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Enemy of the People: How Jacob Zuma stole South Africa and how the people fought back

Enemy of the People: How Jacob Zuma stole South Africa and how the people fought back

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Enemy of the People: How Jacob Zuma stole South Africa and how the people fought back

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478 Seiten
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Nov 7, 2017


Enemy of the People is the first definitive account of Zuma’s catastrophic misrule, offering eyewitness descriptions and cogent analysis of how South Africa was brought to its knees – and how a people fought back. When Jacob Zuma took over the leadership of the ANC one muggy Polokwane evening in December 2007, he inherited a country where GDP was growing by more than 6% per annum, a party enjoying the support of two-thirds of the electorate, and a unified tripartite alliance. Today, South Africa is caught in the grip of a patronage network, the economy is floundering and the ANC is staring down the barrel of a defeat at the 2019 general elections.

How did we get here?

Zuma first brought to heel his party, Africa’s oldest and most revered liberation movement, subduing and isolating dissidents associated with his predecessor Thabo Mbeki. Then saw the emergence of the tenderpreneur and those attempting to capture the state, as well as a network of family, friends and business associates that has become so deeply embedded that it has, in effect, replaced many parts of government. Zuma opened up the state to industrial-scale levels of corruption, causing irreparable damage to state enterprises, institutions of democracy, and the ANC itself.

But it hasn’t all gone Zuma’s way. Former allies have peeled away. A new era of activism has arisen and outspoken civil servants have stepped forward to join a cross-section of civil society and a robust media. As a divided ANC square off for the elective conference in December, where there is everything to gain or to lose, award-winning journalists Adriaan Basson and Pieter du Toit offer a brilliant and up-to-date account of the Zuma era.

Nov 7, 2017

Über den Autor

ADRIAAN BASSON is an award-winning South African journalist and editor. He cut his teeth at the Afrikaans daily newspaper Die Beeld in 2003, where he was later to become editor. In 2016 he was appointed as editor of South Africa’s largest news site, News24. This is his fourth book.

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Enemy of the People - Adriaan Basson

Enemy of the People

‘The narrative advances a theory backed by evidence that the Guptas, having captured President Jacob Zuma through becoming his close friends and family bankrollers, are using the president and his son to capture and repurpose state-owned enterprises and other key organs of state as vehicles for their own economic gain. Zuma himself has captured and repurposed public agencies such as the National Prosecuting Authority, the Hawks, the State Security Agency and the South African Revenue Service seem­ingly to protect him, his family, the Guptas and other associates.’

– Thuli Madonsela, former Public Protector

To Schalk, Lukas and Michiel,young lions of a new dawn.

Enemy of the People

How Jacob Zuma stole South Africa and how the people fought back


Jonathan Ball Publishers

Johannesburg & Cape Town

‘Let’s tell the truth to ourselves even if the truth coincides with what the enemy is saying. Let us tell the truth.’

– Oliver Tambo, Solomon Mahlangu College, Tanzania, 2 May 1984

‘Stealing the public money tends to make you an enemy of the people, that’s what happened.’

– Tshepo Morajane, @tshepomorajane6 Twitter, 8 February 2017

‘All of us there in the NEC have our smallanyana skeletons and we don’t want to take out all skeletons because all hell will break loose.’

– Bathabile Dlamini, President of the ANC Women’s League, 19 March 2016


Acronyms and abbreviations


Cast of Characters


Part 1: The capture of the ANC

1. The coalition of the wounded

2. Cracks in the coalition

3. The Mangaung whitewash

Part 2: President of scandals

4. Pay back the money

5. Meet the Guptas

6. Poison ivy and Russian blood

Part 3: Institutional capture

7. Who will guard the guardians?

8. Zupta-owned enterprises

9. How to hijack a mine

10. ‘I am Hlaudi Motsoeneng, baby!’

