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Soybeans: Chemistry, Production, Processing, and Utilization

Soybeans: Chemistry, Production, Processing, and Utilization

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Soybeans: Chemistry, Production, Processing, and Utilization

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Aug 8, 2015
ISBN:
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This comprehensive new soybean reference book disseminates key soybean information to “drive success for soybeans via 23 concise chapters covering all aspects of soybeans--from genetics, breeding and quality to post-harvest management, marketing and utilization (food and energy applications), U.S. domestic versus foreign practices and production methods.
  • The most complete and authoritative book on soybeans
  • Features internationally recognized authors in the 21-chapter book
  • Offers sufficient depth to meet the needs of experts in the subject matter, as well as individuals with basic knowledge of the topic
Herausgeber:
Freigegeben:
Aug 8, 2015
ISBN:
9780128043523
Format:
Buch

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Preface

We are pleased to offer to students, researchers, industry practitioners, and all who are interested in the world’s most versatile crop, the most complete and authoritarian book on soybeans: Soybeans: Chemistry, Production, Processing and Utilization. This is one of several books comprising the AOCS Monograph Series on Oilseeds published by AOCS Press of the American Oil Chemists’ Society, which provides the latest and most comprehensive information on plant sources of fats, oils and protein meals of vital importance in feeding the world and providing the many biobased products we consume every day.

Ancient Chinese literature provides ample evidence that soybean was one of the first plants to be domesticated and cultivated for food. Today, soybeans are recognized to provide sources of functional foods and food ingredients with potential health benefits, possibly playing roles in preventing cardiovascular disease and cancer protection qualities. Soybeans are grown for both oil and protein. Indeed, no other widely grown crop is more versatile in providing food, feed, fuel, and biobased products. With energy prices again on the rise, soybeans will become even more important in providing the fuels and industrial products so important to maintaining our lifestyles. With soybeans, modern agriculture can indeed deliver both food and fuel. The advent of renewable fuels has radically altered how we use soybeans from just five years ago and the present book will bring the reader up to date with these and other major changes. Probably no other crop has been studied as much as soybeans and this book attempts to summarize that knowledge base. Soybeans are often referred to as the miracle crop, and if you doubt this notion, we think you will become convinced once reading this book.

We strove to make this book as complete as possible, with ample references to assist the reader in finding additional information on a particular topic. No other book focuses on all aspects of the soybean. We modeled some chapters after those included in The Practical Handbook of Soybeans, edited by David R. Erickson and published in 1995 by the AOCS Press. The present book was intended to be the one-stop reference on soybeans, providing information with broad appeal, yet with sufficient depth to meet the needs of both experts in the subject matter as well as individuals with cursory knowledge of the topic.

As we considered who should contribute to this book, we chose the most internationally recognized authorities on each chapter topic. Much to our surprise and relief, all our first choices for chapter authors enthusiastically agreed to assist with this project, for which we are very grateful. All chapters underwent multiple reviews. We gratefully acknowledge these authorities, noted on following pages, for their timely and rigorous reviews that made this book better. All our chapter contributors and reviewers aim to provide the most accurate and complete information to our readers.

Lastly, we are grateful to AOCS staff, especially Jodey Schonfeld and Brock Peoples, who guided the authors through the process, kept the editors on track and worked very hard to make this book a success.

Lawrence A. Johnson, Pamela J. White and Richard Galloway

1

The History of the Soybean

Theodore Hymowitz,     Department of Crop Sciences, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, IL 61801

Introduction

The soybean [Glycine max (L.) Merr.], together with wheat [Triticum aestivum L.], maize [Zea mays L.], rice [Oryza sativa L.], barley [Hordeum vulgare L.], sugarcane [Saccharum officinarum L.], sorghum [sorghum bicolor (L.) Moench], potato [Solanum tuberosum L.], oats [Avena sativa L.], cassava [Manihot esculenta Crantz], sweet potato [Ipomoea batatas (L.) Lam.], and sugar beet [Beta vulgaris L.], are the principal food plants for humans (Harlan, 1992; Kasmakoglu, 2004).

Of the food plants, the soybean is unique in that the traditional foods in Asia made from the soybean (e.g., tofu, miso, and soy sauce) bear no semblance to or association with the crop growing in the field. The word soy comes from the Japanese word shoyu and first appeared in a Japanese dictionary published in 1597 (Shurtleff & Aoyagi, 1983). The popularity of tofu (bean curd) in China took place during the latter half of the Song Dynasty (960–1279 ce) (Shinoda, 1971). Miso is fermented soybean paste that originated in China around the first century bce. Today, Westerners refer to it by its Japanese name (Shurtleff & Aoyagi, 1983). The Chinese word for soy sauce is jiang-you. Supposedly, it originated prior to the Zhou Dynasty (before 211 bce) (Shurtleff & Aoyagi, 1983).

In the West, the two main products of the soybean are seed oil and the protein-containing meal. Soybean seeds contain 18–23% oil and 38–44% protein on a moisture-free basis. The oil is converted to margarine, mayonnaise, shortening, salad oils, and salad dressings. The meal is used primarily as a source of high-protein feeds for the production of pork, poultry, eggs, fish, beef, and milk. The soybean protein also is used in the form of protein concentrates and isolates, and texturized protein for human consumption (Hymowitz & Newell, 1981). Today, soy is taken for granted without appreciable forethought as to by whom, when, where, and how the soybean was domesticated in China for human use; by whom and when the soybean was disseminated throughout the world; and where the wild relatives of the soybean are and can they be exploited for the development of improved cultivars (Hymowitz, 2004). Unfortunately, the popular literature concerned with the historical development of the soybean is fraught with errors and misconceptions that keep recycling from one publication or Web site to another without proper documentation (Hymowitz & Shurtleff, 2005).

In the past, studies on the domestication of the soybean were extremely difficult for two main reasons: i) the soybean is autochthonous to the Orient, where Western scientists were at a linguistic disadvantage with respect to historical records. However, in the past 40 years, classical Chinese works were translated into English; establishment of international soybean symposia (e.g., the World Soybean Congress) enables Chinese and Western academicians interested in soybean history to meet and discuss common issues on a regular basis; and lastly, molecular studies on soybean germplasm resources are beginning to answer questions that were not asked previously; and ii) many libraries were loathe to permit research scholars to handle fragile pages of archived manuscripts, books, and newspapers. However, today commercial companies scan and digitize many key documents and place them on the Internet, and these documents are available on commercial and public Web sites, especially at large research institutions.

