Magufulification, new Concept that will Define Africa’s Future and the Man who Makes Things Happen: Leadership and vision, #1

Magufulification:

New Concept that Will Define Africa’s Future and the Man Who Makes Things Happen

Nkwazi N. Mhango

&

Pius C. Msekwa

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GDY PUBLICATIONS COMPANY LTD.

P.O. Box 32172

Telephone: +255 717326061, 752882235

Dar es Salaam

TANZANIA

Email: info@gdypublications.com

www.gdypublications.com

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© Nkwazi. N. Mhango & Pius. C. Msekwa

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First Edition 2020

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ISBN 978-9987-452-859

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All rights reserved; no part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical photocopying, recording or otherwise without prior written permission of GDY Publications Company Ltd.  This book may not be lent, resold, hired out or otherwise disposed of by way of trade in any form of binding or cover other than that which is published, without prior consent of GDY Publications Company Ltd.

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Authors: Nkwazi. N. Mhango & Pius. C. Msekwa

Pictures: Habari Maelezo

Page layout: GDY Publications Co. Ltd.

Cover design: GDY Publications Co. Ltd.

Table of Contents

Acknowledgements...............................v

Table of Acronyms................................vi

Prologue

Here Comes Magufulification

Chapter 1: Why Magufulification Fits Academic Discourse..13

Chapter 2: The Genesis of Making of Man and Concept....23

Introducing the Magufulification Concept

Development Above and Before Everything

Chapter 3: Magufulification: Dawn of the Idea

The Magufulificator or Magufulifier

Chapter 4: The Man Who Dictates Things for the Better

Magufulification ala Malaysia and Singapore’s Pace

Chapter 5: The Concept of Economic Independence......65

Magufulification: An Experiment Poised to Succeed Despite Many Threats

Give a Dog a Bad Name to Kill It

Chapter 6: Hands-on and Working Hard Are Magufulification Secrets of Success

Magufuli’s Political Voyage

Chapter 7: Magufulification and the Change of the Mindsets104

Magufulification Revolves around Discipline

Chapter 8: Magufulification versus Economic Colonialism.120

Magufulification: Can Rights Exist without Duties?

Chapter 9: Magufulification and the Decolonisation of Tanzania’s Economy.

Magufulification: Promoting Patriotism and Self-Confidence

Magufulification: Development for All

Chapter 10: Appraisal on Magufulification.............161

Frugality Is Among Magufulification Strategies

Magufulification’s  lesson for Africa

Setting Economic and Political Precedents

Epilogue.....................................182

How Much Africa Has Lost Since Independence?

Pictorial Reflections on Magufulification ..............190

References....................................198

Index.........................................223

About Authors.................................233

Acknowledgements

We would sincerely wish to acknowledge our families for their unflinching and unconditional supports whenever we needed them. Our spouses, Nesaa Nkwazi (Mhango’s) and Anna Magreth Abdallah (Msekwa’s) played a great role in this work. For, during writing, sometimes, one has to spend much time researching and thinking so as to be missed. Similarly, Nkwazi would like to deeply acknowledge his children Ng’ani, Nkuzi and Nkwazi Jr who gave him a hard time asking as to when the book would come out not to mention longing to see Cde Msekwa who co-authored a book with their dad. He used to tell them to make a snowman he jestingly called Cde Msekwa his comrade and mentor of note. More importantly, we would like to thank the Almighty God for giving us energy, life and motivation to carry on this crucial work for our country and continent. Moreover, we would like to acknowledge and thank everybody who will take from where we have ended to enrich this concept that is poised to transform Tanzania and Africa.

