (The
Truth of the Infamous Massacre at Uatolari and Uato-Carabau ((Photo not
in 1959) – Annex D, that included the six-page “Memorandum” included))
(cited earlier) written by Amaro Araújo in Angola in 1960 titled
“Memorandum – Assunto: Sobre o acontecimento ocorrido em 7
de Junhe [sic] de 1959, na Cirrcunscrição [sic] de Viqueque –
Timor” (Memorandum – Report: On the event that occurred on 7
June 1959 in the Circumscription of Viqueque - Timor).398 The thin 12cm x 21cm
booklet also included a frontispiece photograph of “Chiquito, Membro de Apodeti,
Um Dos Desterrados de 59” – ie João Pereira da Silva; and a group photograph of
about 50 of the rebels at the prison in Bié (Angola) in 1960 as “Os Heróis de ‘59’ de
Sterrados [sic] em Angola” (see page 65). The booklet was intended to promote
Apodeti’s links to the earlier 1959 rebellion – but made no mention of the
involvement of the Indonesian Consul - Nazwar Jacub, nor of any of the 14
Indonesian “Permesta” exiles.
In early 1975, several of the exiles who had left Angola and Mozambique to
live in Portugal sought to return to Portuguese Timor. According to Armindo Amaral,
they sought the assistance of the Indonesian Embassy in Lisbon – including through
the Indonesian Ambassador, Ben Mang Reng Say, but the Indonesian Embassy was
closed in December 1975 before all the arrangements for their return had been
finalized.399
In 1975, support for the Apodeti party was strong in northeastern Viqueque. A
visiting Australian journalist, Bill Nicol, noted:
“In Uatolari, for instance, the scene of the 1959 ‘massacre’, there was growing
animosity between the Fretilin and Apodeti supporters. Both parties had equal
support in the area. The Portuguese intelligence officer, Captain António
Ramos400, explained the Uatolari problem at the end of our meeting on 8 April
1975. ‘The people do not easily forget the trouble there in 1959’, he said.
‘People revolted against the government and were sent to Angola. They
returned to Timor in 1968 … The main problem now is the land and the cattle.
They want everything that was theirs returned to them. But it has since been
taken over by the other people there, who are now Fretilin (and) who want to

396
The Portuguese Junta’s representative in Dili, Major A.C. M. M. Metello - as the President of the
Comissão Para Autodeterminação de Timor (Committee for the Self-Determination of Timor), issued a
declaration on 19 June 1974 that formally promulgated the communiqués and manifestos of the three
political associations: ASDT, UDT, and Apodeti (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/2 Part 2; 49/2/1/1 Part 3; 695/5
Part 3).
397
“12 de Novembro de 1991 – por D. Carlos Ximenes Belo” – text on Forum Hakesuk blogspot, Dili,
13 November 2008/Uma Lulik blogspot, Dili, 14 November 2008.
398
The booklet “O Célebre Massacré …” shown opposite at p.76 is included as Annex D to this
monograph – less the “Os Heróis…”photograph (see p.65). The booklet’s multi-coloured front cover
dramatically depicts a booted bayonet-thrust into Viqueque - and spurting red blood.
399
“Pejuang Timtim: Saya Tidak Pernah Menduga …”, Kompas/Kompas Online, Jakarta, 7 January
1996, p.1 & p.8.
400
Captain António Luciano Fontes Ramos – see BOdT, No.13, 28 March 1975, p.211.
 77

keep it.’ What had begun as basically a local domestic issue had become a
clash between the two political parties, with some violence resulting.”401

Mário Viegas Carrascalão - a leader of the UDT political party (União

Democrática Timorense - Timorese Democratic Union) and later Governor of East
Timor (1982-1992), commented on party political loyalties in 1974-1975 as follows:
“if you looked at Uatolari, everyone was Fretilin, and in Uato-Carabau,
everyone was Apodeti.”402

The tensions in Uatolari where acknowledged in June 1975 when the

authorities in Dili appointed Second Sergeant Albino dos Santos Brandão as the
“Military Commander of the Uatolari Zone” and administrator of the Uatolari
Posto.403
On 11 August 1975, the União Democrática Timorense (UDT) - as the MAC
(Movimento Anti-Comunista), mounted a successful coup in Dili – but was defeated
by Fretilin’s “counter-coup” in the following week. Late on the evening of 26 August,
the Portuguese Governor, his staff, and about 95 military personnel evacuated from
Dili to Ataúro. The Apodeti leadership and its few supporters in Dili joined with
Fretilin against the UDT404 – and by the end of August, the UDT forces had been
driven westward from the city. However, following increased ABRI (Angkatan
Bersenjata Republik Indonesia – Indonesian Armed Forces) attacks in the border area,
on 4 October Mari Alkatiri ordered the arrest of the Apodeti leaders.405 The Apodeti
President Arnaldo do Reis de Araújo and ex-1959 rebel Frederico Almeida Santos da
Costa were held in the Comarca (prison) at Balide (Dili) – but escaped to the
Indonesian Consulate on 7 December 1975 during the ABRI airborne and amphibious
assault on Dili.406 Many other members of Apodeti who had been held in, or taken
into, the countryside were subsequently killed by Fretilin - including Apodeti’s
Secretary General José Fernando Osório Soares who was killed at Hat Nipah near
Hola Rua (Same) on 27 January 1976407; and former 1959 rebels, António Metan and
João Pereira da Silva (Chiquito) were reportedly killed by Fretilin in Aileu.

401
Nicol, B., Timor – A Nation Reborn, op.cit., p.292.
402
Chega !, Final Report of the CAVR, op.cit., Part 3, para 81. Mário Carrascalão’s remarks were made
during an interview on 15 December 2003.
403
BOdT, No. 26, 28 June 1975, p.450.
404
Apodeti had reportedly earlier provoked the UDT by holding a flag-raising ceremony in the grounds
of the Indonesian Consulate on Indonesian National Day (17 August) and conducting reconnaissance of
UDT locations in Dili – Carrascalão, M.V., Timor – Antes do Futuro, Mau Huran Printing, Timor-
Leste, 2006, p.89. The Apodeti leadership in Dili was isolated from its “partisan” force being prepared
by ABRI in West Timor - and reportedly sided with Fretilin reluctantly. See the discussions between
Apodeti Secretary General José Osório Soares and ABRI Lieutenant Colonel Soebijakto (Commander
of the Indonesian Prihatin relief mission to Dili that brokered a brief ceasefire in late August and
evacuated refugees by sea) – “Versi Sejarah Soebijakto #2” and #3, Kompas Online, Jakarta, 9 March
1996. An Apodeti telegram to the President of Portugal – signed by Guilherme Maria Gonçalves (the
luirai of Atsabe) as “President of Apodeti” at Atsabe on 17 September 1975, declared that Apodeti was
fighting against Fretilin and complained of intimidation and violence against Apodeti leaders and
members in Fretilin-held areas - including “six thousand people” isolated in Dili.
405
Chega !, Final Report of the CAVR, op.cit., Chapter 7.4, para 125 and paras 183-184. Mari Alkatiri
was the Fretilin Minister of State for Political Affairs. The ABRI Prihatin mission – see footnote 401
above, and the arrest of José Osório Soares are described in Subroto, H., Saksi Mata …, 1996, op.cit.,
pp.47-50.
406
Ibid (Chega !), para 138 and p.53. For Frederico’s subsequent service in Apodeti, see Annex E.
407
Ibid (Chega !), para 212.
78

During the Indonesian occupation many of the ex-rebels and supporters of the
1959 Rebellion collaborated with the Indonesian administration of the Province of
Timur Timor – Indonesia’s 27th province. Several held senior positions including that
of Bupati – ie District/Kabupaten Administrator, and Camat – ie Sub-District/
Kecamatan Administrator. Some became members of the Timur Timor Legislative
Assembly – ie DPRD I and District Legislative Assemblies – ie DPRD II. Others
became civil servants and successful businessmen.408 Areas of land in northeastern
Viqueque District seized following the 1959 Rebellion (footnote 260) were returned
to Naueti.409
In 1977, Abílio de Araújo, the Head of Fretilin’s External Delegation,
declared:
“The revolt of 1959 was a landmark of great importance in the history of anti-
colonial resistance by the Timorese people.”410

Abílio de Araújo contended that the uprising in 1959 forced “significant

transformations” in the administration of the Province by the Portuguese authorities
including improvements in education and an increase in public works activity.
However, he noted that “while the 1959 revolt compelled the colonialists to make
concessions, on the other hand, it forced them to refine their methods of repression” –
citing an increase in military forces in the Province and the establishment of a PIDE
delegation.

Rebel Exiles in Africa and Portugal

Following the Indonesian occupation of East Timor that began in early

December 1975, Fretilin established embassies and delegations in Portugal,
Mozambique and Angola. However, according to several former rebels, there was no
contact in either Angola or Mozambique between the exiled rebels and Fretilin’s
overseas officials.411 Similarly, in Portugal, the former rebels were viewed with
suspicion by Fretilin, and there was little if any contact. In November 1978 in Lisbon,
Australian journalist Jill Jolliffe interviewed José Manuel Duarte who, on the
objectives of the 1959 Rebellion, reportedly stated: “We are [sic] not interested in the
government of Indonesia, but in the integration of East and West Timor. We have
[sic] ancient links – we never had a border before Portugal colonized Timor.”412
In December 1983, a number of the deportees still in Angola and Mozambique
- including Evaristo da Costa, were permitted to travel to, and reside in, Portugal

408
Abel da Costa Belo was the Bupati of Baucau – ie appointed provisional chairman of the Baucau
region on 7 January 1976: Antara, Jakarta, 8 January 1976. António Metan’s son, Eugenio Metan, was
the first Camat (Sub-District Administrator) of Uatolari during the Indonesian period. Eugenio was
reportedly killed by Falintil in the 1990s. DPRD members included: José Manuel Duarte, Nicodemus
dos Reis Amaral and Germano das Dores da Silva. See the listing of vocations at footnote 417 and
further detail at Annex E.
409
Tilman, M. & Pereira, D., “Tanah Dan Perumahan …”, East Timor Law Journal, Article 14, 2004;
Yayasan HAK, Konflitu Rai No Natar Iha Uatolari – Akuza, Direito 27, Edition 27 June 2004.
410
Araújo, A. (Abílio) de, Timor Leste: Os Loricos…, 1977, op.cit., pp.182-183. Abílio de Araújo had
been a member of the Fretilin Central Committee, the Fretilin Minister for Economic and Social
Affairs in late 1975 and subsequently the Head of the External Delegation. His father had been
detained briefly in 1959 in connection with the Rebellion – see footnote 164.
411
Author’s discussions with Evaristo da Costa, Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa and Salem Sagran
in Dili on 2 April 2007.
412
Ms Jill Jolliffe’s interview of 11 November 1978 is cited in Taylor, J.G., East Timor: The Price of
Freedom, Zed Books, London, 1999, p.21 & p.24.
 79

where they were able to engage in menial employment and received a small
government allowance.413 During their time in Portugal, the former rebels had no
contact with Fretilin or other pro-independence groups as the former rebels were
regarded as “supporters of Indonesia” – and they feared reprisals by Fretilin and
others.414

More Exiles Return

In 1986, José Manuel Duarte, one of the deported Timorese principals

involved in the June 1959 attacks in Viqueque and Baguia, returned to Timor. José
Duarte – who was the uncle of a later East Timor Governor (Abílio Osório Soares –
Timor Timur Governor 1992-1999), became a member of the East Timor Provincial
Parliament in Dili (ie DPRD I – its “Fraksi Karya Pembangunan”) and established a
trading and construction business in Dili ie C.V. Neusa. He also acted as spokesman
for the veterans of the Viqueque Rebellion in East Timor in his appointment as Ketua
Legiun Veteran RI Daerah Timtim (Chairman of the Veterans’ Legion – East Timor
Region). In November 1992, José Duarte announced at a press conference in Dili that
he was preparing a case against Portugal on “human rights abuses in East Timor” –
and that this initiative was supported by his nephew, the Governor.415 This action
appears to have been precipitated by a statement made by the Portuguese President -
Mário Soares, over Radio Nederland on 30 October 1992 to the effect that no human
rights violations had occurred in Timor during Portuguese rule. In early 1994, José
Manuel Duarte drafted a two-page “Memorandum” that related the history of the
Rebellion, cited the statement by Mário Soares and sought pensions and emoluments
from the Indonesian Government for the 1959 veterans and their dependants.416
Following a letter to President Soeharto by several Timorese exiles in 1994,
arrangements were made for further returns to Indonesia – eight were reportedly still
in Portugal, two in Mozambique, and two in Australia.
In July 1995, the National Council of Maubere Resistance (CNRM) reported
that the Indonesian Government was in the process of “now trying to rewrite history,
attempting to force the surviving 1959 deported to state that their rebellion had been
aimed at integration with Indonesia, so as to be able to claim that pro-Indonesian
413
“Pejuang Timtim: Saya Tidak Pernah Menduga …”, Kompas/Kompas Online, Jakarta, 7 January
1996, p.1 & p.8: Evaristo da Costa was accompanied by his children – but not his wife, Maumisse
Amido, who remained in Mozambique. In Portugal, Evaristo was employed for a time as a truck driver.
He and Armindo Amaral related other employment as security guards, goods carriers, guards at tennis
courts - with monthly incomes equivalent to 700,000-1.3m Indonesian rupiah – insufficient to maintain
a family in Portugal (high costs of accommodation, food, and transport were cited). A monthly
allowance (“uang saku” – pocket money) paid by the Portuguese Government, equivalent to 165,000
Indonesian rupiah, was also inadequate – “Jati Diri: Pejuang Timtim; Jangan Beri Mimpi”, Jawa Pos,
10 January 1996, p.4.
414
Statements by Evaristo da Costa to the author, Dili, 2 April 2007.
415
Sampaio, A., op.cit., pp.1-2 and “Warga Timtim akan tuntut Portugal”, Surya, Jakarta, 14
November 1992. The issue was again raised in August 1995 by the chairman of the East Timor
Provincial Parliament (DPRD I), António Freitas Parada; and in mid-November 1995 by José Manuel
Duarte (see footnote 421). Subsequently, in April 1996, Parada indicated that a claim had been made to
the International Court of Justice (Den Haag) on 28 June 1995 citing Portuguese colonial oppression –
“Rakyat Timor Timur Gugat Pemerintah Portugal” (“The People of East Timor Accuse the Portuguese
Government”), Jayakarta, 11 April 1996.
416
Duarte, J.M., Memorandum, Dili, 4 February 1994 – in Bahasa Indonesia.
80

integration feelings have been present for a long time among many East Timorese.”417
The CNRM media release reported that, at a meeting organised by Governor Abílio
Soares in Dili on 8 June 1995, returned exiles were told that they must assist in the
writing of a history of the Rebellion that would state that the people of East Timor
already wished integration as far back as 1959 418 – and any documentation held by
the returned exiles was to be made available to the Indonesian authorities. Attendees
were also reportedly told of the Indonesian Government’s intention to build a
memorial to those killed in the Rebellion on the banks of the “Watu Lari” river (ie the
Bebui River) – with plans to inaugurate the monument by 10 November 1995.419
Recognition, Reunions, Memorials – and claims against Portugal

On 10 November 1995 - on Indonesia’s “Hari Pahlawan” (Heroes’ Day), 13

former Timorese exiles of the Viqueque Rebellion were awarded veterans’
decorations (Tanda Penghargaan Veteran RI Pejuang Perintis Integrasi Timor-
Timur) in Jakarta by the Indonesian Defence Minister, General Edi Sudrajat – “in
recognition of their service in the struggle to integrate Timor Timur into Indonesia.”420
In discussion with the Defence Minister, José Manuel Duarte stated
that his “one remaining wish was to see Portugal ((Photograph
not included)) prosecuted in the International Court – as he
regarded them as war criminals for detaining
him without trial.”421

A meeting was chaired in Dili by the Sekwilda (Regional Area Secretary) in

early November 1995 to plan a monument to the Rebellion in Viqueque Town. A

417
Conselho Nacional de Resistência Maubere (National Council of Maubere Resistance - CNRM),
“Indonesia’s desperate attempt to revise East Timor history”, Media Release, 3 July 1995, p.1.
418
This claim has been made in several books published in Indonesia, including by the Indonesian
Consul in Dili in 1975 – Tomodok, E.M., Hari-Hari Akhir…, op.cit., 1994, p.95.
419
CNRM Media Release op.cit. – see footnote 414 above. The media release was based on a signed
report dated 15 June provided by an un-named attendee. José Manuel Duarte spoke at the meeting and
offered documents. P.A. Rohi’s (“Soekarno …”, 9 May 2005, op.cit.) subsequent meetings with
Marcelino in 1996 – see footnotes 38, 43, 96, 144 and 225 - conducted “within the framework of
reconstructing the 1959 Rebellion”, may have been an element of this Indonesian Government project.
420
“13 Pejuang Integrasi Timtim Terima Penghargaan Veteran” (13 Timorese Integration Fighters
Receive Veterans’ Awards), Kompas, Jakarta, 11 November 1995, p.15; and “Kepulangan Pejuang
Integrasi Timtim” (“Return of East Timor Integration Fighters”), Republika Online, Jakarta, 11
November 1995. The recipients of the “Integration Pioneer” medal were listed as: José Manuel Duarte
(aged 61, retired civil servant – ex Civil Servant “Korpri” Secretariat), Salem Musalam Sagran (67,
businessman and manager of the East Timor Majelis Ulama Indonesia), Germano das Doras Alves da
Silva (57, member DPRD II Manufahi), Dominggos da Conceição Pereira (68, retired civil servant),
Nicodemus dos Reis Amaral (70, retired member of DPRD), Joaquim Ferreira (62, village chief, Uma
Uain Leter), Lourenço Rodrigues Pereira (64, retired civil servant), Dominggos dos Reis Amaral (62,
farmer), Alexandre de Jesus (67, unemployed), Usman bin Manduli Sangaji (60, former village chief,
Alor – West Dili), Saleh bin Ahmad Bassawan (60, businessman), José Sarmento (53, farmer), and
Vernando [sic] Pinto (who had died in exile) – this appears to be a reference to Fernando Pinto of Uato-
Carabau. Other 1959 veterans had also reportedly been proposed, but a timely decision had not been
reached on their inclusion.
421
“Anak Saya di Cijantung, Jadi Kopassus” (“My Son is at Cijantung to become a Kopassus
member”), Jawa Pos, Surabaya, 11 November 1995, p.13. José Duarte also related that two of the
former rebels were then resident in Australia, and eight in Portugal – of whom three planned to return
to Indonesia.
 81

statue of a man standing “tegak” (“upright/boldy”) was proposed – with a similar

statue in Uatolari.422
In Viqueque Town on 10 November 1995, East Timor Governor, Abílio José
Osório Soares, laid the foundation stone for the “Viqueque Struggle” monument in
the Town’s Freedom Square (Lapangan Merdeka).423 The ceremony was attended by
“traditional units” from each of Viqueque’s five districts. Governor Abílio Soares
asserted that “even while in exile, the deported rebels had declared their support for
Apodeti in written statements.” The monument – see overpage, a tall column topped
by a large metal Garuda (a mythical Hindu bird, Indonesia’s national symbol), was
completed in early 1999, but panels and engraving were not finished before the
withdrawal of the Indonesian administration later that year. Soon after the withdrawal
of the Indonesian forces, the base of the monument was covered with grafitti.