11. Zuma’s Parliament

12. Dismantling SARS

Part 4: 9/12

13. The day everything changed

14. Gents, finally …

15. The State vs Pravin Gordhan

Part 5: We the people

16. The rise of civil society

17. Ten trials that changed our history

18. Losing the vote

Part 6: Zupta fights back

19. Stalingrad and state capture

20. Fake news and dirty tricks

21. Zuma makes his move

22. Treasury’s walls finally breached

Part 7: Endgame

23. #GuptaLeaks

24. Death race to December


About the Book

About the Authors

Acronyms and abbreviations

ACTT Anti-Corruption Task Team

ANC African National Congress

ANCYL ANC Youth League

BEE black economic empowerment

CIA Central Intelligence Agency

Cosatu Congress of South African Trade Unions

DA Democratic Alliance

EFF Economic Freedom Fighters

GCIS Government Communication and Information System

GDP gross domestic product

GEAR Growth, Employment and Redistribution plan

ICT Imperial Crown Trading

IPID Independent Police Investigative Directorate

MEC Member of the Executive Council

MKMVA uMkhonto we Sizwe Military Veterans’ Association

NDPP National Director of Public Prosecutions

NEC National Executive Committee

NGC ANC national general council

NPA National Prosecuting Authority

NUMSA National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa

OUTA Organisation Undoing Tax Abuse

Prasa Passenger Rail Agency of South Africa

RDP Reconstruction and Development Programme

RSG Radio Sonder Grense

SAA South African Airways

SACP South African Communist Party

SAPS South African Police Service

SARB South African Reserve Bank

SARS South African Revenue Service

Sassa South African Social Security Agency

SCA Supreme Court of Appeal

SIU Special Investigating Unit

SOE state-owned enterprise

SSA State Security Agency

UAE United Arab Emirates


It was late at night and they have seen this movie enough times before to know it was game over. The ANC had just lost control of two of South Africa’s largest cities: Johannesburg and Pretoria, the financial and administrative capitals of the country, respectively. As they were sipping cheap coffee from polystyrene cups, the lieutenants of the oldest liberation movement in Africa – the African National Congress – looked dishevelled, defeated and old. The neon numbers on the massive screens at the election centre confirmed their worst fears: the party of Oliver Tambo, Walter Sisulu and Nelson Mandela had just started to die on their collective watch, 22 years after the ANC had won the glorious democratic elections of 1994.

There was no one to turn to. Around them, analysts in brightly lit TV studios tried to make sense of the historic local-government election results of 2016. How was it possible that the residents of some of the ANC’s most successful metros could vote the party out of power? But Gwede Mantashe, Jessie Duarte and Zweli Mkhize knew why. They didn’t have to listen to any analyst or statistician or Twitter expert to tell them. They had known why since at least 10 December 2013, when thousands of mourning ANC supporters booed and jeered President Jacob Zuma in front of a world audience that included Barack Obama, Ban Ki-moon and Hillary Clinton as he attempted to deliver his eulogy during Mandela’s memorial service at Soweto’s FNB Stadium. The ANC faithful had used hand signals to tell the ANC leaders that they wanted Zuma replaced – the same signals used by Zuma’s supporters to humiliate former president Thabo Mbeki at the ANC’s watershed Polokwane conference in 2007. This time the leadership hadn’t listened. And now they were paying the price.

There was only one reason why the ANC lost Johannesburg and Pretoria, and his name was Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma, the president of scandals. Zuma, the ultimate political survivor, who became president because of a false narrative he and his supporters had created, which made him the victim and martyr of everything Thabo Mbeki, his predecessor, had created and stood for. Under Zuma, the ANC not only started dying at the ballot box, but also became a corrupt vehicle for crooked politicians and criminal syndicates to infiltrate and control the state. Yes, of course, there had been corruption under Mbeki and even Mandela, but the destruction of institutions and individuals who could keep this crookery in check will be the loathsome legacy of the Zuma era. To rebuild these systems of accountability will take years, if not decades.

The endemic and systemic corruption had reached such levels under Zuma’s presidency that loyal ANC cadres, who had given up the largest part of their adult lives for the liberation struggle, now say the only way for the country to be saved is for the ANC to be voted out of power in 2019. The ANC simply couldn’t stand up to Zuma, so Zuma (and his capturers) captured the ANC. And, like a battered wife, the party knew what the root of the cause was for shedding support, but refused to kick the abusive husband out of the door. History will judge them for this.

How did a man who swore on 9 May 2009 that he would commit himself ‘to the service of our nation with dedication, commitment, discipline, integrity, hard work and passion’ come to embody everything that is wrong with South Africa? Through his misrule, Zuma and his circle of rogue protectors broke not only the country’s spirit and moral fibre, but also our hearts. By allowing his son and dodgy friends to run amok and operate what is effectively a parallel state, by appointing compromised individuals to protect him and his cronies from prosecution, by weakening the state’s investigative capacities to the point of institutional collapse, and by allowing weak and incompetent sycophants to manage key service-delivery departments, Zuma broke his oath of office and became an enemy of the people he had promised to serve.

