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Transformations of the Oriental in the Architectural Work of Juraj Neidhardt and Duan Grabrijan

A Thesis Submitted to the University of New South Wales For the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

By

Dijana Ali

Faculty of the Built Environment The University of New South Wales Sydney, Australia, 2010

In memory of my parents, Nadija and Teofik Ali

Contents

TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE ORIENTAL IN THE ARCHITECTURAL WORK OF JURAJ NEIDHARDT AND DUAN GRABRIJAN..................................................................... I
Abstract..........................................................................................................................................i Acknowledgements ...................................................................................................................... iii List of Figures ................................................................................................................................v List of Publications........................................................................................................................ ix Glossary of terms.......................................................................................................................... xi Chapter 1 Introduction: Architecture and Ideology in the Work of Duan Grabrijan and Juraj Neidhardt ....................................................................................................................................13 The scope of the thesis: the writings of Grabrijan and Neidhardt..................................................15 Scope of the argument: the role of architecture in creating a national identity ............................17 Thesis contribution: architecture, identity and politics of culture .................................................19 Theoretical framework: overlapping fields of architecture, identity, culture and politics of Yugoslavia .....................................................................................................................................23 Thesis outline: the development of the argument.........................................................................29

PART ONE: DEVELOPING A THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ...................................... 35


Chapter 2 The Kunstwollen of Bosnia ..........................................................................................37 Not to find a new, but to show it anew: Ple niks architecture and teaching ..............................38 Identifying the significance of Ba arija .......................................................................................52 Historic yes, but not significant: the problems of Islamic heritage.................................................54 The origins and transformations of Ba arija, from the town centre to the historic precinct.......58 The AustroHungarian transformations: from town centre to historic precinct ............................66 The search for the relevance of historic fabric...............................................................................74 The modernity of past: Le Corbusier and Sarajevo ......................................................................79 The authenticity of past: Turkish house, its sources and principles .............................................84 Conclusion: role of architecture in establishing national claims ....................................................88 Chapter 3 Ba arijas Contribution to the New Master Plan of Sarajevo: the Islamic as Oriental .91 An urban vision of a modern city: Sarajevo and Its Satellites.......................................................92 The old precinct and the new city ............................................................................................... 100 Searching for Oriental secrets ..................................................................................................... 102 The impact of Le Corbusiers views ............................................................................................. 111 Ba arija: surgery or medication .............................................................................................. 115 The new satellite mining towns ................................................................................................... 119 Individual houses: modern houses with Oriental parts................................................................125 Conclusion: The Orient of the old town and the modernity of new suburbs................................131 Chapter 4 Bosnian Oriental as an Architectural Expression of Socialist Ideology........................ 135 The Yugoslav communist artistic agenda and a resistance to the particular ................................137 The changing political context: TitoStalin conflict......................................................................145 Titos search for our architecture .............................................................................................. 147

Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity: a synthetic integration of the old experiences and new socialist needs ......................................................................................... 149 Redefining the grounds upon which a nation is constructed....................................................... 155 The qualities embedded in Bosnian Oriental............................................................................... 172 Contribution of Bosnian Oriental to Yugoslavia........................................................................... 175 Conclusion: Architecture is a carrier of the political message of multicultural Bosnia................. 182

PART TWO: APPLICATION .................................................................................. 185


Chapter 5 Transforming the Theoretical into an Architectural Agenda: the Mahala and arija as Architectural Prototypes of Bosnian Modern Expression............................................................ 187 Transforming Ba arija: a new approach to the study of arija and mahala ............................ 187 The values of monuments: abstraction, light and scale............................................................... 194 The values of the traditional house (Bosanska ku a) .................................................................. 200 The pragmatics of Bosanska ku a: the secular values and rational grounding of the traditional house.......................................................................................................................................... 202 Transforming religious into secular values .................................................................................. 207 The emotional values attached to Bosanska ku a....................................................................... 211 The dictionary: integrating the pragmatics and poetics .............................................................. 212 Conclusion: the universal and the particular of the Bosnian Oriental house ............................... 217 Chapter 6 Transforming the City: the New arija as the Theme Park of Socialism and the Design of the Parliament House Precinct............................................................................................... 219 Ba arija and socialist urban polices.......................................................................................... 220 Past and present reunited in the New arija project: a theme park of socialist Bosnia ............. 224 Marindvor precinct and the design of socialist modernism......................................................... 241 Historical continuity and progressive development of culture .................................................... 244 The building of the National Assembly........................................................................................ 247 Postscript: Ba arija as a centre of collective identity ............................................................... 250 Chapter 7 Discussion and Conclusions....................................................................................... 255 Overview and conclusions .......................................................................................................... 255 Contribution: changing formations of identity ............................................................................ 259 Contemporary and future relevance: war destruction and the meanings of architecture........... 262 Bibliography.............................................................................................................................. 269 Books and articles....................................................................................................................... 269 Selected bibliography of Grabrijans publications: ...................................................................... 282 Web sites .................................................................................................................................... 288

Abstract

This thesis explores the correlation between architectural expression and political ideology in the work of two prominent postWorld War Two Yugoslav architects, Duan Grabrijan and Juraj Neidhardt. It focuses on their collaborative architectural writings, namely Sarajevo and Its Satellites (1942), published during the pro Nazi government of the Independent State of Croatia, and Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity (1957), produced at the peak of Yugoslav socialism. Both publications explored the relevance of the Ottoman/Islamic built heritage to the creation of a modern city but only in the latter did the authors identify this legacy as a suitable catalyst for the creation of a Bosnian modern architectural expression.

This change in position, the thesis argues, developed in relation to the 1950s nationalist discourse in Yugoslavia and, more specifically, the socialist led validation of the Bosnian Muslim community through the latters official re presentation from a religious to a national group. Grabrijan and Neidhardts conception of the Bosnian Oriental expression as a synthesis of old experiences and new ways, similarly offered to resolve the long standing problematic relationship between the architecture of Ottoman origin and an architecture deemed appropriate for a socialist society.

Architectural historians of Yugoslav modernism have recognised Grabrijan and Neidhardts contribution to modernity and praised their capacity to connect Yugoslav modernism with the international agenda. However, the specifics of Grabrijan and Neidhardts vision and the ideological connotations embedded in it have not been acknowledged. This thesis addresses that omission and shows that while there had been earlier attempts to integrate the Bosnian Islamic past into architectural debates, Grabrijan and Neidhardts model of Bosnian Oriental offered a place for the Ottoman fabric within the new socialist architectural aspirations. The thesis foregrounds the important role that architecture plays in the process of construction, as well as destruction, of national identities.

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Acknowledgements

I began writing this thesis many years ago. The process has been as much an investigation of my own identity as an academic research project. It was prompted by the outbreak of war in the lands of the former Yugoslavia. The losses of war initiated a search for understanding what was happening back home and the reasons for this, if there could ever be any reasons for a war. It took many years of thinking for this thesis to be finally produced. I do not believe I have found answers, but I feel that I have explored the relevant paths. In the process I learnt as much about identity as about the impossible mission of defining it.

In developing this thesis I have received help from many scholars and friends. The depth of my gratitude to all those is greater than I can acknowledge. But with my sincerest apologies for any unintended omissions I would like to thank the following people and institutions: my supervisors, Dr. Peter Kohane and Professor Jon Lang, who provided inspiration and guidance. Many of my colleagues in the Faculty of the Built Environment, who gave support and encouragements, namely Dr. Judith OCallaghan for her constructive suggestions, Maryam Gusheh and John Gamble for their sustained interest in my work; Graham Hannah for technical support, and the University of New South Wales for providing the PhD Completion Scholarship that allowed for some focused research time. I would also like to acknowledge the encouragements and assistance provided by Professor Zeynep elik in her
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constructive criticism at the early stages of my work; Andras Riedlmayer from the Aga Khan Program for Islamic Architecture at Harvard University; Dr. Peter Kre i at The Architectural Museum in Ljubljana; Denana Golo and staff at the Gradski Zavod za Zatitu I Ure enje Spomenika Kulture Sarajevo, and Istorijski Arhiv Sarajeva, Dr. Jelica Kapetanovi at the Faculty of Architecture, University of

Sarajevo, and many others. I would also like to thank Dr. Deborah van der Plaat for her careful reading of a previous version of this text and Dr. Senka Boi Vrban i for lively conversations about Yugoslav politics. I want to thank my brother Dr. Nazif Ali for his trust in me and my aunt Jasmina Musabegovi for searching for documents in Sarajevo libraries. I wrote this thesis in the time left over from full time teaching and parenting. My gratitude goes to my family, who supported me in working late and at night. My love and heartfelt thanks go to Branimir uri and my daughters, Ela and Ina, for everything they have done for me, but most of all for just being there.

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List of Figures

Figure 1: Territorial division of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia 1918 1921. Source: Lampe, Yugoslavia as History, p. 113....................................................................................................................................40 Figure 2: Illyrian monument, J. Ple nik, Ljubljana. Source: D. Ali , 2004. ............................................49 Figure 3: Contemporary view of the exterior of the covered marketplace of Brusa Bezistan. Source: Dijana Ali , 2004. ............................................................................................................................... 61 Figure 4: arija with its surroundings at the end of 19th century, Neidhardts map developed on the base of late 19th century Austro Hungarian map. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 59. .................................................................................65 Figure 5: Contemporary view of Vije nica. Source: Dijana Ali , 2004..................................................72 Figure 6: Contemporary view of Ba arija square with sebilj. Source: Dijana Ali , 2004....................73 Figure 7: Schematic representation of the new suburbs of the middle Bosnian mining basin. Map of satellite towns included in the proposal: (1) old and new Sarajevo; (2) Ilida; (3) Breza; (4) Ri ica; (5) Ri ica; (6) Vare Majdan; (7) Zenica. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 272.....................................................................................................................................................97 Figure 8: Eastwest artery, an urban vision for Sarajevo presented in its relation to significant locations (from top to bottom of the drawing) that include: city gate at Bijela Tabija; bazaar of Ba arija; King Tvrtko urban square; Stjepan Tomaevi urban square, intersection in front of Ali Pashas Mosque, Marijin Dvor and New Railway Station. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 239. ................................................................................................................... 99 Figure 9: Drawings illustrating the organic unity of terrain and architecture. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 225. ................................................................................ 101 Figure 10: Muslim house, drawing. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 215. .........................................................................................................................................................102 Figure 11: Josip Vanca: houses designed in Bosnian style. Source: I. Krzovi , Arhitektura Bosne i Hercegovine, 18781918, pp. 232 & 235.......................................................................................... 104 Figure 12: The Orient as inspiration. Face cover and veil, (zar and vala). Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and its Satellites, pp. 212 & 213. ....................................................................107 Figure 13: Medina mosque. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 210. [Image republished in Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity]. ............................109 Figure 14: Sketch of an arabesque. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 212. .........................................................................................................................................................111 Figure 15: Design proposal for urban regulation of Ba arija. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 212................................................................................................... 118 Figure 16: Map of satellite towns included in the proposal. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and its Satellites, p. 274. ................................................................................................................. 121 Figure 17: Urban development of Ljubija, with a newly designed church located in the centre of town. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 280. ................................................125 Figure 18: Neidhardts development of the elemental architectural vocabulary of Bosnia. Single man housing project for Zenica. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, also published in Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 317. ......................................127 Figure 19: Single man housing project for Zenica. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, also published in Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 292. ......128 Figure 20: Single mens housing project for Zenica. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, also published in Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 292. ......129 Figure 21: Single mens housing project for Zenica. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, also published in Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 287. ......130

Figure 22: Territorial divisions of the former Yugoslavia, 1945 1991. Source: Lampe, Yugoslavia as History, p. 231. ................................................................................................................................ 136 Figure 23: Stage designed by Neidhardt for Titos visit to Sarajevo. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 321. .................................................... 141 Figure 24: People build, state helps poster designed by Neidhardt. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 320. .................................................... 141 Figure 25: Structure of the book as represented as a tree. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 4. ............................................................................ 152 Figure 26: Drawing of a panorama of Sarajevo, showing an harmonious connection between the terrain and the city. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 5. ............................................................................................................................... 153 Figure 27: Sketch showing the MeccaSarajevo link. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 60. .............................................................................. 163 Figure 28: Drawing of sojenica structures. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 4.................................................................................................... 165 Figure 29: Ste ak from Radimlje, Bosnia. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 19.................................................................................................. 167 Figure 30: Neidhardts sketch of ste ak, a medieval tombstone. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 18. ...................................................... 168 Figure 31: Neidhardts sketch of ste ak ornaments and decoration. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 18. ...................................................... 169 Figure 32: Illustration titled From old to new pyramid 5 millenniums. Source: Kapetanovi , The architectural work of Juraj Neidhardt; p. 464.................................................................................. 173 Figure 33: Bosnia as a place of negotiations, Urban and architectural analysis. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 322.................................... 174 Figure 34: Mosque, church and the monument to Lenin. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 238. ........................................................................ 175 Figure 35: House on the mountain of Trebevi (1947). Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 279. ............................................................................ 177 Figure 36: Tourism and recreation zones. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 484................................................................................................ 181 Figure 37: Map highlighting important architectural sites. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 442. .................................................... 182 Figure 38: Division of precinct based on crafts. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 64........................................................................................... 190 Figure 39: Division of precinct based on crafts. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 65........................................................................................... 192 Figure 40: Store beside store, handicraft beside handicraft. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 66. ...................................................... 193 Figure 41: Ba arija as a production line. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 66.................................................................................................. 194 Figure 42: Monuments and significant structures of the old precinct. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 61. ...................................................... 195 Figure 43: Begs Mosque, cross section and axonometric. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 83. .......................................................................... 196 Figure 44: A. Choisy, Hagia Sophia, from Historie dArchitecture (1899); reprinted in A. Forty, Words and Buildings, A Vocabulary of Modern Architecture, Thames & Hudson, London, 2004, p. 23........ 197 Figure 45: Lighting in Begs mosque. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 87........................................................................................................ 198 Figure 46: Mihrab, pulpit, carpet, abstracting the space. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 284. ........................................................................ 199 Figure 47: Neidhardts proposal for temporary shelters, 1945. Source: Kapetanovi , The architectural work of Juraj Neidhardt, p. 269....................................................................................................... 201 Figure 48: Embryonic development of an old house in Sarajevo. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 166. .................................................... 203

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Figure 49: Furnishings and utensils of a traditional house. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, pp. 20405. .................................................................204 Figure 50: Neidhardts drawing of Svrzos house; layout and cross section. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 183. ...................................206 Figure 51: Inner courtyard and a room in Svrzos house (Svrzina ku a), opened to the public in 1953. Source: Muzej Grada Sarajeva, Stambena Kultura Starog Sarajeva, DES, Sarajevo. http://www.muzejsarajeva.ba/content/view/37/52/lang,en/ .........................................................207 Figure 52: Abdesthana and banjica space in Svrzos house. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 138......................................................208 Figure 53: Modernity of the traditional houses interior, erzelez house. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 208. ...................................209 Figure 54: Modernity of the traditional home: cross ventilation and an interior of a mutvak (womens kitchen) of the Djerdjeles family house. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 208. ..................................................................................................... 210 Figure 55: The city, arija, mahala, house, 24 sketches. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, pp. 5657. ...................................................................213 Figure 56: Neidhardts Up to date architectonic dictionary alphabet of the carpet town. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 324.................215 Figure 57: Neidhardts illustration of a traditional interior. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 230......................................................217 Figure 58: Ba arija precinct during the socialist period. Plan indicating the chronological development of the precinct: A) Gazi Husref Begs mosque; B) Orthodox church; C) Jewish synagogue; D) Brusa bezistan; E) Rustem pasha Bezistan; F) Czars mosque; G) Town Hall. Originally presented in JSAH, vol. 51, no. 1, March 1991, drawing adjusted from the map used in A. Bejti , Stara Sarajevska arija ju er, danas I sutra. ........................................................................................................... 220 Figure 59: Model of Ba arija. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 98. ............................................................................................................... 224 Figure 60: View of the Ba arija proposal. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 139. ............................................................................................... 226 Figure 61: The New arija proposal: view of new artists studios above the Old Orthodox church (top and bottom left); proposed change of Gazi Husref Begs bezistan into a bar (top right); an interior of the new Town Museum to be housed in the former Sheriat (Muslim Law ) School. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 114. ...................................229 Figure 62: Interior view of the proposed adaptation of Brusa bezistan. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, pp. 5657................................................229 Figure 63: Proposal for the New Museum of Revolution within the old Gazi Husref Begs bezistan that would include art celebrating Liberation war. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 126. ........................................................................................ 230 Figure 64: The proposed gate to the Ba arija precinct. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 109. .........................................................................231 Figure 65: Proposed Bogumil gravestones in the precinct. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 113. .........................................................................232 Figure 66: Interiors of proposed restaurant Aeroplane. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 294. .........................................................................235 Figure 67: Longitudinal section through the new Ba arija. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, pp. 12021. .............................................236 Figure 68: Plan of the New arija proposal: A) Gazi Husref Begs mosque; B) Orthodox church; C) Jewish synagogue; D) Catholic church of St Anthony; E) new graveyard; F) Czars mosque; G) new public/cultural buildings; H) new residential area for cultural workers. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 117......................................................238 Figure 69: Proposal for the Academy of Arts and Sciences of the Peoples Republic of BiH. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 113.................239 Figure 70: Collection of architectural elements includes ste ak; traditional house and mosques domes. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 416...................................................................................................................................................240

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Figure 71: Images of New arija, photomontage. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, pp. 120 & 121. ................................................................ 241 Figure 72: Master plan view of the new Marindvor proposal. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 414. .................................................... 243 Figure 73: The map of Marindvor precinct and Sarajevo, drawn by Neidhardt. Dwelling complex in Yugoslav Army Street (1966 47). First [example] in the history of Sarajevo [where] the principle of a spacious meander street is applied. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 408...................................................................................................... 243 Figure 74: Source: Graphic analysis of the elements of the urban solution described through use of keywords (from top) zone; zig zag space; visual markers of heights; space; views, traffic; historic precinct; continuity; pedestrian zones and patterns; squares and city as a carpet. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 415. ............... 245 Figure 75: From top: urban solution for Marindvor precinct. Birds eye view of Manifestation square and the parliament House building. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, pp. 410 & 413. ........................................................................................ 246 Figure 76: Elements of the new National Assembly buildings: tower, atrium, shells, balcony and veranda. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 417. ................................................................................................................................................. 247 Figure 77: Design for the National Assembly of Bosnia and Hercegovina. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 417.................................... 247 Figure 78: People viewing the Parliament House building. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 410 ......................................................................... 249 Figure 79: Sarajevo, a postcard, published by Svjetlost.................................................................. 252 Figure 80: The Parliament of Bosnia and Hercegovina burns after being hit by tank fire during the siege in 1992. Source: Mikhail Evstafiev (photographer), Wikipedia. ............................................... 264 Figure 81: Rubble in Vije nica, former Town Hall and National and University Library building. Source: D. Ali . ............................................................................................................................................. 267

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List of Publications

Ali , D., Saraybosna Belediye Binas : Belle in Yer ve Ortamlar ,in C.Bilsel, A.Ciravo lu, N.Dosto lu, A.E.Bulca, D.7nceday , H.Kahvecio lu, E.Madran, S.zalo lu, T.S.Ta mat, G.Tmer, H.T.Y ld z (eds.), Mimarl klar n Pazaryeri, XXII. Dnya Mimarl k Kongresi'nden Seme Bildiriler; TMMOB Mimarlar Odas (Chamber of Architects of Turkey), Ankara, January 2009, pp.63 77. Ali , D., The role of rational and scientific arguments in the promotion of ideology through architecture, F. G. Leman, A. J. Ostwald, A Williams (eds.) Innovation, Inspiration and Instruction: New Knowledge in Architectural Sciences, Proceedings of the 42nd Annual Conference on the Australian and New Zealand Architectural Science Association (ANZASca), Newcastle, Australia, 26 28 November 2008, pp. 161 168. Ali , D., Political secularisation and architectural abstraction: the dialectics of the new socialist architecture, Panorama to Paradise, XXIVth Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians, Australia and New Zealand, Adelaide, Australia, 21 24 September 2007, pp. 1 13. Ali , D., Following the traces: the role of historical studies in the architectural design studio, in ConnectED 2007 International Conference on Design Education, 9 12 July 2007, University of New South Wales, Sydney, Australia, paper code 61. Ali , D., Dare to be Similar: The transformable house, Architect Victoria, Official Journal of the Royal Australian Institute of Architects Victorian Chapter Print, Autumn 2007, pp. 4 5. Ali , D., Marindvor precinct and the design of the socialist Modernism, in T. McMinn, J. Stephens, S. Basson (eds.), Contested Terrains, The Proceedings of the Twenty third Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians of Australia and New Zealand, Notre Dame University, Fremantle, Western Australia, 29th September 2 October 2006, pp. 9 14. Ali , D., Dare to be Similar: The Transformable house, in S. Whibley & D. Ramirez (eds.), Rehousing, UAL International conference proceedings, Urban Architecture Laboratory, RMIT, Melbourne Australia, 5 8 October 2006, pp. 46 55. Ali , D., Ascribing significance to sites of memory, the Sarajevos town hall, in P. Somma (ed.), At War With the City, Urban International Press, Gateshead, 2004, pp. 6586.

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Ali , D., What does place mean to me, everything, Interview with Glenn Murcutt, ORIS Magazine of architecture and culture, vol. 5, no. 25, Zagreb, Croatia, pp. 4 33. Ali , D., Grabrijan, Riegl and the problem of Style, Progress, The Proceedings of the Twentieth Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians, Australia and New Zealand, Sydney, 2 5 October, 2003, pp. 1 5. Ali , D. & Bertram, C., Sarajevo: a moving target, Centropa, Journal of Central European Architecture and Related Arts, vol. 2, no. 3, September 2002, pp. 164 176. Ali , D., Site of Memory and History: Sarajevo Town Hall (Vijecnica), in S. Akkach (ed.), De Placing Differences, Architecture, Culture and Imaginative Geography, CAMEA, 3rd Symposium, Centre for Asian and Middle Eastern Architecture, The University of Adelaide, Australia, 2002, pp. 191 201. Ali , D., Transposed meanings: The Town Hall in Sarajevo, Open House International, War & Cities, vol. 27, no. 4, 2002, pp. 20 31. Ali D. & Gusheh M., Reconciling competing national narratives in Socialist Bosnia and Herzegovina: The Ba arija Project (1948 53), JSAH, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, vol. 58, no. 1, March, 1999, pp. 6 25. Ali , D., 'From Ottoman house to Bosnian style: Neidhardts design for workers housing in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1939 to 1942), InSite, An electronic journal published by Graduate Students at the Faculty of the Built Environment, no. 1, March 1999. Ali , D., Changing perspectives of architectural vernacular: Grabrijan and Sarajevo, in R. Blythe, R. Spence (eds.) Thresholds. Papers of the Sixteenth Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians, Australia and New Zealand, Launceston, September 1999, pp. 1 7. Ali , D., Sarajevo and the making of monuments (1945 1992), in M. Ghandour, M. Labban, M. Lozanovska (eds.), Sites of Recovery, The Fourth 'Other Connections' Conference, Beirut, Lebanon, October, 1999, pp. 11 18. Ali , D., In the search of stabilising architectural principles: from the Bosnian house to Bosnian style, in J. Willis, P. Goad, A. Hutson (eds.) FIRM(ness) commodity De light?: questioning the canons, The Proceedings of the Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians, Australia and New Zealand, Melbourne, Australia, September 1998, pp. 9 14.

Glossary of terms

Abdesthana the spatial alcove that traditionally facilitated the Muslim practice of ablution Avlija courtyard Basamci stairs Beg Bosnian spelling of the title bey or chieftain Bezistan covered bazaar for valuable goods arija business district eif mood or temperamental behaviour Divanhana a wide, semi enclosed entry space in the Bosnian traditional house Esnaf the professional and economic organisation of the guilds Eylet governorate general Hajat anteroom Halvat room Hamam public bath Han hotel Hanikah hostel with a school for young dervishes Imaret kitchen for the poor Karavan saraj inn for travellers and merchants Kasaba small town Ku a house Kunstwollen an artistic expression embodying the spirit of the collective Kutubhana library Mahala neighbourhood, residential quarter Medresa religious school Mekteb elementary Islamic school Merak a feeling of irrational and leisurely joy and pleasure Mihrab qibla wall Millets system of self governing religious communities under the Ottoman government Mimber pulpit Muafnama a document providing the city with exemptions from taxes Musafirhana inn for poor people Muepci latticework Paaluk Ottoman administrative unit adrvan water fountain Sahat kula the clock tower Sandak commonly translated as province eher town Sejjidi descendants of the Prophet

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Ste ak (plural ste ci) the gravestones generally accepted as common in pre Ottoman and early Ottoman times in Bosnia Talihan small inn Teferi picnic like gatherings commonly held by the Muslims Tekija , zawiya a lodge of a dervish order Turbe mausoleum, tomb of the founder and his family Vakfija endowment deed Vakuf Islamic pious endowment

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Chapter 1 Introduction: Architecture and Ideology in the Work of Duan Grabrijan and Juraj Neidhardt

The deliberate destruction of the cultural and built heritage in Bosnia and Hercegovina during the 199296 war acts as a powerful reminder of the potency of architecture to carry a political message. Architectures capacity to embody cultural and political associations, even when reduced to rubble, was described by Andras Riedlmayer, expert witness to the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Referring to the destroyed National and University Library (former Town Hall) in Sarajevo, he stated, Rubble in Bosnia and Herzegovina signifies nationalist extremists hard at work to eliminate not only human beings and living cities but also the memory of the past.1

This thesis explores the correlations between architectural expression and political ideology. Specifically, it investigates the role architecture played in the identity formation of postWorld War Two Yugoslavia, focusing on two architects, whose writings and designs are considered to embody the collective Bosnian identity of the socialist period: Duan Grabrijan (18991952) and Juraj Neidhardt (190179).2

A. Riedlmayer, Killing memory: the targeting of libraries and archives in Bosnia Herzegovina, testimony presented at a hearing of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, 4 April 1995, p. 51. Andras Riedlmayer was an expert witness to the International Criminal Tribunal for Yugoslavia, Miloevi trial, The Hague, 2003. 2 The spelling of Neidhardts surname varies and is commonly spelled Najdhart. Jelica Kapetanovi credits this to Neidhardts own insistence to assimilate and accept the phonetic spelling of Serbo

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Their concept of Bosnian Oriental expression based on the integration of the spiritual values embedded in the historic Ottoman and Islamic built fabric, and the contemporary and modern aspirations of the socialist state became recognised as a specific amalgam of local and international trends in architecture.

Together and individually, Grabrijan and Neidhardt have been celebrated as two of the most important practitioners and theorists of postWorld War Two Yugoslavia. Their ability to penetrate deep into the substance of [Islamic] architectural and urban heritage is seen as central to their capacity to connect local architectural debates with the European modern agenda.3 However, while their contribution to this integration has been acknowledged, no discussion has addressed the nature of the relationship expressed in their vision of the modern architecture of Bosnian Oriental.4 My intention in this thesis is to address that absence, exploring the interrelation between Grabrijan and Neidhardts architectural vision and the ideology of socialism. I address the question of how they justified the incorporation

Croatian language, thus transforming the German sounding Neidhardt into Najdhart (or Najdhardt). J. Kapetanovi , Stvaralatvo arhitekte Juraja Najdhardta, (The architectural work of Juraj Neidhardt), PhD thesis, University of Sarajevo, 1988, p. 11. This thesis uses the original spelling Neidhardt, as used in the credits of the book D. Grabrijan & J. Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity (Arhitektura Bosne i Put u Suvremeno), Ljudska Pravica, Ljubljana, 1957. 3 In 2001, in the aftermath of the 199296 Bosnian war, the Academy of Science and Arts of Bosnia and Hercegovina organised an event to celebrate the centenary of Neidhardts birth. The significance of this event and the high profiles of the organisers and participants were a testament to a lasting impact of Neidhardts ideas and work in Bosnia. Zlatko Ugljen, an architect and a recipient of an Aga Khan Award, in his tribute stated his admiration for Neidhardts sixth sense. In the keynote lecture, which opened the exhibition, Professor Ibrahim Krzovi described the occasion as, an opportunity to express reverence for the name of one of the best artists in the cultural circles of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Academy of Science and Arts of Bosnia and Hercegovina marking the centenary of the birth of the academic Juraj Neidhardt, catalogue jointly produced by the Academy of Science and Arts of Bosnia and Hercegovina, and the Architectural Faculty of Sarajevo University, Sarajevo, 2001. 4 Numerous architects praised Grabrijan and Neidhardts promotion of the Islamic heritage of Bosnia, as is discussed in more detail in conclusion of this thesis. 14

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of Islamic forms within their vision of a modern and socialist city, and what kind of political and ideological agenda informed their vision.

The scope of the thesis: the writings of Grabrijan and Neidhardt It took more than 20 years for the authors to develop their architectural and theoretical position. Duan Grabrijan, originally from Slovenia, arrived in Sarajevo in 1929 to take up a job with Ministry of Building (Gra evinska Direkcija). In 1930, he took a teaching position at the Sarajevos Technical School, where he stayed until 1945.

Juraj Neidhardts architectural career followed a more international path. Upon completion of his architectural studies at the Vienna Academy in 1924, Neidhardt commenced architectural practice in Croatia. In 1930 he left Croatia for Germany and worked for architect Peter Behrens (18681940) between 1930 and 1932, and for Le Corbusier between 1932 and 1936. On the recommendation of his long time friend Grabrijan, Neidhardt took up a job with the Bosnia mining engineering company and joined Grabrijan in Bosnia in 1939.

Grabrijan and Neidhardt collaborated on two major publications Sarajevo and Its Satellites (Sarajevo i njegovi trabanti), published in 1942, and Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity (Arhitektura Bosne i Put u Suvremeno), published

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in 1957 and it is on these works that I primarily focus. 5 The first was produced during the early years of German occupation and the second under the communist government of socialist Yugoslavia. Whereas Sarajevo and Its Satellites presented the old as a burden to modernism, the Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity argued for its contemporary relevance. The old urban fabric of Ba arija that was initially presented as detrimental to progress was identified as the core of the new socialist architectural expression.

Importantly, while the publications are discussed in their chronological order, my focus is not the progressive development of the architects ideas. These publications represent the scope of Grabrijan and Neidhardts theoretical understanding, and this study argues that the change in their urban vision from the first to the second publication is indicative of the development of their modernist ideas as well as their growing awareness of the specifics of Bosnias political dilemmas.

In temporal terms, I am primarily concerned with Grabrijan and Neidhardts urban proposals for Sarajevo presented in the period between the late 1930s and mid 1960s. But my discussion both precedes and extends beyond this period by virtue of reference to the historical development of Sarajevo, as well as to issues relating to the later years of socialism. These brief historical digressions serve to capture some of the most significant aspects of debates concerning Islamic/Oriental heritage.

D. Grabrijan & J. Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites (Sarajevo i njegovi trabanti), Tehni ki Vjesnik, br. 79, Zagreb, 1942; Grabrijan & J. Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity (Arhitektura Bosne i Put u Suvremeno), Ljudska Pravica, Ljubljana, 1957. 16

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Scope of the argument: the role of architecture in creating a national identity Grabrijan and Neidhardt frequently stated that their interest in historic architecture was not to return to Ottoman times or the life of that time but to build upon the achievements of the past.6 Tradition, they argued, was to be used as a vehicle for developing new ideas. In this context, Ba arija the historic precinct of Sarajevo established by the Ottomans gained particular significance.

Bosnias Islamic origins and the particularities of its historical development were highly problematic during the period under review. Long standing Serb and Croat nationalist views, as well as Yugoslav secularist opinion, contested their relevance. While approaching the subject from completely different positions, the ruling Communist Party of Yugoslavia and the nationalists alike challenged the relevance of the Ottoman cultural legacy to the new socialist state of Bosnia and Hercegovina.7 Maria Todorova argues that it is in the discussion of the Ottoman Empires role that nationalist and Marxist agendas intersected.8 In the nationalists case, the Ottoman Empire was perceived as an obstacle to national (organic) development of culture. In the Marxist interpretation, the Ottoman Empire was

Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 11. It is important to note that the two forces did not have the same power or representation in the political arena of former Yugoslavia. Socialist Yugoslavia was a one party political system, headed by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. While there were many different nationalists claims, which also changed over the course of socialist government, the most significant in regards to the Ottoman heritage of Bosnia are those of the Serbian and Croatian nationalists. They based their claims on the Christian origins of Bosnia, questioning the territorial integrity of the Bosnian state. 8 M. Todorova, The Ottoman legacy in the Balkans, in C. Brown (ed.), Imperial Legacy, The Ottoman Imprint on the Balkans and the Middle East, Columbia University Press, New York, 1996, pp. 4577.
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seen as essentially feudal and backward, and therefore its legacy was one that hindered progress and modernisation.9

The absence of a well defined national identity for Bosnia provided a space for competing narratives to emerge,10 the most significant of which are discussed in this thesis. They are the socialist interpretation of Bosnia as a symbol of a united Yugoslavia; the secular Bosnian Muslim, Serb and Croat articulation of a common identity for the inhabitants of the Bosnian state; and the historical and ongoing nationalist debates (both Serbian and Croatian) that denied collective Bosnian identity and the existence of the very notion of Bosnian ness.11 The dialectic between the absence of any formal recognition of the Bosnian nation and the search for a collective expression of Bosnian ness became a mode of structuring the cultural imagination.

The urban core of Ba arija became the subject of intense study for Grabrijan and Neidhardt. In an attempt to overcome the limitations posed by its Ottomanism and to include this urban core in both Bosnian and Yugoslav national narratives, they resorted to a unique interpretation of the Ottoman and the modern. The vision of modern architecture presented in their writings and design work identified architecture as a force capable of negotiating the complex relationship between

Todorova, The Ottoman legacy in the Balkans, pp. 4577. In articulating certain dominant national narratives I do not deny the existence of multiple nationalist claims prevalent in postWorld War Two Bosnia. 11 The term Bosnian ness is adopted from discussions of the qualities associated with the cultural construct of being Bosnian, discussed in A. Buturovi , Producing and annihilating the ethos of Bosnian Islam, Cultural Survival Quarterly, summer 1995, pp. 2933.
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modernist, nationalist and socialist/communist agendas of postWorld War Two Yugoslavia. And while the analysis of their work identifies numerous embedded contradictions, the significance of Grabrijan and Neidhardts contribution, it is suggested, lies in their ability to dissociate, albeit temporarily, the Islamic historical fabric of Sarajevo from its former colonial ties, instead establishing a secular and modern context for its interpretation.

Thesis contribution: architecture, identity and politics of culture The 199296 war brought forward discussion of the significance of cultural politics in the construction and destruction of Yugoslavias identity. In an attempt to deal with the social and political forces that contributed to the countrys disintegration, an increasing number of scholars focused on the role of collective memory in the cultural processes accompanying the construction of a nation of Yugoslavs.

Andrew Wachtels book Making a Nation, Breaking a Nation is among the most embracing and ambitious projects of this kind. It considers the construction of Yugoslav unity in a range of ways: linguistic policies and language; literary and artistic canons interpreted as supportive of Yugoslav ideals; educational policies; and the production of new literature and art that incorporated the various and changing views of the Yugoslav ideal.12

A. Wachtel, Making a Nation, Breaking a Nation, Literature and Cultural Politics in Yugoslavia, Stanford University Press, Stanford, Ca., 1998, p. 5. 19

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Although Wachtels attention is largely on forms of cultural expression other than architecture, he acknowledged the contribution made by Croatian architect Ivan Metrovi (18831962). In the period before and during World War One, Metrovi became one of the leading representatives of a new kind of synthetic Yugoslav culture.13 Promoted mostly by the Yugoslav elite, this was based on the assumption that the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes were members of a single nation. Cultural expression that would represent this multicultural Yugoslav nation would thus synthesise the best elements of each of the separate South Slavic tribes.14 Despite the potential of this diversity to contribute to the idea of a multiethnic Yugoslavia, Wachtels study presents only limited discussion of Bosnian artists and no mention of Bosnian architecture.

Some aspects of this deficiency have been recently addressed. For example, Amila Buturovi s examination of the poetry and literature of Bosnian writers such as Mehmedalija Mea Selimovi (191082) and Mehmedalija Mak Dizdar (191771) has revealed their involvement with debates surrounding the identity of Bosnia.15 In Stone Sleeper, Buturovi discusses Mak Dizdars poetry and his use of the mediaeval tombstone ste ak in the recovery of medieval voices in the imaginations of contemporary Bosnians. However, while her study challenges the view of Bosnian identity divided along ethnic lines, offering a view of culture built upon pluralistic

13 14

Wachtel, Making a Nation, Breaking a Nation, p. 54. Wachtel, Making a Nation, Breaking a Nation, p. 73. 15 A. Buturovi (trans. Francis R. Jones), Stone Speaker, Medieval Tombs. Landscape, and Bosnian Identity in the Poetry of Mak Dizdar, Palgrave, New York, 2002; Buturovi , Producing and annihilating the ethos of Bosnian Islam, pp. 2933; and Buturovi , National quest and the anguish of salvation: Bosnian Muslim identity in Mea Selimovi Dervish and Death, Edebiyat, 7, spring 1996, York University, Toronto, np. 20

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society and its ideals, it is still focused on literary texts. In this thesis I propose to add to the discussion by presenting Grabrijan and Neidhardts work as a contribution to the multicultural and multiethnic Yugoslav ideological agenda, and by extending the examination of forms of cultural expression to architecture and urban design.

My analysis builds upon existing recognition of the work of Grabrijan and Neidhardt as architects that connected the international modernist agenda with local architectural debates, bringing the freshest ideas of modern architecture to the Bosnian context.16 Professor of architecture at Sarajevo University and a recipient of the Aga Khan Award (1983), Zlatko Ugljen cited Neidhardts influence as crucial to his own architectural development. Neidhardts work, Ugljen stated, presented the synthesis of the universal and regional, representing firmly the [ideas of] modern architecture.17

In his Modern Architecture of Croatia Between the Two World Wars (Hrvatska moderna architektura izmedju dva rata), Tomislav Premerl, too, presented Neidhardt as a major player in creating modern architecture in the Yugoslav territories:
It is through the work of Neidhardt that our architecture was strongly connected to the main European centre. He directly transferred and modified the ideas of Le Corbusier to our context Neidhardt achieved the synthesis of logical traditional

Amir Zec, a contemporary Bosnian architect, in an interview with Emir Imamovi , Mercator is badly positioned, in Bosanskohercegova ki DANI, independent news magazine, special edition on urbanism, URBICID, Sarajevo, June 2003. 17 S. Ro & A. Rusan, Interview with Zlatko Ugljen, Oris, 3/12, 2001, pp. 431. 21

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elements and the new achievements, paying a special attention to the relation between the individual buildings, their immediate surroundings and the broader city contexts or the landscape. The presence of Neidhardts ideas in architectural debates between the two wars is felt today as an important link not only in building new spatial values at the time, but in linking us to the world and the world to us.18

This view was restated in the extensive anthology of Yugoslav modernity titled Impossible Histories, Historical Avant gardes, Neo avant gardes, and Post avant gardes in Yugoslavia, 19181991.19 There, Slovenian academic and architect Peter Kre i recognised Grabrijan and Neidhardts ability to blend the qualities of the traditional house with contemporary trends, but without any investigation of such integration.20 Presenting Neidhardts own designs, such as the workers housing in Zenica (1938) and the building of the State Mining School (1938), as notable example[s] of the faithful transfer of Le Corbusiers principles of architecture to Bosnia, Kre i maintained that the primary contribution of their work was its capacity to extend the international modernist ideas to the Yugoslav territories.

In 2001, in the aftermath of the 199296 Bosnian war, the Academy of Science and Arts of Bosnia and Hercegovina celebrated the centenary of Neidhardts birth with an exhibition and conference. While still focused on the modernity of Neidhardts opus, the discussion recognised Grabrijan and his capacity to penetrate deep into the substance of the architectural and urban heritage of Bosnia, and to integrate
18

T. Premerl, Hrvatska Moderna Arhitektura Izmedju Dva Rata (Modern Architecture of Croatia Between the Two World Wars), Nakladni Zavod Matice Hrvatske, Zagreb, 1989, p. 16. 19 P. Kre i , Architecture in former Yugoslavia, from the avant garde to the postmodern impossible histories, in D. Djuri & M. uvakovi (eds), Impossible Histories, Historical Avant gardes, Neo avant gardes, and Post avant gardes in Yugoslavia, 19181991, MIT Press, Cambridge, Ma., 2003, pp. 332 73. 20 Kre i , Architecture in former Yugoslavia, from the avant garde to the postmodern impossible histories, p. 346. 22

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the Islamic component in their collaborative vision.21 However, no examination of that vision was presented and no indication of the importance of the political context was recognised.

This thesis extends and fills the gaps in the existing literature in two ways: firstly, it develops debate on the relationship between modern architecture and the ideological grounding of Yugoslav socialism; and secondly, it highlights the important role architecture plays in constructing identity, as well as in its destruction.

Theoretical framework: overlapping fields of architecture, identity, culture and politics of Yugoslavia In bringing architectural and political discourses together, I use Foucaults technique of problematisation; that is, I highlight the connections between political issues in the historical and structural conditions which gave rise to them.22 Accepting the premise of discourse theory, which presents all objects and practices as meaningful and all social meanings as contextual, relational and contingent, I examine Grabrijan and Neidhardts discussion of Bosnian Oriental as an attempt to embed the specific views of the Bosnian nation its past and present in the language of modern architecture.23

Zlatko Ugljen, in The Academy of Science and Arts of Bosnia and Hercegovina Marking the Centenary of the Birth of Academic Juraj Neidhardt, Academy of Science and Arts of BiH, and the Architectural Faculty of the University of Sarajevo, Sarajevo, 2001, p . 34. 22 D. Howarth & J. Torfing (eds), Discourse Theory in European Politics, Identity, Policy and Governance, Palgrave, Macmillan, New York, 2005, p. 318. 23 For a discussion of discourse theory and method see Howarth & Torfing, Discourse Theory in European Politics, Identity, Policy and Governance, pp. 316 347. 23

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The work of British cultural historian Stuart Hall provides the theoretical underpinning for interpreting Grabrijan and Neidhardts architectural efforts in relation to debates on identity.24 Hall presents identity as a process that is never completed.25 A process of becoming rather than being, his concept is built upon an understanding that identities are:
... never unified and, in late modern times, increasingly fragmented and fractured; never singular but multiply constructed across different, often intersecting and antagonistic, discourses, practices and positions.
26

Halls understanding of identity stands in opposition to essentialist views that assume a stable core of self unfolding from beginning to end through all the vicissitudes of history without change.27 He argues that identities are not unified, but are constantly in the process of change and transformation.28

Considered within the parameters of Halls discussion, Grabrijan and Neidhardts Bosnian Oriental represents a model of identity that is demonstrative of the transient and constructed nature of identity creation. Their process of defining the Bosnian Oriental involved the invention of tradition as much as tradition itself.29

In his essay Who needs 'identity'?, Stuart Hall argues that the natural definition of identity presupposes a stable core of the self that remains static across time, and has an origin, history and ancestry shared by people belonging to a particular group. Yet, contemporary scholars argue that the concept of a stable core of the self, or homogenic notion of identity, actually masks the plurality of positions behind each identity. According to Hall, there is a complex relation between these two concepts. Hall, in S. Hall & P. Du Gay (eds), Questions of Cultural Identity, Sage, London, 1996, pp. 1 35. 25 Hall, Who needs identity?, p. 4. 26 Hall, Who needs identity?, p. 4. 27 Hall, Who needs identity?, pp. 34. 28 Hall, Who needs identity?, p. 4. 29 The term invented traditions is used in reference to E. Hobsbawm & T. Ranger, The Invention of Tradition, Cambridge University Press, Canto edition, 1992. This text on nationalism presents traditions as emerging through systematically; often institutionally, produced discourse and knowledge. 24

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It activated the resources of history, language and culture30 in a way that was evocative of the process of creating architecture as a form of art that is constituted within not outside representation.31 Precisely because Grabrijan and Neidhardts model of Bosnian Oriental is constructed within a specific political context it is important to understand its relationship to the historical and institutional sites from which it emerged, gaining meaning and significance.32 This relationship demonstrates that the search for identity is not the so called return to roots but a process of coming to terms with our routes.33 By understanding the framework of Grabrijan and Neidhardts discussion of Sarajevos historic fabric, my aim is to identify the impact of the socio political context on their representation and on the meanings they attached to it.