((Map – Viqueque Town Square area – not included;

Photograph - Rebellion monument - not included, but see front cover))

In Dili in mid-November 1995, José Manuel Duarte hosted a “bernostalgia”

reunion for former rebels at his home in Motael – those attending included three of
the Indonesians: “Gerson Tom Pello, Jezkial Folla and Jeremias To’an Pello” from
Kupang; and Dili-resident Timorese: “Nicodemos Amaral, Dominggus Geronimoa
[sic] Amaral, Joaquim Perreira [sic – probably Ferreira] and José Sarmento.”424
422
“1959, Rakayat Timtim Sudah Merah Putih” (“In 1959, East Timor was already Red and White”),
Jawa Pos, Surabaya, 7 November 1995, p.13.
423
Herman, J., “Integrasi 1976, Realisasi Perjuangan Viqueque 1959” (“The Integration of 1976, the
Realisation of the 1959 Viqueque Struggle”), Jawa Pos, Surabaya, 11 November 1995, p.13.
424
Herman, J., “Pejuang Timtim Akan Tuntut Portugal – Atas Pembantaian 2,000 Orang di Viqueque”,
Jawa Pos, 16 November 1995, p.13. The reunion in Dili was the initiative of the then Surabaya-based
journalist, Peter A. Rohi. For earlier consideration of taking Portugal to the International Court, see
82

During an interview, José Duarte claimed that “more than 2,000 citizens of Viqueque
had been killed by the Portuguese at the Bebui River during the 1959 Resistance.” He
also declared that the 1959 Rebellion was “the earlier uprising that wished to unite the
people of East Timor with Indonesia.” Duarte also again spoke of prosecuting
Portugal before the International Court - noting that he had raised the issue earlier in
1992 (see footnote 412). “While previously there had not been a response on
assistance from the Indonesian Government”, Duarte believed that recent support
from the Chairman of the East Timor Regional Parliament (DPRD I) - António Freitas
Parada, improved prospects for progress.
On 5 December 1995, a “former exiles’ organisation” in Dili (Pejuang
Integrasi Timor Timur Ke Dalam Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia – The
Fighters for the Integration of East Timor into the Unitary Republic of Indonesia) sent
a Pernyataan Sikap (Position Statement) to the visiting UN Human Rights
Commissioner that expressed their disappointment that the UN had never paid
attention to human rights violations by the Portuguese in quelling the 1959 Rebellion
– and appealed to the UN Secretary General not to take notice of “opportunist
traitors” outside East Timor who “pretend to speak for the people of East Timor.”425
The following day, the former exiles’ group held a meeting in Dili’s Mahkota Hotel
(now Hotel Timor) and sent a letter (Annex G) to the UN High Commissioner for
Human Rights in Geneva declaring that the objective of the 1959 Viqueque Rebellion
had been to integrate Portuguese Timor with Indonesia – and that “the aspiration of
the East Timorese People to unite with Indonesia had been in the soul of the East
Timorese People from 1950 and was later brought into sharper focus by the outcomes
of the Asia-Africa Conference held in Bandung in 1955.”426 As evidence of Portugal’s
official acknowledgement of the Rebellion’s intent, the letter included a photocopy of
a “Certidão” (“Certificate” – in Portuguese, see Annex H) from the Portuguese
“Armed Forces Chief of Staff’s Office for the Coordination of the Disbandment of the
PIDE/DGS & LP” that attested: “José Manuel Duarte participated in the seizure and
occupation of the Viqueque Circunscrição headquarters on 7 June 1959 with the
objective of delivering up the Province to the Republic of Indonesia.”427
On 5 January 1996, accompanied by several of their children, three exiles
returned to Jakarta from Portugal: Armindo Amaral (aged 57 years), Evaristo da
Costa (61), and Domingos Hornay Soares (57) – and the three similarly received
veterans’ titles from the Indonesian Defence Minister at a ceremony on 10 January. In
Portugal, the group had been assisted in preparations for their return by the
Portuguese-Indonesia Friendship Association (PIFA) chaired by Manuel Macedo.428

footnote 412.
425
Pernyataan Sikap - Pejuang Integrasi Timor Timur Ke Dalam Negara Kesatuan Republik
Indonesia, Dili, 5 December 1995 – the letter was signed by: José Manuel Duarte, Joaquim Ferreira,
José Sarmento, Germano das Dores Alves da Silva, Salem M. Sagran, Saleh Bassarewan, Lourenço
Rodrigues Pereira, and Domingos da Conceição Pereira.
426
Pejuang Perintis Integrasi Timor Timur Ke Dalam Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia, Dili, 8
December 1995 (in Bahasa Indonesia and Portuguese). Copies were also sent to the UN Secretary
General in New York. Signatories were: José Manuel Duarte, Salem M. Sagran, and Germano das
Dores Alves da Silva. See Annex G for a copy in Bahasa Indonesia and an English translation.
427
Pinto, L. dos Santos, Certidão - Estado-Maior General das Forças Armadas Serviço de
Coordenação de Extinção da PIDE/DGS e LP, Lisbon, 22 March 1983 – see Annex H. The indictment
before the Territorial Military Tribunal in Angola in May 1960 also cited the rebels’ aim to “annex
Timor to the Republic of Indonesia” – see Gunn, G.C., “Revisiting the Viqueque (East Timor)
Rebellion of 1959”, 2006, op.cit., p.44.
428
Related to the author by Evaristo da Costa, Dili, 2 April 2007. PIFA was founded on 20 October
1993. Its counterpart organisation in Jakarta - the Indonesia-Portugal Friendship Association (founded
 83

Venancio da Costa Soares had been intended to return with the group - but was “ill”
and remained in Portugal.429 On the group’s subsequent arrival in Dili on 14 January
1996, Evaristo da Costa declared: “For me, integration ((with Indonesia)) began from
1959.”430 Soon after in a media interview, José Manuel Duarte and Salem Sagran
spoke of the 1959 Rebellion as the “embrio” of the process leading to East Timor’s
incorporation into Indonesia – and of plans for reunions, the writing of a book, and
the establishment of a “1959 Viqueque Movement Yayasan” (in Bahasa, Yayasan =
Foundation).431 Evaristo, Domingos and Armindo were provided with adjacent
houses by the provincial authorities in the western Dili suburb of Aimutin. Also –
during an interview in 1996, Marcelino António Fausto Guterres (who had been
reported, apparently incorrectly, as attending the Afro-Asian Conference in Bandung
in 1955) stated in reference to 1959: “We saw West Timor as a historical reason for
integrating into Indonesia. Above all, it would have been impossible for us ((East
Timor)) to stand alone.”432
In Dili on 30 March 1996, the Indonesian Defence Minister awarded
Veteranus Perintis Integrasi (Integration Pioneer Veteran) medals to 27 of the
participants in the 1959 Rebellion. Of the 23 Timorese recipients, 20 were deceased,
and their posthumous awards were accepted by their close relatives. 433 Three
Timorese veterans accepted their awards: “Juman bin Bachirum, Manuel Rodrigues
Alin, and Manuel Alves”. Four Indonesians were also awarded the medal: Gerson
Tom Pello, “known as Tinenti” (ie Lieutenant); Jeremias To’an Pello; Albert Ndun;
and the late Lambert Klin Landauw [sic] – “Lambert, who had passed away in
Bangkok (Thailand) in 1983 was represented by his fourth daughter, Luciana Ladow.”
In an interview, Jeremias explained that, at 19, he was the youngest of those deported
in 1959 – and as such was given the nickname of “the little one” by his comrades.
In a further ceremony in Jakarta on 11 November 1996, the Indonesian Social
Affairs Minister, Inten Soeweno, awarded the Satyalancana Perintis Pergerakan
Kemerdekaan (Independence Pioneer Medal) to 16 “patriots”
17 January 1994), was chaired by President Soeharto’s daughter, Siti Hardiyanti Rakmana – “Tutut”.
429
“Jati Diri: Pejuang Timtim; Jangan Beri Mimpi”, Jawa Pos, Surabaya, 10 January 1996, p.4.
Evaristo was accompanied by his children: Evaristo Gomes Costa (36), Romeu da Conceição Costa
(16) and Eva Amido da Costa (13) – Ramos Quintão Costa (17) remained in Portugal to continue his
education. Venancio da Costa Soares declined to return to Timor - reportedly fearful that he would be
killed on arrival in Dili – email information to author from Evaristo da Costa, Dili, 8 February 2007.
Evaristo had suggested returning to Timor – and this was proposed in a letter drafted by Evaristo and
signed by Armindo Amaral to Armindo’s friend Germano das Dores da Silva in Same who was
serving as a member of the local Parliament (ie DPRD II Manufahi).
430
“Tangis Sambut Tiga Pejuang TimTim” (“Tears Greet Three East Timor Fighters”), Kompas,
Jakarta, 15 January 1996, p.15. The three returnees were escorted by José Manuel Duarte and
Germano das Dores da Silva – and met by Salem Sagran and local officials.
431
“Pejuang 1959 TimTim Akan Reuni dan Menulis Buku Sejarah” (“1959 East Timor Fighters Will
Re-Unite and Write a History Book”), Antara, Jakarta, 15 January 1996. As noted above, the “Garuda-
topped” monument to the 1959 Rebellion stands in the main square (actually a “triangle”) of “old”
Viqueque Town. A far smaller monument (height about two metres) is located at the northern apex of
the “triangle” – erected by ABRI Yonif (infantry battalion) 408 on 10 December 1990, dedicated to that
battalion’s operations during its tour-of-duty in Viqueque.
432
Rohi, P.A., “Soekarno …”, 9 May 2005, op.cit., p.2 – for information on Marcelino, connect with
footnotes 38, 40, 43, 96, 97, 144 and 225.
433
“27 Pejuang Viqueque Peroleh Gelar Veteran”, Jawa Pos, Surabaya, 1 April 1996, p.5. The
deceased former Timorese rebels were: “António da Costa Soares, António Soriano, Alberto Rodrigues
Perreira, Duarte Soares, Francisco Maria Xavier de Araújo, Crispin [sic] Borges de Araújo, Gervasao
[sic] Soriano Alexio, Joaquim Agustodos Santos, João Pereira da Silva, José Soares, João Lisboa, José
Gama, José Maria Esposito Maia, Mário José Hendriques Martins, Manuel da Silva, Miguel Pinto,
Mateus Jordão de Araújo, Paulo da Silva, Paulo da Conceição Castro, Vital Ximenes.
84

of the Viqueque Rebellion – including three of the four

Indonesians (names underlined below): José Manuel Duarte,
Domingos Soares, Evaristo da Costa, Armindo Amaral,
Joaquim Pereira [sic - probably Ferreira], Germano Alves da
Silva, Nicodemos dos Reis Amaral, José Sarmento, Usman bin
Mandully Lolly Sangaji, Gerson Tom Pello, Jeremias Toan Pello,
Alberto L. Ndun, Mateus Sarmento Jordão de Araújo (deceased),
António da Costa Soares (deceased), Miguel Pinto (deceased)
and Vital Ximenes (deceased).434
Subsequently, the Independence Pioneer Medal was also awarded to:
Alexandre de Jesus, Alexandrinou Boromeu, Domingos da Conceição Pereira,
Domingos Jeronimo Amaral, Fernando Pinto (deceased), Juman bin Bachirun,
Lourenço Rodrigues Pereira, Saleh bin Ahmad Bassarewan, and Salem Sagran.435
Minister Soeweno noted that 69 rebels had been captured in 1959 – of whom one had
been killed; and 24 survivors were then currently resident in Indonesia and a further
ten lived overseas. The Social Welfare Department in Dili announced in early
November that each veteran would receive a monthly living allowance from the
Indonesian Government of 300,000 rupiah - while widows would receive 150,000
rupiah. Each of the veterans was also to receive a sum of 1.5m rupiah each year for
home renovations. In May 1999, when interviewed at his home near Kupang,
Jeremias Pello related that he was receiving his monthly pension of 360,000 rupiah
“as an Independence Pioneer” – but he had not been paid his “veteran’s pension”
since 1977. Further, he had yet to receive any housing allowance as promised by the
Minister for Social Affairs in November 1996.436

434
“13 Perintis Integrasi Terima Penghargaan”, Jawa Pos, Surabaya, 6 November 1996, p.5 –
published before the ceremony ; “Satyalancana untuk 16 Tokoh Timtim” (“Independence Pioneer
Medals for 16 Prominent East Timorese”), Kompas Online, Jakarta, 12 November 1996 – “69 of the
rebels were captured, one sentenced to death, and the remaining 68 were exiled … at present, 34 are
still living (24 in Indonesia and 10 in other countries) while 35 have died (27 in Indonesia and eight
overseas).”; Setyalencan [sic] dan Rp 1,5 Juta untuk Pejuang Timtim, Jawa Pos, Surabaya, 12
November 1996, p.5 – under Presidental Decree 111/TK/1996 – the “omitted” Indonesian was
Lambertus Ladow (deceased, Bangkok, 1983). Minister Soeweno noted that surviving Perintis
Kemerdekaan (Independence Pioneers) numbered 338 – together with about 2,000 widows. The awards
were also later reported by the UN in “Sixteen East Timorese patriots received medal of independence
movement”, UNSG Report on Situation in Timor, E/CN. 4/1997/51, UN Economic and Security
Council, 21 February 1997. In reference to the 1959 exiles, the United Nations report also cited an
Indonesian statement: “Following the fall of the dictatorship in Portugal, they had repeatedly appealed
to the Portuguese Government to be returned to Indonesia, but to no avail. Their eventual return was
facilitated by the ICRC. No news coverage or announcements about their return to Indonesia and their
current well-being were ever made by Portugal … 34 are still alive, living both inside and outside
Indonesia.”
435
Sekretariat Militer Presiden, Daftar warga negara Republik Indonesia Yang Menerima Anugerah
Tanda Kehormatan Satyalancana Perintis Pergerakan Kemerdekaan Satyalancana Kebudayaan Dan
Satyalancana Pendidikan, Biro Tanda-Tanda Jasa/Kehormatan, Jakarta, 2005 – lists a total of 25 East
Timorese recipients of the Independence Pioneer Medal in a total of 988 recipients (ie 2.5 percent). All
except “Alexandrinou Boromeu” (a member of the Apodeti Party Presidium in 1974, an Apodeti
signatory to the 30 November 1975 “Balibo Declaration”, and the Bupati in Manufahi 1976-1984) were
involved in the 1959 Rebellion. An “Alexandrino Borromeu” served in the civil service in Dili in the
early-mid 1970s as a laboratory assistant 2nd-class – vide BOdT, No.32, 7 August 1971, p.717; and
No.13, 28 March 1975, p.214
436
Sarong, F., “Pejuang Timtim yang Kesepian”, op.cit. – Jeremias lived in Pariti village, about 63km
from Kupang. In 1997, he had been offered a very small house in Kupang – but had declined. Officials
had visited him in Pariti to plan improvements to his home, but no work had commenced by May 1999.
 85

The Popular Consultation of 1999 – and Militia Group “59/75”

In late January 1999, the Indonesian Government offered the people of East
Timor the choice of “wider autonomy” (“otonomi yang diperluas”) within the
Republic – ie continued integration; or “separation from Indonesia” (“berpisah
dengan Negara Kesatuan RI”) – ie independence, through a “Popular Consulation” to
be conducted on 30 August 1999.437
In May 1999, a pro-integration militia group: “59 Senior/75 Junior”
(sometimes referred to also as Naga Merah – Red Dragon) was formed in Viqueque
Town by the Viqueque District Bupati, Martinho Fernandes.438 Chega !, the Final
Report of the CAVR, notes that “59/75 Junior/Naga … led by Alvaro de Jesus” had
its “roots in the 1959 Viqueque Rebellion”.439 “The militia group 59/75 Junior – …
took its name from the year of an abortive anti-Portuguese uprising in the district
(1959), and the year of Indonesia’s invasion of East Timor (1975).”440
The militia groups in Viqueque ie Makikit (based in Lacluta) and 59/75 (based
in Beobe/Rai Um sub-village of Uma Kiik, three kilometres west of old Viqueque
Town) were - when “compared to militia groups in the western Districts, neither was
especially strong. In three of the five sub-districts (ie kecamatan) of Viqueque – Ossu,
Uatolari and Uato-Carabau, they were virtually absent. By one estimate, there were
fewer than 100 militiamen in the entire District in mid-1999.”441
According to local elders, the nominal leader of 59/75 was Joaquim Ferreira
(aged 66 years) who had been a participant in the 1959 rebellion and later exiled to
Angola – while the active leaders of the 59/75 militia included “Comandante” Antero,
who had been earlier wounded by Falintil, and Filomeno Amaral.442 Killings and
other violence committed by the 59/75 militia group included attacks on 10 and 11
August 1999 on the offices of a student organisation and on the office of the
Conselho Nacional Resistência da Timorense (CNRT) in Viqueque Town.443
Eurico Guterres was one of the most prominent pro-integration militia leaders
in 1999 and the commander of the Dili-based Aitarak militia group. He has contended
that his grandfather was killed by the Portuguese in Viqueque during the 1959
Rebellion.444
437
For a contemporary article on Indonesian President Habibie’s decision, see Anwar, D.F., “Habibie
dan Timor Timur”, Tempo, Jakarta, 8 February 1999, pp.30-31.
438
Martinho Fernandes had been appointed Bupati in March 1999 and had previously served as the
Camat of Ossu Sub-District. Martinho also reportedly founded the large militia group in Viqueque -
Makikit (Eagle), led by Lafaek Saburai (Afonso Henriques Pinto). Raimundo Soares and Francelino
Soares are also listed as “59/75” leaders in McDonald, H. (et al), Masters of Terror – Indonesia’s
Military and Violence in East Timor in 1999, Canberra Papers on Strategy & Defence No. 145,
Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, Australian National University, Canberra, 2002.
439
Chega !, Final Report of the CAVR, op.cit., Part 4, p.29. An article by Gunter, J., “Communal
Conflict in Viqueque …”, 2007, op.cit., p.37 states that Eurico Guterres “created the Viqueque militia”
in April 1999 and “unambiguously linked the pro-Indonesia side to the rebellion forty years before by
naming the group ‘59/75’.”
440
Robinson, G., East Timor 1999: Crimes Against Humanity, University of South Los Angeles, July
2003. Part IV, District Summary 9.13, Viqueque (Kodim 1630).
441
Ibid.
442
Author’s discussions with Hermenegildo da Cruz, Constantino de Oliveira Simões, António Pinto
and Rogério Pinto in Viqueque Town – 29 June 2007.
443
Robinson, G., East Timor 1999: Crimes …, 2003, op.cit., and Judicial System Monitoring Program,
SPSC Case Information, Case 3/2004. The Council for Timorese Resistance (Conselho Nacional
Resistência da Timorense – CNRT) was formed on 23 April 1998.
444
“Anak Muda Bangkit Dari Wacana Berbahaya”, Gamma, No. 34.2, 17 October 2000 – “kakeku
dibunuh Portugues pada 1959” and similar claims on 28 March 2007. Guterres was reportedly born in
86

Following the violence after the 30 August 1999 Popular Consultation, several
of the former 1959 rebels left Timor-Leste – many initially to West Timor. These
included José Manuel Duarte and Joaquim Ferreira. Domingos Hornay Soares
reportedly returned to Portugal in 2000.

Compensation Claims – “Caso Grupo 59”

As noted earlier, in 1992 returned exiles and Indonesian officials in Dili had
proposed legal action against Portugal (see footnote 412). In Lisbon, beginning in
mid-1992, the 1959 exiles resident in Portugal had begun seeking compensation from
the Portuguese Government for lack of due process and other “injustices” associated
with the 1959 Rebellion and their exile - initially corresponding with the Portuguese
Ministry of Foreign Affairs and subsequently with the Provedoria de Justiça. In
December 2000, the group sought the assistance of the National Council for Timorese
Resistance (Conselho Nacional Resistência da Timorense – CNRT).
Beginning in January 2004, they – the “Grupo 59”, requested support for their
claims from the Timor-Leste authorities through the President of the National
Parliament and met with the President of the Timor-Leste Parliament’s Committee A
(Committee for Constitutional Affairs, Human Rights and Civil Freedom) on 28
September 2005.445 Their last formal correspondence to the President of the National
Parliament – with copies to the Timor-Leste President and Prime Minister, (ie
Assunto: Pedido de indemnização por danos sofridos em 1959 – Subject: Order for
the Indemnification of Damages Suffered in 1959) was signed by “Os Representantes
das Vítimas de 1959” (Evaristo da Costa, Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa, Salem
Musalam Sagran, Juman Bin Basirun and Lourenço Rodrigues Pereira).
On 12 June 2008, three of the former rebels (Evaristo da Costa, Frederico
Almeida Santos da Costa and Salem Sagran) met in Dili with the Timor-Leste
Minister for Foreign Affairs (Zacarias Albano da Costa), the Portuguese Ambassador
(João Ramos Pinto), the Vice Prime Minister (José Luís Guterres) and two
departmental officials to discuss the former rebels’ case for “indemnification” ie the
Caso Grupo 59. The Portuguese Ambassador stated that their case could not be
considered as the “National Committee of Inquiry” - established in August 1974 to
inquire into events in the period 28 March 1926 to 25 April 1974, had concluded its

Uatolari on 17 July 1974 (or 1971). Gunter, J., “Communal Conflict in Viqueque …”, 2007, op.cit.,
p.37 relates that Guterres is “António Metan’s nephew” and named “59/75” – but both these claims
have been disputed by local sources. Remarkably, in early 2009, while campaigning in West Timor for
the April 2009 Indonesian parliamentary election, Eurico Guterres wore two medals - claiming that
family members were entitled to RDTL Resistance-era medals ie Ordem Nicolau Lobato and Ordem
Dom Boaventura – TIME Timor, No 23, Tahun IV, January 2009. It was later clarified that these
medals were apparently those of his uncles ie Manuel Soares do Rosário (Ordem Funu Nain – killed in
1976) and Mateus do Rosário (Ordem Falintil – killed in 1984). Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao
further clarified that: “There is no Eurico Guterres in the list of former liberation combatants in the
Uatolari district of Viqueque.” – Notícias Lusófonas, 7 April 2009.
445
The correspondence has been collated in Costa, E. da (et al), O Célebre Massacré de Uato-Lari e
Uato-Carbau Verificado no Ano de 1959 (The Truth of the Infamous Massacre at Uatolari and Uato-
Carabau in 1959), Dili, 2005. That portfolio-type document also contains discrete declarations
(Declaração) by Luís da Costa Rego (22 June 1993), Evaristo da Costa (17 June 2001), Juman bin
Bachirum (20 October 2005), Salem Musalam Sagran (November 2005) and Frederico Almeida Santos
da Costa (November 2005).
 87

deliberations in 1977.446 The Group however asserted its determination to continue to

pursue the case until it was resolved.447

Counting the Exiles

Indonesian reporting during the 1990s - and statements by José Manuel

Duarte, have declared that 68 (or sometimes “66”) persons involved in the Rebellion
had been exiled from Timor.448 With variations in some listings and the spelling of
names, it is sometimes difficult to reconcile these with complete accuracy. However,
those exiled appear to have comprised the 68 listed at Annexes E and F – in summary:

• 11 Timorese, including the “ringleaders” – principally those arrested

in Dili and Baucau in early June, who departed Dili on the N/M India
on 8 June 1959 for Portugal and were later exiled to Angola in late
May 1960 (several were subsequently transferred to Mozambique).
• 52 Timorese who were embarked on the N/M India on 4 October 1959
- together with the four Indonesians and the “special status” prisoner,
Francisco M. X. J. Araújo. The 52 were disembarked in Angola on 24
November 1959 – while the four Indonesians and Francisco de Araújo
were imprisoned in Lisbon (arriving 11 November 1959) before being
transferred to Angola in late May 1960.

