EDUCATION IN THE TURCOPHONE ORTHODOX COMMUNITIES OF ANATOLIA DURING THE NINETEENTH CENTURY

STEFO BENLGSOY

BOAZGG UNGVERSGTY

2010

EDUCATION IN THE TURCOPHONE ORTHODOX COMMUNITIES OF ANATOLIA DURING THE NINETEENTH CENTURY

Dissertation submitted to the

Institute for Graduate Studies in the Social Sciences

in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Ph. D.

in

History

by

Stefo Benlisoy

Boazii University

2010

Thesis Abstract

Stefo Benlisoy, Education in the Turcophone Orthodox Communities of Anatolia during the Nineteenth Century

From the second half of the nineteenth century onwards the Turcophony of the majority of the Orthodox population of Anatolia became to be treated gradually as an anomaly that has to be corrected. The ecclesiastic leadership of the Orthodox millet and the secular leadership of the Ottoman Greeks became increasingly more sensitive and anxious towards the dominance of Turkish in the Anatolian Orthodox communities. The present study claims that just like the Ottoman state authority, the leadership of the Ottoman Greek millet adopted a siege mentality. In this specific historical context modern education acquired an adversarial nature and educational competition fueled both state led and the non-Muslim educational endeavors.

Towards the middle of the nineteenth century a new language hierarchy emerged and consolidated. According to this new linguistic hierarchy Greek started to represent progress, advancement, prosperity and a break away from the existing backwardness. The plain Turkish that is spoken is despised and is treated as an oriental sign of

backwardness and poverty.

The present study attempts to demonstrate the complex interrelationships between different actors in shaping the educational and communal affairs of Turkish speaking Anatolian Orthodox. Rather than a homogenous entity what we find is a socially, economically, culturally, linguistically and ideologically fragmented community in which different actors tries to assert themselves and to direct this process through factional politics.

This study claims that education stopped and reversed the process of social and cultural integration of the Turkish-speaking Anatolian Orthodox to their Muslim compatriots and created a sense of Greek national identity and feeling among the younger generations. Despite the occasional expression of a local or Anatolian Orthodox conscience inside the Ottoman Greek millet, most of the time in response to defamatory arguments concerning their Turcophony, a political and cultural program that will emphasize their ethnic distinctiveness from the Rum millet in the sense of Bulgarian or Albanian examples never took hold. Until the exchange of populations the cultural and ideological program of integration to the Greek Orthodox millet/nation retained its hegemonic position and remained as the most convincing program for achieving progress and prosperity.

Tez zeti

Stefo Benlisoy, Education in the Turcophone Orthodox Communities of Anatolia During the Nineteenth Century

On dokuzuncu yzyln ikinci yarsndan itibaren Anadolu.daki Ortodoks nfusunun ounluunun Trk dilli olmas dzeltilmesi gereken bir anomali olarak deerlendirilmeye baGland. Osmanl Rum Ortodoks milletinin dini ve sekler liderlii Trke.nin Anadolulu Ortodoks cemaatler ierisindeki hakimiyetine karG giderek daha tedirgin olmaya baGladlar. Bu tez Osmanl devlet otoritesi gibi Osmanl Rum milletinin liderliinin de bir kuGatma mant benimsediklerini iddia etmektedir. Bu zgl tarihsel balamda modern eitim rekabeti bir yapya kavuGtuve eitimde rekabet hem devlet merkezli hem de gayri Mslimlerin eitim faaliyetlerini teGvik etti.

Ondokuzuncu yzyln ortalarna doru yeni bir dilsel hiyerarGi ortaya kt ve konsolide oldu. Bu yeni dilsel hiyerarGiye gre Yunanca ilerleme, geliGme, refah ve mevcut geri kalmGlktan kurtulmay temsil etmeye baGlarken konuGulmakta olan sade Trke kmsenmeye ve geri kalmGlk ve yoksulluun Garkl bir iGareti olarak

alglanmaya baGlad.

Mevcut alGma Trkdil Anadolu Ortodokslarnn eitsel ve cemaat iGlerini biimleyen deiGik aktrler arasndaki karmaGk iliGkileri gzlemeye alGmaktadr. Homojen bir birim olmaktan ziyade karG karGya bulunduumuz deiGik aktrlerin baskn olmaya alGtklar ve bu sreci hizip politikas ile ynetmeye alGtklar toplumsal, ekonomik, kltrel, dilsel ve ideolojik olarak paralanmG bir cemaattir.

Tez alGmas eitimin Trkdil Anadolu Ortodokslarnn Mslman hemGerilerine toplumsal ve kltrel entegrasyonu srecini durdurduu ve tersine evirdiini ve gen kuGaklar arasnda Yunan ulusal kimliine mensup olma hissi yarattn savlamaktadr. ou zaman Trkdil olmalar nedeniyle maruz kaldklar kk dGrc ifadelere karGlk olarak yer yer Osmanl Rum millet ierisinde lokal bir Anadolu Ortodoks bilincinin ifade edilmesine ramen Bulgar veya Arnavut rneklerindeki gibi Osmanl Rum milletinden etnik ayrlklarna vurgu yapacak bir siyasi ve kltrel program hibir zaman karGlk bulmad. Nfus mbadelesine kadar Yunan Ortodoks millet/ulusuna entegre olmaya iliGkin kltrel ve ideolojik program hegemonik konumunu korudu ve ilerleme ve refaha eriGme noktasnda en inandrc program olarak kald.

CURRICULUM VITAE

NAME OF AUTHOR: Stefo Benlisoy

PLACE OF BIRTH: Gstanbul, Turkey

DATE OF BIRTH: 03 March 1976

GRADUATE AND UNDERGRADUATE SCHOOLS ATTENDED:

Boazii University.

DEGREES AWARDED:

Master of Arts, 2002, History, Institute for Graduate Studies in the Social Sciences, Boazii University.

Bachelor of Psychology, 1999, Boazii University.

AREAS OF SPECIAL INTEREST:

Late Ottoman History, Ottoman non-Muslims, Ottoman Greeks, Labour History.

PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE:

Research Assistant, Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Gstanbul Technical University (GT), 2000-Current Date.

GRANTS:

Onassis Public Benefit Foundation Scholarship Programme Athens, September 2003June 2004.

PUBLICATIONS:

Education in the Orthodox Community of NevGehir during the 19th century Master.s Thesis, Boazii University, 2002.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I want to express my deep gratitude to all those who contributed to my dissertation. Excluding any ranking priority I want to mention the names of those even with their mere presence, let alone their concrete helps, made the writing of this study possible.

To begin with, I want to cite the names of Yorgo and Foti Benlisoy. The support and guidance of both is beyond any gratitude. My elder brother, Yorgo stood always on my side and helped me in finding and organizing the archival material that this dissertation is based upon. Foti with his insightful comments and support can be considered rightfully as the co-author of this thesis.

Some of my friends within or without the academy deserve special thanks not only for their warm support but also wise suggestions and technical support concerning the maturation of this study. Konstantina Andrianopoulou contributed almost in every aspect of the writing process. Ahmet Bekmen, BarG Alp zden, Fatma TanG, Atilla Lk, Kerem nvar, Emin Alper, Gsmet Aka, Aykut Kl and Uraz Aydn are the names that I have to cite, yet obviously mentioning merely their names is insignificant when their actual aid is considered. They facilitated my work with their friendship, personal encouragement and insightful comments.

I am grateful to my colleques and friends for their kind support in sharing the burdens of my job in Istanbul Technical University Department of Humanities and Social Sciences. Their aid enabled me to focus on my research and writing efforts.

Professor Selim Deringil and Professor Edhem Eldem teach me a lot on various aspects of social sciences and academic life. I am deeply grateful to Evangelia Balta for introducing me the rich world of Karamanlidhika studies. I have to express my gratefulness to Vangelis Kechriotis, who helped me during the entire process of writing of this dissertation. Alp Ycel Kaya also helped and encouraged me with his advices concerning the dissertation. Sia Anagnostopoulou with her friendship backed my efforts to write this dissertation by many means. I want to express my gratitude to the staff of the Center for Asia Minor Studies and especially its director Stavros Anestidis for the help they offered me in my studies. However, without any doubt and reservation, I am the only person to blame for the shortcomings and errors of this text.

Lastly, I want to thank to my mother and my father. Their assistance and backing keep me in the academy. During the last part of the writing of this dissertation my mother was struggling to overcome her illness. I have dedicated this study to them, Sophia and Lazaros Benlisoy. At least they would be happy and proud to know at last I was able to complete this dissertation.

CONTENTS

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION.................................................................................1

Learning from the Enemy...................................12

The Rise of the New Middle Class.22

The Cultural Model: The Greek Kingdom and the University of Athens..36

Ottoman Reaction: Emulation or Fear....42

Some Historiographical Aspects.52

Plan of the Study.....64

CHAPTER 2: THE EDUCATIONAL PICTURE OF THE ANATOLIAN ORTHODOX: SCHOOLS AND THEIR ADMINISTRATION........68

The Council of Elders.....................................................................................71

The School Board...........................................................................................77

Church and Education.....................................................................................82

Schools in Anatolia.......................................................................................105

CHAPTER 3: THE GREAT SCHOOL OF ANATOLIAN ORTHODOX: THE PRESS IN KARAMANLIDIKA AND ANATOLI..........................................119

Evangelinos Misailidis: The Great Teacher of the East............................128

The Future of Asia Minor.............................................................................145

The Way for progress: Education.................................................................150

Education as the Primary Mechanism in the Reacquisition of Greek.......154

Learning the Official Language.................................................................169

Defending Orthodoxy...................................................................................180

Church and Education...................................................................................193

Moral Education............................................................................................211

Our Schools Need Reform.........................................................................218

Establishing a Semi Gymnasium in Konya..................................................226

The Anatolian Rich and the Anatolian Schools230

Factionalism..................................................................................................242

CHAPTER 4: THE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY OF KAYSERI ............. ............25 4

Missionaries in Cappadocia..........................................................................260

The Monastery of John the Forerunner.........................................................277

The Rodokanakeios Theological Seminary..................................................282

The Building.323

The Students and the daily life in the school....325

Teachers....334

The Cappadocian Orphanages..340

CHAPTER 5: KINDERGARTENS IN ANATOLIA AND THE FOUNDATION OF THE KINDERGARTNERS TRAINING COLLEGE OF ZINCIDERE......344

The Establishment of Kindergartners. Training College..............................354

Management and Ideology............................................................................364

The Schools in Wartime................................................................................376

CHAPTER 6: TEACHERS IN THE SCHOOLS OF ANATOLIA: APOSTLES OF HELLENISM................380

The Association of Asia Minor Natives: Anatoli..........................................399

Abundance of Teachers.................................................................................408

Teachers. Brotherhoods................................................................................411

The Teacher as Soldier..................................................................................413

CHAPTER 7: CONCLUSION.................................................417

APPENDIX...432

BIBLIOGRAPHY.....................................................................................................442

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Public education has a prominent role in the modernization and nation building processes of the nineteenth century. Centralized, standardized and country-wide education concurrently emerged with the development of the nation-state. Both newly emerged nation states and empires striving to meet the challenges of the epoch employed education as a basic mechanism for fostering loyalty in their populations.

France of the Third Republic is considered to present the par excellence example of the case where state sponsored educational policies promoted national unification and homogenization processes. Eugen Weber in his pioneering work

describes how the centuries old, isolated rural world of French peasants disintegrated and entered to the orbit of the civilization of the cities in the last decades of the nineteenth century. Weber argues that significant portions of rural France continued to live in a world of their own until late nineteenth century. He suggests that vast parts of rural France were considered to be uncivilized, outside the influence of French civilization. They were seen as: poor, backward, ignorant, savage, barbarous, wild, living like beasts Hence they had to be brought to the orbit of civilization and had to be taught manners, morals, literacy, a knowledge of French

and of France1 Schools and schoolteachers together with the expansion of the printed word and military service played a crucial role in this process. Education was one of the major agents of change in this process of transformation and assimilation of rural France into the values of French nation-state.

1 Eugen Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen the Modernization of Rural France 1870-1914 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1976) p. 5.

2 In 1881 all fees and tuition charges in public elementary schools were abolished. While the next year enrollment to a public or private school became compulsory.

3 Weber, p. 84.

4 Ibid., p. XII.

5 Ibid., p. 303.

Weber suggests that this process was not only the result of increased accessibility of schools, introduction of compulsory and free education2 but of voluntary assimilation: [] more and more parents and children were becoming committed to integration, to Frenchification, which stood for mobility, advancement, economic and social promotion, and escape from the restrictive bonds of home.3 As Weber suggest the school was important because conditions changed, because it served new conditions, and the conditions that it helped to change were no longer local ones but national.4 That is the change in conditions turned education meaningful and profitable for rural French. Attending school began to make sense when what it taught became relevant to recently emerged and created needs and demands. For Weber people went to schools, not only because of the increased availability of them but because they were useful. Thus he sees it as a part of a total process.5

As Gardner states few images better evoke the character of nineteenth century education than that of contest or struggle.6 Mass education became one of the main battlefields in the struggle between nation states and different nationalisms especially during the last third of the nineteenth century. It was widely believed for example that the German victory over France in 1870 and its subsequent economic achievements were due to its superior state-run education system.7 In this sense elementary education acquired a close relation with the strength and well being of the nation. The school became the main mechanism of production of dutiful citizens and every school, by its nature was a machine deliberately contrived for the manufacture of citizens.8 In his study concentrating on the English elementary school, Heathorn demonstrates that the instruction in basic literacy between 1880 and 1914 provided the means for understanding the nation and more importantly one.s place within it.9 The spread of schooling promoted cultural homogeneity and standardization together with a common national/religious identity. Education increasingly became the primary instrument for rival nationalisms in creating national identifications and loyalties.

6 Philip Gardner, Literacy, Learning and Education, A Companion to Nineteenth-Century Britain, ed. Chris Williams (Blackwell 2004) p. 353.

7 While on the other hand Weber argues that it took some time to teach the [French] peasantry that Alsace and Lorraine mattered to them. Weber, p. 102.

8 Stephen Heathorn, For Home, Country and Race: Constructing Gender, Class and Englishness in the Elementary School 18801914 (Toronto: University of Toronto Pres 2000) p. 6.

9 Ibid., p. 22-3.

The Ottoman Empire the only Muslim great power, together with the Russian and Austro-Hungarian Empires tried to survive and adopt to the age of great power imperialism and the rise of nation states. In that sense Ottomans shared much with the imperial powers, which faced the challenge of the mass education of their

subjects.10 As Dowler puts it in the very beginning of his book, the main contention of multi-ethnic and multi-religious empires was concerned with the means of [ensuring] the literacy that modernity required without providing a foundation for nationalism among the colonized.11 But taking into account Weber.s suggestion that France right until the 1870.s can be seen as a colonial empire which unity was less cultural than administrative any clear cut distinction between nation-states and empires until the last decades of the nineteenth century becomes dubious. Even in Prussia, the largest state of the German Empire, where the state was promoting policies of national integration, the elementary school (Volksschule) system remained until the revolution of 1918 to be organized on confessional basis. Confessional schooling for the Catholics and Protestants was the dominant form of elementary education and attempts to introduce interconfessional schools had limited success. Another great concern of the state officials was the education in the Polish-speaking areas of the Prussian state. There schooling was spread by the state in order to Germanize the Polish population.12 Thus on the one hand, in the widest European context mass education and literacy were perceived as major tools of instilling the

10 Tilly defines an empire as a composite polity linked to a central power by indirect rule. The imperial center according to Tilly exercises some military and fiscal control over its domain but tolerates the establishment of particular compacts for each segment of its domain and exercise power

through intermediaries who possess considerably autonomy in their respective domains. See Charles Tilly, How Empires End, in After Empire Multiethnic Societies and Nation-Building, ed. By Karen Barkey & Mark von Hagen, Westview press: Colorado 1997, p. 3. While Hobsbawm in the same volume distinguishes at least four types of empires of the last two centuries. These are 1) the colonial empires of the imperialist period; 2) the traditional empires of Europe; 3) the USSR and 4) the traditional empires of Asia. E. J. Hobsbawm, The End of Empires, in After Empire Multiethnic Societies and Nation-Building, ed. By Karen Barkey & Mark von Hagen, Westview press: Colorado 1997, p. 12.

11 In his study, Dowler explores the ways the Russian empire tried to handle the matter of elementary level schooling of non-Russians through concentrating on the Il.minskii method that was introduced for baptised Tatars, pagans and recently Islamized groups like Kazakhs. Wayne Dowler, Classroom and Empire The Politics of Schooling Russia.s Easter Nationalities, 18601917 (Montreal: McGillQueen.s University Press, 2001).

12 Marjorie Lamberti, State, Society & The Elementary School in Imperial Germany, (New York: Oxford University Pres, 1989).

ideas of loyalty to the state and nationality, while on the other hand as a mechanism that could enable the spread of an awareness of cultural, linguistic and national diversity.

The Ottoman Empire followed contemporary world trends in its educational policies.13 But contrary to the idealized Western model, the processes of secularization and rationalization of Ottoman education did not create a single corpus of secular Ottoman education but many secular educations parallel to the central one.14 State sponsored and controlled school system that developed during the nineteenth century was unable to become a center of attraction for non-Muslim communities and acquire an interdenominational character. Therefore, non-Muslim students in the primary level of state education remained to be an extremely rare phenomenon and nearly everyone including the governing bureaucracy considered Ottoman state schools as Muslim schools.15 This state of affairs was consolidated even more during the reign of Abdlhamid II in which a synthesis between Islamism and modernization was attempted in cultural and institutional levels, including the

13 Selim Deringil, the Well-Protected Domains Ideology and the Legitimation of Power in the Ottoman Empire, 1876-1909, (London: I.B. Tauris, 1998), p. 110.

14 Athanasia Anagnostopoulou, Tanzimat ve Rum Milletinin Kurumsal erevesi 19. Yzyl stanbul'unda Gayrimslimler, ed by Pinelopi Stathis, (Gstanbul : Trkiye Toplumsal ve Ekonomik Tarih Vakf, 1999), p. 17.

15 But there were also some inspired attempts to integrate Muslim and non-Muslim education like the reform project of Midhat PaGa that he tried to implement when he was governor of the Danube Province between 1864 and 1868. Midhat believed that education has an utmost importance in creating a common Otoman identity and sought to introduce mixed schools were both Muslim and Bulgarians could be educated together. But his reform attempts met fierce resistance from the majority of Bulgarian community and indifference of the central government. Midhat.s short term in the province did not allow the implementation of the project but we can speculate that even his approach was rather late to halt the development of nationalism and seperatism in the Bulgarian community. For more information see Diana Karabinova, A Late Attempt to Find an Integrative Approach

through Common Secular Education: Midhat PaGa as Governor of the Danube Province (1864 1868), International Congress on Learning and Education in the Ottoman World stanbul 12 15 April 1999 Proceedings, (Gstanbul: Ircica, 2001), pp. 237-246.

public education system.16 These educational systems reproduced the ethno-religious differences of the different communities of the empire in the age of nationalism by molding them according to the principles of nationalism. Thus contrary to the educational experiments of the Western great powers, wherein education served as the primary mechanism of national integration, homogenization and cultural standardization, different educational policies and endeavors constituted a mechanism of introversion within the Ottoman context.17 Fatma Mge Gek emphasizing the divisive nature of Ottoman education explicates that the importance of Western-style education in the Ottoman Empire lies in the fact that despite its uniting traits as expected, it deepened the differences between the segments of society and transformed them into chasms. The Ottoman educational system, according to Gek, was very influential in the production and reproduction of different Ottoman bourgeois visions.18 These different societal visions were created in the Western-style missionary and non-Muslim state schools. In a similar way Kieser argues that from the Tanzimat reforms onwards both the millet and the missionary schools contributed to the creation of a social differentiation between the Muslim and non-Muslim populations because they produced new thinking modes, career possibilities and operation spaces for the Christians of the empire and thus these institutions contained an explosive element.19

16 See Seluk AkGin Somel, The Modernization of Public Education in the Ottoman Empire, 18391908 : Islamization, Autocracy, and Discipline, (Leiden ; Boston : Brill, 2001), p. 4-5.

17 Herve Georgelin, ...... ... ... .............. ... .... ........... (Smyrna from cosmopolitism to the nationalisms), (Athens: Kedros, 2007).

18 Fatma Mge Gek, Rise of the Bourgeoisie, Demise of Empire: Ottoman Westernization and Social Change, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), p. 140.

19 Hans-Lukas Kieser, Iskalanm Bar Dou Vilayetleri.nde Misyonerlik, Etnik Kimlik ve Devlet 1839-1938, (Gstanbul: GletiGim Yay., 2005), p. 352.

The Ottomans shared the optimism that modern-style education was a panacea for the shortcomings and illnesses of modern societies. This optimism for the potentials of education was further strengthened in many non-Western societies by the belief that Western supremacy stemmed from their educational achievements. Expanding and developing the school system seemed to provide an opportunity to catch up with the West.20

20 Benjamin C. Fortna, Imperial Classroom Islam, the State and Education in the Late Ottoman Empire, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), pp. 43-4.

21 Deringil, 1998, pp. 9-10.

22 Ibid., p. 10.

In the course of the nineteenth century the Ottoman state permeated levels of society that it had never reached before. Deringil argues that this created new strains

on society leading to a legitimation crisis in the relationship between monarch and his subjects. This legitimation crisis was also relevant in the international arena. Thus the Ottomans found themselves increasingly obliged to assert and reassert their legitimate right to existence as a recognized member of the Concert of Europe.21 Deringil emphasizes that the state apparatus employed fine tuning. with regard the population of the empire. Fine tuning involved the meticulous inculcation, indoctrination, enticing, frightening, flattering, forbidding, permitting, punishing or rewarding.22

A crucial factor in the Ottoman case of education that reinforced attempts of expanding and developing the school systems was the threat posed by various actors that operated in this field. Both the state system of education and different educational initiatives of the non-Muslim communities can be considered as responses to the threats posed by adversaries who seemed better organized and well funded. Thus, the basic purpose of the educational policies of the Ottoman state and

of the different millets was to civilize and integrate peripheral groups into religious and national entities. Therefore, along with the dissemination of literacy, Western scientific knowledge, social and economic skills that were necessary in order to benefit from the new socioeconomic conditions, educational endeavors embodied conscious attempts of disciplining, controlling and integrating peripheral/marginal groups.

The reign of Abdlhamid II witnessed the implementation of the premises of the Regulation of Public Education (1869), especially in the provincial level. Unlike the previous Tanzimat period the emphasis of Hamidian educational policy was not the secondary and professional schools but the elementary level schools. The increased emphasis on Islamic content of curriculum was another feature of the age. The Hamidian educational policy had two dimensions with regard to non-Turkish Muslim groups. On the one hand the educational policy towards the sedentary populations who had been integrated into the political structure of the empire aimed strengthening political loyalty to the Sultan-Caliph and expanding the knowledge of Turkish. While the linguistic Turcification of Albanians and Pomaks was also aimed. The second dimension of the educational policy was targeted the tribal and nomadic or non-Sunni groups and aimed at strengthening the feelings of loyalty towards the Caliph-Sultan and the Sunni Ottoman state. The inculcation of notions of order, discipline and material progress to these peripheral population groups was another target.23 The attempt of the Ottoman state to integrate and to foster an allegiance to the empire among the Arab and Kurdish tribes through providing education for the

sons of leading tribal notables in the Airet Mektebi provides a good example of this

23 Somel, 2001, p. 11-2. For the effort made in the Hamidian period to spread Hanefi-Sunni orthodoxy through official proselytization see Deringil, 1998, pp. 68-92.

effort.24 As Deringil states, the project of Ottoman education policy was to reinforce the ideological legitimacy of a social order which felt increasingly threatened by changing world conditions.25

24 Eugene L. Rogan, AGiret Mektebi: Abdulhamid II.s School for Tribes (1892-1907), International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol. 28, No. 1 (Feb., 1996), 83-107 & Deringil, 1998, pp. 101-104.

25 Ibid., p. 107.

26 Ussama Makdisi, Ottoman Orientalism, The American Historical Review, Vol. 107, Issue 3, (June 2002): 768-796.

27 Ussama Makdisi, Rethinking Ottoman Imperialism: Modernity, Violence and the Cultural Logic of

Ottoman Reform, In The Empire in the City: Arab Provincial Capitals in the Late Ottoman Empire, edited by Jens Hanssen, Thomas Philipp and Stefan Weber, 29-48. Beirut: Ergon Verlag Wrzburg In Kommission, 2002. p. 30. For Ottoman Orientalism see also Christoph Herzog & Raoul Motika, Orientalism alla turca.: Late 19th / Early 2th Century Ottoman Voyages into the Muslim Outback., Die Welt des Islams, New Series, Vol. 40, Issue 2, Ottoman Travels and Travel Accounts from an Earlier Age of Globalization (Jul., 2000), pp. 139-195.

Recently there is an increase in scholarly works that analyze the Ottoman reform and modernization attempts through employing the conceptual framework of post-colonial debate. Selim Deringil is one of the first scholars who emphasized how the Ottoman elite internalized European representations towards its subjects. Ussama Makdisi employs the term Ottoman Orientalism by extending Edward Said.s analysis to describe how Ottomans represented their own Arab periphery. Makdisi sees Ottoman Orientalism both as an act of resistance to Western imperialism and at the same time as a project for power. For him while resisting Western political and colonial encroachments they implicitly embraced West.s self definition and its representation of the East. Thus, while on the one hand they adopted the temporal discourse of the West, they orientalized, that is created their own Orient within the empire, in their peripheries.26 In the same line Makdisi argues that the Tanzimat era

inaugurated the birth of a distinctive Ottoman imperialism, which he describes as a set of imperial practices and discourse which were premised on the need to induct forcibly supposedly recalcitrant peripheries into an age of modernity.27 Employing

28 Makdisi, 2002.

29 Selim Deringil, .They Live in a State of Nomadism and Savagery.: The Late Otoman Empire and the Post-colonial Debate, Comparative Studies in Society and History, July 2003, pp. 311342.

30 See for example Eugene Rogan.s book in which he describes how the Otoman state rather sucessfully incorporated Otoman Transjordan to its core administration through employing these mechanisms. Eugene L. Rogan, Frontiers of the State in the Late Otoman Empire: Transjordan, 18501921 (Cambridge, 1999).

the terminology of the anthropologist Johannes Fabian, Makdisi argues that at the heart of European colonialism was the denial of coevalness. For Makdisi the relationship between the Ottoman center with its Arab provinces reminds that of the European powers with their colonies. For him the Arab provinces became the proof

for Ottoman modernity. That is, borrowing a Lacanian term, the periphery became the constitutive other of the center. The Ottoman reformers saw themselves in the same temporal moment with the modern West by denying from their periphery the co-evalness. The peripheries had to be saved from western political encroachments but they also had to be disciplined, educated, civilized and Ottomanized, that is temporally integrated to the Ottoman modernity and civilization.28

Deringil employs the term borrowed colonialism to describe the process where in the course of the nineteenth century the Ottoman elite adopted the discourse of imperialism and started to conceive their periphery as a colonial setting. Thus, the Ottomans adopted this logic as a survival strategy in an increasingly alien and hostile world. The Ottoman state bureaucracy adopted almost a civilizing mission in relation to its periphery.29 Looking from this perspective the entire Ottoman modernization enterprise is an attempt to incorporate the periphery through reformed administration, schools and railways. The mechanisms of taxation, conscription and schooling, just like in Europe were employed in order to permeate to levels in society which previously did not and penetrate to the lives and minds of the subject people.30

31 Fortna, 2002, p. 43.

32 Ibid., p. 45.

33 Ibid., p. 47.

34 Anastasia N. Karakasidou, Fields of Wheat, Hills of Blood Passages to Nationhood in Greek Macedonia 1870-1990, (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1997): 77-78.

In his recent published book on educational endeavors of the Ottoman state in the Hamidian era, Benjamin C. Fortna claims that the late Ottoman educational endeavor, like its counterparts around the world in the nineteenth century was fueled by both hope and fear.31 For him, Ottoman education was a conscious response to the situation on the ground in Ottoman provinces that appeared increasingly

vulnerable to encroachment from a variety of actors: missionary, neighboring propagandists and the empire.s own minority groups.32 Fortna demonstrates that, especially throughout late nineteenth century, Ottoman schooling effort was strongly influenced by a sense that the empire was under siege from a host of threats. The Ottoman state faced many competitors within the field of education: Western missionaries, neighboring states and indigenous non-Muslim communities.33

This competitive milieu in the field of education was also relevant for the non-Muslim communities of the empire. According to Karakasidou the different nationalisms in the Empire were essentialist in their character and rhetoric. While stressing the innate and primordial characteristic of their nationality they Orientalized their adversaries. Each nationalism propagated that it possesed progressive capacities and that.s why deserved a better social and political role in the administration of the Empire and European support.34 The advancement of education served as one of the primary indicators of the capacity of a certain ethno-religious group for achieving progress and attaining civilization. Western missionaries, the most formidable educational adversary, posed the greatest threat to the non-Muslims.

These were preferred because they furnished their pupils with the knowledge of Western languages, cultural skills and practical knowledge that were seen critical for occupational mobility.

Learning from the Enemy: Missionary Education and the Reaction of the Patriarchate

The Ecumenical Patriarchate saw itself until the very end of the Empire as the highest authority in educational matters of the Ottoman Greek Orthodox. It legitimated its claim through the privileges granted to it by Mehmed the Conqueror. During the centuries following the conquest the Patriarchal Academy in Istanbul or different monasteries like those of Mount Athos provided the highest educational opportunities for an Orthodox living in Ottoman lands.35

35 Steven Runciman, The Great Church in Captivity: A Study of the Patriarchate of Constantinople from the Eve of the Turkish Conquest to the Greek War of Independence, Cambridge University Press: 1968.

36 For the Phanariot complex of political networks in the Ottoman governance see Christine M. Philliou, Worlds, Old and New: Phanariot Networks and the Remaking of Ottoman Governance in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century(Unpublished PhD Thesis, Princeton University) November 2004, pp. 19-89.

This picture gradually changed in the eighteenth century when a new class of wealthy traders and administrators, the famous Phanariots influenced by the ideas of western rationalism and Enlightenment sponsored lay education and opened new academies in the Danubian Principalities which they governed or in other parts of the Empire.36

But the primary reason behind the Patriarchate.s increasing interest in educational activities was the threat posed by missionary activities on its flock. In a

social formation in which the alienation of a person from his/her ethno-religious group consist a major threat to the unity of the whole community, the spread of missionary educational work aiming to socialize its students in an entirely different set of values becomes one of the main threat to the existing order of the specific community.

The Protestant missionaries of American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM) had reached Eastern Mediterranean at the turn of the nineteenth century, while the first Protestant missionaries reached in Anatolia in 1820 when Pliny Fisk and and Levi Parsons landed in Izmir. Despite this rather late beginning of the Protestant missionaries, their relief, welfare and especially educational and publishing activities considered being a much more formidable adversary than the much older Catholic missions for the established Orthodox ecclesiastic hierarchy and the existing community order. This was so because of the nature and the content of the education provided by the Protestant missionaries. The emphases given by the Protestant missionaries to the education in mother tongue and the spoken language37, to the positive sciences, to mass literacy, to practical education and especially to girls. education were considered pretty much revolutionary initiatives.38 In theory every applicant to membership in the Protestant

37 The comment of George E. White is important in describing the situation in non-Muslim education prior the missionaries: It was said that when the early American vanguard arrived there were few

schools in the Empire in which a spoken. language was studied at all. [] Schools of the Christian communities, [] emphasized the classical languages and literature of by-gone ages, which were sealed books to the common people. There were practically no periodicals published, circulated or read, and the results of the rudimentary school systems were pathetic. Edward George White, Adventuring with Anatolia College, (Grinnell, Ia. : Herald-Register Pub. Co., 1940) p. 9.

38 Even KocabaGolu who in his work about the American missionary schools in Anatolia sees the work of the missionaries as primarily instrumental, serving primarily the political and economic interests of USA for increasing their hegemony in the region, accepts that their liberal and participatory educational methods, their emphasis on girls. education and employment of far superior educational instruments were quite revolutionary for the period. See Uygur KocabaGolu, Anadolu.daki Amerika Kendi Belgeleriyle 19. Yzylda Osmanl mparatorluu.ndaki Amerikan Misyoner Okullar (Gmge Kitabevi: Ankara 2000).

39 Mr. Farnsworth.s comments about the changing attitude of the population of Kayseri towards their work in 1856 amply demonstrates their emphasis on individual choice: The people seem to be learning the fact that each one must choose for himself alone. Formerly they appeared to think that the masses were to be led to the Savior, or at least to the gospel by others; just as they have always been led by their priests and bishops. The remark has often been made, If such a priest or such an influential man would come out, half the city would be Protestant.. Thinking for themselves, and choosing for themselves, is quite new; but the people begin to see that it is their privilege and their duty, and we rejoice to see them acting accordingly. Coming thus, they are able to act with some independence, and to exhibit some strength of character in time of trial. The Missionary Herald, January 1857, p. 17.

40 Effi Gazi, Revisiting Religion and Nationalism in The Making of Modern Greece Nationalism,

Romanticism, and the Uses of the Past (1797-1896), ed. Roderick Beaton & David Ricks (Ashgate: London 2009) p. 99.

church had to be able to read the Bible in his/her vernacular. The missionaries attached great importance to the individual pursuit of knowledge, where they stressed a sense of critical attitude towards established authorities together with a general democratic and liberal code of conduct.39 Obviously, these qualities of the education provided by Protestant missionaries not only entailed a theological threat like the Catholic one but also implied a challenge to traditional hierarchical values and a threat to the existing social order. The Protestant missionaries believed that through education and the formation of new generations devoid of prejudices and superstitions, it would be possible to reform the Orthodox Church internally and achieve its gradual Protestantization and transforming the nominal. Christians into enlightened. Christians.

In the beginning up until the 1830s the Patriarchate seemed to be rather tolerant towards missionaries. This is because at that time the common enmity against the Catholics seemed to prevail. In this context the educational initiatives of missionaries, especially those concerning the education of girls were welcomed and observed closely.40 In this period the missionaries did not intend the formation of a

separate Protestant churches but aimed the internal reformation of the eastern churches by their members. But after that short period the efforts of missionaries met

fierce resistance and hostility by the ecclesiastic hierarchies and those related with Protestants were excommunicated.41 This frustration and stiffening lead to the establishment of Protestant churches from 1846 onwards.

41 Paulina Nasioutzik, ........... ....... ... ...... ... 19o ..... . ......... ... ............. ...... .. ... ........ (American visions in Smyrna in 19th century: The confrontation of the Anglo-Saxon thought with the Greek) (Athens: Estia 2002) pp. 205233.

42 The comments of Dr. Riggs in 1869 who at that time was preoccupied with editing a revised edition of the Bulgarian Bible and harmonizing the Armenian, Armeno-Turkish and Bulgarian translations reveal the radically different attitude of the missionaries of the Board from the Eastern Churches concerning the usage of different languages in Holy Scriptures and what.s more the relation between the Holy texts and the believer: The blessed words of Inspiration have the same convincing, converting, edifying, and comforting power in one language as in another. And the words of other tongues are just as sweet to the nations who use them as those of our own to us. It is a matter of thanksgiving and praise that so large a portion of the human race have now the Scriptures translated

and accessible in their own tongues wherein they were born. The Missionary Herald, May 1869, p. 158. The emphasis on local languages naturally led the Protestant missionaries on the side of the Bulgarians and their struggle to replace the Slavic instead of the Greek in their churches, constituting another factor of friction between the Patriarchate and the missionaries. See for example The Missionary Herald, March 1861, pp. 68-69.

The translation of the Scriptures in different spoken languages of the Eastern Mediterranean and the great publishing activity of the Protestant missionaries was also creating a great concern since these activities were considered to reinforce centrifugal tendencies inside the Othodox church.42 For example it is well known that the American missionaries contributed greatly to both the development of a standardized Bulgarian script and in basing the national language on the dialect of Thrace and eastern Macedonia through publishing the first books and journals like the weekly Zornitsa (Morning Star). The missionaries also preached in the vernaculars of their congregations which caused further anxiety in the Orthodox ecclesiastic establishment.

These educational and publishing activities of the missionaries forced the Patriarchate to engage in educational affairs more energetically in order to save its

flock from foreign encroachments. Similarly this reaction as Effi Gazi states does not mean that Protestant morals and practices were entirely dismissed by the Orthodox

Church. Instead in many cases these penetrated and adapted in Orthodox contexts and sections of the clergy adapted certain Protestant values and attitudes like moral individualism and the use of the spoken language for the improvement of faith.43

43 Gazi, 2009, p. 101.

44 Deringil, 1998, pp. 112-5.

45 Betl BaGaran, American Schools and the Development of Ottoman Educational Policies During the Hamidian Period: A Reinterpretation, International Congress on Learning and Education in the Ottoman World stanbul 12-15 April 1999 Proceedings, (Gstanbul: Ircica, 2001), pp. 185-205. the [Ottoman] government revised the programs of [] schools by adding new courses on crafts and agriculture like those offered in most American schools, and also by increasing the number and duration of classes on religion and ethics. p. 205.

This dual nature of relationship was also relevant between the Ottoman state schools and the American missionary schools. Deringil argues that the missionaries and their educational endeavors posed the greatest challenge in the long term to the legitimacy of the Ottoman state among its subjects.44 The schools and other services provided by ABCFM were for the most part far superior to those of the state. Abdlhamid II had a great mistrust towards especially the Protestant missionaries who saw them as accomplices of the separatist national movements of the non Muslim and especially of revolutionary Armenian movements. His policy of promoting Sunni Islam among his subjects and his Hanefi counter missionary strategy conveyed a strong dosage of anti-Protestantism and in the dominant ideology missionaries assumed the role of scapegoat for the misfortunes that the state faced. To counter this threat the Ottoman administration, especially in the Hamidian era on the one hand tried constantly to restrict and eliminate the influence of the missionary schools (especially of the Americans), while on the other it was influenced and inspired greatly from missionary education in its educational reform policies.45

The Ecclesiastic and Spiritual Central Committee, established by Patriarch Gregory VI (1835-1840) in 1836, was the first institutionalized official organ of the Patriarchate for the coordination, control and supervision of the educational affairs of the Orthodox community.46 Mamoni interprets the establishment of the committee as the first organized reaction against especially the Protestant missionaries.47 The members of the Spiritual Committee consisted of three clerics presided by the Patriarch.

46 S. Ziogou-Karastergiou, .. ........... ..........., . ......... ........ ... . .......... ... ...... .......-.....: 1830-1914 (The Eucumenical Patriarchate, the Ottoman Administration and the Education of the Nation, Text-Sources 1830-1914) (Athens: Adelphon .yriakidi .. .., 1998), p. 26.

47 Kyriaki Mamoni, . .......... ......... ... ... . ............. ......... ... ........ ............ ... ........ ...... ... ... ...... .......... (Patriarch Gregorios the 6th and the Karamanlidika Translation of the Orthodox Teaching. of Platon of Moscow by Paisios of Kayseri), ...... ....... ............. ......., Vol. 7, 1988-1989: 129-140.

During the last quarter of the nineteenth century, education -at least its primary level- ceased to be a privilege of the Ottoman Greeks who lived in the greater urban centers and those possessing the necessary means to support the cost of this relatively expensive commodity. A certain amount of education and participation to a certain school life for several years became a common experience of Ottoman Greek children in the first decade of the twentieth century. Obviously the duration of education continued to depend on the social status, class and gender to which one belonged. As will be evaluated in the following chapters, the late Ottoman society considered as the natural order of things for different classes and sexes to have different educational needs. Thus, the education provided to them had to be quantitatively and qualitatively different in nature. But nevertheless education increasingly spread to the segments that had limited resources and to communities

that were geographically isolated.48 For these lower classes education increasingly meant greater opportunity for occupational mobility, which implied a move into more skilled and more respected jobs than heavily manual jobs. This impressive development of the education of the Ottoman Greeks in Anatolia was attested by contemporary observers. For example, according to Ramsay, the strongest quality of Greeks of Anatolia and their greatest achievement in the world was due to their love for education and their careful provision for it in their cities [that is] greater even than their art, their poetry, or their science.49

48 Gerasimos Augustinos, Kk Asya Rumlar (Ankara: Ayra, 1997), p. 278.

49 W. M. Ramsay, Impressions of Turkey During Twelve Years. Wanderings (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1897), p. 258.

50 Cited in Fortna, 2002, p. 74 () bundan baka herbir cemaat-i maarif ve hiref ve sanyie dir millete mektepler yapmaa mezun olup fakat bu makule mektib-i umumiyyenin usl-i tedrisi ve

muallimlerin intihab zas taraf- hnemden mansub muhtelit bir meclis-i maarifin nezaret ve teftii tahtnda olmas () cited in Anagnostopoulou, 1999, p. 17.

The real change in the educational affairs of the Ottoman Greeks was brought from the 1860s. onwards. The influence of the 1856 Imperial Edict that accepted the equality of Muslims and non-Muslims, the establishment of the Permanent National Mixed Council of the Rum millet were all developments that greatly enhanced the educational initiatives taken by the communities. The Imperial Edict had confirmed the right of every community to establish and organize its schools: Every community [has the right] to establish public schools of science, art, and industry. Only the method of instructions and the choice of professors in the schools of this shall be under the control of a mixed council of public instruction, the members of which shall be named by my sovereign command.50

This was a period when the non-clerical element of the Orthodox community began to be involved more actively in the community affairs, starting from the

Permanent National Mixed Council. Obviously, especially the guilds (..........) of the capital had exerted an important influence both in the election of Patriarchs and in financing the Patriarchate. But their influence diminished greatly, especially after the middle of the century when liberalization of the Ottoman economy led to their gradual decline and the rise of a new professional middle stratum that forced its hegemony and discourse to the rest of the millet and the church. Despite the preservation of Patriarch.s authority over educational matters, it was forced to accept the increased intervention of the secular members of its community, especially after the reforms of 1860.s that led to the establishment of the Permanent National Mixed Council. Through the General Regulations and the establishment of the National Mixed Council the participation of laymen to the affairs of the community became officialized.51 For Anagnostopoulou, two questions appeared in this period. One was the determination of the content of education and the other concerned the authority that was going to decide about this content and become its carrier.

51 See Roderic Davison, Reform in the Ottoman Empire, 1856-1876, (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1963).

In 1873 the Holy Synod and the Permanent National Mixed Council decided the establishment of the Central Educational Committee of the Patriarchate that

replaced the previously mentioned Ecclesiastical Committee. This Committee also included three lay members. According to its regulation, two of its three lay members came from the Hellenic Literary Society of Constantinople. The Committee, as described in its regulations, was the supreme authority representing the Patriarch in matters of education in the area that was under the jurisdiction of the Ecumenical throne. The Committee was responsible for the establishment of schools, approval of the teaching books, appointment and dismissal of teachers, confirmation of the

composition of the school boards, approval of analytic programs, and supervision of the educational work. The Committee tried to organize a network of communication between center and periphery via the metropolitans. Through the establishment of the Committee the Patriarchate aimed at the tactical, complete and uniform education of the youth and to control, supervise and confirm the teaching material.52

52 Ziogou, pp. 27, 34-5.

53 ............. ......., 13 November 1892, vol. 37, pp. 295-296.

After the end of the first phase of the question of privileges in 1891 the Patriarchal Central Educational Committee renewed its regulation. In its new regulation the Committee enhanced its supervisory role in educational matters involving the Orthodox of the Empire. Thus in its ninth article its stressed that according to the government circular of 22 Cemaz-lahir 1308 and the National Regulations it oversees the Orthodox schools, the school boards, the teachers, the school books, the instructed material and everything related to education.53

One of the primary concerns of the Committee was providing uniformity and

integrity to the education of communities that presented so many differences. The composition and establishment of a uniform teaching program for primary education remained the dominant theme that preoccupied the Committee. The regulative interventions of the Patriarchate concerned directly the schools of the primary level and the first cycle of the secondary education. The gymnasiums followed the lines of functioning of those of the Greek Kingdom and had as their basic aim the acquisition

of equivalence with the gymnasiums of Greece through the consent of the National University of Athens.54

54 Ziogou, p. 28. The great majority of the schools established in Asia Minor were in the primary level. According to Chassiotis among the 665 community schools in Asia Minor in 1878, 571 were in the primary level. Augustinos, p. 252.