To link urban and political debates, this study builds upon approaches developed by scholars such as Zeynep elik, Mary McLeod and Sibel Bozdogan, who have intertwined the analysis of urban history with the study of urban processes.34 elik suggests that this approach to urban history considers the diverse forces that impact on the urban environment, namely social, economic, political, technical, artistic and cultural factors.35 Drawing on Henri Lefebvre, elik argues that this

Hall, Who needs identity?, p. 4. Hall, Who needs identity?, p. 4. 32 Hall, Who needs identity?, p. 4. 33 Hall, Who needs identity?, p. 4. 34 Particularly relevant to the theoretical underpinning of this thesis is the discussion presented by Professor Zeynep elik in Urban Forms and Colonial Confrontations, Algiers under French Rule, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1997. Also see S. Bozdogan & R. Kasaba (eds.), Modernism and Nation Building: Turkish Architectural Culture in the Early Republic, University of Washington Press, Washington DC, 2001; and M. McLeod, Urbanism and Utopia: Le Corbusier from regional syndicalism to Vichy, PhD thesis, Princeton University, 1985. 35 For further discussion see elik, Urban Forms and Colonial Confrontations, p. 5.
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method of analysis allows for the uncovering of a diverse set of relationships, inherent to the production of space, and presents an alternative to understanding space simply as space in itself.36 elik maintains that this emphasis on the long history of space, rather than on chronologically fixed urban forms,37 helps in understanding the ways in which societies generate their (social) space and time their representational spaces and their representations of space.38 By examining the relationship between architectural form and the methods by which it is interpreted both in the written word and through design I aim to demonstrate the interconnections between architectural discourse and the ideological context within which it is produced.39

The relationship between socialist ideology and the specifics of architectural design promoted in Grabrijan and Neidhardts writing is thus considered within the framework of contemporary discourse on memory, history and identity. French historian Pierre Nora provides a context for the discussion of those relationships. He suggests that sites gain significance when they no longer form part of daily life, arguing that sites of memory (lieux de mmoire) emerge at points of rupture with the past, where the real environments of memory (milieux de mmoire) disappear.40 Often prompted by changes in social conditions, such a transformation releases a site of the specific collective memory attached to it, allowing multiple

elik, Urban Forms and Colonial Confrontations, p. 5. elik, Urban Forms and Colonial Confrontations, p. 5. 38 elik, Urban Forms and Colonial Confrontations, p. 4. 39 J. M. Schwarting, Postscript, in B. Colomina (ed.), Architectureproduction [sic.], Princeton Architectural Press, New York, 1988, pp. 24653. 40 I draw from a number of essays presented in P. Nora (ed.), Realms of Memory: Rethinking the French Past, Columbia University Press, New York, 1996, 1998.
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interpretations. Consequently, a site of memory emerges in an attempt to fix time and to stabilise the sites meaning. While seemingly stable, sites of memory have the capacity to constantly generate new social meanings.41 Considered within such a framework, Grabrijan and Neidhardts visions for Ba arija present an attempt to transform the site by assigning the urban fabric new meanings, accepted and aligned with new socialist identity.

The study builds upon Benedict Andersons well known analysis of the nationalism and nation building process presented in the book Imagined Communities.42 Arguing that the nation is not a given historical entity but a constructed and an imagined political community, Anderson presents nationality as well as nationalism as cultural artefacts.
43

By intertwining their architectural studies of the Ottoman

historic built fabric within their vision of the Bosnian nation Grabrijan and Neidhardt offered to renegotiate the historical and spatial grounding of Bosnian nation.

In relating the individual experience of an architect such as Juraj Neidhardt to a broader socio political milieu, I am indebted to the work of Jelica Kapetanovi , notably her doctoral thesis. Undertaken at the University of Sarajevo in 1988, and published as Juraj Neidhardt, Life and Work in 1990, the thesis presents a biography of Neidhardt.44 It offers a comprehensive overview of the architects life, his

Nora (ed.), Realms of Memory: Rethinking the French Past. B. Anderson, Imagined Communities, Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, Verso, London, New York, 1992, 13. 43 B. Anderson, Imagined Communities, 13. 44 J. Kapetanovi , The architectural work of Juraj Neidhardt; J. Karli Kapetanovi , Juraj Najdhart, ivot i djelo (Juraj Neidhardt, Life and Work), Veselin Maslea, Sarajevo, 1990.
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professional engagements in leading European architectural practices, as well as the personal dilemmas and professional challenges he faced during his lifetime. Permeating the account is Kapetanovi s admiration for both the persona and the work of her long time colleague and mentor, Professor Neidhardt. By contextualising Neidhardts work in relation to the critical debates within which his and Grabrijans work circulated namely socialism/communism, modernity and modernism my work here takes Kapetanovi s discussion a step forward.

Sources This thesis draws on the following principal sources: the two publications written collaboratively by Grabrijan and Neidhardt, Grabrijans separately authored writings and Neidhardts design work.

Sarajevo and Its Satellites, was only published in Serbo Croatian, and the translations of all quoted material are my own. The original Serbo Croatian has been placed in footnotes. The second collaborative publication, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, was published in English and Serbo Croatian, so the original English translations have been used (unless otherwise stated). I have also translated additional sources (unless otherwise stated), such as Grabrijans articles in Serbo Croatian and his book Ple nik and His School, published in Slovenian (Ple nik in Njegova ola, edited and published by Nada Grabrijan). Again, the original quotes have been placed in footnotes.

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In the 1980s, Mrs Nada Grabrijan, the widow of Duan Grabrijan, and Ms Tanja Neidhardt, the daughter of Juraj Neidhardt, were engaged in a lengthy legal dispute over the authors individual contributions to the collaborative works. Mrs Grabrijan argued for greater recognition of her late husbands contribution.45 While I recognise the significance and complexities of the dispute, I do not consider it relevant to the discussion presented here. I explore and re examine individual contributions in the collaborative works, and while efforts have been made to recognise the importance of individual contributions such considerations are not of major concern. Grabrijans relatively short stay in Sarajevo and his premature death at the age of 53 (five years before Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity was published) in the end made Neidhardt the main advocate of the Bosnian Oriental. Nevertheless, Grabrijans writing underpinned Neidhardts understanding of Bosnian architectural heritage, and Neidhardts own architectural design is commonly presented as a collaborative effort.

Thesis outline: the development of the argument In summary, I argue in this thesis that while there were previous attempts to integrate the Islamic past into architectural debates, Grabrijan and Neidhardt were the first to amalgamate the Ottoman historical fabric with the new socialist culture in a single vision.46 This they termed Bosnian Oriental expression, and it was made

The Architectural Museum in Ljubljana contains archives of Grabrijans work, as well as the documentation of this court case. [Fuine Castle, Architecture Museum of Ljubljana, Slovenia.] 46 Particularly relevant is the discussion of attempts made by architects of the AustroHungarian period to construct a style responsive to the specifics of Bosnian condition. The work of architectural historian Nedad Kurto is most relevant: see his Arhitektura Bosne I Hercegovine, razvoj Bosanskog Stila, (Architecture of Bosnia and Hercegovina and the Development of Bosnian Style), Medjunarodni Centar za Mir, Sarajevo, 1998; and Arhitektura Secesije u Sarajevu (Secession 29

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possible by the changes occurring in the political and cultural debates of the 1950s in Yugoslavia, and in Bosnia specifically.

I present a two part development of Grabrijan and Neidhardts position. Following the introduction (chapter one) part one of the thesis (chapters two to four) analyses the development of their theoretical agenda. It specifically focuses on the articulation of the relationship between the historical fabric of Ba arija and the new city. Chapter two investigates Grabrijans early writings. It is in these articles that he identifies the Ottoman/Islamic heritage of Sarajevo as the Kunstwollen, a model of culture representative of collective Bosnian values. Grabrijans integration of specific Islamic forms within this vision of Bosnian architecture provided a theoretical argument for the place of this heritage in debates on modern architecture. This would later underpin Grabrijan and Neidhardts collaborative agenda. However, as the chapter concludes, the promotion of the Islamic heritage as representative of Bosnian collective identity went against dominant nationalist views, which denied the relevance of the Islamic past to contemporary Bosnia. The historical links between Muslims of Bosnia and the Ottoman colonial power, which brought Islam to Bosnia, problematised the future of Ottoman architectural and cultural heritage in Bosnia. The chapter highlights the contradictions in Grabrijans interpretation of this heritage as central to understanding his overall argument and the later collaborative works.

architecture of Sarajevo), PhD thesis, University of Zagreb, 1988. See also, I. Krzovi , Arhitektura Bosne i Hercegovine, 18781918, (Architecture of Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1878 1918), Umjetni ka Galerija BiH, Sarajevo, 1987. 30

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Chapter three analyses Grabrijan and Neidhardts first collaborative work, Sarajevo and Its Satellites. This was an attempt to integrate the specifically Islamic forms of Ba arija within their vision of a new urban master plan. The chapter shows that in developing an argument about the relationship between the old precinct and the city their discussion begins to move away from the approach established in Grabrijans earlier writings. They gradually abandoned the search for the authenticity and specificity of the old fabric, and ultimately presented Ba arija and the people inhabiting it in a stereotypical Orientalist mode that highlighted oppositional relationships between Islam and Christianity, East and West. Unable to deal with the complex political and urban issues that surrounded the old precinct, Grabrijan and Neidhardts master plan marginalised the heritage fabric in their vision of a new city. This position was in direct opposition to the views presented in their subsequent book.

Chapter four analyses Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, published in 1957, at the height of Yugoslav socialism. The chapter argues that the process of secularising Yugoslav society provided an opportunity for the authors to reposition their work by aligning their artistic vision with the socialist framework. In particular, a new political category of Bosnian Muslim not a religious group, but a particular national entity allowed Grabrijan and Neidhardts concept of Bosnian Oriental expression to be contextualised within the Yugoslav socialist and communist ideology. The vision of the modern city presented in this book was grounded on the integration, not rejection, of the citys historical fabric and

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specifically the Ottoman established precinct of Ba arija. This new position allowed the authors, and Neidhardt in particular, to transform this theoretical position into architectural practice.

Part two of the thesis (chapters five and six) charts the transformation of the theoretical into an architectural agenda. Chapter five discusses the effects of the theoretical shift from Sarajevo and Its Satellites to the Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity. It argues that the emphasis placed on the rational and functional design aspects of the Ba arija precinct provided the framework that allowed for the ideological separation of traditional forms from their historical associations. Once the old fabric was reinterpreted within modern paradigms, it was possible for Neidhardt, the practising architect of the two, to utilise this model of Bosnian Oriental in creating some of his most prominent designs, which included the Ba arija proposal and the design of the Bosnian parliament precinct.

Chapter six examines two projects undertaken by Neidhardt in 1950s the New arija project (1953) and the proposal for the Marindvor precinct, which included the building of the National Parliament of Bosnia (1955). It argues that both projects embody Grabrijan and Neidhardts attempts to interrelate political and cultural debates. The underlying secularisation of the religious structures in the New arija project, among others, and the insertion of non religious establishments in religious buildings only served to confirm Neidhardts desire to restructure the Islamic past to fit the socialist present. The chapter further argues that the proposal for the

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Marindvor precinct and the National Parliament of Bosnia demonstrated Neidhardts insistence on presenting the Bosnian Oriental as a synthetic style, vested with a capacity to integrate the past, present and future of the architecture of socialism.

My conclusion, chapter seven, confirms that Neidhardt and Grabrijans design proposals and theoretical writings presented a vision of architecture framed by the identity debates of socialist Yugoslavia. The integration of architectural and political agendas in their work demonstrates the significant role architecture can play in constructing and deconstructing cultural identity. The chapter concludes with the contribution of this thesis to its area of study and offers views regarding potential research in the area.

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PART ONE: Developing a Theoretical Framework

Chapter 2 The Kunstwollen of Bosnia

In the late 1930s Duan Grabrijan published a series of articles that addressed the urban heritage issues of Sarajevo and the Ottoman established historic precinct Ba arija. He identified the precincts cultural character as an authentic reflection of local culture, and associated its architectural forms with the specifically Bosnian condition and a form of Kunstwollen an artistic expression embodying the spirit of the collective.

This chapter argues that Grabrijans interest in exploring the heritage fabric of Sarajevo was inspired by his teacher Joe Ple nik. In his practice and teaching Ple nik promoted the integration of historic remnants within new urban proposals and considered historic fabric vital to the creation of new architecture. In an attempt to extend such an approach to Bosnia, Grabrijans early writings identified in the forms of Ba arija the authenticity and inspiration needed for the creation of the new. However, unlike in Slovenia, where such connections enjoyed the support of the authorities, in Bosnia the urban forms of Ba arija were viewed with scepticism and resistance. Due to Ba arijas historic connections to the Ottoman colonial times and the dominance of Islam over Christianity, the Serb and Croat nationalist ideologies contested its relevance. Consequently this heritage fabric was

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considered as a parochial architectural expression of the former Ottoman Empire. Its integration into new urban approaches was commonly rejected.

In an attempt to curb this resistance, Grabrijan began to present a different view of the heritage fabrics role in new urban development from the one proposed by his teacher. No longer interested in connecting historic remnants to their artistic and historical origins, Grabrijan identified their contemporary relevance and their modernity. This chapter concludes that while Grabrijans views did not receive public or official support at the time, his writings established the theoretical grounding for what became his and Neidhardts collaborative work. Later chapters argue that the ideas propounded by Grabrijan in his vision of Bosnian Kunstwollen provide the basis for the political success of the concept of Bosnian Oriental, promoted during the years of Yugoslav socialism.

Not to find a new, but to show it anew: Ple niks architecture and teaching Between 1920 and 1924 Duan Grabrijan attended Joe Ple niks class in the School of Architecture at the newly established University of Ljubljana, in Slovenia.1 Ple niks approach to architectural design and teaching made a significant impression on Grabrijan. He kept a thorough record of the school discussions, which was published in 1968 under title Ple nik and His School (Ple nik in Njegova ola).2

A number of monographs are available on the work and life of Joe Ple nik, such as: D. Prelovek, Joe Ple nik 18721957, Architectura Perennis, Yale University Press, New Haven, 1997; P. Kre i , Ple nik, the Complete Works, Academy Editions, Ernst & Sons, United Kingdom, 1993; F. Burkhardt, C. Eveno & B. Podreca, Joe Ple nik Architect: 18721957, MIT Press, Cambridge, Ma., 1989. 2 As a student of the first generation of Ljubljana school and a member of the group Hearth of Academic Architects, Grabrijans book became a record of the debates and casual conversations within the school, as well as Grabrijans own view of Ple nik and a range of his articles. Grabrijan,

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By the time Ple nik started teaching in Ljubljana, he was already well known and an experienced architectural teacher and practitioner. He was educated at the School of Applied Arts in Graz (188892), and studied with Otto Wagner at the Academy of Art in Vienna (189598). In 191112, he was recommended to succeed Wagner at the Academy of Art, but as the Ministry of Education and Religion turned down the proposal, Ple nik took up the professorship at the College of Arts and Crafts in Prague (191121).3 Ple niks active professional life in Prague, and his involvement with the design of the presidential Castle at Hrad any (area around the castle) secured him a special place in his home town.4

The opening of the school followed the recent unification of South Slavs (Yugoslavs in the Serbo Croatian language group) namely Serbs, Croats and Slovenes into one state in 1918.5 The new Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians aimed at transcending the differences between the diverse languages, religions and historical

Ple nik in Njegova ola. Compilation, editing and illustration selection was done by Grabrijans wife, Nada Grabrijan, sixteen years after her husbands death. 3 Prelovek, Joe Ple nik 18721957. 4 When in 1921 Ple nik returned to Slovenia to take up the academic position, he was disillusioned with his European appointments. But he continued his professional involvements abroad, on projects such was the renovation of Prague castle. Ple nik was appointed architect of the Hrad any castle renovation in Prague by the Czech president, Masaryk, over the period 192035. 5 The idea of Yugoslavia rested on the assumption that the South Slavs were a single ethnic group that should, like European nation states, live in a single state with a shared language and culture. In historical terms, the origins of Yugoslavia as a unified South Slavic state the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians were linked to the disintegration of the AustroHungarian Empire at the end of World War One, in 1918. The rule of the Habsburg monarchy was formally renounced and power handed over to the National Council, which declared the new Kingdom of Slovens, Croats and Serbs (191829) later transformed into the Kingdom of Yugoslavia (192941). The Kingdom of Yugoslavia a more unifying term than the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians was headed by the Karadjordjevi family of Serbia proper. Following the communist victory of the World War Two, the new state of the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia (194592) emerged. This state disintegrated in the wake of the 199296 war, giving rise to a new state of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (19922003), which mostly covered the Serbian territory.

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experiences of its constituents [Figure 1]. While the contents of this vision of commonality were not popularly agreed upon, many shared the belief in the possibility of defining and articulating a unified Yugoslav culture and people.

Figure 1: Territorial division of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia 1918 1921. Source: Lampe, Yugoslavia as History, p. 113.

Grabrijan recorded numerous discussions in Joe Ple nik class, which explored the potential of architecture to represent the potency of political changes.6 Unlike the Serb and Croat intellectuals, who by virtue of ethnic origin have historically been the political core of the idea of Yugoslavia, Ple niks position was moulded by the very marginality of his Slovene ness.7 Further, despite the long cultural heritage of Slovenias capital city, Ljubljana, it was not a capital of an independent state. It was

D. Grabrijan, Ple nik in Njegova ola (Ple nik and His School), Zaloba Obzorja, Maribor, Slovenia, 1968. 7 Slovenia inhabits a rather compact territory on the western end of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Its population is highly homogenous. The Slovenes, who are predominantly Catholic, speak a distinct language, the literary traditions of which could be traced back to the 16th century. Wachtel, Making a Nation, Breaking a Nation, p. 30.

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considered less significant than other centres of the newly formed Kingdom of Serb, Croats and Slovenes the cities of Belgrade and Zagreb.

The newly created state, however, promised to provide opportunities for all within its boundaries, and both Ple nik and Grabrijan expressed a desire to take advantage of the new developments.8 The art historian Damjan Prelovek states that related issues occupied Ple niks mind for many years while working in various European centres. Loyalty to his small country, Prelovek writes, weighed on Ple nik and he felt obliged to make good some of the shortcomings of its culture.9 Writing from Vienna to his brother Andrej, before his return to Ljubljana, Ple nik described his feeling of isolation among the Germanic people:
This is a German Vienna and I want nothing more than to be increasingly a Carniolan a Slovene in the same way as my parents, on the one hand, and on the other hand I dont want to distance myself in progressing, or rather developing, from what is native to me. It is in fact all wasteland we have nothing and yet in this period I have observed our character, and was taken by it.
10

Once Ple nik came back to Ljubljana, his architectural approach was framed by his desire to identify and transform the unique qualities of his people into an artistic expression.

Underpinning Ple niks approach was his interest in history. Congruent with his belief that the role of an architect was not to find a new, but to show it anew,
On 28 June 1921 the first Yugoslavia came into being as the constitutional, parliamentary and hereditary Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. In 1929 it was renamed the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. J. Lampe, Yugoslavia as History, Twice There Was a Country, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1996, p. 125. 9 Quoted in Prelovek, Joe Ple nik 18721957, p. 13. 10 Quoted in Prelovek, Joe Ple nik 18721957, p. 13. Undated letter.
8

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Ple niks designs commonly integrated an historic remnant within new urban plans.11 Grabrijan recorded Ple niks maxim that If we always want to discover the new, we would get nowhere, for our life is too short 12 Ple nik also frequently stated in class that the inspiration for his practice came from the recognition of the historic urban artefacts of his hometown, Ljubljana.

Grabrijans records show high praise for Ple niks architectural achievements in the urban transformation of Ljubljana.13 It was Ple niks conversion of the small objects scattered around town into something new and significant that fascinated Grabrijan.14 He was a master in accommodating and discovering the old, unanticipated beauty, wrote Grabrijan in Ple nik and His School.15 Astounded by the impact such changes made on the city, Grabrijan commented that Ple nik turned the city of Ljubljana from a former small AustroHungarian town into a capital city.16 Perceiving this approach as a poetic attempt to modify the cityscape through humble changes, without dramatically altering it, Grabrijan wrote:
He revealed small and old jewels of monuments, neglected and forgotten by all; he revealed old architecture and knew how to breathe new life into it. He created architecture with limited means and elements, and brought to life things that were considered worthless.
17

Grabrijan, Ple nik in Njegova ola, p. 88. Original quote: Ako bi hoteli vedno samo v novo kopati, bi nikamor ne prili, za to je prekratko nae ivljenje in je taka namera tudi smena, in Grabrijan, Ple nik in Njegova ola, p. 88. 13 A list of Grabrijans writings is included in the bibliography. 14 Kre i suggests that Ple niks interest in historical sources emerged from his exposure to various influences during his formative years. He also argues that while Ple niks classicism was seemingly reminiscent of Antiquity, the Romanesque or Egyptian styles, it was in fact the result of a complex fusion of diverse architectural influences. Kre i , Ple nik, The Complete Works, p. 235. 15 Grabrijan, Ple nik in Njegova ola, p. 25. 16 Grabrijan, Ple nik in Njegova ola, p. 27. 17 Grabrijan, Ple nik in Njegova ola, p. 25.
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Ple niks interest in architectural history extended to his teachings and to discussions with his students. In his record of the topics discussed at the school, Grabrijan noted Ple niks emphasis on the study of historical architecture and his promotion of classicism as the only complete style.18 Ple nik believed that students had to start from the very beginning, and that was from antiquity.19 Antiquity, is not that beautiful! It is something divine!,20 Ple nik proclaimed as he encouraged his students to search for the timeless and everlasting elements of classical architecture. In a constant interrogation of the past, the class drew obelisks, pyramids and columns in an attempt to familiarise themselves with the grammar of classicism.21 According to Prelovek, Ple nik acquired the idea from the time of his apprenticeship in Otto Wagners office in the late 1890s. Draw profiles, heads, tables in chapels, take a thick pen and practise every day and every hour, Ple nik suggested to his students, and all of a sudden you will hear above you the sound of the wings of the angel of eternity, that will take you above the everyday.22 Grabrijan, like most students in his class, immersed himself in the study of antiquity, presenting for his graduation work a variation on the motif of the stone vase originally designed by Ple nik for the entrance to the Paradise Garden at Hrad any castle, in Prague.23

Grabrijan, Ple nik in Njegova ola, p. 87. Prelovek, Joe Ple nik 18721957, p. 158. 20 Grabrijan, Ple nik in Njegova ola, p. 87. 21 Prelovek and Kopa suggest that Ple niks practical involvement and study with the Otto Wagners school of architecture convinced him that the modern architecture need not be invented from nothing but developed from available sources. D. Prelovek & V. Kopa , ale by Architect Joe Ple nik, DELO, Ljubljana, 1992, p. 42. 22 Grabrijan, Ple nik in Njegova ola, p. 58. 23 Prelovek & Kopa , ale by Architect Joe Ple nik, p. 158.
19

18

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Importantly, for Ple nik, the overarching power of classical architectural traditions provided a context for integrating individual expression into a coherent whole. It facilitated a connection between an historical artefact or a landscape setting, its historical origins and architectural origins. In his search for the artistic origins of Slovenian architecture, Ple nik sought to establish a direct link to the Etruscans, the ancient inhabitants of the Apennine Peninsula. 24 He believed that Slovenian art was the successor of the Mediterranean Antiquity period. Architectural historian Damjan Prelovek has argued that such attempts by Ple nik were aimed not at promoting specific or regional architectural or artistic expression, but at establishing a connection to a universal artistic tradition, such as classicism. 25

Certainly Grabrijan perceived his teachers approach as inclusive and open to diverse artistic influences. Commenting on Ple niks approach, he wrote: Eclectic? He [Ple nik] almost admitted it himself. Yet, not in the usual meaning of the word.26 Ple niks approach, Grabrijan argued, allowed him to choose from a treasury of historical styles and apply them in a seemingly random or eclectic

Prelovek & Kopa , ale by Architect Joe Ple nik, p. 52. Ple nik studied the ornamentation of the Va e situla (vessel, dated at the end of the 6th century BC), which was at that time thought of as a typical Etruscan product. It represented a masterpiece of decorative art and European prehistory and was considered the most important artefact of the Hallstattian culture in Slovenia. Also see www.narmuz lj.si/ang/odd/arh/arhobj.html. 25 Prelovek & Kopa , ale by Architect Joe Ple nik, p. 52. 26 Grabrijan, Ple nik in Njegova ola, p. 25.

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fashion.27 Grabrijan saw this approach as a reflection of Ple niks capacity to engage in architectural design free of the constraints of architectural conventions.28

Ple niks discussions, according to Grabrijans record, challenged the perception that Slovenian national architecture was strictly defined by national borders. While the search for such artistic expression defined the approaches of many of Ple niks contemporaries in neighbouring German speaking countries, Grabrijan quoted his teacher saying, a national art, in fact, does not exist.29 According to Prelovek, Ple nik avoided compatriot organisations and was critical of their interest in ethnographic particularities. He had limited interest in domestic architecture and indicated his distrust in the values of folk art as a guide to artistic creation. 30

Grabrijan, Ple nik in Njegova ola, p. 25. As noted in footnote 14 Ple nik was exposed during his formative years to a variety of sources. But for Ple nik, the other important consideration was that the classical tradition represented access to the divine and the worldly in architecture. A devout Catholic, Ple nik believed in the importance of Rome to Western culture. Ple niks faith in artistic endeavours thus was not unlike faith in God an individual journey for each person with the aim of discovering the truth that connects oneself and the eternal qualities of architecture. Grabrijan, Ple nik in Njegova ola, p. 50. 29 Grabrijan, Ple nik in Njegova ola, pp. 9697. Admittedly, Ple niks views were deeply conservative and his teaching methods seen as dogmatic. In letter to his colleague, Grabrijan wrote I do not wish Ple niks temper on anyone, I do not wish his pessimism, even if his genius shines through it. Original quote: Ne alim nikomur Ple nikove ljubezni, ne elim niomur njegove vere in pesimizma in vendar ob utim v the stvareh genialnost. Vpraenje je, ali za to dejevost vse tisto drugo potrebno potem tudi njo odklanjam!. Grabrijan, Ple nik in Njegova ola, p. 62. Further, Ple niks promotion of Slovenian nationalism relied on mobilising exclusivist and at times racist views that to varying degree framed the fascist agenda. But Ple niks views of both nation and art, I would argue, emerged amid the intellectual and political struggle to define the Yugoslav culture, and by extension his own Slovenian culture. Resistance to surrounding nationalism framed Ple niks views on art and nation. While I do not intend to justify or reject the possibility of interpreting Ple niks approach as racist and nationalistic by suggesting that he reacted to the pressure applied by the other nationalisms, it is important to remember that the discourse that defined discussions of Yugoslav culture was one that promoted exclusivist nationalism. It would be only as recent as the late 1990s that Marxist cultural theorist Slavoj iek criticised Ple nik for his elitism. iek argued that Ple niks perception of architecture as high art, his attachment to history and the rejection of modernism, were all connected to the ideas that structured fascism in Europe. For further discussion of this see S. iek, Everything provokes fascism (interview) and A. Herscher, Ple nik avec Laibach, Assemblage 33, MIT, 1997, pp. 5875. 30 Prelovek suggests that Ple nik leaned towards Sempers idea that nations were only distinguished by their comprehension and reproduction, while styles were the common property of the whole of
28

27

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Grabrijan credited Ple niks ability to construct new urban realities through the reuse of heritage remnants as part of his talent for expressing, in architectural terms, the artistic qualities of the place, reviving the latent value of urban landscapes. Ple nik said to students: You have to follow the people you have to listen to the instincts and impulses.31 It was an architects role to define a style, Ple nik suggested, that expressed a peoples inner self and reflected the nations set of beliefs, mentality, and climate.32 This idea that it is the architects responsibility to find, among the diverse possibilities embedded in the urban context, the remnants of a past that have value to the present was central to Grabrijans own understanding of his professional and ethical role of architect.

This search for a relationship between architecture and the people who created it connected Ple niks thinking to well known debates of the time most specifically to the Austrian art historian Alois Riegls writings and to the concept of Kunstwollen, or will to art.33 While Ple nik never acknowledged the significance of Riegls ideas, historians such as Prelovek and Stele have argued that there is an obvious connection between Ple niks notion of the inner nerve of art and Riegls will to

civilisation. Semper warned against the folk art as being too young, and as such reflects the deformed origins of national creativity. Ple nik also was not interested in folk art, and did not join fellow compatriots in their Vienna club Vesna. Prelovek & Kopa , ale by Architect Joe Ple nik, p. 46. 31 Grabrijan, Ple nik in Njegova ola, pp. 9697. 32 Grabrijan, Ple nik in Njegova ola. Prelovek referred to it as the inner nerve of art in Prelovek, Joe Ple nik 18721957, p. 12. 33 M. Iversen, Alois Riegl: Art History and Theory, MIT Press, Cambridge, Ma., 1993, p. 6.

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art.34 Grabrijan presented Riegls work as particularly relevant to the Slovene students, dedicating a whole section of Ple nik and His School to the importance of Riegls ideas.

Riegls notion of Kunstwollen,35 Grabrijan wrote, presented works of art as a result of the artistic consciousness of people, and the history of art as the discipline of describing the artistic will.36 Conceived as the historical propensity of an age or a people, the stylistic development of which was governed without respect to mimetic or technological concerns, Kunstwollen offered legitimacy and structure to Grabrijans understandings of Ple niks effort.37 This approach confirmed Grabrijans faith in the independent nature of artistic agency and the importance of artistic will over causal explanations of artistic production. Riegls main contribution, Grabrijan wrote, was that he taught us to differentiate between art and craft, liberating art from external purpose, which almost took it over, making art history a history of spiritual values.38

F. Stele referred to it as the geographic constants of art history, in Prelovek, Joe Ple nik 1872 1957, p. 12. 35 The translation of this term is problematic and differs between various texts. Henri Zerner offers two interpretations: the first, articulated by Panofsky, interprets kunstwollen as a content or objective meaning each work, by its style, involves the whole culture from which it comes; the second, expressed by Sedlmayr, is that it is the central and informing principle, a truly creative force. Iverson defines the highly problematised concept as an artistic will or urge or intent informing different period styles. H. Zerner, Alois Riegl: art, value, and historicism, Daedalus, Journal of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 105, winter 1976, p. 180; and M. Iversen, Alois Riegl: Art History and Theory, p. 6. 36 Original quote: Rieglova glavna zasluga je, da nas nau il razlikovati medumetnostjo in rokodelstvom, da je osvobodil umetnost od zunanjeg namena, kateremu je bila ze skoraj podlegla, in da je napravil iz umetnostne zgodovine duhovno znanost. Grabrijan, Ple nik in Njegova ola, p. 44. 37 Riegls thesis suggests that the visual experiences of an artist become useful and relevant only if they communicate the requirements of the stylistic situation of a particular historical moment. O. Pacht, Art historians and art critics vi: Alois Riegl, Burlington Magazine, 105, 1963, p. 189. 38 Grabrijan, Ple nik in Njegova ola, p. 44.

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Riegls publication Sptrmische Kunstindustrie (1897), which focused on the study of late antiquity and could be regarded as of archaeological interest only, presented new ways of thinking for people like Grabrijan. Rejecting the common perception that the late antiquity represented the decadence and decline of the classical age, Riegl argued that an interrogation of this art revealed new values.39 His proposition recognised the presence of the historical character of aesthetic judgment and opened up possibilities for including different aesthetic ideals. Similarly, his work on the Baroque, another period regarded decadent, moved away from the traditionally accepted modes of analysis that focused on the individual artist or the problem of patronage. Instead, it explored works of art as defining the artistic projection of that society.40 Grabrijan saw this search for an interrelationship between the historic fabric and the will of people as an underlining force in Ple niks work his urban transformation of Ljubljana being an attempt to include the arts of small nations, such as Slovenia, within the overall historical development of the world of arts.

Grabrijan does not offer an assessment of the quality or relevance of the elements integrated. But his continuous admiration of Ple niks capacity to show, in his architecture, the supposed inner qualities of the Slovenian people and city of Ljubljana suggest his approval. His numerous comments highlight the relevance of Ple niks excavations of the Roman wall remnants in Ljubljana, offered to prove the

39 40

Zerner, Alois Riegl: art, value, and historicism, p. 178. Zerner, Alois Riegl: art, value, and historicism, p. 179.

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classical roots of Slovenian culture.41 And he supported Ple niks integration of the Illyrian monument (1929), reinstating the popular view of the French ideal of liberty underpinning Slovenian civil society [Figure 2].42 The numerous embellishments of existing architecture with their connections to the selected monuments of the Slovenian national past all told a story of what Ple nik wanted Slovenia to be a Christian land with roots in the classical cultures of the West.

Figure 2: Illyrian monument, J. Ple nik, Ljubljana. Source: D. Ali , 2004.

Ple niks limited interest in his compatriots of the Yugoslav state the Croats and the Serbs is well documented in Grabrijans texts. According to Grabrijans records, Ple nik was clearly dissatisfied with the Yugoslav governments attempts to
41

Within the square of the French Revolution in Ljubljana, Ple nik included the Illyrian monument (1929), the monument to the Slovenian poet Simon Gregor i (1937) and the ends of the Roman wall. Prelovek, Joe Ple nik 18721957, p. 12. 42 Historically, Slovenian nationalism was awakened relatively early by Napoleon Bonapartes forces, which occupied the region between 1809 and 1813. The revived ancient term Illyria was introduced to promote the integration of Croatian and Slovenian lands into a single administrative unit, governed by the French. Ple nik, allegedly, was very interested in the ideas behind French Illyrian ideals, particularly the connection it established between the Slovene culture and the Etruscans. P. Rowe, Civic Realism, MIT Press, Cambridge, Ma., 1997, p. 172.

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dominate the Slovenes. He particularly objected to continual attempts from Belgrade to control the Slovenian architecture program, and to the introduction of fees for professional registration.43 Most significantly, despite Ple niks attempts to define the grounds of a specifically Slovenian culture he was not interested in adding those to a new collective Yugoslav culture.

Exemplifying his opposition to attempts to construct an art reflecting Yugoslav ideologies, Ple nik spoke openly against artists such as Ivan Metrovi . Metrovi , a sculptor and an architect who many have argued was one of the worlds most famous, was a leading supporter of the idea of a new kind of Yugoslav culture.44 Metrovi made his alliances clear in his controversial display at the Rome

Exhibition in 1911. Expected to present his work within the AustroHungarian pavilion, Metrovi refused to do so unless a separate pavilion was provided for the South Slavs; his request was denied, he exhibited his work in the Serbian pavilion.45 Himself a Croat, Metrovi s rejection of his perceived Central European culture for an alliance with the Serbs, who were considered barbarians, was as Wachtel has suggested sensational.46 His exhibition work presented fragments from the so called Kosovo or St. Vitrus Day Temple (the battle of Kosovo was fought on St. Vitrus Day).47 A wooden model of the Temple combined Catholic and Orthodox elements, with the plan following the pattern of a Roman Catholic cross and the dome having more a Byzantine character. The exhibit as a whole was encircled by a
43 44

Prelovek, Joe Ple nik 18721957, p. 159. Wachtel, Making a Nation, Breaking a Nation, p. 54. 45 Wachtel, Making a Nation, Breaking a Nation, pp. 5556. 46 Wachtel, Making a Nation, Breaking a Nation, pp. 55. 47 Wachtel, Making a Nation, Breaking a Nation, pp. 5556.

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range of figures inspired by the famous heroes of South Slav oral poetry.48 The work of Metrovi resonated through the territories of Yugoslavia, as a proposal of deep national significance. But commenting on the 1923 Metrovi exhibition in

Ljubljana, Ple nik said: I respect Metrovi as an artist, but I do not think that he has really thought through what his aims were.49

Perceiving his artistic vision as a warrant of Slovenian cultural integrity, Ple nik told his students:
I am whole heartily for the unification [of Yugoslavia], but I am for each family living separately, so that we can, with ease, look in each others eyes and talk about things and learn about each other it is only that way that we can develop.
50

Encouraged, Grabrijan embarked on his lifelong project aimed at discovering and adding to the significant and diverse artistic creations of Yugoslavia to the ever growing artistic creations of the world. Under the influence of Riegls theories, Grabrijans discussion of the urban condition of Bosnia began to be marked by the search for architecture that demonstrated the societys artistic experiences, and the specifics of its cultural expression.51 Encouraged by Ple niks credo that it was the role of an architect to discover new values in what was already there, Grabrijans

Wachtel, Making a Nation, Breaking a Nation, pp. 5556. Grabrijan, Ple nik in Njegova ola, pp. 9697. 50 Grabrijan, Ple nik in Njegova ola, p. 68. 51 Alois Riegls search for correlations between society and artistic creations had a significant impact on architectural discourse from the late 19th century on, from the all enveloping art of the Gesamtkunstwerk, associated with the work of Wagner, to William Morris and the arts and craft movement.
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early writings on the city of Sarajevo sought to identify the values hidden within the urban fabric.52

Identifying the significance of Ba arija From 1930, Grabrijans writings focused on the old Ottoman established urban precinct of Ba arija. By the time Grabrijan settled in the city this historic core occupied only a relatively small area on the eastern edge of the new city.53

Notwithstanding its size and peripheral position, the precincts busy shops and pedestrian routes continued to play a significant role in the daily life of Sarajevo. Established in the 15th century, the old precinct still maintained the original principles of Ottoman urban design. Most notable was the generic division between public and private domains,54 the road separating the activities of the arija, the trade and business district, from the surrounding residential area, the mahala. The Ba arija business section also accommodated the most important civic and religious buildings, including the markets, Gazi Husref Begs Mosque (1531), the Jewish synagogue (original building from 1581) and the Old Orthodox Church (153940).55 These structures coupled with the precincts narrow, meandering

Grabrijan retained his teaching position at Sarajevos Technical School until the onset of World War Two. In 1945 he returned to Slovenia to a position as Professor of Architecture at the University of Ljubljana. 53 By the early 20th century, the limits of Ba arija had been determined geographically: on the south by Obala Street, which separated Ba arija from the northern residential hills; on the west by Gazi Husref Begs Bezistan and the old Jewish Hram (synagogue), which borders a new Austro Hungarian development; and on the east by the Vije nica (Town Hall) and the eher ehajin bridge. 54 A. Raymond, The Great Arab Cities in the 16th18th Centuries, An Introduction, New York University Press, New York, 1984, p. 10. 55 A. Bejti suggests that the original building was built in 1581, and the building that stands today was built in 182123, in Stara Sarajevska arija ju er, danas i sutra, Osnove I Smjernice za

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streets gave Grabrijan an impression that the unique values of the city of Sarajevo were laid within the old precinct.

In a 1940 article entitled Architecture in human scale, Grabrijan stated that despite the diversity of urban experiences in Sarajevo, his focus is on the old. If we look at Sarajevo from the surrounding hills of Trebevi , we will notice two formations: eastern and western parts cities next to each other.56 Admitting that the western part with its corridor like streets was not of particular interest, he focused on the eastern part and the old town of Ba arija. He stated:
[The eastern part] is made of small houses surrounded by gardens, low in height, calm, humble and tame the monotony that is only here and there interrupted by domes and minarets of mosques, i.e., a layered composition similar to stone slates. Everything is harmonious and homogenous: a reflection of a residual culture.
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Attracted to the small scale development of the precinct and its harmonious qualities, Grabrijan wrote, My heart is leaning towards the eastern part of the town. Hidden in this fabric are the secrets [that] I would like to reveal.58 Further rationalising this interest in the old and dilapidated city, he wrote:

Regenaraciju (Old Town of Sarajevo, Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow, a Development Proposal), Gradski Zavod za Zatitu i Uredjenje Spomenika Kulture, Sarajevo, 1969, p. 34. Bejti also suggests that the Orthodox Christians built their church in 153940, p. 31. 56 Grabrijan, Architecture in human scale (Arhitektura nadohvat covjecje ruke), Novi Behar, Sarajevo, 1940, br. 2, 3 and special edition reprinted in, D. eli (ed.), Grabrijan i Sarajevo, Izabrani lanci 196342, (Grabrijan and Sarajevo, Selected Articles 196342), Muzej Grada Sarajeva, Svjetlost, Sarajevo, 1970, p. 51. 57 Grabrijan, Architecture in human scale in eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, p. 51. 58 Original quote: Ove stvari imaju kvalitet kojima Europa oskudjeva. Ispred njih se odjednom osjeti barbarinom taj superiorni ovjek sa Zapada, koji dolazi ovamo kao u koloniju. Dakle, pored haoticnog grada ivi tu, negdje i smisao za ljepotu I osje aj za mjerilo! I srce mi naginje u taj drugi, isto ni dio grada, I elio bih mu otkriti tajnu! ta, je dakle, tu to privla i, uprkos nerjeenog prometa, nehigijene I neekonomije! Pokuat cu to nazvati I izraziti: arhitekturom nadohvat ovje ije ruke; also published in eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, p. 52.

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So, what is there that makes it attractive in the unresolved traffic conditions, lack of hygiene and rent viability? I will try to name it and explain it as: architecture in human scale.
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His fascination with the precinct resulted in numerous articles published in both professional journals and the daily papers. They included titles such as Family small house (1936), Muslim graveyards (1936), Le Corbusier and Sarajevo (1936) and the Turkish house (1937), and in these Grabrijan argued that the historic precinct was relevant to the construction of a new city. Its urban and formal qualities reminded him of not only of his days at Ple niks school, but also of his interest in modern debates, such as Le Corbusiers discussion of the Orient. These themes underpinned Grabrijans writings on the city.

Historic yes, but not significant: the problems of Islamic heritage In the article Muslim graveyards Grabrijan addressed the pertinent issue of the destruction of Islamic built heritage in Sarajevo.60 The exhumation of old Muslim graveyards started with the AustroHungarian government in the 1880s, initially as part of expanding city boundaries and transforming the land once on the periphery. The practice also formed a part of the governments endeavour to modernise the city and to turn old graveyards into new parks. In an attempt to participate in those

eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, p. 52. Exhumation of old Muslim graveyards was started by the AustroHungarians, who took out two significant graveyards in the southwest corner of the Presidential Palace. Opposite the palace, in the position of todays Small Park, an old Muslim graveyard was turned into a park in 1886, and after World War Two new buildings were built on the site. The main city park, known as the Big Park, was also originally a Muslim graveyard. During the Turkish time At Mejdan, later renamed Sijaset Mejdan, was used as an execution ground. Nijazija Kotovi presents an extensive record of exhumed Muslim graveyards, but Kotovi s inconsistent referencing system makes this study difficult to use. N. Kotovi , Sarajevo, Izmedju Dobrotvorstva i Zla, (Sarajevo Between the Charitable and Evil), El Kalem and Merhamet, Sarajevo, 1995, pp. 18699.
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changes and find new revenue, the directorate of vakufs (Islamic pious endowments) the legal owner of the all the vakuf properties apparently willingly handed over two large graveyards in 1885 to transform into such parks.61 In return, the government promised to keep the gravestones and pay the vakuf directorate yearly rent.62 New parks, roads and paths were cut through old graveyards and mosque gardens, and when Grabrijan addressed the issue in 1936 the process was in full swing.

Accepting modernisation as the premise on which the policy of graveyards clearing was based, Grabrijans text addressed the issue of integrating the old gravestones (the historic remnant) in the new setting. He perceived modernisation as a progressive socio economic force and suggested that the graveyards could be turned into the lungs of the new city.63 Naively calling for a full incorporation of the pasts remnants into new landscape, Grabrijan wrote, bring park into the graveyard, graves into the city centre, and history into modern life!64 Unaware of the complexity of the debate, he focused on the importance of contextualising the old relicts into the new landscape. Sarajevos history, he wrote, is written on these tombs.65 Adjusting Riegls thesis to the specifics of local debate, he stated that the tombs communicated the stylistic requirements of a particular historical moment

T. Kruevac, Sarajevo pod Austro Ugarskom upravom 18781918, (Sarajevo Under the Austro Hungarian Administration 1878 1918), Izdanje Muzeja grada Sarajeva, Sarajevo, 1960, p. 47 62 Kruevac, Sarajevo pod Austro Ugarskom upravom 18781918, p. 47 63 eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, p. 108. 64 Original quote: Dakle: park u groblje, grobove usred grada, historiju u moderan ivot. Muslim graveyards, in eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, p. 108. 65 Original quote: Ali Sarajevo ima historiju pisanu na nianima, tj. historiju naroda koji je bi vjerski prepotentan, pa je onda, kad se nije smio iivljavati u bogumilstvu, preao odmah na islam. Muslim graveyards, in eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, p. 107.

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and were relevant to the contemporary city.66 In an attempt to find support for his argument, Grabrijan recalled an event when in an attempt to divert the authorities from clearing an old graveyard Ple nik proposed a public park. The design incorporated important historic monuments in spatial and symbolic configurations that Grabrijan stated was evocative of Slovenian Pantheon.67

But unlike in Ljubljana, where urban authorities supported Ple nik in his efforts to include remnants of the past in his new urban plans, in Sarajevo the Ottoman heritage was under considerable attack. The exhumation of old Ottoman graveyards was accompanied by outright demolition or passive neglect and destruction of historic buildings. This saw the mosque of Mustafa Beg Skenderpai (the first domed mosque in the whole of Bosnia and Herzegovina, built in 1518) collapse in 1935 after an underfunded roof replacement project left the structure uncovered and open to weather.68 A number of local mosques and religious schools were demolished, including the Hadi Idris Mesdid (1540), the Mesdid Tavil Hadi Mustafa (1545), the Mesdid Hadi Mahmud Bali Sahtijandi (built before 1602) and the Mejdan medresa (1741).69

It is clear that Grabrijan saw heritage conservation as a significant problem. In his 1936 paper, Thoughts and comments on the development of Sarajevo, published

Pacht, Art historians and art critics vi: Alois Riegl, p. 189. While Grabrijan does not mention the specific project, the reference was most likely made in relation to Ple niks design of Ljubljana cemetery at ale project. eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, p. 108. 68 The whole structure disintegrated, leaving only the minaret standing. The minaret was subsequently destroyed in 1960. Kotovi , Sarajevo, Izmedju Dobrotvorstva i Zla, p.170. 69 Kotovi , Sarajevo, Izmedju Dobrotvorstva i Zla, pp. 17476.
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six years after his arrival in the city, Grabrijan expressed his frustration with approaches to urban development.70 Discussing zoning, traffic and hygiene in relation to the urban planning of Sarajevo, Grabrijan accused the city authority of losing its head by allowing the barbarity of modernisation to destroy the urban qualities of the city.71 In a number of articles published in 1936 and 1937 Grabrijan continued his criticism of broader urban planning approaches and specific heritage policies for Ba arija.72 However, his voice remained a lone one and his requests went unheard. His outspokenness was seen as a reflection of his non Bosnian background and lack of involvement and awareness, or maybe appreciation, of the specific historical and political factors that framed discussion of Sarajevos built heritage.