Recent Indonesian Interpretations of the Rebellion

In the early 1990s, official Indonesian history texts for primary and secondary
schools included sections on the “Viqueque Rebellion of 1959” – see Annex B.449
On 10 November 2002 (Indonesian National Heroes’ Day), President
Megawati Sukarnoputri inaugurated a monument in the grounds of the TNI
headquarters at Cilangkap (Jakarta) to memorialise Indonesian losses during the
occupation of East Timor. The Monumen Seroja lists the names of 3,804 ABRI/TNI
personnel who died in combat in East Timor in the period 1975-1999450 and includes a
series of ten relief panels - principally illustrating aspects of ABRI/TNI service in
East Timor. One panel however depicts the “Suffering of the People of East Timor
During the Portuguese Colonization” (“Penderitaan Rakyat Timor Timur Pada Masa
Penjajahan Portugis”) – see below:

446
The Group had received a similar written response to their claims from the Portuguese Provedoria
de Justica (R-0002/93 (A6) – 017838, 3 October 2000). Correspondence up to November 2005 was
included in Costa, E. da (et al), O Célebre Massacré de Uato-Lari e Uato-Carbau Verificado no Ano
de 1959 (The Truth of the Infamous Massacre at Uatolari and Uato-Carabau in 1959), Dili, 2005.
447
Email advice to the author - 3 November 2008. The Grupo 59 have termed their campaign:
“Revolução e Reclamação de Direitos Humanos de 1959” – advice from Evaristo da Costa and
Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa (email 3 March 2009).
448
For example: “Kepulangan Pejuang Integrasi Timtim” (“Return of East Timor Integration
Fighters”), op.cit., Republika Online, Jakarta, 11 November 1995.
449
According to a 2004 study, although 1996 editions of Indonesian school history texts referred to the
1959 Rebellion, from 2000 only the 1910 rebellion by Dom Boaventura was mentioned – Gratton, A.,
Perkembangan dalam Pendidikan Sejarah di Malang sejak Zaman Reformasi, Universitas
Muhammadiyah, Malang (Indonesia), 2004.
450
Comprising 2,277 soldiers and police – and 1,527 East Timor irregulars/auxiliaries.
88

((Photograph of Monument panel not included))

In an oblique reference to the 1959 Rebellion, text on the TNI’s Monumen Seroja
webpages451 associated with that panel relates that “people resisting were exiled to
Mozambique and Angola”.

The Memorial at the Bebui River

In the Independence period, a very simple sepultura (sepulchre/grave site) was

established on the left bank of the Bebui River as a memorial to the rebels killed at
that site. The memorial is a square of smooth river stones about about two metres by
two metres – with no formal “marker” or lettering .452

Continuing Ethnic Violence in Viqueque

Following the Popular Consultation in 1999 and the withdrawal of the

Indonesian administration, inter-ethnic disputes became more tense in northeastern
Viqueque as pro-independence villagers - principally Makassae from the villages of
Makadiki and Matahoi, sought to recover land and property from Naueti who had
been advantaged during the Indonesian occupation period (see footnote 260)453.
UNTAET established a “Mediation Council” in June 2000, but little progress was
made on the over 130 registered disputes.454
On 28 October 2002, inter-group violence and theft of livestock broke out in
Uatolari. Prime Minister Alkatiri stated that “these cases are, in truth, a continuation
of such incidents that have occurred over tens of years in the past.” Clementino dos
Reis Amaral, a KOTA party parliamentarian from Viqueque stated:
“The events in Uatolari are an inheritance from our forefathers that is difficult
to eradicate. The culture of violence in the area where the majority are
Makasae and Nau-Oti [sic] speakers, has occurred over three periods
(Portuguese, Indonesian and Independence). … Studies by Portuguese
451
The TNI Center for Military History website is: http://www.sejarahtni.mil.id/index.php?cid=1756
452
A photograph of the memorial is at Gonçalves, J.L.R., Gente de Timor-Leste – Primeiro ano da
Independência, Tipografia União Folha do Domingos Lda, Faro, 2004, p.158.
453
Tilman, M. & Pereira, D., “Tanah Dan Perumahan …”, East Timor Law Journal, Article 14, 2004,
op.cit.. This article relates the different versions - ie by the Makassae and Naueti groups, on the
ownership, development and seizure/re-seizure of land in Uatolari Sub-District.
454
Oliveira, J.L. de, “Sengketa Tanah Uatolari” (Land Conflict in Uatolari), Cidadaun, No.26, July
2002, p.6.
 89

academics evidence that in the past hundreds of years that Portugal occupied
the region, they identified the characteristics of the people in three categories:
hot-blooded, normal and minus. The hot-blooded were the Makasae and the
Bunaq – while the minus were the people of Oecusse and Manatuto, and the
other districts were regarded as normal. The culture of violence in Viqueque
occurs in the areas of Ossu, Uatolari and Viqueque – while the Sub-Districts
of Uato-Kerbau and Lacluta are invariably secure and peaceful. … The
incidents at Uatolari are an expression of the hatred, enmity and revenge
related to the events of 1959-1974 (the Portuguese period) and 1975-1999 (the
Indonesian occupation).”455

In following years, attempts were made by the Timor-Leste Government,

UNTAET (and subsequent UN missions) and parliamentarians to resolve these long-
standing disputes – but with limited success, and there were occasional outbreaks of
violence.456
In late March 2007, in the lead-up to the first round of the 9 April 2007
Presidential Election, tensions between pro-Fretilin elements (principally Makassae
speakers) and Ramos-Horta/Xanana Gusmão supporters resulted in clashes in
Viqueque. Violence escalated in mid-April, and several hundred villagers fled into the
hills from the Naueti villages of “Besoro, Babulo, Afaloikai and Kadilale” in Uatolari
Sub-District. Several Fretilin militants were subsequently arrested for “spreading
ethnic conflict between the Makassae and Naueti”.457 In the second week of August,
110 homes in Uatolari were set on fire – and former Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri, in a
television interview, explained that “the violence was a result of ethnic conflict
between Uatolari Naueti and Makassae”.458 Hundreds of Naueti villagers from eastern
Uatolari Sub-District reportedly fled eastward into the adjacent Naueti “heartland” of
Uato-Carabau Sub-District. Inquiries into the violence were subsequently undertaken
by the National Parliament’s Committee B and the United Nations Integrated Mission
in Timor-Leste (UNMIT). In late June 2008, an element of the Timor-Leste Police
Reserve Unit (PRU) – ie “field police”, was established at “Webui” in Uatolari.459
Following violence in January 2009, a traditional “nahe biti bo’ot”
(“spreading the large mat”) meeting was held in Viqueque Town on 28 February to
reduce tension and facilitate the re-integration of displaced people. A UN report
commented: “Conflict in Viqueque dates back to 1959 when there was an uprising
against Portuguese colonialists. Rivalries between pro- and anti-independence groups
during periods of Portuguese and Indonesian occupation have never been quelled.”460

455
“Kasus Uatu-Lari warisan nenek moyang” (“The Uatolari case is a legacy from our forefathers”),
Suara Timor Lorosae, Dili, 7 November 2002, p.1.
456
Tilman, M. & Pereira, D., “Tanah …”, 2004 op.cit.; and Yayasan HAK, Konflitu Rai No Natar Iha
Uatolari – Akuza, Direito 27, Edition 27 June 2004.
457
“Sebarkan Isu Perang Antar Suku 10 Warga Uato Lari Ditangkap” (“Spreading Inter-Ethnic War –
10 from Uatolari Arrested”), Suara Timor Lorosae, Dili, 25 April 2007.
458
Timor Post, Dili, 14 August 2007 – citing a TV Timor-Leste interview on 13 August 2007. The
violence was probably precipitated by the swearing-in on 8 August 2007 of the IV Constitutional
Government led by Xanana Gusmão. In the Baucau District Court on 8 June 2009, three defendants in
the “Uatolari case” were each sentenced to three years imprisonment and two were acquitted –
Summary of Cases Tried in the Baucau District Court 08-11 June 2009, JSMP, Dili, 26 June 2009.
459
“Polisiz Viqueque Latolera Joven Abut”, Suara Timor Lorosae, Dili, 26 June 2008. The PRU post
was established to guard against inter-ethnic violence and clashes between youth martial arts groups.
The author met briefly with PRU officers in Uatolari in late October 2008.
460
UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, “Timor-Leste: Villagers seek peace
through traditional rituals”, Dili, 4 March 2009.
90
 91

DISCUSSION

This concluding section summarises the several inconsistencies, ambiguities,

anomalies and apparent hyperbole in several of the records and reports of the
Rebellion referenced earlier in this monograph – and some comments are offered.
The major outbreak of indigenous unrest in the post-World War II period in
East Timor – ie up to the events of 1974-1975, was the failed 1959 “Viqueque
Rebellion”. Its origins appear to have been in the discontent felt by Timorese with the
Portuguese administration – including by Timorese lower-grade civil servants in Dili.
The independence of the neighbouring Republic of Indonesia was an important
inspiration. For educated Timorese, the Asia-Africa Conference held in Bandung in
1955 also provided encouragement.
An Indonesian source (ie a school text-book, see Annex B) has cited the
activities of Inácio André Francisco “Sitko/Ciko” Lopes as catalysing independence
aspirations among Timorese youth in Dili in the mid-1950s (see footnotes 13-18).
Although imprisoned by the Portuguese from 1948 until at least the mid-1960s,
Francisco Lopes may have been on some form of “conditional release” in Dili in the
mid-1950s to some time in 1958 – during which, according to Salem Sagran, Lopes
had regular contact with the Indonesian Consulate. However, Lopes has not been
noted in any Portuguese writings on the Rebellion – eg not mentioned by Governor
Barata or Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes, or by exiled rebels in Africa. This
suggests that Lopes was probably in prison during the 1958-1959 period - and may
not have been directly or actively involved in the 1959 Rebellion itself.
The Rebellion did not succeed for a range of reasons – principally because the
plan was revealed to the Portuguese authorities who pre-empted any uprising in Dili.
The arrests in Dili soon precipitated premature and ill-conceived attacks by the group
of rebels in Viqueque. However, it is also highly unlikely that any later armed
rebellion – ie in December 1959, would have been successful against the forces that
the Portuguese administration would have been able to mobilise against the rebels.
Moreover, with Consul Nazwar Jacub scheduled to complete his tour of duty in early
June 1959, it is very doubtful that his replacement, Tengku Usman Hussin, would
have encouraged an uprising at the end of that year. This however does not preclude
the possibility that the rebel leaders in Dili might have acted in December – as
planned. Regardless, their prospects for success at that later date would also have
been poor.
In the countryside, the uprising in the Viqueque Circunscrição was launched
precipitously, and was poorly planned and executed - without any real hope of
success. The areas of the Rebellion in the Circunscrições of Baucau and Viqueque
were relatively remote and were not ethno-linguistically homogenous. The attacks by
the rebels against the Portuguese administration offices in Viqueque Town and in the
Postos of Uatolari, Uato-Carabau and Baguia appear to have had only limited popular
support – ie from a core group in the Viqueque Town vicinity and in a few villages to
the northeast, principally villagers of the Naueti ethno-linguistic group. Importantly,
there were traditional antipathies and enmities between tribes, clans and groups in the
Viqueque Circunscrição – including residual enmities from the tribal fighting in the
areas during World War II.461 Further, in 1959, some tribes remained loyal to the
461
During World War II, both the Australian and the Japanese military forces mobilised tribesmen as
paramilitaries in eastern Portuguese Timor - see Chamberlain, E.P., The Struggle …, op.cit., 2008,
pp.30-36. For detail on Australian forces in Portuguese Timor see Wray, C.C.H., Timor 1942, 1987;
Doig, C.D., A History …, 1986; and Powell, A., War by Stealth – Australians and the Allied
92

Portuguese - eg in the Ossu area, and were successfully employed by the Portuguese
authorities against the Rebellion. Consequently, the rebels were unable to mobilise
either the necessary large forces or widespread support throughout the two
Circunscrições. In 1975, Fretilin’s Vice President, Nicolau Lobato remarked that the
“Uatelari” [sic] revolt was “ineffective in 1959 due … divisiveness prevailing among
our ancestors.”462 Regardless, the Rebellion had little real chance of success against
the forces that the Portuguese would have been able to assemble to quell the unrest.
No Portuguese are known to have been killed in the Rebellion. Timorese
casualties suffered in the Viqueque and Baucau Circunscrições are difficult to
determine accurately (see estimates and claims at pp.54-55) – but up to several
hundreds of deaths is probably a reasonably accurate estimate. Portuguese authorities
appear to have never published information on casualties. The total number of
Timorese imprisoned in Timor following the uprising is unknown, and also merits
further research. While ex-Governor Barata’s 1998 book is an important contribution
and provides considerable useful information on the 1959 Rebellion, his avoidance of
recounting the detail of the killings and summary executions at the Bebui River -
involving the Viqueque Administrator Artur Marques Ramos and Captain Barreiros,
is a significant and disappointing omission (see footnotes 240 and 242).
Several other aspects of the uprising are also worthy of further examination –
including the objectives of the Rebellion, and the aims of the Indonesian “Permesta
14”. However, it is certain that the “14” were Permesta members and came directly
from the Kupang area of Indonesian Timor – driven out by TNI troops suppressing
Permesta separatist elements in West Timor. Here, it should be noted that: as early as
1958, the official Indonesian newsagency declared them to be “Permesta”; the
Indonesian authorities soon sought their extradition from Portuguese Timor; and only
in late 1960 did Indonesia “clarify” that the “14” were deserters from the Indonesian
Army in Kupang who had committed robberies before fleeing to Portuguese Timor.
The composition of the group of “14” is detailed in their request for asylum
(see Annex C) - and also in the 1995 article by Peter A. Rohi (footnote 80) in which
all 14 were specifically named. According to the Indonesian authorities, two of the 14
had been Indonesian security force (ie TNI) personnel ie Lambertus Ladow – corporal
and “Udy” Welong – private.463 However, in their asylum request, all but Jermias/
Jeremias Pello declared themselves to have military ranks in the Permesta/PRRI ie
from lieutenant down to private soldier. In his book, Governor Barata makes several
references to “Lieutenant Gerson” ie Gerson Pello. However, once in Baucau, it
appears that almost all members of the party “assumed” higher military ranks – as

Intelligence Bureau 1942-1945, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1996. Australian special
forces (“Z Special Unit”) also recruited local support in the Circunscrição of São Domingos (covering
the Baucau and Viqueque areas) and in the Lautém Circunscrição – ie during Operations Lizard,
Cobra, Suncob, and Lagarto. Lagarto was led by a Portuguese official – Lieutenant (Retired) Manuel
de Jesus Pires, the former Administrator of the Circunscrição of São Domingos. A memorial to
Lieutenant Pires stands in a small park in front of the main gate to the Dili port.
462
Lobato, N., Letter to the United Nations Secretary General, Lourenço Marques, 24 April 1975
(NAA: A10463, 801/13/11/1 Part 11). Nicolau dos Reis Lobato (b. 24/5/1946) served as an aspirante
in the Finance Service in Dili from 13 November 1969 to 1974 – BOdT, No.7, 16 February 1974,
p.123; No.29, 20 July 1974, p.561 - and was also noted as a secondary school teacher in Dili in 1974.
Nicolau Lobato became Timor-Leste’s first Prime Minister on 28 November 1975 – and its second
President in October 1977. Note also Fretilin’s reported positive view of the 1959 Rebellion as a
“formative influence” – as cited at footnote 370.
463
As declared by the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1958 - see footnote 83. Note also the
email advice by P.A. Rohi that Lambertus Ladow and Jobert Moniaga had been members of Yonif 712
in West Timor. For discussion see footnote 90.
 93

indicated in the Australian Consul’s meeting with members of the group in Baucau in
late 1958 (footnote 90). Only three of the 14 Indonesians appear to have been actively
involved in proselytising for Timorese independence and participating in the
Rebellion itself – ie Gerson Pello, Jeremias Pello, and Jobert Moniaga in Viqueque.
However, four were detained and imprisoned in Portugal (and later in Angola) ie
Lambertus Ladow, Gerson Pello, Jeremias Pello and Albert Ndoen/Ndun. The
remainder - ie nine, were returned by the Portuguese authorities to Indonesian Timor,
through Oecusse, in October 1960 – and were reportedly imprisoned for a time by the
Indonesian authorities in Denpasar (Bali).
It is still not clear why the Portuguese authorities granted asylum in
Portuguese Timor to the “Permesta 14” – an act sure to offend the Indonesian
Government.464 While this was done during the Governorship of Captain César Serpa
Rosa, there is no explanation of this aspect in the book by his successor, Governor
Themudo Barata. There have been suggestions (see footnote 95) that either the United
States - that actively supported the PRRI/Permesta movement, or perhaps Australia,
may have pressured the Portuguese to accept the 14, but evidence for such is lacking.
Indeed, examination of the classified “record of conversation” between the Australian
Minister of External Affairs and the Australian Consul – Dili that related their
meeting in Canberra on 29 April 1958 suggests little Australian knowledge of the
Permesta 14 and confusion on their origins (see footnote 71). However, in November
1959, a “fulltime” Australian Secret Intelligence Service (ASIS) officer was
reportedly appointed as the Australian Consul in Dili. This may have been a belated
initiative – ie perhaps precipitated by the arrival of the Permesta 14, to improve
Australia’s intelligence collection on developments in Eastern Indonesia.465 However
- with Portugal a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO),
pressure from the US on Portugal to accept the 14 is possibly more plausible than
speculation of any Australian influence on the Portuguese in 1958.466 The suggestion
by the rebels that the Indonesians had intended to continue onward to “Irian” ie
Netherlands New Guinea (see footnote 461) is intriguing and commends further
research. While it is possible that the Portuguese authorities accepted the Permesta 14
on the condition that they continue to “Irian”, no such requirement appears in their
“Declaration” signed in Dili on 27 March 1958 (see footnote 78 and Annex C).