This chapter attempts to combine information from many disciplines to establish a solid foundation for understanding the history of the soybean.

The Genus Glycine and its Immediate Allies

The genus Glycine Willd. is a member of the family Fabaceae/Leguminosae, subfamily Papilionoideae, and tribe Phaseoleae. The Phaseoleae is the most economically important tribe. It contains members that have considerable importance as sources of food and feed, for example, Glycine max—soybean; Cajanus cajan (L.) Millsp.—pigeon pea; Lablab purpureus (L.) Sweet—hyacinth bean; Phaseolus spp.—common bean, lima bean, tepary bean; Psophocarpus tetragonolobus (L.) DC.—winged bean; and Vigna spp.—azuki bean, cow pea, and Bambarra groundnut (Hymowitz & Singh, 1987).

Within the tribe Phaseoleae, Lackey (1977a) recognized 16 genera of the subtribe Glycininae, which he subdivided into two groups, Glycine and Shutaria, based upon morphological alliances. The Glycine group is distributed in the Old World with the exception of Teramnus, which has a pantropical distribution. The Shuteria group represents all of the other Glycininae. Polhill (1994) transferred Calopogonium and Pachyrhizus from the subtribe Diocleinae sensu Lackey (1977a) to Glycininae and reorganized 18 genera within Glycininae (see Table 1.1.).

Table 1.1

Genera, Number of Species, 2n Number, and Geographical Distribution in the Sub-tribe Glycininaea

aAdapted from Lackey (1977a) and Polhill (1994).

Lee and Hymowitz (2001) studied the phylogenetic relationships among 13 genera of the subtribe Glycininae inferred from chloroplast DNA rps16 intron sequence variation. Phylogenies estimated using parsimony and neighbor-joining methods revealed that: (a) the genera Teramnus and Amphicarpea are closely related to Glycine and (b) the genus Pueraria regarded as closely related to the genus Glycine is not monophyletic and should be divided into at least four genera, an idea previously supported by Lackey (1977a).

Pueraria montana var. lobata (Willd.) Maesen and A.M. Almeida (ILDIS, 2006) commonly is known as kudzu. These days it thrives as a weed throughout the southeastern part of the United States. Kudzu also acts as an alternate host for the economically important pathogen Phakopsora pachyrhizi Syd. The fungal pathogen known as soybean rust over winters on kudzu in frost-free environments along the U.S. Gulf Coast. It was first identified in the continental United States in 2004. Soybeans are very susceptible to soybean rust and, if infected and left untreated, the plants quickly defoliate and die. How much damage will occur to the soybean crop in the future by the pathogen is uncertain.

The Taxonomic History of the Genus Glycine

Glycine has a confused taxonomic history, which dates back to the time of its first inception. The name Glycine was originally introduced by Linnaeus in the first edition of his Genera Plantarum (Linnaeus, 1737), and is based on Apios of Boerhaave (Linnaeus, 1754). Glycine is derived from the Greek glykys (sweet) and probably refers to the sweetness of the edible tubers produced by G. apios L. (Henderson, 1881), now Apios americana Medik. In the Species Plantarum of 1753, Linnaeus listed eight Glycine spp. (Table 1.2.). All of these were subsequently moved to other genera, although G. javanica remained as the lectotype for the genus until 1966 (Hitchcock and Green, 1947). Thus, when G. apios became A. americana, the original justification for the name Glycine was removed from the genus. Therefore, the Greek glykys does not refer to any of the current Glycine species (Hymowitz & Singh, 1987).

Table 1.2

The Species of Glycine According to Linnaeus (1753) and Their Subsequent Classificationa

aAdapted from Hymowitz and Singh (1987) and Lackey (1977b).

The cultivated soybean was described by Linnaeus in 1753 as both Phaseolus max, based on specimens that he saw, and Dolichos soja, which he compiled from the descriptions of other writers. Later this gave rise to a great deal of confusion concerning the correct nomenclature of the soybean. Linnaeus apparently had the soybean in mind when he described D. soja, but, although P. max was based on actual specimens of the soybean, Linnaeus apparently intended the name to apply to the mung bean of India (Piper, 1914; Piper & Morse, 1923). It was not until several years later that he obtained seed of D. soja and grew the plants at Uppsala, Sweden. Only then was he able to see that P. max and D. soja were the same plant and that the mung bean was still without a name. Thus, in Mantissa Plantarum published in 1767, Linnaeus described the mung bean for the first time under P. mungo (Hymowitz & Newell, 1981).

Since then, the correct nomenclature for the soybean has been the subject of much debate (Lawrence, 1949; Paclt, 1949; Piper, 1914; Piper & Morse, 1923; Ricker & Morse, 1948). Currently the combination G. max proposed by Merrill in 1917 is widely accepted as the valid designation for the soybean.

According to Bentham, by the time of De Candolle’s Prodromus in 1825, "the genera Glycine and Dolichos had become the receptacle for all the Phaseoleae, which had no striking character to distinguish them" (Bentham, 1865). This led to an enormous proliferation of species attributed to Glycine, such that 286 species were eventually listed in Index Kewensis, with additional subspecies and taxonomic varieties bringing the total to 323 (Hermann, 1962). Bentham arranged the genus into three sections containing 11 species (Bentham, 1864, 1865): Leptolobium that comprised six species of Australian origin; Johnia that included G. javanica, the sole remaining Linnaean species of African and Asian origin; and Soja that included the cultivated soybean.

Hermann (1962) published a revision of the genus Glycine and its allies. He brought together the pertinent literature on Glycine nomenclature and listed those species that were published as Glycine in the past but later were excluded from the genus. According to his classification, Glycine consists of three subgenera: (i) Leptocyamus (Benth.) F.J. Herm., which includes six primarily Australian species; (ii) Glycine; and (iii) Soja (Moench) F.J. Herm., composed of the soybean and its wild annual counterpart described as G. ussuriensis by Regel and Maack (1861). In addition, Hermann found that name changes had to be made because of earlier homonyms. Thus, G. sericea became G. canescens, G. tomentosa became G. tomentella, and variety latifolia of G. tabacina was no longer considered distinct (Hymowitz & Singh, 1987).