Table of Acronyms

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ACT  Alliance for Change and Transparency

ADB  African Development Bank

ADC  Alliance for Democratic Change

ATCL  Air Tanzania Corporation Limited

AU  African Unity

CAG  Comptroller Audit General

CAR  Central African Republic

CCM  Chama Cha Mapinduzi

Cde  Comrade

CDF  Chief of Defence Force

CFA  Communauté financière de l’Afrique

CFA  Communauté Franco-Africaine

CFI  China International Radio

CHAUMA Chama cha Ukombozi wa Umma

CUF  Civic United Front

DHC   De Havilland Canada

Dr  Doctor

DW  Deutche Welle

EFDs  Electronic Fiscal Devices

EPAs  Economic Partnership Agreements

EU  European Union

GDP  Gross Domestic Product

GNI  Gross National Income

IFIs  International Financial Institutions

IPTL  Independent Power Tanzania Ltd

JNIA  Julius Nyerere International Airport

JPM  John Pombe Magufuli

MIC  Middle income Country

MNCs   Multinational Corporations

MNH  Muhimbili National Hospital

MP  Member of Parliament

Mr.  Mister

Mwl  Mwalimu or Teacher

NEC  National Electrol Commission

NGOs  Non-Governmental Organisations

NRA  National Reconstruction Alliance

PBDE  Dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethane

PCCB  Prevention and Combating of Corruption Bureau

PEI  Prince Edward Island

PhD  Doctor of Philosophy

PM  Prime Minister

RAHCO Reli Assets Holding Company Limited

RC  Regional Commissioner

REA  Rural Electrical Agency

RFI  Radio France International

SADC  Southern African Development Community

SGR  Standard Gauge Railway

TANESCO Tanzania Electric Supply Company

TAZARA Tanzania-Zambia Railways Authorities

TCRA  Tanzania Communications Regulatory Authority

THA  Tanzania Harbours Authority

TIC   Tanzania Investment Centre

TLP  Tanzania Labour Party

TPA  Tanzania Ports Authority

TRA  Tanzania Revenue Authority

TTC  Teachers’ Training College

TZS  Tanzania Shillings

UDHR  Universal Declaration of Human Rights

UDHRD Universal Declaration of Human Rights and Duties

UDP  United Democratic Party

UDSM  University of Dar es Salaam

UK  United Kingdom

UKAWA Umoja wa Katiba ya Wananchi

UN   United Nations

UPDP  United People’s Democratic Party

URT  United Republic of Tanzania

US  United States

US$  United States Dollar

USD  United States Dollar

USSR  Union of Soviet Socialist Republics

VOA  Voice of America

WEOs  Ward Executive Officers

WMD   Weapons of Mass Destruction

Prologue

Here Comes Magufulification

If there is any contemporary eye-rolling event–with very positive effects and big lessons to offer globally–that has politically and powerfully defined Tanzania and Africa at large with good tidings, is evidentially the election of Dr. John Pombe Magufuli as the President of Tanzania in 2015. His style of leadership – which is proactively unique in many areas compared to his predecessors, has refreshingly amazed and wowed friends, foes, optimists and pessimists alike; and nothing like it in matters of leadership has the country ever experienced. On the flipside, Magufuli’s arrival and his style of doing things made him step onto economic and political landmines. His style and performance have earned him both friends and enemies.

Practically, Magufuli’s unique style of leadership is essentially the centerpiece of Magufulification, the concept we are going to delve into in excavating and interrogating how it sprung to life, and what it has achieved in terms of what it can offer to others facing the same problems, and in similar state of affairs in their running of the business of the state. Nuanced on its quick achievements, Magufulification’s applicability to African countries is inevitable due to the fact that the problems they face really share the same nexus that can be traced to colonialism or neocolonialism and slavery as external root causes and bad governance, corruption, ineptness, laziness and the likes as internal root causes.  