55 Sia Anagnostopoulou, The Terms Millet, Genos, Ethnos, Oikoumenikotita, Alytrotismos in Greek Historiography, The Passage from the Ottoman Empire to the Nation-States, (Gstanbul: The Isis Press, 2004), pp.37-55.

56 An important aspect of her article is how both authority figures recovered and made references to old symbols of periods of glory and activated traditional symbolisms in order to emphasize continuity with imperial and sacred tradition. Anastasia Anagnostopolou, 2004, pp. 44-7. For the symbolism of

power in the Hamidian era see Deringil, 1998, pp. 16-43; Selim Deringil, The Invention of Tradition as Public Image in the Late Ottoman Empire, 1808 to 1908, Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 35, No. 1 (Jan., 1993), 3-29.

It is worth noting that both the Ottoman government and the Patriarchate tried throughout the century to consolidate and expand their authority over their increasingly fragmented power basis through employing similar mechanisms, above all through centralizing and restructuring the institutional framework of the exercise of power. In the field of education both hegemonic entities tried to develop mechanisms that would enable them to expand, homogenize, unify and integrate their educational networks. Anagnostopoulou argues that the Patriarchate was sharing in principle an Ottoman imperial ideology which it [was] transcribing into the Orthodox and then into the Greek context.55 She compares the Greek Orthodox ecumenicity of Patriarch Joachim III (1878-1884 and 1901-1912) and the Ottoman Pan-Islamism of Abdlhamid II as examples of nationalization of religious communities. She demonstrates that the nationalization of the sacred community, that is the development of an Ottoman Islamic patriotism found its exact analogies in the Christian orthodox genos [race] in the discourse of Patriarchate and the Hellenization of the ecumenicity of the Patriarch.56

The Rise of the New Middle Class57

57 For a comparative and diachronic analysis of the European middle classes see Jurgen Kocka, The Middle Classes in Europe, The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 67, No. 4. (Dec., 1995), pp. 783806.

58 "I ton grammaton kai epistimon kalliergia kai i ana Anatolin diadosis afton". Tatiana Stavrou, O En Konstandinoupoli Ellinikos Filologikos Sillogos - To Ypourgion Pedias tou Alitrotou Ellinismou (The Hellenic Literary Society of Constantinople The Ministry of Education of the Unredeemed Greeks), (Athens: 1967), p. 63. On the history of EFSK see also George A. Vassiadis, The Syllogos Movement

As stated above, during the nineteenth century, the lay members of the Orthodox millet asserted themselves increasingly and demanded a greater share in community

affairs, including education. One area where these demands were expressed was in the rapid establishment of many voluntary associations with charitable and educational purposes. The rapid expansion of educational and philanthropic voluntary associations was a widespread phenomenon in the nineteenth century Europe. Middle class moralists especially in Victorian Britain propagated in favor of the establishment in order to preserve the social order, property against the urban poor. Hence, in a sense the formation of such associations in the Ottoman context can be regarded as an extension of this phenomenon.

Reforms and attempts at Westernization had created an appropriate environment for the foundation of different societies that had a cultural and educational orientation, by the Ottoman Greek communities. The Hellenic Literary Society of Constantinople (EFSK), established in 1861, symbolized the aforementioned rise of the lay element in educational affairs. The purpose of the society, as described in its regulations of 1871, was "the development of letters and sciences and the spread of them to the East (Anatoli)".58 In order to accomplish this,

of Constantinople and Ottoman Greek Education 1861-1923 (Centre for Asia Minor Studies: Athens 2007). I his book Vasiadis depicts the history of EFSK through emphasizing the secularizing role of the westernized intellectuals and the rising commercial class of the capital. But despite that it is rather astonishing that Vassiadis concludes that class distinctions were not considered to be of vast importance both in the Greek community of Istanbul and in the syllogos movement itself. He also argues that the most enduring legacy of the syllogos movement itself is the maintenance of Hellenic identity of the dispersed Ottoman Greek communities, which in his narrative seems to exist unaltered during the entire Ottoman period.

59 Especially EFSK's influence was the determining factor in the establishment of the Society of Thrace - Thrakikos Syllogos and the Society of Epir - Ipirotikos Syllogos, both of which were considered to be brother societies with EFSK. They shared the same aims with EFSK and they operated in areas of the Empire, which their name implied. Kiriaki Mamoni, ........ ...... ... .......... ........ (1861-1922) ....... ... ..... (Societies of Thrace and Eastern Rumelia (1861-1922) History and Deeds), (Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkan Studies 1995). pp. 22-24.

60 Augustinos, p. 297. The society was called as the "Permanent Education Ministry of the Ottoman or the enslaved- Greeks. The first time that EFSK was named in this fashion was in the Conference of Societies that held in Athens in 1879. Anagnostopoulou, 1999, p. 22.

61 Haris Exertzoglou, ...... ......... .... ................ ... 19. ..... . ......... ........... ........ .................. 1861-1912 (Ethnic Identity in the Constantinople of 19th century, The Hellenic Literary Society of Constantinople 1861-1912), (Atina: Nefeli, 1996), p. 49.

the Society supported the poor schools and the establishment of new ones. Through its activities EFSK increased its prestige and influence among the Ottoman Greek communities and many societies established in different parts of the Empire by taking it as a model.59 These new societies were constantly asking the advice of EFSK in educational and cultural matters. The cultural and educational activities of EFSK assumed the role of a cultural standard for the scattered Ottoman Greek

communities of the Empire.60

According to Haris Exertzoglou, it is not possible to understand the educational and philanthropic activities of the voluntary associations without considering the development of the new middle strata in the Ottoman Empire.61 This new middle strata consisted of two subgroups. On the one hand there was the uppermiddle stratum, the elite, the national benefactors which consisted of the famous business families like Zarifis, Zafiropoulos, Eugenides, Nikolopoulos, Syggros etc. and those families whose members had risen to important administrative positions of

the empire. This group formed a separate and closed one, which increasingly distanced itself from the rest of the middle strata and became more exclusive. The other occupational group of the community was the middle strata, which was not as homogeneous as the first group.62 Much larger than the previous one, this group consisted of individuals of very different occupations like doctors, lawyers, teachers, employees of banks, of shipping or trade companies, small scale traders and bankers etc. These occupational positions were largely the product of the liberalization of commerce and the modernization of the Ottoman Empire in the nineteenth century.

62 ibid., p. 167.

63 ReGat Kasaba, Was there a Compradore Bourgeoisie in mid-Nineteenth Century Western Anatolia?, Review XI/2 (1988),pp. 215228.

There is a vast literature concerning the rise of the economic power of the non-Muslim merchants. Ottoman historiography assumed that Greek and Armenian merchants gained wealth in the nineteenth century because they collaborated with foreign (Western) capital and that their interests were in harmony with western capitalists. Kasaba questions these assumptions and the stereotypic image of the non-

Muslim merchant. He shows through concentrating on the role of non-Muslim intermediaries in Western Anatolia throughout the nineteenth century that contrary to conventional assumptions the intermediaries interests were not always in harmony with foreign capital and in most cases those two groups were in conflict.63 Exertzoglou also questions the conventional view that regards Ottoman Greek capital as a parasitic comprador bourgeoisie. Rather than a static group which did not advance the productive forces and served exclusively the interests of the European capital, he demonstrates that the Greek bourgeoisie thanks to its adaptability to new situations, its elaborate business networks and its ability to diversify its

investments played an important role in the development of modern industry in urban centers like Smyrna.64 Kasaba argues that the importance of non-Muslim intermediaries lied in that they were the first group that acquired power from sources outside the control of the state bureaucracy, which this attribute can be seen as the first traces of the development of a capitalist class in the empire. These autonomous sources of power for Kasaba enabled the Greek community of Western Anatolia to develop a nascent civil society, a non-state area that limited the extent and effectiveness of state authority. Newspapers, schools, orphanages, hospitals, voluntary associations, social clubs were all elements of an emerging civic life.65 The middle class tried to impose its authority and control to this newly emerging social space and enforced new social and cultural boundaries through the employment of modern scientific and cultural discourses which integrated them to nationalist ideology.66

64 Haris Exertzoglou, The Development of a Greek Ottoman Bourgeoisie: Investment Patterns in the Ottoman Empire, 1850-1914, Ottoman Greeks in the Age of Nationalism : Politics, Economy, and Society in the nineteenth century, edited by Dimitri Gondicas and Charles Issawi, (Princeton, N.J. : Darwin Press, 1999), pp. 89-114. For a rather conventional approach to the economic rise of nonMuslim millets see Charles Issawi, The Transformation of the Economic Position of the Millets in

the Nineteenth Century, Christians and Jews in the Ottoman empire : the functioning of a plural society, edited by Benjamin Braude and Bernard Lewis, (New York : Holmes & Meier Publishers, 1982), pp. 261-285.

65 ReGat Kasaba, Economic Foundations of a Civil Society: Greeks in the Trade of Western Anatolia, 1840-1876, Ottoman Greeks in the Age of Nationalism : Politics, Economy, and Society in the nineteenth century, edited by Dimitri Gondicas and Charles Issawi, (Princeton, N.J. : Darwin Press, 1999), pp. 77-87. Nadir zbek opposes the dualistic conception of the concepts of state and civil society and the description of civil society as a non-state arena. Rather he sees it as a space of struggle among different and particularistic interests. He stresses the role of the state in constructing a public sphere through describing Hamidian regime.s support of philanthropic activities and fund raising campaigns. Nadir zbek, Philanthropic Activity, Ottoman Patriotism and the Hamidian Regime, 1876-1909, International Journal of Middle East Studies, 37 (2005), 59-81.

66 Haris Exertzoglu, The Cultural Uses of Consumption: Negotiating Class, Gender, and Nation in the Ottoman Urban Centers During the 19th century, International Journal of Middle East Studies, 35 (2003), pp. 77101. In this article Exertzoglou concentrate on novel consumption patterns and their cultural uses in forming and differentiating new social identitities.

We can situate the Ottoman Greek middle class in reference to Kocka.s differentiation between middle classes of western and central Europe. Like the central/eastern European middle classes the Ottoman Greek one was by and large excluded from political power by the nobility. In the Ottoman case this exclusion was a direct result of ethno-religious difference and the absence of an integrated middle class. The Ottoman Greek middle class tried to compensate this exclusion by establishing its hegemony over the specific ethno-religious community it belonged. On the other hand in its composition the Ottoman Greek middle class resembled more the western pattern in which the economic middle class (Wirtschaftsbrgertum) had much more influence and status compared to the educated middle class (Bildungsbrgertum). This of course was a consequence of its nearly absolute exclusion from the political process and the state apparatus.67

67 Kocka, 1995, pp. 78895.

68 Exertzoglou, 1996, p. 166.

69 See for example the biography of Yorgo L. Zarifi, member of the famous banker family, in which

he describes his grandfather Yorgo Zarifi.s occupation not as a private profit-seeking enterprise but more or less as a service to his ethno-religious community. The book contains plenty of information regarding the life style and self image of the upper segment of the Ottoman Greek middle class of Constantinople. Yorgo L. Zarifi, Hatralarm Kaybolan Bir Dnya stanbul 1800-1920, (Gstanbul: Literatr Yaynclk).

The desire of the Ottoman Greek upper middle class to reproduce the social hierarchy and its hegemonic position in the Ottoman Greek community was expressed in many ways including supporting cultural and educational activities.68 Members of this group engaged in behaviors like financing educational, cultural and philanthropic activities and assumed the role of national benefactor which enabled them to retain and reproduce their social profiles.69 Thus for this group, engagement in these kind of activities legitimized and rendered approvable their wealth and

hegemonic position both inside their community and in the wider Ottoman society. While the middle strata through establishing and participating in cultural, educational, athletic and philanthropic societies tried to reinforce and strengthen their position in the social hierarchy of the community.70 From the 1860.s onwards, one starts to encounter many regulations of voluntary associations with a philanthropic and educational orientation which is a definite sign of the extensiveness of the spirit of voluntarism among the urban middle classes. Most of these were organized either on a district basis or according to the place of origin of their members. Especially, education was an important area of activity in which the middle strata could assert themselves and develop its own ideological and social identity. This societal organization was not a peculiarity of the Ottoman Greek community. Imposing on lower strata/class families and children the mores and values of the middle class domestic values as a cure for all the ills of the society was the dominant approach of many of the European middle classes.71 Educating the poor classes was one of the main obsession and political concern of the early Victorian age in Britain. Moral and religious education considered to be the main remedy for the perceived rise in criminality, especially among the children of the urban poor.72 Education seemed the best cure in order to prevent moral corruption that would lead to disruption of the public order and to social revolt.

70 Haris Exertzoglou, Oikonomia, Koinoniki Diastromatosi kai Politismiki Paremvasi: G Parousia ton Epihirimatikon Epaggelmatikon Omadon sta Ekpedeftika ke Politistika Pragmata tis Polis, 1850-

1912 (Economy, Social Stratification and Cultural Intervention: The Presence of Occupational Groups in the Educational and Cultural Affairs of Gstanbul), in Poli kai Paideia, (Athens: Sillogos Konstandinoupoliton, 1997), p. 171.

71 Heathorn, p. 160.

72 Richard Johnson, Educational Policy and Social Control in Early Victorian England Past and Present, No. 49. (Nov., 1970), pp. 96-119.

The dominance of members of the new middle class in educational and philanthropic work through voluntary associations established by them led to the departure from traditional Christian philanthropy. According to the previous conception, philanthropy performed for the salvation of the spirit of the person who was engaged in it. Thus in this line of thinking being poor or being in need was a natural condition which was impossible to be eradicated completely. In the new conception of philanthropy, being poor, being uneducated became a disease for the entire society that had to be cured. Through this conception new social categories like women and children entered the scene. The newly established societies propagated new codes of behavior, new manners and new values. Thus, they became agents of social control both for their members and for the groups that received their help.73

73 Ephi Kanner, ............. ........ ... .............. .......... .......... .... ........ ......... ... ................. (1861-1922) (Philanthropic Societies and Formation of Social Identities in the Greek Community of Constantinople 1861-1922) . .... .... ......., vol. 3, 1996, p. 189.

74 For the development of the understanding of respectability in the British society of 19th century see F.M.L. Thompson, The Rise of Respectable Society A Social History of Victorian Britain 1830-

1900 (Cambridge: Harvard University Pres, 1988). On the contested definitions of respectability by different social groups and classes in 19th century Britain and how each of these offered alternative definitions of respectability and redefined its contents see Simon Corderly. Friendly Societies and the Discourse of Respectability in Britain 1825-1875, The Journal of British Studies, Vol. 34, No.1 (Jan., 1995), 35-58.

Kanner describes the formation of educational and philanthropic societies as the transformation from pre-urban societies to what Foucault describes "disciplined society". In this line of thinking she sees the phenomenon of societies as an attempt to homogenize the social body under the premises of positivism, good manners, the discipline of work and time, and respectability.74 Thus for her, the discourse that is formed in these bodies does not only reflect social relations but it also contributes actively to their formation by creating new meaning systems and categories, by

emphasizing or neglecting traditional or new practices.75 The educational and philanthropic societies generalized especially to the poor segments of the millet the middle class values and principles of education, social mobility, occupational discipline, family, hygiene and respectability. The prevalence of the principles of respectability became a basic component for the control of their part of the Ottoman public sphere by the leadership of every millet. In an age of increased social and geographical mobility and centrifugal tendencies, education and philanthropy turn into primary mechanisms for the inclusion of the Orthodox into the wider millet and through it to the Ottoman context. A basic element for the appendement of the Orthodox populations of the empire to the Patriarchate and the secular leadership of the millet was their homogenization through the diffusion of the value system of Greek nationalism, especially through educational and societal endeavors, which had already been transformed into high culture. Thus, the social cohesion of the Ottoman society became the sum of the inner unity/cohesion of each millet. The basic mechanisms of this process as stated above were education and philanthropy. The elites of each millet constructed their hegemony through these endeavors and promoted the principles of respectability as a social ideal. 76 According to Exertzoglou the societies contributed both to the formation of a collective identity of the middle strata and at the same time they became sceneries of presentation of the hegemonic position of the upper strata in the social hierarchy of the Ottoman Greek communities.77 For him the societies of the capital formed spaces of constitution of

75 Ibid., p. 187.

76 Ephi Kanner, ....... ... ........... .... ....... ......... ... ................. 17531912 (Poverty and Philanthropy in the Orthodox community of Constantinople 1753-1912) (Athens: Ekdoseis Katarti 2004) p. 28-46.

77 Exertzoglou, 1996, p. 62.

the public sphere that molded public opinion. He relates the formation of a public space with the rise of a literate society. The societies promoted education and philanthropy as natural values in themselves. Education in the discourse of the phileducational societies. discourse becomes a socially desired merit for the achievement of progress and civilization. Thus in the new hierarchy of values promoted by the societies lack of education and ignorance becomes associated with backwardness and decline while education and culture as the primary venue for attaining progress and development. But Exertzoglou like Kanner also emphasizes the disciplinary aspect of the discourse disseminated by the societies. In this discourse penury, idleness, ignorance, indiscipline become the defining traits of an uneducated public that had to be disciplined, controlled, incorporated and educated to conform to the value system promoted by the societies that are controlled by the literate society. According to this discourse formed and disseminated by the societies culture, education, civilization, work and philanthropy becomes the primary values for progress while ignorance, idleness are associated with decline and extinction. Thus education and philanthropy become mechanisms of disciplining, controlling and homogenizing the totality of the millet by the literate society into their value system which its adoption brings respectability and serves the general interest. Thus in the end the appeal to the general interest will permit the imaginary homogenization of the millet and the construction of a wider national society managed by the literate society.78

78 Haris Exertzoglou, . .......... ... ........ ..... .... ................ ... 19. .....

(The Formation of Public Sphere in Constantinople during the 19th Century) in . .. .......... ................ ... ...... 1800 - 1922 ........... ... .......... ...., (Athens: ........ .......... ... ....... ........ 1999) 15-36.

For Augustinos the educational societies served two purposes: Firstly they protected and continued the identity of their community through forming an ethnic understanding of their past. Secondly, they enabled their community to adapt itself to the needs of the modern world by using secular motifs and by integrating the community and therefore they helped the rise of the economic and social status of their community.79 While Dimaras sees in the establishment of numerous phileducational and philanthropic societies both in the Greek state and outside of it as a pacific interpretation of the Great Idea and of the understanding that the salvation of the East will be by the East (. ....... ... ... ........).80

79 Augustinos, p. 303.

80 .. .. ......., ......... ........... (Hellenic Romantism), (Ermis: Athens 1994) pp. 399402.

81 alar Keyder, The Ottoman Empire, in After Empire Multiethnic Societies and NationBuilding, ed. By Karen Barkey & Mark von Hagen, Westview press: Colorado 1997, p. 34-36.

On the other hand Keyder points out to the increased polarization in burgeoning Anatolian cities between the emergent wealthy and educated non-Muslim middle classes that actively defined an urban public space through voluntary associations and cultural and educational endeavors and the rest of population. Keyder sees this polarization as an important factor in the emergence and popularization of a reactive project originating in the palace during the reign of Abdulhamid II and the growing resentment of the Muslim population towards the non-Muslims.81

The emergence of the problem of the Bulgarian Exarcharcate and the threats posed by Western missionaries led ethnic discourse to become dominant in educational and philanthropic activities. This was because the targets of education and philanthropic activities started to be considered as the most vulnerable and

fragile segments of the community, who were defenseless against the threats described above.82 Hence, the educational and the philanthropic societies became agents of integration of the Ottoman Greeks in the national totality in which the new middle and upper classes had the hegemonic role.

82 Kanner, 1996, p. 191.

83 Anagnostopoulou, 1999, p. 20.

The foundation of the Hellenic Literary Society of Constantinople (EFSK) by lay members had caused a tension with the religious hierarchy. Its establishment seemed a violation of the traditional dominance and monopoly of church over educational and cultural affairs of the Orthodox community. This was a period when there was a tension between lay members and clerics due to the establishment of National Regulations (Ethnikon Kanonismon). The church was anxious for an increase in lay influence and representation in community affairs. From its foundation EFSK propagated and supported educational activities outside the influence of religious institutions. The emphasis on secular education was clearly in contrast to the Patriarchate's vision of education, which mainly focused on the

protection and reproduction of the established order and the creation of respect for the holy customs.83 From the beginning EFSK separated itself from the Patriarchate and did not cooperate with its Central Educational Committee.

But the establishment of the Bulgarian Excharcate as well as the increased threat of other Balkan nationalisms and their irredentism forced both parties to restore their relations, this time under a new manner. The establishment of the Bulgarian Exarchate in 1870 and the intense conflict that followed it posed the gravest threat to the ecumenicity of the Patriarchate. It should also be remembered

that in 1862 the Romanian government had proceeded with sequestration and secularization of the Dedicated Monasteries of which landed properties equalled a quarter of the entire surface of Moldavia and Wallachia. While in 1865 the Romanians declared the independence of the Romanian church from the Patriarchate. This was a severe blow for the Patriarchate which formed a serious blow to its ecumenical character and dramatically curtailed the income of the Patriarchate and together with it the funds used for education. Under these conditions, despite their conflict, both Patriarchate and EFSK needed the legitimacy of one another in order to continue their hegemonic position both inside and outside their community.84 The Patriarchate was in a difficult situation due to the reforms of the Ottoman administration and the dangers posed by Balkan nationalist movements and Western missionary propaganda. In order to preserve its authority over the Ottoman Greeks it had to approve and reach an understanding with the modernizing attitudes of the lay members of its community. The Patriarchate would not be able to retain its position without the support of the middle and upper strata of the Ottoman Greek community of the Empire and especially of the capital.85 So it had to somehow come to an understanding with these strata and their forms of collective action that were expressed in different societies.

84 Ibid., p. 24.

85 Exertzoglou, 1997 , p. 176.

On the other hand EFSK gradually ceased to insist on being independent from the Patriarchate. It started to seek the support and patronage of the Patriarchate. This was the result of many difficulties, such as economic problems, attempts by the Ottoman administration to deny or restrict the legitimacy of its activities. In order to

overcome these difficulties EFSK developed better relations with the Patriarchate and started to cooperate with its Central Educational Committee.86

86 Anagnostopoulou, 1999, p. 25.

87 Ibid., p. 18. The Patriarchate will constantly employ this invented tradition during the second half of the nineteenth century and the first decades of the next against the attempts of the Ottoman governments to tighten its control over non-Muslim schools. Konortas criticizes the conventional historiography that assume a static relationship between Ottoman authorities and the Patriarchate through presenting the evolution of the Ottoman terms concerning the groups that were under the jurisdiction of the Patriarch. There he shows that the term millet prevailed only in nineteenth century, while it is not possible to describe the Patriarch as milletba or ethnarches before the eighteenth century when backed by the Phanariote aristocracy it extended its hegemony over other Orthodox churches. See Paraskevas Konortas, From T.ife to Millet: Ottoman Terms for the Ottoman Greek Orthodox Community, Ottoman Greeks in the Age of Nationalism : Politics, Economy, and Society

in the nineteenth century, edited by Dimitri Gondicas and Charles Issawi, (Princeton, N.J. : Darwin Press, 1999), pp. 169-79. While in his seminal article on the foundation myths of the millet system, Benjamin Braude argues that the Ottoman administration lacked an institutionalized and consistent policy towards its non-Muslim subjects in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries and perhaps later as well. Braude reveals that the term millet is not used for the non-Muslims of the empire until the nineteenth century and criticizes the anachronism of the existing historiography that accepts uncritically the mythmaking attempts of non-Muslim community leaderships and projects the institutional formation of the Tanzimat period to the previous periods of the empire. Benjamin Braude, Foundation Myths of the Millet System, in Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire Volume I The Central Lands, edited by Benjamin Braude & Bernard Lewis, (New York: Holmes & Meier Publishers, 1982), pp. 69-88. For a classic study over the nature of privileges of the Patriarchate and its new status under Ottoman rule see Theodore H. Papadopoullos, Studies and Documents Relating to the History of the Greek Church and People under Turkish Domination, second edition (Variorum: Hampshire 1990) pp. 1-26.

Despite the increased presence of lay members in educational matters the Patriarchate and in general the ecclesiastical hierarchy retained, although in an altered form their authority over the education of Ottoman Greeks. This was because the education of Ottoman Greeks despite or rather because of the reforms remained a privilege attributed to the Patriarchate. Theoretically the education of Orthodox in the Ottoman context derived until 1908 its primary legitimation from the Patriarchate and from the foundation myth that was based on the alleged privileges granted to it by Mehmed the Conqueror.87

Thus the conventional scheme about the fierce struggle between the reformist and modernizing middle classes against the obscurantist and reactionary clergy is a

simplistic division of a very complex process. Contrary to the model which presupposes a conflict between the national/lay and religious center, the national communities in the Ottoman context emerged from the nationalization of the religious communities.88

88 Paraskeuas Matalas, ..... ... ........ .. ........... .... ...... ... .. ........ ... .......... ...... (Nation and Orthodoxy the Adventures of a Relationship) (Hrakleio: Panepistimiakes Ekdoseis Kritis 2002). Effi Gazi is another scholar who discusses the relations of religion and nationalism in the roots and development of Greek nationalism. When discussing whether NeoHellenic Enlightenment. could be characterized as a secular phenomenon she opposes the binary opposition between religious and secular values. In contrast she focuses on the reappropriation and relocation of Enlightenment ideas in religious contexts. See Effi Gazi, Revisiting religion and nationalism in nineteenth-century Greece, in The Making of Modern Greece Nationalism, Romanticism, and the Uses of the Past (1797-1896), ed. Roderick Beaton & David Ricks (Ashgate: London 2009) 95-106.

89 Fortna, 2002, p. 45.

As we will see in the next chapters all aspects of Ottoman Greek education, the school day and the curriculum continued to be based on religion and its symbolic universe. Fortna also opposes that kind of binary oppositions in the historiography of Ottoman education. Contrary to the historiographical traditions that label late Ottoman educational development as modernization, secularization and Westernization, the dichotomy between traditional and modern is deceptive. For Fortna the Ottoman state education was a fusion of the exogenous and the indigenous that reflected both the global trends and the particular dynamic inherent in the Ottoman predicament.89

The Cultural Model: The Greek Kingdom and the University of Athens

Although the Patriarchate and the new middle classes played very important roles in the educational affairs of the Ottoman Greeks, it is almost impossible to draw this educational picture without taking into account the formation of the kingdom of Greece and particularly the National University of Athens. Despite the fact that until the end of the Balkan Wars the majority of Greeks remained to live in Ottoman lands, the establishment of the Kingdom gradually transformed the new small state and especially its capital into the political and ideological centers of the nation. Anagnostopoulou points to the difference created by the terms interior/otocton (..........) and exterior/heterocton (...........) Greeks, in which the Greek Orthodox communities that remained under Ottoman rule started being defined as exterior that is outside the center.90 This symbolic change of focus affected mostly Constantinople, which was traditionally considered as the centre of Greek-Orthodoxy and resulted gradually in its transformation into a secondary centre and increasingly it reinforced an intellectual dependency to Athens. This was a parallel development to the transformation of the term Rum milleti, which lost its supra-national connotations and started becoming identical with the Greek nation. Thus, the old centers of reference; the Patriarchate, Constantinople were replaced by the Greek state, Athens and the National University of Athens.

90 Anagnostopoulou, 1999, p. 26.

Gradually, the Ottoman Greeks and the Greek Kingdom developed a symbiotic relationship in education during the nineteenth century. As stated above, the bulk of the schools in Asia Minor covered the primary level and those who

wanted to obtain higher education and study in the fields of education, law and medicine were mainly going to the kingdom of Greece. The Kingdom provided higher level education, while the Ottoman Greeks provided both the manpower that would study in these institutions and the markets for those who finished these schools.91 The central role played by Athens in the educational system of the Ottoman Greeks reveal itself in the fact that most of their better secondary level schools tried to acquire official recognition from the ministry of education of the Kingdom.

91 Augustinos, pp. 252-3.

92 K. Th. Dimaras, ......... ........... (Hellenic Romantism), (Ermis: Athens 1994) pp. 348-359.

The University of Athens, which was established in 1837, played a great role in determining the cultural and ideological criteria of the new national community and in the process of integration of the nation through a standardized culture. The University in a sense represented the attributed mission of the newly reestablished free Greece to enlighten the East through the lights it derived from the Western civilization. Just like ancient Greece had enlightened the West, modern Greece was

destined to enlighten the East and the National University had a pivotal role in this mission. The Herderian notion that in the course of human history every nation has a specific mission or destiny to fulfill in the Greek national ideology expresses itself through the belief that the nation has the mission to enlighten the East just like it had enlightened the West during the antiquity.92

Both the Greeks of the Kingdom and those of the Ottoman Empire derived their intellectual inspiration from the University. The role of the University of Athens as an intellectual center for the Ottoman Greeks was very important. It provided trained staff, intellectuals, teachers and educators for the Ottoman Greek

communities. The Greek educational institutions especially the schools of law, philosophy, medicine but also the Pedagogic Academy of Athens had many students from Anatolia. Wealthy Ottoman Greeks and different societies supported many students from Anatolia to study in the University of Athens. Thus, the Greek state became the cultural model and functioned as the mold of national consciousness. The national culture formed by institutions of the Kingdom of Greece such as the University, enabled the imaginary perception and experience of the national integration before its achievement in political and administrative sense. The imagined community of the Greek nation was so much dispersed that it was held together through the cultural ties of religion, language and education.93 In this sense education became one of the primary mechanisms of achieving national integration.

93 Paschalis Kitromilides, .Imagined Communities. and the Origins of the National Question in the Balkans, Enlightenment, Nationalism, Orthodoxy, Variorum, 1989, XI, p. 172.

94 Georgelin, p. 35.

In order to legitimize its claims on Ottoman lands Greek nationalism

employed a discourse in which the nation was represented as young, active and conquering in contrast to the atavism and apathy of the Muslim Orient.94 Education in this line of argumentation symbolized the spiritual and intellectual regeneration and reawakening of the Greek nation from its subordination to oriental rule. As Exertzoglou emphasizes the dominant discourse on education of the nationalist agenda linked the restoration of tradition as a prerequisite of attaining civilization. This notion of tradition had internalized the major dichotomies of western discourses on modernity and emphasized that the Greeks could attain civilization only through regenerating their past glory through education and reacquisition of Greek. What needed was not parrotlike imitation of the west which became an ambivalent and

contested symbol of both progress and threat but the restoration of genuine Greek national tradition. And in this task of restoration the regeneration of the East gained a pivotal importance. The Greek nation was seen as destined to act as a mediator in disseminating the western knowledge and civilization to the East and eradicating the social and cultural characteristics of the Orient that according to the western Orientalist discourses hindered progress.95

95 Haris Exertzoglou, Metaphors of Change: Tradition. and the East/West Discourse in the Late Ottoman Empire in Ways to Modernity in Greece and Turkey Encounters with Europe, 1850-1950, ed. by Anna Frangoudaki & alar Keyder (I.B. Tauris: New York 2007) 43-59.

96 Ziogou, p. 33. Inspired by Romantic historiography, Konstantinos Paparrigopoulos, in his monumental work History of the Greek Nation managed to integrate Byzantium as an integral component of Greek History which formed a historical scheme that depicted the continuous existence and diachronic presence of the Greek nation throughout history. In Paparrigopoulos. historical scheme the history of the Greek nation comprised from five successive stages of which the last one starting from the establishment of the Greek state becomes an integral part of grand linear historical narrative

where the unification of the nation acquires utmost importance. For the ideological content and political connotations of Paparrigopoulos. work see Paschalis M. Kitromilides, On the intellectual content of Greek nationalism: Paparrigopoulos, Byzantium and the Great Idea in Byzantium and the Modern Greek Identity, David Ricks & Paul Magdalino (eds.) (London: Ashgate 1998) 25-33.

The Greek Kingdom started being interested in the educational affairs of the communities outside its borders from very early onwards. In the second half of the nineteenth century societies like the Association for the Propagation of Greek Letters (established in 1869) under the leadership of the national historian Konstantinos Paparrigopoulos and the Association for the Spread of Beneficial Books engaged actively in this work.96 One other important agent was the Greek consuls, who were very active in supporting the educational endeavors of the Ottoman Greeks. Especially, after the establishment of the Exarchate and the emergence of the Macedonian question the Patriarchate started to work closely with the existing network of the Greek consuls in the region. These consuls were required to help the communities in the establishment of schools, in finding teachers and in selecting

programs.97 But obviously the degree of involvement of the Greek consuls on community affairs including education was uneven. While they were much influential in the life of the communities of Macedonia, Epir and Thrace or coastal areas of Anatolia like Smyrna or Ayvalk, the network of Greek consulates expanded to central Anatolia only in the beginning of the twentieth century. The first Greek diplomat visited Konya in 1901 while the first Greek consulate in the region was established in Konya in 1908. Thus the involvement of the Greek state apparatus to the educational and communal affairs of the Anatolian Orthodox was until the first decade of the twentieth century through appropriating the channels created by the leadership of the millet in Istanbul.98

97 Augustinos, p. 249.

98 Sia Anagnostopoulou, Greek Diplomatic Authorities in Anatolia inTurcologica 83 Cries and Whispers in Karamanlidika Books, ed. By Evangelia Balta & Matthias Kappler (Harrasowitz Verlag: Wiesbaden 2010) 63-78. Sia Anagnostopoulou, ..... .... 19.. ... 1919 .. ............. .......... (Asia Minor 19th Century-1919 The Greek-Orthodox Communities) (Athens: .llenika Grammata, 1997), p. 438.

99 Anagnostopoulou, 1999, p. 27.

The conception of education as the primary element of providing national integration turned increasingly the Greek state into the only point of reference. The educational efforts of the Ottoman Greeks derived increasingly their intellectual inspiration from the Greek educational system. Thus agents like the Patriarchate and the Literary Society that played great role in the spread of education to the communities of Ottoman Greeks, increasingly confined themselves to the role of a filter and spreading the values emanated from the center of Hellenism, that is by Athens and its University.99 In the process of loosing its supra-national character due to the pressure exerted by different nationalist movements the Patriarchate incorporated itself increasingly into the Greek national discourse. While there were

clashes, the most famous one between Patriarch Joachim III and the Greek premier Trikoupis in the first half of the 1880.s, concerning the degree of involvement of the Greek state in the affairs of the Patriarchate and above all in educational policy in the end the Patriarchate gradually admitted Athens as the supreme national center. So the Patriarchate retained its position and authority in a different manner by characterizing itself as the most essential part of the ethnic identity. Of course, this process was very gradual and the Patriarchate never abandoned its entire ecumenical character and discourse. The influence of the educational regulations of the Greek Kingdom over those prepared by the Patriarchate demonstrates its impact on Ottoman Greek education.100

100 Ziogou, p. 31.

101 The People of Turkey: Twenty Years.Residence Among the Bulgarians, Greeks, Albanians, Turks and Armenians, vol. 2, ed. by Stanley Lane Poole (London: John Murray, 1878), p. 185.

This influence is attested by many contemporary observers. Poole who points to the immense progress of Greece in education, states that Greeks have for the

past twenty years been using every effort to promote the cause of liberty by the spread of education among their brethren still in subjection to the Porte.101 The emergence of Athens as the ideological and cultural centre of Hellenism substituting Istanbul is indicated by Poole: Within the last fifty years the educational movement among the Greeks of Turkey has altered its course. Some schools established in the country afforded elementary instruction to the children, but, for the most part, they were sent to Athens and Syra to complete their studies, where numerous schools and colleges afforded them the means of acquiring a perfect knowledge of their own language and a tolerably good general education. Poole also observes how this educational migration serves the spread of the nationalist aspirations of the Greeks:

The young Greek rayah, sent to Athens, returns to his home a scholar and a staunch Philhellene, burning with an all-absorbing desire to instill his ideas and feelings into the minds of his fellow rayahs. The first students returning from Greece were the pioneers of the immense progress that education has lately made among the Greeks in Turkey.102

102 Ibid., p. 187.

103 Andreas Kazamias, The Education of the Greeks in the Ottoman Empire, 1856-1923: A Case Study of Controlled Toleration. in J. J. Tomiak (ed.) Schooling Educational Policy and Ethnic Identity, (New York: New York University Press, 1991), p. 350.

Ottoman Reaction: Emulation or Fear

The reaction of the Ottoman authorities to the educational development of Ottoman Greeks was mixed. On the one hand, they saw it as a source of emulation while on the other it increased their fears about the loyalty of the Ottoman Greeks. Kazamias describes the involvement of the Ottoman administration in the educational affairs of the Ottoman Greeks as a policy of controlled toleration. Obviously, the degree of control and toleration exercised differed from region to region, from community to community anf from time to time depending on local conditions and the relationship between Ottoman local administrators and the community ecclesiastical and lay functionaries.103

As we mentioned above the Edict of Reform of 1856 had specified the right for every non-Muslim community to establish its own schools and had integrated these schools in a legal framework through the Regulation of Public Education (1869) as private schools. The article 129 of the 1869 Regulation on Public

Education (Marif-i Ummiyye Nizmnmesi)104 defined as private schools those that founded by Ottoman subjects or foreigners in which the founders were responsible for all the expenses. The Ministry of Education had the right to inspect them while these schools had to fulfill three requirements in order to operate: First, every instructor in these schools had to obtain a diploma (ahadetname) from the ministry or the Educational Directorates (Marif Mdrlkleri). Secondly, the curricula of these schools had to be examined by local provincial educational administration. Thirdly, all the schools had to possess an official license (ruhsat-i resmiye) in order to operate. And lastly instruction against state policy and established morals had to be strictly forbidden.105 However these measures remained largely on paper until the reign of Abdlhamid II. The expansion of the provincial educational administrations provided a more efficient control over these schools. But the constant inadequacy of resources and lack of trained personnel hindered effective surveillance. A rather successful measure from the point of view of the state was the mandatory introduction of Turkish lessons in schools from 1896 onwards.106

104 129. Madde Mektib-i Hususiye baz mahallerde cemaatler tarafndan gerek tebaa-i devlet-i aliye ve gerek tebaa-i ecnebiyeden olan efrad ve ehastan biri canibinden cretli veya cretsiz olarak ihdas ve tesis olunan mekteplerdir ki bunlarn masarifat ve muhasasat ya messisleri tarafndan veyahut bal olduklar vakflar canibinden idare ve ryet klnr. Memalik-i ahanede bu nevi

mekteplerin tesisine evvel muallimlerinin yedinde Maarif nezareti canibinden veyahut mahall maarif idaresinden ahadetname bulunmak, ve saniyen bu mekteplerde adaba ve politikaya mugayir ders okutturulmamak iin talim olunacak derslerin cetveli ve kitaplar Maarif Nezaretinden veyahut mahalli maarif idaresinden tasdik edilmek zere, tarada ise vilyet maarif idaresiyle vilyet valisi tarafndan ve Dersaadette Maarif Nezareti canibinden ruhsat- resmiye verilir. Bu art kmilen mevcut olmadka mekatib-i hususiye kadna ve devamna ruhsat verilmez ve hilfnda hareket vukuu takdirde men ve sed olunur. Mekatib-i hususiye kad edenlerin tayin edecekleri hocalarn yedlerinde ahadetname bulunduu halde an maarif idaresine tasdik ettirmeleri lzm gelecektir. cited in Hasan Ali Koer, Trkiye.de Modern Eitimin Douu ve Geliimi (1773-1923), (Ankara: M.E.B., 1991), pp.115-6.

105 BaGaran, pp. 188-9.

106 Somel, 2005, pp.268-269.

But there were also cases that the Porte backed the educational endeavors of the Patriarchate, like the case of Albanian Orthodox, where the Ottoman government in fear of Albanian separatism supported the expansion of the school network of Patriarchate against the demands of establishing a national Albanian church.107 While during certain conjunctures the Ministry of Public Education has different attitudes against the various educational networks of millets exploiting the rivalries between different communities. Thus, while in 1880s the state acted against Bulgarian schools and hence it supported the hegemonic position of the Patriarchate in educational field of Macedonia. During the 1890.s when relations between the empire and the kingdom of Greece strained due to another rebellion in Crete the Bulgarian schools started to receive favorable treatment from state authorities.108

107 See for example Isa Blumi, Teaching Loyalty in the Late Ottoman Balkans: Educational Reform in the Vilayets of Manastir and Yanya, 1878-1912, Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, Vol. XXI No. 1&2 (2001) pp. 15-23. The comments of Bond, a missionary working in the European Turkey Mission of the ABCFM forms a revealing example: A beautiful school building is being erected at Korcha to replace one destroyed by fire, but the language of the school is to remain modern Greek, to the strict exclusion of Albanian. A cathedral also is slowly rising, but the

services will be intoned in ancient Greek, which is much better understood in Boston than in Korcha. The people love their own language, which alone is spoken in their homes. Can.t we do more for them, somehow? The Missionary Herald, September 1896, p. 369.

108 Somel, 2005, p. 269.

On the other hand it has to be added that the development of education in the provinces based on the premises formulated by the center of the millet conformed the general context of the reform period inaugurated by the proclamation of Hatt- Hmayn. Just like the Ottoman state led educational endeavors the Ottoman Greek educational program aimed the strengthening of the unity of the millet and bring a uniform modernity defined by the Patriarchate and by the rising middle strata that determined the terms and content of this program. Thus, as Anagnostopoulou states

from its beginning the Rum modernization project was in the framework of Ottoman modernization and derived its legitimacy from there.109

109 Anagnostopoulou, 2010, pp. 63-77.

110 Pinelopi Stathi, ....... .... ....... ........ ... ... ........ .......... ....... (Thoughts of a Turk Teacher concerning the Hellenic Literary Society), . ........ .......,, Vol. B, Athens 1994, pp. 241-7.

111 Ziogou, p. 38.

The active involvement of the urban middle class of the Ottoman Greek community in educational and cultural matters was perceived as a source of emulation. Muallim Cevdet in his work called Rum Mesai-i lmiyesi claims that one of the advantages of the Ottoman Greek community was that they made "the merchant servant of the church and school". For Cevdet the achievements of Greeks in the field of education were the result of the special links between merchants and

schools.110

From 1882 clear interventions of the Ottoman government to the functioning of the schools accelerated. This attitude developed in parallel to the emergence of the problem concerning the privileges of the Patriarchate. The first serious attempt to challenge the privileges of the Patriarchate concerning education was in the first half of the 1880.s that in the end forced the Patriarch III Joachim to resign in protest in 1884. While the problem reappeared with particular acuteness in 1890.111 The Ottoman government increasingly suspicious of the involvement in educational issues of the Greek government especially in Balkan provinces send three memorandums to the Patriarchate that demanded in accordance with the 29th article of the Regulation of Public Education that teachers of these schools should posses certificates of the Ministry of Education, and the school books and the programs

should be approved by the ministry. The Patriarch on the one hand replied that the schools are open to the inspection of officials but on the other hand it reasserted its role as the sole responsible for the education of Orthodox according to ancient privileges.112

112 Hrisostomos Kalaitzis, ........ ... ... ...... ... ... ........... ....... ... .., ........ ........... ..... 2005, pp. 2131. The Patriarch Joachim III was also anxious o the increased involvement of the Greek government to the educational affairs of the Ottoman Greeks in Macedonia and Thrace which provoked the Ottoman government and that was an important factor that strained his relationships with the Greek premier Trikoupis. See also Evangelos Kofos, Attempts at Mending the Greek-Bulgarian Ecclesiastical Schism (175-1902) Balkan Studies Vol. 25 Thessaloniki 1984, 347-375.

113 The Holy Synod in its decision announced to its Metrepolitans that learning the official language of the State has always be seen by the Church as necessary and useful and that it sees the latest decision of the imperial government as another proof of the fatherly care and phileducationalism of

the court. On the other hand it declared to its Metropolitans that lessons of Turkish should be executed perfectly in the higher boys schools while it argued that due to the nature of the kindergartens, primary level schools and the girls. schools it is not possible to introduce in them classes of Turkish. See ............. ......., 25 November 1894, vol. 38, p. 298.

The Inspectorate of Foreign and non-Muslim Schools (Mektib-i Ecnebiyye ve Gayr-i Mslime Mfettilii) was established in 1886 with the specific aim to regulate the inspection of non-Muslim and foreign schools and preventing teachings contrary to state policy and morals. In 1894, Turkish was made compulsory in all schools, state or community, but it was not strictly applied.113 At the same time the government tried to control the importation of books by introducing censorship.