To understand the context within which Grabrijans articles appeared and the resistance they faced, it is necessary to outline two broader issues framing the discussion of Ba arija: first, the Ottoman origins that underlined the internal

70 Grabrijan Sarajevo se izgradjuje, Nekoliko polemi kih misli o urbanizaciji Sarajeva (Thoughts and comments on the development of Sarajevo), originally published in Jugoslovenski List, Sarajevo, 11. 4. 1936; republished in eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, pp. 10105. 71 eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, pp. 10105. 72 In the years 193637 Grabrijan published more than 20 papers. Among those that specifically addressed the problematic issues of urban development were: Sarajevo se izgradjuje Nekoliko polemi kih misli o urbanizaciji Sarajeva(Sarajevo is getting built, some thoughts on the urban development of Sarajevo), Jugoslovenski List, Sarajevo, 11. 4, 1936; Porodi na mala ku a (Small family home), Tehni ar, br. 7, Beograd, April 1936; Muslimanska groblja, (Muslim graveyards), Jugoslovenski List, Sarajevo, 14. 6, 1936; and Novi Behar, Sarajevo, 1937, br. 56, god. XI; eljezni ki problem, O astronomskim sumama, (A problem of the [Sarajevo] railway station, about exuberant prices), Jugoslovenski List, Sarajevo, 24. 6, 1936; Sarajevski eljezni ki problem, konkretni predlog, (A problem of the Sarajevo railway station, a proposal), Jugoslovenski List, Sarajevo, 1. 7, 1936; Osvrt na arhitektonsku izlobu Juraja Neidhardta na Tehni kom fakultetu u Zagrebu Gradjevna ideja GI, (A review of architectural exhibition of Juraj Neidhardt at Technical Faculty in Zagreb), Gradjevinski Vjesnik, Zagreb, br. 1, January 1937; Arhitektonski problemi modernog teatra, Orijentacija prilikom Sarajevske adaptacije, (Architectural problems of modern theatre, a case study of Sarajevo theatre), Jugoslovenski List, Sarajevo, 6. 1. 1937.

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structure of the precinct and the precincts subsequent changes under the new AustroHungarian government, which took over Bosnia in 1878; second, the impact those urban changes had on geographical and contextual relationship between Ba arija and the rest of the city.

The origins and transformations of Ba arija, from the town centre to the historic precinct The origins of the city of Sarajevo are connected to what later became the Ba arija precinct.73 In the mid 15th century the Isa beg Ishakovi , first governor of the newly acquired Ottoman province of Bosnia, built his administrative headquarters, or saray, from which Sarajevo took its name (saray = military camp/palace; ovasi = field).74

Historian Behija Zlatar offers a detailed discussion of the development of Sarajevo from its origins till the end of 16th century. Zlatar identifies a small town located around the medieval market square Trgovite, or Utorkovite, located where Ali Pashas mosque and the Hygienic Institute are today. Most mentioned localities are in the area that the Isa Beg vakuf documents (vakufnama) refer to as Stara Varo (Old Town), dated 1468. Old Trgovite (Old Marketplace) is from the documents of 1569, Varoite or Vrhbosna as it is referred to in some documents. Vrhbosna is also the name of the mediaeval town on that place. In 1451, the Ottomans took over the town of Vrhbosna, which grew into the major Ottoman city of Bosnia the city of Sarajevo and launched a series of further attacks that resulted in the whole mediaeval kingdom falling into Ottomans hands. Isa Beg Ishakovi is sometimes spelled as Isakovi , and beg is a Bosnian spelling of the title bey or chieftain. Here the former spelling is used, as it is by B. Zlatar in Zlatno doba Sarajeva (Golden Age of Sarajevo), Svjetlost, Sarajevo, 1996, pp. 2837. 74 According to Zlatar, 1463 marks the takeover of the Bosnian territories by the Ottomans. That year the territory of Bosnia became a sandak (commonly translated as province), with the newly established city of Sarajevo as its centre. Zlatar, Zlatno doba Sarajeva, p. 34. Also, from the establishment of Ottoman power until 1580, Bosnia formed a part of the eylet (governorate general) of Rumelia which comprised a number of sandaks and covered most of the Balkans. Sarajevo was the first centre of Bosnian sandak and later on paaluk (Ottoman administrative unit). The eyelet of Bosnia was created which included the whole of modern Bosnia and Hercegovina as well as some parts of neighbouring Slavonia, Croatia, Dalmatia and Serbia. Traditionally the provinces of the Ottoman Empire were known as eylets. From 1864 they were gradually restructured as smaller vilyets, vilajet in Bosnian. N. Malcolm, Bosnia A Short History, Macmillan, London, 1994, p. 50.

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Having initially established the governors palace and Sarajevos first mosque, on the left bank, Isa Beg built a bridge across the Miljacka River, connecting his development with the existing intersection of roads that would become the new commercial centre.75 On that left bank he established a tekija (zawiya the lodge of a dervish order) to serve as a place of rest for poor Muslims that are students, sejjidi [descendants of the Prophet], warriors and travellers.76 On the right bank he commissioned a karavan saraj (caravansaray, inn for travellers and merchants), with adjoining shops and workshops, a development that formed the nucleus of the future grand bazaar that would be called Ba arija.77

Between 1521 and 1541, under the governorship of Gazi Husref Beg, Ba arija and the surrounds entered a period of major development.78 The increase of urban activities marked the beginning of the golden period of the city and advanced the

In addition to the existing medieval town of Vrhbosna, the place that Isa Beg selected to build the new town was close to another mediaeval settlement Brodac. There, Isa Beg appropriated land and in exchange gave the local Christian population new fields further away. However, the first building activities took place before 1462. The transformation was marked by the towns classification to kasaba, a place that has a mosque where Friday prayers are performs, a community of Muslims and a marketplace. Zlatar, Zlatno doba Sarajeva, pp. 2830. 76 Isa Beg designated vakuf property to secure the working of tekija. The structures that provided the maintenance and support for his vakuf included hamam (baths), water supply, mills and land. Zlatar, Zlatno Doba Sarajeva, pp. 3133. 77 The term Ba arija is derived from Turkish language as Ba is related to ba that in Turkish means main, capital and arija which is ar that in Turkish means bazaar or market. The term arija only is also commonly used. 78 There have been two spellings used for his name: Gazi Husref Beg and Gazi Husrevbeg. Here the former is used. Gazi Husref Beg came as a governor of the Bosnian sandak in 1521, where he stayed until 1541, with two small interruptions. A. Handi , Studije o Bosni, historijski prilozi iz osmansko turskog period, (A Study of Bosnia During the Ottoman Turkish Period), Research Centre for Islamic History, Art and Culture (IRCICA), Istanbul, 1994, p. 79. For a discussion of Gazi Husref Beg and his endowments see also: Gazihusrevbegs Vakuf (comp.), Spomenica Gazi Husrevbegove etiristo Godinjice (Four Hundred Years of Gazihusrevbegs Vakuf) Sarajevo, 1932, in particular the section by H. Kreevljakovi , Sarajevo do Husrefbega, pp. 317.

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status of Sarajevo from kasaba (small town) to a eher (town).79 In 1531, Gazi Husref Beg commissioned the construction of Sarajevos most prominent mosque in Ba arija the Begs (Begova) mosque, with associated structures that included a adrvan (water fountain), two turbes (burial chambers) and a kutubhana (library).80 To the west of the mosque he built an imaret (kitchen for the poor), a musafirhana (inn for poor people), and to the north of it a mekteb (elementary Islamic school) and a hanikah (hostel with a school for young dervishes).81 In the same year, he also began construction of commercial buildings, such as a karavan saraj (inn for travellers and merchants).

The following decade witnessed Ba arijas steady development into a commercial centre, with commissions such as Gazi Husref Begs bezistan (covered bazaar for valuable goods) and talihan (small inn) in 1540.82 The commercial growth of Ba arija continued throughout the second half of the 16th century. The most significant commercial structure built in this period was the Brusa Bezistan [Figure

Handi suggests that most of the sultans mosques in Bosnia were, in fact, state sponsored and not established under the vakuf of the Sultan. That suggests that the first mosques in various towns can be seen as more a planned action of the Ottoman government and less the result of individual undertakings through the institution of vakuf. A. Handi , Studije o Bosni, historijski prilozi iz osmansko turskog perioda. 80 The document compiled by the Gazihusrevbegs Vakuf, Spomenica Gazi Husrevbegove etiristo Godinjice, contains detailed description of the vakuf and the buildings and structure that it encompassed. 81 The hanikah burned twice, in 1697 and 1755, and was renovated three times in 1769, 1831 and 1852. In 1931, it was replaced by a new medresa. Gazihusrevbegs Vakuf, Spomenica Gazi Husrevbegove etiristo Godinjice, p. 57. The dervishes were of the halvetija order. 82 Talihan (stone han, Husrev beg's caravanserai or old han) was built between 1540 and 1543. The structure caught fire in 1697, and then again in 1831, before burned down completely in 1879.

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3], a covered marketplace constructed by Rustem Pasha in 1551 to facilitate the importation of silk from Turkey.83

Figure 3: Contemporary view of the exterior of the covered marketplace of Brusa Bezistan. Source: Dijana Ali , 2004.

In accordance with the Ottoman practice, the institution of the vakuf underpinned urban development. The vakuf was a religious trust fund, with its own separate administration and legal identity.84 Its finance was reliant on a permanent endowment of land or real estate made by an individual stipulating that the property be used for purposes compatible with Islam.85 Thus, the donated property and finance were primarily used for providing public institutions, such as mosques,

For a thorough description of Ba arijas development in the 16th century see Zlatar, Zlatno Doba Sarajeva. 84 For further discussion of vakufs in former Yugoslavia see M. Serdarevi , Pravna zatita kulturno historijskog naslijedja BiH, (Legislative Regulations for Cultural and Historic Heritage in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Origins, Protection, Destruction), Medjunarodni Centar za Mir, Sarajevo, 1997, pp. 17 22. 85 The spelling of the term vakuf is Bosnian. The author is aware of the derivation from the Turkish vakif and Arabic waqf, but to maintain accuracy in referencing original documents, all terms in this thesis are spelled in Bosnian.

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schools, libraries, hostels, hospitals, public fountains, kitchens and sometimes bridges and roads. The system also provided for income producing properties, such as farmlands, toll bridges, inns, bathhouses, shops and warehouses. Funds raised through these institutions allowed for the perpetual operation and restoration of the vakufs properties.

In the context of Ba arija, the vakufs details of Gazi Husref Begs endowment for building and maintaining structures were set out in three administrative documents called vakfija (endowment deed).86 The first of these, dated 1531 (938 according to Islamic calendar), documented the establishment of the main mosque, hanikah, mekteb, imaret and musafirhana. The second, from 1537, was related to the medresa, and the third, dated the same year, presented the establishment of the main mosque in more detail.87 The vakufs funds were used to support the main buildings, as well as other public structures, such as sahat kula (the clock tower), four hans, and vakuf hospital, to name the most significant.88 Further, in his desire to develop Ba arija into an active marketplace, Gazi Husref Beg provided loans to merchants interested in building markets and stores within the boundaries of the precinct.

Despite Ba arijas Ottoman urban structure and the prominence of Islamic educational and religious institutions, the precinct also accommodated other
The vakfija documents included movable and fixed assets, and set up the relationships between the economic and urban aspects of specific vakuf establishments. Gazihusrevbegs Vakuf, Spomenica Gazi Husrevbegove etiristo Godinjice. 87 Gazihusrevbegs Vakuf, Spomenica Gazi Husrevbegove etiristo Godinjice, pp. 9192. 88 Handi , Studije o Bosni, historijski prilozi iz osmansko turskog perioda, VIII.
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religious groups, which were granted a degree of social and civic autonomy under the millet system.89 Millets were self governing religious communities under the Ottoman government, granting rights to Christians and Jews to apply their own laws in their own courts, albeit under certain restrictions. The system thus recognised the Bosnian population through its religions (Muslims, Catholics, and Orthodox) and not its national belonging Bosnians, Croats and Serbs. Because Islam formed the backbone of the Ottoman state, the religious separations hindered integration of the various segments of the empires population into a uniform group.

The millet structure affected the urban layout of the city, as religious groups occupied separate parts of the same precinct.90 In the 16th century, the Catholic merchants from Dubrovnik (Ragusa), for example, built a church within their district of Latinluk, or Frana ka mahala, while the Orthodox population settled near the northern boundary of Ba arija, where they established their church, with its surrounding residential and commercial dwellings, in 1539.91 Later in the century, Ba arija saw the arrival of the Sephardic Jews, following their expulsion from Spain. They established a community in Sarajevo and built their first synagogue, in 1581, at the western end of the precinct. Over the following two centuries Ba arija retained its urban structure, as determined by the prominent buildings of Gazi Husref Begs vakuf and the peripheral development of various ethnic quarters. So by the beginning of the 17th century one could view the presence and
Malcolm, Bosnia A Short History, p. 49. Handi provides more information on millets in Bosnia in Studije o Bosni; see also, R. Donia & J. Fine, Bosnia and Hercegovina A Tradition Betrayed, Hurst and Company, London, 1994, pp. 6465. 91 The original Roman Catholic church in Latinluk, dating from the Middle Ages, was destroyed in the fire of 1697.
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interaction of Bosnias four religious communities within the one square kilometre of Ba arija.

Sarajevo was a tax free city, which furthered Ba arijas economic development. The Muafnama, a document providing the city with exemptions from taxes, was initially given to Sarajevo in 1464 in appreciation for the citys military contribution. This privilege remained a characteristic of Sarajevo until the late 18th century.92 Clearly, this economic climate provided a financial advantage to merchants and artisans, whose gravitation to Ba arija further confirmed this urban core as the commercial centre of the city. Bosnias growing importance as a stronghold of the Ottoman Empire contributed to a change of status in 1580 into a principal unit of the empire. It enjoyed its special status for the remaining period of Ottoman governance and the 1878 takeover by the AustroHungarian Empire [Figure 4].93

Muafnama was first given to Sarajevo by sultan Mehmed el Fatih, and the same Muafnama was renewed at least four more times, in 1572, 169293, 1701 and 1748. Serdarevi , Pravna zatita kulturno historijskog naslijedja BiH, pp. 1617. 93 From the early 19th century, the Ottoman Empire started experiencing significant problems in Bosnia. Internal pressures and rebelliousness within Bosnia accompanied the end of Napoleonic wars and the Serbian rebellion. In 1877, Russia declared war on the Ottomans, and by 1878 Russia was able to dictate the terms of settlement with the empire. Under the Treaty of San Stefano, Bosnia was to remain Ottoman territory, but various reforms had to be introduced. However, the Congress of Berlin in 1878 (Treaty of Berlin) changed those arrangements and announced that Bosnia and Hercegovina, while still officially under Ottoman suzerainty, would be occupied and administered by AustriaHungary. For a discussion on this period see Resistance and reform in Malcolm, Bosnia A Short History, pp. 11935.

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Figure 4: arija with its surroundings at the end of 19th century, Neidhardts map developed on the base of late 19th century Austro Hungarian map. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 59.

The interwoven nature of the central market and the main mosque of Gazi Husref Beg contributed to the development of a complex and active civic centre. More significantly, this urban model served political purposes, as it allowed for the articulation of an authoritative Ottoman imperial image. In the first instance, the reliance on the vakuf and the large financial investments in religious buildings emphasised Islam and Islamic law as the basis of community, cultural and political life, thereby strengthening the Ottoman presence in Sarajevo. Further, the city centres concentrated network of economic activity symbolised the Ottoman commercial interest in the region. Given the peripheral position of Sarajevo on the western boundaries of the Ottoman Empire, the official tax exemption secured Sarajevos economic growth and represented an economically powerful empire to the neighbouring western states.

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In the following two centuries Ba arija retained its urban structure of prominent buildings of the Gazi Husref Begs vakuf, with peripheral development of various ethnic quarters. This period of moderate and conservative growth, however, came to an abrupt end as the AustroHungarian Empire assumed administrative charge of Bosnia in 1878 and annexed this region in 1908. The new governments focus on infrastructure and urban renewal, gave rise to a period of development and growth in Sarajevo.94

The AustroHungarian transformations: from town centre to historic precinct The Treaty of Berlin gave the AustroHungarian government administrative control of Bosnia in 1878. The new government began almost immediately to upgrade the existing city, as well as develop the new city to the west of the old precinct. The new citys placement responded to restrictive topography, defined by the surrounding mountains and the narrow valley of the river Miljacka. The new city therefore moved away from the old precinct. The pretext for the AustroHungarian takeover being premised on Ottoman incapacity to administer the region, the new government immediately focused on introducing an administrative and urban structure. Authorities began numbering the houses, straightening and regulating the streets, building containing walls for the river Miljacka and adding a series of

By the early 20th century, the limits of Sarajevos Ba arija had been determined geographically: on the south by Obala Street, which runs parallel to the river Miljacka to the south; on the north by Petar Ko i /Marshal Tito Street, which separates the Ba arija from the northern residential hills; on the west by Gazi Husref Begs Bezistan and the old Jewish Hram (synagogue), which borders with a new AustroHungarian development; and on the east by the Vije nica and eher ehajin. An alternative term arija (markets) is also commonly used in reference to the same precinct. Both terms could be inclusive of the surrounding residential areas of mahalas.

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new bridges and civic buildings. This focus on infrastructure and urban renewal gave rise to the development and growth of the new city, to the west of Ba arija.95

Frequent fires that started easily in the densely populated Ba arija area threatened not only the historic monuments but the surrounding fabric as well. A sudden fire that destroyed significant parts of Ba arija in 1879, only a year after the Austrians arrived, provided a legitimate excuse for government to address the problem of Ba arija and test its new regulatory policies.96 In the 1880s, a building code for Sarajevo stipulated that new buildings could be built in the Ba arija area and that existing buildings could be adapted only with governmental permission, thus putting all new development under strict governmental control.97 The measures were introduced not so much to protect the traditional environment as to provide a space for the selective conservation and control of the citys growth and development. A separate section of the building code introduced the widening and

For a discussion of the Austro Hungarian administration of Sarajevo see Kruevac, Sarajevo pod AustroUgarskom upravom 18781918; and H. Kreevljakovi , Sarajevo za vrijeme Austrougarske uprave (18781918), (Sarajevo During the Austro Hungarian Government), Izdanje Arhiva Grada Sarajeva, Sarajevo 1969, pp. 2327. 96 The first three books of regulations and directives (18781880) were published in Vienna in the German language, with more instructional rather than normative character. In the first instance the AustroHungarian government relied on the existing Turkish buildings and roads regulations (originally published 1863) for its own needs. This changed from 1881, when the government started printing its publications in both German and Serbo Croatian and sometimes the Serbo Croatian version in both scripts (Latin and Cyrillic). Kruevac, Sarajevo pod AustroUgarskom upravom 1878 1918, pp. 3637. 97 At the beginning the new authorities accepted and respected Turkish laws. But by 1880 the new building code (Gra evni red) had already been introduced, stipulating building heights and requiring submission of drawings as a part of the building approval process. M. Serdarevi , Pravna zatita kulturno historijskog naslijedja BiH, p. 27 also in Kruevac, Sarajevo pod AustroUgarskom upravom 18781918, p. 37.

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straightening of streets, the opening of new squares and streets and a new regulation (expropriation) and zoning of the land.98

A process that initially aimed at making the area safe saw Ba arija gradually change from the centre of city life to a designated historical precinct. The new 1893 Building code regulations for the capital city of Sarajevo (Gra evni pravilnik za Zemaljski glavni grad Sarajevo) defined the business sector of Ba arija as a separate zone, with specific building regulations.99 The code allowed building in timber, but limited the building height to basement and two storeys. Building a third storey depended on providing appropriate health, air and light access and proving non interference with the picturesque appearance of the surrounding buildings.100 Building in the proximity of the Gazi Husref Begs mosque was heavily regulated to preserve the character of the precinct.101

Ultimately, the conservation policy articulated in the building code regulations for the capital city of Sarajevo favoured the conservation of the significant heritage only.102 Although this led to projects such as the re painting of the ornaments in the Beg Mosque in 1885, and the reconstruction of the eher ehajin bridge in 1902, it

Kruevac, Sarajevo pod AustroUgarskom upravom 18781918, p. 37. Serdarevi suggests this document was the first legal act that regulated the building industry in Sarajevo. Serdarevi , Pravna zatita kulturno historijskog naslijedja BiH, p. 29. 100 Serdarevi , Pravna zatita kulturno historijskog naslijedja BiH, p. 29 101 Branka Dimitrijevi refers to Bosnische Post of 12 May 1903, which outlines the attempt by the AustroHungarians to regulate building in the area of Ba arija. B. Dimitrijevi , Prilozi o zatiti graditeljskog nasljedja u Bosni I Hercegovini I valorizaciji Ba arije u Sarajevu u Austro Ugarskom periodu (18781918), Sarajevo, September 1988, unpublished paper presented at a conference on the development of Ba arija. 102 Serdarevi , Pravna zatita kulturno historijskog naslijedja BiH, p. 27.
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overlooked the need to maintain small scale structures.103 The focus on significant structures isolated and privileged monuments and historic buildings above the overall context of the precinct.104 With the authorities growing recognition of the importance of historic preservation, questions of whether the precinct was to be a historic section or a growing and living part of the city began to enter urban debates.

A group of Ba arija residents appealed for their right to build commercially viable buildings on their land, and asked the authorities to clarify what was meant by regulations such as keeping the character of arija. They wrote in a letter that [if that meant] arija character is expressed through the timber shutters where different shop owners present their goods, then, they argued:
we think, that keeping these aesthetic qualities will be almost impossible, because no one can be forced to built timber shutters today, so whenever the new building is built in the arija area, even if it is a ground storey building it will inevitably have the qualities of the modern shop, which will have nothing characteristic in its appearance.
105

The concerned group further appealed to the government to protect the interest of the poor people, rather than antiquarian efforts. To regulate to keep the wooden shutters ( efenek), they said, it was obvious that the people who made this decision

103

The introduction in 1892 of the Order of the Government for Bosnia and Herzegovina of the protection of monuments, the handling of heritage items and other historically and culturally significant structures (Naredba Zemaljske Vlade za Bosnu I Hercegovinu od 27.6. 1892 br 50.243/1 o uvanju histori kih spomenika, zatim postupku sa starinama i drugim u histori kom I kulutrno histori kom pogledu znamenitih objekata) specifically defined the heritage protection procedures. Serdarevi , Pravna zatita kulturno historijskog naslijedja BiH, pp. 2627. Discussion of this document and its significance is presented in Dimitrijevi , Prilozi o zatiti graditeljskog nasljedja u Bosni I Hercegovini. 104 Kostovi , Sarajevo izmedju dobrotvorstva i zla, pp. 11415. 105 Dimitrijevi , Prilozi o zatiti graditeljskog nasljedja u Bosni I Hercegovini.

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had no property in Ba arija but were led by their fantasies.106 Throughout the 20th century, the request to the government to devise and make public its approach to heritage preservation underpinned the urban debates of Sarajevo.

In addition to the regulations that concerned the built fabric, the new government introduced a series of measures that restructured the economic structure of the vakuf, the institution supporting the development of the precinct. Primarily it was the vakufs amalgamation of religious beliefs with social and urban practices that prompted the AustroHungarian government to take control of the institutions dealings, and it requested more administrative procedures and transparency in the institutions accounting processes. To implement the new structures the government established, in 1883, the Vakuf Commission, and nominated the senior Muslim membership. The commission replaced the local family administration of vakuf with a centrally controlled administration that required proper budget and accountability.107

Further, to allow a free market of land, in 1912 the Zemaljska Vlada of BiH (the local governmental body under the AustroHungarians) changed land regulation, so that the holder of the land became its owner and vakuf the collector of taxes effectively replacing the 1886 document that regulated and prevented the selling of

Dimitrijevi , Prilozi o zatiti graditeljskog nasljedja u Bosni I Hercegovini. By the institutional laws of vakuf, once a property is a part of a vakuf it could never revert to ordinary ownership. At the time of the AustroHungarian annexation in 1878 it was estimated that nearly one third of all useable land in Bosnia was owned by vakuf. Malcolm, Bosnia A Short History, p. 146.
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the government land (mirija land).108 As the landholders became the owners, the institution of vakuf lost much of its property, and the change in structure made the institution more open to corruption.109 The next big loss of vakuf land occurred after the World War One, when much of the land was included in agrarian reforms.110

While most of the construction under the AustroHungarians remained to the west of Ba arija, new structures within the precinct as well as the AustroHungarian conservation approach towards the Ottoman centre altered its reading significantly. The most monumental marker of the new governments urban vision for the precinct was the citys town hall, or Vije nica, which was designed and built between 1891 and 1895, opening in 1896 [Figure 5]. Positioned at the eastern end of the Ba arija, on the banks of the river Miljacka, it marked the edge of the Ottoman market precinct, as well as the outer edge of the dense urban development of the old city center.111 The buildings imposing height almost twice

In principle vakuf was established on the real property fully owned by the person establishing the vakuf (evkafi vakuf). Land titles were divided in five groups: private mulk; government owned mirije; religious endowment/vakuf mevkufe; common use metruke; and non usable land nesvak. While it was common to endow the government owned land, permission (temliknama) was needed in any transactions. Serdarevi , Pravna zatita kulturno historijskog naslijedja BiH, p. 18. 109 For example, the building of Brusa Bezistan, originally established under the vakuf of Rustempaa, ended up being recorded as the private property of several individuals Serdarevi , Pravna zatita kulturno historijskog naslijedja BiH, p. 22. 110 Serdarevi , Pravna zatita kulturno historijskog naslijedja BiH, p. 22. 111 Among other significant examples of buildings designed in pseudo Moorish style are: the high school (1885) architect H. Niemeczak; Muslim community reading room (1888), vakufs building at 8 Zrinjskog street (1889) and the building of Isa Begs bath (1890), all designed by J. Vanca; and the Sheriat School of Law (1887) by K. Parik.

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that of the neighbouring Ottoman structures stated the Austro Hungarian administrations greater significance than the previous Ottoman rulers.112

Figure 5: Contemporary view of Vije nica. Source: Dijana Ali , 2004.

The first pseudo Moorish style building in Sarajevo was the Rudija High School, built in 1885, and almost each year for the next five years a building of this style was erected in old Ottoman Sarajevo.113 With every new structure that appeared, the visual and architectural coherence of the precinct was further undermined [Figure 6]. The advent of World War One saw the collapse of the AustroHungarian government, which ushered in a period of conflict and regional instability.114 With diverted funds from conservation and development, a period of architectural

For further discussion see D. Ali , Ascribing significance to sites of memory, the Sarajevos town hall, in P. Somma (ed.), At War with the City, Urban International Press, Gateshead, 2004, pp. 6586. 113 For a discussion of other structures built by the AustroHungarians in this period see D. Ali & C. Bertram, Sarajevo: a moving target, Centropa, Journal of Central European Architecture and Related Arts, vol. 2, no. 3, September 2002, pp. 16476. 114 In 1918, AustroHungarian rule was formally denounced and the Kingdom of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs was formed. This was re named the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in 1929. Malcolm, Bosnia A Short History, pp. 16674.

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stagnation and urban deterioration set in. The Catholic Cathedral and the Orthodox Church were built in the new city centre, and Ba arija was no longer a viable religious and administrative city centre but an old and historic part of the town.

Figure 6: Contemporary view of Ba arija square with sebilj. Source: Dijana Ali , 2004.

Bosnias ethno religious stratification became one of its central political issues, particularly exploited in the growing nationalisms of the Bosnian neighbouring states of Serbia and Croatia.115 Drawing their strength from the imagined and the invented traditions of 19th century European nationalism, Serbians and Croatians questioned the authenticity of the Bosnian Muslims in their national rhetoric.116

115 116

For an account of Bosnias internal nationalist divisions refer to Buturovi , Stone Speaker, p. 128. This is a reference to the well known Imagined Communities, by Benedict Anderson. Anderson argues that the nation is not a given historical entity, but a constructed and imagined political community. It is an imagined community because members of even the smallest nation can never hope to meet, or even hear of, all fellow members. Its membership, thus, is usually established not upon the common grounds of the objectively identifiable criteria such as common language, culture or history, but because they think they belong to such a community. See B. Anderson, Imagined Communities, Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, Verso, London & New York, 1992. The concept of imagined community has also been used in relation to Bosnia. For discussion of the Yugoslav imagined communities see Lampe, Yugoslavia as History, Twice There Was a Country, p.

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Serbian nationalism did so by promoting its superiority and resistance in the struggle against Ottoman foreign dominations in the territories, and Croatian nationalism by promoting its cultural superiority.117 Primarily interested in building upon what they perceived as their own real and existing communities, Serbian and Croatian national ideologies of the 19th century provided very little support for the imagined community of Bosnians. Unlike in the Middle East, where the Ottoman legacy could be considered organic or in Turkey where it might be an ancient regime, in the Balkans and Bosnia the Ottoman past became commonly framed by a discourse of social and political segregation.118 Nevertheless, Grabrijan continued his interest in the Ottoman built heritage, a passion that he shared with his friend Juraj Neidhardt. But his writings on the relevance of this built fabric to the collective identity had begun to make a turn.

The search for the relevance of historic fabric Faced with what he perceived as lack of appreciation, by the authorities, for the old fabric and local population, Grabrijan began to acknowledge the difficulties associated with integrating the past into new Sarajevo. He realised that unlike in his and Ple niks Ljubljana, where integrated historic remnants formed a vital part of the new city and symbolised the search for the historic continuity of Slovenians, the
40, and for the Yugoslav nation as a state of mind, an imagined community see Wachtel, Making a Nation, Breaking a Nation. 117 Lampe, Yugoslavia as History, Twice There Was a Country, p. 40. 118 Balkan historians such as Maria Todorova have argued that the main rationale behind this attitude rests on what she suggests is the not so erroneous perception of segregation of the local Christian population and the privileges that Muslims enjoyed within the essentially Islamic state privilege that, in historic terms, marked the inter ethnic relationships in Bosnia well after the Ottomans left. Todorova argues that as a supra national or non national state, the Ottoman Empire in its very structure neither provided nor desired to achieve that kind of interaction. Todorova, Imagining the Balkans, Oxford University Press, New York, 1997, pp. 16465.

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built fabric of Ba arija had no such role in the collective imagination of Bosnians. Its disparate visual markers and dilapidated fabric were not reminders of the collective historic experience, but signalled a disjointed past and colonial times. The diversity of the precincts religious monuments, which formerly served the religious communities of Muslims, Orthodox Christians, Catholics and Jews, was by the early 20th century framed by growing nationalisms and increasing awareness of the absence of a unified Bosnian community.

The potency of Ba arija to act as a literary metaphor for the inter ethnic relationship appeared in the work of a significant Yugoslav writer and the Nobel prize winner, Ivo Andri . Andri s novel A Letter from 1920 described religious markers the mosques, churches and synagogues of Ba arija, in the following way:
Whoever lies awake at night in Sarajevo hears the voices of the Sarajevo night. The clock on the Catholic cathedral strikes the hour with weighty confidence: 2am. More than a minute passes (to be exact, seventy five seconds I counted) and only then with a rather weaker, but piercing sound does the Orthodox church announce the hour, and chime its own 2am. A moment after it the tower clock on the Bey's [Begs] mosque strikes the hour in a hoarse, faraway voice, and that strikes 11, the ghostly Turkish hour, by the strange calculation of distant and alien parts of the world. The Jews have no clock to sound their hour, so God alone knows what time it is for them by the Sephardic reckoning or the Ashkenazy. Thus at night, while everyone is sleeping, division keeps vigil in the counting of the late, small hours, and separates these sleeping people who awake, rejoice and mourn, feast and fast by four different and antagonistic calendars, and send all their prayers and wishes to one heaven in four different ecclesiastical languages. And this difference,

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sometimes visible and open, sometimes invisible and hidden, is always similar to hatred, and often completely identical with it.119

Grabrijan himself registered the resentment and the dislike for the precinct by the local population. In his article Architecture in human scale, Grabrijan admitted that his appreciations of the old precinct were not commonly shared:
It [Ba arija] is not significant, say local people. It is only the work of local [unskilled] labourers, without any qualifications and culture a reflection perhaps of another cultural centre, far away from this city [Sarajevo] one provincial expression, [that is] today neglected and in a dilapidating state.
120

The perception that Bosnian architecture was a provincial copy of the architecture of the former empire was a significant component of the nationalist argument that questioned the authenticity of Bosnian Muslims.121 In Ottoman provincial capitals such was Sarajevo, it was the duty of the local governor, or vezir, to establish the new city to promote the principles of Ottoman urbanism.122 Drawing inspiration from the metropolitan sources of Istanbul, the architectural style of monumental buildings in cities such as Sarajevo, Bursa and Amasya shared distinctive Ottoman

Ivo Andri , A Letter from 1920, trans. Lenore Grenoble, Forest Books, London & Boston, Dereta, Belgrade, 1992. For a discussion of this novel see, I. Lovrenovi , Bosnia: A Cultural History, New York University Press, New York, 2001, pp. 22123. Lovrenovic suggests that Lord Owen and some US personnel involved in the peace process of 1992 had been given this letter as a factual document. Lovrenovi highlights the fact that the novel, while set in the period between two wars, was first published in 1946. For extracts from the novel see, [http://www.ivoandric.org.yu/html/body_andric_s_treasury_ii.html] 120 Grabrijan, Arhitektura nadohvat ovje je ruke (Architecture in human scale), originally published in Novi Behar, Sarajevo, 1940, br. 2, 3; republished as a separate issue (same title) Architecture in human scale. eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, pp. 5170. 121 For further discussion see Ali & Bertram, Sarajevo: a moving target. 122 Vizier, is a high ranking political or religious adviser to a Muslim monarch, such as a caliph or sultan. The Bosnian spelling is vezir. Klliye, is a term that designates a complex of buildings centred around a mosque and managed by a single institution, often based on a vakuf. In Bosnia only the term vakuf is used.

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features such as stone facades, with metal clad domes and pencil minarets.123 This citys organisational structure, which was held together by this architectural uniformity, made the city deeply Ottoman. This alliance became particularly problematic with growing nationalist views that identified it as a residue of colonial times.

This attitude, Grabrijan argued, led to the perception that nothing but a complete demolition and modernisation could overcome the inherent problems of the precinct:
I am listening to local people who say, Lets demolish arija, it is all rotten, it is unhealthy, unhygienic, backward. The people living in arija all suffer from rheumatism, and it is impossible to adjust it to the contemporary standards. But despite that, [the precinct] possesses so many attractive features, so many architectural masterpieces that one must pause to admire them.124

Rationalising the problematic nature of his attempts to reconcile the historic fabric of Ba arija with common cultural and historic grounds, Grabrijans writings begun to offer a new platform for interpreting the old.125

Attempting to neutralise the problematic connection to Islam, as a starting point for the discussion he wrote, It would be necessary to establish to what extent the

Ali & Bertram, Sarajevo: a moving target. Grabrijan, Arhitektura nadohvat ovje je ruke in eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, pp. 5170. 125 Original quote: Kad ovako usporedjujem, ne mogu, a da ne mislim na nastojanje arh. Ple nika u arhitekturi grobova. Njegov rad skoro da se ne moe pregledati, a da se ne vidi njegova nadgrobna arhitektura. Njegova tenja u tom radu udnovato se poklapa s tim to su postigli u estetici grobova nai Muslimani. Ple nik svjesno uklanja sa grobova sve elemente koji pobudjuju u nama osje aj smrti: emprese zamjenjuje brezama, mogile zelenim cvijetnim poljanama, crne mrtva ke natpise nadgrobnika sa ivocrvenim I tako dalje. Grabrijan, Muslimanska groblja, in eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, p. 106.
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Slavic soul influenced our Muslim graveyards.126 Grabrijan wrote of snow white stones, describing the scattered old gravestones not through their religious role but as objects in the landscape all uniform and seemingly not grounded at all, as if they bow to each other, on green carpets of grass.127 Their form, Grabrijan concluded, was maybe the most beautiful in the world!128 Void of religious connections, the gravestones were artefacts of great craftsmanship and artistic skill that represented the achievement of local artisans.129 Having established their value in terms of traditional craft, Grabrijan noted that if not protected they will gradually disappear, together with the disappearance of the stonemason able to cut a stone in that traditional shape.130

Ultimately, Grabrijan wrote, referring to the common practice of using local and folk imagery on Muslim gravestones, they depict motives from a pre Islamic period, and Christian life.131 Considered as generic objects from the past, the gravestones of Sarajevo, much like the Roman ruins in Ljubljana, could be incorporated in the new

Original quote: Kad ovako usporedjujem, ne mogu, a da ne mislim na nastojanje arh. Ple nika u arhitekturi grobova. Njegov rad skoro da se ne moe pregledati, a da se ne vidi njegova nadgrobna arhitektura. Njegova tenja u tom radu udnovato se poklapa s tim to su postigli u estetici grobova nai Muslimani. Ple nik svjesno uklanja sa grobova sve elemente koji pobudjuju u nama osje aj smrti: emprese zamjenjuje brezama, mogile zelenim cvijetnim poljanama, crne mrtva ke natpise nadgrobnika sa ivocrvenim I tako dalje. Grabrijan, Muslimanska groblja, in eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, p. 106. 127 Original quote: I sad me ne iznenadjuje vie kad se sje am Ple nikovih izjava o muslimanskim grobljima: Snijeno bijeli kamenovi, svi jednoobrzni, koji se, poto su bez temelja, jedan drugom klanjaju iznad zelenih ilima, koji im tvore travnjaci: moda najljepa groblja na svijetu! Grabrijan, Muslim graveyards, in eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, p. 106. 128 Grabrijan, Muslimanska groblja, in eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, p. 106. 129 Grabrijan, Muslimanska groblja, in eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, p. 106. 130 Original quote: Niani iznad muslimanskih grobova esto pokazuju motive iz toga predislamskog, kris anskog ivota. I ovih spomenika bi e sva manje I manje, jo malo pa ne ete mo i vie prona i klesara, koji bi umio iskelsati taj tradicionalni oblik. Grabrijan, Muslimanska groblja, in eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, p. 108. 131 Grabrijan, Muslimanska groblja, Jugoslovenski List, Sarajevo, 14. 6, 1936; republished in Novi Behar, Sarajevo, 1937, br. 56, god. XI. eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, p. 108.

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artistic creations. Seizing an opportunity to present the architectural relics of Sarajevo as a part of broader artistic efforts, Grabrijan wrote:
When I compare [Islam and Christianity] I cannot avoid thinking of Ple niks attempts in the architecture of graveyards Strangely enough his attempts are very similar with what the Muslims have achieved in their aesthetics of necropolis.
132

Grabrijans search for a less historically charged interpretation of what often were explicitly religious forms of gravestones and like structures, began to offer new possibilities for the integration of historic references in new urban proposals. The emphasis on the universal qualities of architectural responses diminished the significance of the religious differences. Further, it allowed Grabrijan to invest art with the capacity to transcend religious and national barriers.

The modernity of past: Le Corbusier and Sarajevo It was in the 1936 article Le Corbusier and Sarajevo that Grabrijan directed the relevance of local architectural heritage to the future and modern architecture, unlike Ple nik who directed it to the past.

Despite Grabrijans clear admiration of Ple niks architectural achievements, he did not share his teachers view of modern architecture, or his dislike of Le Corbusier and his promotion of modern architectures social agenda. The history and theory curriculum of Ple niks school terminated with mid 19th century debates; [the] beginning of our modern style, a new period in architecture, Ple nik stated to his students, marked the end of his discussion on style, and consequently established a
132

Grabrijan, Muslimanska groblja, eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, p. 106.

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timeframe for his discussion of architectures development.133 Ple nik frequently stated his limited enthusiasm towards modern interest in materiality and innovation. Grabrijan recorded Ple nik suggesting to students interested in the modern agenda to look in books [where] you will find on your own what is new [in modern architecture].134 And with a clear resentment towards the agenda of architects such as Le Corbusier, Ple nik told his students that he was not interested in modern.135 Admitting the possibility of a wrong stance, he stated, Maybe that is my mistake, but that is how it is, and not much can be done about it? 136

Ple nik justified his position by what he saw as a lack of the divine in modern architectures focus on the pragmatic. He stated, what they [modern architects] want is a means towards an end, not an idea.137 Particularly critical of Le Corbusiers promotion of the social role of architecture, Ple nik argued that Le Corbusier all together negated architecture as he considered it a social tool, and a tool used in helping man.138 Grabrijan noted that Ple nik often used a German saying es ist auch eine Idee, aber kein von Gott kommende! [It is an idea, but it is not inspired by God] when referring to Le Corbusiers work.139 It appears that he

133

Original quote: 1848 nastane v Evropi veliki preobrat. Z njim se za enja na moderni slog, to se pravi, nova doba v arhitekturi. Tako smo prili do nekega konca tega premiljevanja, meni zazelenog in vam pri akovanega. Grabrijan, Ple nik in Njegova ola, p. 87. 134 Original quote: Tako prihajmo danes populnoma istih rok v novo dobo. Kulturno ivljenje je v neki smeri tudi pri nas tako bujno, da lahko iz tega se nekaj ustvarite. Pregledovali pa moderne ne bomo, nali bise sami v knjigah to, kar je novega. Grabrijan, Ple nik in Njegova ola, p. 87. 135 Grabrijan, Ple nik in Njegova ola, p. 79. 136 Grabrijan, Ple nik in Njegova ola, p. 79 137 Grabrijan, Ple nik in Njegova ola, p. 79 138 Grabrijan, Ple nik in Njegova ola, p. 80. 139 Original quote: Mislim da rejenje svijeta ne lei toliko u LC koliko u boljim I skoromnijm djelima: ovjek mora ostati ponien. to bi Njemci rekli: to je takodje ideja, ali ne dolazi od Boga. Grabrijan, Ple nik in Njegova ola, p. 79.

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interpreted Le Corbusiers outspoken enthusiasm for the profane aspects of life, his interest in efficiency and the economics of cities to be in a direct contrast to his respect for the high arts.140

Despite such hostilities Grabrijan and his colleagues were eager to participate in the modernist debate, especially since the new technical schools and architecture programs within the kingdom attracted the return of a number of architects who had practised abroad.141 Even within the school where Ple nik was teaching, Professor Ivan Vurnik ran classes that openly promoted aspects of the modern agenda. Grabrijan, like many of his contemporaries, believed that introducing these ideas into contemporary practice brought local and national traditions closer to an international agenda.

In observing and writing about Sarajevo, Grabrijan recognised the urban and formal qualities discussed by Le Corbusier in his Journey to the East.142 Referring to the

However, the students, Grabrijan among them, were interested in contemporary debates. In an attempt to keep up with current architectural debates, Grabrijans class organised an excursion to the International Exhibition of Modern Decorative and Industrial Arts in Paris in 1925. Ple nik saw this as a challenge to his teaching methods. He declined the student invitation to accompany them, pulling out at the last moment. Prelovek, Joe Ple nik 18721957, p. 160. 141 Tomislav Premerl, in Hrvatska Moderna Arhitektura izmedju dva rata, suggested that Adolf Loos made a significant impact on the Zagreb architectural scene, through architects such as Kovacic and Ehrlich. Zlatko Neumann was Loos student and collaborator, and Vlado Poto njak worked with him in Paris. Many other significant European architects disseminated their ideas via the work of their students or colleagues. The influence of Poelzig reached Zagreb via Drago Ibler, Zdenko Striic and Josip Pi man, while Ernest Weissmann, Juraj Neidhardt, Drago Ibler and Zlatko Neimann promoted of Le Corbusiers school of thought. T. Premerl, Hrvatska Moderna Arhitektura izmedju dva rata (Croatian Modern Architecture Between the Two World Wars), Nakladni Zavod Matice Hrvatske, Zagreb, 1989, p. 31. 142 I. anki , (ed.), Le Corbusier (Charles Edouard Jeanneret), Journey to the East, MIT Press, Cambridge, Ma.,1987.

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architecture of Ba arijas mahala, the residential sector that surrounded the old Ottoman part of the city of Sarajevo, Grabrijan wrote:143
I am looking at Le Corbusiers first publication. It starts with his sketches from his travels, on which he later based his modern architecture. But that is a Bosnian house! There are the gardens that surround it! The mosque and minarets! There is also the Muslim graveyard and grave stones, with beautiful views through lattice windows framed by the heavy walls!
144

Astonished by his own discovery of structures that so much resembled the buildings described in Le Corbusiers Journey to the East, Grabrijan asked145 Has Le Corbusier been to Bosnia? What are the parallels between contemporary modern architecture and Bosnian houses between modern and Islamic architecture?146 Focusing on this relationship, Grabrijan presented multiple analogies between the buildings sketched by Le Corbusier and the Bosnian house, the subject of his discussion.