This concept is enticing to explore, particularly for academics/academicians, due to the heat it has generated since coming into being. If anything, Magufulification, as a new concept cum style of leadership, has tested the international norm that revolves around the superiority of Africa’s former colonisers and the inferiority ascribed to the poor in Africa (Mills, 2012). Because of such thinking, Magufuli, the man behind Magufulification, is viewed as a needle in a haystack, if not a lodestar. Given the novelty of the concept, at this stage, it is hard to tell apart between a person behind the concept and concept itself. Therefore, in this volume, we are dealing with the two objects/subjects together but not interchangeably. This, of course, is a little bit hard and convoluted thing to do; as was the case regarding the concept of "Ujamaa na Kujitegemea", or Socialism and Self-reliance vis-à-vis its founder, the late Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere, the founder President of Tanzania (Fouéré, 2014). There is no way one can analyse or interrogate Ujamaa na Kujitegemea without doing the same to Nyerere.

Fundamentally, Magufuli’s unique style of leadership has captured and engulfed the world like a bushfire. Further, Magufuli’s agency and mojo have ignited the continent and restored its dashed and lost hope about the transformation and realignment of the continent. Fundamentally, those who wrongly thought that Africa would always be endlessly doomed may have to rethink again thanks to the new style of leadership Magufuli has ushered in. Basically, the arrival of Magufuli has rekindled a spirit of what we view as a total liberation of Tanzania, particularly economically, amongst others. Practically, Magufuli’s arrival also altered the way Tanzanians (and Africans generally) used to view themselves and the things around them. And this is grounded on his manner and speed of doing things, specifically what can be achieved in a very short time. This is what Magufulification has practically shown. And this is what this book is all about; to tell this untold story that has recently unfolded in Tanzania.

As a breath of fresh air in the life of Tanzania and Africa in general, President Magufuli has really ushered in a new way of doing things through amazingly and constructively thinking and noticeably acting differently. This new style of leadership is what we have termed as Magufulification. As we have already insinuated above, this is a topic that this tome seeks to analyse, explore and interrogate, for the purpose of popularising it, not only in Tanzania, or Africa, but globally. Indubitably, it is this concept that this tome seeks to delve into, to see if it can offer an alternative solution to Africa’s problems. By viewing what it has already accomplished, Magufulification aims at proving that Africa’s problems can be solved by Africans themselves using African solutions. For, the way Magufulification has restored sanity in running the business of the state in Tanzania, if used as a case study, cannot not just be ignored, left to fizzle out or being swept under the carpet because this concept has already addressed, and actually arrested, many nagging social and economic challenges and problems that have been troubling the country for a long period of time. We think that because of its centrality, practicability and workability, Africans have every reason to explore, and if possible, employ Magufulification in Magufulifying their own countries, particularly on how to accountably, competently and positively run public affairs. It has clearly emerged, that Magufulification has energised and fired up Tanzanians, by enabling them to become true players in their affairs, where before, they have been mere helpless witnesses. Since the time of independence, as is the case in many, if not all, African countries; common people were generally excluded from the running the business of the state. Instead, this business was left to politicians and elites, who have lorded it over the majority citizens. The majority citizens have not been invited to the table when the national cake was eaten.

Ordinarily, ordinary people in many African countries participate in the business of the state mainly only through paying taxes and voting. This makes many African governments look like their colonial predecessors, simply because of this intentional systemic exclusion built on injustices that have ignored the realities of the history of colonisation and exploitation vis-à-vis Africa and other victims of colonisation globally. As witnesses and thinkers and out of our conviction and research, this story needs to be told loudly and proudly. Like Africans and the victims of colonisation, international conspiracy, ignorance and plot against Africa, we think we have what it takes to tell this story, successful story for the time being. Learning and taking from the courage and love of our leader, we, as well, have courage and love to intrepidly tell this story as our services to our country and continent. We, thus, do not make any apology or fear anything to tell this very captivating story that Africa needs to hear about, listen to and learn from. Storytelling has cohering power when it comes to informing the society of what it went or is going through (Senehi, 2015). And, definitely, if we are not telling our story, who else will do so? Shall we allow others to tell our story for us, they will distort, misconstrue and misrepresent it. For, such representativity is what colonialism did to dehumanise, demean, discredit and ill-use Africans and other black people for many generations despite the existence of the concepts of equality and human rights that did not apply on Africans.  