In 1887, during the ministry of Mnif PaGa the Inspectorate of Non-Muslim and Foreign Schools (Mektib-i Gayri Mslim ve Ecnebiyye Mfettilii) was established with the aim to supervise, inspect and collect information about the nonMuslim and foreign schools on its soil, while Konstantinidi PaGa was appointed as its firs chief. The first phase of the question of privileges ended in 1891 and the government accepted the supervisory role of the Patriarchate in educational matters concerning the Orthodox of the Empire. The role of the Patriarchate and its

Metropolitans in approving the appointed teachers, the programs and the school books was confirmed. If the inspector or director of Public Education found any irregularity concerning the teachers, programs or books used in the schools they should have to communicate with the Patriarchate or in the provinces with the Metropolitans for their correction.114

114 For the government circular that ended the first phase of he question of privileges see ............. ......., 1 March 1891, vol. 1, pp. 5-7.

115 Deringil, 1998, p. 105.

116 Ali Karaca, Anadolu Islaht ve Ahmet kir Paa (18381899), (Gstanbul: Eren, 1993), pp. 823.

But Ottoman officials and intellectuals increasingly became more suspicious of the educational endeavors of the Ottoman Greeks. Deringil argues that there was a shift in the Hamidian era from the relatively tolerant atmosphere of the Tanzimat

and non-Muslim educational endeavors regarded with extreme suspicion.115 The reports of Ahmet gkir PaGa, Abdlhamid II.s inspector general, reveal the way Ottoman officials regarded the educational activities of the Ottoman Greeks of Anatolia. For gkir PaGa non-Muslims had much more opportunities than Muslims in education. He was concerned more about the missionary schools functioning in many cities and especially the Protestant colleges of Merzifon and Harput. According to him, because of the education being provided in these schools, the country.s commerce and wealth was passing into the hands of non-Muslims. gkir PaGa considered that it would be best to close down these schools but feared that such an action would provoke the reaction of Western powers. Instead of this, gkir PaGa suggested the opening of Ottoman schools which he saw necessary for the development of civilization among the Muslim population of Anatolia.116

Similarly, the former Director of Education of Salonica, RadoviGli Mustafa Bey in his report of 1886 also expressed that the only way to prevent the harmful instruction against the interests of the state in foreign and non-Muslim community schools was to close down these schools. But he also considered the impracticality of this suggestion due to the current political atmosphere. Instead he proposed to circumvent their activities and to prohibit the establishment of new schools. He also proposed that foreign citizens should be prohibited to teach in these schools.117 While Mehmed Ferid PaGa, the governor of Konya in 1901, was suspicious of those going to study in Athens. According to him, those students going to Athens and to Europe would not come back with the desired loyalty to the Ottoman state.118 In the same line gemseddin Sami was complaining that recently in these past few years, with the encouragement of the so-called scientific societies they (the Christians) have been abandoning the official language of state, and have begun learning Greek and Armenian. This has led to the strange spectacle of fathers who do not speak a word of Greek or Armenian but who have sons who do not understand a word of Turkish!.119

117 Seluk AkGin Somel, Maarif Mdr RadoviGli Mustafa Bey.in Raporlar ve Mslim ve Gayri Mslim Eitimi: II. Abdlhamid Devri Selnik TaGrasnda Maarif Meseleleri (18851886), ) Tarih ve Toplum, Vol.I, No.2 (Autumn 2005) pp. 910.

118 Fortna, 2002, p. 68.

119 Cited in Selim Deringil, Self-Image and Social Engineering in Turkey, Making Majorities ed. DruC. Gladney (California: Stanford University Press, 1998), pp. 218-9.

A constant theme in Anadolu.da Tanin is the gap between the Muslim and Christian inhabitants of Anatolia. These differences, according to its author, Ahmet gerif, manifested themselves primarily in the field of education. Wherever he went Ahmet gerif visited the schools of the different communities and most of the time he

underlined the contradiction between them. For example, in Karaman the education of Muslims was in a state of death. In contrast, the Christian compatriots of the Muslims were in a more developed condition in the field of thought.120 In Karaman there were an Armenian and a Rum school, both of which were superior to the Muslim ones. According to him, this difference between Muslims and Christians manifested itself in every aspect of daily life. That.s why the Christians of Karaman, like every other place, were superior in thought and in taking initiative and they were living better and more comfortable from the Muslims. The Muslims were victims of the divisions among themselves and their inability to unite. In Ereli Ahmet gerif observes the same situation. The schools of Armenians and Rums were much more orderly than the Muslim ones.121 The great gap between Muslims and Christians were apparent according to him also in TaGucu, in the vilyet of Adana. The Christians were trying to educate their offsprings no matter the cost. They had a regular school, good teachers, good schools which were subvented regularly by the community. According to Ahmet gerif one cannot even see a Christian child in the streets in the morning, because these children were studying at that time of the day, in order to be prepared better for the future. In striking contrast the Muslims were almost moving dead materially and spiritually. They were unaware of the present time and the future and of the realities of life. The schools that they sent their children were affecting them only by deflating their intelligence and deteriorating their health. The teacher in these schools was a remnant from ancient times.122 The same contrast between Christians and Muslims was attested by Ahmet gerif also in

120 Ahmet gerif, Anadolu.da Tann 1. Cilt (Ankara: Trk Tarih Kurumu, 1999), p. 222.

121 Ibid., p. 226.

122 Ibid., p. 206.

Ankara. He warned the Muslims of Ankara, almost in a psychology of panic, to understand the importance of the schools as the only vehicle of salvation, otherwise, the future would be obscure. The Rums of Ankara, in contrast had an excellent school, which was subsidized by a certain sum of money from every house.123

123 Ibid., p. 73.

124 Richard Clogg, The Greek millet in the Ottoman Empire, Anatolica Studies in the Greek East in the 18th and 19th centuries, (Hampshire: Variorum, 1996), p. 198.

125 Aykut Kansu, 1908 Devrimi, (Gstanbul: GletiGim Yaynlar, 1995), pp. 222-3.

The Ottoman government had prohibited Greek nationals to teach in community schools in 1849. But this prohibition was not vigorously enforced, and, in any case, by this time there was a steady flow of Ottoman Greeks graduating at the University of Athens and able to carry on the burden as apostles of Hellenism.124

The Ottoman government increasingly tried with different measures to stop Hellenic propaganda in the community schools, but most of the time these measures remained ineffective.

In August 1908, after the Young Turk revolution, the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) prepared a reform program on education. According to this program in primary schools which belonged to non-Muslim communities, Turkish language should be educated and in secondary schools education should only be in Turkish. This program harshly criticized by non-Muslim communities and especially by the Greeks.125 After strong resentment from the non-Muslims the CUP was forced to compromise. Finally in September 1908 the Unionists finished the preparation of their program in which they declared that they would not intervene the secondary schools of the non-Muslims.

In June 1909 the CUP attempted again to introduce a legislation whose aim was to limit the autonomy of the non-Muslims. The problem of communal privileges became the main issue of parliamentary debates. Many non-Muslim deputies in debates held in the chamber of deputies argued in favor of the existing privileges. The Unionists tried to form a common education for all Ottomans. The debates on education according to Ahmad showed the wide gulf between the non-Muslims and the CUP. The Greek deputy for Constantinople Kosmides, remarked that each communal school taught subjects peculiar to its community. He asked if Greek students for example would be forbidden to read Plato and Aristotle. According to him, each community should be allowed to have its own program of education. Cavid Bey who talked in the name of the CUP, said that he could not understand how people found it possible and sane to speak about privileges now that equality had established.126 As Kechriotis states the parliamentary debates concerning education reveal the different and unbridgeable conceptions of Ottoman nation. The Ottoman Greek deputies in these debates stated explicitly that what they understand from the Ottoman nation is a political unity of different ethnicities. Thus for them the education provided in community schools included not only religious subjects but also ethnic subjects and ethnic knowledge.127

126 Feroz Ahmad, "Unionist Relatios with the Greek, Armenian, and Jewish Communities of the Ottoman Empire, 1908-1914", in Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire -Volume one, Braude and Lewis (ed.), (New York: Holmes & Meier Publishers, 1982), p. 412.

127 Vangelis Kechriotis, The Modernization of the Empire and the Community Privileges.: Greek Orthodox Responses to the Young Turk Policies, in The State and the Subaltern Modernization, Society and the State in Turkey and Iran, Touraj Atabaki (ed.), (London: I. B. Tauris Publishers, 2007), pp. 66-67.

The Unionists instead wanted to put all educational activities under the control of the Ottoman state and to create a homogeneous and unified educational

system that apart from religious classes will apply the same program and the official language under the financial control and inspection of the state. Thus with the new legislation, the minister of education became responsible for supervising the curricula of all schools in the Ottoman Empire. The communities however continued to possess schools with the change that from now on the Patriarchate had no authority to control them both financially and programmatically. These were from then on under state supervision. Thus the right to have separate schools of communities approved, but the schools were severed from the ecclesiastic authorities. Therefore the Patriarchate was no more a mediator between the GreekOrthodox communities and the state, while the secular elites of the Ottoman Greeks replaced the authority of the Patriarch in representing the interests of the Ottoman Greek population of the empire.128

128 Anagnostopoulou, 1997, p. 463; Kechriotis, 2007, p. 59-70.

129 See for an example Niyazi Berkes, The Development of Secularism in Turkey, (Montreal: McGill University Press, 1964), pp.106-110.

Some Historiographical Aspects

Until recently, the works on the history of Ottoman education emphasized the institutional developments in the Ottoman capital. In these studies the educational history of the Ottoman Empire is presented as the transformation and replacement of traditional/backward/religious institutions by modern/progressive/secular educational institutions. Much of the story is devoted to the resistance of the old powerful and deeply rooted Islamic tradition in education to the modern bureaucracy.s reforms.129 Thus what we have is more or less an institutional story of linear progression.

130 For some examples of this literature see Hasan Ali Koer, Trkiye.de Modern Eitimin DouGu ve GeliGimi (1773-1923) (M.E.B: Gstanbul 1991); Glknur Polat Haydarolu, Osmanl mparatorluu.nda Yabanc Okullar, (Kltr Bakanl: Ankara 1990); Bilal Erylmaz, Osmanl Devletinde Gayrimslim Teb.ann Ynetimi, (Risale: Gstanbul 1990).

Two recent works of Seluk AkGin Somel and Benjamin C. Fortna try to investigate late Ottoman state educational endeavors by focusing to the provinces and peripheral population groups, in order to overcome this state of affairs. Despite that they do not deal effectively with the educational activities of non-Muslim communities. While the dominant attitude until recently in Turkish historiography concerning the non-Muslim Ottoman schools was highly negative. The schools were considered as centers of conspiracy (fesat yuvas) and were treated as foreign institutions. According to this rather vast literature the non-Muslim schools constituted centers established with the purpose to develop the culture and history of their specific nation and impose ideas of nationalism and independence to their students. The efforts of non-Muslims to develop educational systems were interpreted as acts against the state and become centers of treason and conspiracy in

order to achieve the dismemberment and destruction of the state. Thus the educational identity of the schools constituted a mask to hide the political machinations of non-Muslims. This completely negative attitude of this literature reflects itself even in the naming of these schools which often together with the western missionary schools were named as foreign schools.130

On the other hand the Greek literature on education of the Ottoman Greeks either focuses explicitly to the capital or adopts a regional perspective that most of the time does not surpass the limits of descriptive and idyllic representations of the past. These works in conformity to the dominant paradigm in Greek historiography adopts a rise and fall paradigm and treat the educational history of the Ottoman

Greeks as a linear progression in which nineteenth century represents the golden epoch that would end with the dramatic events of the first decades of the next century. The rise of the Ottoman Hellenism finds its symbols in the development of educational, cultural and economic endeavors. The development of school network, the establishment of hundreds of voluntary associations and the economic initiatives of Ottoman Greeks were treated as signs of awakening of a national body after a long period of decline and lethargy. According to Exertzoglou this historiographical tradition reinforced the perception of Ottoman Greek communities as part of a homogenous national body and disregarded their linguistic, social and cultural fragmentation.131 Recent scholarly works like those of Anagnostopoulou, Augustinos, Exertzoglou, Matalas, Kanner, Kechriotis etc. were successful attempts of overcoming the limitations of past nationalistic historiography and to place the history of the Ottoman Greeks into the wider Ottoman context.

131 Exertzoglou, 1999, pp. 15-17.

132 Heathorn, p. 26.

The present work by dealing with the educational activities of predominantly

Turkish speaking peripheral communities of interior Anatolia tries to shed light on the effects of education on the local community. This study relies on the premise that one of the basic objectives of Ottoman educational endeavors was to civilize and integrate peripheral groups to religious/national totalities. This civilizatory role of education was considered to be the primary function of elementary education for the working-class children in Western Europe in which Victorian middle class values of duty, discipline, reserve, obedience to superiors were projected to these students.132 Thus along with the dissemination of Western scientific knowledge, social and economic skills, educational endeavors embodied conscious attempts of disciplining,

controlling and integrating peripheral/marginal population groups. This feature of education of the Ottoman context can be detected clearly in the Macedonian question.

The Macedonian question was a conflict of rival Balkan nationalisms over incorporating local population groups of Macedonia into the imagined national communities they represented. In this incorporation process education became a primary tool creating national identifications and loyalties. The language constituted the Achilles. heel of the Greek claims over Macedonia and Thrace. Linguistic diversity of their flock was never a major concern for neither the Patriarchate or the Ottoman government for their administrative unity. But it increasingly became a great concern when rival nationalisms and ecclesiastic hierarchies claimed the allegiances of rural populations. The wide slavophonism in Macedonia and at the same time the absence of Greek as the mother tongue in the majority of the rural local Christian population served mainly the Bulgarian and Serbian national aspirations. Due to this, the Greek side was obliged to confront the unfavorable linguistic reality of Macedonia through education. But not only the Greek side, all competing nationalisms of the region fought hardly to get control of schools, churches and even the cultural societies of local communities.133

133 Sophia Vouri, .......... ... .......... ... ........ . ......... ... ............. .......... (1870-1904) (Education and Nationalism in the Balkans the Case of Northwestern

Macedonia) (Athens: Paraskinio, 1992), p. 123. For a contemporary analysis of the Bulgarian question with strong anti-Russian and anti-missionary sentiments that gives primacy to the establishment of schools and societies and to the education of competent teachers and clergy in order to counter the Panslavist threat see the pamphlet of Th. Asklipiadis, .. ... ... ......... .. .. ....... ............, (Athens: Adelfvn Perre 1872).

In her historical ethnographic reconstruction of the process of nation building and state formation in the southern Ottoman Macedonian village Guvezna (today.s Assiros) Anastasia Karakasidou emphasizes the role of the local elites in reshaping

the identity and consciousness of the local population. Karakasidou demonstrates how the newly emerged Greek speaking commercial elites of Guvezna acted as the primary agents of ethnic change based on their economic dominance. Through their hegemony and creation of networks of patronage and protection for poor agricultural Slavic-speaking local families and sponsoring schooling, these Greek-speaking elites turned the village into the stronghold of Greek nationalism in the region. An important emphasis of Karakasidou is that the local Slavic-speaking population of Macedonia lacked sufficient resources and especially an intellectual-literate elite of their own which would develop a separate national consciousness independently of competing Greek and Bulgarian nationalisms.134

134 Karakasidou.

135 Matalas.

136 Vouri, 1992.

Matalas argues that the acquisition of Greek and assimilation to the Greek nation was promoted as the secure and legitimate way to social mobility and incorporation to the .civilization.. Thus schools became the symbols of Greekness and through them it was possible to become a Greek.135 The educational policy that the Greek state followed in Macedonia after 1870 was incorporated completely to the framework of its national policy of the same area. The efforts of reinforcing the Greek position in the competition of Balkan nationalisms over Macedonia were approached through the expansion of Greek school network and the spread of Greek language.136 Therefore in the context of map-mania of the last quarter of the century, where folklore, history and geography were mobilized to support competing national claims, the Bulgarian side will draw ethnological charts on the basis of the mother tongue of the local populations while the Greek side will do the same on

the basis of the spread of its school network and Greek education or religious affiliation (adherence to Patriarchate or Excharcate).137

137 Matalas, p. 39. But according to Matalas this policy of Hellenization will constantly be in jeopardy with the social reality of the exploitative and class relations between the Hellenized higher strata (traders, clerics, tzorbatzis etc.) and the Bulgarophone farmers. Thus on the basis of the GreekBulgarian confrontation there will be always this social and cultural hierarchy and the Greek school system will constantly face this social contradiction. On the relation between cartography and Greek irredentism and the concept of frontier. in Greek nationalist thought before the Asia Minor Disaster see Robert Shannan Peckham, Map mania: Nationalism and the Politics of Place in Greece, 1870 1922, Political Geography 19 (2000), 7795. For a short account about the basic dynamics of the Macedonian conflict see S. Koliopoulos & Thanos Veremis, Modern Greece A History since 1821 (Wiley Blackwell: UK 2010) pp. 4456.

138 Somel, 2005, pp. 2, 4-5. Blumi even claims that the Patriarchate acted in alliance with the Porte in suppressing manifestations of a distinctive Albanian identity. Isa Blumi, The Social Parameters of Identity: The Role of Education in Albanian Identity Formation, International Congress on Learning and Education in the Ottoman World stanbul 12-15 April 1999 Proceedings, (Gstanbul: Ircica, 2001), p. 230.

The Ottoman state also faced a similar problem; the Hamidian governments were also anxious about the linguistic diversity of the Muslims in the provinces of Selnik, Manastr, Yanya and Kosova. The Balkan Muslims constituted the social base of the Ottoman sovereignty in the region. Their linguistic diversity made them open to the call of different Balkan nationalisms. Many Muslim communities in the eastern Macedonia and Thrace spoke Bulgarian or Vlach. While the development of Albanian nationalism considered as the greatest threat. The Ottoman state until 1908 continuously tried to block attempts to the establishment and spread of Albanian national schools.138

The turcophone Orthodox communities of Anatolia obviously did not constitute a burning question for the Greek state and the Patriarchate like the conflict

over Macedonia. Nevertheless, especially from the middle of the nineteenth century onwards the anxiety over the predominance of Turcophony among the Orthodox of Anatolia increased to a considerable extent. As in Macedonia vernacular language turned into a politicized marker of national identity. These communities were

increasingly considered to be threatened either by proselytization or by assimilation to the Turkish majority and Turcophony became to be traited as an anomaly that has to be corrected. After the Bulgarian schism there were even fears that the Bulgarian example could be repeated because of the Turcophony of Anatolian Orthodox. Thus, the Patriarchate, the secular intellectuals of the Ottoman Greeks and the Greek state saw education as a mechanism of cultural homogenization and integration of these communities into the religious/national totality. The linguistic Turkishness of the Anatolian Orthodox communities and their peculiar form of identity acquired particular importance from the second half of the nineteenth century, when cultural homogenization and ethnic origin became the concern of rival nationalisms.

The interior part of Anatolia that was called Cappadocia was one of the three major areas where the Orthodox communities had been historically concentrated. As stated above one of the peculiarities that the Orthodox inhabitants of the region presented was their predominantly usage of Turkish in their daily interactions and the Greek script in their writing. Linguistic diversity was an important characteristic of the Cappadocian communities. Quite different local dialects of Greek were spoken in even neighboring villages. Despite the existence of some centers like Sinasos (MustafapaGa) in which the Greek language was still used, the major part of the population of the area spoke Turkish.139 These people used Greek characters in writing Turkish; this script was called Karamanlidika. These communities had preserved their existence in the isolated conditions of the mountain valleys of central Anatolia. During the nineteenth century the new economic, social and political

developments enabled them to increase their connections with the other parts of the

139 R. M. Dawkins, Modern Greek in Asia Minor, Cambridge 1916.

Empire which most of the time resulted in the spread of Turkish in these communities.

Thus despite the increasing predominance of Turkish, linguistic plurality and fluidity was a characteristic of the communities of the region. The linguistic plurality of Turkish among the Orthodox communities of the interior Asia Minor in the nineteenth century is clearly illustrated in the data collected by the Center for Asia Minor Studies. According to the data of the CAMS which is arranged according to the Roman administrative division in Cappadocia forty nine communities out of a total of eighty one were Turkish speaking. In Pisidia all six O rthodox communities and in Phrygia fourteen out of nineteen were entirely Turcophone. In Pamphylia six out of seven communities were Turkish speaking. The linguistic picture of the

Anatolian Orthodox communities was in fact much more complicated. According to the same source, in Bithynia and in the region of the Euphrates River , around the township of Ein thirteen and five communities respectively were Armenian speaking. 140 In Cilicia two Orthodox villages spoke Arabic, while in the Asiatic coast of Dardanelles there were three Bulgarian speaking villages. In the region of Tigris there was a Kurdish and a Syriac speaking village. 141 But one has to add that the linguistic reality of the region was much more complex and fluid and the relation between Turkish and Greek rather than stable was a constantly changing one. There is ample evidence that even in Sinas os which is exalted by Greek historiography as the example per se

of Greek speaking community and as a clear example of diachronic supremacy of Greek in the region the complete predominance of Greek

140 For a discussion about the origins of these Armenian speaking Orthodox communities (Hayhorum) see G. I. Anastasiadis, ... ....... (............. .......) (Hay-Horum The Armenian Speaking Greeks), ............ ......., vol. 4 (1948): 37-46.

141 P. Kitromilides A. Alexandris, Ethnic Survival, Nationalism and Forced Migration, ...... ....... ............. ......., vol. 5, 1984-1985, pp. 18-20.

was largely a nineteenth century phenomenon when Greek be came an indicator of cultural supremacy over Turkish speaking neighboring villages and before that the community members used both Turkish and Greek in their private and public matters. 142

142 Christos Hadziiosif, The Ambivalance of Turkish in a Greek-Speaking Community of Central Anatolia inTurcologica 83 Cries and Whispers in Karamanlidika Books, ed. By Evangelia Balta & Matthias Kappler (Harrasowitz Verlag: Wiesbaden 2010): 23-29.

143 Ioakeim Valavanis, ............ (.thens: Adelfon Perri, 1891), p. 30.

144 Ibid., pp. 26-7 and 45-7.

Many contemporary observers expressed fears for the current conditions of Cappadocian Orthodox populations and requested immediate action, especially in the field of education. According to one of these, Ioakeim Valavanis, the Orthodox of the interior of Anatolia was completely ignorant of the name of the race to which they belonged. For if today you ask a Christian, even one speaking a corrupted Greek: What are you?. A Christian., he will unhesitatingly reply. All right, but other people are Christians, the Armenians, the Franks, the Russians. I don.t know., he will answer, yes these people believe in Christ but I.m a Christian. he will reply.143 Valavanis concludes by calling the Greeks to help their compatriots of the interior Anatolia to establish schools and to create an educational system, which will cultivate their national consciousness.144

As it is mentioned above in June 1901 and in October 1902 the Consul General of Greece in Smyrna S. Antonopoulos toured western and central Asia Minor and he was repeatedly dismayed by the absence of feelings of attachment to Greece and by the political unawareness and ambivalence of local Greeks, especially the community leaders with whom he came into contact. For him Russia exerted

more influence in these communities.145 Krinopoulos believed that there was a danger of the total abolition of Greek in central Asia Minor; for example, he mentioned that many national folk songs had been replaced by Turkish ones.

145 Kitromilides, pp. 1745. Anagnostopoulou points that the terminology used by the consul and the shock provoked by his encounter with interior Anatolia resembles the terminology that many Ottoman state officials used in their impressions from their encounter with Ottoman provinces. Anagnostopoulou, 2010, p. 75.

146 Sokratis Krinopoulos, , Ta Fertakaina po Ethnologikin kai Filologikin Epopsin Eksetazomena (Fertek Investigated through Ethnologic and Philologic Aspect), (Athens: 1889), pp. 15-7.

Protestant missionaries were another cause of danger for the national identity of local Greeks. The proselytising activities of the Protestant missionaries were generally regarded as a threat to the national identity of the Greeks. Since the Greekness of the Turkish-speaking Orthodox Christians was derived from their attachment to the Greek-Orthodox Church, any change in their religious affiliation

would also lead to their departure from the Greek national body. According to Krinopoulos, in order to counter those threats, schools should be founded and ethnological and philological works on Cappadocian Greeks should be supported for the protection and improvement of national culture.146

From the second half of the nineteenth century, considerable effort was undertaken by the centers of Greek Orthodox community to strengthen their ties with the region. These efforts went hand in hand with attempts for inculcating in the Cappadocian Orthodox communities awareness that were part of the greater national community of Greeks. In this effort educational activities played a major part. Education was considered to be the mean to spread the national identity and ethos together with the usage of the Greek language. Obviously until the last decade of the nineteenth century founding schools and developing an educational system that would promote the instruction of Greek constituted first and foremost a religious

duty, it constituted the basic mechanism for strengthening the religious and cultural ties of the communities with the religious center and a demonstration of loyalty towards the Patriarchate.147

147 Anagnostopoulou, 2010, pp. 6465.

But the rapid increase in educational activities across various Anatolian communities in the nineteenth century was not simply the result of external agents; the inhabitants of the region also spent much effort for the development of their educational system because they considered it as the primary mean for adapting and benefiting from the new socio-economic conditions that prevailed in the nineteenth century. A certain degree of education began to be considered necessary in order to benefit from the increased opportunities of social and occupational mobility. These new schools provided the Anatolian communities with social and economic skills and with new forms of societal organization. In this context the language hierarchy is restructured and the Greek language gradually became associated with progress, civilization, economic and cultural advancement and beyond all came to symbolize the unity of the millet and loyalty to the Patriarchate. Thus Greek acquired a primary role in this new religious or millet patriotism. Thus the Turkish speaking Orthodox now had to demonstrate their patriotism and loyalty to the religious authority and their millet through striving to re-acquire their lost language, the language of the

church.

The present study aims to investigate this process by focusing on different communities of the region. These communities enable us to capture both the local dynamics that made possible the development of a system of education and the general context of these endeavors.

Fortna correctly stresses that it is important to distinguish between intention and result of the educational reform projects of Istanbul. He argues that because it is difficult to assess the latter scholarship on late Ottoman education has tended to overemphasize the intentions and projects of the state while mostly neglecting how these were implemented and received by the students.148 In this line Blumi through focusing on the educational reform attempts of both the Hamidian state and the Patriarchate demonstrates that these attempts of social engineering in the Albanian-speaking vilayets of Manastir and Yanya were far from effective in inculcating loyalties and homogeneity. Thus the state was most of the time incapable to assert a greater uniformity through education in such regions as southern Balkans. For example despite the almost monopoly of Greek schools in the vilayet of Yanya, Albanian speakers sent their children to these and even lobbied for their construction. But these schools were far from being effective in creating loyal Greek Orthodox. Instead like the example of Zosimades school in Yanya it even provided the national Albanian movement with a cadre of graduates out of an environment that was hostile to the formation of an Albanian identity.149 It is worth noting that one of the first instructors of Albanian who began to teach secretly his students the Albanian language in 1873 was a teacher called Koto Hoxhi who was a teacher at the Greek teachers. seminary of Gjirokaster.150 Thus it is important to employ a bottom-up

148 Benjamin J. Fortna, Islamic Morality in Late Ottoman Secular. Schools, International Journal of Middle East Studies 32 (2000), p. 380.

149 Isa Blumi, Teaching Loyalty in the Late Ottoman Balkans: Educational Reform in the Vilayets of Manastir and Yanya, 1878-1912, Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, Vol. XXI No. 1&2 (2001) p. 15-23. see also Isa Blumi, The Social Parameters of Identity: The Role of Education in Albanian Identity Formation, in International Congress on Learning and Education in the Ottoman World, Istanbul12-15 April 1999, Proceedings, ed. Ali aksu, Istanbul, IRCICA 2001: 225-235.

150 Somel, 2005, p. 264. While for an analysis of the Albanian students of the Hamidian School of Administration (Mekteb-i Mlkiye), the wider political context and also the narrower social context they participated and their complex relation with Ottomanism and Albanianism see Nathalie Clayer,

The Albanian students of the Mekteb-i Mlkiye Social Networs and Trends of Thought in Late Ottoman Society The Intellectual Legacy, ed. by Elisabeth zdalga (Routledge: London 2005) 289309.

perspective instead of the top-down to access the effectiveness of attempts to indoctrinate, supervise and manipulate local populations through educational reforms and to regard the populations that received these policies not as passive recipients that adapt to these policies but active participants and shapers of these processes.

Plan of the Study

The first chapter of the study deals with the administrative mechanisms that played role in the direction of the educational institutions. At the community level, the administration, control and supervision of the schools of the Ottoman Greeks were carried out by different bodies (the church authorities, the council of elders, the school board (ephoria) and the educational societies) which differed according to the development of the organizational structure of every specific community. These different aspects of the educational activities of different communities will enable to

investigate the emergence of various factions-kommata inside the communities. Thus the superficial image of homogenous communities will be replaced by a picture in which internal strife is norm rather than exception. Next the chapter continues with a brief section that provides information on the type of the schools established in Asia Minor, which offers a better understanding of the complex educational picture of the Ottoman Greeks of Asia Minor during the nineteenth century. It will provide information on the type of the schools established in Anatolia. It is noteworthy that during the last decade of the nineteenth century most communities of the region

acquired elementary schools while a certain regional hierarchy of schools emerged. Thus, this chapter will also attempt to describe this regional hierarchy of educational institutions.

The second chapter of the study deals with how educational issues are presented, expressed and discussed in the Karamanlidika press by the local Anatolian Orthodox intelligentsia. The periodical press in Karamanlidika i.e. those newspapers and periodicals that were published in Turkish in Greek letters and addressed the Turcophone Orthodox of the Empire became an important forum for the expression and discussion of ideas for the literati concerning various educational matters and problems. The chapter besides different short lived Karamanlidika journals and books that deal with educational issues rests mainly on the first intensive reading of the existing collections of the Anatoli (East) newspaper of Evangelinos Misailides. This newspaper forms the progenitor and most important part of the Karamanli. press and constitutes one of the oldest and long lived newspapers of the Ottoman Empire. The chapter tries to uncover the voice of this almost forgotten and neglected part of the Ottoman literary production and consist more or less one of the first attempts to investigate the periodical press part of the Karamanli publishing activity. The investigation of the plethora of news, articles letters published in these sources enables the formation of a vivid picture of the educational endeavors of the turcophone Anatolian Orthodox.

The third chapter of the study deals with the establishment, organization and

functioning of the highest educational institution of Anatolian Orthodox: The Theological Seminary of Kayseri. This school which was in the level of gymnasium formed the top of the educational pyramid of the region. Rather than concentrating only on regulations and official reports the chapter tries to depict the life in the

school itself that is its curricula, buildings but most importantly the daily life in them and the various frictions that emerged in it between different actors of it based on various primary sources. The Theological Seminary of Kayseri had been established principally in order to educate a competent clergy and a body of local teachers that will serve in the community schools of the region. The chapter also investigates the ethnoreligious competition in the educational arena and treats it as the primary force in the development of education by looking at the missionary activities in the region of Kayseri and the responses that it received.

The fourth chapter will focus to a rather neglected part of the history of the Ottoman Greek educational endeavors. It will investigate the attempt to establish a kindergartners training college in Cappadocia in the beginning of the twentieth century. Kindergartens were very important in the development of education in the Orthodox communities of Anatolia. There kindergartens received great emphasis because they were assigned a special role in the re-acquisition of Greek by the turcophone and other foreign speaking Orthodox communities. The study is based on the correspondence of the school board of the schools of Zincidere, the metropolitans of Kayseri and especially the letters of Aikaterini Tzoannopoulou, the headmistress of the college from the beginning to its end.

The fifth chapter deals with the new profession of primary school teacher. It investigates the status, work conditions and salaries of this new professional class of teachers of Asia Minor. These new teachers, educated in different teacher training

institutes or theological seminaries, were expected to possess some knowledge of modern educational theory, instructional methods and classroom management skills. Social obedience to figures of authority began in the first place through obedience to the teacher. The increasing role of the teacher in the community affairs and the

emergence of a professional ethic among teachers which derived its normative content from the values of Greek nationalism will be investigated by concentrating on the personal documents and correspondences of different teachers working in various community schools of Anatolia.

CHAPTER II

THE EDUCATIONAL PICTURE OF THE ANATOLIAN ORTHODOX: SCHOOLS AND THEIR ADMINISTRATION

The present chapter aims to provide information about the different aspects of the educational life of the Anatolian Orthodox. First it will deal with bodies that formed for the administration and supervision of the schools with particular emphasis to the role of the local ecclesiastic authority on education. Then it will concentrate on the different types of schools, their development and general characteristics which will enable the reader to comprehend better in the later chapters the development of education in Anatolia.

The administration, control and supervision of the schools of the Ottoman Rums were carried out by mixed bodies ecclesiastical and lay- at the different levels

of the organizational structure of the millet. The variations in the socioeconomic, demographic and cultural conditions of every specific community reflected to the administration of the schools which determined the relative strength of the Church and lay authorities.151

151 Kazamias, p. 354.

The distinction between traditionally organized communities and those communities that possessed advanced organization, proposed by Anagnostopoulou can provide important clues for a better understanding of the organizational development of the communities and their effect on the administration of education.

For Anagnostopoulou in the traditionally organized communities the power rested in the hands of the church and the council of elders or the mukhtar.152 Both the church and the council of elders or the mukhtar took their right to power from their role inside the Ottoman system -the church due to its privileges (pronomia) given to it by the Ottoman authority153 and the council of elders or the mukhtar which most of the time were landowners, due to their role in the Ottoman tax collecting system. These functioned as intermediaries between a supposedly undifferentiated community and the central authority. The educational affairs of the community were among the responsibilities of the clerics. In these traditionally organized communities the social stratification was very simple, consisting of the powerful landholders (orbac) on the one hand and the poor peasants and some others like peddlers on the other. This simple social stratification did not allow conflicts between different social groups but only conflicts between factions contesting for the control of the community. But towards the end of the nineteenth century, the increased social differentiation inside the communities led those who had migrated to the urban centers and those technicians or traders who traveled to the urban centers of the region, to voice their opposition towards the exclusive control of the church and the notables and their preference for the control of the communal affairs by lettered persons.154

152 According to the Vilyet Nizamnamesi of 1864 every community required to elect two mukhtars, which were appointed with the order of kaimakam. The administration of watchman, village

policeman and other officials, the collection of taxes, the administration of municipal works (cleanliness, the maintenance of aqueducts and fountains) the repairment of school buildings and temples were among the duties of the mukhtars. Glber Ortayl, Tanzimat Devrinde Osmanl Mahall dareleri (1840-1880), (Ankara: Trk Tarih Kurumu Yaynlar, 2000), p. 112.

153 For a classic study over the nature of privileges of the Patriarchate and its new status under Ottoman rule see Papadopoullos, 1990.

154 Anagnostopoulou, 1997, pp. 365-7.

According to Anagnostopoulou a Cappadocian community presented a developed community organization, firstly when the community possessed a stable and relatively dense population, which even in case of mass migration of its residents retained close contacts with their birthplace and secondly when the community belonged to a region with some socio-economic development. The conditions of this socioeconomic development were the presence of markets that concentrated an important sum of agricultural output of surrounding villages and a road network. Together with these, the continuous existence of an Orthodox population, the presence of a community tradition and the participation of the migrated members in the economic and communal affairs of their brethren were the main criteria which differentiated developed from traditional communities.155

155 Ibid., p. 364.

156 Ibid., p. 368.

For Anagnostopoulou the communities of Kayseri, rgp, Gelveri, NevGehir, Sinasos and Nide possessed a developed community organization. Among them, the socio-economic development of Kayseri and Nide was the immediate result of their

position as administrative, ecclesiastic and economic centers of their region. On the other hand the development of centers like NevGehir, Gelveri and Sinasos were the result of much more complex and interrelated phenomena, that is the combined effect of the local socio-economic developments and the effect of the immigrants especially those of Istanbul and Izmir.156 It is important to note that the Anatolian Orthodox immigrants through the social and economic networks based on locality or familial bond that they created in these big urban centers, played not only increasingly important roles in their local communities but also in the urban communities that they settled. These immigrants in different occasions competed with their coreligions

of different localities (Roumeliots, Islanders, Chiots, Greeks from the Kingdom etc.) for establishing their economic but also political hegemony in the community.

The interrelation of these abovementioned two factors, the local social differentiation and the effect of the immigrants displayed itself mostly in the development of education and in the establishment of a social solidarity network. According to Anagnostopoulou despite the fact that the sources of the communal revenues became differentiated due to the remittances of the immigrants and the guilds, the same phenomenon did not observed in the organization of the communities. Even in those communities categorized as developed, the communal sovereignty remained more or less in the hands of the church and in the hands of orbacis, which were two or three families that often functioned as opposing factions. Despite that, administrative mechanisms that resembled to those of the developed coastal communities of Anatolia also emerged in these communities. The primary body among these was the council of elders which consisted of 8-12 members elected among the orbac stratum.157 Another body that emerged was the school board which gradually differentiated itself from the council of elders and turned into the primary authority in educational matters of the community.

157 Ibid., p. 371.

The Council of Elders

The council of elders (............) was the administrative organ of both the internal and external affairs of the communities. It was appointed by the general

assembly of the inhabitants for one to four years and consisted of 5 or 7 economically well to do and relatively educated members of the community.158

158 Hristos Sp. Soldatos, , . ............ ... .......... ...... ... .......... ... ...... ..... vol. B. . ........ ... . .......... ... ........ (The Organization and Functioning of the Schools) (Athens: 1989), p. 73.

159 Ortayl, pp. 112-3.

160 Soldatos, 1989b, p. 73.

The duties of the council of elders firstly described in the 1864 Vilyet Nizamnamesi, which introduced it as an organ of local government. According to this regulation every religious community in mixed villages would have a council of elders consisting of 3-12 members, in which the spiritual leaders of the communities

were its natural members. It was responsible for the distribution and collection of the taxes that belonged to the community. Also it was responsible for the peaceful resolution of disagreements between community members. The election of village guards and other village officials, establishment of schools, inspection of mukhtars were among its duties. According to the Regulation of 1864 the mukhtar and the council of elders were elected annually from taxpaying (at least 50 piasters annually) male members of the community who were over 18. Those who could be elected had to be over 30 and to give at least 100 piasters of taxes annually.159

The synthesis and duties of the council of elders changed from community to community. In many communities, it was the sole authority and it determined the election of the school board, the church commissions etc. The management and control of the economic state of the community was one of the most important duties of the council of elders. As it mentioned above in other communities, bodies like the school board had more power and acted together with the council of elders.160

The Regulation of the Communities of the Province of Kayseri prepared in December 1903 provides us with invaluable information on the administration of the communities of the region. This regulation, written in Karamanlidika, had been composed by a commission formed by the metropolitan of Kayseri Gervasios, who had succeded Ioannis Anastasiadis. The commission had prepared the regulation based on the Regulation of the Parishes of the Archbishopric of Constantinople that had been composed in 1892.161

161 The members of the commission were Avraam S. Neftitzoglou, G. Ourail, I. M. Vizantiadis, K. Leontiadis, Isaak A. Tonnoukaroglou. cited in Emmanouil I. Tsalikoglou, ........ ............. ... ............. .......... ... ........... .......... (Greek Schools and Greek-Orthodox Communities of the Region of Kayseri), (Athens: Center of Asia Minor Studies, 1976), pp. 61 and 65.

162 Ibid., p. 61, article 1.

163 Ibid., article 2.

According to the first article of the regulation, every community had to be administered by a village council consisting of 4 or 8 members according to the number of Orthodox inhabitants of the community. These members were elected every two years.162 Articles 25 of the regulation described the electoral procedure. According to these the elections had to take place the first Sunday of January. The cleric who directed the community called the faithful to the electoral convention. Those who had the right to participate in the elections had to be Ottoman subjects.163 Other than that, those who had the right of vote had to a) be older than 25 and not have committed any crime, b) have fulfilled their duties to the community and paid their prelatic allowance (12,5 piasters annually), c) the chief of a family or

household.164 The salaried serving staff of the community did not have the right to vote.165

164 Ibid., p. 61, article 3.

165 Ibid., p. 62, article 4.

166 Ibid., article 5.

167 Ibid., article 5.

168 Ibid., p.63, article 8.

169 Ibid., p. 63; Yannis Akkanoglou NevGehir, KP 144, chapter 7.

Voters registered their names on the book of presentation. Next, they took from the presiding cleric a white ballot on which they wrote the names and surnames of those whom they wanted to be members of the village council. The secretary of the convention called the names of the voters and those who were called threw their ballot inside the ballot-box. After the completion of the vote, the president would call two scrutineers for the counting and those who gathered the highest vote were elected. In the case of equality of votes the metropolitan had a casting vote.166 The members of the village council had to be Orthodox Christian Ottoman subjects, older than 30 and had to meet the other conditions that were demanded from the voters as described in the article 3 of the same regulation.167 The president of the village council was appointed by the metropolitan or by his representative.168

The metropolitan was regarded as the permanent president of the village council of all the communities of his province. But due to the fact that it was not possible to preside in all village councils, he appointed a representative who could also be from laity and even member of the village council.169

During its first meeting the village council had to elect from among the literate men of the community the school board for the surveillance and administration of the community schools. The school board had three or five members according to the number of inhabitants in the community. Also the village council elected the church committee with two members for every church.170 The village council in close cooperation with the school boards and church committees had the duty to care for the regular running of the community affairs, for the progress of the schools and for helping the poor of the community. It was responsible for the management of the landed property of the community, for the construction or repair of the school buildings and churches, for collecting the rents of the landed property and for buying or selling it in cases of need. It also had to control and approve the budget and balance sheet of the school boards and church committees.171 The village council was also responsible for the peaceful settlement of the frictions that emerged among the Christians.172 Members of the village council could also be at the same time board and church committee members but they could not be members of the three organs simultaneously.173

170 The duties of the church-wardens were: a) To care and supervise of the decoration and cleanless of the churches, b) the maintenance of account books which controlled by the council of elders. The church-wardens could not spent more than 200 piasters annually without the permission of the council of elders. Tsalikoglou, p. 64, article 19.

171 Ibid, p. 63, article 12. Soldatos, 1989b, pp. 79-80.

172 Tsalikoglou, p. 63, article 12.

173 Ibid., p. 65.

The Administrative Council of the Kaza, had been formed in the second half of the nineteenth century as part of the administrative reform process, which brought to the provincial administration a form of limited representation. The kaza council

was under the Liva Administrative Council, which was responsible for the administrative, fiscal, public works, educational, agricultural and commercial affairs of the liva. The Administrative Council of Kaza was presided by the kaymakam and its members were the head of the state tax and finance office, the secretary (tahrirat ktibi), the judge of the kaza (naib), the mufti and the spiritual leaders of the nonMuslim communities, who were natural members, and four elected members consisting of two Muslim and two non-Muslim members. Among the duties of these councils were the investigation of administrative trials and the control of kaza revenues and expenses, the administration and maintenance of state owned properties, the protection of local health, the establishment and repair of roads etc. In practice, the community representation that these organs contained in most cases was not applied. Most of the time, the social profile of Muslim and non-Muslim members were identical, that is they were landholders or wealthy tradesmen of the region. Due to the complex electoral procedure the system enabled the election of only those who possessed sufficient wealth and were approved by the central administration. In most cases the elected members were the same who occupied high positions in the local power structure. Through their positions in these organs these elements reinforced their intermediary status between state officials and the local population.174

174 Ortayl, pp. 74-82.

Generally the council of elders of the Orthodox communities was an oligarchic organ. For example the council of elders of Sinasos was controlled by 40 to 50 electors who were mostly owners of stores of caviar producing (........... ...........) or clerks (tezgahtar) of these shops in Istanbul. Thus the council of elders reflected the hierarchy and oligarchic nature of the guild organization. After 1873 the election of the council of elders was moved from the Istanbul to Sinasos

itself. But its oligarchic nature did not altered and more or less the same families continued to control the body. While in Malakopi some decades of individuals, distinguished by their commercial activities in the capital had the right to participate as electors to the general assemblies of Malakopi.175

175 Hatziiosif, 2005, pp.176-186.

176 Anagnostopoulou, 1997, p. 372.

177 Regulation of the Allilodidaktik and Hellenic Schools of Constantinople and of Provinces subject to the Ecumenical Throne (1846) and Organization of the Girls. Schools established in Constantinople and in Provinces subject to the Ecumenical Throne (1851).