Adriaan Basson & Pieter du Toit

October 2017

Cast of Characters


‘You don’t need to be a genius to see the trend in the country. I’m not going to interpret what this means, or what the urgency is. What I am telling you is that you have history unfolding in front of you … I think South Africans have a responsibility to connect these dots.’

– Pravin Gordhan, 31 March 2017, the day after President Zuma fired himas Minister of Finance

In the early evening of 19 March 2014, we were standing in the largely deserted newsroom in the offices of Beeld in Johannesburg, surrounded by empty coffee mugs and hundreds of pieces of paper circled and highlighted in bright colours. Most of the staff had gone home and the first edition of this, the youngest and most progressive Afrikaans newspaper in the country was about to be put to bed.

For hours we had been poring over Public Protector Thuli Madonsela’s thorough report into Zuma’s controversial Nkandla homestead, titled ‘Secure in Comfort’, and were hurrying to finalise the first edition’s lead story. It had been a draining day, with Madonsela’s investigations delivering the 447-page bombshell that Zuma had received undue benefits from the multimillion-rand alterations and upgrades to his family’s complex in KwaZulu-Natal, and that he was to be held liable for part of the costs.

It had been the culmination of years of investigative work, first by the media and later by Madonsela, and led to the head of state being put in this untenable position. He had clearly known about the millions of taxpayers’ rands spent on installing non-security upgrades, like a cattle kraal, air conditioning, a swimming pool and various other amenities at his family’s estate. Yet he denied it. This was our Watergate moment, we thought. Zuma could surely not justify the spending and survive the Public Protector’s damning findings.

South Africa was a maturing democracy where the rule of law was respected and integrity prized. It had emerged from the darkness of apartheid, inequality and discrimination to attempt to build an equi­table and just society, based on the Constitution and human rights. And based on a shared commitment by its citizens to transparent, inclusive and participatory democracy, something that can’t be legislated or enforced from above.

By early 2014 Zuma had been head of state for nearly five years. His government’s record was unremarkable, muddling through a series of unrealised growth plans, development initiatives and big promises. The Nkandla renovations had been revealed in November 2009 by the media, six months after Zuma became president. For four years, the scandal, like many others to follow, was all but ignored by the ANC, the Presidency and Parliament, until Madonsela began her investigations.

After the Nkandla report had been dissected and digested – with Zuma weaving and ducking any and all forms of accountability to its findings – South Africans were confronted with a president who refused to conform to democratic norms and standards, a president who believed himself to be beyond the reach of law and one who reconfigured the state to suit his own factional and selfish ends. He simply refused to accept Madonsela’s findings and proceeded to recruit the ANC and two of the three arms of state to protect him.

Zuma has done enormous damage to the body politic and South Africa’s political economy ever since 2009, when he assumed the country’s highest constitutional office – one once occupied by Nelson Mandela. He has systematically undermined and hollowed out institutions of state, dismissed the rule of law and the spirit of democracy, and encouraged a network of patronage and impunity, which has led to the looting of public resources on an industrial scale. At the centre of the network is his favourite son, Duduzane, and the Gupta family.

The manner in which Zuma has gone about his business since becoming head of state is quite remarkable. There has been an all-consuming and singular focus on himself and his own desires since assuming office, with the need to avoid facing the law and thereby the possibility of being imprisoned being the prime driver behind most, if not all, of his tactical and strategic moves. Zuma captured the security cluster (the police, Hawks, State Security Agency and National Prosecuting Authority), disembowelled the finance family (the National Treasury and SARS) and maimed state-owned enterprises (including SAA, Eskom and Transnet). His brazen manipulation of the state and its machinery has enabled him to ascend to an almost impregnable position and has made his family, through Duduzane, very, very wealthy.

Interfering with state institutions has helped Zuma survive his fair share of scandals. He fired his finance minister, so that his cronies and associates could get access to the National Treasury; he was found by the Constitutional Court to be in violation of his oath of office; he led the governing party to its worst showing in any election since 1994; he oversaw the emergence of a shadow state; and he fired a second finance minister without consulting the party’s senior members. Any one of those instances could, and probably should, have spelt his end. But Zuma has survived through a combination of strategic foresight and structural weakness in the ANC. He has always been two or three moves ahead of the pack, while the ANC has been unable and unwilling to rein in his excesses. The state has come to function like a protection racket within a vast network of patronage and corruption.