464
The document prepared by the exiles in Angola in 1960 notes that the Indonesians “pediram auxilio
politico ao Governo Portugues para continuar para Irian, como em Baucau e mais torristica foram
mandados para este concelho a espera do transporte” (“had requested political asylum from the
Portuguese Government and to continue to Irian ((Netherlands New Guinea)), and had been ordered to
Baucau, like tourists, to await transport from that Concelho.”) - Costa, F.A.S. da, Os Nomes dos
Detidos Timorenses Para Angola Do Ano De 1959 (The Names of the Timorese Detainees Sent to
Angola in 1959), Silva Porto (Bié, Angola), 6 June 1960, p.2 – Annex F.
465
See also footnote 95. It has been contended that the Australian Secret Intelligence Service (ASIS)
established a presence in the Dili Consulate in late 1959 ie that the Consul was an ASIS officer - see:
Toohey, B. & Pinwill, W., Oyster: the story of the Australian Secret Intelligence Service, Heinemann,
Melbourne, 1989, p.169; Gunn, G., Timor Loro Sae 500 Years, 1999 - p.261 (p.146 in the Internet
edition); and Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.99. Apart from Dili, there were
reportedly only two other ASIS-controlled posts outside Australia – Jakarta and Tokyo: see Toohey, B.
& Pinwill, W., Oyster …, 1989, op.cit., pp.78-79. The last military company of the Republic Maluku
Selatan (RMS) had surrendered in May 1952, and the Permesta Movement (see footnote 59) had been
defeated by September 1961. Ibid, p.69 suggests that the ((alleged)) ASIS officer “would later joke to
friends. ‘There was bugger all to do’ …” – ((Note: “bugger all” is an Australian slang expression
meaning “nothing whatsoever”)).
466
An email to the author from Peter A. Rohi, Jakarta-based journalist, 27 October 2006, also
suggested such NATO considerations.
94

Interestingly, when the four Indonesians being transported to Lisbon escaped

briefly in Singapore from the N/M India, they declared themselves to be “Sukarno’s
men” and attempted to seek assistance from the Indonesian legation in Singapore –
but were rejected. Further, in 1960, President Sukarno appealed for their release and -
on their return to Indonesia from Portugal in 1962, three of the four entered service in
the Indonesian Armed Forces. So, while there is perhaps some possibility that they
were part of an Indonesian plan begun in 1958 to foment an uprising in Portuguese
Timor, it is far more probable that their eventual “Struggle Veteran” status was
awarded to them “post-facto” by Indonesia – ie in support of later Indonesian attempts
to justify Indonesian involvement in East Timor by implying a long-standing desire
by Timorese for integration into the Republic of Indonesia. Indeed, from the mid-
1990s, the Indonesian Government increasingly cited the 1959 Viqueque Rebellion as
the earliest of modern-day attempts by the people of Portuguese Timor for integration
into Indonesia. This claim was highlighted during the official receptions of the
Indonesian-assisted return of Timorese exiles from Portugal and also in “awards”
ceremonies in Jakarta and Dili.
Central to the Indonesian-preferred interpretation of the 1959 Rebellion is the
claim that the Viqueque rebels carried Indonesian flags and wore red-and-white
ribbons and insignia – ie as physical evidence of their desire to integrate into
Indonesia. This element has also been emphasised by former rebels who returned
from exile in the 1980s and 1990s – but their objectivity could be seen as suspect as
they were then under Indonesian “sponsorship”, and some served in the local
Indonesian legislative structures and the civil service in East Timor. While the “flags”
issue could therefore be possibly dismissed as a tendentious Indonesian propaganda
construct, it is interesting to note that a contemporary and arguably objective source -
the Australian Consul in Dili, reported in July 1959: “it is known to me, however, that
there were many natives in that area who were in possession of small Indonesian
flags.”467 Governor Barata also described the rebels at Uatolari “wearing … the
colours of the Indonesian flag” (footnote 207). Subsequently, in the 1990s, the
“Indonesian version” of the Rebellion played down the involvement of the
“Indonesian 14” as a catalyst – and, rather, emphasised the indigenous roots of the
uprising and highlighted Timorese leadership and participation. For example, an
“official” Indonesian version published in 1992 – the high school text-book, declares
that the “14” were only “youth from Kupang” who “inspired” the local Timorese to
plan and undertake the uprising.
Despite a reluctance by the contemporary authorities in Portuguese Timor and
Lisbon to admit publicly that the Rebellion’s participants sought unification with
Indonesia, subsequent Portuguese investigations more clearly acknowledged this
aspect eg the Tribunals in Angola in 1960 (see footnote 354), and in the 1983
Certidão document at Annex H (see also footnote 424). Former Governor Barata’s
1998 book also indicated his belief that the rebels had planned to integrate eastern
Timor into Indonesia. Moreover, his view of official Indonesian involvement is also
expressed in the title of his 1998 book that has been extensively cited in this
monograph ie: Timor contemporâneo: Da primeira ameaça da Indonésia ao nascer
de uma nação (Contemporary Timor: From the first threat by Indonesia to the birth of
a nation). In his book, Barata referred to “the movement instigated by Indonesia” and
concluded that, “in truth”, the Rebellion represented “the active intervention of
Indonesia, through its Consul in Dili and the pseudo-refugees ...”.468 In an earlier
1963 publication, ex-Governor Barata had indicated also that the uprising was “uma
467
Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 143/59, 14 July 1959, p.2 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).
 95

agitação que do exterior foi provocada na província em 1959.”469 However, this

implication by Barata of official Indonesian involvement is markedly different to then
Governor Barata’s views expressed in his letter to Lisbon in July 1959: “Nothing was
found that allowed us to confirm or deny that the Indonesian Government had
instigated or was aware of the event.”470 ; and Governor Barata’s view - as reported by
the Australian Consul in 1960, that there was “no acceptable evidence” for such.471 It
would therefore appear that Barata’s views that Indonesia had been involved in
“1959” - as expressed in Timor - esse desconhecido in 1963, may have been
influenced by events in the early 1960s such as criticism in the United Nations and
other forums of Portugal’s overseas possessions, the emergence of the Jakarta-based
Uni Republik Timor-Dilly, and post-1959 Indonesian subversive activities against
Portuguese Timor.472 Later, in writing his 1998 book, Barata more explicitly cites
official Indonesian involvement – and this review of his assessments made in 1959
and 1960 is no doubt related to his very negative views of the Indonesian invasion of
1975 and the subsequent excesses of the Indonesian occupation. It is also interesting
to consider whether interference in Portuguese Timor would have been a priority for
Indonesia in 1958-59 – a period when the Indonesian state was facing the major
challenges of armed dissident movements in Sumatra and Sulawesi (PRRI/Permesta),
the Darul Islam in West Java, was “mopping up” RMS remnants, and was beginning
its struggle to incorporate Irian Barat (West Irian – ie modern-day Papua). Also, if
Jakarta was directing the Rebellion, why would they have scheduled the replacement
of their Consul Nazwar Jacub in June 1959 - ie leaving the incoming Tengku Usman
Hussin to develop a relationship with the dissident Timorese and the Permesta 14 ?
It is also perhaps relevant that in April 1958 – when the 14 Indonesians had
just arrived and sought asylum, Indonesian Consul Nazwar Jacub hurriedly travelled
to Australia for “medical treatment”. This suggests that Jacub, a Sumatran, wished to
distance himself from events - lest his superiors in Jakarta suspect that he was
sympathetic or supportive of the Permesta 14’s asylum bid.
Accepting that the “14” were Permesta separatist rebels from Kupang fleeing
the Indonesian authorities, why would the three Indonesians directly involved at
Viqueque (ie Gerson, Jeremias and Jobert) encourage the Timorese to carry
Indonesian flags and seek integration into the Republic - whose government they (ie
as Permesta members) had opposed ? As noted earlier, it appears that only a few of
the “14” were actively involved in the Rebellion – and these may have been “pro-
Republic” or, most likely, “anti-colonial” and supportive of the embryonic plans of
the small number of Timorese hoping to oust the Portuguese. Further - and
importantly, accounts by Timorese rebels indicate that their plans for revolt – or at
least opposition to the authorities, pre-dated by several years the arrival in Portuguese
Timor in March 1958 of the Permesta 14. Moreover, the Permesta 14 in Baucau and
Viqueque had little contact with the Rebellion principals in Dili – rather, the mentor

468
Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.27 – “instigado pela Indonésia”, and p.50.
Barata also refers to the “Permesta 14” as “pseudo-refugiados políticos” at p.53 and p.54.
469
Barata, F. J. F. T., Timor - esse desconhecido, op.cit., p.12.
470
“Nada se averiguou, todavia, que permita afirmar ou negar que o assunto era do conhecimento ou
instigado pelo Governo da Indonésia”, Barata, F. J. F. T. Governor, Letter No.15 to the Minister of the
Interior (Lisbon), Dili, 27 July 1959, paragraph 2 – as noted earlier, see footnote 129.
471
See footnote 135 – ie: “There has been no acceptable evidence produced that Indonesia had
anything to do with last year’s unrest … Nor was there any evidence to suggest that these refugees
were other than genuine rebels.”
472
See Faltering Steps: Independence Movements in East Timor – 1940s to the early 1970s, Point
Lonsdale, 2008, pp. 86-103.
96

of the Timorese leadership in Dili appears to have been the quixotic Indonesian
Consul, Nazwar Jacub. As noted earlier, Nazwar Jacub was scheduled to end his
appointment in early June 1959 and return to Indonesia. Perhaps rethinking the
personal implications of his involvement with the incipient rebel movement, he
convinced its leadership to defer the uprising from late May to late December 1959 ?
Perhaps Nazwar Jacub “got cold feet” – ie wishing to depart Portuguese Timor before
any uprising ?
How serious a threat were the 1959 rebels to Portuguese rule in Timor ? The
investigation and treatment of the Timorese deportees in Lisbon and in Angola
indicates that the concerns of the administration in Dili were not shared by the
authorities in the Metrópole or Angola. Following their investigations, in February
1961, the Portuguese authorities conditionally released half of the deportees in Angola
– those “não considerado culpado” (see footnotes 356-358 and Annex F); and the
remainder were similarly released three months later. Only a small handful of the 54
Timorese deportees in Angola were considered active “separatists” warranting close
surveillance.
Interestingly, a Roman Catholic vice-parish priest, who served in Uatolari for
several years up until 1992, has characterised the Rebellion as “a movement to
formalise the relationship with West Timor.”473 This theme of integration with West
Timor – and separating from the Republic of Indonesia, is also evident in the
interpretation of the Rebellion by the relatively recent Negara Raya Timor (Greater
Timor) movement474 and the “new” Uni Republik Timor-Dilly (URT-D).475
The earliest suggestion of Indonesian activity related in this monograph – ie
the allegedly sponsored, but covert, attendance of representatives from Portuguese
Timor at the 1955 Bandung Conference, relies on two sources: the Indonesian
journalist Peter Rohi who has claimed that three Timorese youth did attend the
Conference476; and Marcelino António Fausto Guterres, one of the three youths – but
who has declared that, although completing the travel modalities with the Indonesian
Consul, the three did not travel to Bandung in 1955477. These two versions of events

473
Neonbasu, G. SVD, “Building Peace in East Timor: The Role of the Catholic Church”, November
2002. See also José Manuel Duarte’s comments on uniting East and West Timor at p.79, footnote 409.
There were reportedly “factions” within the rebel movement in Dili in early 1959 – as related by
Matias Guterres de Sousa to Carlos da Silva in Lisbon in 2002 (email to author – 12 June 2009), and
the claim that some rebels supported the concept of an independent “Timor island” merits further
investigation. Such a concept might have been attractive to the “Permesta 14” – but its attainment
would have faced insurmountable opposition from the Republic of Indonesia.
474
The concept of a “Greater Timor” (Negara Timor Raya) arose from a seminar in early 1997 at the
Political and Social Science Faculty of the Widya Mandira Catholic University in Kupang, West
Timor. A Dewan Rakyat Timor (DRT -Timor People’s Council) was subsequently formed in Kupang in
mid-August 2001 – to campaign against the “enforcement” of Javanese culture. The declaration of the
Negara Timor Raya emerged from the DRT in late 2001. For background see“Gerakan Separatis
Negara Timor Raya Muncul di NTT” (“Negara Timor Raya Separatist Movement Arising in NTT”),
Republika, Kupang, 21 December 2001. – see Chamberlain, E.P., Faltering Steps …, op.cit., 2008, pp.
157-158.
475
Mau Brani (Juru Bicara – Spokesperson), Pesan Natal dari Uni Republik Timor (New Year’s
Message from the Union of the Republic of Timor), 26 December 2000. This email claimed that the
Uni Republik Timor-Dilly continued the struggle of the “1959 Rebellion whose aim had been to unite
and free the island of Timor, including Rote, Jako [sic] and Ataúro”.
476
Rohi, P.A., “Soekarno, KAA, dan Timor-Leste”, marhaenis.org, 9 May 2005, op.cit., p.2 – an
interview with Marcelino (a purported “observer” in Bandung), Venilale (East Timor), 1996 – see
footnotes 38, 40 and 42.
477
As clarified in the author’s interviews with Marcelino Guterres in Dili in April and June 2007 – see
footnote 40.
 97

have yet to be satisfactorily resolved. However, it is likely that the Rohi-published

version of “attendance in Bandung” was either:
• knowingly “embroidered” in 1996 by Peter Rohi as an element of an
Indonesian campaign to fabricate an earlier history of association
between Indonesia and young “independentists” in Portuguese Timor
(see footnotes 38 and 273); or
• Rohi was misled by Marcelino who, in 1996, claimed falsely to Rohi
that the three Timorese had attended the Bandung Conference – and
that Marcelino, on his return, had been involved in clandestine activity
associated with the 1959 Rebellion.
On the balance of probabilities, the former of the scenarios ie “fabrication” is
considered the most likely – but further clarifying information may yet emerge.

However, subsequent criticism by groups in Jakarta of the Portuguese colonial

regime in Timor were probably catalysed by the “Spirit of Bandung” - and did not
necessarily require any significant direction or control by the Indonesian Government.
The role, if any, of the Indonesian Government in the 1959 Viqueque Rebellion has
been discussed at some length above. It is highly unlikely that Jakarta directed the
“independence activities” of its Consul in Dili - or managed or sponsored the
“Permesta 14” – for, as yet, there is no firm - let alone definitive, evidence of any
such official Indonesian involvement. Several reports however, indicate that the
Indonesian Government was involved in a range of subversive activities against
Portuguese Timor beginning at least in late 1962.478

A Future History

This monograph began by noting that Fretilin’s 28 November 1975

Declaration of Independence was preceded by other 20th century attempts at
independence and freedom for the people of Timor-Leste. How will Timor-Leste
governments, academics, historians, political parties479, teachers – and future school
text-books, treat these early independence movements480 – particularly the 1959
Rebellion discussed in this monograph ? A concern is that history and politics are
perhaps inseparable – for “History furnishes to politics all the arguments that it needs,
for the chosen cause.” 481
In some eyes, the 1959 Viqueque Rebellion has been “tainted” by the
appropriation of that movement by Indonesian authorities– ie by the Indonesian
insistence that the 1959 uprising represented the earliest attempt by the people of
Portuguese Timor to integrate into the Republic of Indonesia. As noted earlier, this
interpretation of the uprising was indeed actively promoted by the Indonesian
Government during their reception of returning Viqueque Rebellion exiles in the mid-
1990s. However, any objective assessment of the 1959 Rebellion would acknowledge
that the rebels were, not surprisingly, inspired by the independence of Indonesia – and
that their movement did appear to seek an association with Indonesia. Moreover, the
involvement of several of the 1959 veterans with the pro-Indonesian Apodeti party in
478
See Chamberlain, E.P., Faltering Steps …, op.cit., 2008, pp. 86-103.
479
For reported Fretilin and UDT (União Democrática Timorense – Timorese Democratic Union)
positive attitudes towards the 1959 Rebellion as a “formative influence” – see footnote 370.
480
For discussion of the Jakarta-based Uni Republik Timor-Dilly (URT-D) led by Mao Klao - and the
activities of the West Timor-based Silvester Martins Nai Buti (Seço) in the Indonesia/Portuguese
Timor border area in the early 1960s, see Chamberlain, E.P., Faltering Steps …, op.cit., 2008.
481
Romain Rolland, 1866-1944 - Nobel Prize for Literature 1915.
98

the mid-1970s – and the subsequent “collaboration” of several during the Indonesian
occupation, has also tarnished somewhat the “independence” credentials of the 1959
movement. There have however been occasional positive references to the 1959
Rebellion by Fretilin/Falintil-associated figures – albeit most dated before the
increased Indonesian propagandistic exploitation in the 1990s of the uprising.482
Importantly however – as noted earlier in this monograph, Dom Ximenes Belo
recently published an article on the Rebellion that concluded:
“To all those who lost their lives because of the so-called ‘Revolt of 1959’,
I – as a Timorese who witnessed with my own eyes and ears the physical and
mental violence in my hometown of Baucau, bow my head as a sign of respect
and solidarity. To some extent, I take the liberty to affirm ‘they also have
contributed to the Independence of our Motherland – to them I offer my
prayers and respect.’ ”483

Perhaps future reviews and studies of the 1959 Rebellion movement by

Timorese scholars may yet more adequately recognise the sacrifices of the rebels and
the suffering inflicted on the villagers of Viqueque and Baucau ? The Rebellion
might still find broader recognition and acceptance as a “legitimate” contribution to
the independence struggle of the Timorese people.
This monograph has offered a brief, and admittedly incomplete, recounting of
some aspects of recent Timorese history. Here, I am mindful of the view that,
“compounded by the complexity of internal division following twenty-five years of
resistance”, some Timorese consider their history still “too hot to handle” – “maybe
leave it for another twenty years.”484 Regardless, the writing of a definitive and
authoritative history of the period is more appropriately left to Timorese.485 The 50th
anniversary of the 1959 Rebellion could be the catalyst for a re-examination of the
events by Timorese scholars - and promote the publishing of a comprehensive and
objective account of that uprising and other pre-1974 movements that struggled
against Portuguese rule.

----------------------------------------------------

Annexes:

A. Map - Circunscrição de Viqueque ((not included))

482
Examples include: Abílio de Araújo (footnote 407 – written in 1977); Francisco de Xavier Amaral
(footnotes 274 and 275); and Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão (footnote 370). See also Nicolau Lobato’s
comment in May 1975 at footnote 459).
483
Belo, C.F.X. Dom, “A Revolta de 1959 em Viqueque, Watolari e Watocarbau”, Porto, 5 Junho de
2009, p.6 – quoted earlier at p.3 and f.10.
484
Leach, M., “East Timor – History on the Line …”, History Workshop Journal, Spring 2006, Oxford
University Press, Oxford, p.235.
485
The 1959 Rebellion was selected as a topic for the Timor-Leste Studies Association research
conference “Understanding Timor Leste” at the University of Timor-Lorosae (2-3 July 2009) and a
related History Workshop at the CAVR offices at Balide (4 July 2009).
 99

B. Sejarah Perjuangan Timor-Timur Untuk Sekolah Menengah

Atas (History of the East Timor Struggle for Senior High
School), Anhar Gonggong & Susanto Zuhdi, Direktorat
Pendidikan Menengah Umum, Departemen Pendidikan dan
Kebudayaan, Jakarta, 1992 – a translated extract in English by author
of this monograph. ((not
included))
C. Declaration/Request for Political Asylum by the “Permesta 14” –
27 March 1958; 20 June 1958 (Dili) – see footnote 78. ((not included))

D. Araújo, A.(Amaro) L.J. de, O Célebre Massacré de Uato-Lari e Uato-Carbau

Verificado no Ano de 1959 (The Truth of the Infamous Massacre at Uatolari
and Uato-Carabau in 1959), Jakarta/Kupang, 1974 – including: Araújo, A. de
(et al), Memorandum – Assunto: Sobre o acontecimento ocorrido em 7 de
Junhe [sic] de 1959, na Cirrcunscrição [sic] de Viqueque – Timor
(Memorandum – Report: On the event that occurred on 7 June 1959 in the
Circumscription of Viqueque - Timor), six pages, Cólonia Penal do Bié
(Angola), 21 April 1960 – in Portuguese. “Memorandum – Assunto …” was
also included in the 2005 “expanded/A-4” version of the O Célebre …booklet
– see footnote 47, which was initialled/authenticated by Evaristo da Costa,
Salem Musalam Sagran, Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa and Juman bin
Basirun. ((not included))

E. Deportees – 1959 Rebellion.

F. Costa, F.A.S. da, Os Nomes dos Detidos Timorenses para Angola do Ano de
1959 (The Names of the Timorese Detainees in Angola in 1959), Silva Porto
(Bié, Angola), 6 June 1960 – in Portuguese (initialled/authenticated by
Evaristo da Costa, Salem Musalam Sagran, Frederico Almeida Santos da
Costa and Juman bin Basirun); see footnote 356. This document appears as
pp.15-17 in Costa, E. da (et al), O Célebre Massacré de Uato-Lari e Uato-
Carbau Verificado no Ano de 1959 (The Truth of the Infamous Massacre at
Uatolari and Uato-Carabau in 1959), Dili, 2005. ((not included))

G. TERJEMAHAN: Pejuang Perintis Integrasi Timor Timur Ke Dalam Negara

Kesatuan Republik Indonesia (TRANSLATION: Pioneer Fighters for the
Integration of East Timor into the Unitary Republic of Indonesia), Dili, 8
December 1995 - in Bahasa Indonesia (see footnote 423). English translation
by author overpage. ((not included))

H. Pinto, L. dos Santos, Certidão - Estado-Maior General das Forças Armadas

Serviço de Coordenação de Extinção da PIDE/DGS e LP (Armed Forces
Chief of Staff’s Office for the Coordination of the Disbandment of the
PIDE/DGS & LP) Lisbon, 22 March 1983 – in Portuguese (see footnote 424).
((not included))
 Annex E
DEPORTEES - 1959 REBELLION 486

(listed alphabetically by first name)

Notes : - the deportees’ PIDE serial numbers - where known, are shown in brackets.
- ages, in 1959, are added where known ; marital status is at time of arrest.
- their status in 1961 ie : not considered guilty (32), considered guilty
(16) or considered guilty - Viqueque (16), is also indicated.
- * indicates one of the 36 Apodeti party “fundadores”– see footnote 385.
- a listing noting those deceased as at April 1996 is included at footnote
430.487
- the dismissals of several of the civil servants were recorded in the
Boletim Oficial de Timor (BOdT).
- much of the personal data has been extracted from a Guia dated 3
October 1959 by the Chefe de Gabinete in Dili - Lieutenant D.R.C. Braga,
reporting on the "56’ deportees who departed Dili on the N/M India on 8
October 1959.