From the last decades of the nineteenth century, the council of elders began to lose its exclusiveness as the sole source of communal authority and was obliged to accept the incorporation in the cycle of communal authority some new bodies which

did not originate from the traditional orbac families. Thus in those instances the village council lost its authority and members of the school boards started not to originate from the members of village councils. In some cases Istanbul branches of the school boards with their local representatives or themselves took over totally the educational affairs of their communities.176

The School Board

The ephoria-school board was the principal authority in the administration and supervision of the educational affairs of the community and it was responsible for the regular and unimpeded functioning of the schools. The duties of the school board were plenty. In the beginning the responsibilities of the school board were restricted to only financial matters. But gradually things changed and on the basis of the regulations of 1846 and 1851177 the board members began to be elected by the parish

and their role broadened and their duties upgraded.178 Its primary duty was to find resources for the schools, the appointment and dismissal of appropriate staff which determined also their salary, to provide and distribute the school books and other teaching materials to students which usually came from the capital with the help of the Istanbul branch of the school board, the introduction of new textbooks and new teaching methods, the effective implementation of the curriculum, the conduct of examinations at the proper time and the faithful discharging of the duties and responsibilities of all personnel involved. It had also a share in the decisions taken for the programs of the schools. The local board was responsible also from the budget of the schools, and it had to give accounts concerning the developments in the schools that were done usually in the beginning or in the end of the school year. It inspected the work of the staff which could dismiss them; it controlled the oral exams in the end of every year with an exam commission established by the school board itself. The board could also give scholarships to students in order to become teachers in the schools of the community. It was also responsible for the supervision of the educational associations.179

178 Ziogou-Karastergiou, p. 28.

179 Eleni Karatza, . ....... ... ....... ... ........... (Education in Gelveri of Cappadocia), ...... ....... ............. ....... vol. 3, 1982, pp. 135-6.

According to the Regulation of the Communities of the Province of Kayseri the duties of the school board included a) the supervision of the education of the students, b) the appointment of the teachers with the approval of the village council, c) in case the revenues did not cover the expenses it had to propose the village

council ways of finding new sources for covering the deficit, d) to be concerned one month after the end of the schoolyear for the teaching staff of the next year.180

180 Tsalikoglou, p. 64, article 17; Vithleem Kalavoutsoglou, NevGehir, KP 144.

181 Tsalikoglou, p. 64, article 18.

182 Ibid., p. 63, article 12.

183 Kazamias, pp. 354-5.

184 Soldatos, 1989b, p. 88.

185 Ibid., p. 110.

The contracts of the teachers were signed by the board members and confirmed by the metropolitan.181 In case of a withdrawal of its members, the school board was obliged to surrender to the council of elders the account books with the remainings of its treasury while the village council or a committee appointed by it controlled their dealings.182 The school board was mostly presided by the metropolitan or by his representative.183 In the beginning, the boards were united with the church commission but the increase of both churches and schools and the complication of educational needs resulted in the separation of these two bodies.184

One of the primary duties of the school board was to find a suitable teaching staff. The communities mostly preferred to have teachers of local origin because not only they demanded less money, but also stayed much longer in the schools than teachers from outside. To achieve this, many communities began to send students with scholarships to be trained as teachers in teacher training schools of the empire or those of the Kingdom of Greece. The grant of scholarships and to issue written promises and deeds of security related to the scholarships was among the duties of the council of elders and of the school board.185 The composition of the analytical programs and of the schedule was done by the headmaster in cooperation with

teachers but in the end they had to be approved by the school board. For example in the Reformatory Program of the Schools of NevGehir had been prepared by the headmaster Askitopoulos in 1905, but for its application it needed the consent and support of the school board, which he obtained.

The Anatolian communities that had immigrant members in Istanbul had most of the time branches of their school board there. For example the Executive Council of the Educational Society St. Minas of Denegi (Filekpedeftiki Adelfotis Tianeon o Agios Minas), which had been established in 1882 by members of the community of Denegi living in Istanbul was exercising also the duties of the school board of the community. These duties included the material support of the schools and especially choosing relevant teachers for the schools.186 The school board of Sinasos had also a representation in Istanbul, which had the same number of members with that of the local school board. The board there supported the schools financially and found suitable and able teachers to the community schools.187 The schools of rgp were directed by the council of elders and by the school board who was established by the former. There was also a branch of school board in Istanbul.188 The Istanbul branch of the school board of the schools of NevGehir had been established in 1820 especially with the efforts of the migrants from NevGehir organized in the guild of green grocers. The two boards and the village council

186 Kiriakidis, P. I. .... ... ...... ... ...... ... ........... (Churches and Schools of Tyana of Cappadocia), ............ ....... vol. 10, 1963, p. 245.

187 Magriotis, . .......... .. ..... .... ... ... ...... .. ......... (The Teacher in Asia Minor), ............ ......., vol. 2, 1939, p. 136.

188 Daniil Daniilidis, ....... ... ......... (A Letter of my Father), ............. ........... . ..... 1914, Constantinople: Protopapa and Sas, 1913, p. 112.

cooperated in educational and even in other community affairs. The books, the writing materials and the salaries of the teachers came from Istanbul.189

189 Vithleem Kalavoutsoglou, NevGehir, KP 144.

But the more the Istanbul school board assumed to support the schools financially, the more it controlled the functioning of the schools. The enhanced role of the Istanbul branches of school boards reflects the increased economic and intellectual dependency of the local communities to Istanbul. However, this state of affairs led to many controversies between the two branches. According to the book published by the Istanbul branch of the school board of the schools of NevGehir for its centennial, due to the problems of authority among the school boards of NevGehir and Istanbul there emerged sometimes tension. The board of NevGehir saw itself as the only authority in matters of education, while the Istanbul branch was arguing that it had at least the same authority over matters concerning the election, appointment and dismissal of teachers.

Another factor in the administration and proper functioning of the community schools were the local educational societies that especially played a vital role in the financial support of the schools. The establishment and spread of societal activities in the communities of Cappadocia in the second half of the nineteenth century was

connected with the activities of the immigrants in the capital. Many societies were established in the imperial capital by the Anatolian immigrants to support the educational endeavors in their brethren but there were also many communities like those of rgp, Sinasos and NevGehir that together with that of the capital, from time to time possessed also active local societies. In rgp other than the Evaggelismo

tis Theotokou and the Orthodoxy there were many guilds.190 In Sinasos there was an active and organized community life while in NevGehir there was one of the bestorganized educational societies.

190 In rgp there were 17 guilds established by the community members. But during 1913 the number of these associations had been greatly diminished and there were only three brotherhoods. From these the older was the Brotherhood of Quarriers which was providing candles to the churches every year in the Thursday of Holy Week and also it was doing other charity activities. The second was the Filoptohos Adelfotis I Orthodoksia (Charitable Brotherhood the Orthodoxy) which had been founded in 1894 by the metropolitan of Kayseri Ioannis Anastasiadis. According to its regulation it was supplying to the poors of the community wheat, flour, clothes etc. through its members or from outside. The sum of these had reached to a considerable capital which was used by a general committee in commercial activities. Lastly there was the o en Konstantinmoupoli Sindesmos ton filomouson Prokopeon I Areti which had been established in 1909 in Istanbul by the emigrated members of the community. It was giving 40-50 liras per year for the supply of the poor children with

books, clothes etc. It was also keeping 70% of its revenues coming from its members in bank in Istanbul for the secure development of the schools in the future. Anastasopoulos Georgios St., Ourkioup, ............. ........... . ..... 1914 (Constantinople: Protopapa and Sas, 1913), pp. 112-3; Stefo Benlisoy .Areti. Maarifperveran Cemiyeti (Educational Society Areti.), Tarih ve Toplum 233, May 2003, vol. 39, pp. 4-10.

Church and Education

As we saw previously the Church.s dominance in educational matters continued while especially in remote provinces of Anatolia until the last decades of the nineteenth century it was the determining force behind the educational initiatives.

The bishoprics in Anatolia were not only divisions of religious administration but also or because of this, they became in the nineteenth century mechanisms of the reformed Ottoman provincial administration and thus a mechanism of inclusion of the Orthodox to the Ottoman world. The hierarchy of the Orthodox Church modeled

the Ottoman administrative division and the hierarchy of local offices. But it is worth mentioning that the ecclesiastic administrative division did not coincide with the geographical division of Ottoman administration. Thus, a vilayet could have villages and townships belonging to two or three bishoprics while a bishopric could have

under its ecclesiastic jurisdiction communities that belonged to two and even three vilayets.191 For example while NevGehir and rgb according to the administrative division of the state belonged to the sancak (mutasarrflk) of Nide and to the vilayet of Konya, in the ecclesiastic division they were not, as one could expect part of the bishopric of Konya but of the bishopric of Kayseri. While Sarmusaklu (Bnyan or Hamidiye), according to the state administrative division was a kaymakamlk that was part of the vilayet of Sivas but ecclesiastically it was under the spiritual jurisdiction of the bishop of Kayseri.

191 Merlie, 177, pp. 42-43.

192 Anagnostopoulou, 1999, pp. 29, 33-34.

The bishopric was administered by the metropolitan and the Mixed Church Council consisting of eight elected members. The metropolitan had almost similar responsibilities with the Patriarch in local scale. He was responsible for the arrangement of religious-national sphere, thus he was the guarantor of the incorporation of Orthodox of his bishopric to the rest of the millet and the Ottoman world. 192

The metropolitan was the supreme spiritual authority in his province and among his duties was directing and supervising the educational affairs of his province. He was very influential in the appointment and dismissal of teachers. The metropolitans had the responsibility of controlling and confirming the accounts of the schools and also supervised the activities of the different societies, among them the educational ones. Most of these societies declared as their honorary president the metropolitan of their province, like the Educational Society Vasileiados of NevGehir, of which the honorary president was the metropolitan of Kayseri between 1871 and

1876, Efstathios Kleovoulos. While Kleovoulos and his successors were the presidents of the Cappadocian Educational Brotherhood.193

193 ........... ............ ......... .. ................. (Cappadocian Educational Brotherhood in Constantinople), Constantinople: ........... . ....... 1872. Gennadius Library, Athens, KG 813.

194 For the text of the circular see ............. ......., 1 March 1891, vol. 1, pp. 5-7.

The authority of the metropolitans over the educational affairs of their communities was also recognized by the Ottoman authorities. According to the circular read by Kamil PaGa that ended the first phase of the privileges question in 1891 the metropolitans had almost the same right and duties concerning education with the Patriarch in the province under their ecclesiastic jurisdiction. Thus according to the circular the programs of the schools were compiled by the Patriarchate or the metropolitans. Also the metropolitans ratified the diplomas and papers of the teachers of their community schools. Most importantly the inspectors (mfetti) or directors (mdr) of Public Education communicated with the metropolitan when they found out teachers without proper diplomas or certain

problems in the programs of the schools of their province and expected from them the replacement of teachers and the necessary corrections in the programs.194 Thus in 1891 when the government demanded from the Patriarchate statistical information about the schools, number of teachers and pupils, the books and programs used in the schools in the capital it also asked the same information from the metropolitans. The Holy Synod in a circular it sent to its metropolitans asked them to provide information to their respected administrative authority statistical information about the public or private schools of their provinces. The requested statistical information included the type and the classes of the schools, the instructed languages, the places of the schools. The circular demanded also information about the number of the

pupils, their sexes and the number of boarding pupils. About teaching staff it asked their names and religion and whether they possessed the required certificate (..........) provided by the metropolitans.195 While the mutassarf of Kayseri warned the Metropolitan of Kayseri in 1 March 1892 that according to the order he received from his superiors the Orthodox schools of the province should be closed in three months if the metropolitan does not gets the necessary permission.196 Meanwhile the Province Assembly which gathered immediately to discuss the matter announced that in the province of Kayseri there is no school functioning without permission of the authorities.197

195 Codex of the Bishopric of Kayseri vol. 205/319, p. 94-95. See also ............. ......., 19 July 1891, vol. 21, p. 163.

196 Codex of the Bishopric of Kayseri vol. 205/319, p. 110.

197 Ibid., vol. 210/318, p. 14.

198 Ibid., vol. 205/319, pp. 207-208.

199 Tsalikoglou, 1976, p. 50.

But despite the abovementioned claim of the assembly of the province, the mutassarf of Kayseri in another memorandum bearing the date of 2 May 1906 announced the metropolitan of Kayseri that he attaches the permission of 48 schools from the total of 64 schools of Orthodox in the province of Kayseri. He added that the permissions for the remaining 16 schools will be given immediately when the related documents come from the ministry.198

If the Ottoman officials discovered that a teacher of the community schools did not possess the teaching certificate that was provided by the Patriarchate or the metropolitan, they were applying to the metropolitan.199 Also the officials could demand from him statistics concerning the situation of education in their communities.

Officially the metropolitan bishops were equal between themselves but there was always an honorary order of precedence (.... ..............). Despite of its diminished flock200 and importance the bishopric of Kayseri still retained its high honorary status in the nineteenth century and was the first bishopric in the order of precedence being the historic seat of eastern Christianity and of saints like Basil the Great or John the Chrysostom.

200 The community of the city of Kayseri numbered only three hundred families in the beginning of the century while the male members of the community most of the time were immigrating to the urban centers of the empire. Gervasios of Nazianzou, Zincidere 14 June 1902, file I 30.

201 Petropoulou, 1993, p. 43.

In general the attitude of the metropolitans towards educational matters had determining importance for the development of the education in their province. The role of the metropolitans and more generally of the church in educational activities of the Anatolian communities can be attested through the important contributions of the three metropolitans of Kayseri in the nineteenth century. These metropolitants of

Kayseri who had determining impact on the development of education in the ecclesiastic province of Kayseri but also in the entire communities of their province were Paisios (1832-1871), Efstathios Kleovoulos (1871-1876) and Ioannis Anastasiadis (1878-1903). Both three men gave great emphasis to the development of education in their province and they were completely dedicated to the ideals of the cultural and spiritual revitalization of their province and of Cappadocia.201

Paisios

Paisios (Petros Kepoglou) who remained Metropolitan of Kayseri for almost 40 years without doubt marked the history of the region. He was born in Farasa ,a

predominantly Greek speaking village 202 in 1780. His father was a priest called Anastasios. After learning to read from his father, in 1795 he went to the monastery of John the Forerunner ( Ioannis Prodromos ) in Zincidere to study under Germanos from Iskenderun in . In 1799 Germanos ordained him and following the ecclesiastic custom he gave up his baptismal name Pet ros and took another, again according to the prevailing custom beginning with the same initial letter, Paisios. After ordination Paisios went firstly to Mount Athos and in his return he became teacher in the school of Kermir. In 1804 he became the abbot of the monastery of St. John the Forerunner in Zincidere and following the death of Germanos he became director of the

school. 203 Paisios remained in this position for 28 years and tried to develop the monastery and the school in it. In 1832 he was appointed a s the Metropolitan of Kayseri and remained on the throne for 39 years until his death in 1871.

202 Farasa was 89 kilometers North of Kayseri and 103 kilometers northeast of Adana. Just before the Population Exchange in 1924 it had 204 Orthodox families with 583 persons and around 15 Muslims. Farasa was a muhtarlk under the mdrlk of Yahyal. . ..... ......... ... ... ........ ... ......... ... ...... ........., vol. B (KMS: Athens 1982) p. 307. For Farasa and its Greekspeaking Orthodox community see also Lazaros M. Kelekidis, .. ...... ... ........... ...... .......... ........ (Farasa of Cappadocia Recollections of Elders from Farasa) (Thessaloniki 2005).

203 .......... ....... .. .......... .... ... ... ... ... ..... ........ .......... ........... vol. 6, 29 ..vember 1892, p. 106. See also the circular of Paisios in 1847 when he was leaving his province in order to participate in the Holy Synod, in which he gives information about

his early years and a brief account of his fifteen years as Metropolitan of Kayseri. Quoted in F. D. Apostolopoulos, .... ....... ... ...... ......... ... ...........(Three Documents of the Codex of Tavlousoun of Cappadocia) ...... ....... ............. ....... vol. 1, Athens 1977, pp. 234-239.

204 The office of Grand Logothete, who most often was occuppied by a layman and controlled the finances of the Patriarchate.

In 1835 he became a candidate for the Patriarchal throne and supported by Stephanos Vogoride s against the Metropolitan of Serres, the candidate supported by the network of Grand Logothete 204 Nikolaos Aristarchis, who became Patriarch as

Grigorios VI. 205 In those years Paisios was part of t he network of Stephanos Vogoride s, Aleksandros Fotiadis, and the Patriarch Anthimos the sixth that until the end of the first half of the nineteenth century was the main opponent of the network composed by Grand Logothete N. Aristar c his, Kalliadis and the Patriarch Grigorios the sixth. These two groups constituted the main contesters of the patriarchal throne during the thirties and f orties and Paisios was th e favorite candidate of Vogoride s faction in the frequent patriarchal changes of the period. 206 At that time he also participated as a member to the Holy Synod 207 in different occasions. In 1843 he

went to the capital when Patriarch G ermanos and Stephanos Vogoride s called him to participate in the Holy Synod in order to support the patriarch who faced the opposition of some metropolitans in the synod who belonged to the faction of Ioannis Psycharis and remained there for two years. 208 Pa isios became for the last time member of the Holy Synod in 1862 when he was 85 years old. During that period he was part of its reformist wing that opposed the centralizing tendencies of the Patriarch Joachim the second. 209

205 Dimitrios Stamatopoulos, ............ ... ............ .... ... .......... ... ........ ... ............ ............ ... 19. ..... (Reform and Secularization, towards a Reconstitution of the History of the Ecumenical Patriarchate in the 19th century), (........ .........., Athens 2003), p. 42.

206 Ibid., p. 48; For the careers, networks and rivalry between Vogorides and Aristarchis see also Christine M. Philliou, Worlds, Old and New: Phanariot Networks and the Remaking of Ottoman Governance in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century(Unpublished PhD Thesis, Princeton University) November 2004, pp. 286-345.

207 Paisios visited many times Istanbul. The first two visits was in 1807 and 1811, before being Meropolitan, in order to raise funds for the benefit of the school of the monastery of St. John the Forerunner in Zincidere. He revisited Istanbul in 1832 when he was elected as Metropolitan of Kayseri. His fourth journey to Istanbul was in 1847 when he was called to participate to the Holy Synod. Apostolopoulos, p. 222.

208 Kalfoglou, pp. 408-10.

209 Stamatopoulos, pp. 201-202.

Paisios was so concerned about the increased missionary activities in his

diocese that he translated in 1839 into Karamanlidika the Holy Catechism of Platon of Moscow as ...... ...... ..... ( Doru Dinin Talimi Instruction of the True Faith) and printed it in Kayseri in the wooden pr inting machine that he had established in the monastery. This translation constitutes the first example of the anti Protestant polemical literature in Karamanlidika that rapidly increased in titles during the later years of the nineteenth century. 210 He als o approved the correction of the New Testament translated in Karamanlidika

. But contrary to Paisios the conservative Pa triarch Grigorios the sixth opposed his old rivals attempt to translate the Holy Scriptures. 211 It is worth noting that h is fine Turkish a llowed him to preach in Turkish wherever he was performing the liturgy and warn his flock against the activities of the missionaries. 212 Meanwhile the missionaries had already translated The Bible in Turkish and had started to distribute it massively in his ecclesiastical province. 213

210 Richard Clogg, The Publication and Distribution of Karamanli Texts by the British and Foreign

Bible Society before 1850 Part II, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, XIX (No 2) 1968, pp. 382-383. Paisios also translated to Karamanlidika the ...... .............. of Nikodimos from Mount Athos. See S. Salaville & E. Dallegio, Karamanlidika I 15841850, Athens 1958, pp. 214 215. Kalfoglu argues that the abovementioned printing machine was destroyed shortly after its establishment and its remnants were still visible in a room of the Monastery during the late 1880.s when he was student in the Thelogical Seminary of Zincidere. Kalfoglu, pp. 3834.

211 See Mamoni, 19881989, pp. 129140. 133.

212 Kalfoglou, pp. 364-5. Kalfoglou also mentions that when in 1851 Paisios was performing the wedding liturgy of Stephanos Mousouris bey in Arnavutky in the presence of the sultan Abdlmecid he was praised by him after the liturgy for reading in Turkish all the wedding wishes. See Kalfoglou, pp. 468d-468e.

213 Richard Clogg, Notes on some Karamanli Books printed Before 1850 now in British Libraries, with Particular Reference to the Bible Translations of the British and Foreign Bible Society Mikrasiatika Khronika, XIII (1967) 521-563.

After his enthronement o ne of the first orders of Paisios to the clerics and church committees of his bishopric was to choose names for the children in baptism ceremonies from the church calendar in order to Christianize the names of his flock. In a circular, dated 27 January 1839, written in Karamanlidika and addressing the

church committees of his bishopric Paisios on the basis of the orders coming from Patriarchate calls the church committees under his spiritual jurisdiction to form codes that will include the records of every birth, baptism and death of the specific community. The circular describes in detail how the priests and church committees will fill these codes and orders the priest s of every parish to send the list of th ose born and died every first September to the Metropolitan in order for him to form a codex of the Metropolitan and send it to the Holy Synod.

As stated above Paisios ordered also in the same circular that the names given to the newborn should not be Tur coman, Persian or any other barbaric names but instead names dignified by the church. Paisios also tried to correct the irregularities in weddings and especially tried to prohibit marriages in small ages a phenomenon introduced because of the immigr ation of male members of families and between close relatives. 214 As Petropoulou rightfully observes the instructions of

Paisios concerning the registering of names, baptisms, deaths that is the control of the entire life circle forms a break from a traditi onal society. 215

214 The Greek translation of the circular is published in Apostolopoulos, 1977, pp. 217239.

215 Ioanna Petropoulou, . ........... .......... ... ........ .... .......... ... ...... ..... ..... (Hellenization of the names in Nineteenth Century Cappadocia) ...... ....... ............. ....... Vol. 7 19881989: 141200. 149.

216 Georgios I. Papadopoulos, . ......... ........ ... ........ .......... ......... (Contemporary Hierarchy of the Orthodox Eastern Church), Vol. 1, Athens: Aleks. Papageorgiou, 1895, pp. 425442. 426; Ioannis Ioannidis, ......... .............. . .......... ......... (The Metropolitans of Kayseri and Various Information), (Dersaadet: Aleksandros Nomismatidis, 1896), pp. 335.

During that period he worked for the establishment or renewal of churches and schools in every community of his province. He encouraged teachers and priests to give sermons every Sunday in their churches. He also helped communities to obtai n official authorization in order to repair their schools and churches. 216

Kalfoglou describes Paisios as a dynamic figure which his province desperately needed at that time. 217

217 Kalfoglu, pp. 369371.

218 Kayseriye Mitropoliti Kir Paisios Ioannis Prodromos Monastrnn varidatn bu ane dein bae deruninde havuz ve kGk inGasna ve akl raras gibi da ve bayr imarna sarf itmeklik beyhude oldni artk mrnn ahGam namaznda idrak iderek, yine yalnz Monastr Gereflendirmek, ve halkn evladlarn keGiGlie teGvik itmek zere, Monastr deruninde Eparhialularnn dahi ianesi ile bir Theologikon sholeion inGa ideceini bu defa mahsus Fenerde konana celb eyledii muteber Kayserlulere ifade eylemiG. Aferin!!! Anatoli, N. 589, 2 November 1862.

It seems that the establishment of a theological school in the monastery of St.

Jo hn the Forerunner was discussed even in the beginning of the 1860s. The Anatoli newspaper which uses a very harsh language for m etropolitan Paisios at that time in an article claims sarcastically that the m etropolitan who had become tired in his late year s to consume the revenues of the monastery in building pool and kiosk in the garden of the monastery now decided to es tablish in it a theological s chool. According to the article Paisios had declared hi s ideas to the notables of Kayseri by inviting them in his mansion in Phanar. The article claims that this is pointless, since those who want to become clerics can study in the Theological School of Halki and it adds that if the Metropolitan wants to make a favor to his province he can do it by helping the ex isting schools.

218

D uring his long term as Metropolitan of Kayseri Paisios was also hars hly criticized especially in his last years when he was retired to the monastery of John the Forerunner . Especially the Anatoli newspaper published numerous articles crit icizing him for gathering donations from his flock and spending the money of the monastery for unnecessary things like building kiosks in the garden of the monastery or buying a big silver candle and bell for it. Instead the editors of Anatoli proposed the

purchase of a property that will yield revenue for the development of the

school. 219 Kalfoglou argues that during the patriarchate of Sofronios the third (1863 1866) many members of his community and even prominent members of the community residing in Istan bul rose against Paisios and claimed that the monastery was stavropig h iako and he should cease to reside there and return to Kayseri and in the end they achieved to get a Patriarchal order for his removal from the monastery. Kalfoglou states that this trea tment bittered the metropolitan and the humid weather of Kayseri worsened his health. While Paisios defended that a Synodical decision of 1832 had gave him the right to use the monastery as metropolitan seat and shortly after he managed to return to the mo nastery and remained there until his death in 1871. But during that period the opposition against him increased and the province divided into two factions consisting from his supporters and those opposing

him. 220

219 Anatoli N. 599, 7 December 1862.

220 Kalfoglu, pp. 461467.

Efstathios Kleovoulos

Efstathios Kleovoulos became Metropolitan of Kayseri in 1871 after the death of

Paisios. He had born in 1824, in a village near Bursa. His birth name was Eustratios. After completing his basic education he went to Istanbul in 1840 and entered the Great School of the Nation ( .. .... ... ...... ..... ). From there he went to the University of Athens to study theology with the support of the Patriarch Germanos. In 1848 he returned and immediately assumed the lessons of Greek and Latin in the Theological School of Halki. At that peri od he was close to the Russophil circles of the Patriarchate. Two years later in 1850 he became the private tutor ( .............. ) of the two children of the Grand Logothete Nikolaos Aristarchis,

Stavraki and Dimitrios. In 1853 he joined the church and ado pted Efstathios as his name. Later he became the headmaster of the schools of Trabzon but shortly after he returned and continued to instruct the children of the Grand Logothete. In 1858 he went Europe to study philosophy and theology thanks to the patrona ge of Grand Logothete Nikolaos Aristarchis. After studying in Leipzig, Berlin and Paris he returned in 1863 to the capital acquainted with the lessons of theology, philosophy, philology, mathematics, chemistry, music and with the languages of Latin, French and German. In Istanbul he immediately became archimandrite and after headmaster of the Great School of the Nation for three years while in 1867 he became Grand Chancellor ( ..... ............. ). 221 Kleovoulos wanted to transform the Great School of the Nati on into a university while he increased the hours devoted to the lessons, introduced new lessons and gave emphasis to the instruction of Greek. Thus in the middle of the Bulgarian crisis Kleovoulos tried to turn the school into a center of Greek Orthodoxy. During that period he was closer to the westernizing circles of the Patriarchate but he never severed entirely his connections with his previous

supporters.

221 Kalfoglou, pp. 47984.

During the sixties archimandrite Kleovoulos was among the strongest opponents of a prospective rec ognition of Bulgarian claims and of the Bulgarian Exarchate by the Patriarchate. While he introduced the term clannishness ( ......... ) that would become extremely popular in countering the Bulgarian claims into the terminology of the Greek Orthodox chur ch. He was one of the nine members of the Patriarchal committee of 1864 that denied the increase of Bulgarian Orthodox presence in the administrative mechanism of the Patriarchate but expressed the basis of an ecumenical Hellenism and the possibilities o f absorbtion of the

Orthodox populations of the Empire. At that time he published a lengthy pamphlet that became the theoretical basis of the hardliners in the struggle against Bulgarism. While many non clerics that will be protagonists in the struggle against the Bulgarian schism were students of Kleovoulos either as their private tutor or as the headmaster of the School of the Great Nation. 222 In his pamphlet that he published during this period Kleovoulos condemns those who propagate in favor of the r ights of a Bulgarian nation ( ethnos ) as an entirely foreign to the ecumenical spirit of the church which does not considers nations and on this basis he rejects all the demands of the Boulgaristes and every attempt of compromise as a diversion from genui ne Orthodoxy. For Kleovoulos race ( ....

) and language do not constitute reliable criteria for determining a nation. For him the big and contemporary nations possess other more important characteristics. In this sense he reflects the contemporary understand ing of nations in which a claim on being nation is valid and legitimate as long as it unites and not divides and creates strong and viable states. 223 Thus, Kleovoulos adopts the scheme of the Greek romantic historiography and believes that the Hellenic natio n constitutes a true nation that elevated and protected Orthodoxy which owes its flesh and blood to Hellenism. So he asks why should exclude all those who for various reasons speak different languages like Armenian, Turkish, Syrian, Albanian or Bulgarian w hich in other respects are Hellenes. He believes that the races ( fyles ) do not have any history or future. Politically they cannot break from the Rum millet because in that case they should change their faith. While ecclesiastically the

fyles that exist in side the church can not autonomize

222 Some of the names of these students are Stavraki and Dimitrios Aristarchis, Aleksandros Karatheodoris, K. Kalliadis, Stavros Voutiras, Manuil Gedeon, Vlasis Gavriilidis etc. Matalas, p. 216.

223 See E. J. Hobsbawm, Nations and nationalism since 1780: programme, myth, reality, Cambridge [England] ; New York : Cambridge University Press, 1992.

because the church does not accept in itself fyles . While he also propose a change in the newly introduced National Regulations in order to diminish the non cleric participation in electing the Patriarch which he sees as a reason for the increased demands of the Bulgarians. 224

224 For an analysis of the role of Kleovoulos in the first period of the Bulgarian problem see Matalas, pp. 214-223.; Also see Efi Gazi, . ........ .... ... ..... ........ ... .......... ... .................. .......... (The Second Life of the Three Hierarchs A Geneology of the Hellenochristian Civilization.), (Nefeli: Athens, 2004) p. 117.

225 Ioannidis, 1896, p. 36; Kalfoglu, pp. 4789.

After the death of Paisios the election of a new metropolitan had divided once more the province and had created a great controversy that continued for almost eight months. There were strong candidates for the throne of metropolitan: The first candidate was Gerasimos bishop of Nazianzou while the second candidate was Eustathios Kleovoulos himself. Despite the fierce opposition of some notables in the province Kleovoulos seems to have received great er su pport from his opponent. E specially the support of the Cappadocians living in Istanbul or other urban centers of the Empire like Smyrna, Mersin, Samsun, Adana and of the educated younger generation constituted a determining factor in his election. The demo nstration of

thousands of Anatolian immigrants in support of his election in front of the Patriarchate which led to the flight of the Patriarch from the building shows the strong support he received especially among the migrated Orthodox of the region. The se segments actively supported Kleovoulos through publishing articles or signed declarations in Anatoli and even they made demonstrations in front of the Patriarchate in order to exert pressure to the members of the Holy Synod. 225 In some of these letters th e long lasting reign of Paisios was criticized for strangling the progress and the development of education and the condition of the Orthodox Rum of Kayseri was resembled to the slavery of the Jews. The supporters of Kleovoulos

demanded that Gerasimos must give the accounts of the monastery of John the Forerunner and accused him for corruption and enriching himself through the revenues of the monastery. 226 While in the past there was also competing candidates for the throne of Kayseri this was the first time that not only the church dignitaries and the notables ( orbac kocaba ) of the communities and the guilds but nearly all the immigrants from Kayseri tried to exert pressure and influence the election process.

226 Kalfoglou, pp. 471-5-477.

227 Stamatopoulos, p. 465.

228 Savvas B. Zervoudakis, ........ ........... .. ......... ........... (Intellectual Rennovation in Kayseri of Cappadocia) ......... vol. 1 No. 1 1896: 75-76.

The election of Kleovoulos created problems in the Patriarchate and together with the problem of the Bulgarian Exarcharcate constitutes one of the main reasons of the fal l of Grigorios the sixth . While Kleovoulos became Metropolitan after Anthimos ascended to the Patriarchal throne. 227

Immediately after his election Klevoulos collected donations for the es tablishment of a gymnasium in his ecclesiastic province but his sudden death in 1875 hampered the realization of his plans. 228 In a series of letters published in the press of the capital and addressed to all Cappadocians Kleovoulos expounded his education al vision. Kleovoulos strongly desired the dissemination of Greek among his flock and in order to accomplish his target of diminishing the number of Turkish speakers in a decade to the same number of Greek speakers in the time of his election he pursued an ambitious educational development program. He supported the establishment of a uniform educational system across his province composed of central boarding schools that will protect the pupils from their Turkish speaking environment. He was also an ardent supporter of girls education as a necessary step

for eradicating turcophony. Also he supported the establishment of nursery schools for promoting the Greek language. Kleovoulos was planning to establish a gymnasium and two central girls schools in his pr ovince. 229

229 Some of these letters republished by ............. ....... in 1889. See ............. ......., 29 March 1889, vol. 22, pp. 173-175; ............. ......., 10 May 1889, vol. 28, pp. 220-22.

One of his first steps in order to achieve these targets was establishing in 1872 a Cappadocian Educational Brotherhood in Istanbul. The primary aim of the brotherhood was the protection and administration of the two existing central schools in Kayseri (art. 1). According to the second article of its regulation the president ( byk reis ) and minister (

nazr ) of the brotherhood was the Metropolitan (art. 2), a stipulation that demonstrates amply the increased central role of the local ecclesiastic authority in educational matters. Further the Metropolitan as the president had the last word in case of a disagreement among the members of the brotherhood (art. 19). Thus the regulation gave the metropolitan himself a determining role both in the format ion of the educational policy and in its financing . Unfortunately we do not possess the entire regulation of the brotherhood and we rely only to a missing copy that exists in the Gennadius Library in Athens, in which the pages between 7 and 11 are missing. Nevertheless from the regulation it is apparent that the brotherhood is closely attached to the Istanbul branch of the school board of Kayseris central schools ( Kayseri merkez mekteplerinin Der i Saadette bulunan Eforeias ) (art. 19

22, 25). Even it seem s that this school board also formed the administrative committee ( idare heyeti ) of the brotherhood. Last but not the least, the regulation of the brotherhood promoted the establishment of Cappadocian Educational Brotherhoods in the province or in places w ere residents from Cappadocia had settled. These would be under the authority of the Metropolitan and their central treasury would be the

treasury that is administered by the Istanbul branch of the Kayseri central schools board (art. 25). 230

230 ........... ............ ......... .. ................., Constantinople: ........... . ....... 1872. Gennadius Library, Athens, KG 813.

231 Codex of the Province of Kayseri 205/319, pp. 283-287.

232 Kalfoglu, pp. 509-11.

Kleovoulos also organized a donation campaign in 1872 for the establishment of a gymnasium and a central girls school in his province. Despite the collection of a relatively large amount of money (2396 liras) from both the immigrants in Istanbul and those in the province

231 when he reached in Kayseri Kleovoulos did not find the level of enthusiasm of the immigrant members of his flock in his local flock and even a strong opposition emerged against him. Kalfoglou argues that when Kleovoulos realized the reluctance of his flo ck for establishing these schools, their ignorance, their penury and the dominance of Turkish (it is important to note that contrary to his predecessor Paisios, Kleovoulos was not speaking Turkish which can be considered another factor for his alienation t owards his flock) was greatly disappointed and he fall into apathy. He gathered province assemblies but he was not able to convince them for the need of the schools. Thus for Kalfoglou the only success of Kleovoulos during his short term was convincing his flock for the need of a gymnasium. 232 Obviously another factor that contributed to the lack of enthusiasm of the residents of the province to the program of Kleovoulos should be the agrarian crisis in Anatolia of 1873 1875, during the very same period. In 1 874 the crisis had reached to its most

critical stage and many villages and cities faced the threat of hunger, only saved by the remittances of the migrated compatriots in Istanbul. Kleovoulos death in 1876 marked the end of his ambitional educational pol icy that aimed the dissemination of Greek for his ecclesiastic province. His successor Methodios showed little interest to

educational affairs and a second attempt of educational reform in the entire province began only after the ameloriatio n of the effect s of the crisis that shooked the empire. The inauguration of the new period was symbolized by the election of Ioannis Anastasiadis to the metropolitan throne while the donation of the wealthy tradesman Theodoros Rodokanakis for the establishment of a gymna sium in the province made possible the implementation of long waited plans.

Ioannis Anastasiadis

Among these aforementioned figures the one that has mostly encouraged educational activities was without doubt Ioannis Anastasiadis.233 Ioannis Anastasiadis had born

in 3 May 1834 in Incesu of Kayseri. His baptism name was Prodromos. His father Anastasios, who was a grocer in BeGiktaG died when he was two years old. After his father.s death his mother Aikaterini took over the responsibility of Ioannis. He entered school when he was seven years old and finished the Hellenic school in Incesu.234

233 Petropoulou, 1993, p. 43.

234 ............. ........... . ..... 1914 (Constantinople: Protopapa and Sas, 1913), p. 44; Georgios I. Papadopoulos, . ......... ........ ... ........ .......... ......... (Contemporary Hierarchy of the Orthodox Eastern Church), Vol. 1, Athens: Aleks. Papageorgiou, 1895, pp. 425442.

Prodromos went to Istanbul in 1851 to study in the newly established Theological School of Halki together with his elder brother Nikolaos who had took over the business of his father and assumed the expenses of Prodromos. In this first year Prodromos registered to the Great School of the Nation because the scholarships

assigned to Metropolitan of Kayseri Paisios for the Theological School had been filled. He entered Theological School the next year with the support of Paisios.235

235 Ibid., p. 44; Papadopoulos, pp. 4278.

236 Ibid., p. 45; Papadopoulos, pp. 4289; Kalfoglu, pp. 5401.

237 Tantalidis during the last decade of the century became the editor of the Ecclesiastic Truth, the official organ of the Patriarchate.

238 Papadopoulos, p. 430.

Prodromos graduated from this school in 1859 and became doctor of the Orthodox theology and in that same year he was ordained as deacon and took the

name Ioannis. After his return to his birth place he became the headmaster of the small Theological Seminary in the monastery of St. John the Forerunner in Zincidere through the encouragement of his protector Paisios. After two years in 1861 he went to Athens to improve his studies and studied there philosophy in the University and followed the lessons in the Theological School while at the same time he learned French. He then went to Europe and studied theology in the universities of Strasbourg, Heidelberg and Gottingen.236

In 1867 he returned to Istanbul and was appointed as a teacher in the Theological School of Halki which he taught for eight years. During that period he was raised to the position of archimandrite/dean. In 1872 together with his colleague the poet Ilias Tantalidis237 were accused by Nikiphoros Glykas, a resigned teacher, as sympathizers of Bulgarians and that they had made the Theological School a center of Russian intrigues and machinations. But it seems that the patriarch Anthimos V paid no attention to these accusations.238 In 1875 he went to Bonn as a delegate of the Orthodox Church to participate in an ecclesiastical Synod organized by the

German Old Catholics (Palaiokatholikos) that had broken from Vatican. After his return he became the headmaster of the Great School of the Nation.239

239 Ibid., p. 46; Papadopoulos, pp. 4314; Kalfoglu, pp. 5425.

240 Kayseri thronosuna intihab iun zaten eparhiotisleri tarafndan byk bir cereyan ve gayret gsterilen oannis Ibid., p. 46.

241 Eparhiaki Sholi.nin istikbalde hsni idare ve terakkisini teemin iun varidat sabite bulmaya alarak bir taraftan stamboldaki Kappadokiki Adelfotisin bu hususda say-u gayreti, dier taraftan hissiyatlarn tahrik ettii bil cmle eparhiotislerin sahavet ve hamiyetleri ile bir mebla terakm etti. Ibid., p. 47; Kalfoglu, pp. 545-6.

242 A. M. Levidis, . .......... .......... ........... (The Bishopric of Kayseri).,

........... ... ....... ... ............. ............, Constantinople 1905, pp. 130-131.

In 1878 he was appointed as the Metropolitan of Kayseri after the resignation of Methodios Aronis who following the death of Kleovoulos had replaced him. At that period there were local pressures for the appointment of Ioannis to this position.240 Before leaving Istanbul he reorganized the Cappadocian Brotherhood, which had been established by Efstathios Kleovoulos. Shortly after his arrival he attempted to establish there a central district school and tried to secure its future by gathering funds from the local population.241

But his obvious success was the establishment of the Rodokanakeios Theological Seminary in the monastery of Zincidere in 1882. This school took its name from Theodoros Rodokanakeis a businessman from Chios who was living in Marseille, because he had promised to make annual donations of five thousand francs for the establishment of a school in Asia Minor in 1880 for the education of needy students. The Cappadocian Educational Brotherhood via the Patriarch Joachim III and Kostaki Vayanes Pasha from NevGehir, who was at that time member of the Mixed Council of the Patriarchate actively lobbied and in the end they succeeded the assignment of that donation to the bishopric of Kayseri.242

The primary reason behind the reorganization and renaming as Rodokanakeios Theological Seminary the school of the monastery of St. John the Forerunner (Ioannis Prodromos) was to provide local communities with competent priests and teachers that would be successful in the struggle against missionaries. The aim of the school was to reform the clerics and reinforcing the religious sentiment of the public.243

243 Ibid., p. 131.

244 ............. ........... 1914, p. 47; Papadopoulos, p. 439.

245 Zervoudakis, 1896, pp. 7980.

One other effort of Ioannis was the establishment of Central Girls. School in 1885 in the same place for the purpose of educating female teachers for the community schools.244 This school was sixty steps to the west outside the monastery. It had three primary and three Elliniko school classes. Most of the

students were internal but they could also be external if they were from Zincidere. The school had one headmistress and another teacher, the rest of the personnel consisted of those of the Theological Seminary. According to Zervoudaki, a teacher of the Seminary, students received classes of Greek, pedagogy and French. They also received lessons of different handicrafts but above all they received extensive lessons of Greek. The school had in common the treasury and the school board which presided by the Metropolitan of Kayseri.245

Ioannis also tried to form a secure financial basis for the educational institutions he established. Numerous times he toured cities of the empire where rich immigrant Anatolians had settled. Through his contacts he established a network that assisted the school financially. Wealthy Anatolian tradesman like Kosmas Simeonoglous in Adana or the tobacco trader Avraam effendi in Samsun became the

protectors of the schools. In times of need he was communicating with these figures which in turn tried to gather donations on behalf of the schools and send it to the Metropolitan.

In the fierce struggles between the factions that supporters of Joachim the third and those who oppose him during the period between the end of his first and his second accession to the throne Ioannis sided with the supporters of Joachim. After the resignation of Patriarch Joachim IV in 14 November 1886, Ioannis was elected as locum tenens, while until his death he worked actively for the reelection of Joachim the third to the patriarchal throne.246 It seems that, supported by the Joachimist faction he had chance to be elected patriarch in 1894 if the government had not excluded his name from the list.247

246 Konstantinos P. Spanoudis, ......... ....... ....... . .. (Pages from History Joachim the Third), Constantinople: ...... ....... ........ 1902, reprinted in Thessaloniki by P. Pournara 2000, pp. 53-102; Kalfoglu, p. 547-8.

247 Papadopoulos, p. 441-2.

248 Orfanotrofion ve eratiki Sholi.nin idaresini teemin iun ihtiar ettii meekkat elvermez gibi, mezkur Orfanotrofionlarn inas zemannda ebniyenin zerinde her gn nazaret ederek scak ve soua tehamml ederdi. ok defalar yamur altnda durarak ameleye evk vermek isteridi. Ibid., p. 47; Papadopoulos, p. 440.

249 The Sultan himself also assisted Ioannins in his travel expenses. For the liturgy of doxologia for the Sultan made by the people and the community elites of the Orthodox of Kayseri region and their petition towards the Sultan see Anatoli N. 5108, 27 September 1895.

In 1891 an orphanage for boys was established, while the next year an orphanage for the girls was established in the building of Central Girls. School in the area of the monastery. So much was his zeal for education that it is said that he was continuously visiting the construction site of the orphanages.248 While in 1895 he went to Monaco for therapy of his deteriorating health.249 After his therapy he visited Berlin, Vienna, London, Paris and Athens and returned with an important sum for the

schools. In 1897 the orphanage of boys passed in its two-storeyed building. Ioannis

died in 1902 at the age of 68 and was buried around the girl.s orphanage.250 His zeal for education gained the admiration of most of his flock and was called aziz Goannis.251

250 ............. ..........., p. 52.