But Zuma has also been the catalyst for the mobilisation of civil society and the gradual emergence of a new South African consensus on corruption and the rule of law. There have been a number of tipping points during Zuma’s misrule that have activated civil society – the protection of rogue crime-intelligence boss Richard Mdluli, Zuma’s attempts to subvert and bury the Public Protector’s Nkandla report and his firing of Gordhan as finance minister. These gave rise to unprecedented civil protests by hundreds of thousands of South Africans and led to South Africa’s second coming of civil activism.

A whole raft of new non-governmental organisations was born, think tanks and pressure groups started beating a path to the nation’s courts and ordinary South Africans increasingly took to the streets to voice their displeasure about the status quo under Zuma. The independent media, under pressure from commercial realities and challenged by a growing government-friendly media cohort, has remained at the forefront of exposing corruption and wrongdoing, showcasing South Africa’s proud tradition of a fourth estate at work. So, although Zuma and his network have left a trail of destruction in the civil service, they have also seen the rise of a new type of public servant, fearless and committed to the rule of law, and whistle-blowers who believe in justice and the original ideals of the democratic project.

When Beeld went to the printing press in the early hours of 20 March 2014, we knew Zuma was not about to capitulate to the rule of law and constitutionalism. But we also knew that South Africans stood ready to defend those values, which they did with tenacity and verve.

This book is an effort to chronicle how Zuma became an enemy of South Africans and how the people fought back.


The capture of the ANC


The coalition of the wounded

‘He’ll never become president. He doesn’t have enough support and he cannot do the job. Besides, the women’s lobby

will never allow it.’

– Naledi Pandor and Thoko Didiza, on Jacob Zuma,

during a Gauteng ANC media networking dinner, Sunnyside Park Hotel, 2006

‘Comrades! Comrades! Can the comrades at the front please sit down, so the comrades at the back can see?’

Dren Nupen, the petite, white-haired elections officer from the EleXions Agency – the company that managed the leadership election at the ANC’s 52nd national conference in Polokwane in December 2007 – was standing on an empty stage, struggling to make herself heard above the din in the hot, stuffy delegates’ marquee. She almost willed them into submission because she could simply not be heard over the chanting, singing and dancing. The conference was held in the grounds of the former University of the North in Mankweng, during the humid rainy season, and was dominated by factional battles. The build-up to the gathering had been acrimonious, with the different camps planting disinformation, launching smear campaigns and using dirty tricks on each other. Thabo Mbeki was determined to succeed in securing a third term as leader, while the South African Communist Party (SACP), Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) and the ANC’s leagues coalesced around Jacob Zuma.

‘Zuma mustn’t be allowed to win … he will destroy the country,’ was the message from the Mbeki faction.

‘Mbeki cannot get another term … he will become a dictator,’ was the rallying cry from the other side.

Most of the 4 000 delegates that Tuesday evening, 18 December 2007, were chanting ‘Zu-ma! Zu-ma!’ – with the emphasis on ‘-ma’ thundering around the enclosed space. Many were holding up a section of City Press, with a picture of a singing Zuma underneath the headline ‘What the Zumafesto holds’. The outgoing National Executive Committee (NEC) had vacated the stage and were sitting on the left-hand side of the giant tent. Mbeki sat in the front row, wearing a navy golf shirt and a tan sports jacket. He was surrounded by his kitchen cabinet, Mbhazima Shilowa, the loyal Gauteng premier and former Cosatu boss, Essop Pahad, Minister in the Presidency and Mbeki’s enforcer, his brother Aziz, the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Mosiuoa Lekota, the Minister of Defence, who had been shouted down on the very first day of the conference. They were the people who told him what he wanted to hear: that he must stand for a third term as party leader, that Zuma cannot be allowed to win and that they had the numbers to ensure that.