Abel da Costa Belo* (not considered guilty) - 43 years, married. Born 30/4/1916 in
Baucau, son of Francisco da Costa Belo and Esperanca da Costa Belo (see Soares,
A.V.M., Pulau Timor …, 2003, op.cit, pp.100-101 for photograph and biodata –
including ancestry and extended family). Civil servant in Baucau from 35 June 1938
in the Postal, Telegraph and Telephone Service in Baucau (BOdT, No. 29, 16 July
1949, p.246); Encarregado de Estação from 4 October 1946; dismissed 6 June 1959
vide BOdT, No. 30, 25 July 1959, p.498. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 8 June
1959; arrived Lisbon on 20 July 1959; departed Lisbon in late May 1960; arrived in
Angola on 3 or 4 June 1960; released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to
João Belo District, Cha-Chai, Mozambique in late August 1961. To Portugal in 1962.
Returned to Dili on 22 January 1968. Bupati (Administrator) of Baucau Regency
during the Indonesian period January 1976-1984. Appointed a member of the
National Political Committee of the CNRT – announced on 9 September 98. Resident
in Baucau in 2009. Abel da Costa Belo is cited as Chefe de Suco of Uavala village,
Baguia in 1952 – Sherlock, K., 1983, op.cit., p.17.

Agostinho dos Santos (considered guilty) – 21 years, single. Born in Bobonaro, son
of Simão dos Santos and Vitoria dos Reis. Resident in Dili. Driver’s/mechanic’s
assistant/unemployed. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived
Angola on 26 November 1959. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Returned to
Timor in the early 1960s (?).
486
Total listed is 68, including four of the Indonesian “Permesta 14”. Rusdie (et al), Perjuangan …,
1997, op.cit., p.20 lists “Joaquim Osório” as one of the Timorese rebels – see footnote 388.
487
Araújo, A. (Arnaldo) de (Governo Provisorio Timor Loro Sae), Matanza em timor
oriental, March 1976, Dili – cites the deaths in 1976 of Apodeti, UDT and Trabalhista
members killed by Fretilin including : Osório Soares on 28 Encero 1976 - and
Chiquito, Gervásio Aleixo, Antonio Soares (Metan), and Vital Ximenes.
2

Albert/Albertus Ndoen/Ndun/Ndung (Indonesian) – 37 years, married to Eg Lomina

Ndoen. Born in Kupang, son of Lazarus Ndoen and Maria Leba. Former second
sergeant in the PRRI/Permesta. In March 1958, fled and was accepted as political
refugee in Portuguese Timor. Moved from Baucau to Viqueque in December 1958.
Did not participate in the attack on the Viqueque Circunscrição headquarters on 7/8
June 1959. Captured by Portuguese troops in the Ossu area in mid-June 1959.
Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; escaped briefly in Singapore (20-
23 October); arrived Lisbon on 11 December 1959; transferred to Angola in late May
1960 - arrived in Angola on 3 or 4 June 1960. Returned to Lisbon from Luanda - 12
July 1961. Repatriated: to Zurich (Switzerland) and then to Jakarta - arriving 7 April
1962. Enlisted in the TNI. In Jakarta.

Alberto Rodrigues Pereira (not considered guilty) – 47 years, single. Born 12

August 1912 in Liquiça, son of Mau Laco and Isabel Rodrigues Pereira. Joined the
public service on 14 December 1936 (BOdT, No. 7, 16 February 1957) - compositor
(1st class) in Government printing works (ie Imprensa Nacional) - BOdT, No. 3, 17
January 1959. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on
26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961, transferred to
Mozambique in late August 1961. Deceased.

Alexandre Viana de Jesus Maia (not considered guilty) – 42 years, married. Son of
Daci Boi and Dau More. Chefe de suco Mirtuto, Letefoho (Ermera). Resident in Dili.
Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November
1959. Released in Silva Porto in February 1961.

Amaro Loyola Jordão de Araújo488 (considered guilty) – (25406R), 59 years (the

oldest of those exiled), married. Born 2/5/1919 in Dili - son of José Francisco de
Araújo and Carlota da Costa Faria Pinto de Araújo. Resident of Viqueque. Former
civil servant (from 2 May 1919) of the Treasury Department – appointed a Level 3
official (BOdT, No. 51, 19 December 1936, p.404 & p.406) and acting Secretary of
the Treasury for the Council of Dili (BOdT, No. 2, 9 January 1937, p.6; BOdT, No.
10, 6 March 1948; BOdT, No. 25, 19 June 1948, p.217). Dismissed for corruption –
BOdT, No. 32, 7 August 1948, p.292. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October
1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961.
Considered by PIDE as “reserved”, but still maintaining his “pro-Indonesian
tendencies”. Died April 1969 in Angola.

Amilcar Ribeiro Seixas (not considered guilty) – 27 years, widower. Born in Dili -
son of Manuel Bernardo Seixas and Carolina dos Santos Pereira Seixas. Mechanic’s
assistant (civil servant) - Town Council (ie Camara Municipal). Departed Dili aboard
N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in
Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961.

António da Costa Soares (known as António Metan) – (considered guilty –

Viqueque), (25409R), 48 years, married. Born Afaloicai (Uatolari) - son of Filipe and
488
Believed to have Goan ie Indian forebears - Author’s discussions with Hermenegildo da Cruz,
Constantino de Oliveira Simões, António Pinto and Rogerio Pinto in Viqueque – 29 June 2007.
 3

Joséfa/Nae Lequi. Régulo of the Uatolari Posto – and Chefe de Povoação. Departed
Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959.
Released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Considered by PIDE as an activist and
maintaining “political ideals”. Returned to Timor in March 1970 with his daughter,
Joséfa. Died in Uatolari in 1972 (or 1979). Note: also reported as “killed by Fretilin”
in 1976 (see footnotes 386 and 430).

António Soriano – (not considered guilty) also known as António Sequeira, aged 48,
married. Born in Fairia (Aileu) - son of Mau Hui and Dau Bair. Departed Dili aboard
N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in
Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961.
Deceased.

Armindo Soares Amaral – (considered guilty), 25 years, single. Born in Vessa

(Viqueque Town) - son of Rubilela and Terezinha. Driver’s assistant. Departed Dili
aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959.
Released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Returned to Timor on 14 January 1996. A son –
Flavio (born in Portugal), reportedly returned to Timor-Leste after Independence.489

Belarmino de Araújo – (not considered guilty), 31 years, single. Born in Fatu Bessi -
son of Pedro Casimiro and Alda Goncalves Casimiro. Resident in Dili. Driver for
Francisco M. X. de Araújo. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959;
arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961.
Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961.

Carlos Salvador de Sousa Gama (known as “Carlito”) – (considered guilty), 22

years, single. Born 20/12/1936 in Balibo - son of Paulo de Sousa Gama and Madalena
Ribeiro de Sousa Gama. Driver’s assistant (morador)/football player – Academica.
Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 8 June 1959; arrived Lisbon on 20 July 1959;
departed Lisbon in late May 1960; arrived in Angola on 3 or 4 June 1960. Released in
Silva Porto in May 1961.

Celestino Peter Guterres (also known as Mu Then Siong) - (not considered guilty)
– 27 years, married. Born in Venilale (Baucau) - son of Mu Ping Tjin and Joaquina
Guterres. Driver (motorista) for the Indonesian Consulate. Arrested 10 August 1959.
Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November
1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late
August 1961.

Crispim Borges de Araújo – (not considered guilty), 37 years, married. Born

Maubara - son of Laha Ana and Mina. Driver for Francisco M. X. de Araújo and the
Companhia Agricola de Timor. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959;
arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961.
Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961. Returned to Timor in 1961 (?).
Deceased.

David Verdial (known as “Daud Bere” and “Garuda”) – (considered guilty), 39

years, single. Born 1/1/1920 in Java - son of Laetus Tato Bere and Rosa Kamissah.
Also reported as being born in Bobonaro or Atambua. Employee (amanuense –
489
Gonçalves, J.L.R., Gente de Timor-Leste – Primeiro ano da Independência, Tipografia União Folha
do Domingos Lda, Faro, 2004, p.74.
4

clerk/stenographer) of the Indonesian Consulate in Dili. Departed Dili aboard N/M

India on 8 June 1959; arrived Lisbon on 20 July 1959; departed Lisbon in late May
1960; arrived in Angola on 3 or 4 June 1960. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961.

Domingos da Conceição Guterres – (not considered guilty), 29 years, married. Born

in Dili - son of António and Maria Madalena de Fatima. Mechanic’s assistant at (“O
P”- ie Public Works Department). Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October
1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February
1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961.

Domingos da Conceição Pereira – (not considered guilty), 32 years, married. Born

22/5/27 in Dili - son of Lourenço Pereira and Pascoela da Silva Pereira. Married to
Rosa Fernandes da Silva – December 1949 (BOdT, No. 52, 24 December 1949,
p.494). Civil servant – from January 1948; aspirante interino in Dili in 1949 vide
BOdT, No. 7, 7 February 1949, p.61; Head (Encarregado) of Posto (2nd Class), Laleia
(Manatuto) – acting as aspirante wef 5 June 1959 vide BOdT, No. 24, 13 June 1959,
p.410; dismissed 23 July 1959 vide BOdT, No. 30, 25 July 1959, p.498. Departed
Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959.
Released in Silva Porto in February 1961.

Domingos Geronimo dos Reis Amaral – (considered guilty - Viqueque), 24 years,

married. Born in Luca (Viqueque) - son of Geronimo dos Reis Amaral and Maria.
Farmer (agricultura) – former Tropas (Portuguese military). Departed Dili aboard
N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959. Released in
Silva Porto in May 1961. Returned to Timor in March 1970 (Viqueque). Died in Luca
in 1999.

Domingos (Hornay) Soares – (considered guilty - Viqueque), 24 years, single. Born

in Vessa (Viqueque Town) - son of Estevão Araújo and Luzia Soares. Driver’s
assistant/labourer. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola
on 26 November 1959. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Returned to Timor on
14 January 1996 – moved to Kupang in 1999.

Duarte Soares – (considered guilty - Viqueque), 24 years, single. Born in Vessa

(Viqueque Town) - son of Cai Loi and Noco Cai. Labourer. Departed Dili aboard
N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959. Released in
Silva Porto in May 1961. Returned to Timor in March 1970 with wife - Madalena
Cilonbo, and children (Delfin Soares, Virgínia Soares, Francisco Soares, Celestino
Soares). Deceased.

Eduardo de Araújo – (not considered guilty), 44 years, married. Born in Catrai

Letem, Lete Foho (Ermera) - son of Mau Bere and Maria. Farmer (agricultor) in Lete
Foho. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26
November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to
Mozambique in late August 1961. Died in Mozambique.

Eduardo Francisco da Costa (known as “Sapeca”) – (not considered guilty), 39

years, married. Born in Dili - son of Manuel da Costa and Joséfa de Jesus Fernandes.
Employed as “pintor” (painter). Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959;
 5

arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961.

Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961.

Evaristo da Costa – (considered guilty), 25 years, married. Born 12/8/1933 in Alas -

son of José Maria and Amélia da Costa. Civil servant from 15 October 1949 -
mechanic’s assistant/operator at the Public Works (ie “O P”) Department. Arrested in
Dili on 2 June 1959. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 8 June 1959; arrived Lisbon
on 20 July 1959; departed Lisbon in late May 1960; arrived in Angola on 3 or 4 June
1960; released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late August
1961. In October 1961, assigned “fixed residence” in Mozambique for five years
while his case was reviewed in Lisbon. To Portugal on 28 December 1983. Returned
to Timor on 14 January 1996 (see footnote 427). Resident in Dili – passed away 11
March 2009.

Fernando Pinto – (25414R) – (considered guilty - Viqueque), 33 years, married.

Born Colo Cai Bai - son of Gaspar Pereira and Abu Mau. Assistant (ajudante) at the
village of Afaloicai (Uato-Carabau Posto) and régulo/raja. Participated in attacks at
Uato-Carabau and Baguia. Arrested at Ossu on 1 July 1959. Departed Dili aboard
N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in
Silva Porto in May 1961. Considered by PIDE as “reserved”, but maintaining
“political ideals”. Reported as “died in Angola” and also as “living in Portugal in
1989”.

Francisco Dias da Costa – (not considered guilty), 27 years, married. Born in Alas -
son of José Maria and Amelia da Costa. “Professor catechist” at the Catholic mission
in Aileu, (brother of Evaristo da Costa). Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October
1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February
1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961. Executed in Dili by ABRI
during the Indonesian occupation period – in 1980.

Francisco Maria Xavier Jesus de Araújo – (not considered guilty), 66 years,

married. Born 12/1/1893 in Luca. From 26 March 1946 to 21 September 1946, served
as the Secretary for the Administrative Council for Social and Public Assistance
(BOdT, No. 9, 21 December 1946, p.57; BOdT, No. 44, 30 October 1948, p.394).
Coffee plantation owner, businessman, member of the Conselho do Governo.
Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Lisbon on 11 December
1959; departed Lisbon in late May 1960; arrived in Angola on 3 or 4 June 1960.
Released in 1961 (?) and moved to Macau. Deceased.

Francisco Orlando Fátima Soares* - (not considered guilty), 22 years, single. Born
2/4/1937 in Quelicai - son of Mau Sabe and Hare Cai. Resident in Dili. Farmer
(agricultor)/Tropas (Portuguese Army) corporal. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on
8 June 1959; arrived Lisbon on 20 July 1959; departed Lisbon in late May 1960;
arrived in Angola on 3 or 4 June 1960; released in Silva Porto in February 1961.
Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961. Returned to Portuguese Timor.
Moved to Lisbon Note however that Tomodok, E.M., Hari Hari Terakhir, 1994, p.97
states “killed by Fretilin”.

Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa* (known as “Alico”) – (considered guilty), 23

years, single. Born in Dili in April 1936 - son of Rafael Carvalho da Costa and Maria
Almeida da Costa. Related to Luis da Costa Rego – lived in the same extended family
6

compound in Audian, Dili. Joined the public service as a seaman (grumete) –

Maritime Services, Port of Dili on 1 April 1957 – vide BOdT, No. 13, 30 March 1957,
p.201. Arrested in Dili on 4 June 1959. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October
1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959. Dismissed wef 1 November 1959 vide
BOdT, No. 45, 31 October 1959, p.731. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961.
Returned to Timor in 1963. Functioned as President of Apodeti (1974-75), Executive
President of Apodeti – 1998, President of the political party Apodeti Pro-Referendo –
from August 2000 and a CNRT Permanent Committee representative. Apodeti Pro
Referendo contested the 2001 Constituent Assembly Election – receiving 0.6 percent
of the vote. A son – Fredi Martins da Costa (17 years), “disappeared” during the Santa
Cruz massacre in November 1991. His eldest son – Anatolino Beltrão da Costa (27), a
Falintil member, was killed by the ABRI-controlled Saka group near Dilor on 26
January 1996. Frederico established an educational institution – the “Kristal
Foundation”.490 Resident in Kuluhan Road, Audian/Bemori (Dili) in 2009.

Germano das Dores Alves Santana da Silva* - (considered guilty), 21 years, single.
Born in Dili - son of Francisco da Silva and Alda da Costa Soares da Silva. Resident
of Manatuto. Joined the public service as a seaman (grumete) – Maritime Services,
Port of Dili on 1 April 1957 – vide BOdT, No. 13, 30 March 1957, p.201. Resigned
16 April 1959 vide BOdT, No. 18, 2 May 1959. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4
October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959. Released in Silva Porto in May
1961. Returned to Timor in March 1970 with wife - Maria Hermínia Neves da Costa
Alves, and children (João Nestor Pereira da Silva, Francisco Neves da Silva).
Tomodok, E.M., Hari Hari Terakhir, 1994, p.97 states “killed by Fretilin”.

Gerson Tom Pello (Indonesian) – 27 years, single. Born in Tjamplong (Camplong,

Indonesian Timor) - son of Jusak Pello and Jacoba Tasi. Former aspirant officer,
PRRI/Permesta in Kupang. In March 1958, fled and was accepted as political refugee
in Portuguese Timor. Moved from Baucau to Viqueque in December 1958. Led attack
against the Viqueque Circunscrição headquarters on 7/8 June 1959. Captured by
Portuguese troops in the Venilale area on 20 June 1959. Departed Dili aboard N/M
India on 4 October 1959; escaped briefly in Singapore (20-23 October); arrived
Lisbon on 11 December 1959; transferred to Angola in late May 1960 - arrived in
Angola on 3 or 4 June 1960. Returned to Lisbon from Luanda 12 July 1961.
Repatriated : to Zurich (Switzerland) and then to Jakarta - arriving 7 April 1962.
Enlisted in the TNI – and reportedly served in Irian Barat (Dutch New Guinea). May
have been briefly involved with the Uni Republik Timor-Dilly (URT-D) in Jakarta in
mid-1975 – see Chamberlain, E.P., Faltering Steps, op.cit., 2008, f. 806. Died in
Camplong (West Timor) on 25 April 1998.

Gervásio Soriano Aleixo* - (considered guilty), 26 years, single. Born 19/1/1933 in

Dili - son of Horacio Aleixo and Maria da Conceição Soriano Aleixo. Assistant
carpenter in the Public Works Department (ie “O P”). Departed Dili aboard N/M
India on 8 June 1959; arrived Lisbon on 20 July 1959; departed Lisbon in late May
490
Gonçalves, J.L.R., Gente de Timor-Leste – Primeiro ano da Independência, Tipografia União Folha
do Domingos Lda, Faro, 2004, pp.82-84 – includes a photograph of Frederico Almeida Santos da
Costa.
 7

1960; arrived in Angola on 3 or 4 June 1960. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961.
Employed in Chicava Colony, Bie (Angola) in 1965. Returned to Timor in March
1970 with wife - Elvira da Conceição Pereira Aleixo, and two young children (Maria
and João). As an Apodeti leader, arrested by Fretilin in late 1975, killed in late
1975/early 1976 (see footnote 430). Tomodok, E.M., Hari Hari Terakhir, 1994, p.97
states “killed by Fretilin”.

Jeremias/Jermias Toan/To’an Pello (Indonesian) – 19 years, single. Born in Rote

(Indonesia) 26/6/1940 - son of Martinus Pello and Catarina Daik. Civilian supporter
of the PRRI/Permesta in Kupang. In March 1958, fled and was granted political
asylum in Portuguese Timor. Moved from Baucau to Viqueque in December
1958 and participated in the attack against the Viqueque Circunscrição headquarters
on 7/8 June 1959. Captured by Portuguese troops in the Venilale area on 20 June
1959. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; escaped briefly in
Singapore (20-23 October); arrived Lisbon on 11 December 1959; transferred to
Angola in late May 1960 - arrived Angola on 3 or 4 June 1960. Returned to Lisbon
from Luanda 12 July 1961. Repatriated : to Zurich (Switzerland) and then to Jakarta -
arriving 7 April 1962. Refused offer to enlist in ABRI, moved to Kupang (West
Timor) to care for parents.

João Lisboa – (considered guilty - Viqueque), 28 years, married. Born in Viqueque -

son of António Lisboa and Nai Lou/Lou Naic. Resident in Viqueque. Driver’s
assistant/Farmer (agricultura). Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959;
arrived Angola on 26 November 1959. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961.
Returned to Timor in March 1970 (Viqueque) with young son, Francisco António
Lisboa. Died in Aitara (Luca) on 30 August 1975 – shot and killed. Son – Chico
Lisboa, was a prominent boxer in Jakarta.

João Pereira da Silva* (known as “Chiquito”) – (2917R) – (considered guilty), 28

years. Born 2/6/1927 or 3/12/1926 in Dili - son of Francisco da Silva and Alda da
Costa Soares. Male nurse (ajudante enfermeiro auxiliar) - joined civil service on 12
July 1947; transferred from Baucau to Dili on 4 July 1958 (Dr Carvalho Hospital) –
BoDT, No. 28, 10 July 1948, p.236) . Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 8 June 1959;
arrived Lisbon on 20 July 1959; departed Lisbon in late May 1960; arrived in Angola
on 3 or 4 June 1960; Released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Considered by PIDE as
one of the three leading activists – a Timor “separatist”, maintaining his “political
ideals”. Returned to Timor in March 1970. Deceased – killed by Fretilin, see
footnotes 42, 55, 138 and 364. Tomodok, E.M., Hari Hari Terakhir, 1994, p.97 states
“killed by Fretilin”.