Further revision became necessary when Verdcourt (1966) chanced to examine Linnaeus’s specimen of G. javanica during the preparation of Flora of Tropical East Africa. He discovered that the type specimen was not G. javanica but rather a Pueraria with an abnormal inflorescence. To avoid major alterations in nomenclature of economically important legume genera, Verdcourt proposed that the name Glycine be conserved from a later author, Willdenow (1802), and that G. clandestina should become the type for the genus. Thus, the original type specimen became a synonym of Pueraria montana (Lour.) Merr. However, all those plants previously regarded as G. javanica L. were thus without a name, and for these Verdcourt adopted the name G. wightii (R. Grah. Ex Wight and Arn.) Verdc. Verdcourt also altered the subgeneric names to reflect the change in type. In addition, Verdcourt apparently overlooked the possibility that Soja Moench (1794) had priority over Willdenow (1802). Therefore, Lackey (1977b) proposed to conserve the generic name Glycine Willdenow over Soja Moench.

In 1970, Verdcourt proposed that G. soja is the valid designation of the wild annual relative of the soybean since Siebold and Zuccarini described it in 1846 as a new species and not based on D. soja L. Therefore, G. soja predates G. ussuriensis Regal and Maack of 1861 (Verdcourt, 1970).

In 1977, Lackey proposed the removal of G. wightii from the genus and suggested a new designation Neonotonia wightii (R. Grah. Ex Wight and Arn.) Lackey (Lackey, 1977a, 1977b). Thus, the last Linnaean Glycine was removed from the genus.

Since 1976, plant taxonomists have described 17 additional perennial Glycine species. This was due primarily to extensive plant exploration activities undertaken by U.S. and Australian scientists (e.g., Anonymous, 1988; Brown et al., 2002; Brown et al. 1985; Hymowitz, 1982, 1989, 1998; Hymowitz & Newell, 1981; Newell, 1981; Pfeil & Craven, 2002; Pfeil et al., 2001, 2006; Tindale, 1984, 1986a, 1986b; Tindale & Craven, 1988, 1993).

The genus Glycine Willd., as currently delimited, is divided into two subgenera Glycine and Soja (Moench) F.J. Herm. (Table 1.3.). The subgenus Glycine comprises 23 wild perennial species. The subgenus Soja includes the cultigen G. max (L.) Merr. and its annual wild counterpart, G. soja Sieb and Zucc. Hymowitz (2004) and Hymowitz and Singh (1987) presented tables showing the evolution of Glycine nomenclature.

Table 1.3

The Genus Glycine, 3-Letter Code, 2n Number, Genome, and Distributiona

aAdapted from Hymowitz (2004) and Pfeil et al. (2006).

Various breeding programs (Stalker, 1980) have effectively employed wild relatives of crop plants as sources of genetic diversity. From a taxonomic point of view the 23 perennial members of the subgenus Glycine are candidates for gene exchange with the soybean and therefore potentially useful for broadening the germplasm base of the crop (Hymowitz, 1998). For example, investigations show that the wild perennial Glycine species carry resistance to diseases such as soybean rust (Phakopsora pachyrhizi Sydow) (Schoen et al., 1992), soybean brown spot (Septoria glycines Hemmi.) (Lim & Hymowitz, 1987), powdery mildew (Microsphaera diffusa Cke. and Pk.) (Mignucci & Chamberlain, 1978), phytophthora root rot (Phytophthora sojae H.J. Kaufmann and J.W. Gerdemann (Kenworthy, 1989), white mold (Sclerotinia sclerotiorum L.b. De Bary) (Hartman et al. 2000), sudden death syndrome [(Fusarium solani (Mart.) Sacc.)] (Hartman et al., 2000), tobacco ringspot (Orellana, 1981), yellow mosaic virus (Singh et al., 1974), alfalfa mosaic virus (Horlock et al., 1997), and soybean cyst nematode (Heterodera glycines Ichinohe) (Riggs et al., 1998). The wild perennial Glycine species are tolerant to certain herbicides (Loux et al., 1987; Hart et al., 1988), salt-tolerant (Hymowitz et al., 1987) and lacking the Bowman-Birk Inhibitor (Domagalski et al., 1992) the p34 allergen (Joseph et al., 2006), and lectin (Mettu et al., 1995). The Bowman-Birk Inhibitor, the p34 allergen, and lectin are biologically active components of seed within the Glycine species.

Thus far, only Singh et al. (1990, 1993) have reported successful backcrossed-derived fertile progeny from the soybean and a wild perennial relative, G. tomentella.

Geographical Origin of the Genus Glycine

"The base number for Phaseoleae is almost certainly x = 11, which is also probably basic in all tribes" (Goldblatt, 1981). Goldblatt also pointed out that aneuploid reduction (x = 10) is prevalent throughout the Papilionoideae. Previously, Darlington and Wylie (1955) proposed that an x = 10 basic chromosome number for the cultivated soybean. Based upon the above views and on recent taxonomic, cytological and molecular systematics research on the genus Glycine and allied genera, a putative ancestor of the genus Glycine with 2n = 20 arose in Southeast Asia (Kumar & Hymowitz, 1989; Lee & Hymowitz, 2001; Singh & Hymowitz, 1999; Singh et al., 2001). However, such a progenitor is either extinct or yet to be collected and identified in Southeast Asia (Fig. 1.1).

Fig. 1.1 Geographical origin of the genus Glycine. Adapted from Hymowitz, 2004.

Singh et al. (2001) assume that the path of migration northward (Fig. 1.1) from the ancestral region to China from a common progenitor is: wild perennial (2n = 4x = 40, unknown or extinct) → wild annual (2n = 4x = 40; G. soja) → soybean (2n = 4x = 40; G. max, cultigen). All of the Glycine species studied by Singh and Hymowitz (1985a) exhibited diploid-like meiosis, are primarily inbreeders, and produce cleistogamous seed.

Allopolyploidization (interspecific hybridization followed by chromosome doubling) via unreduced gametes probably played a major role in the speciation of the genus Glycine. This assumption infers that the 40-chromosome Glycine species and the 80-chromosome G. tabacina, G. tomentella, and G. hirticaulis are tetraploid and octoploid, respectively. The expression of four rDNA loci in G. curvata and G. cyrtoloba (Singh et al., 2001) strongly supports a hypothesis of allotetraploid origin that was originally proposed on the basis of cytogenetic evidence (Singh & Hymowitz, 1985a, 1985b; Xu et al., 2000) and molecular studies (Lee & Verma, 1984; Shoemaker et al., 1996).