Arguing for a relationship between Ba arija and Le Corbusiers ideas, Grabrijan presented an analysis of specific buildings within the precinct. Both in form and the material used, the fabric of Ba arija, Grabrijan argued, resembled the context upon which Le Corbusier premised his architecture. With the relationship between Le Corbusiers work and local architectural practices often assumed rather than

Grabrijan, Le Corbusier I Sarajevo Uo i izlobe njegovog biveg asistenta arh. Juraja J. Neidhardta, (Le Corbusier and Sarajevo), originally published in Jugoslovenski List, Sarajevo, 31. 10, 1936; cited in eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, pp. 2937. 144 Original quote: Gledam Le Corbusieve prve publikacije. Pocinje skicama sa svojih studijskih putovanja, na kojima kasnije osniva svoju modernu. Pa to je Bosanska kuca! To su vrtovi oko nje! Tu damija I munare! I tu je muslimansko groblje I niani, sa divnim pogledima kroz zamreene prozore, usje ene u zidane ograde! Da li je Le Corbusier bio u Bosni? Kakve su paralele izmedju dananje I bosanske ku e izmedju moderne I islamske arhitekture? Grabrijan, in eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, p. 29. 145 anki , Le Corbusier, Journey to the East. For a discussion of Le Corbusier and Orientalism see elik, Le Corbusier, Orientalism, Colonialism, Assemblage, 17, December1992, pp. 5977. 146 D. eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, p. 29.

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demonstrated, Grabrijan argued that the treatment of materials, construction and lighting in Ba arija combined with the citys organisation of spaces and the plasticity of forms were values shared between the Bosnian traditional house and Le Corbusiers architecture. The use of concrete, for example, as the material of Le Corbusiers architecture was relevant to the discussion on materiality of the Bosnian house;147 but not through the expected similarity of the material but through a similar timber like treatment of the surface. Le Corbusier achieved this by the use of timbers effect on off form concrete, and in the case of the traditional Bosnian house by the use of a timber construction system.

Extending this, Grabrijan perceived a resemblance in building systems that lifted the structures above the ground. Le Corbusier used concrete piloti, while traditional Bosnian structures used timber posts. Despite sometimes tenuous links between the two, Grabrijan concluded that the roof lighting, double height spaces, glass elevation, simple cubic massing and even the placement of buildings within the open greenery were all shared qualities. Relying on the modern authority of Le Corbusiers work, Grabrijan implied that the parallels he presented were sufficient to demonstrate the modernity of traditional Bosnian architecture. Presented within the context of modern architectural debates, the built fabric of the old precinct offered new relevance.

147

D. eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, p. 29.

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The authenticity of past: Turkish house, its sources and principles Grabrijans 1937 article Turkish house, its sources and principles appeared in Novi Behar, a paper read mostly by the Muslim population of the city unlike his Le Corbusier and Sarajevo (1936), published in the pro government journal Jugoslovenski List.148 This suggests Grabrijans increasing awareness of the problematic associations between Ba arijas structures and the Ottoman past, and an increasing desire to gain the support from the local Muslim population. In this article Grabrijan admitted that he discovered the Bosnian house in the writings of Swiss architect Ernst Egli (189374):
I have seen it [the Turkish house] in the Muslim house of Sarajevo, and was surprised by the extraordinary similarities between its aspiration and those of modern architecture. So, a double interest binds me to the [Bosnian Muslim] house; firstly this house is also our house, and secondly it contains some long established beauties, that I would like to apply to our modern architecture.149

Referring to Eglis research, Grabrijan remarked that almost all observations by the Swiss Turkish architect on the Turkish house could be also applied to the Bosnian house.150 Eglis most significant assistant was Sedad Hakki Eldem (190888), who built his reputation leading the quest for a national expression in modernism,

D. Grabrijan, Turska ku a Osnove i porijeklo (Turkish house, its roots and origins), originally published in Novi Behar, Sarajevo, 15. 7, 1937; cited in eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, pp. 3743. Hadjijahi suggests that Novi Behar was a family oriented publication catering mostly for the Muslim population of the city. M. Hadjijahi , Od Tradicije do Identiteta (From Tradition to Identity), Svjetlost, Sarajevo, 1974, p. 203. 149 Original quote: No moje zanimanje za tursku ku u ima drugu osnovu. Upoznao sam je u muslimanskoj ku i u Sarajeva, a iznenadila me udnovata sli nost njezinih osnovnih tenji sa tenjama moderne arhitekture. Tako me svezao za nju dvostruki interes; prvi: ovo je ku a i naa ku a, a drugi ona sadri neke iskuane ljepote, koje bih htio primjeniti i na nau modernu. In eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, p. 42. 150 Egli, suggested Sibel Bozdogan, had replaced the classical Beaux Arts model of education with one based on the rationalist and functionalist principles of European modernism. Bozdogan & Kasaba, Modernism and Nation Building, pp. 57 & 70. Grabrijan explained that Dr. Egli was a Swiss architect who taught architecture at Technical University and practised architecture in Istanbul.

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defining and justifying the new professional identity of the architect and promoting the New Architecture as the appropriate expression for the new Turkey.151

Of particular importance to Grabrijan was Egli and Eldems interest in the vernacular. The understanding of modern architecture as context sensitive and rational underpinned the architectural discourse of Turkey during the 1930s. Embedded in the architects approach was a belief that modern equals national, and that the most rational and appropriate response to the regions climatic, topographical, cultural, social, and economic conditions could not be anything but national.152 The ideals of modern architecture and the vernacular traditions were, in their view, one and the same. That European modernism was inspired by vernacular traditions only further strengthened this belief.

Grabrijans article on the Turkish house relied on a free interpretation of Eglis thesis, adjusted to fit the case under consideration: the Bosnian house. This technique allowed Grabrijan to position international debates closer to the Bosnian context, as well as to heighten the relevance of his own writings and arguments. Just as he used the authority of Le Corbusier to affirm the modernity of Bosnian house, Grabrijan presented Eglis published paper as a confirmation of his own academic views.

151 152

Bozdogan &Kasaba, Modernism and Nation Building, p. 158. Bozdogan & Kasaba, Modernism and Nation Building, p. 256.

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In the context of Bosnia, where national claims were based on the uniqueness and exclusive values of different ethnic groups, the amalgamation of international and national influences within the Bosnian house seemed an appealing model.153 Affirming the East/West, Orient/Occident, nature/culture duality, Grabrijan argued that the Western emphasis on rationality rendered the people cold and distanced from nature, while the Turkish emotional disposition helped them establish a special connection to nature.154 Presenting the relation between the house and the surrounding landscape as essential for understanding the underlying conceptual organisation, Grabrijan identified the fence, garden and pavilion as the three basic elements of the house.155 The specifics of their relationship, according to Grabrijan, made the Turkish house unique. He suggested that:
the Turkish house is so different to other [houses]. It developed in a climate where nature whispers to man and man responds with a smile, enjoying it and looking at it within his ordered and framed world. In that relationship between the two, nature becomes an element of composition; and nature transforms into architecture the houses external expression becomes architectural plasticity.
156

Clearly the modernity of the Bosnian, via the Turkish, house was not only expressed in the formal architectural characteristics, such as the construction system or the material used, but in a complex emotional relationship between the people, house

Published in 1936, Grabrijans paper Small family home discussed the main points of the house with one wall as designed by Loos. The same paper also commented on the students project undertaken in Grabrijans class, which analysed Loos house in its relevance to the context of Bosnia. D. Grabrijan, Porodi na mala ku a (Small family home), Tehni ar, Beograd, April 1936, br. 7; in eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, pp. 16166. 154 eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, p. 38. 155 eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, pp. 3743. 156 Original quote: A u tom se odnosu prema prirode turska ku a bitno razlikuje od njih. Ona je nastal u klimi gdje prirode ovjeku apu e; ovjek joj se smjekom odaziva; uiva u njoj i promatra je u svom omedjenom i sredjenom svijetu. Prema takvom odnosu priroda postaje elemenat kompozicije; prirode prelazi u arhitekturu ku a se prema vani javlja kao arhitektonska plastika. Grabrijan in eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, p. 38.

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and land. Grabrijans insistence on the capacity of Bosnian architecture to negotiate such diverse aspects of urbanism remained a key aspect of his writing.

Like Riegl, Grabrijan attempted to reach beyond formal qualities and what he referred to as dogma of materialism; his discussion of heritages value to contemporary creations focused the less tangible connections between the people and their art. Practices of daily lives and experience provided the spatial framework for his search. He described the houses and outside shelters for teferi , picnic like gatherings commonly held by the Muslims, arguing that it was in those structures that the creativity of local people and their will to art was most evident:
Ottomans knew about placing the buildings in nature, and that is high art. He [the Ottoman man] places the house not only on hills, or on the most beautiful spots in the middle of gardens, but above the water too (caf Bendbaa and Vrbanja) with the structure that allows him to extend above the water into the air, architecture that ceases to be rational and moves into the realm of fantasy.
157

It was in structures built for daily routines that the imagination of the people, their regard for practicality and their relationship to nature, were in Grabrijans view most clearly expressed. While nature emerged as a significant reference point in Grabrijans writings, a specific description of the natural environment either in terms of garden design or the layout of the landscape was not presented. This approach suggested that nature was seen as an abstract force, one that mediated

157

Original quote: Osmanlija umije ku u plasirati u prirodi, i to je veliki umjetnost! On je stavlja ne samo po breuljcima, na najljepa mjesta, usred vrtova, ve i iznad same vode (kafana Bendbaa i Vrbanja), a konstrukcije mu pri tome dozvoljava da prostorije izbacuje ak i preko vode u vazduh, ime arhitektura prestaje biti racionalna i prelazi u podru je fantazije. D. Grabrijan, Kultura teferi a (osvrt na bosansko islamsku arhitekturu) (On Bosnian culture of teferi [picnics], view of Bosnian Islamic architecture), Jugoslovenski List, Sarajevo, 8. 7, 1939. Cited in eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, p. 46.

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the relationship between humans and their buildings. As a result, the built fabric, Grabrijan suggested, embodied qualities that Western civilisation was still trying to achieve: The principles of the garden city, which European civilisation seeks, have already been established in Turkey (Istanbul) or here in old Sarajevo.158 This, in Grabrijans view, was further evidence of traditional architectures relevance to contemporary endeavours.

Conclusion: role of architecture in establishing national claims Grabrijans professional duty as an architect was to identify and promote values associated with the heritage fabric of Bosnia that were relevant to contemporary architecture and urban planning. Once in Sarajevo, Grabrijan looked for remnants of the past that could be brought to life, in a manner similar to Ple niks urban program for Ljubljana. In a belief that such remnants would provide visual cues and connections to the collective history of the people Grabrijan identified the historic precinct of Ba arija to be of particular relevance. In his writings he sought ways to promote its importance to contemporary urban developments.

But Ba arija, being historically connected to Ottoman colonialism and gradually outgrown by the new city of Sarajevo, was not considered a place for collective representation. Indeed, by the time Grabrijan started writing about it, the precinct was under a considerable attack by outright demolition or passive neglect. It appears that Grabrijan soon realised the problematic political potency of Sarajevos old fabric, as his writings adopted a different approach to the one promoted by his
158

eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, p. 45.

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teacher in Ljubljana. They presented the historic precincts fabric not in its relationship to the past and its religious origins, but as modern and authentic, and as an embodiment of the peoples collective artistic will. As this chapter has demonstrated, through these texts Grabrijan established an initial but critical relationship between the citys Ottoman heritage and the Yugoslav, or more specifically Bosnian, identity. Later chapters will demonstrate that these writings provided the theoretical grounding for his and Neidhardts collaborative work. In their first collaborative effort Sarajevo and its Satellites, however Ba arijas Ottoman fabric found only a limited place.

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Chapter 3 Ba arijas Contribution to the New Master Plan of Sarajevo: the Islamic as Oriental

In 1942, Grabrijan and Neidhardt guest edited an issue of the Croatian architectural journal Technical Gazette (Tehni ki Vjesnik).1 Titled Sarajevo and Its Satellites (Sarajevo i njegovi trabanti), the publication contributed to architectural and urban debates and to the development of the regulatory urban plan of Sarajevo.2 It provided an opportunity for the authors to present their design work and writings both individual and collaborative framed by a shared vision of a new master plan for the city of Sarajevo.

This chapter argues that despite the authors interest in and fascination with the historic core of Sarajevo, their master plan essentially denied the relevance of the existing city fabric to the growing city. Their discussion of the old precinct demonstrates the authors intention to move away from a search for the authentic qualities of the old fabric and the modernity existing within it. Instead, it associated

D. Grabrijan & J. Neidhardt, Sarajevo i njegovi trabanti, Tehni ki Vjesnik, br. 79, Zagreb, 1942. The publication was partially sponsored by Neidhardts employer at the time, the Croatian Mining Company (Hrvatski Rudnici i Talionice). The list of credits includes the Croatian Engineering Society, the editorial board of Tehni ki Vjesnik and the directorate of Croatian Mines and Steel Production. 2 The translation of publications title is my own. The word trabant (plural trabanti) means attachment, something that follows. Despite the difference in English between attachment and satellite (satelit in both Serbo Croatian and Bosnian) the translation of trabanti to satellites makes more sense. I am aware of the problematic connotations of satellites in the context of 1920s debates concerning the urban vs. suburban satellite, particularly Le Corbusiers hesitation around suburban expansion, as discussed in McLeod, Urbanism and Utopia: Le Corbusier from regional syndicalism to Vichy.

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Islamic urban forms with stereotypical and preconceived notions based on oppositional relationships between new and old, between progressive and backward. As this chapter demonstrates, the result of this approach was that Grabrijan and Neidhardts master plan assigned only a peripheral role to the old precinct within their proposed vision. This was moderated to some extent by Neidhardts presentation of mining workers housing projects. In this he anticipated the shift that became apparent in their subsequent collaborative work, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, published 15 years later in 1957.

An urban vision of a modern city: Sarajevo and Its Satellites The opportunity to edit Technical Gazette provided an occasion for Grabrijan and Neidhardt to present their ideas to a broad national audience.3 It allowed them to reconsider their previous views, such as those outlined in Grabrijans 1936 article Thoughts and comments on the development of Sarajevo.4 In that article Grabrijan had identified the citys lack of an overarching urban vision as a serious obstacle to future development, and raised concerns about the haphazard approach of local government when dealing with the heritage fabric of the city. In Sarajevo and Its Satellites Grabrijan and Neidhardt offered guidelines and suggestions that could be used to address those concerns.
Technical Gazette was published in Zagreb by the Croatian Society of Engineers (Hrvatsko Drutvo ininjera). Both Bosnia and Hercegovina and Croatia at the time belonged to the Independent State of Croatia (Nezavisna Drava Hrvatska; NDH). The Independent State of Croatia was a puppet state of Nazi Germany, created by fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. It was established in 1941, after the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was attacked by the Axis forces and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was split up by Nazi Germany and fascist Italy. Geographically, NDH encompassed most of modern day Croatia and all of Bosnia and Hercegovina, as well as parts of Slovenia and Serbia. The NDH was ruled by Ante Paveli and his Ustaa military forces. 4 D. Grabrijan Sarajevo se izgradjuje, Nekoliko polemi kih misli o urbanizaciji Sarajeva (Thoughts and comments on the development of Sarajevo), in eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, pp. 10105.
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The opening statement of Sarajevo and Its Satellites conserve the old but build a new Sarajevo! created a broad framework for understanding the ideas behind the vision of the city presented.5 Whichever way the city of Sarajevo develops in the future, the authors argued, certain principles embedded in its historic development ought to be respected.6 Taking the Acropolis as the root of Greek, and ultimately Western civilisation, the authors declared that their search for the architectural principles of new Bosnian architecture would consider equally the old precinct and the modern city.7

For Neidhardt, the study of the old town in relation to issues of contemporary urbanism reminded him of his time spent in Le Corbusiers office. Neidhardt had worked in Le Corbusiers atelier at 35 rue de Sevres in Paris from 1 January 1933 until well into 1935.8 He was involved in a wide range of projects, including master plans for Algiers and Nemours.9 Neidhardt was significantly influenced by Le

Original quote: Konzervirajmo staro ali izgradimo novo Sarajevo! Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 210. 6 Original quote: Kakogod se Sarajevo u budu nosti razvijalo, u svakom slu aju iz njegovog dosadanjeg razvoja ostaju izvjesna iskustva, koja treba uvaavati. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 201. 7 Original quote: Akropola jo I danas ivi me u nama, njeni principi su svuda rasijani jer su vje ni. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 201. 8 Certificate to J. Neidhardt issued by Le Corbusier: I certify that Mr. J. Neidhardt architect from Zagreb worked in our office from 1 January 1933 until the end of the summer 1935. Paris, 22 August 1937. J. Kapetanovi , The architectural work of Juraj Neidhardt, p. 115. 9 Le Corbusiers involvement with Algiers spans the period between 1932 and 1942. While working in his office, Neidhardt was involved in a number of projects, including urban proposals for Algiers (193334) and for Nemours (Algeria), Anvers (Belgium) and Stockholm (Sweden). He was also involved in studies of the future city La Ville Radieuse the building of Rentenanstalt in Zurich, a project for the 1937 exhibition (for avenue Kallerman) and research for an agricultural reorganisation scheme (a farm and village). The extent of his contribution to the Algiers project is unclear, but in a letter to his friend Karl Mittel in1933, Neidhardt mentioned his involvement with the Algiers project

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Corbusiers ideas, and was particularly intrigued by the Algerian project, in which the dialogue between Islamic and modern echoed themes apparent in Yugoslavia. Convinced that the Swiss French architect had discovered the principle [of urban planning] somewhere in the Islamic world somewhere in Algiers, Neidhardt was eager to explore the Islamic aspects of Bosnian architecture.10 The opportunity to present an urban plan for the city offered an ideal prospect.

In addition to the timely urban debates, the physical fabric of Sarajevo reminded Neidhardt of Algiers.11 Like Algiers, Sarajevo consisted of two distinct urban parts: the old Ba arija, visually marked by small alleys and Islamic monuments, and the modern European quarters, structured along wide, regular streets lined with eclectic buildings. Grabrijan had already noted this oppositional relationship between modern and traditional in his articles. And for Neidhardt, the Occident Orient relationship had the potential to enrich his own architectural approach by uniting the rational and sensual and by developing the themes discussed with Le Corbusier.

Adding to the similarities of terrain and configuration was the increasing importance of the urban plan on city development. In Sarajevo, as in Algiers, urbanism was becoming a major public concern. In the 1940s, Sarajevo still relied

and suggested that he contributed to the development of Le Corbusiers brise soleil idea. J. Karli Kapetanovi , Juraj Najdhart, ivot i djelo, p. 53. 10 Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 227. 11 For further discussion of Le Corbusiers involvement with Algiers and a description of the city see McLeod, Urbanism and Utopia: Le Corbusier from regional syndicalism to Vichy, p. 335.

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on an 1891 plan, developed by the AustroHungarian administration (18781913).12 It addressed the city as a whole and highlighted the colonial governments commitment to the citys westward development, away from Ba arija.13 The linear structure of this master plan promoted a rational urban organisation, which was introduced by the AustroHungarian government. It endorsed zoning and the orthogonal street system that came to replace the irregular Ottoman street layouts.14 The 1891 plan underpinned the basic outline for the citys urban development until well into the 20th century.15 The destruction and collapse of numerous historic buildings, mentioned in the previous chapter, as well as structures such as Jakub Pain Mesdid, which was built in 1491 and demolished in 1936, and a mosque built in 1540, prompted Grabrijan to call for a comprehensive urban plan.16 Grabrijan and Neidhardts discussion of an urban plan for Sarajevo consolidated their vision with broader public and professional concerns.

Like Le Corbusier17, who recommended that Algiers retain its basic linear organisation because it was particularly suited to modern life and rapid transportation, Grabrijan and Neidhardt retained the linear layout established by
Even at the time of its development the 1891 plan had limited scope. It was originally developed in 1879 for the precinct of Ba arija, but was extended and put in place only after fire destroyed much of the precinct in 1891. 13 M. umruk i , Izrada Generalnog Urbanisti kog Plana (The development of a general urban plan), in M. ankovi (ed.), Sarajevo u Socijalisti koj Jugoslaviji od Oslobodjenja do Samoupravljanja, 19451950, Istorijski Arhiv Sarajevo, vol. 1, Sarajevo, 1988, pp. 38788. In its scope the plan extended from Ba arija, through the newly established urban centre to the suburbs, as far west as Dolac Malta. 14 To facilitate such changes the AustroHungarians introduced the regulatory system of cadastre a system of land ownership registration. 15 Various partial urban regulatory plans were proposed and accepted, but a master plan for the whole city of Sarajevo was only accepted in 1974. 16 For more detailed discussion of the destruction of Muslim heritage see, Kotovi , Sarajevo, Izmedju Dobrotvorstva i Zla Sarajevo, pp. 16985. 17 McLeod, Urbanism and Utopia: Le Corbusier from regional syndicalism to Vichy, p. 337.
12

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the AustroHungarian planners in their new 1942 master plan proposal. It included the old precinct, as well as the subsequent urban development by the Austro Hungarian and the Yugoslav governments. The approach supported the linearity of electric tramways, in operation since 1895, and made provision for the city to expand sideways while remaining connected via a central spine.18 The city is like a human organism, they wrote: It has its heart (cultural centre), brain (administrative section), stomach (business section), lungs (green areas), and arteries and veins (communications).19 This biological analogy was represented in the drawing Schematic representation of the new suburbs of the middle Bosnian mining basin [Figure 7]. Evoking the organic foundation of the proposal, the drawing showed a free flowing body of streets and urban centres.

Despite their repeated statements that the urban plan would offer a comprehensive solution for the existing city centre and historic precinct, Grabrijan and Neidhardts preoccupation appears to be with the new city beyond the borders of the old precinct. The proposed plan included a geographically expansive area, which indicated the authors interest in large scale planning and regional development. The inclusion of six new satellite towns showed the extent of their ambition. The satellites proximity to Sarajevo varied from Ilida (2), only about 10 kilometres away from the old town, to Breza (1), Ri ica (3) and Vare Majdan (6) up to 45 kilometres away, to towns as far as Zenica (7), some 70 kilometres away. On a

Horse pulled tramways were introduced in 1884. H. Kreevljakovi , Sarajevo za vrijeme Austrougarske uprave (18781918) (Sarajevo During the Austro Hungarian Government), Izdanje Arhiva Grada Sarajeva, Sarajevo 1969, p. 33. 19 Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 202.

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micro urban scale, the proposal aimed to introduce a regular street network, with as many squares as possible to maximise sun and greenery.20 It identified hygiene as a necessary [precondition] for the development of any healthy and progressive city.21 Well organised streets and regular blocks were, they argued, the backbone of a successful urban proposal.22

Figure 7: Schematic representation of the new suburbs of the middle Bosnian mining basin. Map of satellite towns included in the proposal: (1) old and new Sarajevo; (2) Ilida; (3) Breza; (4) Ri ica; (5) Ri ica; (6) Vare Majdan; (7) Zenica. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 272.

20 21

Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 241. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 202. 22 Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 203.

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Only a relatively small section of the plan, labelled Old and new Sarajevo, related to the existing town of Sarajevo (1). The master plan thus conceptually extended the city boundaries away from Ba arija, towards the growing AustrianHungarian section of the city to the west and out to the developing mining towns of Bosnia. The mining towns, which were historically independent, were considered new suburbs of Sarajevo, or its satellites, as suggested by the projects title.

Even in considering issues related to the existing city, Grabrijan and Neidhardts efforts focused on the city at large. The drawing titled Eastwest artery defined the perimeter by existing monuments in a layout that referenced a human body [Figure 8]. The entry gate was marked by the site dedicated to a new railway station.23 The lobby was associated with the Catholic church at Marijin Dvor (Church of St. Joseph, 1940), the foyer with the major intersection in front of the mosque of Ali Pasha (156061), while other monuments, such as the Orthodox church (Church of the Nativity of the Mother of God, 1874) and the Catholic Cathedral of the Sacred Heart of Jesus (1889), marked the city centre. The central road that coincided with the existing Paveli eva Street linked the monuments into what appeared a natural and organic bodily form, and the old precinct of Ba arija was enclosed and connected to the rest of the town only by the main road. 24 With major monuments marking the urban context, the proposals visual presentation

Grabrijan reviewed the 1935 idea competition for the new railway station in the article Sarajevski eljezni ki problem, konkretni predlog (The problem of Sarajevo railway station, a proposal), Jugoslovenski List, Sarajevo, 1. 7. 1936. 24 This street was named after Ante Paveli , the Croatian fascist leader who headed a Croatian state subservient to Germany and Italy during World War Two. During socialist Yugoslavia the street was named after Josip Broz Tito, the Yugoslav communist leader and the president of the state.

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looked more like a tourist map than a professionally designed contribution to a developing urban master plan.

Figure 8: Eastwest artery, an urban vision for Sarajevo presented in its relation to significant locations (from top to bottom of the drawing) that include: city gate at Bijela Tabija; bazaar of Ba arija; King Tvrtko urban square; Stjepan Tomaevi urban square, intersection in front of Ali Pashas Mosque, Marijin Dvor and New Railway Station. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 239.

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The old precinct and the new city Grabrijan and Neidhardt present their discussion of Ba arija in the section of Sarajevo and Its Satellites titled Heritage (Predaja).25 Despite the introductory statements suggesting the authors interest in and fascination with the precinct, the review of historic development relied on two secondary sources. The first was credited to the well known chronicler of Ottoman times, Evlija elebija, and presented an extract from his 17th century travel journal Sarajevo from 106972 (165053).26 The second was Grabrijans free interpretation of the 1916 article The right on view, originally written by the AustroHungarian architect Josip Pospiil.27

Both texts presented positive views of Sarajevo. elebijas account introduced it as the most beautiful of all and one of the greatest Ottoman cities of the time.28 The comments were extended by Pospiils description of the surrounding fabric of the mahala (neighbourhood). It was the harmonious relationship between houses and gardens, Pospiil argued, that demonstrated in urban terms the high ethical values of the people who designed and built those structures. Referring to the customary laws that upheld the keeping of neighbours unobstructed views, Pospiil presented the urban fabric of mahala as a physical manifestation of the natural and organic unity of planning and cultural practices [Figure 9].

Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, pp. 21025. Reference made to the Hijri (Hidra in Bosnian) calendar. Years 106972 are equivalent to the years 165053 in the Gregorian calendar. The Islamic calendar marks years in relation to the Islamic prophet Muhammad's emigration from Mecca to Medina. 27 A note states that the included text is a free interpretation of the original discussion by Pospiil presented in Monatschrift fr Stdtebau, No.617, 1916. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 224. 28 Original quote: Na zemlji ima po imenu Saraj nekoliko gradova ali Bosna saraj od sviju je najure eniji i najljepi kamene grad!, in Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 224.
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Figure 9: Drawings illustrating the organic unity of terrain and architecture. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 225.

elebijas picturesque vision of the city and Pospiils complimentary views of cultural and urban practices offered an idealised image of the old precinct. Despite Grabrijan having produced his own record of the precinct and its monuments the authors did not include those in their discussion.29 This would suggest that their interests were not in establishing accurate historical accounts, but in identifying this fabric as sensual and charming, distant from the new city. Seeking to unlock the mystique of the Orient, Grabrijan and Neidhardt turned to a search for architectural spaces that they believed captured these qualities. They identified the traditional Ottoman house as at the core of the intimate life of a Muslim man and, as such, a building type that could potentially provide a key to understanding the Orient.

They included an extensive collection of historic images, sketches and measured drawings in their subsequent book Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity Grabrijan collected some of those images for his classes in the Technical School in the late 1930s.

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Searching for Oriental secrets With no structured analysis of the public section of the old city and limited reference to Grabrijans previous studies, the discussion of the old precinct in Sarajevo and Its Satellites focused on the private home. It started with an analysis of an external envelope and parts of the home that were relatively open to public [Figure 10]. Through an interpretation of the house gained from the street and mahala setting, the authors constructed a vision of domestic life. This imagined interior offered the authors a platform for the discussing what they referred to as the Oriental character of the people who inhabited those spaces, and the secrets it veiled.30

Figure 10: Muslim house, drawing. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 215.

They were certainly not the first to identify the domestic spaces of home as a key to understanding the architectural and cultural context. The Muslim house and its surrounds were topics frequently explored by foreign architects. Most significant were the AustroHungarian architects who in their search for an authentic Bosnian,

The approach was premised upon stereotypical interpretations of the Oriental, which promoted the oppositional relationship between the Orient and Occident, East and West. For further discussion see E. W. Said, Orientalism, Western Conceptions of the Orient, Penguin Books, London, 1978, pp. 1 28.

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local and indigenous expression identified the traditional house as an architectural embodiment of those qualities.31

The architect Josip Vanca was officially the first to recognise the political and aesthetic potential of Bosnian vernacular built forms, and in particular the significance of the Ottoman traditional dwelling for a construction of Bosnian identity.32 In 1911, Vanca tabled to the Bosnian parliament (Zemaljski Sabor) a heritage resolution that aimed to protect, register and describe existing monuments, as well as to give financial incentive (for example, lowering taxes) to the buildings built in what he referred to as Bosnian style.33 For this purpose Vanca designed a prototypical house in Bosnian style [Figure 11]. He based his designs on traditional architecture, in particular on the home of the wealthy person
It was common for Otto Wagners students to take their first journey to the East, where they noted and sketched the beauty of the original, natural and pure architectural forms of the Mediterranean house. Wagners first recorded student interested in studying local vernacular, Ernst Lichtblau, upon his arrival in Bosnia in 1904 noted the pure qualities and rational grounding of traditional dwellings. (As discussed in chapter two, those qualities were also observed by Grabrijan in his early writings on the city.) On his trip through the countryside Lichtblau produced numerous sketches of the Bosnian landscape and houses, emphasising the geometric simplicity of form of the house. Ernst Lichtblau Studien und Skizzen aus Bosnien und Dalmatien (Studies and sketches from Bosnia and Dalmatia), Der Architekt, 14, 1903, p. 85, cited in I. Krzovi , Arhitektura Bosne i Hercegovine, 18781918, (Architecture of Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1878 1918), Umjetni ka Galerija BiH, Sarajevo, 1988, p. 231. See also chapter six, The search for a national style, in A. Moravanszky, Competing Visions: Aesthetic Invention and Social Imagination in Central European Architecture, 18671918, MIT Press, Cambridge, Ma.,1997; and R. Besarovi , Iz kulturnog ivota u Sarajevu pod Austrougarskom Upravom (Inserts from Cultural Life of Sarajevo Under the AustroHungarian Administration), Veselin Maslea, Sarajevo, 1974. 32 Josip Vanca was born in Sopron, Hungary, in 1859 and died in Zagreb, Croatia, in 1932. He completed his architectural degree in Vienna in 1881, and from 1882 to 1884 studied at the Academy of Arts in Vienna. Vancas first major commission in Sarajevo was the design of the Catholic cathedral. Architectural historian Nedad Kurto suggests that in their search for an architect to design the cathedral the authorities approached the government. Minister Kallay in turn approached Friedrich von Schmidt, professor at the Academy of Applied arts in Vienna, who suggested his student, a Croatian called Josip Vanca. Vanca was only 25 at the time, and he settled permanently in Sarajevo in 1894. During his fruitful career in Sarajevo he designed more than 240 buildings, of which most were executed. He became one of the most prominent architects in the AustroHungarian personnel, in the city in which almost 600 projects were designed. For further discussion see Kurto, Arhitektura Secesije u Sarajevu, 1988. 33 Kurto, Arhitektura Bosne I Hercegovine, razvoj Bosanskog Stila, p. 298.
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of Ottoman times.34 The design made reference to the spatial organisation of Muslim houses, with divanhana (large, open planned living spaces), recesses and protrusions on the upper level, white walls and steep, high roofs. It also made reference to public buildings such as hotels (han). Other architects, among whom Josip Pospiil was the most prominent, continued these efforts. Pospiil made the search for authentic Bosnian style the focus of his work, and saw domestic architecture as the embodiment of cultural relationships.

Figure 11: Josip Vanca: houses designed in Bosnian style. Source: I. Krzovi , Arhitektura Bosne i Hercegovine, 1878 1918, pp. 232 & 235.

While Grabrijan and Neidhardt acknowledged the efforts of their predecessors, including a version of Pospiils essay on the urban positioning of the traditional

In a talk to the Society of Yugoslav Engineers and Architects (Udruenje jugoslavenskih ininjera I Arhitekata Sekcija Zagreb) Vanca criticised the AustroHungarian government for the inadequate support it provided to preserving Sarajevos heritage fabric. He criticised the authorities for avoiding financial commitment giving only verbal support for preservation. Original quote: Ve ina kulturnih drava ima ve ovakovih komisija, a I naa ju je domovina dobila pod naslovom Povjerenstvo za o uvanje spomenika u Kraljevinama Hrvatskoj I Slavoniji. lanovi su te komisije me u ostalima director uro Szabo I prof. Arhitekt Martin Pilar. Naalost, ta je komisija kulturna institucija na papiru, jer ne raspolae dovoljnim nov anim sredstvima, da bi uzmogla poduzimati potrebna nau na istraiva ka putovanja, snimanja, crtanja I publikacije objekata, vrijednih zatite. J. Vanca, Bosansko Narodno Graditeljstvo (Bosnian built heritage), published in Tehni ki List (Technical Journal), vol. 31, no. 24, December 1928, pp. 35356.

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house, they perceived the AustroHungarian efforts as well meaning.35 But they argued that the AustroHungarian colonial obsession with the exotic in Bosnian architectural expression resulted in their failure to understand things.36 In an attempt to rectify limited understandings of the significance of the traditional house, they focused their discussion on the search for clues embedded in the hidden interiors. Central to this was their assumption that a patriarchal and, by extension, gender relationship between Muslim men and women underpinned family relationships.

The idea of the Islamic home as a shell for daily activities, primarily for women, stimulated their imaginations and promised insights into otherwise private domains.37 Grabrijan and Neidhardt wrote:
To a Muslim man a woman is his joy and that is why he carefully hides and encloses her. Her divanhana is enclosed by a mesh, and muepci [timber lattices] framed the best views of the garden for her Through women, a Muslim man divides the world into a colourful and intimate interior world and a sober and constrained public world.
38

Original quote: Ne smijemo po i ni putem, koji je pola biva Austrija, putem dobronamjernim, ali bez pravog shva anja stvari. Austrijski arhitekti vidjeli su u Bosni samo egzotiku, pa su mislili, da e Bosnu usre iti egzoti nim gradnjama u maurskom slogu I nekoj kolonijalnoj arhitekturi. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 241. 36 Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 241. 37 For further discussion of the Islamic home as a shell for daily activities and other lessons for modern architecture and urbanism, which architects such as Le Corbusier found in Algiers, see elik, Urban Forms and Colonial Confrontations, Algiers Under French Rule. For a further discussion of the significance of the indigenous house in broader modernist discourses see Z. elik, Displaying the Orient, Architecture of Islam at Nineteenth Century Worlds Fairs, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1992, pp. 87113. 38 Original quote: Muslimanu je ena uitak pa je zbog toga toliko ljubomorno uva I zatvara. Zbog nje divanhana u mreama, muepci, za nju najljepi I najbiraniji vidici i izgledi u prirode. Ovako moe musliman uzeti od toga svijeta sve, to god mu godi, a da ga nita ne ometa u njegovu eifu. Kroz nju je musliman podijelio svijet na dva dijela: areno intimni i trijezno suzdrljivi javni ivot. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 212. Two different spellings appear in this text: divhana and divanhana.

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Believing the private space of the home reflected the broader social and gender relationships in which they were interested, the authors centred their analysis on architectural elements that enclosed domestic life. As this interrelationship took place within the Muslim home, understanding spatial qualities was assumed to provide insights into interpersonal interactions: Its through his relationship to women that the Muslim defines [his] world, they suggested. Identifying sexual dynamics as at the core of gender interaction within a Muslim family, and a woman as the main subject that is always same, they wrote:39
A woman is for a Muslim man a piece of paradise on Earth. Because of her he accumulates all the wealth around her. The Oriental carpet, ilim, is [spread] for her, the embroidered towels and cushions [also] for her, the water fountains, adrvans, and gardens of Eden all for her.
40

In that world, wrote Grabrijan and Neidhardt, Muslim man finds his joy and pleasure merak without anything disturbing his mood eif.41 By associating the domestic interior and its occupants with merak a feeling of irrational and leisurely joy and pleasure and eif mood or temperamental behaviour they presented the house as a spatial enclosure of the emotional, if somehow unpredictable, Muslim world.

Abandoning Grabrijans earlier writings on the intimacy and ease by which Bosnian Muslims created and enjoyed the domestic environment, the authors presented the

Original quote: Subjekt ostaje uvijek isti, mijenja se samo objekat, pa je mrea prema tome uvijek druga ija. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 212. 40 Original quote: Muslimanu su obe ana nebesa sa hurijama, t.j. zamamnim enama. Zbog nje I oko nje nagomilava on sve bogatstvo. ilimi radi nje, pekiri I ureeni jastuci radi nje, adrvani i rajske ba e sve radi nje. U tom se svijetu musliman nasladjuje t.j. predaje svom eifu. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 212. 41 Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 212.

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houses austere public elevations as reflective of what they perceived as the controlling nature of Muslim men over women. Using an analogy of the intriguing nature of cover, the authors suggested that in relation to the house, fences and various other screen like structures hide the interiors just like Just like the veil that reduce[d] a [womans] appearance to a neutral shape [Figure 12].42 Opening up those layers of privacy, like unveiling a woman, would provide the insight needed by the authors to understand the hidden qualities of house. These findings, in turn, provided the conceptual structure for their master plan presented in Sarajevo and Its Satellites.

Figure 12: The Orient as inspiration. Face cover and veil, (zar and vala). Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and its Satellites, pp. 212 & 213.

The discussion of Ba arijas business section, as stated earlier, did not focus on the historical development or the importance of specific monuments to the areas overall fabric. Instead it considered the precincts relevance to the new urban

Original quote: enu musliman ne puta u svijet bez vale t. j. koprene ispred lica, koja je imunizira pred javno u , bez zara t. j. ogrta a, koji sve ene svodi na isti trijezni, monumentalni oblik, I time ih sve izjedna uje I neutralizira. The English translation in full: The Muslim man does not let his women go out on the street without a cover. That way he reduces her appearance to a general shape that presents all women within the same monumental form, making them all same and neutral. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 212.

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development. Like their mentor Le Corbusier, Grabrijan and Neidhardt identified the exploration of the religious practices as a key to understanding the private and spiritual life of the city. They focused their attention on what they saw as religious norms that had shaped the development of the urban fabric. The assumption that Islamic faith subsumed all other forms of socio cultural norms governed their analysis; the artistic physiognomy of Sarajevo, they wrote, was determined by religious beliefs.43
Ahead of many other towns, Sarajevo has a special disposition for architecture. And that specifically comes from Islam. Islam forbids figural representation, and through that discourages sculpture and paintings as art forms, ultimately Islamic art is focused on abstraction; i.e., in ornament instead of painting, in architecture instead of sculpture. 44

Unaware of the diversity within Muslim faith, their discussion of the impact Islam made on Sarajevo referenced a drawing of the mosque in Medina (now in Saudi Arabia). The burial place of Muhammad, Medina represented the epicentre of Islamic religion [Figure 13].45 Recalling Le Corbusiers reference to Kaaba, the inclusion of this sketch highlighted the authors belief in the overarching power of Islam to negate regional diversities. The reference visualised Serbian and Croatian nationalists argument that suggested, due to the transnational nature of Islam, that Bosnian Muslims allegiance was not to the local population but to the greater
Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 227. Original quote: Ispred svih drugih gradova Sarajevo ima posebno dispoziciju za arhitekturu. To specijalno proizlazi iz Islama. Islamska nauka naime zabranjuje prikazivanje prirodnih uzora I likova u umjetnosti. Na taj na in onemogu uje razvoj slikarstva I kiparstva, pa se islamski svijet tim intenzivnije iivljava u apstrakciji t.j. u ornamentici umjesto u slikarstvu, u arhitekturi umjesto u kiparstvu. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 227. 45 Muslims revere the city of Mecca for containing the Masjid al Haram (Sacred Mosque), considered the holiest site of Islam. Medina is the second holiest city in Islam. The city is the burial place of Muhammad and the place where he and his followers fled after being expelled from attacks against Mecca, now known as the Hijira. Both Mecca and Medina are located in what is now Saudi Arabia.
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world of Islam. Based on that rationale, the nationalists argued, Bosnian Muslims possessed no sense of national or regional belonging.

Figure 13: Medina mosque. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 210. [Image republished in Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity].

The generalised and stereotypical views of Islamic art and architecture that framed Grabrijan and Neidhardts discussion of Ba arija pervaded their perception of the local population. Despite the precincts historic inclusiveness of diverse religious beliefs, the discussion presented in Sarajevo and Its Satellites focused on Muslims, whose values, the authors argued, were in opposition to Western societys. Western man, they argued, approached art rationally, considering it an intellectual activity.46 This approach that celebrated technology, they continued,

Original quote: Zapadnjak pristupa likovnoj umjetnosti nekako posredno: ona mu je delekcija intelekta: razumije je. Odatle e nam biti shvatljiva I glorifikacija tehnike na zapadu I pojava u likovnoj umjetnosti kakva je na primjer konstruktivizam. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 211.

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provided the context for the emergence of art such as constructivism.47 Suggesting that this relationship is evident in the built fabric, they wrote:
When I look at the supporting arches of the gothic cathedral, I am immediately aware that without them the building would fall down, or that the spaces of the gothic cathedral would be impossible without them. When I look at the thin columns of concrete structure that support large concrete volumes I can see a work of engineering. And the dome and cube they all have a clear geometry.
48

Unlike his Western counterparts, Eastern man, according to the authors, was different and engage[d] in art directly, approaching everything, including technology, with emotion.49 The evidence of this they found on the built fabric of Ba arija:
Arabesque I am never able to decipher even though it is all interwoven with geometry. And these rollers and arches, cones and calottes, even cubes are never clearly determined they always vary, going up and down always appearing differently in regards to their position.
50

Supporting their statement were images of arabesques and writings presumably in Arabic [Figure 14]. The level of abstractness presented in the drawing neutralised the meaning of the image, highlighting the problematic relationship between art and religion evident in Grabrijan and Neidhardts discussion.

Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 211. Original quote: Kad god pogledam potporne lukove na obodima gotske katedrale, osje am odmah, da bi se bez njih zgrada sruila ili da je bez njih nemogu prostor gotskog profila. A kad pogledam tanko armirane betonske stupove, koji nose glomazne gradjevne mase onda uvijek mislim na ininjera I njegovu statiku. I kupola I kubus sve su to odredjene geometrijske tvorbe. Ali na Orijentu nije tako! Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 210. 49 Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 211. 50 Original quote Arabesku ne mogu nikada odgonetnuti premda je sva isprepletena geometrijom. I ovi valjci, I lukovi, injevi I kalote, pa kubusi, nikada mi nisu kona no odredjeni uvijek oni variraju na vie ili na nie svaki put druga iji prema svom poloaju. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 210.
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Figure 14: Sketch of an arabesque. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 212.

The impact of Le Corbusiers views For Neidhardt at least, this interest in the Oriental can be explained by his time spent in Le Corbusiers office. Architectural historian Zeynep elik has argued that in projects such as Algiers, Le Corbusier showed a genuine, if biased, interest in local culture.51 Defining the East as emotional, irrational, ahistorical and timeless, and the West as rational, progressive and dynamic, Le Corbusier established an oppositional relationship between Orient and Occident.52 His observations of the East conformed to what Edward Said has referred to as an Orientalist construction of the Other.

Inspired by Foucaults Archaeology of Knowledge and Discipline and Punish, Said has argued that the Orient was a virtually European invention, a system of representation framed by Western political power.53 He defined Orientalism as a mode of thought based upon an ontological and epistemological distinction
For a discussion on Le Corbusiers work during this period see: M. McLeod, Le Corbusier and Algiers, Oppositions, 19/20, winter/spring 1980, pp. 5385; and elik, Urban Forms and Colonial Confrontations. Mary McLeod argues that Le Corbusiers involvement with the syndicalist movement significantly informed his approach to urban studies and subsequent proposals for Algeria in the years 1931 to 1942. 52 Z. elik, Le Corbusier, Orientalism, Colonialism, pp. 5977. 53 Said acknowledged his debt to Foucault, particularly his Archaeology of Knowledge, Routledge, London, 1989, c1972 and Discipline and Punish Penguin, Harmondsworth, England, 1979. E. Said, Orientalism, Western Conceptions of the Orient, pp. 34.
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between the Orient and the Occident. In Europe from the 18th century on, Orientalist thinking underpinned understandings of the EastWest relationship.54 Saids thesis has provided a framework through which the work of many modern architects, including Le Corbusier, has been critiqued.55

In the article Le Corbusier, Orientalism, Colonialism, elik further demonstrates that Le Corbusiers engagement with the Orient was heavily informed by such biases. He accepts models of the Orient promoted through literature, travel accounts and paintings.56 Popular authors such as Thophile Gautier and Pierre Loti shaped Le Corbusiers expectations of the places he studied.57 The impact of the Orientalist tradition fuelled his desire to confirm, on location, his preconceived mental images of places encountered through literature.58 elik suggests that Le Corbusiers desire to reconstruct a perception of Istanbul promoted in 19th century travel books framed his own experience of the city.59

Building upon Europes historic fascination with Islam, Le Corbusier attempted to explain architectural and urban form in terms of religious belief. In an attempt to enrich his own architectural approach, he saw the oppositional relationship as having the potential to unite the sensual he associated with the East and Orient with the rational of the West. Defining the local and Islam as something Other to

54 55

Said, Orientalism, Western Conceptions of the Orient, p. 40. elik, Le Corbusier, Orientalism, Colonialism. 56 elik, Le Corbusier, Orientalism, Colonialism, pp. 5977. 57 elik, Le Corbusier, Orientalism, Colonialism, pp. 5977. 58 elik, Le Corbusier, Orientalism, Colonialism, pp. 5977. 59 elik, Le Corbusier, Orientalism, Colonialism, pp. 5977.