Joaquim Augusto/Agostinho/Agustodos dos Santos/Silva – (not considered guilty),

40 years, married. Born in Liquica - son of Francisco Xavier dos Santos and Guiomar
de Jesus dos Santos. Resident in Dili. Typist/telephonist in the Postal, Telegraph and
Telephone Service. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived
Angola on 26 November 1959, released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred
to Mozambique in late August 1961. Returned to Timor in 1961 (?). Deceased.

Joaquim Ferreira/Fereira (sometimes incorrectly spelt as “Perreira” – known as

“Atak”) – (25419R) – (considered guilty - Viqueque), 26 years, single. Born
30/8/1933 in Rai Um (Viqueque) - son of Francisco da Costa Pereira (luirai of Uma
Kiik village, Viqueque) and Maria da Costa Pereira. Supervisor of road maintenance
8

in Viqueque, close friend of José Sarmento. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4
October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in May
1961. Considered by PIDE as one of the three leading activists – a Timor “separatist”,
and maintaining his “political ideals”. Returned to Timor in March 1970. Member of
DPRD II (Viqueque) 1981-1987. Nominal “Panglima” (supreme commander) of
59/75 militia group in 1999, moved to Kupang in 1999.

Jorge Anselmo da Lima Maher/Mayher – (not considered guilty), 32 years,

married. Born in Baucau - son of Rui Estavão Maher and Rosa Montalvao da Silva
Maher. Bank employee (escriturário) of Banco Nasional Ultramarino. Departed Dili
aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959.
Released in Silva Porto in February 1961.

José Benny/Beni Joaquim – (considered guilty), 24 years, married. Born 5/1/1935 in

Dili - son of José dos Santos Joaquim and Maria Angela Joaquim. Driver for
Francisco M. X. de Araújo. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 8 June 1959; arrived
Lisbon on 20 July 1959; departed Lisbon in late May 1960; arrived in Angola on 3 or
4 June 1960. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961.

José Manuel Duarte – (considered guilty - Viqueque), 25 years, married . Born

14/3/1934 in Dili - son of Manuel Duarte and Maria Madelena. Married to Alice.
Civil servant from 5 March 1955 - employed as observer’s assistant (ajudante de
observador) in the Meteorological Service – one of four ajudantes. Transferred to
Viqueque in July 1956 vide BOdT, No. 31, 4 August 1956, p.506 – dismissed on 20
July 59 vide BOdT, No. 30, 25 July 1959, p.498. Participated in the attack in
Viqueque Town on 7/8 June and subsequent attack at Baguia. Arrested on 1 July 1959
at Ossu (with Fernando Pinto). Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959;
arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Joined by
wife and children in Angola in 1969. To Portugal on 23 September 1975. Returned to
Timor in 1986 with wife and two of five children, businessman – member DPRD I.
Moved to Kupang in 1999, died in Jakarta in April 2003.

José Maria Esposito Maia – (not considered guilty), 47 years, married. Born in
Raimere Hai, Lete Foho (Ermera) - son of Napoleão Maia and Joana Maia. Former
chefe de suco of Rimere Hai, Letefoho. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October
1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959. Released in Silva Porto in February
1961. Probably transferred to Mozambique in August 1961. Deceased.

José (dos) Ramos de Sousa Gama (known as “Zeca Gama”) – (2908R) –

(considered guilty), 28 years, married. Born 22/12/1930 in Ainaro - son of Paulo de
Sousa Gama and Madalena Ribeiro de Sousa Gama. Resident in Laga. Farmer
(agricultor). Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 8 June 1959; arrived Lisbon on 20
July 1959; departed Lisbon in late May 1960; arrived in Angola on 3 or 4 June 1960.
 9

Released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Married the daughter of a “European”.

Deceased.

José Sarmento – (considered guilty - Viqueque), 24 years, married. Born in Rai Um

(Viqueque) - son of Fona Bui and Cassa Loic. Farmer (agricultor) - Rai Um sub-
village , Uma Kiik (Viqueque), close friend of Joaquim Ferreira.. Departed Dili
aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959.
Released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Considered by PIDE as one of the three leading
activists – a Timor “separatist”, and maintaining his “political ideals”. Returned to
Timor in March 1970 with wife - Joana Paula, and young son - José Mateus
Sarmento.

José Soares – (considered guilty -Viqueque), 35 years, married. Born in Ermera - son
of Nai More and Bui Lou. Painter (pintor)/farmer – resident in Viqueque. Departed
Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959.
Released in Silva Porto in February 1961 with the “not considered guilty” group.

Juman/Juma’an bin Bachirum/Basirun/Basyirun – (not considered guilty), 19

years, single. Born in Dili - son of Bassirum and Elisa. Civil servant in the
Instructional Service from 6 February 1959 - as Servente (labourer) at Dr Machado
School (primary school) – dismissed 11 June 1959 vide BOdT, No. 25, 20 June 1959,
p.432-433. Arrested in Dili on 10 June 1959. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4
October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; transferred to Mozambique in
late August 1961. Returned to Timor – arriving in Dili on 10 August 1963. Resident
in Dili in 2009.

Lambertus Ladow/Ladouw (Indonesian) – 28 years, married to Juliana Ladow. Born

in Wonokromo (Surabaya, Indonesia) - son of Joel Ladow and Willelmina Haton.
Lieutenant in the PRRI/Permesta (earlier served in the TNI – as a corporal) . The
acknowledged leader of the “Permesta 14” group that fled from Kupang to Portuguese
Timor in March 1958. Accepted as political refugee. With group, moved from Dili to
Baucau. Did not participate in the attack against the Viqueque Circunscrição
headquarters on 7/8 June 1959. Arrested in Baucau by Portuguese troops on 8 June
1959 – together with the other eight Baucau-based Permesta 14. Departed Dili aboard
N/M India on 4 October 1959; escaped briefly in Singapore (20-23 October); arrived
Lisbon on 11 December 1959; transferred to Angola in late May 1960 - arrived in
Angola on 3 or 4 June 1960. Returned to Lisbon from Luanda 12 July 1961.
Repatriated: to Zurich (Switzerland) and then to Jakarta - arriving 7 April 1962.
Enlisted in the TNI. Died in Thailand in 1983.

Lourenço Rodrigues Pereira – (not considered guilty), 28 years, married. Born in

Dili - son of António Rodrigues Pereira and Joana Pereira. Clerk in the SAPT ie
merchant’s office/farmer (agricultor). Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October
1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February
1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961. Resident in Dili in 2009.

Luís da Costa Rego (known as “Luís Cina/China”) – (2916R) – (considered guilty),

24 years, married to Lay Nhia Yung (?). Born 15/5/1934 in Dili - son of Francisco
Ribeiro and Rita Francisca de Sousa Jesus Ribeiro. Driver (motorista) in the
Agricultural and Veterinary Service – dismissed 24 June 1959 wef 3 June 1959 vide
BOdT, No. 26, 27 June 1959, p.448. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 8 June 1959;
10

arrived Lisbon on 20 July 1959; departed Lisbon in late May 1960; arrived in Angola
on 3 or 4 June 1960. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Considered by PIDE as
one of the three leading activists – a Timor “separatist”, and “continuing to
proselytize for Timorese independence”. Returned to live in Lisbon.

Luís/Luiz da Cunha Soares (da Costa) Nunes – (considered guilty), 23 years,

single. Born in Oesilo (Oecusse) - son of Andre de Carvalho Nunes and Antonia
Soares Nunes. Empregado (practicing nurse) in the Mission for the Study of
Endemics. Resident in Dili. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959;
arrived Angola on 26 November 1959. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Moved
to Australia.

Manuel Alves – (not considered guilty), 54 years, single. Born in Dili - son of
Domingos Alves and Isabel da Costa Alves. Civil servant from 13 August 1947. Fiel
de balanca (2nd class) in the Customs Service – dismissed 13 August 1959 vide BOdT,
No. 30, 25 July 1959, p.498; No. 42, 17 October 1959, p.688. Departed Dili aboard
N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in
Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961.

Manuel da Silva (known as “Mao Teco”) – (not considered guilty), 37 years, Born in
Dili - son of Calisto da Silva and Leonilda Sequeira da Silva. Telephonist 2nd Class in
Postal, Telegraph and Telephone Service – dismissed 3 June 1959 (BOdT, No. 30, 25
July 1959, p.498). Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola
on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to
Mozambique in late August 1961. Deceased.

Manuel Damas – (not considered guilty), 35 years, single. Born in Fatu Bessi - son
of José and Margarida. Driver’s assistant/unemployed. Departed Dili aboard N/M
India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva
Porto in February 1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961.

Manuel de Freitas – (not considered guilty), 35 years, single. Born in Mate Bian,
Osso Una village (Baguia) - son of Manuel and Hara Cai. Resident in Dili. Driver’s
assistant/unemployed. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived
Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred
to Mozambique in late August 1961.

Manuel Rodrigues Alin/Alim (known as “Canguru”) – (27283R) – (considered

guilty), 31 years, single. Born in Cova Lima - son of Alim and Maria Cardina.
Resident in Dili. Driver. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived
Angola on 26 November 1959. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Considered by
PIDE as “reserved” but maintaining “political ideals”. Returned to Timor in March
 11

1970 with young daughter, Ricardina Manuel Rodrigues Alim and resided in Taibessi,
Dili. Manuel Alim died in May 2003.491

Mário/Maria José Henriques Martins – (not considered guilty), 50 years, married.

Born 5/11/1908 in Mozambique - son of Francisco Martins and Jacinta da Conceição
Henriques. Joined the public service on 22 April 1927 (BOdT, No. 7, 16 February
1957) - compositor (1st class) in Government printing works (ie Imprensa Nacional) –
BOdT, No. 3, 17 January 1959. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959;
arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961.
Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961. Deceased.

Mateus Sarmento Loyola Jordão de Araújo – (considered guilty - Viqueque), 53

years, single (Viqueque). Born in Dili - son of José Francisco de Araújo and Carlota
da Costa Faria Pinto de Araújo. Brother of Amaro L. J. de Araújo. Former civil
servant – noted as interim Encarregado de Posto at Bobonaro in December 1946
(BOdT, No. 7, 7 December 1946, p.41). Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October
1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961.
Died in Angola in 1988.

Matias Guterres de Sousa – (not considered guilty), 31 years, married. Born in 1928
in Uatolari - son of Gregório de Sousa and Aurelia Teresinha. Resident in Dili. Joined
the public service on 31 October 1952. Assistant nurse (ajudante de enfermeiro
auxiliar). Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26
November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to
Mozambique in late August 1961. Moved to Portugal and returned to Timor in the
early 1960s. To Mozambique with his family in the early 1970s, and later to Portugal.
His eldest son - Adriano do Sousa, was a Fretilin/Falintil member killed in combat by
ABRI. His second son, Gregório de Sousa was a Fretilin Member of Parliament –
2002-2007. Matias was reportedly living in Portugal in 2009. Note – Matias was
incorrectly listed as: “22. Matias Pereira, nurse (emfreiro [sic]) in Baguia” – by
Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa in a listing prepared in Angola on 6 June 1960 –
see Annex F, and included in a 2005 booklet prepared in Dili – see footnote 47.

Miguel Pinto – (considered guilty -Viqueque), 25 years, single. Born in

Behora/Manehat (Viqueque) - son of Fune Fone and Are Cai. Farmer (agricultura) .
Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November
1959. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Returned to Timor in March 1970 with
two young children (Isequiel Brum Pinto Viana, César Brum Pinto Viana). Deceased.

Nicodemos dos Reis Amaral – (considered guilty - Viqueque), 36 years, married.

Born 3/5/1915 in Caraubalo (Viqueque Town) - son of António Soares and Maria
Soares. Chefe de Povoação – Anen/Lamaklaran (Has Abut), Caraubalo (Viqueque).
Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November
1959; released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Returned to Timor in March 1970 with

491
Gonçalves, J.L.R., Gente de Timor-Leste – Primeiro ano da Independência,
Tipografia União Folha do Domingos Lda, Faro, 2004, p.128 – includes a photograph
of Manuel Rodrigues Alim.
12

wife - Tota Imaculada, and children (Amaro Loyola Jordão Amaral, Maria dos Reis
Amaral). Member of DPRD II (Viqueque) 1981-1987.

Paulo da Conceição Castro - (not considered guilty), aged 48, married. Born in
Aileu - son of Bessi Liar and Lou No. Agriculturist and Catechist. Departed Dili
aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959;
Released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late August
1961. Deceased.

Paulo da Silva – (not considered guilty), 44 years, married. Born in Dili - son of
António da Silva and Maria da Silva. Chefe de Suco – Bidau (Dili). Departed Dili
aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959.
Released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Deceased.

Paulo Soares Amaral – (considered guilty - Viqueque), 25 years, single. Born in

Viqueque - son of João Soares and Elda Soares. Truck driver (Viqueque) - father
worked as cook for Portuguese officials, possibly brother of Armindo. Departed Dili
aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959.
Released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Died in Viqueque.

Saleh Bin Ahmad/Hamad Bassarewan – (not considered guilty), 24 years, single.

Born in Dili - son of Hamad Bassarewan and Tji Binte Toja. Businessman
(comerciante). Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on
26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to
Mozambique in late August 1961.

Salem/Salam bin Musalam Sagran – (not considered guilty), 30 years, married.

Born 1/10/1928 in Dili - son of Musalam bin Hadi Sagran and Salma Waked.
Clerk/typist/ interpreter in the Indonesian Consulate. Arrested on 15 August 1959.
Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November
1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to Mozambique in July
1961 and then to Lisbon on 18 November 1961. Returned to Timor on 10 July 1963 –
arriving in Dili on 10 August 1963. Employed by SAPT and Tourism Department
(from 1 August 1964 – vide BOdT, No. 3, 17 January 1970, p.54; and as encarregado
do expediente vide BOdT, No. 53, 21 December 1968, p.1077) – then property owner
and businessman. Prominent in Islamic community, and author. Member of DPRD 1
(ie Timor Timur Parliament) in the early 1990s. In 2009, resident in Rua da Mesquita,
Aldeia Marconi/Fatuhada (Dili) - near Masjid Al Munawarah.

Usman bin Manduli Loly/Sangaji (also as Osman Djuli) – (not considered guilty),
24 years, married. Born in Dili - son of Djulic and Amina. Mechanic’s assistant (civil
servant) in the Dili Municipal Council. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October
1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February
1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961.
 13

Valentim da Costa Pereira – (considered guilty), 27 years, widower. Born 9/4/1932

in Dili - son of Miguel da Costa and Francisca Pereira. Civil servant - labourer
(servente) in the Treasury Service (Fazenda & Contabilidade), dismissed 17 June
1959 vide BOdT, No. 25, 20 June 1959, p.433. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 8
June 1959; arrived Lisbon on 20 July 1959; departed Lisbon in late May 1960; arrived
in Angola on 3 or 4 June 1960. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961.

Venancio da Costa Soares (known as “Sampe”) – (considered guilty), 28 years,

widower. Born in Dili - son of João and Bi Sosse. Driver’s assistant - adjunte de
carro. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26
November 1959; released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Employed in Chicava Colony,
Bie (Angola) in 1966.

Vicente de Jesus Vidigal da Cunha - (not considered guilty), 45 years, widower.

Born in Dili- son of Nea Boro and Maria. Chefe de Suco - Kuluhun (Dili) – noted in
Sherlock, K., 1983, op.cit., p.27 as Chefe de Suco of Culu Hum [sic] in 1952.
Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November
1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late
August 1961. Deceased.

Vital Ximenes * - (considered guilty), 25 years, married. Born in Dili - son of Bere
Naha and Maria Tilman Soares. Rural worker. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4
October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in May
1961 . Possibly transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961 (?). Returned to Dili
in 1963 (?). As an Apodeti leader, arrested by Fretilin in August 1975 – moved to
countryside and killed in early 1976 (see footnotes 386, 387). Tomodok, E.M., Hari
Hari Terakhir, 1994, p.97 states “killed by Fretilin”.
 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Books

----, Kabupaten Viqueque Dalam Angka 1989, BPS, Kantor Statistik Kabupaten
Viqueque, Viqueque, October 1990.

Aditjondro, G.J., Is oil thicker than blood ? : a study of oil companies’ interests and
western complicity in Indonesia’s Annexation of East Timor, Nova Science
Publications Inc, New York, 1999.

Aditjondro, G.J., Menyongsong Matahari Terbit Di Puncak Ramelau, Yayasan HAK

dan Fortilos, Jakarta, 2000.

Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia (ABRI) – Kodam IX/Udayana, 42 Tahun

Pengabdian Kodam IX/Udayana (42 Years of Service by Military Region IX/
Udayana), Kodam IX/Udayana, Denpasar, 1999.

Araújo, A. (Abilio) de, (Jolliffe, J. & Reece, B. eds), Timorese Elites, Canberra, 1975
(NAA: A1838, 3038/1/1 Part 2).

Araújo, A. (Abílio) de, Timor Leste: Os Loricos Voltaram a Cantar: Das Guerras
Independentistas à Revolução do Povo Maubere, Trama, Lisboa, June 1977.

Araújo, A. (Amaro) L.J. de, O Célebre Massacré de Uato-Lari e Uato-Carbau

Verificado no Ano de 1959 (The Truth of the Infamous Massacre at Uatolari and
Uato-Carabau in 1959), Jakarta/Kupang, 1974 – see Annex D.

Araújo, A. (Arnaldo) de (Governo Provisorio Timor Loro Sae), Matanza em timor

oriental, March 1976, Dili.

Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo: Da primeira ameaça da Indonésia ao nascer de

uma nação (Contemporary Timor: From the first threat by Indonesia to the birth of a
nation), Equilíbrio Editorial, Lisboa, 1998.

Bazher, A.B., Islam di Timor Timur, Gema Insani Press, Jakarta, 1995.

Berlie, J.A., East Timor: A Bibliography, les Indes savantes, Paris, 2001.

Brahmana, R., Buku 20 Tahun Timor Timur Membangun, Korps Pegawai Republik
Indonesia – Propinsi Timor Timur/Samsul Bakri, Jakarta, 1996. (Bahasa and English).

Cardoso, A.M., Timor na 2ª Guerra Mundial – O Diario do Tenente Pires, CEHCP

ISCTE, Lisboa, 2007.

Carrascalão, M.V., Timor – Antes do Futuro, Mau Huran Printing, Timor-Leste, 2006.
2

Chamberlain, E.P., Faltering Steps: Independence Movements in East Timor in the

1950s and 1960s, Point Lonsdale - Australia, 2005.

Chamberlain, E.P., Faltering Steps: Independence Movements in East Timor - 1960s

to the early 1970s, Point Lonsdale - Australia, 2008.

Chamberlain, E.P., Rebellion, Defeat and Exile: The 1959 Uprising in East Timor,
Point Lonsdale - Australia, 2007.

Chamberlain, E.P., The Struggle in Iliomar: Resistance in rural East Timor, Point
Lonsdale - Australia, 2008.

Chrystello, C.J., East Timor: The Secret File 1973-1975, eBooksBrasil, 2000.

Conboy, K., Kopassus: Inside Indonesia’s Special Forces, Equinox Publishing,

Jakarta, 2003.

Conboy, K. & Morrison, J., Feet to the fire: CIA covert operations in Indonesia 1957-
1958, Naval Institute Press, Maryland, 1999.

Costa, E.da; Costa F.A.S. da; Sagran, S.M.; Basirun, J.B. and Pereira, L.R., O
Célebre Massacre de Uato-Lari e Uato-Carbau Verificado no Ano de 1959 (The
Truth of the Infamous Massacre at Uatolari and Uato-Carabau in 1959), Dili, 2005.
Note: This A-4 format publication has the same title as the smaller 1974 publication
by Araújo, A. (Amaro) L.J. de (see above) and includes the content of that publication
– together with later declaração and other material (see footnote 47).

Cruz, F. Lopes da, Kesaksian – Aku dan Timor Timur (Witnessing – East Timor and
I), Yayasan Tunas Harapan Timor Lorosae, Jakarta, 1999.

Dettman, A. & Newbown, L., Bibliography of works on Timor Leste (East Timor)
held in the National Library of Australia, National Library of Australia – Asian
Collections, Canberra, June 2006.

Doig, C.D., A History of the 2nd Independent Company and 2/2 Commando Squadron,
Trafalgar (Victoria), Valley Word Processing Service, 1986.

Duarte, J.B., Em Terras de Timor, Tiposet, Lisboa, 1987.

Dunn, J., Timor - A People Betrayed, ABC Books, Sydney, 1996.

Dunn, J., East Timor – a rough passage to Independence, Longueville Books, Double
Bay, 2003.

Durand, F.B., East Timor: A Country at the Crossroads of Asia and the Pacific – A
Geo-historical Atlas, Silkworm Books, Chiang Mai, 2006.