Hymowitz et al. (1990), based upon cytogenetic studies, hypothesized that the disjunct allopolyploid distribution of G. tabacina and G. tomentella between Australia and the islands of the west-central Pacific region was due to long-distance dispersal by migrating shore birds. That hypothesis was verified by Doyle et al. (1990a, 1990b) who examined chloroplast DNA and histone H3-D polymorphism patterns within the G. tabacina polyploidy complex.

Domestication of the Soybean

The farmers of China domesticated the soybean. Linguistic, geographical, and historical evidence suggest that the soybean emerged as a domesticate during the Zhou Dynasty (ca. 1125 to 256 bce) in the eastern half of north China. Domestication is a process of trial and error and not a time-datable event. In the case of the soybean, this process probably took place during the Shang Dynasty (ca. 1766 to ca. 1125 bce) (Bray, 1984; Ho 1969, 1975; Hymowitz, 1970; Hymowitz & Newell, 1980). The movement of the soybean land races within China is associated with the development and consolidation of territories and the degeneration of Chinese dynasties (Ho, 1969). In addition, the new dynasties arose either in the north or northwest China. Thus, the movement of people and cultivated plants in China primarily was from the north to the south.

Unfortunately, soybean historical literature and soybean-associated Internet Web sites are replete with factual errors. The misinformation keeps recycling from one publication or Web site to another without documentation. Attempts to correct these errors are met with stiff resistance (Hymowitz & Shurtleff, 2005). Apparently, myths and legends make better stories than the truth; for example, Morse (1950) reported that the first written record of the soybean is in the book Pen Ts’ao Kong Mu, which is a description of plants of China by Emperor Shennong in 2838 bce. According to Chinese mythology, Emperor Shennong was the Father of Agriculture, the God of Wind, and the Patron of Pharmacists. Supposedly, Shennong taught his subjects how to use the plow and sow grain, and he kept people healthy by prescribing for their ailments natural herbs that had medicinal value. He is often portrayed having the head of an ox and the body of a man. No fewer than six different years (i.e., 2838, 2828, 2737, 2700, 2448, and 2383 bce) are calculated as the publication date for Shennong’s book (Hymowitz, 1970).

We must dispel the enchanting myths about Emperor Shennong because they appear to be fabrications of ethnocentric Han historians (Western Han Dynasty: 206 bce–24 ce; Eastern Han Dynasty 25 bce–220 ce), as is the emperor himself. For example, none of Professor Ho’s carefully documented works mentions Shennong (Ho, 1969, 1975). In discussing the antiquity of the soybean, Ho comments that the beginnings of the domestication of the soybean may never be exactly known. We know only that the plant was probably first domesticated successfully in the eastern half of North China, probably not too much earlier than the eleventh century B.C.

Hymowitz and Shurtleff (2005) traced the origin of the Emperor Shennong soybean myth in the English language. The earliest citation seen was by Wells (1861). He referred to Shennong as the fabled farmer of agriculture. However, he did not link Shennong to the soybean. Rein (1889) noted that Shennong spread the practice of agriculture about the year 2700 bce. This is the earliest English document suggesting that the soybean was one of the five major crops of China. The connection between the soybean and Shennong traced back to the 1893 publication of Breschneider’s classical book on Chinese botany. Within the past 110 years, a great deal of archaeological, historical, and ethnobotanical research has debunked the authenticity of the Emperor Shennong, the date of his reign, and his relationship to the soybean. Amazingly, the myth of Emperor Shennong is erroneously cited in the soybean literature as a fact. In addition, statements such as the soybean is one of the oldest cultivated crops or it has been cultivated for over 5000 years are incorrect (Hymowitz & Shurtleff, 2005).

Dissemination of the Soybean

The history of the dissemination of the soybean is, of course, only partially known. We must recognize that it is not uncommon for traders, travelers, emissaries, and government officials to leave few or no records. Then again, it is foolish to believe that a certain plant can be introduced into a new area only once and then only by a certain route (Ho, 1955).

From about the first century A.D. to the Age of Discovery (fifteenth–seventeenth century A.D.), soybeans were introduced into many Asian countries with land races eventually developing in Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, Myanmar, Nepal, North India, Philippines, Thailand, and Vietnam. These regions compose a secondary gene center. The movement of the soybean throughout the period was due to the establishment of sea and land trade routes, for example, the Silk Road (Boulnois, 1966); the migration of certain tribes from China, for example, the Thais (Prince Dhaninavat, 1961); and the rapid acceptance of the seeds as a staple food by other cultures, for example, the Indonesians (Hymowitz, 1990; Hymowitz & Newell, 1980).

Soybean seed protein extracts from over 2,000 accessions obtained from 16 Asian countries or regions were analyzed by polyacrylamide gel electrophoresis (Hymowitz and Kaizuma, 1979, 1981) to determine the allelic distribution of the Kunitz trypsin inhibitor and β-amylase. By combining the frequency of the alleles in various populations with available historical, agronomic and biogeographical literature, they developed hypotheses concerning the dissemination of the soybean from China (the primary gene center) to other countries or regions in Asia (the secondary gene centers). The dissemination concept was based partly upon the pioneer studies of Nagata (1960), who used primarily physiological and morphological data to point out possible paths of dissemination of the soybean from China to the rest of Asia.

The suggested paths of dissemination of the soybean from the eastern half of north China to other regions in Asia are shown in Figure 1.2 and summarized below:

Fig. 1.2 Paths of migration of the soybean from China. Adapted from Hymowitz and Kaizuma (1979; 1981).

1. The soybeans grown in the former U.S.S.R. (Asia) came from Northeast China.

2. The soybeans grown in Korea are derived from two or three possible sources—Northeast China, North China, and the introduction of soybeans from Japan especially in the southern part of Korea.

3. The soybeans grown in Japan were derived from the intermingling of two possible sources of germplasm—Korea and Central China. The first points of contact were probably in Kyushu, and from there the soybean moved slowly northward to Hokkaido. In addition, the soybean moved southward from Kyushu to the Ryukyu Islands, where they came in contact with the soybeans moving northward from Taiwan. The earliest Japanese reference to the soybean is in KoJiKi or Records of Ancient Matters, which was published in 712 ce (Chamberlain, 1906).