251 Even poems were written to his name. One of them was written by Georgios L. Malkoolus: Aziz Gerafetlu Kayserinin Gan / Kendi mitropolitdir ismi Goanni / Mektepler at alim etti vatan / ok seneler hfz etti hakk teala an. Gncesu tabir olan kk karyeden / kd meydana oldi boyk bir adem / Grd vatandaGlar ne gibi halde / Kurtard anleri azim cehletden. Evvela at Rodokanakeion / Rapt etti ane Parthenagogeion / Zamm etdi Gimdi Orfanotrofeion / Toplad kz ve erkek sabi sbyan. On beG sene zarfnda drt mektep at / Bunlar uruna dalar ve taGlar aGt / Tekmil cihan ektii cefaya GaGt / Bu ademin urundan cahillik kat. Gptida dGnd papazlar iun / Bunlar okuduunu bilmesi niun? / Bu hastelik kaplamG vatan btn / At kebir bir mektep ruhbanlar iun. Goannis Prodromosun monastrna / Yani Zinciderenin st tarafna / KGad etti mektebi vatan uruna / ok

zahmet sarf eyledi can hayrna. Tekmil Anatoldan iane tekmil etti / Gayret boGa kmad mirata yetti / O gzel monastr mektep eyledi / Rabbimiz elbet buna bir kuvvet verdi. O mektepden kanlar hep hoca oldu / Vatan alim diyakoslar papazlar buldu / Geronda efendinin yzleri gld / Bylece vatanmz iGini grd. Birka sene mukaddem dGnd grd / Pek ok sabi sbyan ortada buldu / Nedir sebebi mhtar mahleyi sordu / Bunlar iun mektep amay kurdu. Yine o monastrn bir kGesine / mahaller yapt vatan subyanlerine / Yardm defterinin ilk yapran / Gsimsiz kayt etti byk iane. Birka ay iinde iG hitam idildi / Her bir kyden bir tane ksz arld / Ders ve senaat iun hocalar getirildi / Zevall ocuklarn gzler ald. gimdi sra geldi kz subyanlerine / Bunlarn kszlk de var baGlerine / Bu sebepten ifliin bir tarafne / Mahsus mahal yaptrd bunlar uruna. GG bitti lakin kendi rehat m durdu? / ektirdi [] stne bindi / Bir ok memleketleri gezmeye gitti / kszlerin ismine ake cem itti. El hasl o efkr icra idildi / Yarm kalan binay hitam itdirdi / Mini mini yavrular ana doldurdu / Elbet Gimdi geronda iftihar oldu. Lakin yine durmuyor rahat bu adem / nk yle alGmG iG grsn her [] / Rodokanakion ders itsin birden / Azim bir bina yapsn yine temelden. GGte Hristiyan kardaG bir eyi fursat / Despotnn iGine sen de eyle gayret / Bunun mkfatn alrsn elbet /

Bunda ozan selameti bundadr cennet. ok oldu senin bize idtiin eyilikdilerim / Allah versin afiyet salk / ok zeman baGlasn seni millete / GnGallah grelim seni daha ileride. Anatoli N 5737, 22 January 1898. It seems that the Asia Minor Society had decided also to establish a monument for the memory of Ioannis. See the letter of Konstantinos Eliades who congratulates the decision of the Society and sends 20 francs for contribution; Jerusalem 28 July 1905, file I 67a 3822.

Schools in Anatolia

As it is already apparent the educational picture of the Ottoman Greeks of Anatolia was polymorphous and complex. There were many variations among geographic regions and especially between relatively developed coastal urban centers and rural interior areas of the continent. These variations and the lack of a central authority that would impose uniformity in education resulted in the emergence of many differences in types of schools, their teaching methods, administration and curricula. These differences would be reduced only gradually towards the end of the century through the efforts of the Patriarchal Central Educational Committee and of the Hellenic Literary Society of Constantinople. The transformation of the kingdom of Greece into the cultural and ideological center of the Greek nation and the establishment of the University of Athens and later the Society of Asia Minor Natives: Anatoli (East) had also a great influence in standardization attempts.

Within the context of the traditional Greek Orthodox community, the education that children could receive was a very basic religious education aiming at the reproduction of the basic religiousn and community values. In that sense the instruction in the community schools was analogous to Muslim Quranic schools. The instruction mainly consisted of teaching the alphabet and reading some of the major religious hymns like the Oktoihos and the Psaltirion. The education was provided

mainly by clerics and by lay persons who possessed some knowledge of the ecclesiastic liturgy. Schools in the modern sense did not exist in Anatolian communities until the nineteenth century. Educational activities were sheltered mainly in ecclesiastical buildings or monasteries like the monastery of John the Forerunner in Zincidere or some rooms of the local church.

In general, education in Anatolian villages was performed in a room, in which the improvised teacher instructed in the winter. Students usually sat over sheepskins because there were no desks and other classroom furniture. Students were first learned the alphabet and after they continued by making different combinations of the letters of the alphabet ie. alpha-omega, vita-psi, gamma-hi, delta-phi etc. Next students moved on to the Phyllada.252 Students were also required to read some other ecclesiastic hymns like Oktoihos and Psaltirion. Students also had to memorize some prayers that were considered be necessary for a Christian. The final aim was to complete the Apostolo and to read it during Sunday of Apostolo at church. Those who read it were considered to have completed their studies and called hoca (teacher).253 The achievement of reading the Apostolo and chanting in the church was the highest level one could achieve through this education and it was a very honorable one both for the child and his family. Hope you see becoming priest (... .... .. .. .....) was the congratulating remarks of the community members to the child that successfully completed his education. In these schools there were no separate classes. Those who read the Oktoiho or Psaltiri were considered to be at the same level.254 Evangelinos Misailidis in his Temaa-i Dnya depicts the old common primary schools in a very humorous way. The general picture confirms the abovementioned description of Mavrohalyvides. description but Misailidis is very critical towards the school which administered entirely by the parish priest. The

252 Phyllada was called the alphabet (usually printed in Venice) which used for the mechanichal

learning of reading. Karatza, p. 128.

253 Hristos Sp.Soldatos, . ............ ... .......... ...... ... .......... ... ...... ..... (The Educational and Cultural Development of the Hellenism of Asia Minor) vol. A. . ....... ... . ..... ... ........ (The Birth and Development of the Schools) (Athens: 1989), p. 44.

254 Georgios P. Mavrohalyvides, . .. ........... (The Axo of Cappadocia), vol. 1 (Athens: 1990), pp. 164-5.

priest directing the school is described as a completely ignorant, swearing person who does not hesitates to punish harshly his students in their smallest indiscipline. But despite this harshness or rather because of it the school life that Misailidis. describe comprises of constant anecdotes of incidents of petty struggles between the causeless tyranny and swearing of teachers and the immorality of pupils.255 According to Misailidis in the old method students spent at least three months to learn the letters, six months to learn by heart the Phylladion, while students spent at least for one year to learn by heart the Oktoihos, the Psaltirion and the Apostolos. While he criticizes that the parrot like memorizing of these books served nothing except the teacher who gathered fees and money from the parents of the pupils when they learned each book. Thus, for him these schools rather than learning, were schools of immorality (edepsizlik mektebi).256

255 Hocam ufak tefek kusurlardan baGka det sakn olmasn diye baz bilsebeb de cmlemizi darbettikten sonra, bazan yzmz tencere isi ile boyatr, bazan kapuya dudurup cmleye yzmze tkrtr ve bazan da boazmza eGek kellesi asarak rezalet iin mahallede gezdirtirdi. GGte bu sebebten cmlemiz onu ikrh ettiimizden c almaya devam edb, trl be trl oyunlar ve desiseler ile rencideden hali olmaz idik, Misailidis, p. 37.

256 Misailidis, 1988, pp. 35-40.

In the community school of the village of Axo and in the first community school of Gelveri, which was established around 1800 the students and the teacher were sitting cross-legged on the ground, over sheepskins. Writing was taught over the surface of sand put in a plane case. The letters were drawn through the finger or with a needle from osier. Later children wrote on slates made from the shoulder blade of calves and used pens from cock whigs. Most of the time the instruction was performed by semiliterate clerics starting from the Phyllada and the classic Stavre Voethei and continuing with the memorization of other prayers (Vasilev Ouranie,

Pater Emon, Pistevo, .ktoiho, Psaltiri, .postolo). While the first three were explained to the students word by word, the others were mechanically memorized.257

257 Karatza, pp. 129-30 & Mavrohalyvides, p. 164.

258 Soldatos , 1989a, p. 45.

It is not possible to speak in this early period about a common educational program or curriculum that applied to all educational activities. Every teacher or priest applied his own method of teaching. The class furniture and teaching instruments would become part of the school life around the middle of the century mainly through the influence of missionary schools. These first schools were called grammatodidaskalia (lower level primary schools) and taught elementary reading and writing skills. Grammatodidaskalia did not possess elementary organization or educational formation. There were no programs of lessons, nor catalogues of approved books. There were no specific teaching methods to educate teachers, everyone who had learned some letters could become a teacher. The school board (ephoria) as a school institution was not yet formed. In general it is not possible to speak about an organized and programmatic school life for this period.258

Starting from the second decade of the nineteenth century we witness a rapid development of educational activities among the communities of Anatolia. The entire conception of education changed through the introduction of novel institutions and methods. Increased institutional specialization and differentiation, like the emergence of different type of schools (primary, astiki (urban), Hellenic, gymnasium etc.), increased attention devoted to the educational programs, curricula, methods and instruments and attempts for achieving uniformity among them, from 1870.s onwards increased emphasis on girls education and the creation of special educational institutions for girls, the establishment of many reading rooms, literary

societies and libraries etc. all were novelties introduced during the second half of the nineteenth century. In the beginning of the twentieth century, the Cappadocian communities possessed differentiated educational institutions, which played a decisive role in the production and reproduction of their self-identity. For example according to the statistic published in the Calendar of 1907 of the National Philanthropic Institutions the ecclesiastic province of Kayseri had 74 schools. Of these schools except the Theological Seminary of Kayseri which was on the level of gymnasium and another semi-gymnasium all were in the primary level. Among them there were the two orphanages of the province which were in the monastery of John the Forerunner in Zincidere. In 1906, 88 male and 38 female teachers instructed to 3,691 male and 1,550 female students (5,241 students in total) in these schools.259

259 ...... ............ ........... .. ................. ........... ... ..... 1907, (Constantinople 1906) p. 100-101.

As mentioned above the schools of Anatolia presented many differences due to the particular conditions of the region. Despite the attempts at imposing uniformity by the Patriarchate, large distances that separated the communities, different economic, social and demographic conditions of the communities resulted in many differences among them. The schools differed in their names, their programs, class numbers, languages that were taught, the way they functioned and in many other

aspects.

The basis of education was the community schools that had evolved from the first schools that were called grammatoddaskalia. The community schools of the elementary level were: boys. schools, girls. schools and kindergartens. Boys. schools preceded the schools for girls and kindergartens. From the third decade of the nineteenth century on the allilodidactic method that was introduced by the

missionaries of ABCFM started to be applied in primary education first in the community schools of the capital260 while it was rapidly adopted by the communities of Anatolia and used for the next 50 years. In 1846 the Ecclesiastical and Spiritual Committee of the Patriarchate prepared the Regulation of the Allilodidactic (mutual assistance schools) and Hellenic Schools, in order to achieve uniformity in teaching in the primary education. While the same Spiritual Committee composed the Regulation of Girls. Schools in 1851. With these two regulations the structure of a system that included the Allilodidactic, Hellenic and Girls. schools was established.261 The Great School of the Nation in Phanar had an important role in this system because it constituted the model institution for the higher level of secondary education and also the Central Allilodidactic School, which the allilodidactic teachers had to complete in order to teach, was there.262

260 According to the annual report of the Constantinople mission of 1837 there were thirty Greek Lancasterian schools in operation. This development according to the report could be ascribed to the mission. While the mission supported a Lancasterian girls. school of forty six pupils in Pera for the Greeks. The Missionary Herald, January 1837, p. 7.

261 Ziogou-Karastergiou, p. 26.

262 Ibid., p. 27.

The allilodidactic, mutual improvement/assistance schools or Lancaster schools, with reference to its founder Joseph Lancaster, had been established in nineteenth century industrial England for the instruction of the industrial classes. It provided a cheap and highly moralistic type of instruction that was believed to be appropriate for the education and socialization of the lower orders. of the society. The Lancaster school resembled a factory and consisted of a single large room, which contained rows of benches with individually numbered places for up to a thousand pupils.263 Each of these benches formed a class with eight or ten

263 Timothy Mitchell, Colonizing Egypt, (Oxford: University of California Press, 1991), p. 69.

264 The remnants of iron semi-circles in the large room of the primary school of Endirlik were still visible in the beginning of the twentieth century where the pupils used to play with them in the absence of their teacher. See Ioannis Tsourouktsis, .......... ... .. .......... (Recollections from Andronikio), Athens 1954, CAMS - ...... 17, p. 61.

265 Ibid., pp. 69-70. See also Lydia Papadaki, . ............... ....... ........... .... ...... ... 19.. ..... (The Allilodidactic Method of Teaching in Greece of the Nineteenth Century), (Ekdoseis Dodoni: Athens 1992).

266 Kazamias, p. 358.

267 Hristos Tourgoutis, ............ (Autobiography) (.thens: 1958), pp. 1-2.

students and was under the supervision of a senior student who monitored the work and conduct of the students. Most of the instruction was received standing. The students in each class were gathering around one of the boards that were placed on the walls around the room and formed semi-circles.264 The boards were numbered in a sequence of ascending difficulty and on each one there were written letters, numbers or words that another monitoring student was allocated to teach. The monitor of each class was also responsible for the cleanliness, order and improvement of every student.265

In the Ottoman context this system provided also an economic way for the instruction of growing numbers of students.266 The allilodidactic method was a necessity for the communities that lacked teachers, since usually in these communities one teacher not only had to instruct many students but also students from different classes whose state of knowledge was very heterogeneous.267 One of the first applications of this method was the schools that were established by the Protestant missionaries in Istanbul and Asia Minor during the 1830.s. The allilodidactic method was successful because it enabled the instruction of many students with a limited teaching staff. In this method, students of the higher classes were teaching to the students of the first two classes. In the first and second classes

of the allilodidactic schools, pupils were instructed by the students of the higher classes. The students were forming semicircles and students from higher classes who were called explainers were staying in the middle, rested on the wall. For teaching material they used boards hanged on the walls that contained readings from the alphabet, ecclesiastical maxims and other ethical texts.268 Thus this method enabled communities with limited economic means to educate large numbers of students and this led to its rapid expansion to the communities of Asia Minor. In the late 1870.s the number of these schools in the continent had reached 1,500.269

268 Soldatos, 1989b, p. 45. According to Hristos Tourgoutis who completed his elementary teaching in an allilodidactic school of Cappadocia in these classes a printed paper, like a sheet of a big newspaper was pasted on a wooden board. 5-6 students were forming a semicircle around that board under the guidance of a student from upper classes and were reading or rather were learning how to read. There were four or five of these formations of semicircles in the schools. Tourgoutis, p. 3.

269 Augustinos, p. 256.

270 Mitchell, p. 71.

For Mitchell the Lancaster school was a system of perfect discipline. Students. procession from one task to the other was coordinated at every moment and each segment of time was regulated. The authority instead of being concentrated in the personal command of a master was diffused over the whole school.270 The Lancaster school was a model of the perfect society, in which the main purpose was creating disciplined members of the community. Despite the emphasis on the disciplinary dimension of the Lancaster method, we can assume that the discipline exercised to the students in the allilodidactic schools of Asia Minor was much more lax than the schools of England. Nonetheless the disciplinary aspect of the allilodidactic schools, emanated from the increased supervision over students was also the case in the allilodidactic schools of Asia Minor.

The graduates of the allilodidactic schools could continue the Hellenic schools. These schools consisted mostly of three classes but according to the demographic and economic conditions of the community it could also consist from one or two classes combined with the primary or allilodidactic school. The teachers of the Hellenic schools received higher education from those in the allilodidactic school who most of the time were themselves graduates of the Hellenic schools.271

271 Soldatos, 1989b, p. 15.

272 This program had been composed based on the programs of Greece, France and Germany. Those that composed the program were famous educators, scientists and intellectuals of the Ottoman Greek community: I. Aristokles, Ir. Vasiades, Ph. Vriennios, M. Paranikas, D. Malliades, A. Zoiros, M. Pandazes, G. Sophokles, G. Chassiotes. Ziogou, pp. 35-6.

The allilodidactic schools were gradually replaced by the astiki (urban) schools. These schools had seven classes and were formed through the combination of the primary/allilodidactic schools with four classes with the Hellenic schools with

three classes. In the beginning these schools used the program that was composed by a committee formed for the composition of a program for the primary schools. This committee proposed the Central Educational Committee of the Patriarchate in 1875, the unification of the primary schools with four classes with the Hellenic schools with three classes into a school with seven classes. The Central Educational Comittee of the Patriarchate accepted this proposal.272 But later it was reformed to adjust to the needs of the Orthodox communities of Anatolia. Despite the application of the astiki method from the 1880s onwards its program composed by the Central Educational Committee only in 1897, while in 1907 another program for the Astiki schools with six classes was prepared. This program continued to be applied with some variations

that resulted from the different conditions of the communities until the Asia Minor Disaster.273

273 Ibid., p. 38. Soldatos, 1989b, pp. 17-8.

274 The lessons of agronomy were given in the last three classes of the astiki school. It aimed the instruction of basic knowledge about agriculture, stock-farm, agricultural industries, forestry and agricultural economy. The lesson also included practical applications in the garden of the school or in other suitable places. .......... ......... ... ...... ....... ...... ... ....... ... ... ...... ... ........ .......... ........... (Analytical Program of the Astiki Schools with six Classes of Males and Females of the Province of Kayseri of Cappadocia), (Constantinople: Protopapa kai Sas 1912)., pp. 16, 24 and 2930.

275 Karatza, p. 139.

The Central Educational Committee of the Patriarchate composed in 1912 another analytic program for the astiki schools of boys and girls which also reduced the classes of the schools to six. This program which was based on the 1907 program adopted in the province of Kayseri through some modifications. A simple lining up of the schedules of 1912 of the Central Educational Committee and of the bishopric of Kayseri shows that the latter followed in general lines the former in the structure of the educational system (astiki schools with 6 classes) and also in the arrangement of the material and the analytical program of the lessons. But the program of Kayseri tried to meet local educational needs through introducing lessons like agronomy.274

According to these programs, the instruction in the first class was 24 hours, 30 in the third, 33 in the fourth and 36 in the remaining two classes. Greek was taught between 911 hours per week, while French enters the program in the last three classes. In the boys. schools Turkish and commerce enters the program in the fifth class. In the sixth class, half of the lessons of Greek were devoted to ancient Greek.275 As it is apparent the instruction of Greek was the primary target of the entire educational effort. This was reflected also in the schedules, in which Greek

lessons far exceeded other lessons. But attempts of instructing Greek were not limited to the lessons but to all aspects of school life.

The female version of the program for the astiki schools of Kayseri of 1912, shows little differences from its male version. The program for the girls. schools does not contain the lessons of commerce and agronomy which were regarded to be related with male occupations. But the most significant difference is the absence of Turkish lessons in the program for the girls. schools. This difference lay in that while for girls learning a foreign language and especially French constituted an element of social status,276 knowledge of Turkish regarded unnecessary, since girls were not expected to engage in bread winning activities that would necessitate a better and more refined knowledge of Turkish like men.

276 Exertzoglou, 1996, p. 159.

277 Ibid., p. 19.

In Anatolia only communities that were too small or did not possess the necessary economic means had mixed schools. The astiki schools were in general boys. schools and only when the community did not possess a girls. school the girls could graduate from that. Contrary to the astiki schools, the girls. schools had a

shorter curriculum with duration of 1 to 5 years. The primary aim of the girls. school was teaching Greek to the girls for their further inclusion into the national community. The importance given to the girls. schools was a direct result of the role of women as mothers in the upbringing of children. Also the possession of an idiom for writing communication with their migrated relatives and husbands was another important factor. Obviously, the diffusion of knowledge of hygiene, cleanness, cooking, sewing, embroidery etc were among the primary aims of girls. schools.277

As we will see in the fourth chapter of the present study, kindergartens were also important in the development of education in the Orthodox communities of Anatolia. The age of entrance to the kindergartens was not specified and changed according every community. In Anatolia the kindergartens received great emphasis because they were assigned a special role in the re-acquisition of Greek by turcophone and other foreign speaking Orthodox communities. The children who were sent at the age of 4 or 5 to kindergartens were expected to begin learning Greek at this early age by distancing them their turcophone family environment. The kindergarten teachers were graduates of a kindergartners. training college and their assistants were graduates of community or higher girls. school. They taught Greek to the students through practices with word exercises, plays, songs, tales, object lessons etc. The infats generally stayed whole day in the kindergarten and ate there in order to be in constant interaction with their kindergartners who would instruct them Greek. By the beginning of the twentieth century some kindergartens started to apply the Froebel method that had been introduced to Asia Minor by the Kindergartners. Training College of Aikaterini Laskaridou in Athens. This method had been firstly applied in the kindergartens of the slavophone communities of Macedonia and had given positive results in the acquisition of Greek.

The kindergartens, boys. schools and girls. schools in the forms of allilodidaktic and astiki schools were found mostly in the villages, townships and quarters of the cities. However in the seats of bishoprics or in big urban centers there were also Central schools or monastic schools of boys or girls. These central schools

had Hellenic schools and gymnasium classes or entire of it. In these schools there were also dormitories for the students coming from distant places.

Any student completing a Hellenic school or an astiki school could go to a gymnasium. There could also be gymnasium classes in Hellenic or astiki schools. When these schools contained three gymnasium classes they were called semigymnasiums. In these schools teachers were either graduates of the University of Athens or of any other European University, or graduates of theological schools.278 The regulative interventions of the Patriarchate and its Central Educational Committee concerned directly the schools of primary education (Allilodidaktic schools) and the first cycle of the secondary education (Hellenic schools). The gymnasiums followed the lines of functioning of the gymnasiums of the Greek Kingdom and had as their basic aim the recognition of their equivalence with the gymnasiums of the Greek Kingdom by the University of Athens.279

278 Ibid., pp. 21-2.

279 Ziogou, p. 28.

280 Soldatos, 1989b, p. 66.

After gymnasiums, there were the theological schools aiming to educate clerics and teachers for the Orthodox communities of Anatolia. An important factor in the establishment of these kinds of schools was the intention to counter the activities of the missionaries by educating competent clerics and providing communities teachers of local origin. One of the most important theological schools was in Kayseri Zincidere and had been established by metropolitan Ioannis Anastasiadis. The theological seminary in Zincidere never functioned like a teachers. college or like a pure theological seminary. It was more like a gymnasium, but its graduates, as clerics or laymen, became teachers in many schools of Anatolia.280

Apart from the community schools there were also private schools. But private schools were mostly successful in developed urban centers like Istanbul and Izmir. There were also orphanages established mainly in the big cities, ecclesiastical centers and monasteries. For example in Zincidere orphanages both for boys (1891) and for girls (1892) were established through the efforts of metropolitan Ioannis Anastasiadis. In these schools, orphans received primary education and often some elementary occupational training.281

281 Ibid., p. 26.

CHAPTER II I

T HE GREAT SCHOOL OF A NATOLIAN O RTHODOX :T

HE PRESS IN K ARAMANLIDI KA AND A NATOLI

The present chapter deals with how educational issues are presented, expressed and discussed in the Karamanlidika press by the local Anatolian Orthodox intelligentsia. The periodical press in Karamanlidika i.e. those newspapers and periodic

als that were published in Turkish in Greek letters and addressed the Turcophone Orthodox of the Empire 282 became an important forum for the expression and discussion of ideas for the newly emerging literati concerning educational matters and problems.

282 Evangelia Balta, Karamanli Press. Smyrna 1845 Athens 1926. Oktay Belli, Ycel Dal, M. Sinan Genim (eds) zzet Gnda Kayaolu Hatra Kitab Makaleler. Trkiye Ant evre Turizm Deerlerini Koruma Vakf, Gstanbul, 2005, 27-33.

As me ntioned above t he practice of writing Turkish with Greek characters is known as Karamanlidika in Greek or

Karamanlca in Turkish. But these terms are far from problematic. Because as we will see in ample examples below the Turkish speaking Anatolians thems elves , generally despised the designation Karamanli that is attributed to them by the ir Greek speaking coreligions of Istanbul or the coastal centers of the empire due to their lack of Greek. In daily usage Karamanl was a pejorative, stigmatizing label in vented by their Greek speaking coreligions. The term itself had defamatory connotations and implied ignorance, roughness,

lack of manners, low socioeconomic status of the Turkish speaking Anatolian Orthodox and

thus , these mostly reacted and rejected to be named as such . 283 To give just an example, according to Evangelinos Misailidis the great publisher, editor, journalist and author of Karamanlidika the naming of Anatolians as Karamanli was the result of a mistake. According to Misailidis this was because th e Anatolia n stonemasons, brickmasons and plasterers had settled in the districts of Byk Karaman

and Kk Karaman of Istanbul. Thus , for Misailidis this name was attributed to the Anatolians mistakenly ( sehven ) from the age of Sultan Murad because of t he districts the Anatolians lived in Istanbul. 284

283 For the defamatory usage of the word Karamanli see Foti Benlisoy & Stefo Benlisoy,".Karamanllar", "Anadolu ahalisi. ve AGa Tabakalar.: Trkdil Anadolu Ortodokslarnda Kimlik Algs to be published in Tarih ve Toplum.

284 Evangelinos Misailidis, Seyreyle Dnyay (Temaa-i Dnya ve Cefakr- Cefake), Robert Anhegger, Vedat Gnyol, (Cem yaynlar: Gstanbul 1988), pp. 117118.

285 [] bizim lisanmzda, yani, rumi ul huruf trki l ibare [].............. ........... . ..... 1913(Constantinople: Protopapa and Sas, 1912)., p. 6.

T he Turkish speaking Orthodox of Anatolia mostly referred to their literature as Turkish in Greek script ( rumi ul huruf trki l ibare ). 285 While the missionaries , who as we will se below were very active in pu

blishing in Karamanlidika called the practice Greco Turkish. But d espite t h e abovementioned problem in terminology the present study will use the terms Karamanlidika and Karamanli for the sake of coherence.

Johann Strauss proposes the term Turco Christian

or Christian Turkish literature to designate the religious and secular literary production in Turkish with either Greek or Armenian characters during the Otto man period. He argues that both of these literary production s shared many common features that e nables the usage of the abovementioned term instead of unsatisfactory terms such as Karamanlidika or Armeno Turkish and compares this literary production with the much older and rich

tradition of Christian Arabic literature. 286

286 Johann Strauss, Is Karamanli Literature Part of a Christian-Turkish (Turco-Christian) Literature.? inTurcologica 83 Cries and Whispers in Karamanlidika Books, ed. By Evangelia Balta & Matthias Kappler (Harrasowitz Verlag: Wiesbaden 2010) 153-200.

287 Richard Clogg, Anadolu Hristiyan KarndaGlarmz: the Turkish-speaking Greeks of Asia Minor, in Neohellenism, ed. John Burke and Stathis Gauntlett, Humanities Research Centre, Monograph 5, Canberra Australian National University, 1992, pp. 67-8.

For the modern reader who find s self evident the usage of a certain alphabet for a certain language the usage of Greek characters for writing Turkish would seem rather awkward or fanciful. But as Clogg argues

Karamanlidika constitutes far from a unique example, but rather it was part o f a linguistic universe that its barriers were much more fluid. Such linguistic peculiarities were in no way exceptional cases limited to the Orthodox communities of Anatolia and the phenomenon of the Karamanl was not a unique and isolated one in the Ot toman world. There were also Turki sh speaking Armenians which used the Armenian script to write Turkish. Actually , until the 1870s when serious efforts started to be spent for reforming high Armenian ( krapar ) and for the re acquisition of Armenian, at le ast half of the total

Armenian population of Anatolia used Turkish as vernacular instead of Armenian. While in the Balkans there existed Slav populations that were Turcophone and used Cyrillic characters to write Turkish. The Frangolevantinoi , i.e. the G reek speaking Catholics were writting Greek in Latin ( frangohiotika ). Also there were the Greek speaking Jews of Istanbul ( Romaniotes ) who used Hebrew characters to write Greek while there were also communities that used Hebrew characters to write Turkish . 287

In his study concerning the alphabets used in the Balkans and their role in the

clash of civilizations in the region Zahou Papazahariou demonstrates that the combinations between the seven alphabets and the thirteen languages used in the Balkans exceed half of the 91 possible combinations. For him the clash of

civilizations in the region can be detected much better from the expansion or retreat of an alphabet which is bound to a religious culture and a literary tradition than the study of different la nguages used in the region. 288

288 .. .. Zahos-Papazahariou, ......... .... ........ ....... ... ........ ... ................ ... ........ (Balkanian Babylon Political History of the Alphabets that were used in the Balkans) in ......., ....... ... ...... ......... .... ...... ... .. ........, ed: K. Tsitselikis, Ekdoseis Kritiki: Athens 1999, pp. 9-95.

289 For an overview of the main characteristics of late Ottoman printing and publishing see Johann Strauss, .Ktp ve ResailiI Mevkute. Printing and Publishing in a Multi-ethnic Society in Late Ottoman Society the Intellectual Legacy, ed. by Elisabeth zdalga (London: Routledge 2005) 225254.

290 The present chapter will not deal with the different linguistic aspects of Karamanli literature. For such discussions see especially the pioneering studies of Jnos Eckmann, Anadolu Karamanl Azlarna ait AraGtrmalar I. Phonetica, Ankara niversitesi Dil ve Tarih Corafya Fakltesi Dergisi, vol. 8/1-2, March-April 1950, 165-200; Yunan harfl Karamanl Gmls Hakknda, in Trk Dili ve Tarihi Hakknda AratrmalarI, ed. H. Eren and T. H. Kun, (Ankara1950), 27-31; Karamanlca iGin-li Gerundium Hakknda in Trk Dili Belleten, series 3 14/15, 1951, 4552; Karamanl Trkesinde maca Ekli Fiil gekli, Trk Dili Aratrmalar Yll Belleten, 1953, 45-48; Karamanlca.da Birka Gerundium Terkibi, Trk Kltr Aratrmalar, XXVI/2, 1988, 8994; Dimitri Teodoridis, Karamanlca Bodos gahs Ad hakknda, stanbul niversitesi Edebiyat Fakltesi Trk Dili ve Edebiyat Dergisi, vol. 9, 1959, 111-112.

The usage of the Greek alphabet for writing Turkish goes well back the fifteenth century but the first printed book in Karamanlidika appeared in 1718 which was a compilation of the Christian faith, ........ ......... ... ............ .......

(Compilation Anthology of the Christian Faith) . The book production in Karamanlidika followed the general trends of the entire book production of the Ottoman Empire. Until the second half of the nineteenth centu ry book production remained remarkably low , compared to western Europe. But with the beginning of the Tanzimat period inaugurated by the Glhane hatt erif in 1839 printing and publishing gained a new impetus especially to meet the needs of the expanding educational institutions and of their graduates . 289 In the same lines printing in

Karamanlidika penetrated into popular life of Anatolian Orthodox during the second half of the nineteenth century. The periodical press in Karamanlidika forms part of that lit erary production. 290

291 Evangelia Balta, .. ............. ...... (The Karamanlidika Printed Matter), .. ........ Vol. 5 say 9, December 1988, pp. 221.

Evangelia Balta , whose pioneering works revealed the extent of the Karamanlidika literary producti on , divides the history of this publishing activity into two broad periods. The first begins from 1750 to 1820 just before the Greek Rebell ion and the second until the 1920s when the Turkish speaking Orthodox where forced to live their brethrens. The emergence of the missionary book production around 1820s for Balta forms a breaking point in Karamanli book production. After that the first per iod of Karamanli book production characterized by the small number

of publications and the exclusiveness of religious books (liturgical texts, catechisms, life of saints etc.) ends. The primary purpose of the translators, editors of these books was to enli ghten their coreligions and teach them the dogmas of the church and their religious duties who due to the loss of the Greek language could not undrestand the liturgy in the Church and thus drift apart from it. 291

From the fourth decade of the nineteenth ce ntury a new period begins in which the rythm of publishing steadily increases and peaks in the last decade of the century. Religious books continue to form the majority in this period (234 to 224) but this is mainly the result of the publishing activities of the missionaries while with the gradual decline of their publishing activities the books with secular themes surpass the religious ones. Among these secular books are titles concerning issues of general education like geography, natural sciences, histor ies encyclopaedic knowledge, calendars etc. There are also books concerning everyday issues like geopony, practical health, logistics, interpretations of Ottoman law and also popular folk stories like

......... (Krolu), .... ..... (k Garip) and ... ..... (ah

smail). 292 Thus what we witness in this phase is an increase in the variety and range of the number of titles and themes of books available for the public.

292 For the Karamanlidika editions of these folk stories see M.Sabri Koz, Comparative Bibliographic Notes on Karamanlidika Editions of Turkish Folk Stories in Turcologica 83 Cries and Whispers in Karamanlidika Books, ed. By Evangelia Balta & Matthias Kappler (Harrasowitz Verlag: Wiesbaden 2010) 241254.

293 Strauss, 2010, p. 163.

294 Balta, 1988, pp. 224.

295 Blent Berkol, 133 Yl nce Yaymlanan Yunan Harfleri ile Trke (Karamanlca) Bir Robinson Crusoe. evirisi, SosyolojiKonferanslar, 21. Kitap (1986), 135-158.

Johann Strauss makes a similar perio dization for the Turco Christian literature of nineteenth century which , as we saw earlier together with Karamanli literary production includes the literary production in Armeno Turkish. The first period begins in the 1820s with the arrival of Protestant m issionaries in the Ottoman Empire. The extensive translation and publishing activity of them both expanded the themes and genres of the existing literature and served to the development of the

standardization and spelling system of both Karamanlidika and A rmeno Turkish. While the second period begins with the discovery of a new literary genre, the novel in the 1850s. Thus a secular Turco Chris tian literature emerges and he also adds a Turco Christian periodical press in Greek and Armenian script begin to de velop in that period: Anatoli (1851) in Karamanlidika and Mecmua -

i Havadis (1852) in Armenian script. 293

A major category of the secular books printed in this period is translations of western novels most of which was translated by Evangelinos Misailidis. 294 T he translation of western novels to Karamanlidika starts in 1853 with the translation of Robinson Crusoe. 295 Just like in the other segments of the Otoman literary production this genre met with great success among the Turkish speaking Orthodox . These novels

were often published first as serialized novels ( tefrika ) in Anatoli or other newspapers and journals . But one has to note that despite the relatively large amount of translations there is almost no original work. Even Misailidiss novel Temaa i Dnya , as we will saw below once thought as the first novel in Turkish is now treated as a translation/adaptation of a Greek novel. Thus it can be argued the book production in Karamanlidika

follows in general lines the conclusions of macroanalysi s in history of reading concerning the Western literatures. That is to say the Karamanlidika literary production also follows in Webers terms the demystification of the world and the decline of the religious literature is accompanied by the rise of wor ldly and practical subjects and especially of the novel. 296

296 For the history of reading see Robert Darnton, History of Reading, New Perspectives on Historical Writing, (ed.) Peter Burke, 1991, pp. 140-167. While for a discussion ofthe impacts of printing on the people in early modern France see Natalie Zemon Davis, "Printing and the People," Rethinking Popular Culture: Contemporary Perspectives in Cultural Studies, (eds.) Mukerji and Schudson,1991, pp. 65-96.

Amid the rapidly expanding Karamanlidika published material the periodical press has an important place. The increased educational opportunities, especially after the second half of the century, had created a basis for the emergence and development of a local non-cleric intellectual strata which sough to create for itself vehicles and sources of expression in the periodical press and a literary public came into being that could relatively sustain that kind of literature.

Among this periodical press in Karamanlidika, Anatoli (East) which was first published by Evangelinos Misailidis (1820-1890) in 1840 plays a pivotal role. But there were other examples like the weekly Aggelioforos (Messenger) published by

the ABCFM297 or Zebur298published in 1866 by Anestis Eftihiadis from Kayseri and Terakki299 (Progress) published in 1888 by the Progressive Brotherhood of NevGehir (Nevehir Terakkiperver Uhuvveti) which had been established for the benefit of the schools of NevGehir300 or the Anatol Ahteri301.

297 ............ ....... ...... . ...... . ........ . ........... ..... ...... ... [Aggelioforos Umur-i diniye ve ilmiye ve beyitiye ve siyasiyeye dair gazetadr].

298 The newspaper started to be published in Greek after 1867 and changed its name into Melissa (Bee). Manuel Gedeon states that the editor of the paper Eutychiadis afterwards went to London with the instructions of Mustafa Fazl PaGa in order to publish a newspaper that will defend the views of the Young Ottomans. Manuil I. Gedeon, ............. ........... 1800-1913 (Notes of the Chronicler 1800-1913), Athens 1932, pp. 8-16. According to Johann Strauss, Eutychiadis (who states that he was from NevGehir instead of Kayseri) was employed by Ali Suavi as typesetter for publishing his paper Muhbir. Johann Strauss, The Greek Connection in Nineteenth-Century Otoman Intellectual History, in Greece and the Balkans Identities, Perceptions and Cultural Encounters since the Enlightenment, ed. Dimitris Tziovas, Ashgate (Cornwall 2003) p. 52.

299 Terakki was published twice in month. It consisted of sixteen pages with two columns. The offices of the journal was in Asmaalt in Maksudiye Han No. 6. Despite its success Terakki was banned by the government after 12 issues.

300 I. Georgiou, . .. .......... ......., Mikrasiatika Hronika, cilt 1, 1938, s. 415; Ioakeim Valavanis, .ikrasiatika, .tina 1891, s. 76-7; Nevehir Mekteplerinin Dersaadet Ephoriasnn Yznc Sene-i Devriyesi 1820-1920, Anatoli Matbaas, Dersaadet, 1920, s. 118.

301 Anatoi Ahteri (Fenni ve Ahlki Msavver Risale-i Mevkte) was a weekly newspaper. The collection of the newspaper which is in the Center for Asia Minor Studies begins from the fourth issue and bears the date of 22 September 1886. Thus we can assume that it started to be published in the beginning of September. The format of the newspaper was 18 x 27 cm and every issue consisted of 16

pages. For Anatol Ahteri see Stefo Benlisoy, Anatolda Glmin Terakkisi Kabil Mi, Deil Mi? Toplumsal Tarih vol. 154 October 2006: 56-60.

302 Like the interruption of 1865 in which the newspaper ceased to be published because of the cholera outbreak in Istanbul. The newspaper began to be published again in the beginning of September 1866. See Anatoli N. 1001, 01 September 1866; Anatoli N. 1011, 24 September 1866. Or the case when the

But as stated above the periodical press in Karamanlidika must be identified with Anatoli (East) of Evangelinos Misailidis. This newspaper forms the progenitor and most important part of the Karamanli. press. At the same time it should be emphasized that Anatoli constitutes one of the oldest and long lived newspapers of the Ottoman Empire. It was first published in 1840 in Izmir and despite some short interruptions302, its publication continued uninterruptebly until the end of the Empire.

government banned the newspaper for one month because of an article concerning the Cretan uprising in November 1866. Anatoli N. 1033, 15 December 1866.

303 Anatoli, N. 29, 7 August 1851.

304 Misailidis, Petros Pl. ......... .......... ... .......... ..... `.......` (Historical Newspapers of the Past Century), pp. 1-18. For two other very recent studies on Anatoli see Foti Benlisoy & Stefo Benlisoy, Reading the dentity of Karamanli. through the pages of Anatoli inTurcologica 83 Cries and Whispers in Karamanlidika Books, ed. By Evangelia Balta & Matthias Kappler (Harrasowitz Verlag: Wiesbaden 2010) 93-108; gehnaz giGmanolu gimGek, The Anatoli Newspaper and the Heyday of the Karamanli Press inTurcologica 83 Cries and Whispers in Karamanlidika Books, ed. By Evangelia Balta & Matthias Kappler (Harrasowitz Verlag: Wiesbaden 2010) 109-123.

305 Anatoli N. 1001, 01 September 1866.

306 There were previous attempts to publish the paper daily like in 1868, 1876 and 1891. But all these attempts failed due to financial difficulties like that of the period 1891 when during Soullides. editorship Anatoli was published daily.

The paper was named decidedly as Anatoli in 1851. In its explanation editor Misailidis claim that because the paper is destined for the residents of Asia Minor (..... ....) or Anatolia they decided to call it from now on Anatoli or News from East (Anatoli yani Havadisname-i arkiyye).303

In one of the few studies about Anatoli Petros Pl. Misailidis, the grand son of Evangelinos, divides the publication of the newspaper into five consecutive periods: 1843-1850, 1850-1873, 1873-1876, 1876-1890 and 1890-1910. A sixth period can be added to those when Iordanis I. Limnides becomes chief editor of the newspaper in 1912 and publishes it as the new Anatoli until the end of the Empire.304 The paper was firstly published twice a week, then from September 1866 onwards three times a

week305 and finally from 1895 on it became daily.306

Evangelinos Misailidis: The Great Teacher of the East

A chapter devoted to the publishing activity and periodical press in Karamanlidika should unavoidably begin with Evangelinos Misailidis, the pioneer figure in the development of the literature and publishing in Karamanlidika. His prolific publishing activity can be observed through the nearly one third of the known titles in Karamanlidika that bear his name as author, translator, publisher, compiler or editor.

Evangelinos Misailidis (Misailolu) the publisher of more than fifty five books in Karamanlidika was born in Kula of Izmir in 25 March 1820. After graduating from the Evangelical School (.......... .....) of Izmir he began to study philosophy in the University of Athens but after finishing the first year he abandoned the school. He then worked as interpreter in the Patriarchate of Alexandreia through the appointment of Patriarch Anthimos the 4th. He soon left this position and became teacher in the community school of Isparta between 1841-1843. In 1843 he settled in Izmir and began to work with Iakovos Samiotakis who was a contributor in Amaltheia, the Izmir based oldest Greek newspaper of Asia Minor.

This was the beginning of his long career in journalism. In 1844 he published his first book, ........, which is a digest of different texts, translated from Greek

for the benefit of the residents of Asia.307 Thus it is apparent that even from his first translation and publishnig experience Misailidis had the encyclopedic attitude

307 ........ ........ ...... ..... ...., . ....... ......... M........., . ...... .......... ......... .......... ..... . ..... ........... ......., Canibi Smirde, Amaltheia Tabhanesinde, 1844.

that focused on the educational and cultural progress of his Turkish speaking coreligions.

Misailidis invented the usage of dotted letters of the Greek alphabet in order to better present the Turkish vowels.308 Shortly after, in January 1845 he published the first journal in Karamanlidika, .......... ......-.......... ....... (Pelsaret-l MaGrk) in 1847. In 1845 he wrote a theatrical comedy in Greek, . .......... ..... ....... .... ... .......... (The Amatory Haci Aslan, The Hero of Karamania), which was about the hopeless love of a rich Anatolian Orthodox Hac Aslan to Maroula, a young servant girl. The play, which depicted vividly the pluralism, especially the lingual one, of both the Ottoman Greek society of Izmir and the Ottoman society itself, became a big success.309

308 For the development of the Karamanli orthography in order to represent better the sounds of Turkish see J. Eckmann, Yunan Harfli Karamanl Gmls Hakknda, Trk Dili ve Tarihi Hakknda Aratrmalar I Ed. Hasan Eren M. Kun 1950, 27-31.

309 Evangelia Balta, . ......... ........ ... ... ......... ... .............. ........ ... ........... ......... (The Ottoman testimony for the Greek and Karamanlidika publications of Evangelinos Misailidis) Istorika vol. 50, 2009, 121-136.

In September 1849 he began to publish the monthly pictorial ......... ....... ....... (Mekteb-l Fnun-u MeGrki). At the same time he began to publish a weekly political newspaper ..... (East), the progenitor of Anatoli which continued until a destructive fire in Izmir destroyed his printing house.