Gonçalves, J.L.R., Gente de Timor-Leste – Primeiro ano da Independência,

Tipografia União Folha do Domingos Lda, Faro, 2004,
 3

Gonggong A. & Zuhdi, S., Sejarah Perjuangan Timor-Timur Untuk

Sekolah Menengah Atas (History of the East Timor Struggle for
Senior High School), Direktorat Pendidikan Menengah Umum,
Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, (Department of Culture
and Education), Jakarta, 1992 (Annex B of this monograph).

Gunn, G.C., A Critical View of Western Journalism and Scholarship on East Timor,
Journal of Contemporary Asian Publications, Manila, 1994.

Gunn, G.C., Timor Loro Sae 500 Years, Livros do Oriente, Macau, 1999 – on Internet
as “History of Timor” at http://pascal.iseg.utl.pt/~cesa/History_of_Timor.pdf

Gusmão, X., Timor-Leste: Um Povo Uma Pátria, Edições Colibri, Lisboa, 1994.

Gusmão, X. (Niner, S. ed), To Resist Is To Win !: The Autobiography of Xanana

Gusmão with selected letters & speeches, Aurora Books, Richmond, 2000.

Harvey, B.S., Permesta: pemberontakan setengah hati (Permesta: a half-hearted

rebellion), PT Grafiti Pers, Jakarta, 1984.

Hack, K. & Rettig, T., Colonial Armies in Southeast Asia, Routledge, Abingdon UK,
2006.

Hicks, D., Roh Orang Timor (Tetum Ghosts and Kinship), Pustakaan Sinar Harapan,
Jakarta, 1983.

Hill, H. M., Fretilin1974-1978 – Stirrings of Nationalism in East Timor, Otford Press,

Otford NSW, 2002.

Hill, H. M., Gerakan Pembebasan Nasional Timor Lorosae, Yayasan HAK and Sahe
Institute for Liberation, Dili, 2000.

Jolliffe, J., Cover-Up – The inside story of the Balibo Five, Scribe Publications,
Melbourne, 2001.

Kamah, M.S., Seroja: pengalaman seorang wartawan di medan tempur Timor Timur,
Eko’s, Palu (Sulawesi), 1997.

Lennox, R., Fighting Spirit of East Timor – the life of Martinho da Costa Lopes, Pluto
Press, Annandale, 2000.

MacFarling, I., Military Aspects of the West New Guinea Dispute 1958-1962,
Working Paper No 212, SDSC - Australian National University, Canberra, 1990.

Metzner, J.K., Man and Environment in Eastern Timor: a geoecological analysis of

the Baucau-Viqueque Area as a possible basis for regional planning, Development
Studies Centre – Monograph No. 8, The Australian National University, Canberra,
1977.
4

Millar, T.B. (ed), Australian foreign minister: the diaries of R.G. Casey, Collins,
London, 1972.

Neonbasu, P.G., Peta Politik dan Dinamika Pembangunan Timor Timur, Yanense
Mitra Sejati, Jakarta, 1977.

Nicol, B., Timor – A Nation Reborn, Equinox Publishing, Jakarta, 2002.

Pélissier, R., Du Sahara à Timor, Pélissier, Orgeval (France), 1991.

Pélissier, R., Timor en guerre: le Crocodile et les Portugais (1847-1913), Pélissier,

Orgeval (France), 1996.

Pinto, C. and Jardine, M., East Timor’s Unfinished Struggle: Inside the Timorese
Resistance – A Testimony, South End Press, Boston, 1997.

Powell, A., War by Stealth – Australians and the Allied Intelligence Bureau 1942-
1945, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1996.

Ramos-Horta, J., Funu, The Unfinished Saga of East Timor, Red Sea Press, Trenton,
1987.

Ramos-Horta, J., Amanhã em Díli, Publicacões Dom Quixote, Lisboa, 1998.

Rusdie, H., Suratama K., Soares, A.J.O., Perjuangan Kemerdekaan Rakyat Timor
Loro Sa’e, Percetakan Kanisius/East Timor Students’ Movement, Yogyakarta, March
1997.

Sagran, S.M., Da’wah Islamiah di Timor Timur dan Prospectiva, Makalah, Dili,
1983.

Sekretariat Militer Presiden, Daftar warga negara Republik Indonesia Yang

Menerima Anugerah Tanda Kehormatan Satyalancana Perintis Pergerakan
Kemerdekaan , Satyalancana Kebudayaan Dan Satyalancana Pendidikan, Biro
Tanda-Tanda Jasa/Kehormatan, Jakarta, 2005.

Sherlock, K., Liurais and Chefes de Suco - Indigenous Authorities in 1952, Kevin
Sherlock, Darwin, 1983.

Smythe, P.A., ‘The Heaviest Blow’ – The Catholic Church and the East Timor Issue,
Lit Verlag, Munster, 2004.

Soares (Mali-Lequic), A.V.M., Pulau Timor – Sebuah Sumbangan Untuk Sejarahnya,

2003.

Soebadio, H., Keterlibatan Australi dalam Pemberontakan PRRI/Permesta

(Australian Involvement in the PRRI/Permesta Rebellion), PT Gramedia/Pustaka
Utama, Jakarta, 2002.
 5

Soekanto, Integrasi – Kebulatan Tekad Rakyat Timor Timur (Integration – the

Determined Will of the People of East Timor), Yayasan Parakesit, Jakarta, 10
November 1976.

Subroto, H., Saksi Mata Perjuangan Integrasi Timor Timur, Pustaka Sinar Harapan,
Jakarta, 1996.

Taylor, J. G., Indonesia’s Forgotten War – The Hidden History of East Timor, Pluto
Press, Leichhardt, 1981.

Tomodok, E.M., Hari-Hari Akhir Timor Portugis (The Last Days of Portuguese
Timor), Pustaka Jaya, Jakarta, 1994.

Toohey, B. & Pinwill, W., Oyster: the story of the Australian Secret Intelligence
Service, Heinemann, Melbourne, 1989.

Timor Development Syndicate, A Few Impressions of Portuguese Timor, Sydney,

1912.

Webb, R.A.F.P. & Farram S., DI-PKI-KAN: tragedy 1965 dan kaum Nasrani di
Indonesia Timur, Syarikat Indonesia, Jakarta, February 2005.

Wila, M.R.C., Konsepsi Hukum Dalam Pengaturan dan Pengelolaan Wilayah

Perbatasan Antaranegara (Kasus: Wilayah Enklave Negara Timor Leste di dalam
Wilayah Negara Indonesia), P.T. Alumni, Bandung, 2006.

Wray, C.C.H., Timor 1942: Australian Commandos at War with the Japanese,
Hutchinson Australia, Hawthorn, 1987.

Selected Internet Websites/“Blogs”

Gunter, Janet, Haree Ba Uluk: Timor Portuguese Pre-1974 – A Post-Colonial Forum

for Learning and Debate. http://raiketak.blogspot.com/timorhistory/index.html

Gunter, J., “Majesty but no mercy”, 7 December 2002.

http://raiketak.wordpress.com/category/power/page/4/

Selected Reports, Articles and Theses

---, Lusotropicalisme - Lusotopie 1997, Editions Karthala/Brill, Paris/Leiden, 1997.

http://www.lusotopie.sciencespobordeaux.fr/somma97.html

---, “Trouble in Timor”, Foreign Report, The Economist, London, 25 April 1963.

Allied Geographic Section and Directorate of Intelligence AAF SWPA, Terrain Study
No 50: Area Study of Portuguese Timor, 27 February 1943.

Anderson, C., “East Timor’s First President Recalls His 9-Day Term”, Jakarta Globe,
Jakarta, 18 March 2009.
6

Araújo, A. (Armaro) L. J. de, (et al), Memorandum – Assunto: Sobre o acontecimento

ocorrido em 7 de Junhe [sic] de 1959, na Circunscrição [sic] de Viqueque – Timor,
six pages, Cólonia Penal do Bié (Angola), 21 April 1960 in:
- Araújo, A.L.J. de, O Célebre Massacré de Uato-Lari e Uato-Carbau
Verificado no Ano de 1959 (The Truth of the Infamous Massacre at
Uatolari and Uato-Carabau in 1959), Jakarta/Kupang, 1974; and
- Costa, E. da (et al), O Célebre Massacre de Uato-Lari e Uato-Carbau
Verificado no Ano de 1959 (The Truth of the Infamous Massacre at
Uatolari and Uato-Carabau in 1959), Dili, 2005.

Araújo, A. (Abílio) de, As Duas Margens da Ribeira de Aileu, 2007.

http://pnt-timor-leste.planetaclix.pt/08_BIBLIOGRAFIA/BIBLIOGRAFIA.htm

Archer, C.H. (British Consul-General, Taiwan), Report on Portuguese Timor,

Canberra, 3 May 1941 – see NAA: A3300, 179, pp.1-55 including covering letter and
errata; or Koepang draft of 29 April 1941 at NAA: A981, TIM P 9, pp.3-55 and
pp.83-132. A printed copy of the report can also be found at NAA: A981, TIM D 1
Part 2. pp.38-76.

Babo Soares, D., “Building a foundation for an effective civil service in Timor Leste”,
Pacific Economic Bulletin, May 2003, p.13

Barata, F. J. F. T. Governor, letter to the Ministry of Overseas Territories –

MU/GMG/GNP/034 (E.7.1), 6 October 1959 – in Portuguese ((reporting the 1959
Viqueque Rebellion)). http://raiketak.blogspot.com/timorhistory/index.html. Also
included in a Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Lisbon) letter No.181, 36-A, FC/EC, 14
January 1960 to Director PIDE (Lisbon) - (TdT Lisbon: PIDE/DGS N.T. 8971).

Barata, F. J. F. T., Timor - esse desconhecido, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais

& Política Ultramarina, Lisboa, 1963 (Separata da Revista, Estudos Políticos e
Sociais, Vol. 1 (1963), No. 3, Págs. 659-684).

Conselho Nacional de Resistência Maubere (National Council of Maubere Resistance

- CNRM), “Indonesia’s desperate attempt to revise East Timor history”, Media
Release, 3 July 1995, p.1.

Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation (Comissão de Alcolhimento,

Verdade e Reconciliação – CAVR), “Internal Political Conflict 1974-1976 – CAVR
National Public Hearing 15-18 December 2003” – Appendix 2 in CAVR Update
December 2003-January 2004, Dili.
http://www.easttimor-reconciliation.org/cavrUpdate-Dec03Jan04-en.html

Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation (Comissão de Alcolhimento,

Verdade e Reconciliação – CAVR), Chega ! The Final Report of the Commission for
Reception, Truth and Reconciliation, Dili, 2005.

Costa, F.A.S. da. (Prisoner No 52), Memorandum, Bié (Angola), 6 May 1960 (see
footnotes 146, 278 and 317).
 7

Costa, F.A.S. da, Os Nomes dos Detidos Timorenses para Angola do Ano de 1959,
Silva Porto (Bie, Angola), 6 June 1960.

Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih Berkibar di TimTim Sejak 1959”, Vista,
No.57, Jakarta, 20-29 August 1989, pp.20-25.

Duarte, J.B., “O fenomeno dos movimentos nativistas”, Garcia de Orta, Ser.

Antropobiol, 5 (1-2) 1987/88, Lisboa, 1988, pp.41-52.

Duarte, J.M., “Memorandum sobre o acontecimento em Timor em 1959”, Colónia

Penal de Bié (Angola), 31 August 1960 (TdT, Lisbon: AOS/CO/UL-32A2, Part 7).
This seven-page Memorandum , with a covering letter dated 2 November 1960, was
forwarded to the Presidente do Conselho de Ministros (Dr. Salazar) by the Director of
the PIDE (Lisbon). See footnotes 47, 51, 120 and 122.

Duarte, J.M., Memorandum, Dili, 4 February 1994 – in Bahasa (see footnotes 280,
308 and 413).

Dunn, J.S., “The Timorese Under Portuguese Administration”, Digest of Despatches,

Serial No. 19, Department of External Affairs, Canberra, 13 December 1963 (NAA:
A1838, 756/2 Part 1).

Dunn, J.S., “The Timor Affair – From Civil War to Invasion by Indonesia”,
Legislative Research Service, Parliament of Australia, Canberra, 27 February 1976
(NAA: A1838, 3038/10/13/1 Annex 1).

Farram, S.G., From ‘Timor Koepang’ to ‘Timor NTT’: A Political History of West
Timor 1901-1967 (unpublished PhD thesis), Darwin, 2004.

Gata, A. C. L.G., Captain, Relatorio da Viagem do Navio India de Macau para

Lisboa – 1959, 11 December 1959.

Gratton, A., Perkembangan dalam Pendidikan Sejarah di Malang sejak Zaman

Reformasi, Universitas Muhammadiyah, Malang, 2004.

Gunn, G.C., “Revisiting the Viqueque (East Timor) Rebellion of 1959”, Diversidade
Cultural Na Construção Da Nação E Do Estado Em Timor-Leste, Universidade
Fernando Pessoa, Porto, 2006, pp. 27-53.

Gunn, G.C., “Revisiting the Viqueque Rebellion of 1959” (Draft), Nagasaki, 9

February 2006 (for publication in Timor-Leste: An Anthology of War and Liberation,
Monograph No. 7, Research Institute of South East Asia, Nagasaki).
http://www.geoffreycgunn.com/material/draft_viquequerebellion.pdf

Gunter, J., “Communal Conflict in Viqueque and the ‘Charged’ History of ‘59”, The
Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology, Vol 8, No 1, March 2007, pp. 27-41.

Gunter, J., “Majesty yet no mercy”, 7 December 2002 -

http://raiketak.wordpress.com/category/power/page/4/ .
8

Gusmão, J., “Indonesia’s desperate attempt to revise East Timor history”, Media
Release, 3 July 1995.

Hagerdal, H., Historical Notes on the Topass Leaders in Oecusse, Vaxjo (Sweden).

Herman, J., “Integrasi 1976, Realisasi Perjuangan Viqueque 1959”, Jawa Pos,
Surabaya, 11 November 1995, p.13.

Herman, J., “Pejuang Timtim Akan Tuntut Portugal”, Jawa Pos, Surabaya, 16
November 1995, p.13.

Herman, J., “27 Pejuang Viqueque Peroleh Gelar Veteran”, Jawa Pos, Surabaya, 1
April 1996, p.5.

Hicks, D., “Unachieved Syncretism: the local level political system in Portuguese
Timor”, Anthropos Institut, 78, Edition St-Augustin, Switzerland, 1983.

Jolliffe, J., “Indonesia now wants all the gory details”, The Canberra Times, Canberra,
19 August 1995, p.17.

Jolliffe, J., “Salazar and Ming: the secret letters”, The Canberra Times, Canberra, 12
August 1995, p. C2.

Kennedy, D.B., Operation HAIK: The Eisenhower Administration and the Central
Intelligence Agency in Indonesia, 1957-1958, MA Thesis, Georgia University, Athens
USA, 1996.

Leach, M., “East Timor – History on the Line: East Timorese History after
Independence”, History Workshop Journal, Issue 61, Spring 2006, Oxford University
Press, Oxford, pp. 222-237.

Lopes, M. da Costa, “Breve resenha de alguns factos ocorrido em Viqueque e

Uatolari (1959)”, Biblioteca Nasional - Archivo Salazar, Lisboa, 1959 ((Note: the
copy of this report is not signed, or dated, by Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes –
but his authorship can be almost certainly inferred from the subsequent report by
Governor F. J. F. T. Barata of 6 October 1959, see above, which includes most of the
text of the Monsignor’s report)).

Madjiah, L.E., “East Timor: Return of the Last Paradise”, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta,
1999 – an extract from: Infantry of the Indonesian National Army, Pusat Kesenjataan
Infanteri, Bandung, 1999.
http://www.thejakartapost.com/special/os3 history 2.asp

Mali Mau, M., “Jose: Saya merasakan kejamnya Portugal”, Surya, Jakarta, 14
November 1992, p.1 & p.13.

Neonbasu, G. SVD, “Building Peace in East Timor: The Role of the Catholic
Church”, November 2002.
http://www.ishvanikendra.org/docs/articles_gre_neonbasu.htm
 9

Oliveira, J.L. de, “Sengketa Tanah Uatolari” (Land Conflict in Uatolari), Cidadaun,
No.26, July 2002, p.6.

Piliang, I.J., Australia Terlibat dalam Pemberontakan PRRI/Permesta, Info & Arsip
Milis Nasional, Jakarta, 14 August 2002.

Rohi, P.A., “Timor Portugis dari Masa-kemasa”, Kompas, Jakarta, 4 October 1974.

Rohi, P.A., “Pemberontakan Rakyat Timor Timur 1959”, Mutiara, Edition 775,
Jakarta, 29 August – 4 September 1995.

Rohi, P.A., “Apa Kata Pelaku Pemberontakan Rakyat Timor Timur 1959 – Integrasi
itu Tekad Historis dan Etnis”, Mutiara, Edition 776, Jakarta, 5-11 September 1995.

Rohi, P. A., “Soekarno, KAA, dan Timor-Leste”, Kongres, Jakarta, 28 April 2005 -
and marhaenis.org, 9 May 2005.

Sales Grade, E.A., “Timor: O Corpo Militar de Segunda Linha”, Revista Militar, 26
(4-5), February 1974, Lisboa, pp.198-215.

Sarong, F., “Pejuang Timtim yang Kesepian” (“The Loneliness of an East Timorese
Warrior”), Kompas Cybermedia, Jakarta, 21 May 1999.

Seah, C.N., “Island of Death”, The Straits Times, Singapore, late October 1975.

Senate Foreign Affairs, Defence & Trade Committee – Parliament of Australia, “Final
Report on the Inquiry into East Timor”, Canberra, 7 December 2000.

Smythe, P., “The Role of the Church in East Timor: Resistance and Reconciliation”,
pp. 99-120 in Hull, G. and Eccles, L. (eds), Studies in the Languages and Cultures of
East Timor, Volume 2, University of Western Sydney – Macarthur, 1999.