4. The soybeans originally grown in Taiwan came from Coastal China.

5. The germplasm source for the soybeans grown in Southeast Asia is Central and South China.

6. The soybeans grown in the northern half of the Indo-Pakistan subcontinent came from Central China.

7. The soybeans grown in Central India were introduced from Japan, South China, and Southeast Asia.

Early Western Knowledge of the Soybean

Pre-Marco Polo

According to Harlan (1992), On the whole, Far Eastern agriculture may be characterized as introverted with very little dispersal until well into modern historical times, and many crops did not move out until the arrival of European shipping in the late fifteenth century and early sixteenth century A.D. However, some exceptions existed; for example, Greek Theophrastus (370 to ca 295 bce) described rice (Hort, 1919). According to Laufer (1919), silk dealers may have transmitted the peach and the apricot, first to Iran (in the second or first century bce) and then to Greece and Rome (in the first century ce).

In the first two centuries of the Common Era exploration by land in Asia was very slow and in one direction. Chinese goods, such as silk, reached the West but in limited quantities. The declining Roman Empire and the early Byzantine Empire saw very little exploration take place except for the opening up of the Silk Road north of the Caspian Sea. The Silk Road was not a single road. Rather, it was an interconnected series of ancient trade routes through the Asian continent linking Xi’an, China, with Asia minor (Turkey) (Boulnois, 1966). The rise of Islam in the seventh century made travel from Europe to Asia via land routes very dangerous. Thus, this period of time (eighth to fifteenth centuries) is described as a period of scientific stagnation in Europe (Cary & Warmington, 1929; Wright, 1925).

Marco Polo Era (Thirteenth to Fifteenth Centuries ce)

We must consider Marco Polo (Sept. 15, 1254–Jan. 8, 1324 ce), a Venetian merchant, the first botanical explorer of the modern era. For 17 years, Kublai Khan employed him. Although Polo was a keen observer of Chinese traditions and described many plants and animals utilized in China, he made obvious omissions such as tea, fishing with cormorants, footbinding, chop sticks, and soy. Polo probably ate soy products but was unable to associate the food products made from soy with the crop growing in the fields (Penzer, 1929; Olschki, 1960; Rugoff, 1961).

At least five European contemporaries of Marco Polo visited China. They were John of Pian de Capine [1246 ce], William of Rubruck [1254 ce], John of Monte Corvino [1305 ce], Odoric of Pordenone [1323 ce], and John de Marginolli [1342 ce]. All were Franciscans. Their mission in China was to try to convert the royal family and save souls. Except for William, the Franciscan missionaries hardly mentioned plants in the course of their travels (Bretschneider, 1962; Komroff, 1928; Olschki, 1943; Yule 1866; 2002). William of Rubruck was an exception. A keen observer of Chinese culture and foods consumed, he was the first Westerner to suggest the soybean or soy foods. In 1254 he wrote, The monk said he only ate on Sunday, when this lady sent him a meal of cooked dough with vinegar to drink. Rockhill (1900), the translator, noted that the dish called mien by the Chinese is the most common article of diet in northern China and Mongolia. The vinegar or soy is used to season the water in which the paste has been cooked and is drunk as a soup. Rubruck never mentioned soy. However, the dish called mien as noted by Rockhill is often flavored with soy sauce. Thus, this is an indirect mention of the use of a soy product.

Another contemporary of Marco Polo who traveled to China in 1325 was Abu Abdullah Muhammad Ibn Battuta (Ibn Battuta), a Moroccan Islamic scholar. Unfortunately, he makes no mention of soybean in the accounts of his journeys (Yule, 1866).

In 1589, when John Huyghen Van Linschoten came across a banana, he called it an Indian fig (Burnell & Tiele, 1855). In other words, he described a new plant using terminology available to a European. Likewise, a Westerner seeing the soybean in the field might describe it as peas or beans. However, the products of the soybean, such as tofu, soy sauce, or soy milk, would remain unknown.

In Yule (1866) three sentences appear circa 1330 that appear to describe soybean products. "In the empire of Boussaye aforesaid growth a certain manner of trees which from their sap are of great help to the folk of the country. For there be some of them which from their bark give forth a white liquor like milk, sweet, savory, and abundant (soy milk [italics added by author]), and the people of the country make drink and food of it as if it were goat’s milk (tofu [italics added by author]) and that right gladly. And when they cut those trees anywhere, whether it be in the branches or elsewhere, they give fourth where they were cut a manner of juice in great plenty which juice hath the colour and savour of wine (soy sauce [italics added by author])." The above suggests a garbled mistranslation of the soybean probably from Chinese to Latin to French to English. This perhaps is the second oldest citation found in Western literature about the soybean and/or soybean products. However, use caution in citing the above as it is a speculative guess by the author.

The Age of Discovery for the Soybean

In 1509, the Portuguese navigator Diego Lopez de Sequeira stepped upon the shores of Malacca (on the southwestern coast of the Malay Peninsula). That act established the possibility of trade by European countries with Asian countries, in particular, the French, English, and Dutch with Asian countries bypassing the slow overland routes. Over time, European countries established trading colonies or factories from India to China, and Japan to Indonesia. Employed at these colonies were well-trained individuals such as medical doctors and botanists, as well as the ever-present travelers and missionaries. These individuals published their logs, diaries and even books about their experiences and observations in the colonies. This resulted in the accumulation of knowledge about the use of the peculiar bean used to produce various food products (Boxer, 1953, 1967, 1968, 1979, 1988; Burnell & Tiele, 1885; Dulles, 1931; Eames, 1974; Ray, 1999; Wills, 1974). Note several examples given below.

Valignano (1954) was an Italian Jesuit priest who focused his attention on the need for European missionaries in Japan to learn Japanese. In 1583, among the foods he purchased for his provisions were rice, dried fish, and miso.

Francesco Carletti, the Florentine, who visited Nagasaki, Japan in 1597, wrote in his memoirs that the Japanese flavor fish dishes with a certain sauce called misol (miso) made from a bean that is grown in various localities (Carletti, 1964).

In 1613, John Saris was the captain of the Clove on the first English voyage to Japan. In his log he wrote the following about the food habits of the Japanese: Of cheese they have plenty. Butter they make none, neither will they eat any milk… Almost certainly, he mistook tofu for cheese.

Boxer (1967) provides an account of a Yedo (Tokyo) jail by Spanish Franciscan Diego de San Francisco in 1615. The official ration was a handful of rice daily. On the other hand, the guards could sometimes be bribed to allow prisoners’ friends to smuggle a little rice, soy, or fish by way of supplementing the starvation diet.