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the West (more specifically French, elik argued in the case of Algiers), Le Corbusier labelled local culture as different, and by extension inferior.60 Unversed in Muslim philosophy, Le Corbusier, elik argues, often recycled clichd views of religions importance in structuring social and cultural formations.61 To demonstrate the overarching role of religion in shaping urban form, Le Corbusier in a way prefiguring Grabrijan and Neidhardts efforts in Sarajevo referred to Kaaba in his discussion of the unity of religion as expressed in the physical and symbolic form of Istanbul.62

Unlike Le Corbusier, who in his attempts to gain knowledge of other places and cultures relied on secondary sources and French colonial policies, Grabrijan and Neidhardt were in theory much closer to their subject of investigation. Bosnia was an integral part of their home state, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The kingdoms main policies and constitution were defined in relation to the Ottomans colonial occupation of the Balkans, from the 15th to the 19th century. While the Ottomans

elik, Le Corbusier, Orientalism, Colonialism, pp. 5977. In contrast, scholars such as Sibel Bozdogan have attempted to liberate Le Corbusier from what they describe as the misunderstandings of the Orientalist approach, arguing instead for genuine, if at times problematic, interest in the local context. The Journal of Architectural Education recorded a debate between Richard Ingersoll and Sibel Bozdogan. Bozdogan, attempted to distance Le Corbusier from the Orientalist sin by arguing that his involved and engaged representation of the Orient was a critical and exploratory vehicle rather than an affirmative and expository one. See S. Bozdogan, Journey to the East: ways of looking at the Orient and the question of representation, Journal of Architectural Education, vol. 41, no. 4, summer 1988, pp. 3845. However, Ingersoll questioned Bozdogans argument and insisted that Le Corbusier indeed proved in every instance to be on the side of his white fathers. See R. Ingersoll, Letter to the editor, Journal of Architectural Education, vol. 42, no. 4, 1989, p. 61. Subsequently Bozdogan responded in, More on Le Corbusiers Orientalism, Journal of Architectural Education, vol. 43, no. 1, fall 1989, p. 63. Ingersoll and, by extension, elik have persisted in stating that Le Corbusiers experience of the East, which accepted the Orientalist framework, was aimed at extolling his own culture. Unwilling to give away his position of power, Le Corbusier, among others, was thus almost inevitably associated with what Ingersoll called the original sin of Westerners. 61 elik, Le Corbusier, Orientalism, Colonialism, pp. 5977. 62 elik, Le Corbusier, Orientalism, Colonialism, p. 63.

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never reached Grabrijan and Neidhardts home towns of Lo and Zagreb, respectively, their legacy was felt widely and formed a strong part of the history of all Southern Slavs. However, in Grabrijan and Neidhardts exploration of the citys cultural context, they never acknowledged their relative closeness to their subject, if it ever existed. If anything, their approach confirmed that their Slovenian and Croatian Christian backgrounds excluded them from the Islamic cultural and religious milieu of Sarajevo. In an article published in 1940, Grabrijan acknowledged the difficulties they had accessing the interiors of Muslim homes: Muslim houses are too enclosed to allow free observations and to draw conclusions from them.63 Unfazed by the lack of access, they identified an alternative approach via the study of Muslim public buildings: hans [inns] and coffee shops.64 Their sense of exclusion coupled with their preconceptions about Islam determined their understanding of the Oriental within the Bosnian context. Their observations of local culture presented in Sarajevo and Its Satellites were framed by an inquiry into social norms, particularly religious and sexual norms the realms that elik has argued defined Le Corbusiers Orientalist approach.65

Original quote: Muslimanske ku e su nam suvie zatvorene, a da bismo mogli na njima pasti svoje o i I stvarati neke zaklju ke. Do njih treba do i I indirektnim putem, tj. preko muslimanskih javnih zgrada: hanova I kafana. Published in Ba arija jedna nova alternativa (Ba arija a new alternative), Jugoslovenski List, Sarajevo, vol. 30, no. 6, 1940; republished in eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, p. 67. 64 eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, p. 67. 65 elik refers to work of historian Norman Daniel, which identified enquiry into social norms such as religious, sexual and power as the three realms that have characterised Islam in European discourses. elik, Le Corbusier, Orientalism, Colonialism, p. 60.

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Ba arija: surgery or medication Despite the interest in local context expressed in Grabrijans writings, Sarajevo and Its Satellites revealed the historic precinct was given very limited value in their master plan. In keeping with their problematic reading of the Oriental nature of the old city and its inhabitants, the EastWest Artery bypassed the Ba arija precinct, compounding its isolation. A high wall of larger structures was proposed to redefine the outer perimeter of the area and to enhance its separation from the rest of the city. To support the re zoning (from city centre to marketplace), an improved internal street network was proposed. This was to facilitate the newly projected image of the precinct as a tourist centre with bazaars that produced bijouterie [imitation jewellery].66

In contrast to Grabrijans earlier attempts to establish an argument of relevance, here they highlighted the artificial nature of the precinct. In relation to todays life, they wrote, Ba arija had no value:
[Its built fabric] is like a stage set where nothing is real. The precincts purpose is unclear and its existence is irrelevant. With no other purpose than to hide the lack of content behind the surface; the ornaments [and arabesque] have only superficial meaning. Their purpose is to cover up the poor quality and the absence of relevance. It is all false and deceptive. It has all lost its purpose. Ba arija, is [not real] but a mirage.
67

The Merriam Webster Online Dictionary defines bijouterie as a collection of trinkets, ornaments or jewels; and also decoration. In Serbo Croatian and Bosnian the word implies imitation, and, by extension, low quality and cheap design. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 203. 67 Original quote: Dananja Ba arija je prema ivotu kao apstrakcija prema realizmu, t. j. kuliserija, gdje je sve neopipljivo. Svi su ti odnosi nejasni I zbog toga nesolidni. Svaki ornament tu zastire neto, to nije realno. Svrha je tih ara, da zavaraju, I da prikriju slabu kvalitetu. Laan je taj ornament, jer je izgubio svoju nunost, svoju potreba I svoju smisao I poto se toliko udaljio od svojih izvora, da nema

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In the final analysis, the precincts existing fabric had little to offer to their new master plan: If the purpose of going to Ba arija is to do historical research, they argued, then something should be learnt.68 But if the idea is to search for new ideas, there was nothing new to be found69 Reducing Ba arija to little more than a two dimensional backdrop or a scenographic display, the master plan focused on the new city.70 The discussion of the old precincts future, labelled surgery or medication, was concluded with the statement Ba arija is dead.71 In a damning assessment of the built fabrics condition, the authors stated, Wherever you look into the avlija [courtyards] everything stinks of dirt and rot, and many pests are walking around, even in broad daylight.72

In contrast with this, the authors associated the new city with the terms efficiency, circulation and standardisation, demonstrating that their belief in a rational and pragmatic approach aligned with the modern. Presenting themselves as responsible social scientists, not simply architects acting upon aesthetic ideas, they argued that the experts would confirm their analysis of the old precinct. Calling upon educated

s njima prave veze. Sva ta Ba arija, koja se na tim arama, jeste kao neka fata morgana. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 218. 68 Original quote in full: U koliko se ide za otkrivanjem ostataka stare tradicije, moe se neto nau iti u Ba ariji. Ali neto idejno novo se tu ne moe otkriti. Tuno se vra a iz Ba arije onaj koji je poao da neto nova vidi I nau i, jer sve to tu vidi, mogao je pregledati za prvih 14 dana. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 218. 69 Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 218. 70 Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 218. 71 Original quote: Ba arija je umrla kao city. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 255. Original quote: Kirurgija ili medicina. Kucnuo je dvanaesti as treba pristupiti regulaciji Sarajeva. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 201. 72 Original quote: A da ne govorimo o neodrivim higijenskim prilikama. Gdjegod zavirite u avliju svuda zaudara po plijesni I gnjilo i, a mnoina no nih ivotinjica I posred bijela dana plazi po zemlji. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 256.

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professionals who lived or worked in the precinct to support their views, they wrote:
If we consult doctors, fireman, insurance experts, or tradespeople and businesspeople who live in Ba arija, they will all agree about the unbearable conditions that are present there ... Todays Ba arija is like sick lungs, full of cavities. There are empty holes left from the burned down hans, courtyards and ruins of all kinds of baths and residences that should no longer have any place in this bazaar.
73

With limited prospects for the precincts reintegration in the new city, the authors stated that any attempt to revitalise Ba arija and include it in the new city would be contrary to natural development.74 Their diagnosis a term they used to present their conclusions was to surgically remove the offending elements of the old city. Summarising the position of Ba arija within the master plan, they stated:
we realise that medication cannot help here any longer. Trying to heal the existing situation by correcting, repairing, mending and filling in the empty places would only result in a half mended and weak solution. Here, surgical intervention can help, i.e., the demolition of deteriorating and weak structures, followed by zoning. A zone of high rise buildings surround the precinct of arija [Ba arija] from outside a zone of low structures making the inner circle, to be followed by a zone of old cultural buildings, all finally unified by a park!75

Original quote: Dananja Ba arija nali i bolesnim plu ima koja su puna kaverna. Tu su praznine od pogorjelih hanova, pa razna dvorita I ruevine kojekavih kupalita I stanbenih ku a, kojima u ovakvom bazaru nije mjesto. Na taj nacin dananja Ba arija nije skoro ni na polovicu iskoritena za trgova ke svrhe! Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 256. 74 Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 255. 75 Original quote: Ako sve rezimiramo, dolazimo do uvjerenja, da tu lijekovi vie ne pomau. Lije enje postoje eg stanja ispravljanjem, opravljanjem, krpanjem, I ispunjavanjam poruenih mjesta, dalo bi samo iskrpanu polovi nu I slabu stvar. Pomo i moe tu samo kirurski zahvat, t.j. Ruenje svega tronog I nevaljalog, pa onda sprovesti urbanizaciju, t.j. podjelu u zone. Zona sa podru jem visokih gradjevina dola bi oko arije, zona niskih gradjevina I bazara unutar ove zatim zona starih

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The proposal suggested the clearance of all but the most important buildings built of solid material [Figure 15].76 The complex of the Gazi Husref Beg, inclusive of a mosque, a adrvan (water fountain), two turbes (mausoleums, tombs of the founder and his family) and a kutubhana (library) were to be kept.77 Two other mosques, Ba arija and Careva (Tsars) mosques, would also stay, as would the nearby medresa (religious school). Basing their judgment on the quality of the physical fabric, Grabrijan and Neidhardt hesitated in including the Mori a Han (an inn), as the structure was partially built out of timber.78 Ultimately they suggested retaining it, but on the condition all remnants of the past that surrounded the building were cleared.79

Figure 15: Design proposal for urban regulation of Ba arija. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 212.

The proposal, however hypothetical, extended the already diminishing capacity of the financial institutions supporting Ba arijas urban development, and the vakuf
kulturnih gradjevina te park, koji bi povezao sve navedene elemente u cjelinu! Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 257. 76 Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 257. 77 There have been two spellings used for this name: Gazi Husref Beg and Gazi Husrevbeg. Gazihusrevbegs Vakuf (comp.), Spomenica Gazi Husrevbegove etiristo Godinjice (Four Hundred Years of Gazihusrevbegs Vakuf), Sarajevo, 1932, p. 57. 78 Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 257. 79 Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 257.

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in particular. With a limited interest in protection and preservation of the existing structures, Grabrijan and Neidhardts master plan proposed significant clearing of architectural fabric deemed in poor physical condition.

Unlike Grabrijans earlier writings, which challenged the authorities and called for a review of preservation policies and urban development approaches, the master plan complied with the official line. It too, proposed preservation of individual monuments, but not the surrounding fabric. The surrounding structures lacked the capacity to generate income needed for preserving monuments, and so the proposal undermined the interdependency of the Ba arijas built fabric instilled in the principles the vakuf institution. Further, the Ba arijas proposed change of role from an economic, cultural and trade centre into a retail zone of bazaar bijouterie confirmed Grabrijan and Neidhardts lack of belief in reviving the ailing fabric and economy. The plans overall focus on modernisation, efficiency and rational planning of the city at large, demonstrated that their interest in urban planning was in the development of new satellite towns not the old town.

The new satellite mining towns As stated, the proposals in Sarajevo and Its Satellites emerged from Grabrijan and Neidhardts interest in urban debates.80 However, the projects included in the publication were commonly actual projects or competitions in which Neidhardt was involved as an architect. When he came to Bosnia in 1939, after years of working in Western Europe, he did so to become company architect in the mining
80

Between 1939 and 1942 Neidhardt was employed full time by the Jugo elik steel company.

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conglomerate Croatian Mines and Steel Production (HRUDAT), a successor of the German backed iron and steel company Yugoslav Steel (Jugo elik).81 From 1939 till 1942 Neidhardt worked on numerous proposals for the development of mining towns. They included large urban plans for the Middle Bosnian basin, master plans for the towns of Zenica, Vare Majdan, Ljubija, Breza, Podbreje, Ilija, Zenica and Ilija, and design proposals for workers housing [Figure 16].82

Jelica Karli Kapetanovi suggests a number of reasons for Neidhardts arrival in Bosnia, the main one being his need to obtain a secure job and commissions. In addition, his wife was Bosnian and his close friend Grabrijan was living in Bosnia. Soon after it opened in 1937, Jugo elik became a state enterprise. The company was one of the largest in the Independent State of Croatia (NDH). Lampe, Yugoslavia as History, Twice There Was a Country, p. 180. Upon its creation the NDH took over some sections of the company. The takeover included all branches in Bosnia, including Breza, Zenica, Ljubija i Vare, considered in Grabrijan and Neidhardts urban proposal. The production changed the name to HRUTAT d. d. an acronym for Croatian mines and steel production (Hrvatski rudnici I talionice). I. Mamuzovi , Croatian metallurgy, past, present and future, Metalurgija, 43, 1, 2004, pp. 312; also at: http://public.carnet.hr/metalurg/Metalurgija/2004_vol_43/No1/MET_43_1_003_012_Mamuzic.pdf 82 Some houses in Ilija were built in 1942. The proposals were presented in Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, pp. 273322; most of the housing projects were presented again in Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity. In some instances, such as the design of Neidhardts workers housing, both publications presented the same project in order to support the respective urban visions. In Sarajevo and Its Satellites the housing projects represented the power of rational plan and efficiency, while in Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity they were proof of the socialist governments efforts to accommodate the proletariat.

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Figure 16: Map of satellite towns included in the proposal. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and its Satellites, p. 274.

Neidhardt saw developing mining towns not in relation to the relatively limited scope of the architectural task, but within the broader context of Yugoslav social and political changes. Jugo elik was established amid Yugoslav Prime Minister Milan Stojadinovi s broader efforts to revitalise the state economy.83 The German backed iron and steel complex at Zenica was expected to transform the region into a Yugoslav Ruhr,84 and Neidhardts design proposals for the towns aimed to establish a connection between urban planning and social change.

Faced with serious political challenges, Stojadinovi sought to combat declining agricultural prices by increasing industrial and processed agricultural exports to Germany. Lampe, Yugoslavia as History, p. 180. 84 Lampe, Yugoslavia as History, p. 180.

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For Neidhardt, urbanism was based on a connection with the land and the natural environment, and with regional industry. While this model did not recognise the specifics of culture and history as significant, it expected dramatic socio economic changes would underpin the urban changes. The proposal for the mining towns of the Bosnian basin was thus premised on re zoning land to achieve organised and regular blocks of a contemporary city.85

While this grandiose gesture was in some ways reminiscent of aspects of Le Corbusiers urbanisation of Algiers and the desire for a spontaneous and total symbiosis of man, architecture and the landscape within the context of Bosnia, the proposal to expropriate the land and introduce new subdivisions demonstrated the limitations of Neidhardts political awareness and knowledge of local conditions.86 The issue of land rights and divisions cut deep into the existing debate on land ownerships.87 The problem was a vestige of Ottoman feudalism and the practice of distributing arable land along religious lines.88 Upon the introduction of Ottoman governance, the feudal estate holders could be Christian or Muslim, but due to a long process of religious and social polarisation, by the 19th century all the big landowners were Muslims and the great majority of the non land owning

Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 201. McLeod has argued that Le Corbusiers new social and political commitment to the regional syndicalism in evident in the six projects that he developed for Algiers in the period between 1932 and 1942. McLeod, Urbanism and Utopia: Le Corbusier from regional syndicalism to Vichy, pp. 333 63, with the reference to the syndicalist movement, p. 342. 87 Original quote: U interesu je cjelokupnosti, da se u gradu provede komasacija. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 201. 88 For further discussion see I. Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia, Origins, History, Politics, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, 1984.
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peasants were Christians.89 These historical conditions made land distribution or the agrarian question one of the central Yugoslav political dilemmas, which, as historian Ivo Banac has stated, could be solved only at the expense of one confessional community the Muslim community.90

Indeed the post Ottoman governments of AustroHungarian Empire and Yugoslavia did attempt to address the agrarian question. The full complexities of these attempts, however, are beyond the scope of this thesis.91 Suffice to say, the Austro Hungarian government realised that taking the land away from the Muslim landlords would further deepen the ideological divide between Muslims and Christians, and undermine its political agenda. The possibility of this outcome prevented the government undertaking the reforms. According to the land ownership census of 1910, Muslims, at that time, made up 91.15 per cent of landlords, their lands tilled by customary tenants (the common native term kmet, usually translates as serf). Some 73.92 per cent of kmets were Orthodox and 21.49 per cent Catholic.92 In 1919, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes abolished serfdom, decreeing serf families should be given legal title to the land they worked, prompting a major political shift in the Bosnian Muslim community.93 Roughly 4000

89 90

Malcolm, Bosnia A Short History, p. 94. Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia, p. 367. 91 For a thorough discussion of those issues see Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia. 92 Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia, p. 367. 93 Malcolm, Bosnia A Short History, p. 164.

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Muslim landowning families were affected by this reform, some were reduced to poverty.94

It appears that Neidhardt was aware of the problems associated with land ownership, and saw government intervention to the advantage of all and central to its resolution.95 But it is unclear whether he considered the ethnic and religious background of the landholders or of the housing project users as relevant to his design deliberations. The discussion of the proposals suggested that the projects were designed for the non traditional worker, not a proletarian but a peasant who left his village, following the metamorphosis from working on the land to going underground.96 In the light of the agrarian reforms of this period, it was possible that Neidhardt was designing for a Muslim population who, depleted of political and economic power, could move into the newly designed towns. While Neidhardt did not specify the ethnicity of the proposed users of the housing project, repeated references to the traditional Turkish house suggest a keen interest in reminding housing inhabitants of Bosnias Islamic past. However, the church proposed for the middle of Ljubijas town square reinforced the presence of the Christian Croatian government of the Independent State of Croatia [Figure 17].

The agrarian issue polarised the Yugoslav political scene. Mehmed Spaho, the leader of Yugoslav Muslim Organisation, fought hard to soften the blow of agrarian reforms on Muslim landlords and ensure their compensation. Spahos commitment to this issue allowed his critics to denounce his party as representative of old feudal class. Malcolm, Bosnia A Short History, p. 164. 95 Original quote: U interesu je cjelokupnosti, da se u gradu provede komasacija. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 201. 96 Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 282.

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Figure 17: Urban development of Ljubija, with a newly designed church located in the centre of town. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 280.

Neidhardts concerns for hygiene and workers health further neutralised the political dimension of the proposal. Those issues informed the urban organisation of the plan, and in many instances brought forward the introduction of sporting facilities and extensive recreational space. Ultimately, by assuming responsibility for improving housing conditions for mining workers Neidhardt was able to focus his attention on the less politicised issue of individual dwelling design.

Individual houses: modern houses with Oriental parts A key component of Neidhardts proposal for individual housing in the mining towns was this modern focus on health and hygiene: Instead of looking like army barracks, he wrote, the new residential complexes should be more like sanatoriums correctly positioned in orientation to the sun and wind.97 It was assumed that hygienic living conditions, light and an organised way of life would

97

Some houses in Ilija were built in 1942. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 289.

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ensure the bodily and physical health of workers, while bringing them closer to the Western European way of life.98

It was in the design of workers housing that reference to the traditional house began to be included. In response to a brief that called for collective housing for almost 160 single men working in the town of Zenica, Neidhardt suggested that the principles of oriental architecture would allow Bosnia to be connected to the progressive world while retaining its cultural integrity. Without access, as foreigners and non Muslims, to the interiors of Muslim homes, Grabrijan and Neidhardt based their conclusions on observations and interpretations of daily life from the outside. They acknowledged their lack of access to Muslims private domains and sought to understand the spatial interrelationships through analysis of what they perceived were the like spaces of hans.99 While this acceptance of the old informing new architecture marked a significant adjustment in Neidhardts architectural approach, it also highlighted the authors reliance on visual cues and formal analysis.

In architectural terms, Neidhardt conceived of the workers housing as comprising individual space making elements and enclosures. These were significantly defined by meshes and shading devices, sitting elements and stairs the same elements already described by the authors as the primary enclosures of the Oriental family home. Still, the discussion supporting the proposal is void of references to the origin of those elements. The stairs (basamci), the semi enclosed spaces (divanhana) and
Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 282. In the article Le Corbusier and Sarajevo Grabrijan stated that it is hard to enter the Muslim house and offered looking into like places such as inns etc as an alternative.
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the mesh of traditional latticework (muepci) were all shown as free floating elements used in a modern expression, abstracted form their context and presented individually [Figure 18].

Figure 18: Neidhardts development of the elemental architectural vocabulary of Bosnia. Single man housing project for Zenica. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, also published in Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 317.

The drawings make reference to the formal qualities of the traditional houses spaces. In order to provide a place for gathering and conversation, a divanhana a wide, semi enclosed entry space in the traditional house described in Grabrijans earlier writings formed the first point of contact and an entry point to the dwelling. In the housing proposal for Zenica, this space took the shape of a balcony. Unlike in the traditional house, where the divanhana connected all the surrounding spaces, here it formed a separate area. What was an intimate and enclosed space in the traditional house, here was strictly limited to the front of the building. It became its public facade. The comfortable sofas (divans) of divanhana were

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replaced by a narrow bench space on the inside of the railing. The ornate timber detailing was replaced with horizontal louvres, and pictures of workers and village life replaced the pictures and simple objects conventionally used to decorate the walls of the traditional house. The space of divanhana was still connected to the ground level by a single flight of stairs, but unlike in the traditional house, where the stairs mediated a series of spatial experiences from open to enclosed, here the stairs functioned only as a physical connection linking the upper and lower levels [Figure 19].

Figure 19: Single man housing project for Zenica. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, also published in Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 292.

In terms of building layout, the sitting space of what in earlier discussion had been referred to as an oriental home, the divanhana, opened into a long, linear corridor with a reception desk at one end and a large common toilet block at the other [Figure 20]. On both floors, two large common bedrooms were located on either
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side of the corridor, each accommodating 20 single beds, totalling 160 beds in each building. The initial design proposed tilt up beds, but in later proposals metal beds replaced them. Presumably to provide some privacy, lightweight partitions separated each bedroom into two parts. Celebrated for the flexibility of its furniture and the multiple uses of spaces, the traditional house did not seem able to provide a model for this arrangement. Unlike in the traditional house, the individual rooms in this design were assigned just one function.

Figure 20: Single mens housing project for Zenica. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, also published in Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 292.

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In Neidhardts transformation of the private house into a public residential building, the image of veiled women gave way to young men. The sensuality of the traditional house was replaced by the masculinity of the new. The pictures of the design model show a number of young men inhabiting the space of divanhana. They appear comfortable in their new roles, enjoying themselves, their bodies relaxed, and engaging in an active relationship with their surroundings. On the divanhana edges, the delicate timber lattices of the traditional Muslim house, so well described and analysed in Grabrijans writings, were replaced by metal screens along the external wall [Figure 21].

Figure 21: Single mens housing project for Zenica. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, also published in Sarajevo and Its Satellites, p. 287.

This context of workers housing allowed Neidhardt to accept the influence of old fabric on new design. In these projects, the architectural elements of heritage fabric were abstracted, modernised and then absorbed in the pragmatic and modular modern approaches. By reducing the architectural characteristics of traditional

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fabric to patterns and ornaments, the heritage was, like in the master planning of Ba arija, still assigned a background role of scenographic display. Despite the apparent limitations of the scale of domestic dwelling and Neidhardts emphasis on formal aspects of architecture, the designs of the mining housing projects marked a recognition and acknowledgment of the old fabrics value in creating the new.

Conclusion: The Orient of the old town and the modernity of new suburbs The vision of a master plan presented in Sarajevo and Its Satellites demonstrated Grabrijan and Neidhardts commitment to a modernist approach to urban planning over an in depth study of the relationships between people, culture and architecture. The plan for Sarajevo prioritised effective transport networks, urban organisation and zoning, disregarding specific urban and historical conditions. This highlighted their aspiration to locate their work within the context of modern urbanism rather than the site specific approach promoted by architects such as Ple nik. This meant that the Ba arija precincts importance to new urban planning went unrecognised.

In the analysis of his old Ba arija, Neidhardt, and by extension Grabrijan, did not question Le Corbusiers approach, accepting it as a sound starting point for investigating the Islamic heritage of Sarajevo. During 1930s Grabrijan had published a series of articles that argued that authentic and original values were embedded in the old precinct. In this collaborative publication, however, the authors presented the old fabric within concepts that highlighted it as generic and non specific in

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nature. Their discussion placed a buildings physical form in opposition to the emotional life that took place within it, undermining Grabrijans earlier argument for an organic integration of architecture and people the two inexorably connected. Sarajevo and Its Satellites demonstrated the great influence of Neidhardts formal and architectural approach over Grabrijans cultural and theoretical explorations.

Sarajevo and Its Satellites viewed the local population of Bosnia, and Ba arija in particular, through preconceived notions of Muslims living their lives within the framework of Islam. Its emphasis on the gender and the indulgence of the Muslim family in particular served to compound the sense of otherness of the existing context. Ultimately Grabrijan and Neidhardts position reinforced a stereotypical and Orientalist vision of Islam and the Muslim population of Bosnia.

At a distance from the dilapidated and dirty Oriental precinct, the master plan for the new city focused on an efficient traffic artery, on rational planning and on hygiene. When the old city precinct was considered, the master plan proposed either its eradication or significant modification of the very traditions that had shaped it. The static world of the Orient was relegated a secondary place, with modernisation as essential to the new urban visions. Ultimately Grabrijan and Neidhardts plan proposed urbanisation as a way of changing the community and its way of life.

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Despite limited engagement with the citys historic fabric, Neidhardts historical referencing in the mining housing design provided an important connection to the context in which the two architects operated. Their subsequent book, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, was built upon those explorations.

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Grabrijan and Neidhardts research on Bosnian architecture culminated in Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity (Arhitektura Bosne i Put u Suvremeno), published some 15 years after Sarajevo and Its Satellites, in 1957.1 The book gained broad recognition in Titoist Yugoslavia (194592), and its socialist policies made it one of the seminal texts on modern Bosnian architecture.2 Unlike the thesis developed in Sarajevo and Its Satellites, which marginalised the relevance of Ba arija to the new urban plan, the discussion presented in this book identified it as a catalyst in creating a new and modern city. It argued that the Islamic architecture of Sarajevo represented a uniquely Bosnian Oriental architectural and cultural expression.

This chapter examines the position of Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity in relation to the changing political environment of the postWorld War Two period and the formation of a new Yugoslav state. The states 1946 constitution articulated its political cornerstones as the socialist system, the right of

Duan Grabrijan died in 1952, five years before the publication of Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, Ljudska Pravica, Ljubljana, 1957. It appears that the book was ready for publication as early as 1953, as the publishing company Drava Zaloba Slovenije placed an advertisement in the professional journal Architect that year; cited in Kapetanovi , The architectural work of Juraj Neidhardt, p. 314. 2 In 1946, the state was named the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia, and in 1963 re named the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. This state disintegrated in the wake of Yugoslav war that started in Slovenia and Croatia 1991 and in Bosnia in 1992.

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national self determination and the Communist Partys domination in public life.3 Fulfilling Titos wartime commitments, the constitution officially recognised five Yugoslav nationalities: Serbs, Croats, Slovenes, Macedonians and Montenegrians. Bosnian Muslims were not included, for the official party believed Muslims were a separate group, without a national identity. Six republics were established: Serbia, Croatia, Slovenia, Macedonia, Monte Negro and Bosnia and Hercegovina.4 Bosnia and Hercegovina was the only one with no majority nationality or national name [Figure 22].

Figure 22: Territorial divisions of the former Yugoslavia, 1945 1991. Source: Lampe, Yugoslavia as History, p. 231.

For further discussion on postWorld War Two Yugoslavia see Donia & Fine, Bosnia and Hercegovina A Tradition Betrayed; Lampe, Yugoslavia as History, Twice There Was a Country,; and N. Malcolm, Bosnia A Short History, specifically the chapters Bosnia and the Second World War, 1941 1945 and Bosnia in Titoist Yugoslavia, 19451989. 4 The new territorial borders closely corresponded to the historic units brought together in 1918 to form the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. Malcolm, Bosnia A Short History.

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In this political context the interplay between the cultural and national identities of Bosnia was particularly important. The mixed cultural and religious heritage of Bosnia simultaneously represented a secular, modern Yugoslavia and a uniquely Bosnian regional identity. Consequently, when Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity identified the built fabric of Ba arija as an active force capable of negotiating the conflicting ideological agendas of Yugoslav socialism, Grabrijan and Neidhardts artistic agenda appeared to offer political solutions. This chapter presents the gradual but strategic alignment between their views of culture and architecture and the political themes that dominated the Bosnian scene in the 1950s. Through this relationship, I argue, they made architecture an active ingredient in the nation making of socialist Yugoslavia.

The Yugoslav communist artistic agenda and a resistance to the particular Immediately after World War Two, the Yugoslav government considered artistic endeavours promoting the specifics of ethnic national identities mostly irrelevant; a national arts promoting the exclusive values of one national group contradicted the multiethnic and multinational agenda of the new Yugoslavia. The governments ideal new society was predicated on the disappearance of any expression of loyalty to a particular nation state.5 Marxist opposition to nationalism as bourgeois, and its belief in an international communist society provided further theoretical support to the governments resistance to individual national expressions.

For further discussion on post war Yugoslavism see A. Djilas, The Contested Country, Yugoslav Unity and Communist Revolution 19191953, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Ma., 1996.

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Perceiving tradition as the surviving past, the Communist Party denied its relevance to the modern and progressive society they believed was being constructed.6 Moreover, the search for connections with the past was considered detrimental to progress. As Tito said in 1942: The main obstacle for full achievement of our brotherhood and unity are those who look backwards, who try to re establish what used to be before the destruction of [the Kingdom of] Yugoslavia.7 In this context, Grabrijan and Neidhardts exploration of the historic fabrics relevance to the new city had no apparent purpose.

The primary objective of the post war communist government was to establish the new Yugoslavia as a secular, united and independent state. Religious and nationalist affiliations were seen as contrary this objective.8 Accordingly, a campaign was launched that saw the suppression of the courts of Islamic law in 1946; the introduction of law forbidding women to wear the veil in 1950; and the closing of religious schools, with the teaching of children in mosques becoming a criminal

Raymond Williams argues that the concept of tradition has been neglected in Marxist cultural thought. I here use Williams notions of traditions developed in Traditions, institutions, and theories to discuss Marxist discourses of socialist Yugoslavia. For further discussion see, R. Williams, Marxism and Literature, Oxford University Press, New York, 1977, p. 115. 7 Josip Broz Tito, NOB I nacionalno pitanje u Jugoslaviji, Titos 1942 speech, published in A. Isakovi , O Nacionaliziranju Muslimana, 101 godina afirmiranja i negiranja nacionalnog identiteta Muslimana (101 years of affirmation and negation of Muslim national identity), Globus, Zagreb, 1990, pp. 13031. 8 Scholarship on Yugoslav approaches to resolving the national question have been articulated in the following periods: 194451, teleological industrialisation: it was believed that rapid industrialisation would reduce the disparity between regional living standards and thus erode national antagonism; 195160, Yugoslav nationalism: it was believed industrialisation would alleviate nationalism in the long term, although more immediate strategies focused on strengthening Yugoslav nationalism; and 196069, the articulation of Yugoslav nationalism based on community of nations. R. V. Burks, Nationalism and communism in Yugoslavia: an attempt at synthesis, in H. Birnbaum & S. J. Vryonis (eds.), Aspects of the Balkans, Continuity and Change, The Hague, 1972, pp. 397 423; proceedings of an international conference held at UCLA, 23 28 October 1969. While seemingly operating with the parameters of 1950s Yugoslav nationalism, Grabrijan and Neidhardts views promoted a different agenda.

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offence. Many Catholic and Orthodox churches, monasteries, convents and seminaries were also closed.9 While all religions suffered, Islam was hardest hit, as the practice of praying five times daily was seen as mixing religion with everyday life and Islam was considered backwards and Asiatic.10 Muslim cultural and educational societies were also abolished, the Muslim printing house in Sarajevo was closed, and no Islamic textbook was issued in Yugoslavia until 1964.

With regards to the arts, the new government expected artistic production would address the specifics of the communist agenda and follow Soviet trends.11 Stalin saw culture as the most effective way of influencing mass consciousness and assigned artists a revolutionary role in promoting the values of communism.12 Reflecting the Soviet view, Yugoslav artists and writers were expected to depict, in
Malcolm notes that the Communist Party took a softer approach towards the Orthodox Church, as some of its clergy served as progressive priests in Titos army. He also indicates that some of the measures introduced by the communists were covertly resisted: Islamic texts continued to circulate, children were taught in mosques, the dervish orders kept up their practices in private homes, and the Young Muslims, a student organisation, resisted the campaign against Islam until several hundred of its members were imprisoned in 194950. Malcolm, Bosnia A Short History, pp. 195 96. 10 Malcolm, Bosnia A Short History, p. 195. 11 The majority of Yugoslav Party members spent their formative years in the USSR, so the bolshevisation of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia was felt strongly in the early post war years. In discussion of the impact of Soviet artistic debates on Yugoslavia, historian Pekovi identified the Second International Writers Conference, held in the Soviet town of Harkov (Kharkov) in 1930, of particular importance. The conference highlighted the role of the proletariat in promoting the communist agenda, but because strict adherence to the Harkov agenda and promotion of socialist realism was slightly delayed in Yugoslavia it lost its original strength and potency. R. Pekovi , Ni Rat Ni Mir, Panorama knjievnih polemika 19451965 (Neither War nor Peace, [Yugoslav] Literary Debates of 19451965), Zavod za izdava ku delatnost Filip Vinji , Beograd, 1986, pp. 78. 12 Sketched out by Lenin, socialist realism became a dominant mode in the period between 1946 and 1953. It was presented as a strict code of law of Soviet aesthetics, philosophy and theory of art. The main promoter of the new cultural policy was Andrei Zhdanov. He justified this turn from proletarian internationalism to Russian nationalism during his speech at the Central Committee conference with Soviet composers and musicians (February 1948), saying Internationalism is engendered where national art flourishes. To forget this truth means to lose the guideline, to lose ones face, to become rootless cosmopolitans. The wave of cultural pogroms in 1946 in the Soviet Union swept away all those opposing the official views, who, in the official party views, distorted and negated the significance of national cultural heritage. I. Golomstock, Totalitarian Art in the Soviet Union, the Third Reich, Fascist Italy and the Peoples Republic of China, Icon Edition, Great Britain, 1990, pp. 14043.
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an optimistic light, the major social changes that were taking place. The approach required the creation of art that reflected daily life and experience in the new society.

Responding to the new political climate, Neidhardt took an active role in the post World War Two urban debates. In 1945, he moved from his pre war position in the steel industry to a position in the Ministry of Building, where he stayed until November 1946. He was so eager to contribute to the changing society that when the first Society for Cultural Collaboration with the Soviet Union was established, in May 1945, he served as secretary.13 He enthusiastically contributed to the stage sets for political events, and designed propaganda material for what was considered manifestation architecture, or architecture that supported communist ideology. He often worked without a commission and for free. His stage set designs were used for the celebration of the socialist holiday of 29 November 1947; for Titos visit to Sarajevo [Figure 23]; for the inauguration of the railway built by the Yugoslav youth free labour [Figure 24]; and for numerous communist occasions, from May Day to the Yugoslav Army Day. All of these reveal an embracing of the Soviet style generic workers imaginary.14

Kapetanovi , The architectural work of Juraj Neidhardt, p. 271. Kapetanovi stated that in May 1945 the Action Committee (Akcioni Odbor za osnivanje saradnje sa SSSR) in charge of cultural cooperation with the USSR was established. Its president was Minister Dr Nedo Zec; the secretaries were Juraj Neidhardt and Slavko Mi unovi . 14 Karli Kapetanovi , Juraj Najdhart, ivot i djelo, pp. 27282.

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Figure 23: Stage designed by Neidhardt for Titos visit to Sarajevo. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 321.

Figure 24: People build, state helps poster designed by Neidhardt. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 320.

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At the same time Neidhardt focused his architectural production on what he saw as the social agenda of socialism, leaving aside his earlier preoccupation with Ba arija. He argued that the quality of living conditions was crucial for improving workers productivity, and he renewed his involvement in some of his pre war projects. Without official appointment or pay, he resurrected his designs for the mining workers housing of Ilija, Breza, Zenica, Ljubija and Vare, and later published them in Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity as studies of workers housing.

Despite Neidhardts efforts, the communist government did not recognise the vision of modern architecture he was promoting as complementary to their cause, nor did it approve of Neidhardts family background. Unlike the previous pro Nazi coalition government of the Independent State of Croatia, the early post war communist regime considered Neidhardts Croatian, Catholic and German heritage a serious disadvantage to his ability to contribute to the new state. His lack of involvement in the liberation war (World War Two) and his pre war employment with the mining company under the previous government further stigmatised his political profile. The extent of political opposition to Neidhardt was so great that he was arrested in 1947 and imprisoned for 42 days. He was accused of not blending into the new socialist state and for excessively using drawing materials at the time when such material was scarce.15 While ultimately he was released without trial, Neidhardt

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Kapetanovi , The architectural work of Juraj Neidhardt, p. 281.

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was presented as a person incapable of contributing to the revolutionary course of the new country.

Professionally, Neidhardt was also marginalised. Kapetanovi quotes the engineer Vaso Todorovi , who, in a job reference for Neidhardt, presented him as an individualist and as someone who dedicated himself to the tasks that only he considered important.16 Individualism was not an attribute associated with the new socialist character; it had capitalist connotations in its concern for individual over collective needs. Todorovi s reference noted that while Neidhardt was a capable artist and an excellent draftsman, he was unable to adjust to the professional tasks [required by the new government].17 Ultimately the Ministry demoted Neidhardt to interior decorator a role perceived as inferior to the professional one of architect.18

In 1948, Neidhardt was publically criticised by Communist Party official Radovan Zogovi .19 In a speech at the Fifth Congress of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, Zogovi condemned Neidhardts urban design proposals as framed by the Western

Original quote: Zalae se u poslu koji sam izabere I koji mu se svidi. Likovno spreman I odli an crta neprilaogodljiv naim prilikama u stru nom poslu. Kapetanovi , The architectural work of Juraj Neidhardt, p. 300. 17 Kapetanovi , The architectural work of Juraj Neidhardt, pp. 29781. 18 Kapetanovi , The architectural work of Juraj Neidhardt, pp. 29781. 19 Full quote: Decadency and formalism in architecture in our context, are expressed, amongst other things, in a series of new, recently constructed or designed architectural objects [the designs for new streetscapes of Sarajevo, etc] as well as in formalist theories that proclaim that the so called functional constructivism is the architecture of the new socialist society. The fight against the remnants and recidivism [sic.] of the Western formalism and decadency included so far and will include to a certain extent in the future fight for popularization of the great traditions of Soviet art, and the fight against any attempt to intellectually undermine Soviet artistic production. R. Zogovi , originally published in Arhitektura, nos. 1112, 1948, p. 56; cited in I. traus, Arhitektura Jugoslavije, 19451990, (Yugoslav Architecture, 1945 1990), Svjetlost, Sarajevo, 1991, p. 12.

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decadency and formalism, and therefore incapable of representing the architecture of the new socialist society.20 Such an approach, Zogovi suggested, promoted Western formalism and decadency and the values that the Yugoslav Party will fight against.21 Our Party, Zogovi concluded, has always successfully fought this battle [against individualism in architecture] and it will continue, of course, with the same success in the future.22

The growing level of Soviet propaganda arguing that international modernism was an expression of capitalism heightened the negative perception of Neidhardts professional work. Neidhardts Western education, particularly his association with the modernist architectural scene and most notably Le Corbusier, was seen as a hindrance to his ability to contribute to the architecture of the new socialist revolution. As architectural historian Greg Castillo has argued, this discourse would result in the perception of two competing design vocabularies socialist realism and international style modernism as antithetical signatures of Eastern and Western European architecture respectively.23 This oppositional relationship formed a significant part of Cold War discourse, and expressed alternative constructs of postWorld War Two national identities.24 While Grabrijan was held in higher regard by the communist government than Neidhardt, his move from

traus, Arhitektura Jugoslavije, p. 12. traus, Arhitektura Jugoslavije, p. 12. 22 traus, Arhitektura Jugoslavije, p. 12. 23 G. Castillo, Socialist realism and built nationalism in the Cold War Battle of the Styles, Centropa: A Journal of Central European Architecture and Related Arts, vol. 1, no. 2, 2001, pp. 8594. See also, G. A. Castillo, Constructing the Cold War: architecture, urbanism and the cultural division of Germany, 19451957, PhD thesis, University of California, 2000. 24 Castillo, Socialist realism and built nationalism in the Cold War, pp. 8594.
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Sarajevo to Ljubljana in 1945 contributed to the significant decrease in the public presence of their ideas.25 It was only within the context of the dramatically changing political terrain of late 1940s Yugoslavia, that Grabrijan and Neidhardts work on Sarajevos heritage fabric would gain relevance.

The changing political context: TitoStalin conflict In the mid 1940s the relationship between Yugoslav leader Josip Broz Tito (1892 1980) and Soviet leader Joseph Stalin (18781953) deteriorated, causing a fracture in the ideological grounding of the Yugoslav Communist Party (KPJ).26 The political turmoil was prompted by Soviet allegations that the KPJ was departing from the communist agenda. It ended with the 1948 expulsion of Yugoslavia from the Cominform [Communist Information Bureau].27 Rejected by the rest of the Eastern Bloc, the KPJ found itself politically and ideologically isolated from other communist countries.

Upon the beginning of the World War Two Grabrijan stayed in Sarajevo, teaching at the Technical School until 1945. He was imprisoned by the Germans for some time during the war, considered a supporter of the resistance movement. Soon after the end of the war, in 1945, Grabrijan left Sarajevo and returned to Slovenia to take up an academic appointment at the University of Ljubljana. In 1946 he was appointed Associate Lecturer, in 1947 Docent and 1951 Associate Professor of history of architecture and principles of design at the Faculty of Architecture in Ljubljana. 26 The conflict resulted in the Cominform Resolution of 28 June 1948, which expelled the Communist Party of Yugoslavia from Cominform. Extensive literature on this issue suggests the Cominform Resolution arose from Stalins attempts to control other communist states, as well as Titos unwillingness to obey Stalins instructions. In particular, Yugoslavia was considered to be pushing too fast towards unification with Bulgaria and Albania. Although following Stalin's proposal for a series of such unifications, Tito was seen to be proceeding without proper consultation with Moscow. Another issue was Tito's eagerness to export the revolution to Greece. For an overview of this political conflict see Malcolm, Bosnia A Short History, pp. 19495. 27 Cominform is an abbreviation from Communist Information Bureau. The word Informbiro is the Yugoslav name of the Cominform. The Cominform was a network made up of the communist parties of Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, France, Hungary, Italy, Poland, Romania, the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia (until 1948). In the history of Yugoslavia, Informbiro refers to the period between 1948 and 1955, and is characterised by conflict with the Soviet Union.

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The separation put pressure on the party to redefine its identity both nationally and internationally. Particularly challenging was the task of conveying the fact that the break had had no negative effect on the countrys determination to embrace communism. Contrary to previously held beliefs, the party argued that it was possible for Yugoslavia to build its own brand of communism. While the public portrayal of Tito as independent, liberal and anti Stalinist was intended to set the leaders apart, the process of identifying unique political approaches that would confirm those differences proved more difficult.28 Adding to the pressure was the need to identify a uniquely Yugoslav artistic expression that supported the political changes.

In the artistic debates this dilemma was exacerbated, at least partly, by the fact that unlike in the Soviet Union, the KPJ never identified the avant garde as a constituent and necessary part of the revolutionary project.29 Yugoslavia bypassed the approach set by the October Revolution (1917) and the Soviet Union (1922), which presupposed the creation of a new art as necessary in establishing a new society. In the Soviet context, this necessity set in motion a range of avant garde movements, such was constructivism.30 So once the Yugoslav Party denounced its short lived

For several years after the conflict, Titos policies were closely modelled on those of Stalin. Unclear about its goals, the party affected a balance between a unique Yugoslav approach and an appeal to the Soviet block, to regain its support. The Yugoslav federal constitution proclaimed in 1946 was a copy of the Soviet constitution proclaimed 10 years earlier. The 1949 communist leaderships rapid collectivisation of peasant smallholdings demonstrated the hesitancy of Yugoslav leadership at the time. Malcolm, Bosnia A Short History, pp. 19495. 29 S. Musabegovi , War the constitution of the totalitarian body, PhD thesis, European University Institute, 2004. 30 Musabegovi , War the constitution of the totalitarian body; and S. Musabegovi , Rat konstitucija ratnog tijela, Svjetlost, Sarajevo, 2007, pp. 1314.