Afterwards Misailidis settled permanently in Istanbul in 1850. There he established a new printing house, in which more than one third of the known books in Karamanlidika were published. He also began to publish a newspaper called ........ ...... ....... ...... (Fnun-u garkiyye Risale-i Havadis) which

after 1851 changed its name as Anatoli.310 The name of the paper is indicative since in Karamanli literature the Turcophone Orthodox are seldomly referred as Rumlar. As we will see in the examples below they were mostly referred as Christians, Orthodox Christians, Anatolian Christians, Orthodox Christians of Anatolia etc. (Anadolu Hristiyan karndalarmz, Anadoludan olan Ortodoks dindar Hristiyanlar, Anadolulu Ortodoks Hristiyanlar, Yunani lisani/Rumi lisann bilmeyen Anadoludaki Hristiyanlar or as Anadolular). From an analysis of the introductions of the Karamanl books, Evangelia Balta concludes that the dominant factor in shaping the collective identity of the Turkish-speaking Orthodox Christians was religion. The usage of the term millet was based on religion, i.e. a religious community. Also the term vatan was used only to describe the birthplace, fatherland in the strict sense.311

310 Anatoli N. 4292, 5 February 1891. see also Str. D. Tarina, ........... .......... .. ........ ... .... (Evangelinos Misailidis His Publishing Work) . ........ ....... vol. 3 Athens 1996 pp. 299-302.

311 Evangelia Balta, .. ........ ... .............. ..... ... ... ...... ... ....... .......... ... ........... ......... ... ...... ..... (The Prefaces of the Karamanl books for the study of the national consciousness of the Turcophone populations of Asia Minor),

M..... 11, 1987, pp. 228-32; also Clogg, 1992, p. 78.

Together with the publication of the paper Misalidis translated various works from French and Greek into Turkish and published them in Karamanlidika. Among these translations were novels like Theagenis ve Harikleia Hikyesi (The Story of Theagenis and Harikleia) which appeared in 1851 made from a Modern Greek version of Heliodorus. Ethiopica or Serseri Yahudi (Le Juif Errand) of Eugne Sue or the Yenovefa Hikyesi (Story of Genevive) of Christoph von Schmid which he published them in his newspaper as serialized novels. This method like in the West constituted a quaranteed way to increase the circulation of the paper.

Misailidis was also very active in translating or publishing religious polemics against the missionaries and books on ecclesiastic canons and liturgy. Polemical literature against the Protestant and Catholics became an important part of the Karamanli literature during the nineteenth century. In the introduction of one of them, the ..... ........ (The Light of Orthodoxy) published in 1885, Misailidis explain his intentions in translating this work reveal his stance and intentions in translating and publishing these kinds of books:

Despite that the Church of Pope chased the Orthodox Church in accordance to God helps the truth. can not cope with the truth and that is why it spread to our Orthodox Anatolia the monks of Jesuits and Capuchins who even among their coconfessions and conations were not acceptable and while they do not have the right through building schools and establishing Churches here and there they are seducing some gullible Orthodox Christians and do not hesitate to invite to their untrue way those compatriot Christians who follow their true way and expect salvation from God. This is not only opposed to the sacred stipulations of the grand and holy Gospel, it also causes disturbance among the population and families. In order to protect as far as possible our compatriot and Orthodox coreligions from the deceitful seduction of them, and to disgust them from obliviousness, with the intention of safeguarding Orthodoxy I gathered in this small book the dispute between the Orthodox Church

and the Church of Pope that occurred all along and the actions against religion occurred by the Popes, and the superstitions that the Church of Pope from time to time established like creating fashion and named it The Light of Orthodoxy. in order for all Orthodox to avoid falling.312

312 Papa Kelisas teden beru Orthodoksos Eklisiay kovalamakde old takdirde, daima Hakk toruya yardmcdr fehvasnca dorulukla baG idemeyub, bu yzden Evropa cihetinde kendi MezhepdaGlar ve MilletdaGlar nezdinde dahi kabula Gayan grnmeyen Cesuit ve Kapusen keGiGlerini Orthodoksos Anatolmza salGdrp, tede berude ve haklar olmad beldelerde dahi mektepler kGad ve Kelisaler binas ile bir takm saadedil Orthodoksos Hristiyanlar ifal itmekte oldklar, ve hemvatanlarmzdan kendi dor yollarnda hareket iderek cenab hakden helaslk intizar itmekde olan Hristiyanlar kendi gittikleri eri yola daavet itmekden dur olmamalar azim ve aziz Evangelion ahkm Gerifesine muhalif old Gyle dursun, beyn-el ehali ve familya fesade badi olmalar bu veledi ruhaninize dahi derun olmakle, Hemvatanmz ve orthodoksos dindaGanmz bunlarn desisekr ifalatndan mimkin mertebe vkaye, ve bunlar gafletten bidar idub, Orthodoksiay himaye itmek

maksad ile teden beru Orthodoksos Ekklisia ile Papa Kelisas arasnda cereyan iden ihtilafat ve daima Papalar tarafndan vukua gelan mugair-i din harekt, ve gya moda ihdas idercesine Papa Kelisasnn vakit be vakit idhas eyledii bir takm batl itikadat iGbu Kitapcaaza toplayp Nuri Orthodoksia. tabir eyledim ki kffe-i orthodoksoslarn dGmekden hali olabilsinler. ..... ........ (... ... .........), Dersaadet Evangelinos Misailidis Matbaasnda, 1885, pp. 5-7.

He also translated into Turkish religious works like Register of Orthodoxy (....... .........), in order to enlighten his Turkish speaking compatriots and defend them against missionaries:

[] The worship in the churches and the official religious services and sermons are held in Greek where as the great bulk of Rums in Anatolia speak in Turkish, as a result they could not interrogate both the sacred books and church service properly. As the late comprehended this situation, he made the elimination of poverty of religious tenets and regulations among the population his own concern as much as possible by translating sacred books into Turkish, by publishing various beneficial pamphlets and articles, by translating and publishing the ....... ........., the sublime book which is on the doctrines and conditions of the Christianity and has given an inner service to his fellow compatriots and by standing against the assaults of the foreign missionaries who try to deceive the Orthodox population.313

313 [] Ekklisialarda kraat olunan ibadet ve icraat- resm-u ayin-u-adet Yunani lisannda olub, Anatoli ktasndaki Rumlar ekseriya Trki-l mtekellim oldklarndan, gerek ktub-i mukaddeseye ve gerek ibadat Keliseviyeyi gerei gibi istifham idemediklerinden, kavaid ve akaid-i diniyece kari

cehilde bulunduklar merhuma dahi derun olmala, heman bu muhtaciyetin mimkin mertebe izalesini say idub, ktubu mukaddeseden haylucesini Trke lisana terceme ve nafi nafi risale ve makaleler tab-u neGr ile, hemGehrilerine hdmet-i vicdaniyede bulunmuG ezcmle ....... ......... nam akait ve Gerait din-i Mesihiden, bahs kitab- mstetab dahi Trkeye terceme ve neGr idup, ol zeman Orthodoksoslar ifal- itlale alGan ecnebi Misyonerlerin muhacematna karG durmuG [] Anatoli N. 4293, 7 February 1891.

314 Tarina, pp. 299-302.

315 Misailidis, 1988. See also Robert Anhegger, Evangelinos Misailidis.in TemaGa-i Dnya. Adl Kitab ve Trke KonuGan Ortodokslar Sorunu, in Beinci Milletleraras Trkoloji Kongresi stanbul, 23-28 Eyll 1985 Tebliler II, (Gstanbul: Edebiyat Fakltesi Basmevi 1985), pp. 15-24.

Misailidis also published during 1874-1875 the newspaper Mikra Asia and between 1875 and 1876, the weekly political satire Koukourikos of Theodor Kasap. During the same period he was the director of the satirical newspaper Hayal of Theodor Kasap.314

Obviously, the greatest work of Misailidis is the Temaa-i Dnya ve Cefakr Cefake (The Theater of the World and Tyrants and Tyranized) published in Istanbul during 1871-1872.315 Although once it was considered to be the first novel

in Turkish it lost this status when the Armenian-Turkish novel Akabi Hikayesi (Story of Agabi) written by Vartan Pasha (Hovsep Vartanian, 1816-1879) and published in 1851 proved to be written before and that Misailidis. work was a translationadaptation of a previously published Greek novel. Misailidis does not mention in the prologue of the work that the novel actually is based on the plot of the Greek novel . ......... (o Polypathis The Man of Many Sufferings) written by Grigorios Palaiologos and published in 1839 in Athens. Misailidis, who probably read the novel when he was studying in Athens, translated and adapted it after nearly thirty years. But it would be highly unjust to treat Misailidis. work as a simple translation. As Pinelopi Stathi, who made a comparison between the two works argues, Misailidis begins his work as a translation of the themes in Polypathis but soon he starts to include themes from the daily life in Istanbul of the Tanzimat period and gradually develops plenty of independent chapters. In these chapters Misailidis touches upon themes like religion, education, different aspects of the Ottoman and European life and culture. He uses also a plethora of sources in his work like the very popular .......... (Gerostathis The Old Stathis) of Leondos Mela and the tales of Aisop. Consequently as Stathis argues in the end we have a text which is twice in size of the Polypathis wherein Misailidis uses the skeleton of the latter text to include in it his experiences and views and different themes in order to produce a text that will consist a treasure of information for his compatriots.316 According to Anthi Karra who makes a comparative reading of Palaiologos. novel and Misailidis. translation the two works have completely different political agendas that manifest itself in the additions-adaptations of Misailidis to the original work. While

316 Pinelopi Stathi, .. ........... ... .......... ... ......... ........... [The adventures of Polypathous of Grigorios Paliaologos] ...... vol. 17, Athens 1995, 131-145.

Palaiologos who was a member of the Greek Enlightenment and writes couple of years later of the independence of Greece writes for a literate public eager to repress the memories of the Ottoman past and develop its national identity, Misailidis translated this work into a public that on the one hand was anxious from the changes that the Tanzimat period had inaugurated while on the other had great anticipations from the future by the possibilities that the new era offered. These different agendas are reflected even in the language of the two works. Thus while Palaoiologos. text is written in katharevousa Misailidis. translation/adaptation is easy to read, down to earth and has a very strong oral character oriented towards an audience that is largely illiterate.317 But far from being a didactic one all this information given by Misailidis to the readers through the adventures of Aleko Favini, the protagonist of the novel. Temaa-i Dnya has many references to educational issues through which Misailidis summarizes his ideas about education which develops further in the pages of his paper. Education for Misailidis puts an end to tyranny, it is necessary for Anatolian Orthodox to be worthy again of their glorious Greek ancestors and achieve progress.318 The nationalist agenda pursued by Athens and promoted in Polypathis does not appeal Misailidis. For him the Ottoman Empire after the reforms of Tanzimat is a far superior place to live than anywhere else in Europe. He even argues

317 Anthi Karra, From Polypathis to Temaa-i Dnya, from the Safe Port of Translation to the Open Sea of Creation inTurcologica 83 Cries and Whispers in Karamanlidika Books, ed. By Evangelia Balta & Matthias Kappler (Harrasowitz Verlag: Wiesbaden 2010) 201-218. See also Georgios

Kehayoglou, . .......... .......... ............. ... .... .......... ... . ............... ........ ... .......... ... ... ........... in ...... ....... ............. ....... vol 11 Athens 1995-1996: 125-136.

318 Misailidis, 1988, pp. 250-251.

that if the Greeks of Greece experience the taste of freedom brought by Tanzimat they will understand the value of freedom.319

319 [] nk nizamatn lezzetini tatmadklarndan ve Tanzimatn muhassenatn bilmediklerinden, bilmiG olsalar elbette de bu efkrda bulunmazlar idi. [] Yunanlar da Tanzimatn lezzetini alsalar, serbestiyetinin kadr- kymetini de tanrlar. Misailidis, 1988, p. 630.

320 Anatolmzn terakkisi urunda say-u-gayret iden zevattan biri de, ismi alem indinde ihtiram ile zikr olnan pederiniz mteveffa Evaggelinos Misailidis efendi oldn herkes ikrar itmektedir. 50 sene Anatola manevi surette tarif ve telkin ile hidmet itmiG ve ann tarifleri ile bizler ilmin kymetini bilerek memleketlerimizde mektibin terakksna gayret olnor. Ahval-i ilmiyece Anatolmzn 20 sene evvelki haline nispeten ok ilerude old gn gibi aGikrdr. Pederinizin gayretlerine herkes medyun-i Gkran bulndndan brakt eserin terakkisi urunda kendini tanyan ve deruninde zamir ile minnetdarlk ve medyun-i Gkranlk iseri taGyan her Anatoll, elden gelen gayreti diri itmemelidir

zannndaym. [] Anatolda mekatibin ancak Anatoli. vastas ile ilerulediini syledik []. Hristoforos Andreou, Anatoli N. 5424, 27 December 1899.

This continuous publishing activity and the importance Misailidis. attributed to education as a mean to achieve progress and eradicate the current ignorance of Anatolians, deservedly brought him the title of teacher of the East. He became a symbol of the intellectual rebirth of the Anatolian Orthodox and was presented as the enlightener, the greatest teacher of all Anatolians. The development of education in Anatolia was attributed to his ceasseless efforts concerning the dissemination of education. A letter sent to the sons of Misailidis after his death illustrates clearly this line of thinking:

One of the prominent figures who endavoured for the progress of our Anatolia is your father the late Evaggelinos Misailidis. His name is mentioned with respect and his endeavour is acknowledged by all. He had served Anatolia with his moral guidance and inspiration for fifty years and thanks to his suggestions we are working for the progress of schools in our country by bearing the science in mind. It is apparent that the state of science in our Anatolia has progressed a lot when it is compared to twenty years

ago. Everyone is grateful for the endavour of our father. That is why, I think, each Anatolian should not refrain from working for the progress of his work that we have inherited. [...] We affirmed that the schools in Anatolia progressed thanks to the Anatoli [].320

Even the official organ of the Patriarchate, ............. ....... (Ecclesiastic Truth) praised his efforts for the spread of the love of learning among his Turkish speking co-religionists and for supporting their religious feelings through translating in Turkish plenty of religious and ethical books especially against the Protestant propaganda in Asia Minor.321 Misailidis. printing house and publishing activities created a nucleus of intellectuals who came to study to Istanbul from Anatolia and these continued the work of Misailidis for enlightening their Turkish speaking coreligions.

321 ............. ....... 5 January 1890.

322 Information about his graduation is given in Rodokanakeios Sholi Gmtihanlarn Neticesi Anatoli N. 4218, 31 July 1890.

323 While the Yearbook of 1901 of I. G. Sakellariou still mentioned Kalfolu as the editor of the paper with S. Alagzolu. See I. .. ........... ... ..., . ..... ... ........ ............... ........... ... ..... 1901, Constantinople: ........... ....... ........ 1900, p. 390.

324 Ioannis H. Kalfoglou, ........... . ......... ....... .......... ....... ..... ... ....... . ...... ... ..... ......., 1894, Constantinople 1893.

325 Ioannis H. Kalfoglou, .......... .......... ......... ....... ......... ......... ...... .... ........, Constantinople 1898.

One of these young Anatolian intellectuals who had been inspired by Misailidis was Ioannis H. Kalfoglou (1871-1931). Born in skdar in 1871 from a family of Kayseri living in Bafra he graduated from the Theological Seminary of Kayseri in 1890.322 From 1892 to 1898 he worked in Anatoli as editor and writer but afterwards he continued to contribute regularly to the paper through his articles.323 During this period he published three books in Karamanlidika. The first of these following in the footsteps of Misailidis was an annual which contained different texts published in 1893 for the benefit of his compatriots.324 His second book, published in 1898, was about the history of the monastery of St John the Forerunner325 and his

third book, published one year later in Karamanlidika was about the historical geography of Anatolia.326

326 Ioannis H. Kalfoglou, ..... .... ......... ....... ..........., Constantinople 1899.

327 See the introduction of Stavros Th. Anestidis in his translation to Greek of Kalfoglou.s historical geography of Asia Minor. Ioannis H. Kalfoglou, ........ ......... ... ............. .........., translated by Stavros Th. Anestidis, Center of Asia Minor Studies: Athens 2002, pp. 31-33.

328 See the Preface of Ioanna Petropoulou in Ioannis H. Kalfoglou, ........ ......... ... ............. .........., translated by Stavros Th. Anestidis, Center of Asia Minor Studies: Athens 2002, pp. 9-12.

In 1901 he moved to Batum to work in the tobacco factory of his friend from Zincidere Lazaros Binyatoglou. There he participated in the movement of Pontos. In 1908 he published a historical essay, this time in Greek, to counter the views that

disputed the Greekness of the Greeks living in Caucasus. Thus as Anestidis observes and as we will see in plenty of examples below while in his earlier writings Kalfoglou makes a clear distinction between the Greeks of Greece (Yunan) and The Rum of Anatolia during this period there will be only Greeks of Asia Minor or Greeks of Caucasus. While during 1920 when he contributes to the paper ......... ...... (Free Pontos), he will refer to unredeemed Greeks waiting to be freed by mother Hellas.327 As Petropoulou points Kalfoglou.s intellectual career is divided into two distinct periods. He lives his first thirty years as a Turkish speaking Orthodox subject of the Ottoman Empire and the other thirty years as a militant of Greek irredentism. This transformation is reflected also in his writings. He begins to write in Karamanlidika, in his mother tongue but he continues to write in Greek which he acquires it through education.328

In the beginning of January 1890 Evangelinos Misailidis, the founder and editor for almost fifty years of the newspaper died and Nikolaos Theologidis

Soullides (Soulliolu) took over his position.329 Soullides was from Fertek and worked as an employee of the translation department of the Ottoman customs administration. He was also a member of the Hellenic Literary Society from 1871 and member for various times of the Patriarchal Election Assembly.330 Despite his attempt to introduce novelties in the paper he was forced to resign in February 1892 because the newspaper had made a debt of ninety thousand piasters.331 After his resignation Misailides. sons, Theagenis and Hristos assumed the editorship of the newspaper. In August 1895, after working as an author in the newspaper for three years Ioannis Kalfoglou was appointed by Misailides brothers as the new editor of the paper. While from 1898 onwards Savva Alagozoglou became a writer and later one of the editors of the newspaper.332

329 For a biography of E. Misailidis see Limnidis (1912: 170-172) and Anatoli 05-02-1891 No. 4292.

330 Strauss, 2010, p. 187.

331 [] gayret sarf ile ifa-i hizmete alGmG ve bu uurda iki sene mddet zarfnda adeta kuru

ekmee kanaat edercesine sa ve sakalm aartmG ve belimi iki bklim itmiG isemde, doksan bin kuruG ziyana urayarak, ekilmeye mecbur oldm. Nikolaos Th. Soullidis, Anatoli N. 5173, 5 December 1895.

332 See Anatoli N. 5076, 17 August 1895. In February 1894 Kalfoglou together with Ioannis Ioannidis from NevGehir, who started to write articles about ecclesiastic history were hired by the newspaper as writers. Anatoli N. 4777, 22 February 1894.

The circulation of the newspaper was always inadequate and the editors of the paper never ceased to complain about this which according to them hampered the further development of the paper. In the end of its first year the paper had only 118 subscribers. These 118 subscribers paid 110 piasters annually thus the total revenues of the paper for 1851 was 12.980 piasters while according to the paper only its

annual expenditure for paper amounted 15 thousand piasters. Thus, if we believe the editor, the newspaper was in deficit right from its beginning.333

333 Anatoli N. 48, December 1851.

334 Bizler ise bunca senelerdir bu kadar ake sarf ve zahmet mihnet ile iGbu Gazeta-i saie-i PadiGahide icad iderek Anatoli tesmiye itmiG isek de, 82 hafta zarfnda gerek Der-i Saadet gerek kocaman Anatoluda ancak 140 mGteri peyda idebildik dorusu sair Milletlere nispeten bizim Milletimizin vatanna muhabbet ve dinine gayret gstermedii fasl ve taayip itmeye Gayan bir keyfiyettir. Anatoli N. 82, August 1852.

335 Anatoli N. 99, 1 January 1853.

336 GGte kffe-i Anatolda ve Rumelide bulunan hayrhah mGterilerimiz bunlar olup, yekni 125

esamidir. Anatolda ise Anatoli Gazetasn okumaya mecbur en akal 120.000 nfus kabilecei cmlenin malmu olman bu hisabda bin nfusda bir adem Gazeta almG oluyor. Anatoli N. 1049, 26 January 1867.

One year later, in 1852 this number had increased to 140334 while in the beginning of 1853 the paper had 155 subscribers.335 In the beginning of 1867 we find a detailed list in the paper of its subscribers in Anatolia which reached to 125.336 While during the last decade of the nineteenth century the number of its suscribers had reached around 400-500. As it is stated above this situation constituted a constant complaint of the editors who claimed that if the paper had at least a thousand customers it would have a much better quality and would be cheaper (20 instead of 40 para).

Despite its claim to be the organ of the majority of the Rums, Anatoli was constantly complaining about fiscal difficulties and urged especially its provincial clients to pay their subscription fees. Another continuous complaint was against the so called freeloaders (otlaklar) who read the newspaper of those who had bought it. But from the persistence of the complaints against the otlaklar it is apparent that the problem continued:

[] how it is possible for Anatoli to progress when some, after giving their newspapers to five or ten others and made them read

they even send them to Anatolia and when some of our subscribers in Anatolia gather the residents of their village like in the ayan rooms and even without feeling sorrow for the money they give to coffe or deserts gather them in their houses and read them the paper and when some that have the means to be subscribers ask to read the newspaper from around without shame?337

337 []bazlar Gazetalarn on beG kimseye virup okutdukdan sonra bundaki okuduu gya yetiGmedi gibi, Anatoluya dahi yolladklar halde, ve Anatoludaki sindromisitislerimizden [subscribers] bazlar bizzat kylerde ayan odasna doldurur gibi memleketin ehalisini kahve ve tatl parasn bari acmakszn evlerine toplayp, okuttuklar ande, ve baz ademlerin sindromitis olmaklna vakti variken yazlmayub, Gundan ve bundan utanmadan Gazeta isteyip okuduklar vakit, [] Anatoli nasl ileruleyebilir? Anatoli N. 48, December 1851.

Gmdi bu keyfiyetlerden dolay derecesiz kederimiz olup, Anatolinin mid olunduu zre ileruleyemeyecei itibarlu mGterilerimizin malmleri olarak, 14 Nomeroda derc ittiimiz zre artk Gazetalarn mGteri yazlmakla vakt olan ademe gstermemelerini, ve Fukara takmnn mimkinise cmlesine okutturmalerini, ve yazlmakla vakt var iken, yazlmaypda onun bunun Gazetasn

okuyup byle bir czi Geyi kr sayan kimesnelerin, artk bu misillu layksz hareketlerden fari olmalerini rica ve niyaz ideriz. Anatoli N. 80, 12 August 1852.

338 Her gazetenin terakkisina, hi olmazsa izamnda hareketine mani olan iki Geyden birincisi mGterilerinin vakt-u saatnda bedellerini gndermemeleri, ve ikincisi dahi Allah.tan korkmaz, insanlardan utanmaz, otlaklardr ki, eksilmedikten baGka her tarafta artmaktadrlar, ve hamiyetli mGterilerimizin gazetalarn Postadan alarak, zayi itmekle bunlar aleyhimizde gcendirmektedirler, ve mGterinin artmamasna sebep olmaktedirler heman ecirlerini Allah.tan bulsunlar. Anatoli N. 3991, 10 December 1888.

GGte otlaklar da tpk gazetalarn ve her nev kitabn Filoksirasdrlar ki, mGterilerin artmasna mani olarak, batmasna sebep olurlar, gidi vicdanszlar!!! Anatoli N. 3959, 22 September 1888.

or:

The first from the two things that prevent the development or at least hinders its normal functioning of every newspaper is the delay of the payment of its customers. payment and the second is those otlaklar who do not fear of God and do not feel shame from humans and despite lessening are increasing everywhere and by stealing the papers of our public spirited customers from mail they offend them against us and they hinder the increase of the number of customers may find their reward from God.338

As it is stated above the total number of the subscribers of Anatoli was around four to five hundred but the constant reference to otlaklar reveals that the actual readership of it was much wider, when we think that the practice of reading, rather than being a personal and voiceless practice more or less retained its collective and oral character and function. In spite of the constant emphasis of the paper on the

private character of newspaper reading, it seems that reading Anatoli was often an oral and a social practice taking place in places like coffeshops, workshops, and family and friend gatherings. It must be added that common display of books, journals and magazines in coffeshops or public reading rooms (kraathane) was a well established practice from the second half of the nineteenth century because printed material generally remained to be relatively expensive.339 Thus one can argue that Anatoli had a much wider readership and impact across the turcophone Orthodox of Anatolia.340

339 The coffeshops of Istanbul even before the existence of means of communication like the newspapers was important sites of public sociability and intense political discussions where public opinion moulded based on a dense oral communication network. For the coffeshops of Istanbul in 1840s see Cengiz Krl, Coffehouses: Public Opinion in the Nineteenth Century Ottoman Empire in Public, Islam and the Common Good, Armando Salvatore & Dale F. Eickelman (editors), (Brill Academic Publishers 2004) 75-97.

340 See Robert Darnton, History of Reading, New Perspectives on Historical Writing, (ed.) Peter

Burke, 1991, pp. 140-167. For the circulation of Anatoli see for example Anatoli N. 5151, 18 November 1895 & N. 5153, 21 November 1895.

341 See for example Anatoli N. 4027, 14 March 1889 & Anatoli N. 4028, 16 March 1889 & Anatoli N. 4029, 18 March 1889.

342 Anatoli Gazetas mellifi 40 gn mahbus ve bir ay tatil oldu, hal-u hatrn sual itmek iun olsun yanna oramadklar bar taraf olsun, Gimdi bir ay tatil itti deyu baz mGterileri zr beyan ider, de gidi vatanperverlik deeee! Anatoli Gazetas mellifi kimin yznden mahbus va tatil olduuni hesab itmek yokmu? Anatoli N. 1044, 14 January 1867.

But the financial situation of the paper was so grave that from time to time it was compelled to publish from its front page the names of its customers that neglected to pay the subscription fee of the paper.341 Nevertheless despite all these

efforts, the financial strain continued. Misailides and the editors of the paper from time to time use a very harsh and bitter language towards their readers for not suppporting their efforts accordingly. Misailidis even complained from its readers that nobody come to visit him when in 1866 he was jailed for forty days and the publication of the paper suspended for one month.342 The issues of Anatoli are full of

remarks which stress the futility of fifty years of loyalty and hard work for the homeland. Misailidis comments: We have served to the country as much as possible with complete loyalty for fifty years. However, we have not been awarded yet by any means. If one has worked for his country in such an extent in Europe, a statue had already been erected in his/her name..343

343 Elli senedir elimizden dilimizden geldii miktar vatana sadakati kmile ile hizmet etmekteyiz, lkin bir mkafat gremedik, bizim vatan uruna ektiimiz zahmetin rubuni ekene Evropa.de ismine sanem dikerler. Anatoli N. 3959, 22 September 1888. Olabilir ki iktidarszlmz sebebiyle yahod mesleimiz beenilmediinden, yahod hakkmzda arzu olnan derecede tevecch ve itimat his olnmadndan, Anatoli.nin idare ve muharrirliini deruhde eylediimiz zaman hayalmz okGayan mitlerin hepisi boGa kt. Anatoli N. 4199, 14 June 1890.

344 Gerek Gstanbul.da ve gerek Asya-i Sura.da nice sahib-i servet ve fukara vardr ki, bunlarn lisanlar sade Trke lisandr bazlar istisna edilecek olursa cmlesinin syledikleri ve yazdklar

lisan Trkedir ve bu gibilerin fikirlerini tezhip idecek bu gibileri ahval-i alemden haberdar idecek bir vasta var ise o da Anatoli. gazetasdr. Hal byle iken, Anatoli. gazetasnn hizmet-i fedakrl anlaGlmamas VatandaGlar iin pek de Gayan- meth bir hal deildir zannederiz. Muhterem MGterilerimize Baz Gzahat- Lazme, .Anatoli N. 4580, 03 September 1892.

Anatoli constantly stressed that it is the only representative of the Turkish speaking Orthodox of Asia Minor and lamented to the fact that despite its tremendous effort it did not receive the necessary support and admiration from its compatriots:

Both in Istanbul and in Asia Minor there are so many wealthy and poor that their language is only Turkish and despite some exceptions the language they speak and write of the majority is Turkish and the only medium that it will illuminate and inform them about the events of the world is the Anatoli newspaper. And yet we think that not understanding the services and sacrifices of Anatoli is not a situation for the compatriots that should be praised.344

Misailidis ceaselessly emphasized that the paper belonged to all Anatolians and that

the progress of the newspaper served the pogress and glory of whole Anatolia:

Anatoli belongs to the entire Anatolian compatriots, we are only an instrument and whoever strives for the progress of it, strives for the glory of entire Anatolia.345

345 Anatoli cmle Anatolulu hemGehrilerimizindir, biz arada fakat bir altz, ve her kim iGbu Anatolinin ilerulemesine gayret iderse, bitun Anatolunun Gerefine gayret itmiG olur. Anatoli N. 82, August 1852.

346 Anatoli N. 591, 9 November 1862.

347 Anatoli N. 592, 13 November 1862.

348 HemGehrilerimizin tlim-u terbiyesi zmnnda inkr olnamaz suretde alGmG ve alGmakde olan Anatoli. gazetas mdiri izzetlu E. Maisailidis efendi. Terakki N. 1, 15 May 1888.

349 [] hemGehrilerimizce yegne vasta-i neGr-i maarif ve irfan olan ANATOLG ceride-i muteberesi. Ioannis Ioannidis, ......... .............. . .......... ........., Der Saadet: Aleksandros Nomismatidis Matbaas 1896, p. ..

According to the editors of Anatoli in this age of science and civilization newspapers served as public education institutions that worked for the enlightenment of the specific millet it belonged.346 Those who do not study newspapers or books for the editors were devoid of humanity and even they belonged to the level of animals.347

But despite all these gloomy statements of the editors it is obvious that both Anatoli and its founder Evangelinos Misailidis were highly respected among the literati segments of the Turkish speaking Orthodox of Anatolia. Even publications that can be considered to challenge the monopoly of Anatoli in the field of periodical publications like the journal Terakki admitted in its introductory statement the pioneering role of Anatoli and Misailidis in the education and cultivation of Anatolians.348 While in the introduction of his book Ioannis Ioannidis describes Anatoli as the only publication medium for education and enlightenment of his compatriots.349

Despite this longevity, Anatoli and also the other examples of Karamanlidika press have been rather neglected as a source in the Ottoman historiography. Undoubtedly this neglect has to do with their hybrid character, which is manifested in their usage of Turkish printed in Greek characters that forms a practical and a mental barrier to the modern historian who unconsciously assumes, most of the times, fixed and given national, religious cultural and linguistic identities. The nationalization of historiography in the nineteenth century and its concentration on the histories of nation states and the processes of ethnogenesis turned issues like the literary production in Karamanlidika insignificant. Either they were disregarded totally or they were selectively integrated to the national body through their elements that fitted the dominant national historical narrative. This is also the case for the literary history. As Johann Strauss argues modern historians have tended to create a separate literate identity for each of them [Ottomans that were members of different ethnoreligious groups] according to the Western European concept of national. literature. Literature is restricted to the production of one nation. in one single language.350 Thus the Turco-Christian literary production either in the form of Karamanlidika or Armeno-Turkish is not considered an integral part of the national heritages of Turkish, Greek or Armenian.351 But the literary activity in the Ottoman Empire hardly resembled this superfluous and essentialist. nationalist

350 Johann Strauss, Who Read What in the Ottoman Empire (19th-20th centuries)? Arabic Middle Eastern Literatures Vol. 6, No. 1, 2003: 39-76.

351 Strauss, 2010, p. 155. For example in his pages describing the immense publishing activity of the American missionaries in the various spoken languages of the Ottoman Empire KocabaGolu argues that among this publishing activity the number of publications in Turkish is extremely low. While he argues that the only contribution of American missionaries to the Turkish language and culture is the Redhouse Dictionary. These statements came immediately after the pages that demonstrates clearly the huge number of publications in Karamanlidika and Armeno-Turkish, which comprises more than one third of the publications of American missionaries in the Ottoman Empire. But these, according to KocabaGolu obviously does not form part of the Turkish language and culture. Uygur KocabaGolu, Anadolu.daki Amerika Kendi Belgeleriyle 19. Yzylda Osmanl mparatorluu.ndaki Amerikan Misyoner Okullar (Gmge Kitabevi: Ankara 2000) pp. 112-113.

paradigm and in this the Karamanli literary production can be given as the primary example. However, these essentialist. understandings are increasingly being replaced during the last decades by a contextual and relational understanding of identity formation and both Anatoli and the turcophone Anatolian Orthodox that it addressed have started to gather the attention that they deserve in the Ottoman historiography.352

352 See Balta 2003: 26-34 for a discussion of the historiographical problems concerning the study of the Turcophone Orthodox. Also for a short history of the field and an evaluation for its present state and its prospects see Evangelia Balta, Cries and Whispers in Karamanlidika Books Before the Doom of Silence inTurcologica 83 Cries and Whispers in Karamanlidika Books, ed. By Evangelia Balta & Matthias Kappler (Harrasowitz Verlag: Wiesbaden 2010) 11-22.

The Future of Asia Minor

A constant theme in Anatoli is the numerous articles concerning the future of Asia Minor and how the Anatolian Orthodox should act in order to adapt and benefit from the new opportunities that emerge. According to Anatoli in the last decades of the century the continent was at the doorsteps of a great transformation. One important indicator of this transformation was the anticipated expansion of the railway network across the continent. In the beginning of the 1890.s new impetus had been given by the Ottoman government to the establishment of new railway lines that started to connect for the first time distant vilayets like Konya and Ankara to the Ottoman capital. Anatoli correctly identified this development with commodification of the agricultural production and sensed the emerging opportunities in commerce and industry. For Anatoli the main reason that forced its compatriots to migrate to other

places was the lack of means of transportation that prevented the development of agriculture and trade in Anatolia. The development of railway network meant the end of the isolation of the continent and the opening of an age of prosperity and progress.353

353 Anatolnn Glerisi, Anatoli N. 4477, 07 December 1891.

354 For the ideological and discoursive characteristics and symbolism of the reign of Abdlhamid II see Deringil 1999.

However for Anatoli in order to benefit from these developments, the Anatolian Orthodox had to prepare and take the necessary steps for accommodating to these emerging new conditions. In other words in describing the future of Anatolia, the changes that might occur and their possible outcomes the paper does not share the previous nave Tanzimat attitude towards progress and westernization. Rather it is in line with the late nineteenth century Hamidian skepticism towards increased western economic, political and ideological penetration.354 It had an ambivalent attitude towards the West. While on the one hand the West formed a

source of emulation on the other it possessed also certain characteristics that should be avoided. The newspaper propagated key concepts of the western vocabulary of civilization like progress, education, literacy, civilization, respectability and in that sense it adopted in general lines the western discourse of modernization and its concepts of binary oppositions like civilization-barbarity, modernity-tradition etc. While on the other hand it also developed a critical stance towards it and especially towards its agents, above all the missionaries in Anatolia. Parrotlike imitation of western behavior was criticized harshly as a sign of loosing ones particular identity and it propagated that Anatolians could attain civilization only

through reclaiming their ancient glory and enlightening and regenerating the East through education.

Anatoli constantly stressed in an alarmist tone that if Anatolian Orthodox fail to accommodate and adapt to the new conditions they will soon become servants. even slaves. of the foreigners., that is of Europeans.355 In close resemblance to the Ottoman authorities. fear on the decline of the population of Anatolia, the decrease of the population of the Anatolian Orthodox, caused mainly by migration to the urban centers of the empire but also outside of the borders of the empire was a source of great concern and worry for Anatoli.356 The paper expected a migratory wave towards Anatolia from Western Europe triggered by the recent economic expansion and constantly warned its readers that if this tendency continues the Anatolian Orthodox will soon be less in numbers than the foreigners.357

355 Biz teGkil etmez isek, biz dGnmez isek, Alamanyadan, Maltadan bilmem dnyann hangi ucundan gelenler dGnyor, Girketler teGkil ediyor da bizim hakkmz olan ekmei onlar yiyor. Biz de ellerimizi ouGturup bir lokma ihsan etmelerine muntazr oluyoruz []. Anatol Ktasnn Mstakbeli, Anatoli N. 4268, 01 December 1890. [] Bunlar biz on beG, yigirmi sene evvel haber vermiG idik, ve hatta bunlar oldktan sonra topraklarmza Evropallar tevattun idecekler, ve malumatlu, ve lisandar, ve sermayelu olarak, elimizden iGi almakla bizi kendilerune kul, kle

ideceklerinden, vakti ile bari birer semer sahibi olalm da, hamallklarn idelim, emma trl makinalar ihdas ile bize hamall da brakmayacaklar didiimiz iun baz Anatolllar hakarat idiyorsun deyu gcenmiGlerdi. Anadol Timuryollar ve bundan husule gelecek muhasenat, Anatoli 13 December 1888.

356 For the complex effects of migration to Anatolian Orthodox communities see Petropoulou 1991: 40-41. Obviously migration and its specific type (whether it was seasonal or for much longer period) effected very differently the demographic development of the different communities of the region. For example according to Renieri who investigates the household formation among the Greek Orthodox of the ukur village, the migration of the male members of the community never reached to a level to alter the its demographics like Endrlk or other villages of the Kayseri region. See Irini Renieri, Household Formation in 19th-Century Central Anatolia: The Case Study of a Turkish speaking Orthodox Christian Community, International Journal of Middle East Studies 34 (2002), 506-

507.For the business transactions of two Turkish speaking Orthodox tradesmen in Romanian principalities see Claudiu-Victor Turcitu, ... ........... ....... ... ... .......... ..... ... ....... ....... ... 19.. ...... .. ............ ........ ............ ....... (Bucharest, 24 June 2006).

357 Ziraata yapGarak ve kendi memleketlerimizde, familyalarmz kurbinde bir geim yol bularak, nfusumuzun seneden seneye azalmasna bir sed ekmez isek, bir ka sene sonra yabanclarn nfusca bizden ziyade olmas pek muhtemeldir. Anatol kttasnn ve Anatolllerin mstakbeli, Anatoli 24 April 1890.

358 See Anadoluda Yahudilerin Gskn Tasavvuru, Anatoli N. 4393, 07 July 1891. Also Taasup, Anatoli N. 4345, 25 May 1891, for the negative attitude of the newspaper concerning Antisemitism.

359 Anatol Ktasnn Mstakbeli, Anatoli N. 4268, 01 December 1890. According to Ioannis Tsourouktsi who was a native of Endirlik despite the increase of the population of the village to six hundred families the Orthodox residents of the village were not interested in agriculture. The few farms and vineyards were cultivated by the small and poor Muslim community (30 families) of the village as sharecroppers. The majority of the male Orthodox population of the village was migrating to Istanbul, Izmir, Samsun and Adana. See Tsourouktsi, 1954, pp. 6-7.

360 [] HemGehrilerimizden ekseri bildiklerinden GaGmayub, memleketlerinde ve familyalar

nezdinde bir geim aresi dGnecekleri yerde, Gstanbola gelub, senelerce iGsiz gsz srnrler ve hem kendileri ve hem de familyalar sefil ve periGan olub, evldn arkas kesilerek, nfusumuzun seneden seneye tedenni eyledii Gyle dursun, sefalet ve periGani hasebi ile tl mddet muammer

This almost xenophobic psychology manifests itself in many ways. For example, although the paper expressed numerous times its opposition to the newly emerging Anti-Semite currents in Europe, it argued against the so called plans of Baron Hirsch to negotiate with the Ottoman government the settlement of the persecuted Jewish communities of Russia across the newly established railway lines, because it could have negative effects on the livelihood of Anatolians.358

There are many articles in Anatoli concerning the ways Anatolians can benefit from the progress in Asia Minor which constitute in a sense a reform. program for the Anatolian Orthodox. According to the newspaper in the economic field Anatolians had to develop modern companies, enter to crafts and most importantly had to reengage in agriculture and bought land because increased transport possibilities for Anatoli meant a rapid increase in agricultural profits.359

As it is stated above Anatoli fiercely opposed the migration of Anatolians to the big cities of the Empire. For the newspaper those migrated mostly spent their years in idleness and led themselves and their families to misery. The greatest

problem created by migration was the decline of the population of Anatolian Orthodox.360 In the first place, migration of the male population diminished for

olamayub, gen yaGlarnda pene-i memta giriftr olurlar. Anatolnn ve Anatolllarn mstakbeli, Anatoli 21 April 1890.

361 Baz hemGehrilerimiz kisbni srasna koyd beldeye oluk ocun dahi celb ile, bahtiyarlklarn teemin itmiG zan idiyorlar isede, bir ksm- czvisi mstesna tutuld halde, ksm- azam bu yzden de rahat greceklerine bil akis felaketden felakete duar olarak, itdiklerine peGiman olmGlardr. Anatol ve Anatolllerin mstakbeli, Anatoli 28 April 1890.

362 Baz genlerimiz dahi aba-vu-ecdadlarnn ekdikleri cefadan azade olmak midi ile, bulndklar beldede teehhl idiyorlar isede, bu babde dahi pek czzi bir ksm tefrik itdiimiz halde, ekseri yani pek o huyi huyimiza uymayan refikalar penesinde rencide dde olarak, sefil bir mr geiriyorlar hele sen Karamanlsn, nezaketten anlamasn, kaln kafalsn. deyu en hafif add olnan takaza ve diGnamlar tehamml olur Geyler deildir. Anatol ve Anatolllerin Mstakbeli, Anatoli 28 April

1890.

363 HemGehrimizden bir ka taraflarn ehali-i Hrisitianiyesi teden beri ticarete ve sanaatlara ve esnafla sluk idub, bit-tab revacgh olan beldelere azimetle gurbette kazandklar ile geinmeye alGmG ve ziraata rabet itmemiG iselerde, o zemanlarda ticaret ve sanaat ve esnaflk ziraata nisbetle, ziyde kr brakd halde, el yevm hal deiGdi ve ziraat tercih itmek zeman hull itdi zann ideriz.

Memleketimizde bunca erazi hal kalyor Gimdiyedeyin ziraat olnmamalarnn sebebi nakliyat vastalar olmadndan, mahsulatdan istifade olnamayor idi.

... Binaen aleyh Gimdiden dGnp, mmkin mertebe memleketimiz iinde, hanemiz kurbinde, cierparelerimiz evldmz yannda ya ziraat ve yahod ticaret ile geim aresi bulmaa alGmalyz. gimdiden dGnmeye baGlamaz isek, vakit gelecek ki o vaktda pek garibdir- nadim olacak isekde, iG iGten getikden ve digerleri yol aldktan sonra, his ideceimiz, nedamet bir gne faideyi mndi olmayacakdr. Anatol ve Anatolllerin mstakbeli, Anatoli 21.04.1890.

Anatoli the number of children of the families and secondly but more importantly it saw as a great threat the newly emerged trend among Anatolians in which contrary to the temporary migration of only the male members the whole family was migrating permanently to the big cities. It stated that with the exception of few cases those migrants mostly faced disasters and calamities and thus regretted their decision.361 It even criticized marriages, in which the brides were from the big cities, something that according always to Anatoli result with disaster because of the discrepancy between the customs of the spouses.362 Anatoli admitted that in the past migration and engagement in trade and crafts were more profitable but it firmly believed that the time has arrived for Anatolians to start to reengage themselves in agriculture and end migration.363

The Way for Progress: Education

In or der to benefit economically from these emerging conditions Anatolians had to reform and develop many aspects of their communal existence. Obviously for Anatoli one of the most important vehicles of progress in trade, industry, agriculture and crafts was th e expansion and reinforcement of education. Like most of the Ottoman literati of the second half of the nineteenth century, the publishers of Anatoli shared the optimism that modern style education was a panacea for the shortcomings and illnesses of their societies. 364 This optimism for the potentials of education was further strengthened in the non Western world by the belief that the

progress of Western societies stemmed from their educational development. Thus expanding and developing the school system see med to provide an opportunity to catch up with the West.