John Nieuhoff noted that in 1656 the Dutch East India ambassadors, Peter de Goyer and Jacob de Keyzer, to the Emperor of China received daily as a part of their rations 5 tael (1 tael = ca. 40 g) of mison (miso). Their secretaries received daily as a part of their rations one measure of taufoe (tofu) and 4 tael of mison (miso) (Pinkerton, 1811).

In 1665, Friar Domingo Navarette described tofu as a common and cheap food of China. "They drew the milk out of the Kidney-Beans and turning it, make great Cakes of it like Cheeses… All the Mass is as white as the very Snow… Alone it is insipid, but very good dress’d as I say and excellent fry’d in Butter. It is incredible what vast quantities of it are consum’d in China, and very hard to conceive there should be such abundance of Kidney-Beans. That Chinese who has Teu Fu (tofu) herbs and rice, need no other sustenance to work…" (Cummins, 1962).

The Dutch East India Company exported from Japan soy sauce as early as 1673–1674 (Boxer, 1988). In 1673, the ship In Laeren carried 12 tubs of soy sauce as cargo, and in 1674 the ship In Hasenburg had an unlisted amount of soy. The Dutch had a trading monopoly with the Japanese from 1641 until 1853. The trade took place at Deshima, an artificial island in Nagasaki Bay. Due to the consequence of war with England and France in 1672, the Dutch ships from Japan proceeded to Batavia, and from there goods were shipped via the Malaccas to the British colonies in Bengal, Surat, etcetera. From the British colonies soy was shipped to London. Thus, the products of commerce such as soy sauce reached Europe before soybean seed. And the Dutch were primarily responsible for making soy sauce known to the Europeans (Burkill, 1935). Indeed, when soy sauce became an export to Europe, it became an immediate success. For example, King (1679) noted that when eating in London: Mango and Saio are two sorts of sauces brought from the East Indies. (King, 1972). Saio almost certainly refers to soy sauce.

In 1689, interest in soy sauce extended to the English factory in Surat (then part of the Mughal Empire). Ovington (1929) spoke concerning English, Portuguese, and Indian styles of cooking, Bambou and mangoe achan (pickle) and souy the choices of all sauces, are always ready to whet the appetite.

In 1688, Capt. William Dampier while visiting the Kingdom of Tonquin (Vietnam) made the following observation in his diary …Nuke-mum (fish sauce)… a good Sauce for Fowls, not only by the Natives, but also by the Europeans, who esteem it equal with Soy. I have been told that Soy is made partly with a fishy Composition, and it seems most likely by the Taste: tho’ a Gentleman of my Acquaintance, who was very intimate with one that sailed often from Tonquin to Japan, from whence the true Soy comes, told me, that it is made only with Wheat, and a sort of Beans mixt with Water and Salt.

By 1705, European pharmacologists were familiar with the soybean from Japan and its culinary value (Dale, 1705). Lockyer (1711) wrote that Soy comes in Tubs from Jappan and the best Ketchup from Tonqueen…both are made and sold very cheap in China.

However, it was not until 1712, when Engelbert Kaempfer, who lived in Japan from 1690 to 1692 as a medical officer of the Dutch East India Company, published his book Amoenitatum Exoticarum that the Western world fully understood the connection between the cultivation of soybeans and its utilization as a food plant. Kaempfer’s drawing of the soybean is accurate, and his detailed description of how to make soy sauce is correct.

By the 1750s, soy sauce was common in England. Cookbooks (Glasse, 1983) mentioned it, newspapers advertised it for sale (Watkinson, 1750), and by 1760 silversmiths handcrafted soy cruets (Hughes, 1955).

The earliest report seen in Western literature for the use of soybean seed for animal feed was by Le Comte (1697). All the Northern and Western Provinces (in China) bear wheat, barley, several kinds of millet, and tobacco, with black and yellow pease, with which they feed horses as we do with oats. Bretschneider (1898) concurs that black and yellow peas to which Le Comte refers are varieties of the soybean.

Modern Dissemination of Soybean Seed

Dr. William Roxburgh, employed as the Director of the Honorable East India Company Botanic Garden near Calcutta, in his Flora Indica noted that in 1798 soybean seed received from the Moluccas (Indonesia) were planted in the garden.

For five years (1672–1677) Paul Hermann, an employee of the Dutch East India Company, collected plants on Ceylon (Sri Lanka). When he returned home, he became Professor of Medicine and Botany at Leiden. His Musaeum Zelanicum, published in 1717, contains the earliest documentation seen for soybean in Sri Lanka.

The first record by a European of soybeans in Indonesia is by George Everhard Rumphius (1628–1702), an employee of the Dutch East India Company (Merrill, 1917). His book, Herbarium Amboinense, published in 1747, 45 years after his death, was based on observations made by him between 1653 and 1670. Rumphius noted that the soybean was used both for food (tofu) and as a green manure.

The soybean reached Europe quite late. It must have reached the Netherlands before 1737 as Linnaeus described the soybean in Hortus Cliffortianus, which was based on plants cultivated in the garden at Hartecamp. In 1740, soybean seeds sent by missionaries in China were planted in the Jardin des Plantes, Paris, France. In 1790, soybeans were planted at the Royal Botanic Garden at Kew, England. In 1804, they were planted near Dubrovnik, Croatia, and prior to 1817 in the Vojvodina Region, Serbia. In the Netherlands, France, and England, the soybeans were grown for taxonomic or display purposes. However, the soybeans grown in Croatia and Serbia were harvested, cooked, mixed with cereal grain, and fed to chickens for increased egg production (Aiton, 1812; Buconjie n.d.; Djukic, 1975; Linnaeus, 1737; Paillieux, 1880).

The earliest seen report for soybean distribution in Canada was by T.V.P. (see Peticolas) of Mount Carmel, Ohio, in 1855. He reported that seeds were distributed from Texas to Canada. However, nothing is known as to who planted the seed, or where, and no results were reported. Thus, the first practical introduction of soybeans into Canada was by Zavitz in 1893 (Beversdorf, 1995). The Ontario Agricultural College employed him, and for 30 years he evaluated and selected soybean introductions for both fodder and grain production.

In 1882 D’Utra published the earliest confirmed report seen on the introduction of the soybean into South America. The Bahia School of Agriculture cultivated the soybean. Another early citation for the soybean was by Dafert (1893). The Agronomic Institute in Campinas, the State of Sao Paulo, Brazil, evaluated soybeans as a forage crop.