When the delegates, who were almost apoplectic with excitement, had calmed, Nupen took to the microphone and read from a note: ‘The number of votes received … by comrade Jacob Zuma: two thousand three …’ The rest of her words – she was supposed to say ‘two thousand three hundred and twenty-nine’ – were drowned out by the absolute bedlam that had broken out. Zuma’s supporters were dancing on the tables, singing and shouting, making the hand gesture that football coaches use when they want to substitute a player and which became symbolic of the conference. ‘Zu-MA, Zu-MA, Zu-MA!’ reverberated around the tent. ‘Comrade Zuma received 2 329 votes,’ Nupen repeated. ‘Comrade Thabo Mbeki received 1 505 votes.’

Zuma was welcomed onto the stage amid raucous cheering and, wearing a brown leather jacket and ANC cap, turned to acknowledge his supporters. Mbeki, still sitting in his seat, was stunned. In an instant, he became old, his face creased, his skin grey, and his hair and goatee looked white. He tried to hold on to a smile and winked towards the media contingent, sitting cross-legged in front of the stage. To his left, Lekota leaned forward, clapping hands and smiling at Zuma. Essop Pahad, to his right, frowned, and Shilowa, behind Mbeki, sat stony-faced.

It was brutal – a disaster and utter humiliation for the Mbeki slate. Zuma’s candidates defeated their opponents by roughly the same margin – 60% support to 40% – every time. Kgalema Motlanthe over Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma for deputy president; Baleka Mbete over Joel Netshitenzhe for national chairperson; Gwede Mantashe over Lekota for secretary general, Thandi Modise over Thoko Didiza for deputy secretary general and Mathews Phosa over Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka for treasurer general.¹

Mbeki went onto the stage and gave Zuma an awkward hug, shook his hand and returned to his seat as delegates shouted ‘ANC! ANC! ANC!’ in staccato. Outside the tent it was drizzling softly, inside it was steaming, heaving. The election for the 80-member NEC saw prizes for a number of Zuma backers. Winnie Madikizela-Mandela received the most votes; the SACP’s Jeremy Cronin (ranked fifth) and Blade Nzimande (11th) were near the top; loyalists Jeff Radebe and Jessie Duarte received strong support, as did former ANC Youth League (ANCYL) leader Malusi Gigaba, Free State chairperson Ace Magashule and ANCYL president, Fikile Mbalula. Derek Hanekom came in at 23rd, Zweli Mkhize 24th, Bathabile Dlamini 29th and Cyril Ramaphosa – who had been out of politics for almost a decade – was ranked at 30.

Zwelinzima Vavi, then general secretary of Cosatu – along with the SACP’s Nzimande and the ANCYL’s Mbalula, Zuma’s most loyal of operatives – was relieved at the victory but cautious. Days before the elections, Vavi had said, ‘The media demonised Zuma terribly, they created a monster out of him.’ If it wasn’t for Cosatu and the workers, Zuma would either have been in prison or in his home town, Vavi said. ‘Ideologically and otherwise, Zuma we like him because the fellow has some natural gifts: down to earth, humane, accessible. He is by nature a unifier. We have never seen Zuma be angry against anyone. He laughs off the most provocative statements made against him. He will never throw tantrums. We see ourselves in him, not a high-flying intellectual, arrogant who will not listen to anyone.’²

But there was a rider: Vavi refused an offer to take up a seat in the NEC, telling the media after Zuma’s victory he was content to remain as Cosatu’s general secretary. ‘Our role will remain that of providing checks and balances. We can’t be co-opted. We need to remain on the outside,’ he said. Those were to prove prescient words.

At a media conference the day after the election, Mbalula, who at the age of 36 was technically too old to serve as ANCYL president and would hand over the reins of the organisation to Julius Malema in five months’ time, was triumphant. He bounced around the room, talking to journalists and bragging about how they had plotted Mbeki’s fall. ‘Nobody believed us when we said Zuma will win … well, you were all wrong!’ he crowed.

‘There are many kinds of denialism, you know. Aids is only just one sort,’ said Jeremy Cronin,³ the SACP second general secretary and a strident Mbeki critic, referring to the distance between the then president and the party’s rank and file, and Mbeki’s reviled policy on HIV/AIDS.

Zuma’s ascension to the party leadership was the biggest political moment in the country since the advent of democracy in April of 1994. It signalled a change of course for the young democracy and introduced populism, cynical manipulation and organised corruption into the South African body politic. It also entrenched factionalism and division in the ANC. And although the governing Tripartite Alliance (the ANC, SACP and Cosatu) remained unified for a short period of time, it exposed the deep ideological cleavages between these organisations.