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dedication to Soviet style social realism in art and architecture, it was left with a theoretical and ideological void as to what kind of art reflected of its program.31

Titos search for our architecture The vacuum created by the political shift provided opportunities not previously available to local artists, and Grabrijan and Neidhardt appeared aware of this new potential. While the desire to incorporate a social agenda had underpinned their work since the very start of their collaboration, it was only in 1947 that Grabrijan openly acknowledged the political potential of their architectural work. In a letter to Neidhardt he wrote, The more I think about Titos search for our architecture the more it becomes clear to me that our path to local architecture via the modern is very fortunate!32 Confirming his belief in his original ideas of Bosnian Kunstwollen to represent the unique nature of local art, Grabrijan encouraged Neidhardt not to lose faith and to persevere in the promotion of what they now referred at as

The ambiguity of the artists position was reflected in the alternating support and resentment of the Soviet government. In a letter to the conference of the Society of Artists of Bosnia and Hercegovina, held in February 1949, artists stated their commitment to the exploration and definition of socialist realism in the arts as well as their rejection of the untrue statements and the [Stalinists] campaign against our people. Quoted in Prilike 19451974, Umjetni ka Galerija BiH, Sarajevo, p. 15. The Communist Party committees such as Agitprop [agitation and propaganda] that previously supported the Soviet agenda shifted their interest towards defining the parameters of authentically Yugoslav artistic production. For further discussion see M. Markovi & G. Petrovi (eds.), Introduction, Praxis, Yugoslav Essays in the Philosophy and Methodology of the Social Sciences, Boston Studies in the Philosophy of Science, D. Reidel Publishing Co., Holland, 1979. 32 Original quote: to dalje, toliko uvidjam da je ovaj zahvat preko doma e do moderne vrlo stretan! I kad Beek (ljub.arhitekt, D. Grabrijanov prijatelj, prim.aut.) koji je dobronamjeran uje da Tito trai nau arhitekturu, veli vie je naega u onom gdje se Najdhardt pribliio Bosni nego li u Ravnikarovom klasicizmu. English translation: The more I think about it [Bosnian Oriental architecture], the more it becomes clear to me that this path to local architecture via the modern is very fortunate! When Beek (a Slovenian architect from Ljubljana and Grabrijans friend) who is very well intentioned, heard that Tito was after our architecture, he said that there was more of our [architecture] in Neidhardts interpretation of Bosnian architecture than in [Slovenian architect] Ravnikars classicism. Letter dated 8 June 1947, cited in Kapetanovi , The architectural work of Juraj Neidhardt, p. 297.

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Bosnian Oriental architecture.33 Grabrijan suggested that their ideas were twenty to fifty years ahead of their time and that their further development could only enhance their public standing.34

Over the next five years they put sustained effort into promoting their work through public exhibitions, lectures and professional engagements. Grabrijan, who by then was in Ljubljana, kept up his writing, and published supportive reviews of Neidhardts architectural projects, such as his competition entry for the design of the Slovenian Parliament in Ljubljana (1948).35 At a national urban symposium held in Dubrovnik in 1950, he presented a paper that argued for the importance of the Oriental architecture of Bosnia and Hercegovina.36 The argument was further advanced through numerous articles on Oriental heritage in other parts of Yugoslavia, such as in Macedonia.37 Neidhardt, for his part, advocated the Bosnian

Kapetanovi , The architectural work of Juraj Neidhardt, p. 297. Grabrijan suggested that their approach had been already recognised by some, such as his Slovenian colleague Beek who, according to Grabrijan, had suggested that Bosnian Oriental represented the qualities sought from our architecture. Kapetanovi , The architectural work of Juraj Neidhardt, p. 297. 35 The designs for the workers housing in Vare Mejdan were executed in 1954, Kralupi in 1952 and Brezik in 1947. The competition entry for the Slovenian Parliament was done in 194748. 36 D. Grabrijan, Misli o Nai Dedi ini v Zvezi z Referati s Posveta, Arhitektov v Dubrovniku, Slovenski Etnograf, no. 5, 1952, pp. 101 106; originally presented as O nai orientalski in sodobni hii, at a symposium on historic heritage of Yugoslavia, Dubrovnik, 1950. 37 A list of articles that specifically dealt with the topic of Oriental heritage in Yugoslavia is included in the collection of Grabrijans reprinted articles presented in D. eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo. It includes following titles: Orijentalna hia v Sarajevu, Arhitektura, nos 23 24, Zagreb, 1949; Naa orijentalna i savremena ku a, paper presented at a conference Problemi arhitekture in urbanizma LRS, I posvetovanje FLRJ, Dubrovnik 1950; Misli o nai dedi ini v zvazi z referati s posveta arhitektov v Dubrovniku Ljubljana, 1950 presented also under the title Dedi ina narodov FLRJ v arhitekturi, Likovni svet, Ljubljana, 1951; Arhitektura v merilu loveka, Arhitekt, Ljubljana, MayJune 1952; Arhitektonsko nasljede naroda Jugoslavije, Arhitektura, br. 5, Zagreb, 1952; Organski urbanizem, Arhitekt, Ljubljana, NovemberDecember 1952; Le Corbusier, Nai razgledi, Ljubljana, 4 October 1952; Obeleje makedonske civilne arhitekture in njeni tvorci, Nai razgledi, Ljubljana, 18 October 1952.
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Oriental agenda through his modern architectural designs. Their efforts culminating in the book Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity.

Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity: a synthetic integration of the old experiences and new socialist needs The very title of Grabrijan and Neidhardts book, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, served to link Bosnia, modernity and the progressive nature of their ideas. Confident that the unique qualities of Bosnian architecture contributed to the new society under development, Neidhardt and Grabrijan considered the book a manifesto of new times:
Today, we stand on the threshold of a new civilization. We live in a time marked by the transition of capitalism into socialism. At this stage we have to deal with specific difficulties. The transitional time needs a clear position.
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The critical point about Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity is that Neidhardt and Grabrijan were not interested in bringing modernity to Bosnia, but in showing that Bosnias uniqueness represented the essence of what they considered modern. In Sarajevo and Its Satellites they had sought to connect to the principles of modern urbanism its rational planning and efficiency to support and carry forward their own urban ideas. But this book focused on the specifics of Bosnian heritage and on promoting the modernity they claimed was already there. Re introducing Grabrijans early discussion of the Bosnian fabrics modernity they wrote:

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Is arija not a source of modern architecture? Why do we look for inspiration elsewhere, continually getting it from second hand sources, when we are at their origins? Arent musandere like modern built in wardrobes? Arent se ije like modern built in couches and modern low furniture? [Arent elements of Bosnian Oriental architecture, such as] the double height space, the single flight of stairs, and the vegetation which spills into our dwellings [all elements of modern architecture].
39

The book does not address debates on modern urban planning previously considered important, but rather focuses on the historical and political issues particular to Bosnia. It presents the authors views on questions regarding the origin of the Bosnian population, Muslims in particular, and the value of Ba arijas heritage. All of these were pertinent to the growing search for a unique socialist Bosnian identity.

As in Sarajevo and Its Satellites the book includes an historical overview of the built fabric, as well as a discussion of the people. Unlike the first publication, however, which addressed the issues separately, here the urban and cultural issues are folded into one; the analysis of built fabric is presented through a discussion of cultural practices and historical changes that shaped the urban forms. This approach is illustrated by a drawing of a tree, a graphic metaphor for the theoretical and conceptual organisation of the book [Figure 25]. The trees root system includes various social and emotional factors, such as temperament, tradition and religion to

Original quote: Zar nije takav izvor savremene arhitekture sarajevska arija? Zato da izvore traimo na drugim mjestima, da neprestano primamo iz tre e ruke, kada smo na izvoru? Zar nisu musandere savremeni uzidani ormari? Zar nisu se ije savremeni kau i? I savremeno nisko poku stvo, te dvoetani prostori i jednakokrake stepenice, pa vegetacija, koja ulazi u prostor i stan, koja se prelijeva u prirodu itd. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 14.

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physical aspects such as materials, climate and topography. Growing out of the roots, the tree trunk shows a blending of factors from the root system and the mediation of those by additional factors, such as people and their land and the unwritten laws a reference to customary building practices.40 The city is the result of all such influences, represented by the two large branches of the tree. The branches represent the typical Ottoman division of Sarajevo the business district of arija (Ba arija) and residential quarter of mahala.41 The drawing presents the city as a natural, organic and historical process that integrates a diverse range of biological, physical, material, social and emotional factors, providing the theoretical grounding for the book itself [Figure 26].

The unwritten laws included: local building practices (gradjevni postupak); rights to a view (pravo na vidik); relationship to nature (odnos do prirode); spatial architecture (prostorna arhitektura); growing houses (ku e koje rastu); houses without furniture (ku e bez mobilijara); surface structure (povrine struktura); dome and cubes (kupolasta I kockasta arhitektura) [abstract form]; architecture in human scale (arhitektura u mjerilu ovjeka). 41 The words used in this drawing are Turcism; they are not the Serbo Croatian or Bosnian words but loans, words most commonly from Turkish but transformed and pronounced as Bosnian/Serbo Croatian.

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Figure 25: Structure of the book as represented as a tree. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 4.

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Figure 26: Drawing of a panorama of Sarajevo, showing an harmonious connection between the terrain and the city. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 5.

The introduction concludes with the statement that this new analysis of the old fabric marks a rebirth of a historic condition and a re emergence of the qualities that have always been there.42 Justifying the contemporary relevance of the historic fabric, they wrote:
While for the last half of the century we have been studying all the significant Roman monuments, in Bosnia we have done nothing for the architecture of our recent past. It is the last moment to do something about it, to protect, study, and reveal its principles, which are ours, good and contemporary, and to translate them into contemporary life. Why? Because they [these principles] are human, because they reach for connection with nature, because they respect neighbours, are democratic, unpretentious and non pathetic. 43

The first part of the book presents an interpretative analysis of historic Ba arija, and the second part its relevance to modern architecture. The five chapters in the first part are titled The people and land; The city; The market place; The

42 43

Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 14. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 13

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neighbourhood and The house.44 Drawing on many secondary sources from the fields of ethnography, historiography, architecture and art history, Grabrijans research provided documentation, description and historical recording for those chapters.

Part two comprises chapters six and seven: Unwritten laws and The revival of Bosnian and Hercegovinan architecture.45 These chapters present Neidhardts interpretation of the essential relationship between traditional and modern architecture. The section includes almost 50 design proposals, which range in scale and type from large urban master plans to individual details, and from large public buildings to the design of picnic pavilions. Their conceptual grounding, Neidhardt argues, is in the Ottoman heritage fabric of Bosnia. Chapter seven includes an up to date architectonic dictionary, which aims to present a model of architecture that shows the way by which we could eventually arrive at our own new architecture.46 Almost exclusively focused on the relevance of Ba arija to the new city, the book, in both structure and conceptual approach, highlights the timely nature of the authors renewed interest in the historic fabric of the precinct.

Chapter one The people and land (Narod and Zemlja); chapter two The city (Grad); chapter three The market place (arija); chapter four The neighbourhood (Mahala) and chapter five The house (Ku a). 45 Chapters six Unwritten laws (Nepisani Zakoni) and chapter seven The revival of Bosnian and Hercegovinan architecture (Preporod Arhitekture u Bosni I Hercegovini). 46 Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 318. The book features a range of visual material, including photographs, sketches and drawings by the authors as well as childrens and students drawings. A section titled the Specification of collaborators and graphic material presented a detailed list of illustration credits. The list suggests that both Grabrijan and Neidhardt provided illustrations for the historical research presented in the introduction and first five chapters. The drawings of the last two chapters were credited to Neidhardt only. Most commonly historic and technical/architectural drawings were contributed by Grabrijan, interpretative sketches and three dimensional drawings by Neidhardt.

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Redefining the grounds upon which a nation is constructed The origin of Bosnian Muslims that opens the book is presented as a series of dialectical questions and answers that seek to highlight the subjective nature of historic interpretation and the shifting grounds upon which those views are constructed. Who are these people? the authors ask. The answer, they state, cannot be provided definitively, but rather in a rhetorical question such as, [Are they] Turks who settled here or the local population of Bogumils? And if indeed they are the Turks who came with the Ottomans, What happened to all the Bogumils from Bosnia after the Turks arrived? Did they convert and accept Islam?47

In response, the authors stated, These people [referring to a collective of local population, not necessarily Muslims] at one moment belonged to a Serbian, then at another to a Croatian state.48 This marked a conceptual shift, away from presenting Bosnian Muslims in an inseparable relation to the religion of Islam to discussing the Muslim community through the inevitable forces of history. This represented a major change in Grabrijan and Neidhardts approach to the issue of culture as well as built heritage, and was timely given the partys growing frustration with its inability to overcome national differences and create a new friction free society. It also questioned the essentialist notions of identity promulgated by nationalists.

As already discussed, within Bosnia the issue of Bosnian Muslims national identity was of particular importance. Through its specific historic circumstances Bosnia
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Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 23. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 23.

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escaped transformation into a nation state. As a result, unlike neighbouring Serbia and Croatia, which were inhabited by the predominant Serb and Croat populations respectively, Bosnia was not a land of Bosnians; throughout its history it remained inhabited by Bosnian Muslims, Serbs (Orthodox), Croats (Catholics) and Jews.49 By the 20th century the nationalist movements of Serbia and Croatia had managed to tie the Bosnian Orthodox and Catholic population to Serb and Croat national identities, causing significant confusion over the national status of the Bosnian Muslims.

In the context of Serbian nationalism, liberation from Ottoman colonial power in the 1830s had propelled its nationalist ideology. The nationalists portrayed the Serbian struggle against Ottoman foreign domination as a reflection of their superiority over other national and religious groups, and associated the change of political structure with a victory of Christianity over Islam. Among the most cited examples of Serbian literature supporting nationalist discourse is Petar Petrovi Njego historical play, the Mountain Wreath.50 Centred on the extermination of all Turks, not only those of Turkish origins but also those who, like the Muslims of Bosnia, converted to Islam, the plot encouraged religious cleansing as a way to purify Serbian ethnic space.51 The subsequent ideology supporting the growing desire for the territorial expansion of Greater Serbia presented Bosnian Muslims as

Buturovi , Producing and annihilating the ethos of Bosnian Islam, pp. 2933. For a broader discussion of the Mountain Wreath see A. Wachtel, Making a Nation, Breaking a Nation, pp. 4045. 51 Wachtel, Making a Nation, Breaking a Nation, pp. 4045.
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either traitors who ought to be expelled or as converts who ought to return to their Christian origins.

While Croatian nationalism emerged from a different political framework, it too questioned the existence of a collective Bosnian political identity and the role of Muslims within it. Croatian nationalism developed in response to a long cultural subordination to AustroHungarian rule and more specifically its policies of cultural assimilation. Eventually liberated from such historical and cultural constraints, Croatian nationalists promoted their cultural superiority and focused on religious membership as a powerful common denominator of all Croats.52 Significantly, while both Serbian and Croatian nationalisms were premised on a sense of the exclusiveness of their own cultures, they did not necessarily exclude Bosnian Muslims. Many indeed, such as Antun Star evi , advocated Croatian identity that included Bosnia.53

It was, therefore, the Muslim community that Serbian and Croat nationalists expected to change. Considered a religious group with no national character, Muslims were required to decide on their national affiliation and choose their national belonging. As a result of what Buturovi named a triangle of contending forces pulling in different directions,54 the Bosnian Muslims were caught between three different and overlapping national identities: some accepted Serbian identity,
52 53

Wachtel, Making a Nation, Breaking a Nation, pp. 4045. Buturovi s Producing and annihilating the ethos of Bosnian Islam presents a summary of the issues related to the position and role of Islam in Bosnia. Wachtel also discusses the issues of Islam in relationship to Yugoslav cultural development. 54 Buturovi , Producing and annihilating the ethos of Bosnian Islam, pp. 2933.

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some Croatian and some promoted uniquely Bonjak national identity.55 Others, however, argued that Islam was more important than any nation, or alternatively recognised their Slavic origins and membership of a Serbo Croatian tribe as the most important aspect of their identity.56 This process of internal nationalisation of the Bosnian community fractured its cohesion, making each of the three main groups seek alliances outside the countrys borders.57

The communist governments frustration with its failure to resolve this issue and the persistence of nationalist formations resulted in a change of the partys approach.58 The issue was no longer one of overcoming the nationalist divisions, but of controlling and administering the national grouping. Admitting the presence of national divisions and searching for their acknowledgement, an official at the 1940s
Although Bonjak national identity included the three main religious groups of Bosnias Muslims, Serbs (Orthodox) and Croats (Catholics), in reality it relied on Bosnian Muslims. Bosnias Austro Hungarian administrator, Finance Minister Benjamin Kllay the head the Bosnian Bureau between 1882 and 1903 first introduced the concept. Kallay believed the formation of a political nation, such as collective Bosnian nation, would unite all different people within a common administrative and political structure and deny or diminish the relevance of national unity based on national identity. For further discussion see T. Kralja i , Kalajev Reim u Bosni i Hercegovini 18821903 (Kallays Governance of Bosnia and Hercegovina), Veselin Maslea, Sarajevo, 1987. 56 The JMO, the strongest Muslim party, recognised and accepted the difficulties of competing with the Serb and Croat nationalist agenda and suggested that its members choose between the two, based on the economic prospects offered by either side. Illustrative of the curiousness of this arrangement is the often cited example of JMO 18 deputies (and their alternatives elected in 1923 election) who all, but for party president Dr Mehmed Spaho, declared themselves as Croats. Mehmed Spaho, who in his student days declared himself a Serb, later refused either the Serb or Croatian label, while his brother Fehim, the reis ul ulema (Islamic religious head) of Yugoslavias Muslims from 1938 to 1942, was a Croat and his third brother, Mustafa (an engineer), was a Serb. Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia, p. 375. 57 The term internal nationalisation is elaborated in Buturovi , Producing and annihilating the ethos of Bosnian Islam, pp. 2933. Malcolm uses like term in relationship to a search for a national identity among different confessional groups that he argues were inspired and moved by the forces outside Bosnia. Malcolm, Bosnia A Short History. 58 In an attempt to transform itself, the structure of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia changed in the 1950s. In 1952, its name was changed to League of Communist of Yugoslavia, and the Politburo was re named Executive Bureau. The leadership decided the party should be transformed into a movement of socialist forces, that should not command, but offer ideological leadership. The change in approach decreased the partys control over the public domain. Djilas, The Contested Country, p. 174.
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first party congress stated, in his speech, that Bosnia needed to accept those divisions:
Bosnia cannot be divided between Serbia and Croatia, not because Serbs and Croats live mixed together on the whole territory, but also because the territory is inhabited by Muslims who have not yet decided on their national identity.59

Attempting, through official organisation and administration, to provide political platforms for communities that would neutralise the impact of nationalist debates, the 1948 Yugoslav census presented Muslims with three options for declaring their nationality: Muslim Serbs, Muslim Croats or Muslims, nationally undeclared.60 This showed the governments willingness to recognise Muslims as a separate community but not with a separate national identity.61 The next census, in 1953, produced a similar result. But with official policy moving towards greater support for a spirit of Yugoslavism, the category Muslim was removed from the census altogether; the new category of Yugoslav, nationally undeclared was introduced.62 The 1961 census stopped short of recognising Muslims full national rights, but it offered a category of ethnic Muslim, which was seen as more appealing than previous options. The long standing debate was eventually resolved by the 1968 League of Communist of Yugoslavia, which recognised Muslim claims and offered the option of identifying as Bosnian Muslim in the sense of a nationality. It would only be in the 1971 constitution that the change was officially instituted and the

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Malcolm, Bosnia A Short History, p. 197. Malcolm, Bosnia A Short History, p. 198. 61 Malcolm, Bosnia A Short History, p. 198. 62 Malcolm, Bosnia A Short History, p. 198.

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double identity for Muslims introduced: Muslim with a capital M indicating national affiliation, and muslim with a small m, indicating religious affiliation.63

Grabrijan and Neidhardts questioning of Muslim origins problematised rather than confirmed the nation state model as the only way by which communities can be structured. Their argument sought alternative factors that could define a national bond: Only Europeans look for totality and classify an individual by the sum total of religion, nationality and extraction [heritage].64 And it was for that reason that Europe had so many difficulties with the Islamic world.65 Unable to comprehend the non European way of thinking about a nation, foreign rulers of Bosnia, they argued, misinterpreted the Muslims of Bosnia and perceived them always as somebody else.66 The Austrians, they stated, identified them with the Turks, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia found them to be Serbs, and Croatia to be Croats, etc.67 Presenting Bosnian identity within a long history of misconceptions and misunderstandings, Grabrijan and Neidhardt acknowledged the transient and changing nature of identity formation. They also challenged the governments lack of capacity to finally resolve the issue, and resist and overcome nationalist pressures.

The change was officially recognised in the 1971 constitution. For further discussion see Donia & Fine, Bosnia and Hercegovina, pp. 17879 and Buturovi , National quest and the anguish of salvation: Bosnian Muslim identity in Mea Selimovi s Dervish and Death. 64 Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 23. 65 Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 23. 66 Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 23. 67 Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 23.

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Grabrijan and Neidhardt perceived the socialist governments ongoing changes to the classification of the Muslim community as new grounds upon which the concept of a nation could be established. No longer was identity defined by a framework of national, ethnic or religious belonging, but it could be assembled, albeit within given limitations, and constructed upon ones own choosing. Neidhardt stated that the interpretative and personal nature of such a process helped him to discover his own identity; he claimed to be Croatian by birth and Bosnian by choice.68 He encouraged his students to combine the various traditions of Bosnia into a new experience, promoting collective gatherings to celebrate various religious and cultural holidays. These varied from early morning gatherings of uranak, associated with Morning Prayer for Muslims, to the celebration of Vidovdan Day, a special day in the Serb calendar.69 This rethinking of the nationalist paradigm provided for a more sympathetic and nuanced interpretation of not only the origins of Muslims but also their place in the new Bosnian society. Once the collective identity of Bosnia was constructed, it was possible for the authors to search for their authentic arts and architecture.

Unlike the discussion presented in Sarajevo and Its Satellites, which connected the local Muslim population to focal points of Islam outside of Yugoslavia, the discussion presented in Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity

Kapetanovi , The architectural work of Juraj Neidhardt, p. 239. Vidovdan or St Vitus' Day is a religious holiday observed on 28 June. Vidovdan is also a date of historical importance, marking Serbias battle against the Ottomans, as well as the assassination of the AustroHungarian crown prince Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria, which triggered World War One among the most significant events. Kapetanovi , The architectural work of Juraj Neidhardt, pp. 32426.
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focused on the Muslims links to regional and local traditions. The authors argued that the evidence of Bosnian Muslim rejection of the trans historical associations to the world of Islam was readily found:
You confuse the Bosnian Muslim the most by asking him to declare his nationality. How much confusion and pain has that kind of association/declaration caused since it was first introduced by the former regimes. And when [the Muslim] confusion was noticed it was often interpreted as meanness.
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This transformation of alliances from Mecca and Islam at large to a specifically Bosnian context was reflected in the redrawing of the Medina mosque, originally published in Sarajevo and Its Satellites [Figure 13].

The new drawing showed the Medina mosque, a symbol of religious belief, replaced by a drawing of a Mecca pilgrimage, a symbol of Muslim community gathering and shared values. Positioned at the edge of the composition, Meccas pilgrimage square was is a distant and remote place, connected to Sarajevo via a sea [Figure 27]. This weakened the visual connection between Sarajevo and the core of the Islamic world, shifting the focus on the city itself. In fact, it could be argued that the intent of the drawing was not to suggest the impact of mainstream Islam on the city formation, but rather to empower the local context, terrain and people to modify and alter the Islamic canon into new regional expression. The inclusion of diverse daily experiences, such as praying, sitting, eating and walking, all highlighted Sarajevos connection to the specific context and not, as previously suggested, fanatical dedication to Islam.

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Figure 27: Sketch showing the MeccaSarajevo link. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 60.

Without explicitly changing the terms by which Grabrijan and Neidhardt referred to Bosnian Muslims, the transformation of a general notion of Oriental man into a more local or specifically Bosnian Oriental is significant for my argument. This transformation re focused the discussion on the local and organic connection between the people and artefacts, re igniting Grabrijans earlier discussions, as well as downplaying the importance of external influences. No longer was the Muslim population presented as Oriental and foreign, but rather it became a community appreciated for its special cultural contribution. In addition, the authors argued, the community presented an ability to transform foreign influences into a deeply and uniquely Bosnian condition one distinct from its Serbian and Croatian neighbours. Vesting Bosnian Muslims with the sense of regional identity provided a direct link between the local community and the land it occupied. Despite territorial claims being one of the most important categories through which nationhood can be

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explored and articulated, in the case of Bosnia, Buturovi has argued, discussions of territorial continuity were conspicuously absent.71

Against trends that disregarded the correlation between people and territory as important to nation building, Grabrijan and Neidhardt presented an analysis of the countrys cultural and architectural heritage as a key to understanding the Bosnian people and culture. Using an archaeological framework, the authors presented a vertical examination of artefacts and objects found in Bosnia. To accommodate the long historical span, the structures were used as markers of select periods, or physical evidence of the developing and long spanning culture. Not unlike Ple nik, whose inclusion of specific objects in his urban plan of Ljubljana served to remind Slovenes of their historic origins, Grabrijan and Neidhardts inclusion of objects and landmarks helped Bosnians construct a common past.

A prehistoric house (sojenica) above water marked the starting point. The sojenica structures, the authors stated, act[ed] as reminders of a peaceful community that lived and worked there, but whose open city was destroyed by more aggressive people72 [Figure 28]. While discussed, subsequent periods of wars against Celts, Gaul and Romans were not associated with specific visual markers or structures from those periods, but the medieval structures of ste ci were assigned a significant role.73

Buturovi , Stone Speaker, p. 128. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, pp.10 &15. 73 For a detailed discussion of ste ak, its history and role the tombstones played in the collective imagination of Bosnia see Amila Buturovi s Stone Speaker. Buturovi s study presents an overview
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Figure 28: Drawing of sojenica structures. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 4.

The Middle Ages in Bosnia already occupied a prominent role in the collective understanding of Bosnian history. Discussion centred primarily on the traditional and popularly accepted theory of the role the medieval Bosnian Church played when faced with the Ottoman takeover.74 The theory originally presented by 19th century Croatian scholar Franjo Ra ki claimed the Bosnian Church was an offshoot of the Bogumils, a Bulgarian heretical movement founded in the 10th century by a priest called Bogumil (beloved by God).75 The Church preached a Manichean dualist theology, according to which Satan and God were of almost equal power; the visible world was Satans creation and the only way for humans to free themselves of the flaws of the material world was to follow an ascetic way of life.

of various hypotheses on the origins and symbolism of ste ak. It also situates the archaeology of ste ak within the interpretative frameworks that located theories in scholarly as well as lay circles. 74 For further discussion see Malcolm, Bosnia A Short History, particularly the chapters The medieval Bosnian state, 11801463 and The Bosnian Church. 75 Malcolm, Bosnia A Short History, pp. 2829. Ra kis theory gained significant popularity among both historians and politicians. There were, of course, rival theories proposed by mostly Serb and Croat historians who argued that the Church of Bosnia was only a branch of the Orthodox/Serbian or Catholic/Croatian Church respectively, or a combination of the two.

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Also important, the Church rejected the traditional hierarchy of church structure and wealthy monasteries.

As argued by Malcolm, Franjo Ra kis Bogumil theory was popular for many reasons. It offered an answer to the large conversion of the Bosnian population to Islam under the Turks.76 It interpreted the mass conversion as a reaction to the centuries of persecution by the competing Catholic and Orthodox Churches.77 Thus Bogumil theory became attractive to Muslims as they were no longer seen as renegades from Catholicism or Orthodoxy, but descendants of an authentically and peculiarly Bosnian Church.78 Turning to Islam was not an act of betrayal, but a rejection of the oppressive nature of the Christian Churches.79

More importantly, the Bogumil theory explained the presence of large, limestone, medieval monoliths distinguished by figural and scenic imagery, found in parts of Bosnia.80 Known as ste ci (plural of ste ak) the gravestones have become generally accepted as common in pre Ottoman and early Ottoman times [Figure 29]. They
76 A commonly accepted view, often promoted by members of the Muslim community, suggests that Bosnian Muslims are converts of the former Bosnian Church and therefore, if not the only then the most, righteous carriers of the Bosnian nation. Donia & Fine present this view as a threefold argument underlined by the assumption that 1) the Bosnian Church was Bogumil; 2) the majority of Bosnians were members of Bosnian Church; and 3) at the time of conquest the Bogumils, frustrated by the Catholic Church passed over, without hesitation, to the new religion of Islam. Demonstrating that conversion to Islam was gradual, taking Bosnia almost 150 years to gain a majority population of Muslims, undermines the argument that acceptance of Islam in Bosnia was a result of mass conversion of the Bosnian Church. Malcolm, Bosnia A Short History, pp. 5152; and Donia & Fine, Bosnia and Hercegovina. 77 Malcolm, Bosnia A Short History, p. 29. 78 Malcolm, Bosnia A Short History, p. 29. 79 Malcolm states modern scholarship presents comprehensive evidence demolishing claims of massive conversions to Islam by members of Bosnian Church. Malcolm, Bosnia A Short History, p. 29. 80 For a detailed discussion of ste ak, its history and role in the collective imagination of Bosnia see Buturovi , The archaeology of the ste ak, historical and cultural considerations, in Stone Speaker, pp. 51 79.

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were used by all religious and social groups in medieval Bosnia, betraying, Buturovi has argued, class and status only in lapidary representations.81 Their presence in areas of Bosnia associated with the activities of the Bosnian Church helped establish historical links between them and Bogumil theological beliefs.82 Despite subsequent historical accounts presenting conclusive evidence that undermines those links, the issues concerning the Bogumils tradition became entangled with popular myths and ideologies.

Figure 29: Ste ak from Radimlje, Bosnia. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 19.

Grabrijan and Neidhardts discussion of the Bogumils appears aligned with those understandings. The book made extensive references to ste ci and associated imagery, and argued that the tombstones were visual reminders of the transformations of local artistic endeavours. The reference to the Bogumils added
Buturovi , Stone Speaker, p. 53. Bosnia and Hercegovina is not the only territory where ste ci are found, and about 12 per cent of ste ak cemeteries are found in other parts of former Yugoslavia, namely southern Croatia, Montenegro and Serbia. According to Buturovi , the number of ste ak cemeteries in former Yugoslavia is 2988, while individual ste ci number 66,663. Buturovi , Stone Speaker, p. 53.
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another anchor to their contention of the genuine and organic relationship between territory, artistic expression and the people of Bosnia. The authors pointed to the unique technique of shallow relief used on the ste ci, which arguably demonstrated the artists connection with the technique of deep carvings of the Roman sarcophagus [Figure 30].83

Figure 30: Neidhardts sketch of ste ak, a medieval tombstone. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 18.

Referencing Riegls theories of the interconnected nature of artistic development, the authors presented ste ak as a local transformation of the plasticity of antique decorations, and a reference point in the world development of art.84 The diverse decorative ornament offered proof of the Bogumils capacity to accept the influences that came about and adapt them as their own expression.85 In the subsequent discussions Grabrijan and Neidhardt considered similar qualities to be at the core of the Bosnian culture [Figure 31].
Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p.20. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 20 85 Original quote: Radi se dakle of narodu koji je prilagodljiv I dovoljno nadaren, da preuzme postupke okoline, ali toliko samosvjestan, da ne govori kao ostali nego se izraava na svoj vlasti na in. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 20.
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Figure 31: Neidhardts sketch of ste ak ornaments and decoration. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 18.

Grabrijan and Neidhardts insistence on establishing a chain of reference to explain the historical development of Bosnian art not only undermined nationalist views, but also offered an acceptable conceptual place for the remnants of the Ottoman legacy. Interpreted within what historian Maria Todorova has referred to as the separatist view, the Ottoman legacy was commonly presented as residue of a religiously, socially and institutionally alien society.86 Absorbed within the general title of Oriental artistic expression the Ottoman architectural heritage was presented as synonymous with those of the Islamic and Turkish, and thus of questionable authenticity.87

This view was based on a perception of incompatibility of Christianity and Islam, and by extension between the essentially nomadic Ottoman society and the old, settled, urban society of the region. Some aspects of this approach supported the mechanical or separate spheres approach to the Ottoman legacy, which identified different aspects of cultural or political life. Todorova, The Ottoman legacy in the Balkans, in C. L. Brown (ed.), Imperial Legacy, The Ottoman Imprint on the Balkans and the Middle East, Columbia University Press, New York, 1996, pp. 4577. 87 Todorova identifies two broad interpretations of this legacy: the separatist and the organicist. The organicist presents the Ottoman legacy as the complex symbiosis of the many influences that impacted on the region, namely Turkish, Islamic and Byzantine/Balkan traditions. The underlining rationale is that despite apparent religious, social and other differences, the centuries of coexistence must have produced a common legacy that would have been the same for all the constituent parties of the Ottoman legacy. Todorova, The Ottoman legacy in the Balkans, pp. 4577.

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Willing to accept the historical condition from which this architecture emerged, Grabrijan and Neidhardt acknowledged its origins:
By all means this architecture developed under the influences of the Orient, but its elements are not simply [trans]planted from there to here, but grew out of our people and our soil. Bosnia was on the periphery of the Ottoman Empire Turkey is all in gold. [In contrast] Bosnia is simple.
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Changing the basic premise upon which artistic authenticity could be constructed allowed for a new interpretation. As Grabrijan had already argued in his paper on the Bosnian house, historical changes made a crucial impact on the transformation of this architecture from its Turkish origins to an authentic Bosnian expression. The book extended Grabrijans previous discussion concerning the impact of Bosnian Muslims cultural practices on the transformation of the traditional house (changing Turkish ness into genuine Bosnian ness) and presented culture as powerful agent in the re configurations of Ottoman architecture.

Through gradual modifications and the evolution of artistic experience, Bosnian art was presented as the embodiment of collective qualities and a reflection of the society:
He [the Bosnian man] makes his pottery, space, city according to himself, in human scale, he is not a mystic, but a realist and that is from where all this realistic architecture [emerges], which is at the same time comfortable, humble and democratic.
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One statement significantly expanded Grabrijan and Neidhardts discussion of this art, suggesting that while this architecture and art was built by local artisans using

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Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 12. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 13.

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the local materials, the work was conducted by Dalmatian stone masons i.e., all our [Yugoslav] people.90

By including Croatian/Dalmatian stone masons in their consideration of Bosnian identity, the authors confirmed their interest in going beyond a model of nation framed by strict boundaries of ethnic and religious belonging. Finally dismissing the validity of a nationalist argument and their own earlier views, which considered local art only in its relations to its origins, they wrote:
It is of secondary importance who sponsored this architecture [at the time] and who used it [at the time]. [What is important is that] It came out of our people and we can confidently say that it is the peoples art.
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Identifying the human values of Bosnian Oriental expression, they presented the architecture not as parochial and inward looking but as expressive of the open and democratic principles of the new nation of Bosnians. Highlighting the communal and the collective qualities of this art, they wrote:
All roofs and doors of these houses are almost the same, we could call them homes for anyone, all of them are designed in human scale, have grown out of the land ... [the structures represent] architecture that is warm, natural and locally built.
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The balance between universal and local qualities of Bosnian Oriental expression finally demonstrated that this architecture is a unique contribution to the world of modernity. It was local, produced by all irrespective of their ethnic background, inclusive of all and the Muslims in particular. The artistic expression of the new
90

Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 12. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 12. 92 Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p.13.
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socialist society was established in a war that was fought by diverse ethnic and national groups of Yugoslavia, with all participants subsequently having equal rights in the new state. Grabrijan and Neidhardts emphasis on collective involvement recognised a connection between construction of the arts and society.

The qualities embedded in Bosnian Oriental Bosnian Oriental, Neidhardt frequently stated, would become like French, Nordic [Scandinavian], Brazilian and American architecture, in that each contribute[s] to the world architecture.93 Neidhardts drawings, such as the one titled From old to new pyramid [Figure 32], presented Bosnian artistic achievements on equal standing to those of the rest of the world. The drawing represents the five millenniums or human architectural achievements and developments, with Bosnia represented by Ali Paas Mosque [no. 12 in Figure 32]. Sarajevos mosque appears alongside the worlds major historic monuments such as the pyramids (no. 1) and Parthenon (no. 2), and more contemporary achievements such as Sydney Opera House (no. 22). This confirmed Neidhardt and Grabrijans adherence to Riegls notion of the importance of small cultures in the development of world art. It also presented Muslim architectural heritage as a valuable contribution to collective Yugoslav and Bosnian culture.

J. Neidhardt, Putevi nacionalne arhitekture (Paths to national architecture), Nai Dani, November, 1954, p. 5.

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Figure 32: Illustration titled From old to new pyramid 5 millenniums. Source: Kapetanovi , The architectural work of Juraj Neidhardt; p. 464.

The drawing titled Urban and architectural analysis depicted Bosnia geographically in the middle of Yugoslavia, cut in two with a line representing the religious schism of Christianity and Islam [Figure 33]. The western side was defined by the rational principles of regularity, symmetry, rigid planning and corridor like streets; the eastern side by irregularity, fluidity, organic planning and intimate spaces. Bosnia, with its in between position, was shown as capable of negotiating all differences.

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Figure 33: Bosnia as a place of negotiations, Urban and architectural analysis. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 322.

The authors faith in the capacity of Bosnia to accommodate and mediate various changes was reflected in the drawing titled Three conceptions of forming the room [Figure 34]. Its depiction of a mosques spatial transformation into a church and then a monument to Lenin implied Bosnias ability to negotiate significant ideological transformations. The final transformation, represented in a monument to Lenin, accommodated the positive values of the two previous transformations, namely the unity of spatial organisation of a church with the human scale of a mosque. The drawing confirmed the importance of communist ideology to

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Neidhardts work, as well as his commitment to the secularisation of socialist Yugoslavia.

Figure 34: Mosque, church and the monument to Lenin. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 238.

Contribution of Bosnian Oriental to Yugoslavia Grabrijan and Neidhardts contribution started to gain public recognition. When, in the 1950s, Bosnia began to occupy a special locus in the emerging Non Alliance movement Tito was developing, the Muslim representatives played a significant role.94 In an organisation that included many Muslims from India and North Africa, Titos ability to have a delegation made up of local Muslims was a benefit. It was not considered relevant that the Muslims Tito sent as representatives to various forums were often Communist Party members who had largely abandoned their religion during the internal secularisation project. With the small m Muslim sense of religious belonging marginalised, the big M Muslim identity that was previously

94

The opportunity Tito found was on a tour in Ethiopia, India and Egypt in 1955. Soon after, Tito joined Nasser and Nehru in constructing the new movement, in which being a Muslim was considered beneficial. Malcolm, Bosnia A Short History, pp. 19698.

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seen as an obstacle to genuine participation in the development of a Bosnian nation was considered an asset.

Grabrijan and Neidhardts views echoed a socialist agenda that supported the vision of Bosnia as a multicultural, secular yet formally national culture. Their architectural endeavours also built upon a growing acceptance of the modernist architectural agenda promoted in the west. The political changes of 1948 provided a sudden opening for democratic views and the acceptance of individual freedom in architectural design. These were the very influences that had been strongly negated in the early years of socialism.95 Growing acceptance of such ideas was reflected in the selection by the Society of Architects of Yugoslavia of Neidhardts work for inclusion in the International Union of Architects (UIA) exhibition held in Rabat, Morocco in 1950.96 These designs comprised the anti tuberculosis hospital in Travnik (1947), the skiing house (1947) on the mountain of Trebevi [Figure 35], bachelors housing in Zenica, Vare and Ljubija, workers housing in Ljubija, a

I. traus, Arhitektura Jugoslavije, 19451990, (Yugoslav Architecture, 1945 1990), Svjetlost, Sarajevo, 1991, p. 23. traus sites numerous influences of Le Corbusiers and Mies van der Rohes contemporary buildings on Yugoslav architects. Referring to buildings such as 1953 design for Army Printing Services (Vojna tamparija) by architect Milorad Macura (of which building commenced even before World War Two); urban ideas embedded in the design of Sajmite by Milovan Pantovi or the design of Hempro and Social Insurance buildings by Aleksej Brki , traus suggests a greater recognition of the influences of western architects to Yugoslav context, as well as the acceptance of architectural expression associated with the International Modernism. For further discussion see I. traus, Arhitektura Jugoslavije, pp.23 33. 96 Neidhardts work was selected to represent the country where all republics of Yugoslavia presented their work. The exhibition brochure showed geography, people, folklore, traditional architecture, and historic parts of Yugoslavia, and included a selection of modern buildings, among which were some of Neidhardts. When the anti tuberculosis hospital in Travnik was built in 1948, the name of the architect was not mentioned in any of the daily papers (Borba, Oslobodjenje); however, three years later the project and the architect were selected to represent of the new Yugoslavia. Kapetanovi , The architectural work of Juraj Neidhardt, p. 311.

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regulation plan in Zenica (model) and some of his collaborative landscape architecture projects.

Figure 35: House on the mountain of Trebevi (1947). Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 279.

By the 1950s Neidhardts design projects were starting to materialise, and were publicly promoted in professional papers. His Sarajevo projects such as the residential blocks in Djure Djakovi Street were finalised and the Museum of Young Bosnia was completed.97 In 1953, Neidhardt commenced his involvement with the large urban development of the new Grbavica residential suburbs. These urban proposals formed part of the Yugoslav display at the World Fair in Brussels in 1958.98 The selection of Neidhardts work in the artistic representation of Yugoslavia evidenced a significant recognition of his achievements that had gone unnoticed for many years prior, commented Neven Segvi in his article The
Kapetanovi suggests the housing in Djure Djakovi street was completed in 195253. The project was designed and commenced in 1947 and Museum of Young Bosnia was completed in 1952. 98 The Brussels World Fair (Expo 58) was held from 17 April to 19 October 1958. It was the first major World Fair after World War Two.
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creative forces in the architecture of FRY [Federative Republic of Yugoslavia].99 Published in a professional journal of the branch of the Society of Architects and Engineers of Yugoslavia, the article marked a public rehabilitation of Neidhardts architectural approach.100 It also made an impact on his academic career.

In 1952, Neidhardts academic career started with his appointment to a lecturer position at the newly founded Architectural Faculty in Sarajevo.101 In 1953, he was promoted to associate professor, and in 1962 became a full professor at the same institution. A series of high socialist awards followed: in 195960, Neidhardt received Orden Rada (Medal of the Work), a significant award; in 1963, he became a member of the Academy of Art and Science of Yugoslavia (art section); in 1964, he was a recipient of the prestigious socialist 27th July Award; and in 1965 a recipient of the City Award for his work on Sarajevo. While it is not feasible to list the numerous articles in daily and professional journals that were published throughout Neidhardts career, it is worth mentioning that he initiated a publication series on Bosnian heritage, which received significant attention. The series included Nae Starine (Our Heritage) and Slovo Gor ina (The Gor in Letter), which promoted the relevance of Islamic cultural heritage and the mediaeval past, respectively, for modern Bosnian culture.102

N. egvi , Stvarala ke komponente arhitekture FNRJ, Urbanizam/Arhitektura, nos. 56, 1950, pp. 540; cited in Kapetanovi , The architectural work of Juraj Neidhardt, p. 309. 100 Kapetanovi , The architectural work of Juraj Neidhardt, p. 310. 101 The suggested date of his official appointment to a position of associate professor was 22 June 1953. Kapetanovi , The architectural work of Juraj Neidhardt, p. 310. 102 Among some examples are: J. Neidhardt & D. eli , Stari most u Mostaru, (The old Mostar Bridge), Nae Starine, no. 1, 1953, pp. 13340; J. Neidhardt & D. eli , Rjeenje Marindvora I Narodne Skuptine, (The solution for Marindvor and the National Parliament), Nae Starine, book I, 1956; Batina I novo, (Heritage and new), Slovo Gor ina, Stolac, 1972; Smjena kultura, (Transition

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Personally, Neidhardt revelled in his newly discovered popularity and his ability to publicly present his views. His unconventional teaching methods led to interaction with students that was not common at the time. When in November 1954 Neidhardt presented his work at the Second Conference of Students of Architecture of Yugoslavia under the title Directions in national architecture studio work as the most contemporary way of studying architecture, the audience showed great enthusiasm. A review of the event noted that he received Long standing ovations and many positive comments, followed by tears and words of support from other academics and students alike.103

The popularity and the growing political support for Neidhardts approach did not, however, directly translate into uniform professional support. Particularly prominent in his criticism was Ivan traus, a high profile Bosnian architect and architectural critic from Sarajevo, who argued that Neidhardts reliance on the traditional reflected an uncritical promotion of regionalism.104 traus argued that by following an approach based on principles of the Bosnian Oriental Neidhardt and his followers negated the creative power of the individual designer and would ultimately derail work from the creative path.105 Neidhardts own resistance to the broader influences of the worlds architectural trends, traus wrote, made his

of cultures), Slovo Gor ina, 1973, pp. 1320; Rekreacija duha I tijela, (Recreation of mind and body), Slovo Gor ina, 1974, pp. 2534. 103 Neidhardt, Putevi nacionalne arhitekture, p. 5. 104 I. traus, 15 Godina Bosanskohercegova ke Arhitekture (Fifteen Years of Bosnia & Hercegovinas Architecture), Svjetlost, Sarajevo, 1987, p. 26. 105 traus, 15 Godina Bosanskohercegova ke Arhitekture, p. 26.

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approach self referential and not open to the technological and theoretical challenges of contemporary modern architecture.