Considering this milieu around the story and the way it is told, we, believe that this is a colonial hangover that resulted from the colonial exclusionary tactics, which, unfortunately, post-colonial African governments just inherited from their ex-colonial masters who have gone on exploiting them pointlessly. Magufulification, through its deeds and words, has sought to decolonise and deconstruct this incongruity, in order to create a reliably accountable leadership of the people, by the people’s representatives, in the interests of all the people. It is a king of magic that has made the world pay close attention to President Magufuli so as to force some of us to tell this story with the aim of seeing to it that it can be further studied to see how it can help Africa out of its superimposed developmental and economic impasse. As noted above, Africa’s problems do not only share the nexus but also are similar in one way or the other as far as corruption, embezzlement of public funds and resources, its past, poverty and the likes are concerned.

Practically, while many African leaders have sought to expand their shares of a very shrinky national cake, Magufulification has sought to expand the cake through installing accountably and the wise management of national resources, for the purpose of inviting everyone to the table to enjoy the national cake that they fought for in their struggle for independence. This has been a missing link in African post-colonial polity wherein the national cake has always been a pie in the sky. To borrow from Amase et al. (2013) what has been ongoing in Africa is like allowing the vultures or political pimps and truth benders (p. 64) to remain in the kitchen alone to bake the cake. It is very easy to know who will eat, and who will miss out, in this kind of setting. They posit further, vultures do not bake their cakes, instead, they just swoop on the  available carcasses. Although Tanzania’s experience has been comparably different from that of other African countries, thanks to the Ujamaa na Kujitegemea policies, it still needs to see to it that its national cake is distributed equally to all citizens. Considering the size and extent of the natural resources Africa is endowed with, the national cake is surely big enough to feed all Africans.

Essentially, President Magufuli has not only enchanted Tanzanians who are gung-ho about his performance, but also many other Africans. Apart from ushering in collective accountability, capability, and national pride, Magufulification has chastised Africans to stand up and defend themselves, particularly in wisely managing and making use of their God-given natural resources of great value. For, this is their sacred and shared duty to their nation and themselves shall they aspire to pull themselves out of poverty, squalor and other colonial dregs that have perpetually pointlessly turned Africa into a backwater of the world. Primarily, Magufulification has shown that Tanzanians’ and Africans’ natural resources are not a curse, but a blessing; if they truly are frugally and wisely managed for their benefit. This provides footholds and handholds for them to emulate in their journey towards wisely managing their resources.

Moreover, Magufulification has openly denounced Africa’s pseudo and wanton beggarliness and dependency, while it is blessed with such resources of value such as fertile land, geography, minerals, and the people themselves; and shown that if such resources are wisely managed and used, they can quickly propel Africa to prosperity. If the ‘Asian Tigers’, that comparably do not have as much resources, were able to push forward and pull themselves out of the rut, why is it not be possible for African countries to do the same?  Magufulification has made the point that Africa’s fate and image can be retrieved from artificial desolations and underdevelopment by wisely managing and judiciously using its immense resources including its large young population. Virtually, Magufulification is a hero’s journey, that marks the national renewal for Tanzania. It has pushed the envelope to show that what was deemed to be impossible, is now becoming possible within the shortest time possible. Additionally, Magufulification has created a new concept of true political freedom, that is grounded in economic independence and wise management of resources. Through dreaming big and daring, Magufulification has given African countries an impetus with which to fight and shun their economic backwardness, emanating from pointless dependency.

Discordantly, despite priding itself that it is free, Africa has never been truly free from the yokes of colonialism and neo-colonialism, or colonial legacy. From the time when Africa was being explored, reconnoitred, occupied and thereafter colonised, its fortunes and future have disparagingly remained bleak. Instead of taking its destiny into its hands, Africa’s fortunes and future remained tied to colonialism, and thereby turning its political independence into a nonentity and practically worthless, if not fickle and flawed. As a continent suffering from colonial scums, Africa is still struggling to fully and truly liberate itself from the colonial and neocolonial yoke. However, this struggle has been flawed and misguided. This is partly due to the lack of capable leadership, which Magufulification seeks to introduce by decolonising the superstructure of African politics. This makes Tanzania an experimental ground, and precedent, for other African countries to learn from.