364 Fortna, 2000, pp. 43-44.

365 For the role of this mixture of shame and pride in the Greek language question see Mackridge p. 182-183.

Needless to say Evangelinos Misailides, the great publisher and encyclopedist was a great advocate of educational reform for the achievement of progress and prosperity. According to him the Anatolian continent was a fountain of civilization which had spread its glory to the rest of the world. He shared the mixture of pride and shame that was dominant in Greek intelligentsia concerning the discrepancy between the glory of ancient Greece (in this case o

f Anatolia) and its current dire state. 365 In this sense , despite the wide discrepancy of their cultural and educational state for Misailidis the Anatolian Rum s were the direct descendants of ancient Greeks. According to Misailides Europeans had accepted the glory of ancient

Anatolia and every year were sending historians to study it. But the current backwardness of the continent was far from this glory. Such was the blindness and ignorance of the Anatolian Rum according to Misailides that some Europeans even doubt ed that they were the heirs of the ancient Greeks [ atik Yonanlarn ]. The ancient Greks were the pride ( eref ) of Anatolian Rum s but the contemporary Rum s

of Anatolia were the disgrace of the ancients and can not claim to be descendants of them unless they develop education and lerning because their curr ent state of ignorance. 366 They had to be ashamed of the Armenians and Bulgarians who had surpassed the Anatolian Rum s in the field of science and education by adopting the treasuries that the ancient Greeks had left them and had started to challenge the Ana tolian Rum s. 367 The Anatolian Orthodox had to prove that they were the legitimate heirs of the ancient Anatolians that had enlightened Greece and Europe. In this logic education constituted the primary mechanism for progress in order for Anatolians to be wor thy of their ancestors. 368 Misailidis constantly warned his

compatriots that if they continue to be disinterested in the development of education

366 In this article Misailidis uses Rum as synonymous with Greek (Yonan): Rum (Yonan) Milletinin. See Anatoli N. 1048, 24 January 1867. Anadolu.nun kffe-i Rumlar atik Yunanlarn hafidleri olduklarndan zadegndrlar. nk atik Yunanlar nice ulm ve fnun ve hner mucitleri olup, dnyay malumatlar ile tenvir etmekle zadelik nvann kesbeylediler, byle zadegnlarn evlatlar dahi elbette tabien zadegn olmak lazm gelir. Ve hatta kaffe-i Anadolu Rumlar atik Yunlarn hafidleri olduklarn bilerek tefahr ederler lakin hayflar olsun, benim akl- kasirimce Anadolu Rumlarnn asl kas buday tohumu ise de, yozulup, cehalet sebebine atik Yunanlarn zldr. Mekteplere devam etmeyp ilim tahsil etmezler ve Ali.yi Veli.yi aldatacak miktar okumak yazmak tahsil etmekle Yunanlarn zadegnlklarna varies olma iddiasnda gezerler, yama yok!!! Glla layk olmal. Misailidis, 1988, pp. 263-264.

367 Biz Anatol Rumlar Ermenilerden ve Bulgarlardan utanmalyz, kendu ilimleri yannda

atalarmzn ilmi ile dahi meeluf olarak, bize tavur satyorlar, ve mekteblerinde tedris olunan derais ekseri atik atalarmzn bize varis brakdklar define-i nefiseden alnmadr, ve bizlerin donangs ile sslenerek bize meydan okuyorlar, yazklar olsun! Anatoli N. 1048, 24 January 1867.

368 For a very similar account about the importance of education see Misailidis, 1988, pp. 250-251.

in their homeland they will soon become slaves of other millet s. 369

369 Ey Anadolu Rumlar, aklnz baGnza toplayarak vakti ile ilme sahip olun, mektepler kGat eyleyin ve eeri bu perGaniyette devam edecek olur iseniz, on yla varmayacak kffe-i milletlerden en edna ve alak ve cmleye kul kle olacaksnz. Misailidis, 1988, p. 264.

370 Ey itibarlu Fertekliler ve Silleliler! Vatanlarnz atik Yonanilerin nakillerinden olduu hasebi ile, elhaletuhazeyi tekellim ettiiniz lisan dahi anlerden miras kalmG ise de, nece an ve zeman mirur iderek, ber veci bal kayt ittiimiz mklemeleriniz kyfetine girip harap kalmG baya donmuG artk bunun tmarine baban lzm deilim? [] GGte elmasten kymetli lisannz defn olup kflenmiG hazine misillu, fekat kz ve olan Sholeionlar inGas ile, yine meydane getirip, ihya ideceksiniz.

Anatoli N. 34, 11 September 1851. Sille, a village that lied 10 kilometres northwest of Konya was one of the communities of Cappadocia that Greek was spoken. Thus it received special interest of the intellectual circles that tried to prove the Greekness of Cappadocia. That is why the sayings that the residents of Sille had been transformed there from Lakonia of Pelopponisos received support. I. Anagnostakis & E. Balta, . .......... ... ...... ........ . ......... ... ...... ........ ... ......... ..... (19.. ...) (The Cappadocia of Living Monuments the discovery of the first homeland of the Greek nation (19th century), Athens: Poreia 1990, p. 18.

But Misailidis proposed to open schools for b oys and girls even to communities like Sille and Fertek where Greek speaking was dominant in order to correct their language that according to him had been corrupted. It is important to remember here one important feature of the Orthodox communities of inn er Anatolia. Despite the predominance of Turkish speaking some of the communities of the region spoke different local dialects of Greek. These Greek speaking communities like Sinasos, Sille received special attention from the Greek intellectual circles as a

further proof of the Greekness of the region.

For Misailidi s the Greek that was spoken in these abovementioned villages resembled an ancient Greek treasure, but it was ruined, frozen and buried. Thus it had to be corrected through education in order to b ecome homogenized with the clean Greek ( Rumice ) spoken in the ethnoreligious centers of the millet . 370 In this sense it could be safely argued that Misailidis was totally in line with the prevailing attitude of Greek intellectual circles concerning the cre ation of a modern national written language by purifying, standardizing and modernizing the spoken and written language.

While the Anatolian Rum s who were devoid of Greek ( Rumice ) were under the tyranny of ignorance and destitute of the lights of the scien ces. According to Misailidi s and his paper , the Anatolian Rum s were in the worst condition in comparison to the rest of the millet s of the Empire and that is why they has to draw a lesson from the educational endeavours of other millet s. Misailidi s here de

velops a harsh criticism against the upper strata of the Anatolian Orthodox for their lack of interest for the development of education. For him in the first instance the Metropolitans and the prominent persons of the millet have to correct themselves and tak e the necessary steps. Misailidi s criticized the Metropolitans who contrary to their position continue to give importance to materiality and work for their narrow interest. On the other hand the notables of the millet who are engaged in trade forget the account that they will give in the Last Judgment for the poor and weak while they have emraced lust and reject the sermons of the Lord. While the learned people are in destitution their voices are weak, thats why they abandon any hope from the public and for the correction of the situation. 371

371 Anatoli N. 591, 9 November 1862.

F or Misailidis the Anatolians deserve to be praised because they had stick to their liturgy ( ayinler ) and nationality ( milliyet ) de s pite the catastrophies that no other millet could endure. They had even established s chools and medrese s in holes

and cavities under these harsh conditions . But for him now that the previous pressures and oppression has ended after the reforms started in the reign Mahmud II and everyone lives in conditions that his life, chastity and prope rty is quaranteed the Anatolian Rum s has no excuse for not eradicating their ignorance and for not opening

schools in every community and developing education. 372

372 gimdi ise, Gkrler olsun evvelki zulm zulmat ve tazyikat mstakilen kalkmG olup, cennetmekn Sultan Mahmut Han hazretleri asrnda Yeieri Ocann hazf ve Nizam- Cedid.in ihdas ve Kavanin-i Hayriyenin idhali ile ibadullahn rz ve mal ve can teminat tahtna vaz olunmak ile Gems-i adalet tulu etmeye baGlamG olup, yevmiye ziyalar artmakta ve halk ihata edb, zulmeti def- izale etmekte ve intiGar- ilm feyiz bulmakta ise de, yalnz Anadolu Rumlar kan kurutan [mandragoras] glgesine yatmGlar gibi cehalet gafletinden gzlerini aabildikleri yoktur. Misailidis, 1988, p. 267.

373 Evangelia Balta, .. ........ ... .............. ...... .... ... .. ...... ... ....... ........... ... ........... ........ ......... ... ...... ..... (The Prologues of the Karamanlidika Books A Source for the Investigation of the National Consciousness. of the TurkishSpeaking Orthodox of Asia Minor), ...... 11, 1987, p. 224.

Education as the Primary Mechanism in the R eacquisition of Greek

The primary aim of the edu cational effort in turcophone Orthodox communities across Asia Minor was the dissemination or the reacquisition of Greek. As Balta states the two most basic objective components of ethnic identity, religion and language are in contradiction in the case of the Anatolian Turkish speaking Orthodox. 373 This state brings out a fierce conflict concerning the origin and ethnic identity of Turkophone Orthodox.

A rather early example between the two conflicting hypotheses concerning the ethnic origin of turcophone Anatolian Orthodox is the polemic of Anatoli, with Sabah in 1890 about the ethnic identity of the Anatolian Orthodox. Sabah in two articles on education and foreign propaganda in the empire claimed that the Christian Turks i.e. the Anatolian Orthodox were being Hellenized in the community schools through the instruction of Greek. Anatoli refused this rather inappropriate claim by deploying the classical Greek schema of explanation of the linguistic peculiarity of the Anatolian Orthodox. Anatoli stressed that being Turcophone was the result of the long brotherly coexistence with the Muslim

majority and that the Rumluk of the Anatolian Orthodox was an undisputable historical fact.The paper even asserted that the Anatolian Rums are purest Rums than the others thus there is no need to be converted into Rums through propaganda.374

374 Gazetalarmz, 21.04.1890. Tarihen musmetdirki, Trklerden hi bir ferd Hristianl kabul itmemiGdirki, Trk Hristian vcudine ihtimal verilmiG olsun. Anatoll Ortodoksos Hristiyanlarn Rum oldklarna ktb-i tevrhiye Gahid-i kfi old ve btn Anatolye diyar Rum dinmiG old Gyle dursun hal Anatol Ortodoksoslarnn ekseriyeti galat ve bozuk Rumca tekellm itmekte oldklar da delalet ider. Anatol Rumlarnn diger hemcinslerine nisbeten daha ziyade Trke bilmeleri komGularnn cikl olan ehali-i Gslamiyenin bu lisan tekellm itmelerinden ileri gelmiGdir. Gazetalarmz, 08.05.1890. Tekrar ideriz ki, Anatoll Rum Hristianlarndan ekserinin lisan- maderzadi bozuk ve yahod oldka musahhah Rum lisandr yani ana lisanlar Trke deildir. gahiddir ki alt-sekiz asrdan beri Trkler ile karndaGane bir suretde- beraber yaGayarak, Trkeyi renmiGer ve bu lisan zere ahz-u-ita ve muharebe itmeye alGmGlardr yoksa baGka anasra karGmamG ve halis Rum aranlrsa Anatoll Rumlardr. [...] Vel hasl asren min el asar Rum ol

Rum olan Anatol Rumlarn RumlaGdrmaa hi bir lzum yokdr. Gazetalarmz, 08.05.1890.

375 See Foti Benlisoy, Papa Eftim and the Foundation of the Turkish Orthodox Church . [Unpublished master thesis, Bogazici University]. 2002.

It is generally accepted that the Turkish nationalism attempted to incorporate the Turcophone Orthodox among their co national relatively late and especially after the Great War, when the Turkish sovereignty on Anatolia became disputable. The case of the Turkish Orthodox Patriarchate is well known and it is generally regarded as solely an opportunistic propaganda move of the Kemalist movement. 375 But it

seems that the debate on the e thnic origins of Anatolian Orthodox had begun from the early 1890s and also that the Anatol ian local intelligentsia was anxious to reply and counter arguments claiming that the Anatolian Orthodox were of Turkish origin.

Another interesting reference to t he debate on the origins of the Anatolian Christians is made in the Salname/.......... of 1914 published in Karamanlidika by the Society of Papa Georgios of Nevehir ( Nevehirlilerin Papa

Georgios Cemiyeti ). 376 In the article of Dimosthenis Danielidis called A letter of my father ( Babamn Bir Mektubu ), we read the lett er of a father to his son who is a student in Istanbul. The father advices his son, who wishes to spend his summer holiday in Romania, to come and travel in Asia Minor so as to learn his own homeland and help his own people. So the son decides to travel in Anatolia. When he reaches Konya, he encounters the governor of the city. While they talk on the socio economic problems of the region, the governor says that he is pleased with the local people, since both Muslim Turks and Christian Turks are hardworkin g. The son asks the governor who are these Christian Turks and the governor replies that they are the local Christians who do not differ on anything, and especially on language, from their Muslim compatri ots. The son replies that he also

these people and that he is not a Turk but a Rum . He explains that they are descendants of Alexander the Great and the Byzantines. After the Turkish migration some of them lost their language, but these are only a small part. The ones who lost their native language were f rom the cities but most of the rural communities retained their language and whether Turkish speaking or not they retained their religion and nationality. The article concludes by saying that every nation that loses its own language ceases to exist, and th erefore it is a duty to seek to regain the national language . 377 The probably fictious dialogue, which is published in Karamanlidika and therefore certainly has a wider circulation among the Karama nl

, illustrates that the debate on the origins of Anatolian Christians was not unknown to the local intelligentsia of Anatolian origin and that they were anxious to reply and counter it.

376 For the abovementioned society see Stefo Benlisoy, Gstanbul.da yaGayan NevGehirli Ortodokslar Tarafndan Kurulan Papa Yeorgios nam Cemiyet-i Islahiyyesi (The Reformatory Society of Papa Georgios), Tarih ve Toplum 236, vol. 40, August 2003, pp. 35-42.

377 ............. ........... . ..... 1914 (Constantinople: Protopapa and Sas, 1913), pp. 53-63.

In his article concerning the way non Greek speaking Greek commun ities were treated in Greek nationalist discourses Exertzoglou stresses that the first definitions of Greek national community that were not based on language appears in late nineteenth century. Together with Orthodoxy, the usage of Greek language constit uted the two main objective criteria of nationhood but as Exertzoglou points this started to change by the end of the nineteenth century as a response to the discovery of non Greek speaking Orthodox communities in Macedonia and other provinces of the empire and the need to incorporate them into the imagined boundaries of the Greek national community. 378 In the frame of this understanding the loss of national language mostly attributed to political decline of the nation and

to the pressure of the conqu erors and to foreign rule. While in the absence of national language other objective criteria of national identity were defined and invented and as a result the boundaries of national community were redefined. Exertzoglou stresses that consciousness be came the primary criterion and perceived as a primordial quasi metaphysical sentiment, shared by many, if not all and loyalty to the Orthodox Church and the Patriarchate became most of the times as the sole indicator of national consciousness. Enrollment in schools instructing Greek and run by Greek communities became another primary indicator of national consciousness. 379

378 Haris Exertzoglou, Shifting boundaries: language, community and the non_Greekspeaking Greeks. Historein Vol. 1, 1999, pp. 77-8.

379 Ibid., pp. 81-82.

But despite the increasingly expanded effort , there was in the best case a very slow progress in the spread of Greek. This slow progress or even failure and its possible reasons constituted a great concern among the community leaders and

broadly discussed in both the Ottoman Greek and turcophone Orthodox press. But most of the times the primary reason that hindered the acquisition of Greek was pointed as the turcophone environment that surrounded the pupil which made useless the learned Greek in the school.

In order to have an idea of the ways and methods proposed for the acquisition of Greek below will be given some examples of the views o f educators that wrote about the problem in the press.

An interesting debate in Anatol Ahteri is the one between I. Gavriilides and G. Ferekidis from Nevehir concerning the progress of science in Anatolia. In his articles published in the eleventh and t welfth issues of the aforementioned journal titled The progress of science in Anatolia, is it possible or not? ( Anatolda ilmin terakkisi kabil mi deil mi? ) Gavriilidis, lists the problems that he perceives as the

obstacles for the development of educati on in Anatolia:

Is it possible the progress of science when there is no affection, brotherhood, unity among Anatolians? Is it possible the progress of science when the wealthy Anatolians do not perform adequately the effort which they owe to their homeland ? [...] Is it possible the progress of science when the tiny kids of Anatolians who just reached eight or ten years were sent to Istanbul and other places for trade while their fathers and mothers expect profit from them? 380

380 Anatollularn yek dierine muhabbet, uhuvvet, ittifak olmad halde ilmin terakkisi kabil mi? Anatollularn zenginleri vatanlarna borlu olduklar himmet-i gayreti hakk ile eda itmedikleri halde ilmin terakkisi kabil mi? [...] Anatollularn henz sekizer onar sinine ancak kadem basmG olan bir takm mini mini yavrucaklar Dersaadet ve yahut mahall-i saire gibi uzak yerlere ticaret iun gnderilip de analar babalar anlerden menfaat beklerler ise ilmin terakkisi kabil mi?

381 Goannis Gavriilidis, Anatolda Glmin Terakkisi Kabil mi Deil mi? Anatol Ahteri, 11 cz, 15 November 1886, pp. 169-170 & 12. cz, 22 November 1886, pp. 185-6.

After listing this state and pr actices of Anatolians as the main obstacles in the development of education, Gavriilidis sees as the only solution to attempt to abandon these habits. 381 Answering this article G. Ferekidis resembles Gavriilidis to a doctor

382 [] teGhisini yapup da senda felan, felan hastalk vardr dedikten sonra hibir ila tertib eylemeksizin kalkp giden bir doktora [] memleketimizde mevcut fenalklarn terakkiye mani olduini, ve gzel ahlk sahipleri oldiimizda terakkiye mstaid ve msaid olacamz tavsiye buyuruyorlarda, saydrdklar fenalklar nasl def olunur ve tavsiye eyledii gzel ahlklar Anatolda nasl kazanulur anlerden asla bahs eylememiG. G. Ferekidis, Anatol Ahteri, 22.cz, 8 February 1887, pp. 330-1.

383 G. Ferekidis, Anatol Ahteri, 22.cz, 8 February 1887, pp. 330-1.

384 Gregorios E. Aerikos, Anatolda Hemcinslerimiz Rumce tahsilinde niun suubet ekiyorlar, Terakki, 30 September 1888.

that describes his patients ill ness but leave him without preparing a medicine. Ferekidis accuses Gavriilidis for not describing how the evil can be eradicated and how Anatolians would acquire good morals, suitable for the progress of Anatolia. 382 For Ferekidis all the evils in Anatolia a re because of ignorance and this can be healed only through the strength of the science. He attributes importance to the study of Greek which he names it as mother tongue because in his opinion this is what Anatolia needs most importantly for the develop ment of science. 383

In this context s ome claimed that the teacher has to be unaware of Turkish in order to force students to learn Greek. In an article published in Terakki Gregorios E. Aerikos, a teacher that had worked many years mostly in Rum

countries t hat spoke Turkish opposes the idea that the teacher should be ignorant of Turkish. 384 Quite the opposite, for him the teacher has to know the language of his/her pupils. While he admits that this kind of a measure can be applied and could be beneficial for the students of the higher classes of the Ellinikon school that have extensively studied language in the previous classes he argues that it will have damaging results in the infant and elementary level schools. This is because it will force students to lea rn by rote words and expressions whose meaning they could not comprehend.

For Aerikos there is some truth in those who blame the turcophone community environment for the failure in learning Greek. But he argues that with qualified

teachers and proper educa tional methods it is possible to learn adequately the two languages. Because for him , in order to benefit from the progress of the age of education inaugurated by the sultan Abdlhamid II equal importance has to be given in the schools to the charming T urkish language. 385

385 Ibid.

386 Ibid.

Aerikos is among those educators which we will see in detail in the chapter devoted to kindergartens that stress the importance of infant schools ( sbyan

mektepleri ) and educating children in early ages 4 to 7. He proposes the establishm ent of new infant schools and reforming of the existing ones. These should be mixed schools with one teacher for sixty pupils. The instruction Aerikos suggests should consist of topics about things that children could observe in their immediate environment . He proposes that rather than trying to establish higher Ellinikon schools or increase the number of classes of elementary schools, communities should concentrate on establishing infant schools which are much more beneficial. Thus for him after three year s in these schools the infant would possess knowledge of Greek words and expressions about their everyday environment. 386

According to Goergios Pahtikos, an Anatolian teacher working in the Beyolu schools and Saint Michel, language constitutes the primary m echanism of progress. If a person does not know his language according to Pahtikos he can not understand the grandeur of his creed and

millet . That is why for Pahtikos in order to regain their lost language Anatolians had to search their national ( milli ) and social progress in the schools. The infant schools sbyan mektepleri were very important in achieving this goal. Pahtikos supports that the infants mind resembles a tabula rasa in this age, thus what is taught at this early age is crucial and constitutes the foundation of

his/her character. 387

387 Sbyan Mektebleri ve Anatoli Ktas, Anatoli N. 6173, 11 August 1899.

388 Sbyan Mektebleri ve Anatoli Ktas, Anatoli N. 6175, 13 August 1899.

389 Ibid.

In order to c orrect the functioning of the existing infant schools in Anatolia, Pahtikos suggests certain measures. First of all he proposes that the number of students should be in proportion to the number of the kindergartners and criticizes those infant schools in w hich the kindergartner is obliged to take care of hundred or even two hundred infants. Instead he argues that in Anatolia at the most 50 or 60

students should be assigned to a teacher. In order to contextualize his argument Pahtikos gives the example of a village called Vezirhan where the Rum children speak Rumca like their mother tongue. According to Pahtikos this is the result of the fact that in the infant school there is one kindergartner for 40 45 girls and one for 30 35 boys. 388 He criticizes those wh o argue that the kindergartens are a novelty and fashion and that the Europeans do not admire it. For him the infant schools can be seen as unnecessary only for those who posses the wealth of businessmen like Zarifi, Stefanovik and Averof and that the Anat

olians need infant schools even more than the Europeans because they have to study Rumca which is not the mother tongue of Anatolians. 389

For others the major problem of education in Anatolia was the poverty of its population and the resulting migration of t he male members of families when they were 12 13 years old to big cities. I t should be mentioned that most of the artisanal and craft production of the immigrants in cities like Istanbul was dependant to child labor.

These children formed the lowest catego ry in the internal hierarchy of the trade, the rak s and they formed a pool of cheap labor . These received almost no pay

because they were supposed to be learning the art and many families were ea ger to give their boys near the craftsman and some even pai d them to take their children. Iordanes I. Limnides defends that the immigration of boys immediately after learning some reading and writing to Istanbul or Izmir hampers their progress in life and trade. 390 He criticizes those parents that withdraw their chi ldren from the schools in an age which is most important for their development and accuses them because they lead their children into ignorance without being able to distinguish between good and evil. Limnides criticizes also those rich parents who see edu cation with contempt. For him these parents have to understand that their children will live in different times and even in different countries in which education is a primary factor in the administration of their wealth. 391 Thus in the framework of the new educational discourse parents were expected not only to nourish and shelter their children but

also to educate them and donate their intellect with necessary information. Moreover parents had to provide examples to their children and support the instructed messages of the school. 392 Thus , not only the student , but the entire life of the household becomes the target of the specific educational message of the school.

390 Iordanes I. Limnides, Anatolda Glm Niun Gleri Gitmeyor, Terakki 5, 15 July 1888.

391 Ya baz atalar halleri vakitleri hoG olup evlatlerinin muavenetine hi muhta deil iken 'Adam sen de, ben okumak m bilirdim, filan okumak m bilirdi, para kazanp adam olmad m, olumu daskalos

yahod papas yapacak diyilim ya bu kadar rendii de elverir'! Diye evladn cahil ve bu suretle nice iyiliklerden mahrum idenlere ne diyelim? Iordanes I. Limnides, Anatolda Glm Niun Gleri Gitmeyor B, Terakki 7, 15 July 1888.

392 ocuklarn Terbiyesine Atalar Emsal Olmal, Terakki 4, 30 June 1888.

As described above by Limnides one of the most important problems for the spread of education was absenteeism. In the Ottoman Empire, as in the most European states of the period attendance in schools was not compulsory. Even though in the Public Education Regulation of 1869 (Mektib-i Umumiye

Nizamnamesi) attendance to the primary schools had become compulsory, it was never applied. Many students were leaving the school after two or three years in order to engage in an occupation. There were many reasons for the occurence of absenteeism especially in rural areas. One of the reasons of absenteeism in turcophone communities was obviously the difficulty of learning Greek in five or six years. The grandfather of Rizos in his letter to his grandson written in 1910 complains that the number of children starting the first class amounted to 100200 pupils, while in the sixth class the number of the remaining students amounted to only 1015.393

393 Dimosthenis Daniilidis, ....... ... ......... (A Letter of my Father), ............. ........... . ..... 1914, (Dersaadet: Protopapa and Sas, 1913), pp. 5363.

394 ......... ....... .............. (Reformatory Program of the), article 30.

In Nevehir the school administration was sensitive towards abseenteism. Based on the related re port of the headship the school board examined the reasons of

prolonged no n attendance and of the withdrawal of the students and took the necessary measures for preventing the systematic absence of students and of withdrawal of many students before the end of the school year. 394 But despite these measures, it seems that absenteeis m was an important problem. Obviously attendance related closely with the value invested in education. For the rural populations of the empire sending their children to the schools remained low as long as the benefits of education and literacy remained vag ue. For example according to Merticopoulou the rural Christian Cretans were not enthusiastic to be deprived for the better part of the year from their most important source of manual labor by sending them to school. This remained the case until they were c onvinced by the emergent educated elite that education and literacy skills were beneficial for

occupational and social mobility and also a religious and national duty that would bring them closer to both Greece and the West . In a similar manner attendance remained low in Anatolian communities as long as the skills obtained from education remained ambigious. 395 But contrary to rural Christian Cretans who relied mostly on their agricultural labor the Anatolian Turkish speaking Christians integrated to the urban economies of the empire through immigration and education increasingly proved an asset in occupational and social mobility. But even in that case factors like the small age of migration, early marriage of girls and the difficulty of learning Greek res ulte d in low and discontinuous attendance. Here too the rural inhabitants had to be convinced to the benefits of education and that it constituted firs a Christian and later a national duty.

395 Kallia Kalliataki Merticopoulou, Literacy and Unredeemed Peasants: Late NineteenthCentury Rural Crete Faces Education, Greek Society in the Making, 1863-1913i, Realities, Symbols and Visions, Philip Carabott (ed.) (King.s College London: Ashgate, 1997) 115-129.

396 Ioannis H. Kalfoglou, Seyahatim, Anatoli N. 5437, 26 January 1897.

For Ioannis Kalfoglou, who had published in Anatoli his impressions f rom a journey that he had made from Haydarpaa to Kayseri in the beginning of 1897 the educational picture of the region was negative. Despite scattered positive examples like the Theological Seminary in Zincid ere, the girls school in Endirli k or the Tala

s schools , the situation in the schools of Zincidere, Endirlik, Kermir, Tavlosun and other smaller settlements was not bright. The reason according to this state for Kalfoglou was poverty. Kalfoglou stated that from the day that the wealthy of the villages had started to migrate to centers of trad e the poor that remained lacked the means to support education. Kalfoglou believed that this situation could not be corrected because migration had become a general phenomenon. 396 Ioannis the Metropolitan of Kayseri was also complaining during the same period from the

poverty that permanent migration has created as an impediment for the development of education in his province. 397

397 Ioannis Metropolitan of Kayseri, Kayseri 28 January 1897, file I 13 n. 699.

398 For the basic characteristics of katharevousa and demoticist movements see Peter Mackridge, A Language in the Image of the nation: Modern Greek and some parallel Cases, in The Making of Modern Greece: Nationalism, Romanticism and the Uses of Past (1797-1896) ed. Roderick Beaton and David Ricks, (Ashgate: UK 2009) 177-187.

399 Dimaras, pp. 225-226.

400 Karatza, p. 136.

Another important factor that hindered the success of the acqui sition of Greek in the scho ols wa s the usage of katharevousa . As Peter Magkridge argues far from being a modernized version of ancient Greek katharevousa was a superficially archaized and fundamentally Europeanized version of the language spoken by the educated middle class which combined ancient orthography with modern pronounciation. 398 In the conflict that ensued among the two rival movements that contested for being the modern national written language between the demoticist and the supporters of katharevousa starting from the 1880s the Greek Orthodox intelligentsia of the Ottoman capital in its majority sided with

katharevousa . While the most important school of the Ottoman Greeks the School of the Great Nation in Phanar was also an ardent supporter of katharevousa . 399

The difficulty of teaching katharevousa, to Turcophone children was the primary reason for the ineffectiveness of the schools in teaching Greek to their students. Some school administrations of Turcophone communities of Anatolia employed even corporal punishments in order to achieve the exclusive usage of Greek inside the school. For example, in Gelveri it was forbidden to students to speak Turkish inside and outside the school except when it was necessary. The students who spoke Turkish were beaten up.400 In Denegi students were punished

401 Hristos Tourgoutis, ............ (Autobiography), (.thens: 1958), p. 73.

402 Konstantinos Tsoukalas, ....... ... ........... . .......... ..... ... ............. .......... .... ...... (1830-1922) (Dependance and Reproduction The Social Role of the Educational Mechanisms in Greece 1830-1922) (Themelio: Athens 1992), p. 548.

403 Vouri, p. 125.

more when they spoke in Turkish, rather than when they came to school unprepared. These students were supposed to speak in katharevousa. They could avoid being punished, if after saying a word or a phrase in Turkish they asked how to say that in Greek.401

Despite the increased awareness of the difficulties presented by the instruction of katharevousa from the first decades of the twentieth century things

changed little. The rivalry of Balkan nationalisms over Macedonia had forced Greek governments and intellectuals to re-examine their language choice, because of the difficulty katharevousa met in penetrating the peripheral populations.402 The first serious attempt for the confrontation of the language problem was in 1879, in the Congress of the Cultural Societies from Greece or abroad in Athens. In this the representative of the Macedonian Societies I. Pantazidis reported on the poor results in the sphere of the diffusion of Greek to the foreign speaking students of the Greek schools. He proposed the spread of the schools of primary education, the prohibition of the use of any other language than Greek inside the school, the systematic use of dialogue over subjects of daily life, the homogenization of the teaching books, the training of the students in oral and written form of contemporary Greek, the limitation of the instruction of ancient Greek, the selection of teachers of local origin for the development of Greek consciousness in the students.403 This was also the case for the Turcophone communities of Anatolia. A document of the Foreign Ministry of Greece to the General Consulate of Izmir, states that the teachers in Turcophone

regions had to be recommended by the responsible bishops, to be occupied to teach their students how to speak in Greek, because it had been prooved that the instruction of reading and teaching of grammatical forms and rules led nowhere and the students leaving the schools could not utter even two words in Greek.404 According to the headmaster of the Theological Seminary of Zincidere between 18881889, Joachim Foropoulos, the so called Central Girls. School that was sheltered in the same monastic compound with his school was totally useless because two teachers of the Seminary were instructing 25 hours in week ancient Greek to girls whose mother tongue was Turkish.405 This issue was also discussed in the educational congresses organized by the Greek Literary Society of Constantinople in 19089.406 The question there, was about the type of Greek that had to be used in education and especially in foreign speaking communities of Macedonia, Thrace and Asia Minor. The congress in the end reached to a reconciliatory proposal, according to which the language of education would be the language spoken in the cities language among

404 Soldatos, 1989b, p. 133.

405 Joachim D. Foropoulos, . .... .......... ............. ........ ..... .... ......... ... .... .. ........ .... 1888.-89, (Constantinople: Vlasiou Filippidou 1890), p. 12.

406 The Greek Literary Society of Constantinople organized these conferences in the form of two series of conferences one held in January 1908 and the other in January 1909. In these conferences many subjects were discussed which among them were the hygiene of the schools, the deficiencies in teaching ancient Greek writers, the instruction of foreign languages, the instruction of Greek to the "foreign speaking Greeks", the entrance of physical education to the lesson program, the teaching of Byzantine and contemporary literature and finally the teaching of philosophy. Exertzoglou, Ethniki Taftotita, pp. 135-6. Although the language question, that is the problem about the preference of katharevousa or the spoken language used by the public (dimotiki), in the primary education, was not constituted a major problem in Constantinople like Greece, which divided the country for a long period, this problem had also repercussions there. As it can be expected the Greek Literary Society of Constantinople was an ardent supporter of katharevousa. The society and its members were proud of speaking katharevousa the language of the ancient philosophers. The usage of katharevousa was an essential part of the identity of the society and its members as an intellectual group. Exertzoglou, p.

119. The supporters of the dimotiki enhanced their position after the Young Turk Revolution of 1908. Many new newspapers like Proodos and periodicals like Hronika, Zoi and Logos started to be published. The supporters of katharevousa gathered around the Literary Society and the newspaper Neologos. Kiriaki Mamoni, . ......... ........... ........ .................. . ......... ... . ............ .......... (The Hellenic Literary Society, Venizelos and the Asia Minor Campaign), ...... ....... ............. ......., vol 4, 1983, p. 295.

the lettered orders. This was a reconciliatory solution since on the one hand this form of language was uniform because the lettered orders more or less used the same type of language but on the other hand it could have incorporated elements of the local spoken demotic.407 But despite these doubts concerning the effectiveness of katharevousa, it was very difficult for a teacher or any other person to question the primacy of katharevousa without risking his position.

407 Exertzoglou, 1996, p. 156.

408 Ioannidis, .................. ....... (Calendar-National Education, pp. 16-8.

409 Ibid., p. 18.

S ome members of the local intelligentsia, li

ke Ioannis Ioannides had clear views about the national content of education given to the students. For Ioannidis the instruments that lead a millet or an ethnic group ( kavm ) to happiness are national education, religious education, civilized education and social education ( terbiye i milliye, terbiye i mezhebiye, terbiye i medeniye ve itimaiye ). For him the national education of Anatolians ( terbiye i milliye

) is Greek national education ( Elliniki Ethniki Paidevsis ). Through Greek education, the millet unde rstands from its childhood that before his or her father, mother and all other things he/she has a motherland, which when it is happy he/she becomes also happy. For Ioannides patriotism is the primary good quality. Thanks to national education the person b ecomes diligent, freedom loving , benevolent and polite and becomes proud being part of a millet before being proud of his/her family. 408 Old or young, all Anatolians

according to Ioannides has to learn the national language, complete the primary education ( t ahsil i iptidai ) and has to benefit from national and social education ( terbiye i milliye ... itimaiye ). 409

Learning the Official L anguage

As stated above an important source of debate in the acquisition of Greek was whether the instruction of Turkish o r what after the 1876 Constitution was called the official/state language in schools had any negative effect. Especially , after the second half of the century there were many attempts by the new generation of Ottoman Greek government officials like the C appadocian Constantine Adossidis (1817 1895) or Alexander Constantinidis (? 1890) who had emerged after the demise of the Phanariot aristocracy to encourage and promote the study of Ottoman

language among their community through publishing Ottoman grammars , Ottoman Greek lexicons and textbooks for students of Turkish. These attempts were fueled by a blend of Ottomanism and an anxiety for the loss of status of Ottoman Greeks in government positions to Armenians or Jews who were considered more reliable by th e government and their greater familiarity to Turkish than Ottoman Greeks was seen as another advantage. 410 But their efforts were not enough to break the indifference of the rest of the Ottoman Greek community. 411

410 Towards the end of the century part of the Jewish intellectuals and especially the Alliance Isralite Universelle considered the widespread ignorance of Turkish one of the primary obstacles to the material progress of Jewish communities and tried to promote the knowledge of the official language inside their communities. But despite attempts to introduce Turkish lessons in the primary and secondary schools of the Alliance the results according to Dumont were not satisfactory until after the

the 1908 revolution. Paul Dumont, Jewish Communities in Turkey during the Last Decades of the Nineteenth Century in the Light of the Archives of the Alliance Isralite Universelle in Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire Volume I The Central Lands, edited by Benjamin Braude & Bernard Lewis (New York: Holmes & Meier Publishers 1982) pp. 209-242. For the politics and ideological messages of the schooling and educational activities of the Alliance Isralite Universelle in the Ottoman Empire see Aron Rodrigue, Trkiye Yahudilerinin Batllamas Alliance Okullar 18601925, translated by Gbrahim Yldz, (Ankara: Ayra Yaynevi 1997).

411 For the effort of these Ottoman Greek officials and for a general assesment of the contribution of Ottoman Greeks to Ottoman letters and intellectual life in the nineteenth century see Johann Strauss, The Millets and the Ottoman Language: The Contribution of Ottoman Greeks to Ottoman Letters (19th-20th centuries) Die Welt Des Islams International Journal for the Study of Modern Islam Vol: 35 No: 2 November 1995, 189-249. On the other hand for the position of Greek language and

civilization in nineteenth century Ottoman Muslim intellectual horizon see, Johann Strauss, The Greek Connection in Nineteenth-Century Otoman Intellectual History, in Greece and the Balkans

Identities, Perceptions and Cultural Encounters since the Enlightenment, ed. Dimitris Tzovas, Ashgate (Cornwall 2003) 47-67.

412 According to A. Paspatis who was writing in 1862 the Turkish speaking green grocer from NevGehir and Incesu despised the Roumeliots and Hellenes fellow craftsman and did not deal with them. And because he does not know Greek he could not get along with the Roumeliots and Hellenes. Cited in Hatziiosif, 2005, p. 27. While Haris Spatharis who was born in Istanbul by a Chiot family remembers that the Greeks of the city except some Turkish speaking families from Anatolia were unaware of Turkish with the exception of some words that they used in shopping. While he admits that they were proud of not knowing the state.s language he adds that this resulted against them. He states that when the railway lines reached Ankara and Konya the Turkish speaking Greeks of the region came increasingly to Istanbul and hegemonized the bazaars. He adds that these Karamanians from Anatolia despite of living in the same quarters with the others Greeks were forming seperate

groups because they did not know Greek. Haris Spatharis, Biz stanbullular Byleyiz! Fener.den Anlar 1906-1922, (Kitap Yaynevi: Gstanbul 2004) p. 41-42.

413 Vangelis Kechriotis, The Greeks of Izmir at the End of the Empire A Non-Muslim Ottoman Community Between Autonomy and Patriotism (Unpublished PhD Thesis, Leiden University) 2005: 283-286.

Obviously the issue of learning the official language had a very different dimension for the Turkish speaking Orthodox. Contrary to their Greek speaking coreligions these had the advantage of speaking Turkish and this rendered them very advantageous for using the Ottoman literary language for enter ing government posts or for their commercial ventures. 412 Even in the stronghold of Greek -

speaking in Anatolia Izmir, it seems that the rise of certain figures of Cappadocian origin in the community administration can be related also to this advantage. Kechr iotis in his study on the Greek Orthodox community of Izmir in the first dcades of the twentieth century identifies a certain quasi bureaucracy which is very influential in community administration and possess those skills and knowledge necessary for ru nning community affairs. Important figures of this quasy bureaucracy such as Sokratis Solomonidis, Emmanouil Emmanouilidis, Aristidis Pasha Georgantzoglou and Pavlos Carolidis were all from Cappadocia and shared also family bonds. 413 Obviously knowledge of Turkish should have been among those skills and knowledge and formed an asset for the Anatolian Orthodox in administering and

representing their communities towards the state administration.

Evangelinos Misailidis who stated that everyone should know to read and write first in the language of his/her millet and afterwards to learn writing the language of the state that he/she is subject was also part of this abovementioned publishing activity of Ottoman lexicons and textbooks. He supported the knowledge o f Ottoman because he considered it beneficial especially for those pursuing careers in commerce and government posts . Misailidis argued that despite that the language of the state was the mother tongue ( ana lisan ) of the Rumyan milleti in Anatolia , they

were ignorant how to write it and also their speech was incorrect. In order to correct this situation he published in 1851 a book titled ........ ....... (Muallim i Sbyan Teacher of children) in order to instruct Ottoman writing for the Rum s and Greek writing ( Rumice ) in a very short time without the help of teachers according to his assertion. 414 Also in 1859 he published the ........ ............... (Grecoturc Dialogues) for the instruction of Turkish and Greek. 415

414 GGbu lisan Anatoluda mtemekkin bulunan Rumyan milletinin ana lisan olmak hasebi ile, bilip tekellim idiyorlarsede, tekellimlerinde ekseri kusur idiyorlar ve iGbu lisann yazsna aGina olunmadka, galetini slah etmeklik, ok vakta, ve hayluce zahmete muhtadr. Evangelinos Misailidis, Anatoli N. 40, 23 October 1851.

415 ........ ............... ........... .. ........ ........... ....... . ......... ........... Published by Evangelinos Misailidis, Constantinople 1859.

Anastasios Levides from Zincidere was o ne of those who published a Greek Turkish lexicon. In his preface he argues that during his long years of teaching in the province of Kayseri he faced difficulties to find suitable books in order the youth of Asia Minor to be educated and gain its fatherl y (......) and national language. The existing books and lexicons for Levides do not benefit the students who know Turkish but ignore Greek or those who know Greek and ignore Turkish. Thus he

claims that his lexicon will fill this gap because it is based o n plenty of sources and

lexicons both in Greek, Turkish and French. 416

416 The lexicon also contained the names of principal Anatolian cities, mounts and rivers in Greek and Turkish. See Anastasios M. Levidis, ...... ...... ......... (Greek-Turkish Dictionary), Constantinople 1888. The price of the lexicon was one silver mecidiye. For an announcement of the book prior its publication in order to gather subscriptions see Anatol Ahteri, year 1 N. 22, 28 February 1887, p. 335.

417 Ioannes Gavriilides, Anatoli, N. 4288, 24 January 1891. Indeed the letters of Anatolian immigrants send from the urban centers to their relatives in their birthplaces constituted an extremely important aspect of the everyday life that mass immigration had created in the villages of Anatolia. For a description of this importance see the childhood memoirs of Konstantinos Vayanes in Sinasos where he was sent to study in the school of the village during the 1850.s. In these he depicts the tension and

anxiety of the residents of Sinasos waiting the post from Istanbul because there were sayings that a great fire had destroyed the district where most of the shops of those from Sinasos was. ........ .......... (Childhood Recollections), ............. ........... 1910, Samos 1909, pp. 25-45.

In addition , the polemic that arose among the Nevehir community concerning the place of Turkish in school curricula is a revealing example of the controversy concerning the place of Turk ish in school curricula. The polemic that was published in the pages of Anatoli demonstrates the existence of different views about the orientation of the educational effort. For Ioannes Gavriilides the schools of the community of Nevehir which he rightly counted them among the most developed educational institutions of the region after the Theological Seminary of Kayseri, had only one weakness: the lack of importance given to the instruction of Turkish. For Gavriilides the Anatolians whose major economic activities are in the

capital and mostly in Turkish, knowledge of this language is indispensable. He gives the example of how every Saturday many immigrants from Nevehir come from Unkapan to Balk Pazar in order to dictate their letters to those few per sons that know how to write. He states that it is far more important to teach the pupils better Turkish than subjects like Astronomy or Theology and ask why there should not be one person that knows to read and write in each shop. 417 While in another article he claimed that the primary reason that the pupils could not learn Turkish despite studying it at least two or three years is the usage of the old method at the schools ,

while it become much easier even in one year to learn it with the new method. Also he stressed the lack of teachers that will instruct according to the new method as another reason for the poor results in learning Turkish. 418

418 ocuklar layk ile Trkeyi tahsil idemiyorlar halbuki en aGa bir ocuk iki sene Trke okuyor da yine matlub derecede olmayor.acaba buna sebeb nadir? GGte sebebi! ocuklara hala eski usul zere ders viriliyor. Eski usuller ise Trkeyi layk ile okuyub yazmak in hi olmazsa on seneye mutevakfftr. gimdi ise Gaye-i maarifvaye-i hazret-i padiGahide lisan- Trkinin tahsili ne kadar kolaylaGt ve ez cmle bir ocun nihayet bir sene zarfnda hem grl grl ibare okumas ve imlas dahi yolunda bulunmas yeni usuller semeresi olarak grlmekde ike, nin ocuklar iki sene devam eyleybde yine tahsil idemeyorlar? GGte yeni usul zre ders okutturulmamas ve o usul zre ders virecek muallim bulunmamasdr. Anatoli N. 4290, 29 January 1891.

419 Anadol Timuryollar ve bundan husule gelecek muhasenat, Anatoli, 13 December 1888.

It is interesting that there were even calls for the Rums to enroll to state schools. Anatoli was criticizing the at titude of its compatriots for not entering the newly established higher state schools of law, medicine, trade and agriculture in which according always to Anatoli except the Rum millet , all the other millets were attending in numbers beyond their proportio n in the total population of the empire.