Searching in his own practice for global values of modern architecture, traus remained a lasting critic of Neidhardts focus on traditional and local values. Neidhardts mannerism, traus wrote, became accessible to any individual with any technical education willing to promote a language of the Bosnian Oriental.106 Clearly not supportive of such an approach, traus commented that the buildings designed to adhere to the application of the Bosnian pole of modern architecture [Bosnian Oriental] became visual reminders of the formalistic approach to design.107 traus believed that Neidhardts discussion of the language of Bosnian Oriental stylised the architectural expression to the point that dampened rather than enlightened the modern debate. Similar criticism was addressed to the architects who at the time adhered to Neidhardts Bosnian school, or Bosnian pole of architecture. Nevertheless, Neidhardts career continued to advance.108

In his numerous academic and civic roles, Neidhardt perceived his work at the interface between design and national narrative making. His images of the Bosnian landscape presented new ways of mapping the terrain and towns of Bosnia. The
I. traus, Nova Bosanskohercegova ka Arhitektura 19451975 (The New Architecture of Bosnia and Hercegovina 19451975), Svjetlost OOUR Izdava ka Djelatnost, Sarajevo, 1977, p. 26. 107 traus, 15 Godina Bosanskohercegova ke Arhitekture 19701985, p. 26. 108 While his interest and enthusiasm for design competitions appeared high at all times, the success of his entries varied. In 1945 Neidhardt won the design competition for a village library (1945); his 1950s proposal for a monument to the Liberation Army on the mountain of Trebevi was also awarded a prize, but it was not executed. From 1950 to 1953 Neidhardt participated in a series of urban competitions, which included proposals for the towns of Konjic (competition entry), Trebinje (plan accepted) and Zenica (partially executed). For a comprehensive list of design projects and competition entries see Kapetanovi , The architectural work of Juraj Neidhardt, pp. 64765.
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drawings connected the old towns, mostly those of Ottoman origins such as Po itelj and Mostar, in a way that disregarded both their real scale and context. The trajectories in the drawings connected places of tourist interest to those of historical relevance [Figure 36]. The approach aimed at highlighting Bosnian cultural diversity, as well as the interconnectedness of the community. The territorial containment of the maps, within the geographical boundaries that resisted national divisions, visually confirmed Neidhardts belief in the importance of the territorial integrity of Bosnia. Together the geography and the material culture established the boundaries of a new nation of Bosnians, people united by land and common culture [Figure 37].

Figure 36: Tourism and recreation zones. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 484.

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Figure 37: Map highlighting important architectural sites. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 442.

Conclusion: Architecture is a carrier of the political message of multicultural Bosnia The inclusion of specifically Muslim references in Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity open up the possibility to incorporate Muslim heritage in the Yugoslav synthesis. Marking a significant shift away from the nationalist approach, the book presented a view of the Bosnian nation as forged through a collective artistic expression.

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As discussed in the following chapter, ultimately Grabrijan and Neidhardts conflation of ethnic identity and religious meaning reflected their ambivalence about culturally specific architecture in general and Bosnian national identity in particular. The significance assigned to the old fabric in creating the new, however, demonstrated their genuine interest in connecting Ottoman heritage to the specifics of Bosnian identity debates.

Neidhardt presented the principles of Bosnian Oriental as the theoretical foundation of his architectural approach. The transformation of his theoretical agenda into an architectural one is discussed in Part Two of this thesis. Chapter five presents the specific nature of this transformation, and Grabrijan and Neidhardts development of an architectural dictionary of Bosnian Oriental expression. Chapter six analyses the dictionarys application to large urban projects: the hypothetical but influential proposal for the development of Ba arija and the winning proposal for the Bosnia and Hercegovina Parliament building and its surrounds.

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Chapter 5 Transforming the Theoretical into an Architectural Agenda: the Mahala and arija as Architectural Prototypes of Bosnian Modern Expression

Grabrijan and Neidhardt grounded their discussion of Bosnian Oriental architectural expression upon the architectural and spatial principles which they identified with the historic fabric of Ba arija. Presenting this fabric as inherently rational pragmatic and modern. The pair connected their architectural discussions to the values promoted and appreciated by the Yugoslav socialist government. This chapter argues that such an alignment provided a framework for Grabrijan and Neidhardt to present the built fabric of Ba arijas mahalas (residential area) and arija (business sector) as appropriate reference points for the development of a uniquely Bosnian modern architecture. The chapter presents the process by which Grabrijan and Neidhardt transformed their theoretical concepts into architectural and spatial constructs.

Transforming Ba arija: a new approach to the study of arija and mahala


In his preface to Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, Le Corbusier noted that Grabrijan and Neidhardts integration of the old fabric within new architectural expression went against the common and superficial method of

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using a varnish of old fabric on new designs.1 Their approach, he stated, presented a deeper and more meaningful relationship between old and new in architecture and urban planning. This method, Le Corbusier claimed, promoted the role of creative arts in the development of the human condition, reflecting the continuity of spirit and evolving changes.2 As such, Bosnian Oriental expression, he concluded, was not only a local expression but also a contribution to the development of modern architecture of the world.

Grabrijan and Neidhardt, also, perceived their work as integral to the advancement of modern society and its artistic expression. The grounding of contemporary works upon the old fabric of Bacarija, they argued, advanced the Marxist dialectical position, which promoted the identification and separation of positive from negative values.3 Presenting Marxs concept of history as a record of an ongoing and ever improving human development, allowed them to argue that the urban fabric of Ba arija was cleansed of religious associations by the passage of time.4 The study of the architectural heritage with hind sight allowed them to foreground the valuable lessons from the past whilst rectifying past mistakes.5 Thus,

Full quote: It is easy, by this method, to give buildings and interiors a vanish of culture, which seems automatically to invest them with a definitive character, a kind of national local, patriotic value, etc. Lazy and stupid people are satisfied [with this approach], first because they make a good business this way, and others because they feel that they have saved themselves any efforts of thinking and searching for their own [architectural] expression. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 6. 2 Full quote: There is still another method, method of continuity continuity of spirit, continuity of evolution Grabrijan and Neidhardt have felt all this. The extraordinarily copious book they are publishing needs no commentary. These pages will speak eloquently of their sentiments, their technique, their aesthetics values, etc. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 6. 3 Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 11. 4 Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 11. 5 Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 11. 188

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overcoming their initial hesitation towards the Ottoman and Islamic past, expressed in Sarajevo and Its Satellites, their study of the historic fabric presented in Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity identified Ba arijas built fabric as a source for modern architecture and inspiration.6 The approach was documented through a series of detailed urban maps and elaborated through individual buildings analysis.7

Unlike their earlier major publication, in which Ba arija was described as a bazaar bijouterie and no elaboration of its working life was presented, here the discussion centred on its daily life and associated patterns of human labour. A series of analytical maps documents the diverse crafts that were traditionally practiced in this precinct. The symbols representing old crafts are superimposed on the urban fabric, recalling the original associations between craft guilds and the urban context [Figure 38]. An extensive list of trades accompanies these maps highlighting the diversity of craft groups and manufacturing techniques in the old precinct.

Full quote: Is arija not a source of modern architecture? Why do we look for inspiration elsewhere, continuously getting it from second hand sources, when we are at its origins? Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 14. 7 Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 11. 189

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Figure 38: Division of precinct based on crafts. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 64.

The professional and economic organisation of the guilds, or esnaf that originated in Ottoman times supported the precincts production of goods.8 While essentially craft associations, esnaf also had a strong social role. Behija Zlatars study of 16th century Sarajevo suggests that more than half of the citys income earners were
8

Esnaf is an Ottoman term commonly replaced with the local word ceh. For a thorough discussion of the Sarajevos esnaf organisation, see H. Kreevljakovi , Esnafi i Obrti u Starom Sarajevu, Narodna Prosvjeta, Sarajevo, 1958, pp. 4765. The word esnaf, Kreevljakovi suggests, is the plural of the Arabic word sunufun, which means class, order or, broadly, organisation. For a wider discussion of this organisation, see N. Todorov, The Balkan City 14001900, University of Washington Press, Seattle, 1983, p. 108. 190

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members of esnaf, making it the economic support structure of the time.9 As Sarajevo grew and demand for production increased from supporting daily life to meeting the more extensive needs of the Ottoman army the social influence of the institution of esnaf also amplified. Consequently, over time certain esnaf became more powerful than others, and certain crafts associated with specific ethnic groups. For example, the lucrative metal making craft (kujundjije) was under the control of Orthodox Christians. Jews exclusively operated the sheet metal trade, but were also pot makers and tailors.10 While the ethnic based associations in some ways threatened to undermine the integrity and egalitarian values of the institution, the esnafs organisational focus on finance and professional experience offered a structure that transcended ethnicity.

Grabrijan and Neidhardt praised the organisations success in accommodating a multicultural system of craft based production. They identified 72 crafts operating within the precinct, ranging from sword cutters to sandal makers [Figure 39]. Their maps presented the precinct as an urban whole that almost solely relied on the established relationships and interdependency of artisan production.

10

Zlatar, Zlatno Doba Sarajeva, p.129. Kreevljakovi , Esnafi i Obrti u Starom Sarajevu. 191

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Figure 39: Division of precinct based on crafts. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 65.

Providing evidence to the collaborative and cooperative nature of artistic production were the historical photographs, most commonly taken by Grabrijan, of individual stores, storeowners and street life in Ba arija [Figure 40]. These focused on the intimate relationship between owners/sellers and the street, and were meant to suggest the important role crafts played in the daily life of the city. The images are suggestive of the authenticity of local labour and production, and the
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harmonious relationship between the two. Further by showing the shop owner as a product maker as well as a seller, allowed Grabrijan and Neidhardt to downplay the capitalist economic structure that underpinned Bacarijas small scale business. Indeed the identification of the business owners with the crafts they produce, and not the profit they potentially make, provided grounds for reconciling the old modes of production with socialist values. They particularly emphasised the efficient nature of specialised labour that, in their reading, was inherent to this mode of production:
In the arija the production was planned and organized. The arija was made up of artisans specialists each of which was allowed to manufacture only one definite article so that we might compare the works done here with that on the assembly line. Thus, for example, a rider with his horse had to pass 14 different trades until both were completely outfitted [Figure 41].11

Figure 40: Store beside store, handicraft beside handicraft. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 66.

11

Original quote: U arija mogao je svaki od njih izradjivati samo odredjeni dio cjelokupne proizvodnjetako, da se radova u ariji mogu usporediti sa proizvodnjom na teku oj vrpci. Bilo je, na primjer, za izradu opreme vojni kog konja s konjanikom potrebno etrnaest zanata koji su jedan drugog dopunjavali. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, pp. 67 & 77. 193

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Figure 41: Ba arija as a production line. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 66.

By establishing a new reading of Ba arijas organisational structure as prefiguring modern production methods, Grabrijan and Neidhardt were providing conceptual grounds upon which their shifting interest in this old fabric could be validated as beneficial to both the multiculturalism of the new state and the associated desire for efficient and collective systems of production.

The values of monuments: abstraction, light and scale


In addition to maps, aerial images of Ba arija presented the precinct as a complex and highly integrated entity. The locations of the significant monuments were made more legible by superimposed outlines of their parameters. An additional sketch presented the monuments as free form objects extrapolated from their surrounding context [Figure 42].

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Figure 42: Monuments and significant structures of the old precinct. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 61.

It was the modernist fascination with form and the presentation of buildings as isolated objects that characterised Grabrijan and Neidhardts analysis here. As discussed in chapter two, in his article Le Corbusier and Sarajevo (1936) Grabrijan argued that the forms of the traditional Bosnian architecture presented commonalities between the local expression and the universal qualities of modern architecture. Similarly, Neidhardts mining workers housing in Zenica made use of the elements of the traditional house, extending the argument that the existing fabric presented formal qualities in accord with the modernist vocabulary.

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Building on this, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity devoted an entire chapter to the analysis of the formal qualities of the precincts monuments. The sketch of the main mosque, for example, highlighted the relevance of its form to the search for a universal language of modern architecture. Referencing Auguste Choisy, whose approach to architectural history Grabrijan had studied, the drawing of Gazi Husref Begs mosque shows the building sliced open and seen from above [Figure 43].12 Like Choisys drawing of Hagia Sophia, Begs mosque was shown not as a mosque but as a drawing of an idea of a mosque [Figure 44].13

Figure 43: Begs Mosque, cross section and axonometric. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 83.
12

Grabrijan was aware of Choisys work as he published a textbook titled Zgodovina Arhitekture, svobodno po Choisyju (Historic Architecture, Based on Choisy), by University of Ljubljana 1949. A. Choisy, Hagia Sophia, from Historie dArchitecture (1899); reprinted in A. Forty, Words and Buildings, A Vocabulary of Modern Architecture, Thames & Hudson, London, 2004, p. 23. The section and a plan drawing [Figure 43 ]were credited to an engineer, I. trukelj. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, pp. 8384. 13 Forty, Words and Buildings, pp. 2324. 196

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Figure 44: A. Choisy, Hagia Sophia, from Historie dArchitecture (1899); reprinted in A. Forty, Words and Buildings, A Vocabulary of Modern Architecture, Thames & Hudson, London, 2004, p. 23.

Describing the mosques interior, the authors focused on the formal and structural qualities independently from the program. Their emphasis disassociated the architectural work from its religious function. Further, the formal qualities of the work were aligned with universal geometric principles rather than the particularities of religious practices:
The structure is neither large nor small. The interior is a hollow cube covered with a calotte. The entrance lies in the longitudinal axis of the structure. The pulpit, showing clean straight geometrical lines, stands free Since this art has adopted man for its basic yardstick we shall call it here human scale architecture.14

Presenting the mosque as an abstract form, free from its specific context, the discussion presented monumentality of this structure as an outcome of diverse spatial relationships. This mode of analysis continued with reference to other themes such as scale:
Begs mosque is a huge structure that towers over the precinct. However, despite its size, the structure gives the impression of being accessible. It rises like a pyramid

14

Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 84. 197

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from the narrow streets, from a human scale to the scale of small shops, to the basilica like han structures, up to the small domes of fountains, and still higher to the huge central dome and the minaret.15

In this reading the monument is presented as worthy of attention because it exemplifies an accessible monumentality, mediating the human scale and the grand architectural gesture. Free hand interior sketches further elaborate the interior spatial sequence and quality. An interior sketch of the mosque, for example, describes the relationship between the sky light apertures and inner curve of the dome, suggesting the dynamic character of the interior space. [Figure 45]

Figure 45: Lighting in Begs mosque. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 87.

The atmospheric quality implied in this sketch is characteristic of the broader representational techniques employed in the book, whereby descriptive orthographic drawings are complemented and contrasted with Neidhardts free

Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, pp. 8384. 198

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hand sketches. The latter generally offer abstracted renderings of the studied forms, championing their contemporary relevance.

This manner of formal abstraction is for instance evident in the sketch of the mosques internal elements, the mihrab (qibla wall) and mimber (pulpit).16 Presented in three dimensions the drawings emphasised the effects of day light on these architectural elements. Their presence is here noted not for their important roles in religious ceremonies, but for their spatial and atmospheric impact on the mosque interior, once lit [Figure 46].

Figure 46: Mihrab, pulpit, carpet, abstracting the space. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 284.

The approach deliberately avoided the religious significance attached to these built components, foregrounding instead, the aesthetic importance of abstract beauty. In elaborating the formal sophistication of Ba arijas historic monuments, Grabrijan

16

A mihrab is a wall niche in a mosque indicating the direction of the Kaaba in Mecca, and hence the direction that Muslims should face when praying. A mimber is the pulpit in a mosque where the religious leader Imam stands. 199

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and Neidhardts discussion in this text, displayed a radical departure from their position in Sarajevo and Its Satellites, where they critiqued the precinct for its impoverished standards and amenity and dismissed its contemporary relevance.

The values of the traditional house (Bosanska ku a)


The discussion of the traditional house in Sarajevo and Its Satellites primarily relied on external sketches of the mahala fabric. In Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, the representational strategies became more extensive and detailed. They included measured drawings and diagrams of the layouts, presenting the interior workings as central to understanding the typology.

In the early years of socialist government Neidhardt avoided making explicit reference to the traditional house, presenting his mining housing projects not in relation to the traditional model but in terms of its capacity to accommodate the proletariat. With the official priority for architects described as providing a roof over the heads of the thousands made homeless by war, Neidhardt focused his attention on developing a standardised housing solution and considered mass production as the appropriate way of responding to the specifics of the Yugoslav condition.17 His 1945 design for temporary homes proposed buildings made from

traus, Nova Bosanskohercegova ka Arhitektura 19451975, p. 8. Despite collective efforts, the post war urban conditions of Sarajevo were improving more slowly than expected. According to 1954 census there were still about 2,240 families with their homes left in ruins, and 13,000 families who lived in unacceptable conditions in various kinds of temporary housing stock. As plans for the housing development lagged, at least 10,000 families were in a need of appropriate accommodation. For further discussion see L. Zub evi , Sarajevo (Area, population, employment, communications, traffic connections), in M. ankovi (ed.), Sarajevo u Socijalisti koj Jugoslaviji od Oslobodjenja do Samoupravljanja, 19501963 (Sarajevo in Socialist Yugoslavia for the Liberation till Self governance, 19501963, Istorijski Arhiv Sarajevo, vol. 2, Sarajevo, 1988, pp. 923. 200

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bent cane sticks, a system that would provide efficient, cheap construction appropriate for a country founded on guerrilla resistance. Importantly, such structures were free from historical association [Figure 47].18

Figure 47: Neidhardts proposal for temporary shelters, 1945. Source: Kapetanovi , The architectural work of Juraj Neidhardt, p. 269.

Presenting a significant shift in attitude, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity identified the traditional home as a valuable model for housing within the new city fabric. Under a series of headings, including the Organisation of dwelling spaces, Furnishing and utensils, Sanitary installations and Methods of construction, the discussion offered the house as a model of rational, contemporary living. Numerous plans and sections, diagrams and analytical drawings identified the relevance of this building type to the contemporary society.

18

Kapetanovi , The architectural work of Juraj Neidhardt. 201

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The pragmatics of Bosanska ku a: the secular values and rational grounding of the traditional house
Reference to traditional architectural types, Grabrijan and Neidhardt argued, when approached through dialectical analysis, allowed for the separation of the positive from negative and presented a critical conceptual device for developing new ideas. Accordingly reference to the traditional house, they claimed, offered a productive model for integrating the positive values of the old fabric and that of the new.

Of central importance was the recognition of the houses organic development. This idea was schematically illustrated in a drawing titled the Embryonic development of an old house in Sarajevo [Figure 48]. The houses internal layout was presented as an outcome of progressive permutations, from simple to complex basic room arrangements over time. Using the analogy of stone fruit, Neidhardt and Grabrijan identified the hajat (anteroom) as the pip and the halvat (room) as the surrounding flesh. The terms embryonic development in the title of their drawing suggested that this simple addition of spaces within the house aligned with the biological development of a living cell.19

A version of this discussion was presented in D. Ali , The role of rational and scientific arguments in the promotion of ideology through architecture, in F. G. Leman, A. J. Ostwald, A. Williams (eds.) Innovation, Inspiration and Instruction: New Knowledge in Architectural Sciences, Proceedings of the 42nd Annual Conference on the Australian and New Zealand Architectural Science Association (ANZASca), Newcastle, Australia, 26 28 November 2008, pp. 161 168. 202

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Figure 48: Embryonic development of an old house in Sarajevo. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 166.

This idea was reinforced by the drawings focus on the house plan as the key factor in its transformation from hajat into hall. Analogous to biological development from single cell to multi cell organisms, the simple one room traditional house was transformed into a multi functional family home, an expansion presented as a natural and organic process. Framed within an evolutionary paradigm, the discussion presented a rational yet apolitical interpretation of the layout. This view, in turn, offered an alternative to the more common association of the house with the socio economic position of the Muslim elite that historically inhabited it.

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In addition to the lengthy discussion of the functional and pragmatic values of architecture and built fabric, the chapters on the house also addressed cultural and everyday practices associated with its interiors. A series of scaled drawings presented an inventory of household items and utensils [Figure 49]; grounded in an anthropological approach, the drawings highlighted the delicate and detailed nature of objects for everyday use. Their simplicity over usefulness implied their relevance to the needs of contemporary dwelling.

Figure 49: Furnishings and utensils of a traditional house. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, pp. 20405.

Grabrijan and Neidhardts discussion of the Bosnian house served to support the governments increasing interest in opening the private interiors of the traditional house to general public.20 In a declaration passed by the National Committee of the

20

Numerous new institutions were established and new laws passed that aimed to preserve and maintain the nations material heritage. In July 1945, the law for the Protection of Cultural and 204

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Liberation of Yugoslavia in February 1945, the state claimed responsibility to protect all objects of artistic and scientific value, that included, (but was not restricted to) public monuments, sculptures, libraries and archives21 By extending an understanding of heritage beyond major monuments, a context for a more focused approach to heritage protection was established. The Museum of Sarajevo (Muzej Grada Sarajeva), for example, which was founded in 1949, defined its main purpose as assembling, studying, preserving, publicising and presenting the social, economic and cultural history of Sarajevo.22 Its ethnographic collection, comprising items of domestic, craft and factory production, was intended to illustrate the material and spiritual culture of the city.23 Within it, the traditional or the Turkish house, its interiors and domestic items, played a significant role. The Museum of Sarajevo included a diorama of a Muslim family in a traditional home setting, and the ethnological collection of the Zemaljski Museum was updated to include a similar display. Placed in relation to government initiatives studies such as Grabrijan and Neidhardts, these displays provided the necessary links between the materials collected by institutions and their relevance to the contemporary society. Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity incorporated sketches of internal layouts of numerous historic homes in the city recently opened to the

Natural Heritage (Zakon o zatiti spomenika kulture and prirodnih rijetkosti u Bosnia I Hercegovini) was introduced. It was followed by additional laws designed to protect heritage items under threat. The Institute for Research and Protection of Cultural Monuments and Natural Resources started operating independently in 1947 (Zemaljski Zavod za Zatitu I Nau no Prou avanje Spomenika Kulture i prirodnih rijetkosti BiH). Serdarevi , Pravna zatita kulturno historijskog naslijedja BiH, p. 35. Also see N. ipovac, Kultura u Socijalisti koj Republici Bosni i Hercegovini (The culture of the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Hercegovina), NISP Oslobodjenje, Sarajevo, 1976. 21 Serdarevi , Pravna zatita kulturno historijskog naslijedja BiH, p. 37. 22 Vodi kroz Muzej Grada Sarajeva (Guide Through the Museum of the City of Sarajevo), Muzej grada Sarajevo, Sarajevo, 1976, p. 5. 23 Vodi kroz Muzej Grada Sarajeva, pp. 1721. 205

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public [Figure 50 & Figure 51].24 Combined with an extensive collection of Grabrijans unpublished primary research on the traditional house, the discussion of the conceptual and physical foundations of Sarajevos old homes offered to provide the grounds for their integration within the new and modern city.

Figure 50: Neidhardts drawing of Svrzos house; layout and cross section. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 183.

Vodi kroz Svrzinu ku u (Guide Through Svrzos House), Muzej Grada Sarajeva, Sarajevo 1976. Svrzos house became a property of the Museum of the City of Sarajevo (Muzej Grada Sarajeva) in 1952; by 1953 it was opened to the public as a museum house. 206

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Figure 51: Inner courtyard and a room in Svrzos house (Svrzina ku a), opened to the public in 1953. Source: Muzej Grada Sarajeva, Stambena Kultura Starog Sarajeva, DES, Sarajevo. http://www.muzejsarajeva.ba/content/view/37/52/lang,en/

Transforming religious into secular values


In an attempt to avoid a discussion concerning the impact of religious practice on the spatial configuration of the traditional house, Grabrijan and Neidhardts analysis deliberately presented the interior in pragmatic terms. This approach is for example evident in their description of treatment and frequency of the sanitary areas. Termed abdesthana, these spatial alcoves were associated with each individual room and traditionally facilitated the Muslim practice of ablution (abdest) proceeding daily prayers [Figure 52].25 The authors interpreted the multiple abdesthana as indicative of the superior hygienic nature of the traditional house. The religious rituals crucial to the logic of this spatial organisation were however overlooked. Grabrijan and Neidhardts desire to retain abdesthana in the
In relation to the discussion of wet areas Grabrijan and Neidhardt alternate the terms banjica (usually related to a slightly larger wet area) and abdesthana (smaller alcoves usually within a larger room). 207
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contemporary domestic space was described not as the promotion of religious practice, but as reflective of the cultures high standard of living.26 This interpretation is suggestive of their determined effort to secularise the domestic house, presenting it as relevant to their vision for a contemporary socialist home.

Figure 52: Abdesthana and banjica space in Svrzos house. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 138.

A similar approach was taken in relation to the division of internal spaces into mens and womens houses. Contradicting their earlier interpretations of the female interior as the exotic core of the house, they now attributed this reading to somewhat naive and uninformed foreign visitors. They wrote: Europeans are prone to regard the harem as a hotbed of carnal pleasures, whereas in reality it is nothing but that part of the house which is occupied by the family.27 Without mentioning the historical or religious reasons governing the division of the house along gender

26 27

Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 167. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 181. 208

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lines, the authors reframed the centre core as private family quarters. The expansive layout of the ground floor was also not presented in relation to gender separation, but rather in its resemblance to icons of modern housing [Figure 53].28

Figure 53: Modernity of the traditional houses interior, erzelez house. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 208.

Ultimately it was the framing of the traditional house within the modern and rational values of the socialist government that allowed Grabrijan and Neidhardt to negotiate Muslim culture within the Marxist search for universal culture. Making use of Grabrijans early writings, which connected the Bosnian house with houses designed by Le Corbusier, the book presented numerous drawings that offered visual proof of the modernity of traditional forms. These drawings included a cross section that identified an efficient passive ventilation system in a generic two storey house design; and a sketch of the kitchen area, which showed the benefits of good internal organisation to the overall efficiency of the design [Figure 54].

28

Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 183. 209

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Figure 54: Modernity of the traditional home: cross ventilation and an interior of a mutvak (womens kitchen) of the Djerdjeles family house. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 208.

The authors emphasis on the building types organisation, their discussion of its development and the documentation of the houses architectural qualities was presented as a search for universal values in the existing fabric. The relationship between specific cultural and religious values in this case the connection to Islam and socialisms search for its own ideological grounding was presented not as a clash of disparate identities, but as what political theorist Ernesto Laclau has described as a part of an all embracing and epochal struggle between universality

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and particularism.29 In this instance, the specific cultural and religious values attached to Islam and to Muslim identity were included within the broader search for Yugoslav culture. As a result, it was no longer possible to differentiate between the particularism of traditional architecture and the universalising notions of modern architecture. However as Laclau has suggested the problematic aspect of Marxist rejection of the relationship between particularity and universality is that the universal had found its body, but this was still the body of a certain particularity.30 By negating the differences between the universal values promoted by socialism and the traditional values embedded in the house, Grabrijan and Neidhardt universalised the houses particularity.

The emotional values attached to Bosanska ku a


Grabrijan and Neidhardts analysis of the traditional house also extended to the impact of this accommodation on the psychological mood of the inhabitant. The socialist interest in this topic was well known to Neidhardt through his involvement in the propaganda efforts of manifestation architecture. Architects such as Hannes Meyer considered that building is a factor in mass psychology, and promoted certain approaches, such as intensifying the raw quality of materials, as necessary tactics used in advancing the Marxist agenda.31 In his ber marxistische Arhitektur, Meyer argued that the elements in a building that have a telling psychological effect (poster area, loudspeaker, light dispenser, staircase, colour, etc.) must be
E. Laclau, Universalism, particularism and the question of identity, in J. Rajchman (ed.), The Identity in Question, Routledge, New York, 1995, p. 97. 30 Laclau, Universalism, particularism and the question of identity, p. 97. 31 K. M. Hays, Diagramming the New World, or Hannes Meyers Scientization of architecture, in P. Galison & E. Thompson (eds), The Architecture of Science, MIT Press, Cambridge, Ma., 1999, p. 246. 211
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organically integrated into design, as those effects accord with our most profound insights into the laws of perception.32

In his 1937 article Turkish house, its sources and principles, Grabrijan had argued for the connection between the emotional values of people and the spatial qualities of the houses they inhabit.33 However, in the discussion of this relationship in Sarajevo and Its Satellites he and Neidhardt equated the emotional with the sexual, presenting the house as an enclosure that encapsulates the mans power and his dominance over women. Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity underplays these sexual references, returning to Grabrijans earlier position, which highlighted the houses capacity to care for the emotional well being its inhabitants.

The dictionary: integrating the pragmatics and poetics


Concluding the discussion on the capacity of the heritage fabric to provide spatial prototypes useful in the development of modern architecture of socialism was a table of 24 sketches accompanied by individual, succinct and directive captions [Figure 55]. The table presented a summary of the positive values identified in their analysis.34

Hays, Diagramming the New World, or Hannes Meyers Scientization of architecture, p. 246. D. Grabrijan, Turska ku a Osnove i porijeklo (Turkish house, its roots and origins), in D. eli , Grabrijan i Sarajevo, pp. 3743. 34 For a related discussion of ethnographic and architectural studies of the Algerian house and the prototypes that emerged, see Z. elik, Urban Forms and Colonial Confrontations, Algiers Under French Rule, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1997, pp. 87113.
33

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Figure 55: The city, arija, mahala, house, 24 sketches. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, pp. 5657.

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For example, the caption to the sketch no. 1 referred to the openness of the suburban layouts of mahala, as a neighbouring unit in a contemporary sense. Likewise, the caption to the sketch no. 15 referred to the layout of internal spaces as the meander and the atrium the two fundamental forms. Most significantly, subtitles such Koran proclaimed neighbourliness next to Allah thou shall love the neighbour most made explicit the capacity of new urban forms to absorb the former values, thus translating specific references to Muslim families into secular values relevant to all.35

The note to the drawing of an urban mahala layout, the caption to the sketch no. 13, explained its relevance in terms of contemporary urbanism of micro regions. The caption to a typical site of suburban blocks stated that the three aspects of house, courtyard [avlija], and garden were the most essential elements of [contemporary] urbanism.36 These images, and associated short captions, presented a powerful summary of Grabrijan and Neidhardts analysis; making explicit their argument for the contemporary relevance of Ottoman architectural precedents.

In developing these propositions, Neidhardt proposed a system of modular elements titled as dictionary. Unlike the freehand sketches in Figure 55, which commonly included the built form, the context and the occupants, the dictionary sketches formalised the relationship by attaching a three dimensional shape to each

35 36

Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, pp. 5657. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, pp. 5657. 214

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concept. The drawing titled Up to date architectonic dictionary alphabet of the carpet town presented a series of three dimensional building typologies as a dictionary for new architectural forms [Figure 56]. The intent was stated in the subtitle: The glossary complied in an attempt to find a new vocabulary based on the experience of the past.37

Figure 56: Neidhardts Up to date architectonic dictionary alphabet of the carpet town. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 324.

Grabrijan and Neidhardt suggested that using these forms would allow for the integration of the old fabrics values into new developments. The dictionary offered to capture an important correlation between the physical qualities of rooms their depth, shape and level of lighting and the emotional and psychological effect they have on people. Neidhardt and Grabrijan argued that combining dictionary entries in mathematical equations could provide successful and useful formulas for new creations. For example, Neidhardt presented his design idea for a pavilion for
37

Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 325. 215

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picnics, or teferi , as an architectural solution that combined the relationship to nature, with the right of view, the water as the soul and a right to sun.38 Many other architectural propositions presented in the book Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity stated their reliance on such formulas. The use of the dictionary of Bosnian Oriental architectural expression, they claimed, provided for the translation of collective memory imbedded in traditional house to the modern context.

The dictionary represented a substantial extension of elemental analysis presented in Sarajevo and Its Satellites. As with the elemental analysis, the dictionary prototypes reference the formal and aesthetic qualities of historical buildings, but only in the latter the authors attempted the more ambitious task of incorporating the emotional and psychological factors. Their reliance on a seemingly rational argument in pursuit of emotional, arguably subjective, impact allowed them to absorb local Islamic cultural references into the civilising mission of the communist government. Most importantly and despite the authors previous insistence on divesting the urban form of religious meaning, the spatial constructs in the dictionary included explicit reference to Islam albeit muted by the rational framework of this device. The urban fabric of Ba arija, formerly associated with the colonial and feudal society, became representative of the architectural language associated with the new socialist society.

38

The formula was presented as a design idea equalling a series of concepts: IP=ODP+PNV+VDN+PNS+UP+ANDR+KK+KNS+JS. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 333. 216

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Demonstrating the capacity of the traditional house to accommodate significant social changes was a drawing of a young girl within the domestic setting [Figure 57]. The sketch shows a girl at home holding a violin. The picture of a mosque on the wall and the lattice window screens suggests the interior of a Muslim home, but the scene is suggestive of a contemporary period. The young girl holds a Western instrument, and she seems free and unconstrained within the environment of the traditional home. In contrast to the static and disengaged images of covered women in Sarajevo and Its Satellites, the young girl shown here encapsulates the societal change brought about by the new social structures.

Figure 57: Neidhardts illustration of a traditional interior. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 230.

Conclusion: the universal and the particular of the Bosnian Oriental house
Grabrijan and Neidhardts dictionary of Bosnian Oriental architecture referenced specific formal relationships present in the traditional architecture of Ba arija. In this interpretation the traditional house embodied the socialist objectives of rationalism and pragmatism. This emphasis informed the systematic character of
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Grabrijan and Neidhardts research and resulting propositions. While their formula based approach could easily be dismissed as a sceptical exercise in advocating the rational values and scientific approach embraced by the ruling Communist Party, their integration of emotional values appears as a genuine effort to appeal to a broader sense of well being in terms that were acceptable to the socialist ideology. Neidhardts integration of emotional values in the otherwise formulaic approach to design favoured by the socialist government shifted the relevance of the Ottoman built heritage in the creation of a socialist architecture. It provided a model for a modern architecture that allowed the Islamic heritage to be present and contribute to a synthetic Yugoslavia.

The visual and theoretical propositions developed in the dictionary, provided the foundation for a number of Neidhardts design propositions. These included urban proposals for the town of Zenica (195054), the development of the suburbs of Grbavica (1953) and a proposal for a monument to Marx and Engels. In applying the Bosnian Oriental formulas to the development of the design idea for these projects, the meaning and significance attached to traditional buildings was fully transformed. Bosnian Ottoman history was no longer placed in the distant and controversial past, but was seen as a powerful tool to create anew.

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Chapter 6 Transforming the City: the New arija as the Theme Park of Socialism and the Design of the Parliament House Precinct

Neidhardts active academic and public profile grew with his continuing involvement in architectural and urban competitions and design proposals. From the publication of Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity until the late 1970s he participated in more than 30 large urban planning competitions, almost 100 designs for individual buildings, and more than 20 small scale design idea competitions. Neidhardt maintained that the dictionary of Bosnian Oriental design principles underwrote all his architectural propositions, regardless of differences in the scale, context and typology of the projects.

This chapter analyses two proposals developed over 195055: his proposal for the transformation of the business sector of Ba arija into the New arija cultural centre of socialist society and his winning design entry for the Bosnia and Hercegovina Parliament building and its surrounds.1 In the proposal for New arija, the principles of Bosnian Oriental allowed for the reorganisation of existing fabric into a socialist theme park. In the case of the Parliament precinct at Marindvor, the Bosnian Oriental was vested with the capacity to extend beyond the specifics of the

Both projects are included in Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity. The projects title New arija refers to the business section ( arija) of the Ba arija precinct.

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old fabric and was presented as an abstract force capable of informing the new architecture. This chapter demonstrates that by grounding such diverse projects on the principles of Bosnian Oriental, Neidhardt could present this architectural and cultural expression as capable of negotiating competing national discourses while contributing to the construction of socialist ideology.

Ba arija and socialist urban polices Grabrijan and Neidhardts engagement with the precinct of Ba arija extended over 20 years. First discussed by Grabrijan in 1930s and then negotiated by Neidhardt in his numerous design proposals, the precinct dominated their urban explorations. Indeed, as already discussed, the old town structured the citys urban debates both as an urban entity and a place of symbolic significance [Figure 58].

Figure 58: Ba arija precinct during the socialist period. Plan indicating the chronological development of the precinct: A) Gazi Husref Begs mosque; B) Orthodox church; C) Jewish synagogue; D) Brusa bezistan; E) Rustem pasha Bezistan; F) Czars mosque; G) Town Hall. Originally presented in JSAH, vol. 51, no. 1, March 1991, drawing adjusted from the map used in A. Bejti , Stara Sarajevska arija ju er, danas I sutra.
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However, despite the public debates and the controversies that surrounded Ba arija, government policies rarely admitted the impact of nationalist tensions on such city debates. Only a few indirect references indicated the difficulties Neidhardt faced in integrating Islamic cultural references into his experimentation with modernism. His academic assistant Jelica Kapetanovi , for example, briefly alludes to the problematic position of Islamic cultural heritage in Neidhardts work. Describing his ongoing involvement with Ba arija, she wrote:
[The] old parts of the city built during the Ottoman period disturbed certain intellectual circles close to the regime, which basically denied any cultural specificity or integrity of Bosnia. Their views on buildings such as the mosque, medresa and Turkish graveyards were tainted by the century old bitterness against the old colonisers.2

It was for those reasons that, initially, the new postWorld War Two communist government perceived the precinct as nothing but a burden of the past, and proposed plans to demolish significant parts of Ba arija. In 1945, the City People Committee formed a demolition board to take charge of the clearance. It was responsible for the destruction of 246 small shops over a period of five years. With declarations such as our history is not in old timber shutters, the shops have no

Original quote: Stari dijelovi grada, izgradjeni u osmanskom periodu smetali su u ono vrijeme pojedinim intelektualcima bliskim reimu koji su u osnovi negirao svaku posebnost I kulturni integritet Bosne. Kroz gledanje na objekte damija, medresa I turskih groblja provejavala je I vjekovna gor ina porobljenog naroda. Naprotiv, ti objekti zadivljavali su doljake, intelektualce iz drugih sredina koji su se tu nastanili I djelovali. Takvi su bili Vanca, Pospiil, Grabrijan, Najdhardt Oni su svaki na svoj na in u ovim bosanskim gradjevinama vidjeli jedan suptilni orijentalni duh I estetiku, izazov za prou avanje, o uvanje I poticaj za novo stvaralatvo. Kapetanovi , The architectural work of Juraj Neidhardt, p. 248. 221

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historic or cultural value, and they are only a fire hazard and a source of infection, the government justified these planning decisions.3

Despite efforts by the Institute for the Protection of Natural and Built Heritage (Zemaljski Zavod za Zatitu Spomenika Kulture I Prirodnih Rijetkosti), established in 1945 to halt the clearances, significant parts of the precinct were demolished.4 The individual buildings affected included Gazi Isa begova tekija (a lodge of a dervish order) and a musafirhana (inn), possibly the oldest structure of its kind in Bosnia and Hercegovina, built in 1462.5 The building of the tekija in the area of Bendbaa, which was surrounded by a graveyard that was in use until 1924, was under a heritage protection order when it was demolished in 1957.6 That is, it was a

A. Bejti , Stara Sarajevska arija ju er, danas i sutra (Old Sarajevo arija Yesterday, Today, Tomorrow), Gradski Zavod za Zatitu I uredjenje Spomenika Kulture, Sarajevo, 1969, p. 61. 4 The demolition process was finally slowed down due to significant protests by prominent city figures. While Neidhardt was ultimately among those who objected to the precincts destruction, initially he was a committee member in charge of the demolition. On the 29 April 1949, a committee (Komisija pri Gradskoj upravi) was formed to oversee the demolition process. Its members included: engineer Emanuel amanek Director of Urban Development, engineer Muhamed Kadi , professor Hamdija Kreevljakovi , Dr Vlado Jokanovi , Director of Zemaljski Zavod za zatitu spomenika kulture, engineer Juraj Neidhardt and Vera Krsti Galeb. V. Krsti Galeb Culture and arts in the early years of post war development (Kultura I umjetnost u prvim poslijeratnim godinama), in M. ankovi , Sarajevo u Socijalisti koj Jugoslaviji od Oslobodjenja do Samoupravljanja, 19451950, vol. I, p. 478. 5 Demolished parts of the precinct included the south side from the area of Sara i to Kazaz Street on the east, numerous small shops of Upper and Lower Trgovke, almost all shops that surrounded Brusa bezistan, the eastern end of Kolobara han, all the shops and stores between the Milos Obili a Street and Sagrdjija. Kostovi , Sarajevo izmedju dobrotvorstva i zla, p. 135. 6 The official website of the Komisija/Povjerenstvo za O uvanje Nacionalnih Spomenika (Commission to Preserve National Monuments) presents an overview of the historical development of Isa begova tekija (zawija). In 1878, the AustroHungarian authorities temporarily banned the musafirhana, and thus also the tekija, from operating. The tekija, however, remained in use until 1924, and was maintained from the revenue of vakif (patron) Fadil paa erifovi . In 1941, claiming that it needed to regulate traffic, the government of the Independent State of Croatia issued plans for the area, proposing the demolition of Isa beg's tekija. The commencement of World War Two prevented the plans being carried out. In 1950, the executive committee of the Sarajevo City People's Committee resolved to carry out a new regulatory plan, which again proposed the demolition of the tekija. This began on 23 June 1950 and, despite protests, the tekija was demolished in 1957; its foundations were filled with layers of soil to regulate and level the terrain. The commission found that graves of some leading figures from the tekija were covered by demolition debris, with no record of whether 222

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registered monument, documented and described in literature and in receipt of some funding for restoration early on. Its destruction demonstrated the low regard in which heritage was held by socialist authorities.7

Government efforts to document the heritage precinct and identify structures worthy of preservation paralleled the demolition. In 1949, the government called for the submission of a full report on the precincts state, which would represent a scientific elaboration of Sarajevo arija.8 Within this context of the governments search for the objective significance of individual buildings, Neidhardts proposal began to make an impact on urban polices.

In 1950, a new executive body, the City Committee (Gradski Odbor), was established. It had the task of putting together the outcomes of the report into a comprehensive study and historical record of the precinct.9 Neidhardts previous plans for the precinct provided a starting point for the broader discussion. By 1953, Neidhardt was in charge of team studying Ba arijas urban future. Among the outcomes of this study was a site model that was considered a masterpiece, and it became one of the central exhibits in the Sarajevo City Museum, which opened in
or not the graves had been exhumed beforehand. For more information see the Commission to Preserve National Monuments website at:
http://www.aneks8komisija.com.ba/main.php?id_struct=6&lang=1&action=view&id=2539; http://www.aneks8komisija.com.ba/main.php?id_struct=50&lang=4&action=view&id=2539

Serdarevi , Pravna zatita kulturno historijskog naslijedja BiH, p. 36. In February 1949, an administrative and executive body of the city committee (Gradski Odbor) called for a competition. In 1951, the committee pronounced Hamdija Kreevljakovi s study History of Sarajevo as the winning entry. Krsti Galeb Culture and arts in the early years of post war development, in ankovi , Sarajevo u Socijalisti koj Jugoslaviji od Oslobodjenja do Samoupravljanja, 19451950, vol. I, pp. 47778. 9 The chapter on the old arija presented various aspects of the study and included historical images, numerous sketches and annotated diagrams of the precinct. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, pp. 60109.
8

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1954 [Figure 59].10 Neidhardts ongoing interest in using his studies of the old precinct in his modernist endeavours finally appeared realistic.

Figure 59: Model of Ba arija. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 98.

Past and present reunited in the New arija project: a theme park of socialist Bosnia Designed in 1953, the New arija project proposed that the old Ottoman precinct be redeveloped into a regional cultural centre.11 Neidhardt articulated this proposal in Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, and relied on a series of urban strategies that included massive demolition, selective restoration, the

The model was done to the scale of 1:100; it covered an area in the old precinct of 500 metres by 500 metres square (model 50mx50m). The model maker was Mr Husein Kariik, with Neidhardt the architect in charge. Krsti Galeb Culture and arts in the early years of post war development, in ankovi , Sarajevo u Socijalisti koj Jugoslaviji od Oslobodjenja do Samoupravljanja, 19451950, vol. I, p. 478. 11 A version of this discussion was presented in D. Ali & M. Gusheh, Reconciling competing national narratives in socialist Bosnia and Herzegovina: Ba arija project (194853), Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, vol. 58, no. 1, March 1999, pp. 625. 224

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introduction of new structures and the importation of existing structures from the suburbs. The most prominent structures of Ba arija would be preserved, a gesture accompanied by the clearing of small surrounding structures. Religious buildings such as Gazi Husref Begs mosque, with the adrvan (water fountain), turbe (tomb) and medresa (religious school), as well as other significant structures were among those selected for preservation. Cleared of the surrounding fabric, the monuments appeared isolated objects severed from the everyday life of the city. Positioned in large open areas and parks, these jewels of the past, as Neidhardt called them, became powerful reminders of the successive periods of Bosnian history. Devoid of their immediate context, the buildings became part of a cultural theme park removed from the everyday life of the city [Figure 60].

The vast, open space provided by the clearances allowed Neidhardt to propose new connections, linking existing structures to each other as well as to the newly proposed monuments to socialism. New vistas, configured to emphasise the multicultural nature of Ba arija, provided visual clues so that the visitor to New arija could easily see the varied religious traditions of Bosnia. Within this urban framework, the old precinct was presented as a most suitable place for collective representation:
There is no doubt that it would not only be desirable but also feasible to remould the arija located at the crossroads of the Balkans into the cultural centre of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In cultural centres, records are kept of traditions which enlighten future generations and represent the superstructure of a civilization.
12

12

Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, pp. 111 & 136. 225

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Figure 60: View of the Ba arija proposal. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 139.