For, the period of over fifty years of independence has largely been viewed as a ‘lost time’ for Africa, because many Africans are still among the poorest people on earth, while they possess the richest resources in the world. Obviously, post-colonial African leaders did not deliver commendably. They continued to administer the flawed systems without carefully examining their future ramifications for their continent. For example, there are African leaders such as Jomo Kenyatta and his successor Daniel arap Moi (MacWilliam, 2012; Shilaho, 2017) who entrenched toxic ethnicity in their countries; while others maintained strong ties with their ex-colonisers as was the case in Malawi and a few others. One would argue that democracy has to be negotiated in order to accommodate the aspirations, feelings and interests of all in a very acceptable, democratic, just and productive fashion.  Malawi’s former dictator president Hastings Kamuzu Banda cited in Gabay (2017) notes that:

In my view, the reason why Britain is the most stable country in the world, is that the British people are sensible enough not to throw overboard their old and ancient institutions overnight...I want the same here. While I want us to adopt new ways of life; while I want us to copy the good from other people, I do not want us to just throw away everything that is ours by tradition. We must change gradually (p. 11).

Using colonial methods on their people, (Mhango, forthcoming), created an artificial class amongst equal people, that revolved around the axis of the ‘haves’ and the ‘have-nots’. To make matters worse, the said leaders relied on dividing their people by maintaining such systems for a long period of time. As the teachers of modern democracy, either paid a blind eye or assisted in maintaining in power such corrupt and divisive regimes. That is why dictators such as Banda, Houphouet-Boigny (who remained president-for-life) (Felter & April 2017), and Mobutu, illegally managed to cling unto power for decades. They had support from their masters who cloned them and assigned them to rule Africa by proxy. That is why even when they conducted sham elections by shamelessly rigging them, they ended up winning with landslide majority. Apart from that cabal of past post-colonial dictators, Africa still has similar post-post-colonial dictators, such as Denis Sassou Nguesso (Republic of Congo) who first came to power in 1979; Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo (Equatorial Guinea) who has been in power since 1979; and Paul Biya (Cameroon) who has been in power since 1982. To such sacred cows of the west, democracy and human rights are not important things for their masters to consider and impose on them the way they do with noncompliant African leaders. If democracy and human rights are sine qua non to development and good governance, how did such rulers remain in power for such long without facing any wrath from the self-appointed teacher of democracy, the west? Other Presidents who have been in power for over two terms stipulated by contemporary democracy are Yoweri Museveni (Uganda) in power since 1986; Idris Déby Itno(Chad) in power since 1990; Isaias Afewerki (Eritrea) in power since 1991; Ismail Omar Guelleh (Djibouti) who has been in power since 1999; Paul Kagame (Rwanda) in power since 2000; Faure Eyadema (Togo) in power since 2005 after the death of his father and Pierre Nkurunziza (Burundi) in power since 2005 (Harkness, 2017; Tull & Simons, 2017). African countries need to reject this state of affair to see to it that they use such a homegrown way of doing things and thinking as they aspire to turn things around for the better. Being a homegrown brand of leadership, Magufulification has practically sought to democratise and decolonise such systems by putting people’s needs ahead of everything else for the aspirations and interests of the people. And this has put Magufuli on the top of the game, especially after he categorically stated that he does not intend to cling to power.