As in Europe, soy sauce reached the English Colonies in the New World prior to the introduction of soybean seed (New York Gazette, 1750). In 1765, Samuel Bowen introduced Chinese vetches (soybean) into the Colony of Georgia. He obtained the soybean seed in China (Hymowitz & Harlan, 1983). Henry Yonge, the Surveyor General of Georgia, planted soybeans on his farm at the request of Samuel Bowen in 1765 (Yonge, 1767). From 1766 on, Mr. Bowen planted soybeans on his property, Greenwich, located in Thunderbolt, Georgia, a few kilometers east of Savannah (Hymowitz & Harlan, 1983). Today, the property is used as a city cemetery. The soybeans grown by Bowen were used to manufacture soy sauce and vermicelli (soy sprouts). In addition, he manufactured a sago powder substitute from sweet potatoes. The products were exported to England and sold in major cites along the Atlantic coast (Dunlap’s Pennsylvania Packet, 1774; Newport Mercury, 1771; New York Gazette, 1777).

On July 1, 1767, Samuel Bowen received a patent, number 878, for his new invented method of preparing and making sago, vermicelli, and soy from plants growing in America, to be equal in goodness to those made in the East Indies (Woodcraft, 1854). Samuel Bowen was awarded a gold medal from the Society of Arts, Manufacturers, and Commerce and received a present of 200 guineas from King George III. In addition, Bowen sent soy sauce and soybeans to the American Philosophical Society in Philadelphia and was elected to membership of the society (Lesley, 1884). Unfortunately, when Sam Bowen died in London on December 30, 1777, his soybean enterprise in Georgia ended.

The second earliest document seen for the introduction of the soybean to North America was by Benjamin Franklin. In 1770, Franklin sent soybean seeds to his friend John Bartram in Philadelphia (Smyth, 1907). John Bartram probably planted the soybean seed sent to him by Franklin and/or Bowen in his garden, which was situated on the west bank of the Schuylkill River below Philadelphia (Fox, 1919; Bartram, 1807; Bartram, 2004).

Dr. James Mease (1804) apparently is the first person in American literature to use the word soybean. Most probably he coined the word to refer to the bean from which soy sauce was produced.

For many years, Mease’s 1804 soybean report was considered the earliest citation in American literature (Piper & Morse, 1916). However, the 1983 publication by Hymowitz and Harlan clearly demonstrated that the introduction of the soybean into the Colony of Georgia by Samuel Bowen in 1765 was 39 years earlier than the Mease publication. Yet, Web sites and soybean commodity literature continue to cite Mease’s publication as the earliest introduction (Hymowitz & Shurtleff, 2005).

In 1851, the soybean was introduced to Illinois and subsequently throughout the U.S. Corn Belt. The introduction came about through a series of very unusual circumstances. In December 1850, the barque Auckland left Hong Kong for San Francisco carrying sugar and other general merchandise. About 500 miles off the coast of Japan, the ship came across a Japaneese junk foundering on the sea. The Japanese crew was removed from the junk and placed aboard the Auckland, which continued on to San Francisco. In San Francisco, the Japanese fishermen were not permitted to go ashore because of the possibility of spreading diseases. By coincidence, waiting for a passenger ship to take him back to Alton, Illinois, via the Panama overland route was Dr. Benjamin Franklin Edwards. Dr. Edwards examined the Japanese fishermen, declared them free of any contagious diseases, and received as a gift a packet of soybeans that he carried back to Alton. Mr. John H. Lea, an Alton horticulturist, planted the soybeans in his garden in the summer of 1851. In 1852, the multiplied soybeans were grown in Davenport, Iowa, by Mr. J.J. Jackson and in Cincinnati, Ohio, by Mr. A.H. Ernst. In 1853, Mr. Ernst distributed soybean seeds to the New York State Agricultural Society, the Massachusetts Horticultural Society, and the Commissioner of Patents. The two societies and the Commissioner of Patents sent soybean seeds to dozens of farmers throughout the United States (Hymowitz, 1986). Thus, by the end of 1854 the soybean seeds brought by Dr. Benjamin Franklin Edwards in 1851 from San Francisco to Alton, Illinois, were grown, disseminated, and evaluated by farmers in several states.

Amazingly, one of the Japanese fishermen rescued by the crew of the Auckland remained in the United States. As a 14-year-old he took the name Joseph Heco (ne Hizozaemon), learned to read and write English, and became a U.S. citizen. He wrote a book in 1895 that confirmed the Auckland incident from the Japanese point of view.

In 1854, when Commodore Matthew Perry’s Expedition opened Japan to Western trade, the expedition’s surgeon, Dr. Daniel Green, observed that the Japanese grew a peculiar kind of bean called the Japan pea (i.e., soybean) (Perry, 1856). In mid-1854, the expedition’s agriculturist, Dr. James Morrow, obtained soybean seed and sent them to the Commissioner of Patents; subsequently the seeds were distributed to farmers (Browne, 1855; Cole, 1947). Thus, from 1855 onward, to distinguish between soybean seed sources in farmers’ reports is difficult. Did their soybean seeds originate from the Illinois accession or the Perry Expedition? Perhaps they grew soybeans from both sources. Graff (1949) cited post-1854 soybean evaluation reports from Connecticut, Delaware, Indiana, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, New York, North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Virginia.

Because the Perry Expedition (1852–1854) is so well-documented, the soybeans sent from Japan to the United States received an enormous amount of publicity. On the other hand, time obscures the specific details concerning the earlier introduction of soybeans into Illinois by Dr. Benjamin Franklin Edwards in 1851.

In 1878, while in Europe, Dr. George H. Cook and James Nielson of the New Jersey Agricultural Experiment Station obtained soybean seed at the Bavarian Agricultural Experiment Station and at the Vienna Exposition. The seeds were planted at the College Farm in May 1879, and harvested in October. The results were encouraging. This is the first report of soybeans tested at a Land Grant institution in the United States (Cook, 1879). Within a short time, soybean seeds were introduced from Japan and China and grown by McBryde (Tennessee), Sturtevant (Cornell University), Brooks (Hatch, Massachusetts), and Georgeson (Kansas). During the last two decades of the nineteenth century, soybeans were grown at almost every agricultural station in the country. The crop was tested for use in pastures as hay, silage, and soiling, alone or in combinations with other crops. Feeding experiments were conducted with horses, poultry, sheep, cattle, and milk cows. All parts of the plant were chemically analyzed. Some experimenters lauded the value of the soybean while others considered it worthless (Brooks, 1890; Georgeson et al., 1890; McBryde, 1882; Sturtevant, 1883).

