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    The Limpid Stream
    The Limpid Stream
    The Limpid Stream
    Ebook61 pages43 minutes

    The Limpid Stream

    By Jack Tindale

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    About this ebook

    In the spring of 1917, Vladimir Lenin was taken from his exile in Switzerland, loaded onto a sealed train, and taken to the Russian capital of Petrograd – a city where all manner of revolutionary ideas were in the air. Sent by the German government to add his radical voice to the chaos of the post-Tsarist regime, few would have expected that Lenin would soon preside over the establishment of the world's first communist state and inexorably change the course of human history.

    But what if he had never arrived?

    In The Limpid Stream Jack Tindale postulates a world where Lenin's assassination on his arrival at Finland Station leads to a divergent Russian Revolution. With the Bolshevik cause robbed of its most charismatic leader, a nation quite removed from our universe's Soviet Union emerges. From the bumbling actions of Alexander Kerensky, to the autocratic modernisation of Pyotr Wrangel, to the staunch liberalism of a very different Ayn Rand, The Limpid Stream shows a vision of a highly divergent 20th Century.

    LanguageEnglish
    PublisherSea Lion Press
    Release dateOct 16, 2018
    ISBN9781540158352
    The Limpid Stream

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      Book preview

      The Limpid Stream - Jack Tindale

      The Limpid Stream

      Jack Tindale

      1917-1919

      Alexander Kerensky

      Social Revolutionary Party

      The man who destroyed one empire and created another

      What strangled Bolshevism? Certainly, the assassination of Vladimir Lenin at Finland Station on 15th April 1917 did not help the Communist cause. As he mounted the makeshift podium that had been hastily hammered together from the little available lumber left in Petrograd, he could have been forgiven for allowing himself a small smile. Lenin's personal papers, now available to any keen researcher at the University of Zurich, indicate that he had already planned out an uprising against the Provisional Government in Petrograd, which he felt would have been undone as the war against Germany continued.

      How effective his plans would have been is a matter of speculation. A matter of seconds after mounting the steps to the ramshackle lectern, a single shot was fired. As the crowd dispersed, screaming, the herald of Russian Marxism lay dying in the watery spring air.

      The reaction from the revolutionary intelligentsia was immediate. Some accused the anarchists of plotting the action, others blamed right-wing elements of the Provisional Government. A select few even whispered rumours that the assassination had been masterminded by Nikolai Bukharin, Lenin’s friend and rival who assumed leadership of the shell-shocked Bolsheviks in the days following the incident. Despite this, the furious reaction of the revolutionary left-wing was a unifying factor for the anti-war movement, with the Petrograd and Moscow Soviets calling for general strikes on 13th April.

      By this time, the true benefactor of the assassination had risen to prominence. Alexander Kerensky, the interim Minister of Justice, assumed the mantle of leadership following the sudden resignation of Prince Lvov. Orthodox history has traditionally viewed Kerensky’s actions as motivated by the lack of attention accorded him owing to the strike action, but more revisionists theses have proposed that the Social Revolutionary leader was driven by a desire to end the war with Germany by any means necessary – a decision that he considered to have been one that was best made whilst the left-wing opposition was still in disarray.

      The Declaration of Lomonosov on May 1st, International Labour Day, ended Russian involvement in the Great War, nominally at least. Kerensky had already informed both Paris and London that such an announcement was only interim, intended for the country to recuperate and stave off civil war whilst military and economic reforms were completed. Flanked by the new Minister of Defence, Lavr Kornilov, Kerensky also announced that the Russian army would retreat for the duration of the summer. Whilst humiliating on paper, the vast Austro-German force that would be required to police the newly independent nations of eastern Europe would only increase the pressures on the Western Front. For Jozef Pilsudski, the interim-Prime Minister of the newly and nominally independent Kingdom of Poland, the peace was only an interim one, merely an intake of breath by the Russian bear, steadying to blow down all before him! Pilsudski’s words, now immortalised in his diary at the Royal Museum in Warsaw, today seem highly prophetic.

      Co-currently, Kerensky also called for the formation of a new Constitutional Assembly, with elections being held over a ten day period in the summer of 1917. Despite complaints from some quarters about the rapidity of the decision, as well as the general ill-preparedness of the country to actually hold the elections, the polls went ahead as planned, resulting in a landslide victory for the SRs, who held a narrow majority over the Constitutional Democrats, a loose coalition of Rightists (monarchists, anti-Semites, Germanophobes or, in many cases, all three) and the rump Mensheviks. Despite demands from some on the right to recall the monarchy, the overwhelming majority of delegates voted in favour of a Chairman-President, or figurehead, to become head of state. Kerensky, fearing that he would be appointed to the position in an effort to curtail his power, immediately proposed Prince Lvov for the role. Despite some grumblings about the Premier’s Dictatorial Leanings, Lvov was appointed unopposed. 

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