For African power-hungry vultures, the status quo ante was an in-thing to keep and cling unto for them to survive politically. Therefore, those unethical rulers whom we refuse to call leaders, failed completely to decolonise their governments and other institutions, and the way of doing things, which have kept Africa at bay compared to other continents even those that do not have as many resources as Africa has. However, it does not mean that all was lost in Africa. There are some countries such as Botswana, and others, whose leaders did faithfully deliver on their independence promise of changing the lives of their people for the better. Considering the fact that most African countries are still facing abject poverty among their people; Africa badly needs a new crop of leaders who will usher in some radical changes, to enable their people to truly benefit from its humungous natural resources of value that the whole world needs to enjoy development and economic advancement and performance. In considering how Africa will start on this journey of what we call the second liberation, which is premised and resourced on economic independence, we think the concept of Magufulification that this book seeks to unpack and dwell on, has a lot to offer to begin with. That is because this concept, as already noted, is a homegrown one. Also, for the short time it has been experimented, Magufulification seems to have delivered quickly, the core message that Africa needs and should stop our dependence on begging or borrowing while it has what it takes to depend on its resources. The dependency theory considers Africa as a dumping site for waste and excess materials from the west (Matunhu, 2011), Magufulification seeks to debunk and lay bare such a myth by doing things differently and positively; by showing that, Africa can cater for its needs by using its own resources and people, and even produce some excesses for export. And this puts Magufuli at crosshairs with those who used to, and would want to continue, exploiting Africa as they have always done through various ploys including aid and making Africans believe that they cannot pull themselves out of human-induced dependence and penury. Africans, just like any other human beings, have what it takes to pull themselves out of poverty if they courageously decide to so. This is where Magufulification becomes a very good tool for such country to take a hunch from. Daring as Magufuli has shown, anybody who dares and work on whatever he/she works on diligently and vigorously, will succeed. Another thing that Magufulification offers is the whole idea of playing around the rules of the game. If African leaders are self-disciplined and see to it that everybody is working according to the rules of the game of wisely managing public affairs and resources, successes are guaranteed as Magufulification has already practically proved.

We all know that since African countries gained their political independence; they remained economically dependent on their former maîtres coloniaux and on other emerging economic powers of the world.  The economic freedom that Africa seeks today will be brought by people like President Magufuli. The truth of the matter is that African countries are politically independent but economically colonised. For, ever since they gained their independence, they remained dependent. Economic colonisation has remained ‘live and well’ in Africa, which therefore, needs another phase of struggle for economic independence. Poverty rates in Africa are comparably still high. For, African economies are still largely dependent on western institutions such as the International Financial Institutions (IFIs) (Etuk et al., 2014) that have always imposed stricter conditions on them. Zaum (2013) discloses that the causal claims made for the pacifying effects of democratisation and free markets have been found wanting, as studies have shown that not only democratising countries but also countries subject to the International Financial Institution’s liberalisation programmes are more prone to the outbreak of conflict (p. 111). In addition, the resources of many ex-colonies still benefit their former colonisers while the citizens pointlessly wallow in abject poverty due to human-induced policies. As noted above, many African countries still depend on its former colonial masters, despite having their own institutions (Oelofsen, 2015) despite asserting that they are the institutes of independent countries whose independence has never been translated into improving the lives of their people.

In dealing with independence, we realise that there is no universally agreed definition of the term, which makes it a rather controversial concept. And, like all other socially constructed concepts, independence will always remain contentious, contextual, or even controversial. For some people, freedom, or independence, is only political, and nothing beyond that. To them, freedom is about having elections, governments, and governance Institutions even if and when such institutions do not deliver. This needs to be decolonised; and this is why Magufulification has attracted our attention so as to delve into it in order to come up with ‘nuggets of wisdom’ that will enable Africa to move forward quickly and meaningfully. Despite the logical fallacy revolving around the independence of African countries, there are those who still think that, for a country to be independent, such a country must  have the power to do whatever a country wants to do, without receiving any orders from any other countries. More so, under the Peace of Westphalia (1648), all states of the world are deemed to be free and equal as sovereignties that must enjoy their powers equally (Straumann, 2008) internationally (Minde, 2020). However, this concept has been nothing