When Mbeki fired Zuma from his position as deputy president on 14 June 2005 during a speech to a joint session of Parliament, Zuma was not in the house. Two weeks earlier, Justice Hilary Squires had found Zuma’s friend and associate Schabir Shaik guilty on three counts of corruption and fraud for soliciting bribes on behalf of the then deputy president. No specific finding against Zuma was made but, from the thousands of hours of expert testimony and forensic evidence put before the court, it was clear – Zuma had a case to answer for. His name appears a total of 474 times in the judgment, with the word ‘corrupt’ or ‘corruption’ appearing 14 times in the same sentence.

Squires said in his judgment:

Shaik is quite plainly anything but a fool. Our assessment of him over the prolonged period he spent in the witness box, supplemented by the tone of his letters and his contributions to shareholder and board meetings revealed in the minutes, show him as being ambitious, far-sighted, brazen, if not positively aggressive in pursuit of his interests and discernibly focussed on achieving his vision of a large successful multi-corporate empire; and moreover, someone who believed Zuma was destined for high, if not the highest, political office.

He continued:

It would be flying in the face of common sense and ordinary human nature to think that he did not realise the advantages to him of continuing to enjoy Zuma’s goodwill to an even greater extent than before 1997; and even if nothing was ever said between them to establish the mutually beneficial symbiosis that the evidence shows existed, the circumstances of the commencement and the sustained continuation thereafter of these payments, can only have generated a sense of obligation in the recipient.

Zuma could clearly not repay the money Shaik lavished on him and Squires wondered whether Zuma’s only option was to lend Shaik his name and the influence of his political office to show his gratitude. ‘And Shaik must have foreseen and, by inference, did foresee that if he made these payments, Zuma would respond in that way. The conclusion that he realised this … seems to us to be irresistible.’

The judgment provided Mbeki with the ideal cover to rid himself of Zuma, whose legal troubles had become a burden to the Presidency ever since former National Director of Public Prosecutions (NDPP) Bulelani Ngcuka had announced on 23 August 2003 that he would not charge Zuma, even though there was prima facie evidence of corruption against him. Mbeki was by then an already unpopular president in ANC structures. He ruthlessly elbowed aside all challengers for the party leadership in 1997, including a challenge by Ramaphosa, and strengthened his position at the party’s elective conference in 2002. By 2005 there was general disgruntlement in the alliance, with the SACP and Cosatu leading a campaign against the so-called 1996 Class Project. This referred to the conservative fiscal and macroeconomic policies pursued by the first democratically elected government, and championed by Mbeki, Trevor Manuel (Minister of Finance) and Tito Mboweni (Governor of the South African Reserve Bank (SARB)). The government’s GEAR (Growth, Employment and Redistribution) policy dictated fiscal responsibility while narrowing the budget deficit, targeting inflation and reducing government debt – mostly associated with pension funds. This meant the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP), which entailed massive social spending on services, development and infrastructure, had to be curtailed. Mbeki, Manuel and Mboweni were accused of being sell-outs, of following neoliberal policies that harmed the poor and were dubbed the high priests of capital. The alliance partners wanted more public spending. The Mbeki government resisted.

‘The political agenda that Mbeki has driven over the last decade has been premised on the assumption that the first priority was to stabilise the commanding heights of our capitalist system and return it to profitability,’ Nzimande wrote weeks before the Polokwane conference. ‘The original assumption was that a 6% growth rate (regardless of the trajectory and quality of that growth) was the tide that would lift all ships, a necessary and sufficient condition to produce the changes for which the ANC’s mass base had been struggling for [for] decades.’

Similarly, Vavi argued the Mbeki government had shifted to the right instead of implementing radical reforms:

Over many years now, we have said the alliance and ordinary ANC members are not driving government policy processes. We have cautioned that the most important economic policies are coming from government, more so from the presidency; that the people who have influence are drawn from Harvard University and the President’s Investment Council.

The economic policies that shaped the Mbeki era had their origins in the early days of the ANC government. Soon after it took power, Nelson Mandela’s government realised South Africa would not remain the flavour of the month forever, feted across the globe as a victory for democracy, and flooded with good wishes and foreign direct investment. The previous government had run up

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  • (5/5)
    Refreshing course of a book, well written indeed big ups to the writers