Sousa, I.C. de, “The Portuguese Colonization and the Problem of East Timorese
Nationalism”, pp.183-194 in Lusotopie 2001, Editions Karthala/Brill, Paris/Leiden,
2001.
http://www.lusotopie.sciencespobordeaux.fr/carneiroSousa.rtf

Tilman, M. & Pereira, D., “Tanah Dan Perumahan Di Timor Lorosae Antara
Harapan Dan Kenyataan” (“Land and Housing in Timor Lorosae – Between Hope
and Fact”), East Timor Law Journal, Article 14, 2004.
http://www.eastimorlawjournal.org/ARTICLES/ksireportonlandhousingintimora.html
 Index

(All 1959 rebels – shown in bold type, are also detailed at Annex E; the “Permesta
14” are also listed at Annex C)

Abel da Costa Belo – p.2, 14, 23, 34, 37, 59, 75 f.74, 305, 405
Abílio de Araújo – p.35, 78-79 f.164, 182, 407, 479
Abílio da Paixão Monteiro – p.53, 139, 142,160, 261, 299
Abilío Osório Soares - 200
Agostinho da Costa Pinto – f.246
Agostinho dos Santos – f.365
Aguiar – Lieutenant Colonel, see Manuel
Aileu – Movimento – p.35 f.162, 167
Albert Ndoen/Ndun – p.18, 23, 31, 40, 41, 44, 60, 64, 71, 84, 93 f.80, 90, 99, 106,
195, 308, 366
Alberto Ribeiro – p.46, 48 f.241
Alberto Rodrigues Pereira - f.430
Alexandre Viana de Jesus Maia – p.14, 35
Alexandrinou Borromeu – p.85 f.432
Amaro de Araújo – p.14, 28, 38, 40, 46, 64-65, 72, 74, 76 f.47, 57, 328, 374, 380
Amilcar Ribeiro Seixas – Annex E
Angola – p.36, 49, 61, 63 map, 79
Antero, Comandante - p.86
António da Costa Araújo – p.35 f.164
António da Costa Rangel (Uai-mori) – p.49 f.242
António da Costa Soares -
see António Metan
António de Oliveira Salazar, President – p.66 f.47, 190, 242, 292, 334, 335
António Ferreira – p.50
António Freitas Parada – p.82 f.412
António L. F. Ramos, Captain – p.77 f.397
António Metan – p.15, 37-40, 46, 65, 78 f.47, 174, 180, 198, 224, 328, 405, 441
António Soriano – p.35 f.430
Aparicio Pedro Ximenes, sipaio – p.50
Apodeti – pp.75-78, 81, 97 f.15, 42, 138, 166, 260
Arabs – p.60, 62, 70 f. 33, 306
Armando da Cruz, sipaio – f.285
Armando da Silva – p.56
Armindo Soares Amaral – p.77, 83, 84
Armindo Soares Mariano – f.246
Arnaldo dos Reis Araújo – p.4, 78 f.15, 16, 386 Biblio
Arquivo Salazar – f.190
Arraiais – p.44, 46-47, 51 f.149
Arrests, Baucau – p.37, 41-43, 56
Arrests, Dili – pp.34-35, 55
Arrests, Viqueque – p.46, 56
Artur Marques Ramos – p.27, 37, 43-50, 58 f.118, 123, 170, 176, 203, 240, 250, 291
Ataúro – p.4, 56-57 f.15-17, 30, 472
2

Baguia – p.36, 45, 51, 54 f.184, 204, 211, 215

Bandung Conference 1955 – pp.10-11, 96 f.96, 97
Barata F.J.F.T., Governor – p.2, 15, 28-32, 39-40, 44, 46, 53, 56-59, 67-68, 92-95
f.5, 46, 87, 102, 128, 168, 191, 240, 262, 295, 336, 351, 465
Barata F.A.P., Brigadier – f.102
Barreiros, Captain – pp.47-51 f.242
Bayernstein MS, vessel – p.61
Bebui River – p.24, 49, 52, 57, 70, 80, 89 f.240-243
Belarmino de Araújo – Annex E
Belo, Dom. Carlos Ximenes – p.3, 76, 98 f.10, 116, 282, 480
Bié (Angola) – pp.62-63, 69 map, pp.69-71, 77, f.47
Black Columns (Colunas Negras) f.15
Braga D.R.S.C., Lt – p.35, 43, 45, 51 f.156, 161, 162, 240, 308
Câncio dos Reis Noronha – p.33, 53 f.54, 154, 263-265.
Carlos de Carvalho – p.50, 57 f.249
Carlos Krus Abecassis – p.12 f.46
Carlos Salvador de Sousa Gama – p.34, 59
Carnation Revolution – p.75
Carneiro Cirineu, Sergeant – p.25, 47
Carvalho M.H.C, Captain – p.29, 34, 43, 45, 50-51, 64 f.93, 107, 156
Castilho (Baguia) – p.50 f.248
Catholic/ism – p.35, 40, 55, 62, 96 f.19, 470, 471
Caxias (Lisbon) – p.60, 63-64 f.325, 327
Celestino Amaral – p.56
Celestino da Silva (Matahoi) – p.46, 56 f.223
Celestino Peter Guterres – see Mu Then Siong
César Serpa Rosa, Governor – p.12, 24, 93 f.78, 81, 102
Chinese – p.10, 17, 25, 42, 44, 62 f.29, f.33 (pop’), 56, 97, 200, 205, 257, 310, 340,
370
Circunscrição – f.77, 98
Clementino dos Reis Amaral – p.89
CNRM – p.55, 80 f.414, 416
CNRT – p.86, 87 f.440
Compensation – p.72, 87
Constantino Hornay (Iliomar) – f.246
Coups (1975) – p.77
Crispim de Araújo – p.34, 53, 61, 71 f.143, 312, 430
Daniel Braga, Lieutenant – see Braga
David Verdial – p.13, 28, 30, 34, 59, 67 f.48, 377
Dicker G.S., Reverend – p.17
Dom Aleixo, vessel – p.18, 55, 56 f.279, 317
Dom Boaventura – f.1, 57, 380, 441, 446
Dom Feliciano – f.184
Dom João da Cruz Hornay – f.380
Domingos da Conceição Guterres – Annex E
Domingos da Conceição Pereira – p.28, 20, 85 f.422
Domingos da Costa Amaral – p.50
Domingos Geronimo dos Reis Amaral – p.74 f.203
Domingos Jeremias – p.50 f.283
Domingos Hornay Soares – p.83, 84, 86 f.47, 282, 328
 3

DPRD – p.78, 80, 82 f.41, 246, 272, 364, 405, 412, 417, 426
Duarte Soares – p.56, 74 f.430
Eduardo Caeiro Rodrigues – p.38, 39, 58 f.175, 179, 295
Eduardo de Araújo – p.14, 35 f.380
Eduardo Francisco da Costa – p.62
Elda Sousa Meneses – p.49
Eugenio Metan – p.78
Eurico Guterres – p.86 f.436, 441
Estalagem de Santiago (Baucau) – p.21
Ethno-linguistic divisions – pp.51-52, pp.89-90 f.91, 258, 454, 456
Evaristo da Costa – p.2, 34, 59, 64, 70, 71, 79, 83, 84, 87
Falintil – p.86, 98 f.405, 441
Fataluku – p.51, 52, f.256
Feliciano da Silva – p.49 f.241, 242
Feliciano Soares, sipaio – f.241, 246
Fernando Pinto – p.45, 48, 65, 72, 74, 85 f.47, 328, 371, 374, 417
Fernando Soares Amaral, cabo sipaio – p.56 f.285
Fernando Woodhomal – p.14 f.52
Filomeno Amaral – p.86
Filomeno da Cruz Miranda Branco – p.86
Flag, Indonesian – p.32, 42, 43, 54, 94, 95 f.18, 54, 222, 241
Flag, Portuguese – p.39, 50
Flamboyan(t) – f.91
Francisco da Sousa – f.184, 208, 291
Francisco Dias da Costa – p.14, 35, 36, 71
Francisco “Siko” Lopes – see Inácio …
Francisco M.X.J. de Araújo – p.14, 34, 53, 60, 61, 63, 64, 66, 70, 88, 91 f.54, 262,
265, 308, 310, 312, 323, 330, 331, 336, 430
Francisco Orlando Fátima Soares – p.31, 34, 59, 75
Francisco Ruas Hornay (Iliomar) – f.246
Francisco Torrezão – f.118, 170
Francisco Xavier do Amaral – p.1, 55 f.122, 274, 275
Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa – p.2, 32, 34, 62, 70, 75, 78, 87 f.52, 143,
152,161, 167, 265, 293, 361, 365, 408, 442, 444
Fretilin/ASDT – p.1, 77, 78, 79, 90, 92, 97, 98 f.38, 42, 55, 138, 164, 265, 370, 386,
387, 390, 401, 402, 407, 459, 476
Germano das Dores da Silva – p.14, 28, 74, 75, 84 f.17, 364, 381, 405, 417, 422,
423, 425, 427
Gerson Tom Pello – p.18, 22, 23, 24, 28, 31, 32, 39, 40, 41-42, 43, 47, 56, 58, 60, 64,
65, 71, 72, 82, 84, 92, 93, 95 f.80, 90, 96, 97, 99, 172, 187, 192, 200, 202, 209, 212,
222, 225, 226, 232, 313, 333, 366
Gervásio Soriano Aleixo – p.34, 59, 75 f.374, 430
Gonçalves Zarco NRP, vessel – p.48
Grievances, workers’ – p.8, 26
Guia de transito/marcha – p.27, f.308, 329
Guilherme da Cruz, sipaio – f.285
Guilherme Maria Gonçalves – f.401
Gunn, G.C. – p.3 f.1, 9, 72, 258, 267, 309, 330, 331, 362, 385, 424, 462 Biblio
Gunter, J. – p.3, 54 f.7, 8, 151, 179, 191, 208, 215, 241, 246, 436, 441 Biblio
Gusmão – see Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão
4

Hoho Ulu Movement – p. 35 f.166

Iliomar – p.51 f.3, 241, 246, 255, 256, 257
Inácio André Francisco Lopes (alias “Siku” Lopes) – pp.4-5, 91 f.13, 16, 17, 18, 91
Inácio Fernandes – p.33 f.152, 155
Indemnification – p.87
India N/M, vessel – p.36, 59-63, 74, 88, 94 f.297, 298, 301, 305, 311, 319, 338
Indonesia, claims – p.3, 5, 6, 7 f.335
Indonesia, consuls – p.5, 8, 10, 11, 13, 19, 20, 23, 28, 29, 31-33, 47, 55, 58, 59, 61,
64, 65, 67, 68, 74, 76, 78, 91, 95 f.17, 20
Indonesia, covert action – f.383, 469, 477
Indonesia, 1975 invasion – p.78
Irian Barat/Dutch New Guinea – p.6, 7, 71, 72, 93, 95 f.24, 461
Islam – p.56, 95 f.33, 48, 84, 281, 306, 307
Jacinto Pinto – p.42
Jaime Garcia Goulart, Bishop – p.33, 58 f.293
Januario dos Reis – p.11
Japanese collaborators – p.4 f.15, 16
Japanese occupation – f.22, 45, 121, 236, 458
Jeremias Toan Pello – p.23, 28, 30, 40, 41, 43,47, 58, 60, 64, 65, 71, 82, 84, 85, 92,
93, 95 f.18, 80, 90, 99, 138, 187, 232, 333, 366, 433
Jezkial Folla – p.23, 40, 41, 43, 44, 82 f.99, 186, 187, 195, 205,209
João da Cruz Hornay – see Dom João …
João Baptista, sipaio – f.246
João Henrique (Luca) – f.41
João Henrique (Uatolari) – p.50
João Henriques (Ossu) – f.248
João Hermenegildo da Costa –p.43 f.204
João Lisboa – p.42, 74 f.47, 328, 430
João Mariano, sipaio – p.49, 50 f.246
João Martins Corbafo – f.385
João Pereira da Silva – p.13, 14, 28, 30, 31, 34, 59, 65, 72, 74, 75, 77, 78 f.42, 55,
138, 365, 374, 385, 386, 395, 430
João Soares – p.49, 56 f.242
Joaquim dos Santos/Silva – p. 71 f.430
Joaquim Osório – f.388
Joaquim Pereira da Silva – p.58 f.208, 212, 249, 291
Joaquim Ferreira – p.14, 37, 38, 64, 65, 72, 74, 82, 84, 86 f.47, 205, 328, 374, 417,
422
Joaquim Trinidade – p.57 f.287
Jobert Moniaga – p.18, 23, 40, 46, 47, 55, 58, 67, 93, 95 f.80, 83, 99, 187, 198, 222,
223, 224, 226, 344, 460
Jorge Barros Duarte – p.33 f.166
Jorge Anselmo Maher – p.74
José Beny Joaquim – p.14, 34, 59
José dos Santos Ricardo – p.20 f.91
José E.C. de Serra Frazão – p.47, 50, 51 f.228
José Fernando Osório Soares – f.378, 388, 401, 402
José Manuel Duarte – p.13, 27, 28, 39, 40, 41, 43, 46, 48, 54, 56, 59, 68, 70, 71, 74,
75, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 86, 87 f.18, 20, 37, 47, 49, 51, 80, 115, 120, 122, 123, 151,
 5

187, 197, 198, 200, 201, 205, 213, 217, 219, 221, 226, 271, 272, 279, 289, 305, 308,
328, 354, 388, 405, 412, 413, 416, 417, 418, 422, 423, 427 Biblio
José Maria Esposito Maia – p.35 f.430
José Maria Ribeiro Filipe – p.37, 43, 50 f.105, 169, 171, 206, 240
José Martins – f.89, 385
José Ramos de Sousa Gama (Zeca) – p.15, 28, 34, 37, 59, 72 f.372, 374, 430
José Ramos-Horta – p.90, f.15, 388 Biblio
José Sarmento – p.74, 82, 84 f.417, 422
José Soares – p.56 f.430
Juman bin Bachirum – p.60, 72, 84, 85, 87, 99 f.61, 307, 422
Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão – p.90 f.121, 370, 455, 479 Biblio
Kisar – p.25 f.30
Kotadia – p.16 f.68, 92
Lambertus Ladow – p.18, 19, 28, 31, 32, 60, 64, 71, 92, 93 f.79, 83, 90, 325, 327,
431, 460
Land disputes – p.52, 77, 78, 79, 90 f.260, 450
Laurentino António Pires – f.291
Lautém – p.25, 51, 54 f.107
Leki Loic – p.56
Leki Rubic/Leque Rubic – p.42, 50
Leopoldo Lasut, Consul – p.5, 10, 11, 13 f.20
Lisboa Santos, Dr – p.25 f.81
Lospalos – p.15, 25, 47, 66, 76 f.257, 258
Lospalos Uprising 1945-49 – p.76, f.392
Lourenço (Baguia) – p.50 f.248
Lourenço Marques – p.62 f.305, 459
Lourenço Rodrigues Pereira – p.85, 87 f.417, 422
Luís da Costa Rego – p.13, 14, 28, 30, 31, 32, 34, 59, 65, 72, 74 f.56, 139, 374, 442
Luís Soares da Costa Nunes – p.74
Lusotropicalismo – f.121 Biblio
Makalero – p.51, 52 f.256
Makassae – p.52, 89, 90 f.211, 230, 259, 260, 450
Malay/s – p.5, 8 f.22, 33
Manado/Menado – p.18, 21, 40, 67 f.20, 60, 72, 80, 99
Manuel A.C. de Aguiar, Lt Col – p.24, 34, 58 f.103
Manuel Alves – p.84
Manuel da Silva (Mau Teco) - f.430
Manuel Damas – Annex E
Manuel de Freitas – Annex E
Manuel João Fajardo, Captain – p.45, 46, 47, 51
Manuel Macedo – p.83
Manuel Pinto – p.41, 56
Manuel Rodrigues Alin/m – p.72, 74, 84 f.374
Manuel Vieira de Câmara Junior – p.35 f.305, 311, 319
Manuel Vladimiro Osório Soares – p.73 f.378
Mao Klao (M.S.A. Balikh/Alamsyah Hasibuan) – f.477
Marcelino Guterres – p.11, 22, 23, 47, 84, 96, 97 f.38, 40-43, 91, 96, 97, 144, 225,
416, 429, 473, 474
Mari Alkatiri – p.78, 90 f.402
Mário Ferreira da Costa (PIDE) – p.66
6

Mário/Maria José Henriques Martins – f.143, 430

Mário Viegas Carrascalão – p.77 f.399
Mário Soares, President – p.80
Martinho da Costa Lopes, Msgr – p.40, 47, 48, 57, 58, 91 f.117, 168, 190, 232, 242,
249, 289, 292
Martinho Fernandes – p.85 f.435
Mascarenhas Ingles – f.175, 291
Mateus Sarmento Loyola Jordão de Araújo – p.46, 65, 84 f.47, 328, 443
Matias Guterres de Sousa – f.308
Mau Brani – f.472
Mau Rubik – p.41
Medals – p.84, 85 f.156, 417, 431, 432, 441
Memorandum – Amaro L.J. Araújo et al (1960 – booklets 1974, 2005): p. 12, 49, 50,
64, 70 f.47, 115, 118, 139, 242, 244 Biblio
Memorandum – Frederico da Costa (1960): p.32 f.146, 161, 278, 317
Memorandum – José Manuel Duarte (1960): p.80 f.51, 115, 120, 122
Memorandum - José Manuel Duarte (1994): f. 280, 308, 413
Memorial (Bebui River) – p.80, 89 f.449
Menezes F.X.A.S. de – p.37 f.170
Menzies R.G., Prime Minister – f.94, 95
Mestiço/mestizo – p.8 f.33
Miguel da Costa Amaral (Uma Ki’ic) – p.49 f.242
Miguel da Costa Soares, régulo – p.49 f.242
Miguel Pinto – p.74, 84 f.430
Militia - “59/75” – p.85, 86 f.435
Militia – Makikit – p.85, 86 f.435
Moluccas, Republic of South (RMS) – p.7, f.30, 71, 107
Moradores – p.37, 38, 41, 43 f.128, 351
Mohammad Yamin – p.5, 6 f.21, 23, 25
Monumen Seroja (Jakarta) – p.88, 89
Monument (Viqueque) – p.81, 82 f.428
Mormugão (Goa) – p.60, 62
Movimento Anti-Comunista – p.77
Movimento de Aileu – p.35, f.162, 167
Mozambique – p.36, 55, 62, 64, 69, 70, 71, 72, 74, 76, 77, 79, 80, 88, 89 f.87, 102,
297, 305, 360, 361, 380, 410
Mu Then Siong (Celestino Peter Guterres – p.13, 62, 67 f.48, 200, 377
Naha-Leque – p.49 f.241, 242
Naueti – p.51, 52, 78, 89, 90, 91 f.211, 220, 256, 259, 260, 450
Nazwar Jacub Sutan Indra, Consul – p.19, 20, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 59, 77, 95, 96
f.84, 85, 126, 137
Negara Timor Raya – f.471
Nicodemus dos Reis Amaral – p.74 f.405, 417
Nicolau dos Reis Lobato – p.92 f.459, 479
Nova Lisboa (Angola) – p.62, 63 f.321
Nusa Tenggara (Timor) – p.16, 18, 70 f.65, 71
Oecusse – p.17, 18, 67, 89, 93 f.77 ,380
Óscar Ruas, Governor – f.388
Pantaleão – p.33 f.154
Paul Waragea – p.48
 7

Paulo da Conceição Castro – p.14, pp.35-36 f.163-168, 430

Paulo da Silva – f.430
Paulo da Silva (Makadiki) – p.46 f.223
Paulo Soares Amaral – Annex E
Pedro José Lobo, Dr – p.61 f.310
Pedro Soares (Baguia) – f.248
Pélissier, R. – f 1 Biblio.
Permesta Movement – pp.15-16 f.59, 60 63, 64, 65, 68, 70-72
Peter Rohi – p.2, 92 f.12, f.37 Biblio
PIDE – p.9, 63, 65, 66, 71, 72, 74, 79, 83 f.9, 36, 47, 54, 120, 191, 263, 291, 329,
339, 340, 357, 374
Policarpo Soares - f.175
Popular Consultation 1999 – p.85, 86, 89
Population census 1950 – f.33
Portuguese-Indonesia Friendship Association – p.83 f.425
Pousada de Baucau – p.21 f.91
Rebels – numbers: p.64, 87-88
Rebels – plan: p.31, 35
Rebels – weapons: p.41, 46 f.197
Rebels – casualties: p.50, 54-57
Republic of the South Moluccas – see Moluccas
Revolt – Lospalos, 1945-1949 – p.76 f.392
Revolt – Same, 1935 – f.1
Saleh bin Ahmad Bassarewan – p.34, 60, 85 f.307, 416, 417, 421, 422, 432
Salem bin Musalam Sagran – p.2, 13, 30, 60, 67, 70, 72, 83, 85, 87, 91 f.17, 18, 48,
52, 143, 152, 161, 167, 265, 293, 361, 368, 377, 408, 417, 422, 423, 427, 442 Biblio
Saul Nunes Catarino – p.58 f.295
Segunda Linha – p.68 f.210, 351
Seroja Monument – see Monumen
Serpa Rosa – see César
Serpa Soares, Lt Col – f.103
Silva Porto – p.63, 70, 71 f.57, 90, 372-374
Silvestre Martins Nai Buti (Seço) – f.383, 477
Singapore – p.7, 60, 61, 62, 94
Sipaio – f.113, 114
Soeharto – p.80 f.425
Subandrio – f.25
Sukarno – p.5, 6, 10, 11, 15, 16, 22, 61, 64, 65, 94 f.22, 38, 43, 68, 95, 97, 221, 334
Sumual, Lt Col – p. 15 f.59, 63, 72
Taur Matan Ruak, Brigadier-General – Preface
Tengku Usman Hussin, Consul – p.21, 30, 67, 68 f.134, 137, 301
Thomas Cabo Sipaio – p.49, f.212, 241
Tomaz da Costa Belo – p.34
Tomé Leal/Amaral (Uaitame) – p.46, 56
Tomodok, E.M., Consul – f.382, 385, 415
Trabalhista – f.386
Uato-Carabau – p.24, 25, 31, 36, 39, 43-52, 58, 65, 70, 72, 76, 77, 86, 90, 91, 98, 99
f.47, 184, 197, 208, 212, 241, 246, 249, 256, 259, 280, 283, 291, 295, 417
8

Uatolari – p.15, 23, 24, 25, 31, 36, 37, 39-58, 70, 73, 76, 77, 81, 86, 89, 90, 91, 94,
96, 98 f.47, 99, 118, 172, 174, 175, 182, 183, 184, 186, 190, 197, 198, 201, 221, 222,
241, 22, 256, 259, 260, 280, 285, 286, 295, 405, 406, 441, 450-454, 456
União Democrática Timorense (UDT) – p.77, 78 f.260, 370, 386, 390, 393, 401, 476
União, sporting club – p.67 f.370
Uni Republik Timor – Dilly (URT-D) – p.95, 96 f.3, 472, 477
United Kingdom – f.94
United Nations – p.7, 66, 90, 95 f.431, 459
United States – p.30, 93 f.95, 105, 129, 136, 240
UNTAET – p.89
Usman bin Manduli Loly Sangaji – p.60, 84 f.417
Valentim da Costa Pereira – p.34, 59, 74
Venancio da Costa Soares – p.74, 83 f.374, 426
Vicente de Jesus Vidigal da Cunha – p.71 f.143
Vicente Marques Soares – p.2 f.6 Biblio
Vicente Soares – p.56 f.282
Viqueque:
Conditions – pp.25-28
Population/languages – f.259
Rebellion – pp.36-51
Vital Ximenes – p.75, 84 f.365, 386, 387, 430
West Irian – see Irian Barat
Z Special Unit – f.264, 458
Zeferino dos Reis Amaral – p.38, 56 f.172, 176