In 1888, in Germany, Hellriegal and Wilfarth demonstrated that legumes fix nitrogen when nodulated by a microorganism present in soil extracts. In 1893, W.P. Brooks then conducted what is a classic experiment. He placed never-before- cropped soil into pots and planted seed from three soybean cultivars originally from Japan. In one series of pots he added a pinch of dust collected from the floor where soybeans had been thrashed, and the other series of pots were his control. The results were striking. In the pots receiving a pinch of dust, the plants were greener, more vigorous, and the seed yields much larger than the controls. In addition, nodules were found on the roots of the plants that received the pinch of dust. Soil from Brook’s experiment was sent to New Jersey and Kansas stations, and his results were confirmed. Commercial soybean inoculum was made available by 1905. This was the first major technological advance in the successful establishment of the soybean in North America.

In 1898, the Office of Foreign Seed and Plant Introduction was established within the USDA to centralize introduction activities. Introduced plants were assigned permanent numbers under the Plant Introduction (P.I.) designation system. The first soybean listed in the P.I. system was P.I. 480 from South Ussurie, Siberia. The seeds were received from Professor N.E. Hansen, of the South Dakota Agricultural College in March 1898 (Hymowitz, 1990).

Two major technological advances occurred during the first quarter of the twentieth century. In 1917, Osborne and Mendel demonstrated that unheated soybean meal is inferior in nutritional quality to properly heated soybean meal. Thus, the value of soybean seed meal as a feed and the potential for the development of a soybean processing industry were established.

In 1920, Garner and Allard recognized the significance of length of day in the flowering behavior of soybeans and termed the response photoperiodism. An understanding of the photoperiod in relation to cultivar adaptation is of extreme importance to the plant breeder. Today, in North America, soybeans are classified into 13 maturity groups (MG) based upon the effects of day length on timing of the appearance of first flowers. In Canada and northern parts of the United States, most cultivars are indeterminate and have relatively short crop durations; they are classified as MG 000, 00, and 0. In the central states, cultivars from MG II, III, IV, and V are grown. Those adapted to the subtropical and tropical zones are often determinate, have relatively long crop durations, and are classified in MG IX and X.

William J. Morse joined the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) in 1907. With great singleness of purpose and dedication, his entire career focused on encouraging soybean production and rooting the soybean industry in the United States (Hymowitz, 1984; Shurtleff, 1981).

No single factor contributes more to the increase in production of the soybean in the United States than the development of new cultivars by public and private soybean breeders through the introduction of germplasm from China, Japan, and Korea. USDA scientists undertook two major soybean exploration trips. From August 1924 through December 1926, P.H. Dorsett collected soybean germplasm in Northeast China. He sent back to the United States about 1500 soybean accessions. From March 1929 to February 1931, P.H. Dorsett and W.J. Morse collected soybean germplasm in Japan, Korea, and China (Hymowitz, 1984). They sent back to the United States about 4500 soybean accessions. Unfortunately, during the first five decades of this century, the USDA was not much concerned with the preservation of soybean germplasm. Hence, many of the accessions Dorsett and Morse introduced were either discarded, or seed viability was lost due to lack of preservation facilities.

When William Morse retired in 1949, Martin G. Weiss replaced him. Weiss with Jackson L. Cartter of the U.S. Regional Soybean Laboratory at Urbana, Illinois, initiated the development of a comprehensive soybean germplasm collection. In 1951, Edgar E. Hartwig was appointed curator of the southern collection at Stoneville, Mississippi. In 1954, Richard L. Bernard became the curator of the northern collection located at Urbana.

Today, both the Southern and Northern soybean collections are merged. The collection contains over 20,000 strains of soybeans, wild soybeans, and wild perennial Glycine species (Table 1.4). Dr. R.L. Nelson of USDA/Urbana is the curator of the collection. His e-mail address is rlnelson@uiuc.edu. The seed are distributed free of charge to U.S. as well as non–U.S. institutions. For example, in 2006, Dr. Nelson (personal communication) distributed 19,737 seed lots representing 8731 accessions. Seed were sent to 36 states as well as to 15 countries. Thus, unlike the past, today testing soybean accessions for various traits including adaptability to specific regions is relatively easy.

Table 1.4

USDA Soybean Germplasm Collection and Number of Strains in Each Group as of December 31, 2006a

aInformation provided by R. Nelson, USDA/ARS. Urbana, Illinois.

Conclusion

The closest genera to the genus Glycine are Teramnus, Amphicarpeae, and Pueraria. All evidence points to Laos–Cambodia–Vietnam as the region where the genus originated. From this region the genus moved north and south. In the north, the farmers of the eastern half of North China domesticated the soybean Glycine max from its wild annual counterpart, G. soja Sieb. and Zucc. The domestication process took place ca. the eleventh century bce. In the south, ca. two dozen wild perennial Glycine species evolved and are indigenous to Australia. These wild perennial Glycine species are potential candidates for providing genes to improve soybean cultivars.

The dissemination of the soybean out from its heartland to other countries was a slow process and initially localized to China’s neighbors. The soybean and/or soy products moved rapidly from China to Europe during the Age of Discovery. The association of the soybean growing in the field with its main traditional products such as tofu, soy sauce, and miso was a mystery to the West. However, Kaempfer’s book, published in 1712, provided the recipes to make traditional products from soybeans.

In 1765, Samuel Bowen introduced the soybean into the Colony of Georgia. He obtained seed in China while employed by the Honorable East India Company. Mr. Bowen planted soybeans on his property Greenwich, located in a suburb of Savannah. He received patent number 878 for making soy sauce from plants grown in the Colony of Georgia. Dr. James Mease was the first person to use the word soybean, in English.

After World War II, the USDA developed a national soybean germplasm collection. Currently, the collection contains over 20,000 strains. It is the primary source for new genetic traits for the improvement of soybean cultivars as well as for basic genetic studies.

Acknowledgments

I wish to thank Dr. Christine DuBois, Dr. Jules Janick, and Mr. Bill Shurtleff for reviewing the manuscript. Malcolm Obourn and Matthew Houlihan, undergraduate laboratory assistants, were of great help in manuscript preparation. The author takes sole responsibility for the correctness of the text and any typos. The text was written without any outside funding.

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