Consistent with socialist policy, Neidhardts proposal ignored the principles of the vakuf.13 In 1946, the socialist government, through the Land Nationalisation law

Gazi Husref begs bezistan (marketplace) was built to the east of Talihan. The two buildings were connected, enabling traders in the bezistan to make direct contact with the merchants from Venice and Dubrovnik based in the Talihan. The bezistan was used for its original purpose until 1879. The commencement of World War One prevented the building being entirely demolished, although by 226

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(Zakon o nacionalisaciji), reduced the authority of the vakuf and in 1958 the law of Nationalisation of Rental Properties and the development sites (Zakon o nacionalizaciji najamnih zgrada I gra evinskog zemljita) made the authority of this institution almost non existent.14 The break between Ottoman public and religious institutions and the commercial units that formerly provided financial support allowed these buildings to become financed and managed by the state. Most were left unattended or were supposedly handed over to the state willingly.15 The 1965 Heritage preservation legislation recognised the relevance of scientific and technical aspects of old fabric, but referred only briefly to other values, its stated main purpose being to protect all important periods of history, excluding the Ottoman period as irrelevant.16

Referring to the fabric emptied of its content and its civic purpose, Neidhardt stated that To these buildings of such historical importance, a socio political significance should be added.17 His utilitarian approach and focus on function echoed the government initiative of finding new uses for old structures. Numerous historic structures such as the Gazi Husref Begs hamam (public bath), mentioned in vakuf

1913 much of it had been pulled down to allow for the vakufs initiative of developing the Talihan site. www.aneks8komisija.com.ba/main.php?id_struct=50&lang=4&action=view&id=2857 14 Serdarevi , Pravna zatita kulturno historijskog naslijedja BiH, p. 40. Paradoxically, a lack of funds also prevented the modernisation and upgrading of the vakufs sites. Suffering this fate was the 1939 design competition for the New Talihan (Novi Talihan) business building, which remained undeveloped. 15 Serdarevi , Pravna zatita kulturno historijskog naslijedja BiH, p. 76. 16 Serdarevi , Pravna zatita kulturno historijskog naslijedja BiH, p. 35. 17 Original quote: Da bi te muzejske vrijednosti bile to ivotnije, elimo im dodati jo drutveno politi ke. Istodobno emo opti ki pove ati utisak oko Begove damije i Brusa bezistana sa spomenikom NOB. Ne znamo naime zato ne bi smjestili u ariju u mauzolej NOB Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, pp. 111 & 137. 227

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documents from 1535, were affected by this approach.18 Despite the hamam historically providing a sacred space for abdest (ablution), Neidhardt proposed converting the building into a wine cellar and restaurant. Oblivious to the impact of his proposal on the wider urban context, he rationalised his approach by stating that since the building is slightly sunk into the ground, the rooms on the ground floor are cool and would lend themselves to being utilized as a cellar or a wine shop, and a restaurant.19

Furthermore, in the New arija proposal Gazi Husref Begs bezistan became a national restaurant, the hanikah an ethnographic museum and the medresa a library [Figure 61 &Figure 62].20 Neidhardt also suggested converting Brusa bezistan to a museum of the socialist revolution.21 Presenting the picturesque qualities of the heritage fabric as a rationale for his approach, he stated: In this way, Beys Mosque [as background] and the Brusa bezistan would make a fine background for the National Liberation Memorial[Figure 63].22

Serdarevi , Pravna zatita kulturno historijskog naslijedja BiH, p. 76. Original quote: Zgrada je dakle kao stvorena za pivnicu u stilu naih vinskih podruma. U tu bi svrhu mogli iskoristiti i koje na zapadnoj strani, koje se otvaraju prema Begovoj damiji. Kod takvog preuredjenja unutranjih prostorija u savremene svrhe, morali bi budno paziti, da vanjtina ne izgubi svoju historijsku vrijednost. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 93. 20 Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 137. 21 The selected artwork dealt with the themes of the revolution was done by recognised revolutionary artists. It included a sculpture of Mother and child, a scene from the National Revolution War; Ploughing, a scene from World War Two by Kostovi ; Mother by Metrovi ; Hostage, a scene from the National Liberation Struggle by Baki ; and a relief from the National Liberation War by Mujezinovi . Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, pp. 12037. 22 Original quote: Da bi te muzejske vrijednosti bile to ivotnije, elimo im dodati jo drutveno politi ke. Istodobno emo opti ki pove ati utisak oko Begove damije i Brusa bezistana sa spomenikom NOB. Ne znamo naime zato ne bi smjestili u ariju u mauzolej NOB Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, pp. 111 & 137.
19

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Figure 61: The New arija proposal: view of new artists studios above the Old Orthodox church (top and bottom left); proposed change of Gazi Husref Begs bezistan into a bar (top right); an interior of the new Town Museum to be housed in the former Sheriat (Muslim Law ) School. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 114.

Figure 62: Interior view of the proposed adaptation of Brusa bezistan. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, pp. 5657.

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Figure 63: Proposal for the New Museum of Revolution within the old Gazi Husref Begs bezistan that would include art celebrating Liberation war. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 126.

In regards to the more incontrovertibly religious buildings such as mosques, Neidhardts proposal for New arija honoured their original functions, although their independent status would have been already jeopardised by socialist policies, which insisted on supervision of religious activities. The governments strict control limited them to the most essential daily services performed exclusively inside religious buildings.23 The urban isolation proposed in the plan furthered social segregation of religious communities and enhanced the spatial terms of their marginalisation.

As well as reducing religious buildings to symbolic monuments and to properties of the state, Neidhardts project introduced an organisational principle more suited to
23

Serdarevi , Pravna zatita kulturno historijskog naslijedja BiH, p. 76. 230

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socialist rule and a Marxist view of history. Based on the belief that historical continuity was to be maintained at all costs, Bosnian history was portrayed as linear and progressive, and displayed within Ba arijas redefined boundaries.24 Low scale rows of shops, arcades and walkways wrapped around New arija, defining its new perimeter. A monumental portal marked the entrance to the precinct. Utilising the same design presented in Sarajevo and Its Satellites, the gateway was a threshold separating the Ba arija district from the Austro Hungarian quarter and opening vistas to a number of monuments on display [Figure 64].

Figure 64: The proposed gate to the Ba arija precinct. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 109.

W. Lesnikowski (ed.), East European Modernism, Architecture in Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Poland Between Wars, 19191939, Thames & Hudson, London, 1996, p. 10. 231

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Passage through this gateway would mark the beginning of a journey that demonstrated Bosnias history from prehistoric times through to the Illyrian, the Bogumil and the Bosnian Oriental, culminating in the socialist era.25 The representation of the prehistoric, the Illyrian and the Roman eras relied primarily on ancient archaeological finds categorised and displayed in the proposed museums. These objects included ceramic artefacts, mosaics, costumes and decorative elements.

The inclusion of Bogumil ste ci (gravestones) in the New arija was aimed at highlighting a period representing Bosnia as an independent state [Figure 65]. The Bosnian Bogumils resistance to both the Catholic and the Orthodox Church was, as discussed, commonly associated with the rebellious nature of Bosnians.26

Figure 65: Proposed Bogumil gravestones in the precinct. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 113.

Although the drawing of Bacarijas gateway appears as an opener to Neidhardts chapter on the New arija project, he borrowed the image from the partial analysis he made of Bacarija in the 1940s. 26 Referring to the 1950 Paris Universal Exposition, where ste ci represented the Bosnian contribution, Neidhardt stated: the world was impressed [by Bogumil heritage] they are the pride of our people [the] story of our distant and close past. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 112. 232

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Contrary to the government position in Neidhardts proposal the Ottoman period was represented through Ba arijas mosques, the existing graveyards and other urban remnants. It was to be extended by introducing restored residential houses from the suburbs and by the conservation of isolated streets that represented the craft groups that once occupied Ba arija. Deconstructing Bosnian historic legacy into its supposed constituent elements endorsed the presentation of different periods in their varying relevance to the contemporary context.

Extending the theoretical and historical discussion presented in other chapters of Architecture of Bosnia and the way Towards Modernity, Neidhardt stated:
We see in this development a consistent historical continuity: some architectural creations, having become unnecessary and anti social, will gradually die out, others will change as the new ones are being born, because they are demanded by conditions and the way of life.27

The period of Bosnias history that Neidhardt believed to be the most relevant to its current state was clearly located in the old precinct. With his focus on architectural form and not the historic context, he wrote:
Feudal social structure [of the Ottomans] and the way of life in those times have given us three fundamental architectural forms, the expression of three various functions: the oak [corner], the dome and the minaret, i.e. cube, sphere and cylinder.28

Original quote: Mi vidimo u tom razvoju logi an historijski kontinuitet: neka arhitektonska ostvarenja, kao ekonomske nepotrebna i asocijalna, postepeno izumiru, druga se transformiraju, a tre a, sasvim nova, se ra aju, jer su uslovljena novin uslovima i na inom ivota. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 322. 28 Original quote :Feudalna drutvena struktura I tadanji na in ivota dali su nam na polju arhitekture uglavnom tri elementarna oblika, koji su proizali iz triju razli itih funkcija: oak, kube i munaru. Dakle kocku, polukuglu i valjak. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, 323. 233

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Skilfully using aspects of previous arguments developed in collaboration with Grabrijan, Neidhardt reminded the reader that it was this very similarity between modern cubic form and Ottoman architecture that should be appreciated:
Here we may find origins of cubism, a predecessor to modern architecture, since these very geometrical bodies are the first letters of its alphabet. Looking at these geometrical figures in nature we automatically recognize that oriental, as well as modern architecture, is based on the contrast between the severity of geometrical bodies and the gaiety of nature.
29

Presented as pure geometric shapes of cubes, spheres and cylinders, the monuments of Ba arija were no longer connected to the past but demonstrated how the positive values of our inheritance divanhana (veranda), doksat (porch), meander etc. pass imperceptibly into modern architecture.30

Having redefined the role and function of existing buildings by stripping them of historical context, Neidhardts plan emphasised new links between isolated monuments in Ba arija. The presence of Christian and Islamic religious institutions as sparkling jewels of the past enabled a reading of Ba arija as a place where all cultures and religions were united. Numerous sketches showed views of churches and mosques in close proximity. The sketch of the entry gate showed the architecture of Austro Hungarian period located just outside the precinct of religious and historic monuments [Figure 64]. The sketches of interiors of proposed

Original quote: Upravo na ovom moemo temeljiti porijeklo kubizma likovnog pokreta prete u modernog arhitekture, jer su upravo ova primarna geometrijska tjela po etna slova njegove abecede. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, 323. 30 Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 330. Neidhardt linked his interest in a geometric and elemental approach to his time in Le Corbusiers office. For further discussion of Le Corbusiers use of primary forms see, A. M. Vogt, Le Corbusier, the Noble Savage, Toward an Archaeology of Modernism, MIT Press, Cambridge, Ma., 1998, pp. 15382. 234

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restaurant conveniently included the Orthodox Church and the minarets of Begs mosque in the background [Figure 66].

Figure 66: Interiors of proposed restaurant Aeroplane. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 294.

The plans shown and the cross section through the precinct shown in Figure 67 extend the notion of diversity further. The latter included domestic dwellings, religious buildings, the new scientific institutions and the former Town Hall, now a library, together highlighting the architectural and cultural diversity of Bacarija within the context of the city.

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Figure 67: Longitudinal section through the new Ba arija. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, pp. 12021.
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Neidhardts purpose for including all the main religious institutions was clear. By extending the area of Ba arija to the south, he incorporated the existing St Anthony (Sveti Ante) Catholic Church of the Franciscan Order, located on the left bank of the river,31 resulting in the New arija featuring buildings of all the main religious groups: the Jewish synagogue, the Catholic and Orthodox churches and the Muslim mosque. Tourists and visitors would be presented with an exceptional opportunity to see the places of worship of the main religious faiths their proximity to one another giving the impression that the socialist brotherhood and unity was based on solid cultural foundations [Figure 68].

The old Catholic church in Bacarija was burnt down in the fire of 1697. The AustroHungarians built a new Roman Catholic cathedral. St Anthony Catholic Church was designed by Josip Vanca and built in the period 191113 outside the old precinct. For further discussion of the new cathedral and Vancas designs see Kurto, Arhitektura Secesije u Sarajevu. 237

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Figure 68: Plan of the New arija proposal: A) Gazi Husref Begs mosque; B) Orthodox church; C) Jewish synagogue; D) Catholic church of St Anthony; E) new graveyard; F) Czars mosque; G) new public/cultural buildings; H) new residential area for cultural workers. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 117.

New arija objects and monuments were intended only to be viewed in relation to each other, or as backdrops to the new structures that would be introduced. The narrative established concluded with the socialist revolution, represented through modern structures and monuments throughout the precinct. The significance of the modern structures lay in their authority to mark the beginning of the socialist era as

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well as their capacity to represent the continuous development of humanity. The new structures included an amphitheatre with a stage for folkloric performances, cultural political manifestations and festivals a cinema and a number of new museums. The most prominent modern monument was the Academy of Science and Arts [Figure 69]:
At the far [western] end of the arija might be erected, as a symbol of socialist progress, a tall building which would house either the Balkan Institute or the Academy of Sciences and Art [This zone] could represent one of the finest architectural achievements in Yugoslavia.
32

Figure 69: Proposal for the Academy of Arts and Sciences of the Peoples Republic of BiH. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 113.

According to Neidhardt, the buildings designs were all based on the modern qualities of the traditional house, the scale, materials, geometric composition and

Original quote: Zato da ne zaklju imo arsiju sa takvim objektom u obliku savremene kule znanosti i smjestimo unutra orijentalni i balkanski institut ili Akademiju znanosti i umjetnosti. Koji bi se grad [u Jugoslaviji] mogao ponositit takvim profilom koji bi obuhva ao cijelu arhitektonsku klavijaturu BiH. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, pp.112 & 137. 239

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rhythm of which were all included in the architectural dictionary of Bosnian Oriental expression [Figure 70].

Figure 70: Collection of architectural elements includes ste ak; traditional house and mosques domes. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 416.

Ultimately, Neidhardts Ba arija project became an architectural synthesis of nationalist ideologies, where the heterogeneous, progressive and secular Bosnia confidently represented a socialist Yugoslavia. His modernist reading and the secularisation of Ottoman architecture responded to the Bosnian national claim of a unique culture, while representing Bosnia as an essentially multicultural state secured its position within the broader socialist and Yugoslav project [Figure 71].

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Figure 71: Images of New arija, photomontage. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, pp. 120 & 121.

Marindvor precinct and the design of socialist modernism In 1955, a national design competition called for master plan proposals for the Marindvor precinct, which included the new National Assembly;33 a team lead by Neidhardt won the competition.34 It is in this project that his interpretation of the Ottoman legacy as a tool for architecture of the new state is most clearly attempted. His proposal for a political and administrative centre of Sarajevo and the Republic of Bosnia and Hercegovina established the relevance of the Bosnian Oriental not only to the historical fabric of the city but also to new architecture.

An earlier discussion of this project was presented in D. Ali , Sarajevo and the making of monuments (19451992), in M. Ghandour, M. Labban, M. Lozanovska (eds), Sites of Recovery, The Fourth 'Other Connections Conference, Beirut, Lebanon, October 1999, pp. 1118. 34 Neidhardts assistants were architects D. eli , E. Jahi and B. Mileusni , architecture student Z. Ugljen, art consultant R. Mievi , model maker I. Komsi . The project was published in Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, pp. 40826. 241

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Neidhardts proposal included a vast range of cultural and political buildings in what appeared to be free urban organisation. The structures are, he said, by no means placed on the basis of some rigid principles but are laid out in a flexible and free manner, now on one side, now on the other, with the aim of making them the visual markers of the new areas of Sarajevo.35 In this seemingly casual spatial arrangement, the geometric volumes of cubes, spheres and cylinders housed the new activities of socialism. Uninhibited by the relationship between form and function, the buildings of the new opera, exhibition centre, radio and television centre, commercial hotel, department store and supermarkets invoked Neidhardts liking of pure geometrical forms; he stated in a discussion of his design approach that these forms were intended to represent socialist architectural aspirations: The basic idea of the project is reflected in the attempt to interconnect the ideological and urban concepts into an organic whole [Figure 72].36

Neidhardt claimed the design as an opening episode representing the new era in Bosnian urbanism:
Today we are in a fortunate position that it is easy for us to make our contribution to the altar of community We are not allowed to take a rest, but must contribute what experiences we have, to the making of a new architecture.
37

He believed the new architecture would soon transform the capital, making his ideas stand out as templates for urban success [Figure 73].

35 36

Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 416. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 427. 37 Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, pp. 1415. 242

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Figure 72: Master plan view of the new Marindvor proposal. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 414.

Figure 73: The map of Marindvor precinct and Sarajevo, drawn by Neidhardt. Dwelling complex in Yugoslav Army Street (1966 47). First [example] in the history of Sarajevo [where] the principle of a spacious meander street is applied. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 408.

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Historical continuity and progressive development of culture The site covered a large triangular area, loosely framed on one side by the main eastwest traffic route through the city; on another by the diagonal route that connects the large residential block called Marindvor at one end and the site of the new railway station at the other; and on the third side by a street aligning three existing buildings: the National Museum, the Technical School and the new railway station.38 The brief described the site as a flat area interrupted by a number of significant public buildings dating from different historical periods. These were the Natural Museum buildings, described as representing the neo renaissance style and considered by the jury to be the best example of the architecture of late Austro Hungarian period; the High Technical School, representing old urban building from the period between the world wars, and the new railway station, built during the socialist government era by Czech architects.39

The judging panel complimented the winning scheme on its successful resolution of the relationship between the heterogeneous existing buildings and the proposed new structures. Neidhardts sketches, however, hardly showed the buildings mentioned by the jury, but rather indicated his interest in relating the site to the greater city area. Presenting the city in its natural setting along the river valley, Neidhardts drawings identified different stages of its development. Its eastern end marked by the Ottoman established Ba arija is followed by the central part, developed by the AustroHungarians, and then the growing new socialist suburbs
38 39

Karli Kapetanovi , Juraj Najdhart, ivot i djelo, p. 171. Karli Kapetanovi , Juraj Najdhart, ivot i djelo, pp. 17172. 244

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that stretch towards its western end. Neidhardt remarked, If the development of Sarajevo is approached from the point of view of historical continuity then, in the line of continuity with the ancient town of guilds [Ba arija] and the later of capitalists [central part], the construction of Marindvor is an expression of the socialist society [Figure 74 & Figure 75].40

Figure 74: Source: Graphic analysis of the elements of the urban solution described through use of keywords (from top) zone; zig zag space; visual markers of heights; space; views, traffic; historic precinct; continuity; pedestrian zones and patterns; squares and city as a carpet. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 415.
40

Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 422. 245

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Neidhardts sketches presented Marindvor and Ba arija in relation to each other, despite being physically distant from each other and separated by the largest part of the city. Marindvor, he said, is representing the demarcation line between old and modern Sarajevo.41 Neidhardt disregarded the central part of the town, dating from the AustroHungarian time, as irrelevant and described it as an aberration in the development of the historic continuity of Bosnia.42 He restated his conviction that the historical mooring of his work was in the Ottoman architectural legacy

Figure 75: From top: urban solution for Marindvor precinct. Birds eye view of Manifestation square and the parliament House building. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, pp. 410 & 413.

41 42

Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 422. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 415. 246

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The building of the National Assembly The belief that the architecture of the new National Assembly building ought to represent all the people of Bosnia was at the core of Neidhardts design approach. [The assembly] house [is a house] of the whole nation and as such its symbolism needs to be recognisable to all, Neidhardt wrote in his proposal.43 His design was conceived as a cluster of three buildings: the office tower, the free shaped conference building and the horizontal administrative block [Figure 76 & Figure 77].

Figure 76: Elements of the new National Assembly buildings: tower, atrium, shells, balcony and veranda. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 417.

Figure 77: Design for the National Assembly of Bosnia and Hercegovina. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 417.

43

Karli Kapetanovi , Juraj Najdhart, ivot i djelo; p. 175. 247

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The spatial arrangements of individual buildings their volumes and shapes as well as the treatment of their elevations were all based on the relevant historical precedents.44 Neidhardt wrote, The collection of the old Bosnian architectural elements: tower, atrium, balcony, pillar hall (triem), cupolas and rustic walls served as basic elements for the composition of the design (in a modern sense).45 Accordingly, Neidhardt suggested the precedent for the administrative building was in the elongated bay window (doksat) commonly associated with the Ottoman domestic architecture [Figure 76].46

Similarly, the free shaped structure that wrapped around the two central courtyards extended the associations with domestic architecture, confirming Neidhardts belief in the unique ability of Sarajevo domestic architecture to harness an amicable relationship between modern structures and nature. With an aim of balancing the relationship between private and public, traditional and modern, Neidhardt proposed that the two meeting halls be covered with what he described as mosque like cupolas.47 In using of the dome on the grounds of its historic use in covering the mosques most important rooms the market hall (bezistan) and baths (hamam) Neidhardt confirmed his belief that any religious associations were merely a matter of the Bosnian past.48

44 45

Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 423. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 416. 46 Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 424. 47 Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 424. 48 Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 327. 248

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Neidhardts colleague Demal eli recorded that the symbolic potency of the historic forms was not lost on its audience. Appraising the Marindvor proposal, eli wrote:
In addition to the functional spaces required by the brief, the Parliament house includes a range of symbolic spaces that have emerged from our tradition: the platform for public speaking in the shape of doksat, modern atrium, domes as symbols of gathering, and finally the high tower of the new building shaped as stecak the symbol of our consciousness and resistance, on which surface our whole history is written.
49

A tentative arrangement of winding paths linked the new structures at ground level. This was meant to encourage viewers to establish free visual associations between the individual structures laid out in this open urban arrangement. Neidhardts monuments to socialism provided opportunities for people to make new associations and establish, he suggested, spiritual links with the monuments.50 He believed such links would further encourage people to engage with the site, and, ultimately, lay wreaths at its [the monuments] pedestal.51 In return, the light flooded Monument, Neidhardt wrote, will symbolise the suffering, struggle and victory of a small nation [Figure 78].52

Figure 78: People viewing the Parliament House building. Source: Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 410
49 50

Karli Kapetanovi , Juraj Najdhart, ivot i djelo, p. 364. Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 427. 51 Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 427. 52 Grabrijan & Neidhardt, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, p. 427. 249

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Following the competition, the realisation of the winning design was indefinitely postponed. The authorities justified their decision on the basis that there was a lack of funds to execute the scheme, but their subsequent actions suggested it was more a matter of Neidhardts proposal. Despite the halt the authorities requested a further development of the master plan, indicating the need for more administrative buildings. This increased rather than reduced the projects scope and was contrary to the original competition brief. Between 1955 until 1976, when yet another competition for the National Assembly building was announced, development and construction in the Marindvor area were focused on individual buildings only. The Marindvor master plan proposal was never executed in its entirety. The design of the National Assembly buildings was revisited many times and was eventually built in 197482 to Neidhardts design. Exaggerated to the size of a high rise building, this new ste ak of the National Assembly building aimed to promote the independence and strength of socialist Bosnia.

Postscript: Ba arija as a centre of collective identity Despite the difficulties and a lack of support in implementing his design proposals, Neidhardt nevertheless played a crucial role in shaping Ba arijas future.53 He assumed numerous professional and civic duties, which included an advisory role on the historical study of Ba arija by Alija Bejti that defined the overall approach to the preservation of the precinct. Titled Old Sarajevo arija, yesterday, today and tomorrow (Stara Sarajevska arija, ju e, danas, sutra), the document presented an
M. umruk i , Izrada Generalnog Urbanistickog Plana, in M. ankovi , Sarajevo u Socijalistickoj Jugoslaviji od Oslobodjenja do Samoupravljanja, 19501963, vol. 2, pp. 387559. 250
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in depth historical overview of the precinct, identifying individual monuments and structures worthy of preservation. While from a preservationist point of view Bejti s approach was inclusive and recognised the diverse historical periods of value, its focus was on preserving the historic core as distinct from enabling socialist development. This denied Neidhardts vision for the viable contribution of historical built fabric to the architecture of modern Bosnia.54

The establishment of a fund for upkeep and repairs of Ba arija (Fond for uredjenje Ba arije) in 1963 further isolated the precinct from the rest of the city. By 1968 the old arija was put under a protection order and considered an urban whole.55 In 1975, that so called problem of old Sarajevo arija was considered resolved, the Regulation Plan for Old Sarajevo arija declaring the precinct an urban entity of historic and cultural importance.56 The subsequent urban preservation treatment and polices that supported it, highlighted the importance of Ba arijas heritage.57

A. Bejti , Stara Sarajevska arija ju er, danas i sutra, Osnove I Smjernice za Regenaraciju. The list of contributors included Juraj Neidhardt, Husref Redi , Mustafa umruk i , Midhat Aganovi , Vojislav Joksimovi , Sretislav Marjanovi . The ideas presented in 1969 had been already presented in a 1962 analysis of the precinct in Program for urban development of arija (Program za urbanisti ko ure enje arije), also by Alija Bejti . 55 Focused on maintaining the existing fabric, the fund established the 1878 map of Ba arija as the reference point in defining the heritage fabric considered of collective value. The map also marked the boundaries of the funds jurisdiction. According to the archives of the Institute for Protection of Monuments of Culture for the City of Sarajevo (Zavod za Zatitu Spomenika Kulture Grada Sarajeva) the fund for the protection of Ba arija was established in 1983. For more detail see Serdarevi , Pravna zatita kulturno historijskog naslijedja BiH, pp. 5657. 56 Regulation Plan for the Preservation, Conservation, Restoration and Revitalisation of Sarajevo arija (Regulacion plan sanacije, konzervacije, restauracije I revitalizacije Sarajevske arija), Skuptina Grada Sarajeva, Sarajevo, 1975. The list of project architects includes: Alija Bejti , Demal eli , Radivoj Jadri , Juraj Neidhardt and Husref Redi . 57 M. umruk i , Izrada Generalnog Urbanistickog Plana, pp. 387559. 251

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The conceptual premises of Neidhardts theoretical approach remained in the new government promoted plans. These included a focus on the historical significance of structures, the preservation of individual historical monuments and the re creation of an historical or period appearance in new structures hence the reconstruction of small shops based on their 19th century appearance and the enhancement of precinct tourist facilities. With craft production virtually non existent, shop owners were forced to sell fake copies and craft lookalikes, the bijouterie objects of Grabrijan and Neidhardts first proposal. By the 1970s Ba arija was a place of tourist consumption and folklore [Figure 79].

Figure 79: Sarajevo, a postcard, published by Svjetlost.

According to Devad Karahasan, a writer and academic of socialist times, those urban processes made the built fabric of Ba arija representative of the socialist and secular states values. Just like in Neidhardts 1953 proposal, Ba arija represented the merging of the East and West or Christian Islamic and was

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expressive of the broader socio cultural notions of tolerance and pluralism he assigned to Bosnia. In Sarajevo, Exodus of a City, published during and in response to the 199296 war, Karahasan argued that the internal pluralism of Bosnia was reflected in the precincts built fabric. He argued that Ba arijas limited geographical size and peripheral position were the enclosures that separate and protect it from the outside world, allowing it to absorb and contain all that exists around it within its boundaries:
At Charshiya, each culture that exists in the mahalas articulates and realizes its universal component. At Charshiya the universal human values which of course exist in every culture are being realized. Business goes on there, providing the economic foundation for existence in this world, and, simultaneously, human solidarity is being expressed at Charshiya, through communication and openness among people and toward one another. For, at Charshiya, people from all the mahala spread around it, meet each other, communicate, cooperate, and live side by side. One beside the other are the shops of a new Jew from Byelave, a Muslim from Vratnik, a Croat or an Italian from Latinluk, a Serb or a Greek from Tashlihan At Charshiya, all of them are just people and Sarajevans, merchants and artisans, notwithstanding all the differences amongst them. This is why Charshiya, the city center, is at once the most interior and the most open place.58

In the context of the 199296 wars destruction of Sarajevo, these very qualities of Bosnian culture stood in startling contrast to the characteristics of the Serbian nationalist forces surrounding the city, with their intolerance towards the Other, their cultural exclusivity and their xenophobia. It is through the aesthetic values of the precinct and the architectural qualities of building designs that the memory of cultural interactions, influences and multiple narratives are not only brought

58

D. Karahasan, Sarajevo, Exodus of a City, Kodansha International, New York, 1994, pp. 89. 253

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together but transfigured and changed according to the specific sensibilities of the people and the times.

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Overview and conclusions This thesis has argued that Duan Grabrijan and Juraj Neidhardts discussion of Bosnian Oriental expression emerged from their attempts to find a place for Ottoman and Islamic heritage in the complex and contradictory nationalist discourses in Bosnia and Yugoslavia. Their model of Bosnian Oriental, as a synthesis of Islamic heritage and modernism, identified architecture as capable of negotiating diverse political agendas.

At various points, this thesis has argued, Grabrijan and Neidhardts theoretical and practical contributions to architecture and urbanism were more closely connected to the political terrain of their times than has been recognised by them or by commentators on their work. The gradual but significant changes in their attitude towards Ottoman heritage demonstrated not only their intrinsic connections to the broader political scene but their astute awareness of the changing perceptions of Bosnias Islamic past within the discourses on Yugoslav and specifically Bosnian national identities.

Chapter two argued that drawing on his years of study in Ple niks school, Grabrijan recognised the importance of cultural uniqueness to the discussion and

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construction of visions of the Yugoslav nation. Grabrijans numerous writings sought to articulate the distinctive qualities of Bosnian architectural and cultural context, which he connected to Ottoman/Islamic urban heritage. While his search for a greater recognition of this heritage was, in some ways, compromised in his and Neidhardts first urban proposal for Sarajevo, presented in Sarajevo and Its Satellites (discussed in chapter three), their work continued to be underpinned by the established importance of this historic fabric to debates on Bosnian identity. Chapter four presented their subsequent book, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, as a recognition and acceptance of the past and as an articulation of socialist Bosnia as represented in the arts and architecture.

Grabrijans analysis of the traditional house, chapter five demonstrated, became central to the transformations of the pairs theoretical agenda into an architectural discourse. Focusing on the Bosnian house, the authors argued that despite its Oriental lineage traditional Islamic built heritage was a shared heritage that transcended ethnic and national boundaries. As such, their architectural vocabulary of Bosnian Oriental, which relied upon their transformation of traditional house typology, provided the architectural vocabulary for Neidhardts most important architectural proposals. The two concluding chapters presented a discussion of these proposals: the redevelopment of Ba arija and the new socialist precinct of Marijin Dvor. It was in these projects that Grabrijan and Neidhardt were able to negotiate and unify their urban and political views.

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This thesis argues that despite the differences between Sarajevo and Its Satellites and Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity, Grabrijan and Neidhardts two major collaborative publications had much in common. Most significantly, both attempted to overcome nationalist and Marxist resistance to the regions Ottoman past. In architectural and urban terms, both explored the issues of creating a modern city and the contribution of heritage built fabric to a new Sarajevo master plan. Both proposed new visions of urban planning and, like many of their contemporaries, promoted industrialisation, efficiency and rational planning. And both advocated rationalisation combined with the essential human needs for light, comfort and hygiene as a way towards achieving better living conditions for all.1

Nevertheless, the two publications also differed significantly. The inclusion of specific Bosnian and Muslim cultural references in Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity marked the real difference between the two. It signalled the authors awareness of the political forces that rejected the Islamic past and it suggested their involvement in nationalist debates particular to 1950s Bosnia. Their discussion of local people and culture highlighted a move away from stereotypical views that connected Muslims to the greater world of Islam rather than to a specific place in time. It focused on a search for the unique qualities of the local people and culture, and highlighted their role in a developing an inclusive Bosnian culture. This vision challenged the nationalist views, which promoted an exclusive ethnic
McLeods work presents similar such ideals as underlying Le Corbusiers production. M. McLeod, Urbanism and Utopia: Le Corbusier from regional syndicalism to Vichy, PhD thesis, Princeton University, 1985. 257
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grounding of the nation. In short, Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity presented Bosnian Oriental architectural expression as capable of overcoming ethnic and national divisions.

At the same time that Grabrijan and Neidhardt were searching for historical continuity for aspects of the past that could inform the modern world they disregarded many significant elements of that heritage, or else reinterpreted them in such a way as to support dominant socialist discourse. For example, significantly secularised and stripped of their cultural complexities, the monuments and symbols that served the needs of communities were appropriated for the purposes of an ideological agenda. The realignment of built heritage and meaning illustrates that Noras concept of sites of memory (lieux de mmoire) are indeed constructed on shifting ground. Detached from the organic and emplaced reproduction of culture (milleux de mmoire), Ba arijas places of significance have, through subsequent interpretation, been influenced and informed by diverse ideological positions. Accordingly, Grabrijan and Neidhardts interpretation of Bosnias Ottoman architectural legacy became a powerful tool in promoting the socialist governments aspirations for a secularised, multiethnic and multi religious society.

In this context, the reductive nature of Grabrijan and Neidhardts formal expression and its focus on an architectural dictionary highlighted the difficulties involved in the search for architectural principles. Their work presented Muslim references but sought out traces of modernity in that heritage that transcended religious and

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historical differences. Absorbing those values within their modernist enterprise was aimed at making the modern architecture they were creating even more modern and universally human.2 By recasting their sources of inspiration in the images of the architecture they proposed to create, Grabrijan and Neidhardt underlined a disquieting quality of modernism that James Clifford has referred to in terms of its taste for appropriating or redeeming otherness, for constituting non Western arts in its own image, for discovering universal, ahistorical human capacities.3 Nevertheless, their insistence on an association between a Bosnian vernacular and Ottoman architectural legacy provided an opportunity, albeit temporarily under the socialist government, for that legacy to occupy a space within the broader architectural discourses of Yugoslavia.

Contribution: changing formations of identity This thesis broadens the understanding of Grabrijan and Neidhardts work beyond mere appreciation of their formal expression and the modernist agenda. It demonstrates that, more significantly, the success and acceptance of their ideas lay in their capacity to integrate the political into their architectural agenda. By positioning Grabrijan and Neidhardts work as a model of culture within a political framework, this thesis emphasises the importance of ideological underpinnings to artistic creation in postWorld War Two Yugoslav. As stated in the Introduction of this thesis, both Lampe and Wachtel consider the power of cultural models as

For further discussion of use of primitive art in the developing modernist agenda see J. Clifford, Histories of the tribal and the modern, in K. Pinder (ed.), Race ing Art History, Critical Readings in Race and Art History, Routledge, New York, 2002, pp. 21731. 3 J. Clifford, Histories of the tribal and the modern, p. 219. 259

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central to the construction and deconstruction of dominant political models in Yugoslavia.4 Indeed, Wachtel argues that the ultimate failure of the Yugoslav state was caused by the failure of the idea of a Yugoslav nation to bind the South Slavs into a viable nation and state.5 Further, the collapse of multinational Yugoslavia and the nationalist attempts to establish separate uninational states, he reasons, cannot be found in political and economic collapse, but in the gradual destruction of the concept of the Yugoslav nation.6 This thesis sees Architecture of Bosnia and the Way Towards Modernity as an attempt, through architectural and urban vision, to present Bosnian cultural identity as an addition to Yugoslav aspirations, not an aberration of them.

The discussion extends upon post 199296 scholarly efforts, such as those presented by Buturovi . In addition to her study of Dizdars poetry, which identified Bosnias pluralistic identity as an alternative to nationalist divisions, Buturovi s analysis of the well known novel Dervish and Death reveals the complex transformations of Islamic identity in the years of the socialist Yugoslav government.7 It demonstrates that despite the problems embedded in Bosnias lack of a unified national identity, historically the sentiments of group belonging in

Lampe, Yugoslavia as History, Twice There Was a Country; and Wachtel, Making a Nation, Breaking a Nation. 5 Wachtel, Making a Nation, Breaking a Nation, p. 5. 6 Wachtel, Making a Nation, Breaking a Nation, p. 5. 7 Buturovi , National quest and the anguish of salvation: Bosnian Muslim identity in Mea Selimovi s Dervish and Death; Buturovi , Stone Speaker; and Buturovi , Producing and annihilating the ethos of Bosnian Islam. 260

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Bosnia Hercegovina have neither been rigid nor inflammatory as their war image suggested.8

Operating in the same moment of Yugoslav socialism as the writers Buturovi investigated, Grabrijan and Neidhardt explored the embedded tensions between cultural practices and institutional demands in Bosnia. Their model of Bosnian Oriental, I have argued, offered to provide a vision of culture based on a collective and secular Bosnia, not on individual ethnic groups. By their own admission and by the perception of others, they were modern architects whose interest was not in creating national but international modern architecture. But nevertheless their work presented a powerful vehicle for the search for selfhood in the Bosnian past, present and future. By contextualising their contribution to the growing discourse on modern architecture, I have in this thesis shown the significant role architecture plays in constructing national identity. Like other cultural producers, Grabrijan and Neidhardt considered local historical conditions in terms of their potential to define a unique place for Bosnia within the larger whole of Yugoslavia.

Underpinning Grabrijan and Neidhardts contribution and significance to narrative making of Yugoslav identities were the political and social contexts of their times. I have in particular explored the relationship between their writings and the specific national debates that surrounded the development of the Bosnian community in Yugoslavia. While Grabrijan and Neidhardts vision of Bosnian Oriental included

Buturovi , Stone Speaker, p. 6. 261

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aspects of identity that Hall has argued are partially constructed in fantasy, its content was constructed within [the] discursive, material and political effectivity of the context in which the two architects operated.9 In a process bringing about a disturbing recognition of the internalised nature of identity creation and its relation to the Other, Grabrijan and Neidhardt demonstrated the importance and limitations of identity, and the presence of what is not natural but a constructed form(s) of enclosure.10

Against that background, the changing notions of the Other and the ideologies upon which they were established confirm Halls views of identity as constructed within the play of power and exclusion.11 This study has demonstrated that understanding the built fabrics ideological and symbolic role is contingent upon the specific context within which it is formulated and its meanings are negotiated. Furthermore, the Bosnian and Yugoslav identities that emerged during 199296 war confirm the importance of the temporal aspects of identity construction.

Contemporary and future relevance: war destruction and the meanings of architecture The 199296 destruction of built fabric Viable future research would relate the conclusions drawn in this thesis to discussions that have emerged following the 199296 war in former Yugoslavia. A large number of historians, independent writers and prominent thinkers in the

Hall, Who needs identity?, p. 4. Hall, Who needs identity?, p. 4. 11 Hall, Who needs identity?, p. 5.
10

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international justice system have shown a conscious link between the systematic persecution and expulsion of ethnic and religious communities and the destruction of the cultural and religious heritage associated with the targeted community.12 In that context, architectures association with a particular expression of national identity is undeniable. Despite Neidhardts attempts to separate the built fabric from an Ottoman political and social agenda, the buildings of Ba arija and the National Assembly buildings were among the first to be attacked during the recent war in Bosnia by the Serbian nationalist forces that surrounded the city. The Parliament was attacked in July 1992, during the early days of the Bosnian war [Figure 80].

A. J. Riedlmayer (principal investigator), Destruction of Cultural Heritage in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 19921996, A Post war Survey of Selected Municipalities, Cambridge, Mass., 2002, Expert report commissioned by the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (ICTY). Riedlmayers study of 392 cultural and religious sites in 19 municipalities in Bosnia presented evidence of widespread ethnic and communal violence resulting in a destruction of cultural and religious buildings of religious groups of former Yugoslavia. However, within Bosnia the Islamic heritage suffered the most. The findings show that out of the 227 Islamic mosques considered 92% were heavily damaged or destroyed. The same was true for other Islamic religious monuments such as turbes and tekkes. In its conclusion, the report states that, the Bosnian Serb destruction of Islamic and Catholic cultural heritage sites was intentional and systematic. In an attempt to formalise the procedures and position the destruction of cultural and religious heritage within the context of war crimes, the International Criminal Tribunal for former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in The Hague included architectural historian Andras Riedlmayers report on the cultural destruction in Bosnia and Kosovo in the case against the former president Slobodan Miloevi , accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity. 263

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Figure 80: The Parliament of Bosnia and Hercegovina burns after being hit by tank fire during the siege in 1992. Source: Mikhail Evstafiev (photographer), Wikipedia.

Other buildings and structures also came under attack. The Association of Bosnian Architects catalogue of urban destruction, published during the siege of Sarajevo in 1993, showed damage to all religious buildings within Ba arija.13 While most, like Gazi Husref Begs mosque and Ba arija mosque, came under attack for their obvious connection with and value to specific ethnic groups, not all buildings attacked were marked by religious symbolism.

Warchitecture ARCH, Magazine for Architecture, Town Planning and Design, special issue, no. 24, Sarajevo, June 1993, p. 9. The project was undertaken in association with other institutions and bodies, such as the Special Unit for Cultural Rescue of City Civil Defence, the architectural unit of the republican headquarters for Protection of Cultural Heritage, the Commission for Cultural Heritage Rescue and City Assembly. The subsequent exhibitions that travelled to numerous European and US cities presented under slogans such as In circumstances of general destruction, Genocide and urbicide, Where life is reduced to elementary needs, Architects maintain their creative energy and The spirit of the city passionately promoted the role of architects in the construction and protection of the city. 264

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Among the most significant structure of collective value to be attacked was the building that housed Bosnian National and University Library (former Town Hall).14 In August 1992 it was shelled with incendiary grenades until its collection was destroyed and the building almost completely burnt down. The library contained a collection of three million items, including 155,000 rare books and manuscripts, maps, the national archives, and copies of newspapers, periodicals and books published in Bosnia. It included one million volumes in the languages of the various cultures that have influenced Bosnia.15 Some 90% of the library collection went up in flames in what Riedlmayer described as the largest single act of book burning in modern history.16 As well as attracting significant international attention, the destruction of the city library had a devastating impact on the people of the besieged city.

Among trajectories to be further explored are the political forces that frame the rebuilding process of war damaged structures such as the National and University Library. Soon after the attack, the rebuilding of the Town Hall appeared to be a question of national pride of post 1996 Bosnia; its speedy and full reinstatement was symbolic of the nations recovery. Internal enthusiasm for the reconstruction of the building, as well as the library collection, was enhanced by the support of international organisations such as UNESCO and the World Bank. UNESCO Director
For further discussion of the Town Halls destruction and rebuilding see D. Ali , Ascribing significance to sites of memory, Sarajevos Town Hall, in P. Somma (ed.), At War With the City, Urban International Press, Gateshead, 2004, pp. 6586. 15 B. Bollag, Rebuilding Bosnian architecture, The Chronicle of Higher Education, 13 January 1995, pp. A35A37; Riedlmayer, Erasing the past: the destruction of libraries and archives in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Middle East Studies Association Bulletin, vol. 29, no. 1, July 1995, pp. 711. 16 A. Riedlmayer, Killing memory: the targeting of libraries and archives in Bosnia Herzegovina, Newsletter of the Middle East Libraries Association, no. 61 (Mela Notes), Fall 1994, p. 1. 265
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General Mr Federico Mayor, in his appeal for the reconstruction of the library, called on all States, international governmental and non governmental organizations, public and private institutions to participate through voluntary contributions in the form of funds equipment or services in the reconstruction of the National and University Library in Sarajevo and in the reconstruction of its collections.17

The significance of the library in the intellectual and physical context of Sarajevo seemed to have secured the Town Halls place in the city reconstruction over subsequent years (19962000). However, many other public buildings were restored while the Town Hall was only made structurally stable and protected from the weather. The expense of rebuilding, a lack of clarity about legal ownership and uncertainties about the future use of the Town Hall were all factors that contributed to the delay.18

Appeal by Federico Mayor, Director General of UNESCO for reconstruction of the National and University Library of Bosnia and Herzegovina in Sarajevo, Paris, 13 April 1994. 18 The proposals for the new use of the Town Hall varied significantly retaining the buildings previous use as the National and University Library; the Town Hall; a museum and library for rare book collections; a Monument of Inter ethnic Peace in the World etc. UNESCO report, Libraries, UNESCOs assistance to the National and University Library of Bosnia and Herzegovina, May 1998, www.unesco.org. 266

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Figure 81: Rubble in Vije nica, former Town Hall and National and University Library building. Source: D. Ali .

In assessing the cultural significance of buildings demolished, officials from the World Bank and UNESCO searched for identifiable links between the local community and the symbolic values of the monuments.19 It is in this regard that Marian Wenzel, Director of the Bosnia Herzegovina Heritage Rescue stated, Vije nica lost because it couldnt be aligned with either the Muslim nationalist SDA party or with Islam itself.20 Unlike the colonial government of Austro Hungarians and the socialist government of Yugoslavia, the new powers did not perceive the relationship between the pseudo Moorish style and the communities involved in the political negotiation for Bosnias future. Without clear links to local ethnic or religious groups, international organisations lost interest in the Town Hall and shifted their support to projects less controversial in their meanings and more
19 20

E. Barry, All the sympathy in the world hasnt rebuilt the Sarajevo Library, Metropolis, June 1999. Barry, All the sympathy in the world hasnt rebuilt the Sarajevo Library. 267

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predictable in their financial return. In the absence of a stable political context within which the buildings aesthetics could gain significance, the symbolic value of the Town Hall and other structures of Ba arija were questioned. Further investigations into the historical, political and broader cultural formations that frame the identity formation will reveal the shifting terrains upon which they are formulated. An exploration of emerging identities and their transformation in writing and architecture provide the potential for future research. While this thesis has added to ongoing debate, the complexities of the issues involved open opportunities for future research.

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