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National Sovereignty: Perdana Discourse Series 7
National Sovereignty: Perdana Discourse Series 7
National Sovereignty: Perdana Discourse Series 7
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National Sovereignty: Perdana Discourse Series 7

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Sovereignty is a notion which has come to dominate our understanding of national and international affairs. Its history parallels the evolution of the modem state. However, today, when nations are very much dependent on each other, the idea of national sovereignty has acquired a different meaning.
In recent years, questions have been raised as to the continuing significance of the state, the concept of which appears to be challenged and threatened by the impact of globalisation, technological changes, societal restructuring, neo-colonialism and ecological crises, among others. Questions raised include the relevance of national sovereignty in modern society, and its expression in terms of present-day politics.

This publication contains the proceedings of the seventh Perdana Discourse Series organised in 2008 in Putrajaya, Malaysia. At the Discourse, the fourth Prime Minister of Malaysia, His Excellency Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, dissects the meaning of national sovereignty in relation to Malaysia and how it weighs on policy decisions. He combines history and geo-politics with current issues to impart a leader's view of national sovereignty. His keynote address is commented on by Law Professor, Dr Shad Saleem Faruqi, former Cabinet Minister Tan Sri Sanusi Junid, and student representative Ms Nurul Ikhlas. This publication is essential reading to students and researchers of Malaysian history, leadership, and politics.

LanguageEnglish
Release dateFeb 27, 2018
ISBN9789670821191
National Sovereignty: Perdana Discourse Series 7
Author

Perdana Leadership Foundation

Perdana Leadership Foundation was chartered in January 2003 as a non-profit organisation, founded with gifts from people who supported the vision of a thriving research and learning institution dedicated to the study of Malaysian leadership and nation-building. It is unique in the sense that it began as an entirely private sector initiative, seed-funded and organised by private sector individuals and corporations. Most of the Foundation’s present trustees were the early benefactors of this Foundation. The Foundation’s physical home in Precinct 8, Putrajaya, was completed in October 2003. The stately building now houses the Perdana Library, an auditorium as well as a multi-purpose hall in addition to the offices of the Foundation’s Honorary President and Malaysia's fourth Prime Minister, YABhg Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad. A tax-exempt, non-profit organisation, the Foundation intends to become the premier institution for the study of Malaysia’s Prime Ministers and the central resource centre for research into national stewardship as well as a platform for reflection, debate, and discussion with distinguished figures in Malaysian leadership. On May 10, 2005, the Foundation was officially launched by the fifth Prime Minister, Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi. who expressed the government's full support for the Foundation's objectives and programmes Perdana Leadership Foundation aims to: Highlight the contribution of Malaysia's past Prime Ministers in the social, economic and political development of the nation Create awareness of the development process of the nation and draw lessons from the nation's history to enhance future development Become the premier resource centre for the policies, strategies and initiatives adopted under Malaysia's various Prime Ministers which may be used and adapted by other developing nations The Foundation also has a broader objective i.e. to promote global understanding by providing a channel for scholars and thinkers to undertake research and idea-sharing for lasting, peaceful resolutions

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    National Sovereignty - Perdana Leadership Foundation

    Prologue

    Sovereignty is a notion which has come to dominate our understanding of national and international affairs. Its history parallels the evolution of the modem state. However, today, when nations are very much dependent on each other, the idea of national sovereignty has acquired a different meaning.

    Political scientists claim that the concept of national sovereignty is closely linked with legal sovereignty and practical sovereignty. They say that legal sovereignty encapsulates the right of a state to be the only law-making body of the population inhabiting a given territory. The state has the right to construct and impose law, free from any involvement by other states or bodies.

    However, in reality, nothing is so clear cut.

    National sovereignty remains theoretical without the other element of state sovereignty - practical sovereignty - its ability to ensure that the laws of the state are obeyed throughout its territory. This element of sovereignty arguably leads to a hierarchy of states as consequences of their power, as some nations are more powerful than others. Political scientists assert that the more powerful a state is, the more it will be able to defend itself and advance its interests abroad. While the weak state will retain its legal sovereignty, there will be questions over the exercise of its practical sovereignty, and thereby its effectiveness as a sovereign state.

    Hence, the concept of national sovereignty and the framework of ideas which surround it become dominant features of contemporary political debates, analyses and policies. The concept of national sovereignty continues to be challenged, even though it is the very foundation of statehood. While legal national sovereignty remains intact, the erosion of practical sovereignty will ultimately determine the validity of the concept of the state in the future.

    In recent years, questions have been raised as to the continuing significance of the state, the concept of which appears to be challenged and threatened by the impact of globalisation, technological changes, societal restructuring, neo-colonialism and ecological crises, among others.

    To that extent, a few questions need to be answered in understanding the concept of national sovereignty, such as:

    1. Does national sovereignty matter in modem society? How has it evolved and how is it expressed in terms of the current political scenario?

    2. Why do people need national sovereignty and what do we mean by threats to national sovereignty?

    3. What is the meaning of national sovereignty to the Malaysian government and its citizens?

    4. How accurately does national sovereignty reflect the exercise of authority and power in the world in which we are now living?

    5. Is national sovereignty a guide or an encumbrance in developing policy prescriptions for the future?

    Keynote Address by Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad

    National Sovereignty

    Iwould like to thank the organisers of this discourse for once again inviting me to speak on a subject that can be seen either as controversial, or as an exercise in educating ourselves. We are going to talk today about 'National Sovereignty'.

    In order to talk about national sovereignty, we need to first understand what the term 'nation' means. The concept of a nation state did not exist before.

    In the old days, in Europe as well as in Asia, there were small fiefs, principalities, dukedoms, and regions headed by local chiefs. In some instances, the local chiefs were very rich and powerful, and controlled big fiefs. There would be other smaller principalities where the chiefs were weaker. These chiefs would be constantly subjected to pressure and attack by the stronger principalities.

    Over time, the stronger principalities would subjugate the weaker states. When the leader or prince was particularly powerful, the subjugated states would be brought together to form a nation. The case of Giuseppe Garibaldi, an Italian leader, is an example of how a powerful leader was able to unite so many principalities to form a new state, and to establish sovereignty for that state. Of course, for this to happen, it would require subjects with absolute and complete loyalty to the particular state.

    It was the same with the Germans. When the Prussians became very powerful they were able to unite the German-speaking states. In their enthusiasm, they also included the non-German speaking areas like Alsace-Lorraine.

    In the Far East, we witnessed the same phenomenon. China’s many warlords were constantly waging wars with each other. Unfortunately, the Chinese warlords failed to unite the Chinese territories. This unity was instead accomplished by the Mongolians. When the Mongols conquered China, they brought the southern and northern parts together to form the great nation of China (China therefore has the Mongols to thank for their unity).

    In Malaysia, we have states that we refer to as 'negeri'. These principalities were not defined by officially recognisable boundaries. The states were weak and submissive to their stronger neighbours, becoming vassal states to more powerful neighbours like Siam, China, and Malacca. It was not until the Malayan Union was formed during the British occupation that the Malay states were united to form a Malay nation.

    Similar phenomena occurred in other parts of the world. Over time, there was a movement towards unity, towards bringing people of the same race and language together. They would form states and pledge allegiance to other states. Over time, the concept of nation states became the acceptable form adopted by people all over the world.


    Today, we consider states as entities that exercise a degree of authority within their own boundaries. In other

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