That was the primary reason for Anatoli that there were so few Rum state officials. 419

For Theagenis Misailidis son of Evangelinos Misailidis and the editor of Anatoli after his father deth, ignorance of the official language of the state is harmful both materially and spiritually. Knowledge of the official language for him is necessary for success in economic life and also indispensable in order to understand the laws and regulations of the state that one is subject a nd most importantly for becoming part of the strata of state bureaucracy. He states that the official language that is Turkish is necessary for every Ottoman in order to benefit from the public law ( hukuk u siyasiye

) that the state granted without maki ng discriminations among its subjects according to nation ( milliyet ) and religion. Moreover everyone can benefit from the public law ( hukuk u siyasiye ) and civil law according to his merit and join every rank of the bureaucracy ( tabakat memuriyet ). For Th.

Misailidis to be deprived from this blessing and to be impotent of defending the glory and dignity of the milliyet ( an ve vakar milliyet ) because of not possessing the official language is an unforgivable deficit and mistake. 420 Thus it is regrettable for the parents that while making every sacrifice for the embellishment of morals ( tezhib l ahlk ) and the study of reaching maturity in science and morals ( tahsil ilm -

 kemalat ) of their children to neglect this. At that point of the article he argues that the primary aim of education for a person is to take a cultivation that is suitable for his/her national creed ( mezheb l millet ) and together with this to cultivate a useful member to humanity.

420 [] devlet ebed mdderimizin her efrad- tebasna milliyet ve diyanet tefrik itmeyerek ihsan buyurduu hukuk- siyasiyeden istifade idebilmek meseleleri nazar- insaf ile tedkik olnr ise, her osmanl iin Trke lisan tahsili ne derecede elzem old raana aGikr olur zira hukuk-u siyasiye ve medeniyeden bil istifade her kes liyakat derecesinde mazhar olmak gibi bir nimete mustahah iken, bir lisan bilmemesinden dolay bu gibi mhimmesindet ve memuriyetin mahrum ve binaen aleyh Gan- ve vakar- milliyeti muhafazadan aciz ve mahzun olur ki, buda bizim iun aff olunmaz bir noksan ve hatadr denilse sezadr. Lisan- Osmani Anatoli N. 4855, 10 September 1894.

Th. Misailidis argues t hat many parents could not send their children to Europe to advance their studies after finishing gymnasiums because they do not possess the necessary means. But they can not even send their children to official higher schools that are free of charge becau se they are not familiar with the official language. The article claims that if a comparison is made between the graduates of any gymnasium with the graduates of gymnasia of other millets on the issue of Turkish language a great difference will emerge. A ccording to the article the graduates of the gymnasiums could have entered state schools and study medicine, law, civil service, agriculture and similar subjects and ensure their future and become useful both for themselves, for the state and their millet if they had proper knowledge of Turkish:

Couldn't our youngsters who graduated from a gymnasium succeded in being admitted to schools of medicine, law, political

scinces and agriculture if only they had become acquainted with the Turkish language? And woul dn't they pursue their interests and be a useful person for their state and nation by helping their fellows and earning their future if they only have graduated from these schools? Certainly. 421

421 Bir gymnasionu ikmal iden delikanllarmzn Trke lisanna vakf olsa idi hekim, hukuk, mlkiye, ziraat ve buna benzer mekteblerde kabul olnacak kadar isbat- ehliyet idemezmi? Ve bu mekteblerden neGet ittikden sonra hemcinslerine hizmetler takdim ve istikbalini temin iderek hem kendi iun hem de devlet- milleti iun faideli bir adam olamaz m? Elbette. Lisan- Osmani Anatoli N. 4855, 10 September 1894.

422 Devair-i resmiyelerde seyr- temaGa ittiimizde nazarmza arpacak birka Rum efendiler

grrz bir zemanda hariciye dairesinde ve aklam- sairede pek ok Rum memurlar ve ktibler grlr idi Gimdi ise, o zemanlara nisbet idilerse, hi demektir []Lisan- Osmani Anatoli N. 4855, 10 September 1894.

423 Hatta bu husus hkmet-i seniyenin dahi dikkatini celb itmekle bil cmle gayri Mslim mekteblerde Trke lisannn lzum tedrisi teden beru tavsiye idildii misillu, bu defa dahi ol vechile irade-i seniye Geref tealluk itmekle suret-i tatbiki Patrikhane ile Maarif nazareti meyannda cai mbahasa(?) grlyor ki Gu mesele-i mhimmenin suret-i hal-u fasl ve neticelerinden dahi bahs itmek vazifemiz haricindedir. Lisan- Osmani Anatoli N. 4855, 10 September 1894.

424 Lisan- Osmani Anatoli N. 4857, 15 September 1894.

He relates the decline in the number of Rum state officials a nd secretaries in the Foreign Ministry and other offices to the absence of the knowledge of official language. 422 It adds that even the exalted government become interested in this issue and transferred this issue to the Patriarchate and the Ministry of E ducation referring to the decision of government for the compulsory instruction of Turkish in schools . 423

Theagenis Misailidis returns to the same issue in another article and tries to depict the reasons for the insufficient knowledge of the official languag e. He argues that the lack of interest in Turkish emerges from the lack of explanation and

instruction which will imprint in students hearts and minds the level of its refinement and its sublimity. 424

He asserts that during his visits to the schools of Is tanbul and Anatolia he observed that despite some exceptions it is impossible to name them as teachers of

Ottoman. He asks how progress can be achieved with teachers who are not able to make proper conversation and express themselves conveniently and unabl e to write according to rules and who passes the classes haphazardly, without a program. 425 Thus he urges communities and school boards to examine the knowledge and inspect the diplomas of the Turkish teachers when they are hiring them.

425 gimdi ben Osmanl lisan hocasym deye iftihar idenlere akll usl mukalleme itmeye ve hsn-i suretle ifade-i merama muktedir olmadklar misillu kavaide mutabk ve ulemann istimalna muvafk suretle de bir maddeyi kaleme almaktan da aciz olduklarn ve geliGi gzele tabi olarak ders zemannda oldum olasya geirmekde bulunduklar halde nasl ve ne suretle umid idilen terakki hasl olabilir. Lisan- Osmani Anatoli N. 4857, 15 September 1894.

426 Evropada old misillu Gehrimizde de ticaret mektebi kGad ile, muktedir ve her hususa vakf tccar yetiGecek suretde talim ve tarife caht-u gayret olnub, bu suretle paitaht- saltanat- seniyede,

yetiGecek ve feyzab- kemal olacak erbab- ticaretimizin ticaret-i osmaniyemizin temin-i menafi-i fevk-el-ade eyleyecei bedihidir. Hamidiye Ticaret Mektebi, Anatoli N. 4871, 30 October 1894.

427 Anatoli, N. 4700, 10 August 1893.

In this line of think ing the newspaper announces its readers the decision of the government for the establishment of the Hamidiye Trade School ( Mekteb i Ticaret i Hamidi ) in Istanbul and after enlisting the three year program of the school adds that through this school it will

be possible to educate competent and aware traders that will benefit the Ottoman trade. 426 The editors of the paper attached so much importance to the possession of the official language that it announced regularly its readers that they can apply to their p rinting house for arranging lessons of Ottoman given by a competent teacher. 427

It is worth mentioning that e ven the Patriarchate from time to time issued circulars that demanded from the educational authorities to include the instruction of Turkish into the cu rricula. O ne of the earlier examples of these sorts of circulars is the one issued in October 1871 during the reign of Anthimos. The circular begins by

emphasizing the benefits of learning the language of the state for all segments of the society and de manded the introduction of Turkish to the central schools as a

compulsory lesson among the other language classes. 428 Few years later, in 1874, this time during the Patriarchate of Joacheim II the Ho ly Synod issued another circular reemphasizing the importan ce of the instruction of Ottoman language both for the advancement of the individual and at the same time of the whole community and reasserted the inclusion of Turkish lessons to the programs of central educational institutions. 429 E ven the Greek Philolog ical Sociey of Constantinople ( EFSK )

, the primary sponsor and disseminator of Greek culture and education in the capital decided in the end of 1890 to organize evening classes in Turkish . The proposal had been made by a member, A. Photiadis who also propos ed to undertake the lessons him self. Thus, EFSK decided to organize these evening classes which would be open to both members and non members. It is little known how long these classes continued but even the undertake itself demonstrates that even EFSK its elf considered necessary to improve the knowledge of Turkish of the Greek community of the capital. 430

428 Ziogou-Karastergiou, pp. 289-291.

429 Ibid., pp.291-292.

430 Vassiadis, 2007, p. 202.

Thus , despite the new language hierarchy that emerged and consolidated towards the middle of the nineteenth century Ottoman Turkish retained its prestige a nd towards the end of the century its proper instruction gained priority for advancement in professional life. Obviously till the end Greek represented progress, advancement, prosperity and a break away from the current backwardness and the primary orienta tion of education in Anatolia

remained the instruction of Greek to the Turcophone Orthodox . The plain Turkish that is spoken is despised and is treated as a sign of backwardness and poverty. But on the other hand possession of reading and

writing skills in Ottoman Turkish continued to be valued because it also formed a privileged instrument in advancement and modernization. Thus , the introduction of Turkish together with French in curricula which seems to be contradictory with the priorities increasingly do minant Greek nationalism seems no more when one considers that Ottoman Turkish until the end of the empire continued to be an asset in advancement . 431

431 Hadziiosif 2010, pp. 23-29.

432 Bundan baGka bir gazeta lisannn nas beyninde kullanlan lisan derecesine indirilmesi de caiz olamaz. Bil akis tecricen lisann dzeldilub, nas beyninde nakis ve yanlG bir surette sylenen sz ve

taabiratn tashihi gazetenin cmle-i vazaifindendir. Anatoli N. 4184, 8 May 1890.

One can observe this different attitude towards Turkish in the pages of Anatoli . While the editors of the p aper constantly stressed that the language of the paper will be plain Turkish in order to be read by everyone , increasingly the language used in articles, letters moves away from plain Turkish and forms and patterns of Ottoman Turkish starts to dominate. I ncreased educational opportunities obviously have a primary role in thi s transformation. This Ottomanization of the language used in the paper seems to increase during the short editorship of N. Soullides who seems to be

an able user of high Ottoman. Acc ording to him the language of a newspaper can not be the same as everyday language and the paper has to serve the gradual correction of the language. 432 Just like Anatoli the editors of the Terakki journal expressed in the first issue of their journal that i n order to achieve its goals the language used in the pa p e r will be plain and simple , understandable by the ordinary public . But the editors added that one of the duties of the newspapers and

journals is to enrich the vocabulary and correct the language of their readers . Thus they asked from their readers to tolerate some words or sentences that would be difficult to understand because the editors stated that there are some meanings that it

is impossible to describe them in simple language. 433

433 .Terakki.nin iGbu maksad- aslsna yarar suretde olmas iun lisan ve Give-i ifadesinin gayetle sad eve nasn annayabilecei suretde olmas cihetine ziyadece dikkat idilecekdir. Ve eeri arada srada ykseke lisanda yazlmG baz kelime veya cmlelere rast gelinirse, hoG grlmesi niyaz olnr. nk ok manler vardrlar ki bunlarn sade lisan ile annaddrlmas muhal kabilinden deil ise, matbuat lisanna yakGr kabilden deildir. Bundan baGka Gurasn da bilmemiz lazmdr ki halk beyninde okunan gazeta ve risaleler misill yazglar lisan slah hususnda bycek yardm ider bir vasta old erbab indinde tesadduk ve tesellm itmiG mevaddendir. Terakki vol. 1 1888.

434 Malum-u alinizdirki, rahmetli Evangelinos Misailidis zemannda Arebi ve Farsi logat ve ibareler yazlyor idi. Sonra teGekki olnd ki, ekseriyet Trke bildiinden, anlamayorlar dey. O zeman kendisi ilan itdi ve ak Trke yazmaya baGlad.gimdi sizzler baGladnz. Gzel, emma anlayan var

ise, ona eyidir, anlamayana hi makamndadr. nki Gazeta okumakdan maksad nadir, yazldn anlamakdr. Anlamaz ise luzumi yokdr zann iderim. Ann in lecek 1891 senesine kadar bedelini virdiimizden hakkmz vardr, ister istemez alacaz. Eerki bu lisan ile devam ederseniz, bizleri aff iderek, mGteri defterinden siliniz. Anatoli N. 4191, 26 May 1890.

435 Yegane maksadmz ve arzumz Trkeden baGka lisana aGina olmayan sevgili hemGehrilerimize hzmet itmek idinden, mmkin old mertebede ak lisanda yazmaya dikkat idiyoruz. Mamafih (bu taabir-i arebiyi A.N. effendi dahi kullandndan, biz de istimal idiyoruz; yoksa bunn ile beraber taabirini kullanacak idik) resmi ve ak Trkceye tercemesi mmkin olmayan baz logat ve taabirat var onlarn kullanlmas zaruridir. Bundan baGka yavaG yavaG baz arebi ve farsi logat ve taabirat renilmiG olsa zarardan ziyade faidesi olabilir zann ideriz. [] Bundan evvel dahi ifade itdiimiz gibi gazeta okumakdan maksadlarn birisi de adeta mektepde tahsil ider gibi lisanmz tashih itmek yani dzeltmek olmaldr zann ideriz. Anatoli N. 4191, 26 May 1890.

But despite the se statements we witness that s ome readers expressed their grievances in their letters that they send to the paper. For example the reader A.N. declared in his letter that he will quit reading the paper if the language used in the paper continues to conta in Arabic and Persian terms. 434 On the other hand Soullides answered this letter by stating that they try to use plain Turkish in the paper but he also added just like the students that a re instructed in the school the primary aim of a newspaper is to enri ch the vocabulary and correct the mistakes of the language of

its readers. 435 It is important to note that the metap hor of school is used once again by the editor of the paper in describing the mission of the paper.

Defending Orthodoxy

Knowledge of Turk ish was not only important for economic or social advancement. It became also an important issue in the struggle against missionaries. As it is stated above during the nineteenth century the churc h increasingly feared that the T urcophone Orthodox inhabitan ts of Asia Minor were beeing spiritually lost. On the basis of these fears lied the fact that the flock was unaware of the language of liturgy and this state made it in the eyes of the spiritual leaders open to the influences of the Western missionaries an d to the threat of Islamization. The spiritual leaders were giving great emphasis to educational activities as the primary mean to protect, control and strengthen the conviction of their flock. 436

436 Augustinos, p. 312.

437 Misyonerler dahi kara cierimize pene uzatmaya baGladlar, ve mezhepte zayf olanlar iimizden alarak, bizlere karGu bunlar alet kullanmaya baGladlar ve olmayacak yerde ekklisialar yaptlar ve her Kyriaki gnleri herkesin anlayabilecei lisanda nasihatlar idiyorlar, hasl farzlar icras ile meGgul olduklarndan, umum kelisalarnda hibir Kyriaki nasihat eksik deildir, ve eGidenler

For the editors of Anatoli , the missionaries constituted the gravest danger against the Anatolian Orthodox. The newspaper saw conversion as an alienation and denial of one selfs personal and social identity and thats why it devoted many of its pages to inform about missionary activities and warn its readers. Accord ing to the paper the Orthodox

Church had lost its grandeur and was under the aggression of missionaries:

Even the missionaries started to attack to our black liver, and by stealing the ones weakly tied to their sects, they started using them against us, th ey started building churches to improper places and every Sunday they sermonize with a language that everyone can understand; in short, due to the fact that they are busy with the fulfillment of the religious duties, preaching is never missing on Sundays i n their public churches, so the public, being not aware of the fact that they take these from us and sell them back, show respect and trust. 437

bunlar bizden alp, bize sattklarn bilmeyerek, itibar ve itikat ederler. Nerede kald Ekklisiamzn eski azameti? Anatoli N. 3954, 13 September 1888.

438 Konyada Yad Mezheplilerin Harekt ....... N. 4739, 16 November 1893.

439 Orthodoksoslarmzdan Protestanl kabul itmek gibi bir alakl irtikab iden habis ve vicdanszlardan ekserisi Kolonia (Kara-Hisar) eparhias dahilindeki Semen karyesi ehalisindendir. Anatolda Protestanlar ve Leitourgikamz, Anatoli N. 5786, 24 March 1898.

It was common for the Ottoman Greek press both in Greek and Karamanlidika to announce and warn their readers again

st missionary activities. For example , Anatoli republishes a piece of information from Amaltheia o fI zmir in which a certain priest of foreign creed invited a teacher of the Hellenic ( ellinikon ) school and opened a language school in Konya. The newspaper warns its readers that the real intention of the school is not teaching languages but to seduce ( ifal etmek ) Christianity and that the primary method used by the missionaries for this is to teach languages. 438

In another example in a letter from

Ordu the anonymous author argued that a certain Armenian called Boos Papazyan who thirty years ago had lea rned from the American missionaries both medical science and the principles of Protestantism had started to spread the harmful seeds of Protestantism to the Armenian s of the region. The author added that he recently took in his service an Orthodox, Ioann is Exertzoglou who started to spread P rotestantism. The article defended that most of the malignant and remorseless Orthodox who committed the cowar dise to accept Protestantism were from the Semen village of Karahisar. 439 But as Blumi point s out for the Balkan

Albanian context and Evered for Syria many statements of these kinds of local notables or literati concerning the urgent threat posed by missionary and foreign educational propaganda contained an element of exaggeration and manipulation in order to attract funds for establishing new schools or receiving financial assistance for the already existing ones either from the Ottoman state or in our case from the Patriarchate , the phileducational societies of Istanbul and Athens or

the community leaders. Th us it is very important to bear in mind the political usage of these actual, exaggerated or even invented threats. 440

440 Isa Blumi, Teaching Loyalty in the Late Ottoman Balkans: Educational Reform in the Vilayets of Manastir and Yanya, 1878-1912, Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, Vol. XXI No. 1&2 (2001) pp. 15-23. Emine nhan Evered, The Politics of Late Otoman Education: Acommodating Ethno-Religious Pluralism Amid Imperial Disintegration, Unpublished PhD Dissertation Submitted to The University of Arizona, 2005, p. 161.

441 See, nhan Evered, pp.145- 159.

442 See Stephanos H. Karolidis, Mukaddime in ...... ...... . ...... ..... ....... . ........... ......, Smyrna: Proodos Matbaas 1875, pp. 11-12.

The editors of Anatoli constantly stressed the need of preachers to give sermons in Turkish as a necessary measure a gainst missionary acti vities. They even called the Patriarchate and Metropolitans to appoint preachers that would travel across different communities and preach in Turkish in order to enhance Orthodoxy. This proposed measure bear a striking resemblance to the traveling ulema hired by the Hamidian government in order to travel throughout various Muslim communities especially in Syria to revive and correct Islamic belief and practices against missionary activities. This state led program like the abovementioned proposals of Anat oli was based primarily on local demands for counteracting missionary and foreign propaganda. 441

During the changes that it had made in its regulation in 1862 in its regulation the Patriarchate had accepted to appoint a preacher that would be able to preach to local populations in their language in every ecclesiastic province. This measure had been accepted in order to appease the increased pressure of the Bulgarian clerics and laity. But it seems that some prominent figures of Turkish speaking Anatolian Orth odox like Ste phanos H. Karolidis from Endirli k demanded its application in Turkish speaking provinces too. 442

It seems that not only distant T urcophone communities of interior Asia Minor

but also communities that were in the imperial capital like the ones in Cibali, Kumkap and Vlanga inhabited mainly by Anatolian Orthodox immigrants desperately needed Turkish speaking clergymen for preventing the encroachment of missionaries. 443 This is revealing because according to Manuel Gedeon, the chronicler of the Patria rchate, by the second half of the eighteenth century there were few Orthodox in Istanbul who could understand the Holy Scriptures, the liturgy or the ecclesiastic circulars in Greek and even until about 1830s the church addressed ecclesiastical documents t o the community of Samatya or as Gedeon calls it the district of St. Constantine of Caramania or of Caramaniots in Turkish. He adds that during the same period Serafeim the Metropolitan of Antalya, who had also translated some ten books in Karamanlidika was preaching in the capital in Turkish for the Anatolian Orthodox. 444 While the Protestant missionaries from the moment

they settled to the capital started to preach in different vernaculars, most importantly in Turkish. For example the annual report of th e mission of Constantinople states that the mission maintained two weekly meetings in Turkish designed particularly for Armenians and Greeks to whom this language is vernacular. 445 Furthermore in his letter on 17 July 1846 from Constantinople Mr. Goodel fr om ABCFM reports joyfully that even the Greeks of the city for three to four mounths have started to

443 Anatoli N. 4018, 18 February 1889. Niun Cibali.de Vlanga.de Kumkap.da cabeca Trke lisannda dahi nutuklar irad olunmasn? Elhamdlillah nutk itmeye muktedir vaizlerimiz eksik deildir, ve belki bu ciheti on defa Patrikhaneye ihtar eyledik ise de, msameha olnd. Nerede kald Ekklisiamzn eski azameti? Anatoli N. 3954, 13 September 1888.

444 Gedeon gives the example of the circular written in Turkish in Greek characters by the Patriarchate to the community of ........ in 1763 concerning the community school. Manuel Gedeon, ..

....... ... ..... ..... .. .. ........ ... .... ......, ............. ......., 4 May 1888, Vol. 25, p. 200. See also Richard Clogg, Some Karamanlidika Inscriptions from the Monastery of the Zoodokhos Pigi, Balkl, Istanbul Byzantine an Modern Greek Studies Vol. 4 1978, 57 (55-67)

445 The Missionary Herald, January 1837, p. 7.

attend to his "Turkish service on the Sabbath". 446 In 1853 Mr. Ladd who was in charge of the missionary work in Samatya w as preaching twice in Sundays, i n th e morning in Turkish and in the afternoon in Armenian, while half of his fifty attendants consisted of Greeks. 447

446 The Missionary Herald, October 1846, p. 357.

447 The Missionary Herald, September 1853, vol. 9, p. 260.

448 Richard Clogg, The Publication and Distribution of Karamanli Texts by the British and Foreign Bible Society before 1850 Part I, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, XIX (No 1) 1968, 57-81.

449 Clogg, 1992, p. 72.

Clogg argues that it seems certain that in many Turkish speaking communities the Gospel was read both in Greek and Turkish especially in occasions like Easter Sunday, where this practice was well established by the eighteenth century. But apart from using Turkish partially in liturgy, on the question whether it sung entirely in Turkish Clogg only presents some tentative remarks of some travelers.448 Perhaps the fact that usually the liturgy read by Turkish speaking unlettered priests, who had no idea about Greek or its correct pronounciation was the reason that some travelers argued that the entire liturgy was in Turkish. The Patriarchate in the past had made efforts to maintain the liturgical use of Greek among the Orthodox communities in Asia Minor. For instance during the Patriarchate of Jeremias III (1716-26; 1732-33) arrangements had been made for young Orthodox Christians from Kayseri to study in Istanbul so that they would be able to read the Holy Scriptures and the liturgical books.449

In any case we can argue that at best Turkish and Greek was used in mixture, where Turkish used in reading the Gospel and preaching, while the liturgy itself was

in Greek despite the fact that most of the time it was read mechanically by the priest

who even himself was unaware of its meaning. From the examples that will be given below it would be clear that Greek was retained in the liturgy, because reading itself was more or less a sacred activity and it became a major concern only when the missionaries began to spread the word of the God in Turkish.

According to Schneider and Powers who visited Ktahya in 1837 on behalf of the Board all the Greek and Armenian inhabitants of the city spoke Turkish but continued to use ancient Greek and Armenian in churches and schools. They stated that in both churches the Scriptures and the liturgy are read in languages as unintelligible to hearers and readers too, as Latin and Hebrew. The only intelligible reading material written in Greco-Turkish they founded in Ktahya was the Lives of the Saints in the church and few Greco-Turkish Psalters and New Testaments in the school. They comment: Here, as among the Greeks, both religion and learning have been buried in one common grave, and a dead faith and an unknown tongue, it associates, walk hand in hand in the church and school. Thus in the end of their report they recommended that a series of small popular books, on geography, history, or biography that would awaken the mind, and excite a thirst for knowledge is greatly needed.450

450 The Missionary Herald, June 1837, p. 254-255.

451 A. M. Levidis, ....... ... ... ........ ... ............. .. ..... .... .. .. .......... ......... ... .............` ......... vol. 6, March 1906, p. 253.

But preaching in Turkish was very common both by the missionaries and even the Orthodox clergy. For example when in the late 1850s the Protestan t missionaries started to preach in Turkish in Zincidere the Metropolitan of Kayseri Pasisios ordered the organization of Sunday Lessons where the language known to public would be used. 451 Preaching in Turkish was still the dominant form in the

452 The Missionary Herald, January 1903, p. 26.

453 See for example Anatoli N. 4545, 06 June 1892; Anatoli N. 4547 11June 1892; Anatoli N. 4551, 20 June 1892; Anatoli N. 4554, 27 June 1892.

454 Evvelki Pazar gn Aghia Kyriaki karGusnda Nipiagogion salonnda bir ruhaninin Kyriakon mathima dersine baGlayacan iGidub, bu aciz dahi mahal-i mezkre gittim. Ders saat sekizde baGlamG old halde, saat alt buukdan beri mezkr salonda iki yzden mtecaviz hristianlk toplanmG idi bunlarn miyannda bir hayli Ermeni karndaGlarmz dahi bulnyor idi. Anatoli, N. 4503, 13 February 1892. See also ............. ......., 5 June 1892, vol. 14, p. 106; ............. ......., 3 July 1892, vol. 18, p. 137.

455 For example for the announcement of preaching in Turkish in Cibali see ............. ......., 24 July 1892, vol. 21, p. 162. For Kumkap see ............. ......., 31 July 1892, vol. 22, p. 170. For Vlanga see ............. ......., 7 August 1892, vol. 23, p. 178.

region dur ing the beginning of the twentieth century. Dr. H. S. Barnum describing a visit to the Protestant community of Konya in 1902 mentions Prof. Charles Farnsworths address to the community at the chapel and his marvel to hear him use, with great fluency, the Turkish he had learned in boyhood. 452

While the editors of Anatoli constantly reminded the importance of preaching in Turkish, in 1892 the newly elected Patriarch Neophytos the 8 th gave permission to

the usage of Turkish in sermons in Aghia Kyriaki Church at Kumkap and also a Sunday Lesson was organized in the infant school of the same parish for the Turkophone Orthodox. 453 The lessons were given by Ierotheos Teknopoulos, an Anatolian cleric teacher, which as far as can be detected from the reaction in the press met with a great success. According to a letter of an Anatolian participant the vast hall of the kindergarten had been filled with two hundred persons before hours of the beginning of the lesson, including some Armenians. 454 While from the announcement s of the official organ of the Patriarchate it seems that in addition to Sunday lessons preaching in Turkish was also performed from ti me to time in different churches of Cibali, Kumkap or Vlanga, districts mostly inhabited by Anatolian Orthodox. 455

Also a reading hall was established in Kumkap and shortly after in Galata in which Sunday lessons were organized. Referring to the Sunday L essons in Kumkap, the Ecclesiastic Truth , the official organ of the Patriarchate, states that these lessons are very beneficial for the development of religious feeling and functioned almost as second churches. According to the paper Sunday lessons were v ery widespread in America and Europe and the increase in their number would bring many benefits like protecting the flock from the traps of the missionaries and also from hanging out in places like coffeshops or taverns. 456

456 ............. ......., 26 June 1896, vol. 22, p. 179.

457 The president of the executive commission of the brotherhood was Ioannis Kalfoglou and the first lesson.s title was Godlessness, Devoutness and Propaganda. Anatoli N. 5883, 29 July 1898.

458 Ioannis Kalfoglou, Patrikhanenin DGnmediini Ehali Gcra Gdior Anatoli N. 5830, 23 May 1898.

The community of Vlanga had also petitioned the Patriarchate for the establishment of a reading hall and for the organization of Sunday lessons and in the end they established a brotherhood called Holy Trinity ( Aghia Trias ) that started to organize Sunday lessons. 457 We also learn from Ana toli that there were also attempts

in Beyolu for the establishment of a reading hall. 458

Anatoli warned constantly the religious and community authorities that missionaries and preachers who had spread in Asia Minor were distributing free Bibles, Old Testaments and similar books and even newspapers. Indeed an important aspect of missionary publishing activity was directed towards the Turkish speaking Orthodox of Asia Minor. As Balta demonstrates the missionary editions form thirty percent of the entire book production in Karamanlidika. The British and Foreign Bible Society and the American Board of Commissioner for Foreign Missions (ABCFM) were very active in Karamanlidika publishing. Thus, it is not a surprise that they contributed greatly to the standardization of Karamanlidika writing and to

the betterment of typographical standards of book production in Karamanlidika. These religious books of which naturally the primary was the vernacular Bible were published in great numbers (usually five thousand copies) and distributed freely through the social network that they had established in Anatolia.459 Thus, one can claim safely that just like the zealous Protestants from the second half of the sixteenth century onwards had opened the people and markets of the countryside of France to printing books the printing activities of the missionaries of the nineteenth century popularized the notion of printed book among the Turcophone Christians of Anatolia.460

459 Balta, 1988, pp. 216-218. For the Karamanli publications of missionaries see also Richard Clogg, Notes on some Karamanli Books printed Before 1850 now in British Libraries, with Particular Reference to the Bible Translations of the British and Foreign Bible Society ............ ......., XIII (1967) 521-563; The Publication and Distribution of Karamanli Texts by the British and Foreign Bible Society before 1850 Part I and II, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, XIX (No 1 and 2) 1968, 57-81; 171-93.

460 For the role of Protestants in opening the rural markets of France to printed books see Natalie

Zemon Davis, pp. 67-73.

461 Reverant Greene writes about the Messenger from Istanbul in 1879: Two pages of each number are filled with religious news, one page with the contributions of native pastors and brethren, annual reports of our colleges, schools, asylums, and meetings of unions, and one page only with current political news. The Missionary Herald, April 1879, p. 150.

It should be noted that these publications contained also many secular subjects, especially in the periodicals published by the missionaries. Among them were the weekly newspaper the Messenger published by the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions in many languages among them in Turkish with Greek characters during the late seventies of the nineteenth century and this version was called Angelioforos. Obviously the most popular version of the Messenger was the Armeno-Turkish one, the Avedaper.461 Also there was a child periodical that the same missionary company published during the late seventies in Karamanlidika. ocuklar in Aggelioforos (Aggelioforos for children) was a monthly child

periodical published during a period which witnessed a great proliferation of cultural life and especially in different types of printed materials. ocuklar in Aggelioforos can be considered as one of the first child periodicals of the Ottoman Empire and its publishing in Karamanlidika increases its importance. The periodical contains ethical and religious stories but it also deals with more secular subjects. Even the religious subjects that are presented are evaluating religious issues in a very different mode from the traditional conception of these. Concepts like freedom of consciousness (vicdan hurriyeti) appear constantly and religion is presented as a personal and rational issue. Themes like animal kingdom, information about different places and technological and mechanical innovations that appear in pages of the journal is in tune with the enlightening spirit and evangelical modernity promoted by the Protestant missionaries.

In order to counter these publications of the missionaries the editors of Anatoli encouraged the translation of books about the Orthodox creed in Karamanlidika and publish ed them in its printing house in order to strengthen the Anatolian Orthodox ag ainst the missionaries. It has to be added that

Anatoli also helped disseminate knowledge about books published in Karamanlidika through publishing regularly book announcements and calling its readers to buy them. But t he first of this anti Protestant pole mical literature which forms a substantial proportion of publications in Karamanlidika was the ...... ...... ..... (Doru Dinin Talimi Exercise of the True Faith ) published in 1839, which was a translation of Platon Levshins Orthodox catechism made by the Metropolitan of Kayseri Paisios. 462

462 Richard Clogg, The Publication and Distribution of Karamanli Texts by the British and Foreign Bible Society before 1850 Part I, in I Kath.Imas Anatoli Studies in Ottoman Greek History, Istanbul: The Isis Press 2004, p. 382-383.

Paisios in the introduction of the book stresses the need for the Turkish speaking Anatolian Orthodox for that kind of books against the enroachments of the missionaries:

[...] Since one year when the devil deeds of undenominational Lutherans emerged and their real intentions of deceiving the gullible and the fo olish of our coreligions and those not knowing the foundation of our religion and attract them to their undenomination were understood, our lord the virtious Patriarch Grigorios and our godfearing spiritiual brothers the Archbishops around him tried to kee p away from our Orthodox millet the diabolical tricks and traps of those undenominational Lutherans, Calvinists with divine fervor and while they ordered us the Archbishops that are outside to be watchful, while we were working with religious enthusiasm to eradicate this evil while thanks to gracious Lord all heretics were

expelled among our millet, the love in our heart strengthened even more, and the existence of that kind of a book in Turkish language for Anatolian christians seemed as an even more neces sity. 463

463 [...] bir seneden beri da mesepsiz Luturannarn Geytani feilleri meydana kp asl niyetleri bizim dindaGlarmzn bn ve eblehlerini, ve dinimizin temelini eyice bilmeyenleri aldatp mesepsizliklerine ekmek olduu anaGlmakile, faziletli Grigorios Patrik efendimiz, ve etrafnda mevcut olan ruhani karndaGlarmz dindar Arhiereaslar ilahi hararet ile o mesepsiz Luturannar, ve Kalvinoslar ve cemi Geytaniyet oyunnarn ve tuzaklarn Orthodoksos milletimizden uzak etmeye alGarak dGarda bulunan cemi Arhiereaslara da uyank bulunmamz emr ettilerisa, bizler da din gayretiile bu ktln define alGrken, inayetullah ol mesepsizlerin cmlesi krlenip fendleri ve feilleri def oldu isa da, ve btn milletimizin arasndan kovuldularsa da, yreimizde olan sevda daha ziyade artt, ve yle bir kitabn trka lisannda Anadolu hristiyanlarna bulunmas daha iktizal grnd....... ...... ......, 1839, p. n-ks.

464 Anatoli N. 5735, 20 January 1898 & N. 5806, 22 April 1898.

Among this literature was the ........... ..... ..... ............. ....... (Leitourgika that is the Translation of the Holy Liturgy) published in Istanbul in 1898, which was about the meaning of the Orthodox liturgy or the ......... ... ......... ..... .......... . .......... (The Leaders Astray and the Led Astray) published in Istanbul in 1898, a polemic against the Protestant missionaries, written by deacon Ierotheos Teknopoulos who as we saw previously had preached for several years in Turkish in the Sunday schools of communities like Kumkap

and Samatya . 464

In order to demonstrate the importance of religious and ethical books in Karamanlidika Anastasios Levides in his preface to the book that he edited and translated, ...... ...... . ........... ...... ..... ....... . ........... ......, defends the significance of educating the parents because, he defends that the instruction in the house is more influential than of the school which strengthens the education given in the house. For him currently there are three ways of instruction for parents: The first is through participating to the public lessons given in the societies, the second through listening the preaches in the church and lastly through reading books on creed and morals (ahlkiye ve mezhebiye kitaplarn). But for the time being he stresses that there are only three societies (encmen) in the province of Kayseri: the Athena in Kayseri, the Vasileias in NevGehir465 and the Elpis in Endirlik. While since God.s word is not translated for the flock who has lost the language of their ancestors in the language they could understand and since the province lacks even one preacher who could preach in the language of the people the only way for parents to cultivate themselves is to examine the books about religion and morals written in Karamanlidika (hurufat ellinika olubda ibaresi istimal olan adi Trki lisannda).466 While in 1880 Levides translated and compiled the Spiritual Panoply (.......... ........ ..... ....... ......), a very short book on the basis of faith, which had been also approoved by the Metropolitan of Kayseri Ioannis Anastasiadis. In the preface of it he argues that no one can intervene a Christian for the ways (tarikat) s/he follows and suggests to leave the salvation of those who

465 For the Vasileias Educational Society of NevGehir (............... ..... ............

........ ... ...........) refounded in 1872 see Irini Renieri, .Xenophone NevGeHirlis... GreekSouled Neapolitans.: The Persistent yet Hesitant Dissemination of the Greek Language in 1870s NevGehir inTurcologica 83 Cries and Whispers in Karamanlidika Books, ed. By Evangelia Balta & Matthias Kappler (Harrasowitz Verlag: Wiesbaden 2010) 3144.

466 Anastasios M. Levides, Dibae in ...... ...... . ...... ..... ....... . ........... ......, Smyrna: Proodos Matbaas 1875, pp. 21-24.

deviate from truth and their return to the true belief to God himself. But he continues in order to prevent their assaults to those following the true path they obliged to proove the truthness of the Eastern Church through compiling this booklet based on the sacred books of old and new teachers of the church.467

467 .......... ........ ..... ....... ...... (Spiritual Panoply), ed. & trans.: Anastasios M. Levides, Smyrna: Proodos Matbaas 1880, p. 2.

468 ........ .. .. ..........., ..... in .. ..............., ....... ........... .. .............. ........ trans. .. .. .. ........... Athens: Elpis Tabhanesi 1869, p.3.

But it should be mentioned that despite the increase in the number of Karamanlidika publications it seems that the trade itself remained to have low return. Even books and translations in Karamanlidika like the ..........

(The Old Man Stathis) w hich had become a bestseller in the Kingdom of Greece seems to have embarrassed its publishers. The translator of the book Philippos P. Aristovoulos, a veteran teacher of the community schools of Nevehir in the preface of his next translation complained f rom the financial troubles arised from his translations and that he would never attempt again to translate a work if Ioannis Georgiou Eleftherosog l o u from Nevehir had not promised to cover the cost of three thousand copies for the benefit of the repairmen t of the Nevehir watercourses. 468

T aken together with the abovementioned complains of the editors of Anatoli about the low number of subscribers and the financial difficulties they faced, t he comments of Aristovoulos demonstrate the limitations of Karamanli dika publishing. In order to minimize the risk in covering the cost of publishing the assumption of the cost by prominent figures of the community and dedication of the certain book to their names was a usual phenomenon. For example Stephanos Karolides fro m Endirli k had assumed the publishing cost of ...... ...... . .......... ...... ..... ....... . .......... ...... translated and edited by A. Levides in order to be

distributed to the poor village priests and to the destitute. 469

469 ...... ...... . ...... ..... ....... . ........... ......, ed. And trans.: Anastasios M. Levidis, Smyrna: Proodos Matbaas 1875.

470 Like in the community of Iloson near Fertek where the community had built a church (Aghios Nikolaos) but still lacked a school. Anatoli, N. 45, 27 November 1851.

471 Anatoli, N. 577, 21 September 1862.

472 Misailidis, 1988, p. 270.

Church and education

The editors of Anatoli defended that the church and the school were like soul and skin and called the Anatolian communities, most of whom had recently established or repaired their churches in the first half of the century to strive for establishing schools.470 But in times it even urged its readers like in the case of the Christians of Isparta in 1862 that instead of spreading their money for establishing or repairing more churches to spend their money for the schools.471 Evangelinos Misailidis also advocated that the church and school can not be separated and the existence of ten churches in a place does not bring any profit if there is no school. That.s why he proposed communities to combine the revenues of the churches with that of the schools in order to fund the former.472

As stated above Anatoli criticized harshly the injustices and misdeeds of the Metropolitans and other clerics of Anatolia, especially during the 1860.s in which decade one finds plenty of articles concerning that issue. The prelates were criticized for various reasons. For example for not giving even the smallest amount of money for the schools in contrast to the Metropolitans in Rumeli who donate rich amounts

for the construction of schools.473 Also the newspaper criticized the wrong and improper marriage practices of the clerics. For example the Metropolitan of Lampsakou is criticized for forcing a resident to marry with a girl with the help of zabtiye or the deputy of the Metropolitan of Kayseri is accused for increasing the ages of small girls in order for them to marry.474 In another letter a visitor of Susurluk, a village near Bursa, complains about the extravagance of the church made by the Metropolitan which had financially ruined the villagers who had contributed to its establishment. The letter also criticized the Metropolitan for picturing himself in an icon and putting it inside the church. While Misailidis replies to the letter sarcastically by stating that most of the churches of Kayseri have icons of the Metropolitan Paisios and that the majority of the population worship them believing they depict a real Saint.475

473 Anatoli, N. 31, 21 August 1851.

474 Anatoli N. 580, 20 October 1862; Anatoli N. 594, 20 November 1862.

475 Kayseriye Eparhiasnda Gimdiki Kesarias Kir Paisiosun Eikonas nakG olnmadk Ekklisia pek

nadir bulnur. Ve hatta ekseri zevat bu da bir aziz olmal kyas ile bilmeyerek mum yakarlar, ve Stavros karp, ayaklarn bus iderler. Iera Sinodosun birinci azas ve Arhiereaslarn Protothronosu bu misillu rnek gsterdii halde, Aghios Prusis kendi Eikonas iun krler gzn at, ktrmleri saaltt fukaray batrd, zenginleri fukara etti deyu bir mucizatname dahi bastrb datmG olsa yine ayp geturmez. Anatoli, N. 581, 5 October 1862. One of these icons that depicted Paisios was in the narthex of the church of the monastery of John the Forerunner in Zincidere. See Kelekidis, p. 67.

476 Anatoli N. 596, 27 November 1862.

Nonetheless the Metropolitan of Kayseri Paisios receives the harshest criticisms of the paper. Beyond the afformentioned criticisms against him he is further attacked for not administering the testaments that would benefit greatly the schools, for insulting the schools and teachers, for spending the money of the monastery of St. John the Forerunner for pointless things, for being avaricious, pleasure seeking, for anathematizing for his personal interest etc.476

477 Anatoli N. 597, 30 November 1862; Anatoli N. 1009, 20 September 1866.

Nevertheless the paper also praises those clerics that work for the development of education. For example the Metropolitans of Konya Neophytos or his successor Sofronios and Philadelpheia Meletios are praised for their efforts in educational matters.477 Beyond doubt among those the Metropolitan of Kayseri Ioannis takes the first place.

The editors of Anatoli actively take sides during Patriarchal elections. The paper constituted a strong supporter of Joachim III during his first patriarchate (1878-1884). While during the Patriarchal elections that took place during the seventeen years interval until the reelection of Joachim III in 1901 it remained firmly committed to the faction of Joachim. Sometimes it used a very harsh language against the anti Joachimists Patriarchs like Dionysios the fifth or Anthimos the Z. It had a very critical attitude towards the patriarchs of this period. Thus it constantly criticized Germanos the fifth for his long absences from his throne and instead spending time in Makriky (Bakrky), while it attacked the manner of election of Germanos.s successor, Neophytos VIII. N. Th. Soullides, who at the time was the editor of the paper, as one of the delegates of Istanbul was among the twenty four

members of the election assembly that left the election in protest of the irregularities concerning the formation of the assembly, arguing that the election was illegitimate. As it is stated above, during that period Anatoli formed part of the faction of Joachim the III inside the Ottoman Greek Orthodox community. This is far from surprising since the Anatolian Orthodox in their majority constituted the most fanatic

supporters of Joachim.478 The reply of Anatoli to Neologos. accusation that it forms part of the faction Joachim is suggestive:

478 The pro-Joachim journalist Spanoudis in his book about the reelection of Joachim the third argues that this is because the Anatolians are still pure and junior and that is why they demonstrate their sentiments more expressive. Spanoudis, 1902, pp. 131-132. Despite the support he derived from Anatolian Orthodox Joachim.s policy and network did not sided entirely with the Anatolian Orthodox. For example the metropolitan of Izmir Vasilios who belonged to the party of Joachim III supported the Hellenic Smyrniots in their intercommunal fight with the Ottoman Greeks and especially those of Anatolian origin. Obviously as Kechriotis observes correctly, far from ideological consistency personal relations and alliances played great role in the formation of these alliances. Kechriotis, 2005, p. 253.

479 gurasn bilmeli ki, Ekklisialarnn, milletlerinin, kliros ve laosun hayrn arzu idenlere Ioakeimistai nam veriliyor ise, bu arzu ve emelde olan Hristiyanlar cemaatimizin yzde doksan dokuz

buuidir yani birka garazkr ve harisler, birka hodbin ve menfaatperestler mstesna tutulur ise, Orthodoksos Hristiyanlarn umum Ioakeimistis dinilmelidir. Ioakeimismos dimek Patrik ve Mitropolitan ve umum-i milliye ile iGtigal iden ser amedan ve muteberann dindar, hakGinas, hamiyetli ve gayretli olmasn arzu itmek ve bu emel-i Hayriye muhalefetle kendi garaz ve interesolarn kovaladklar ile bi hakkn Antiiokaeimistis nam altnda maruf olan birka kiGinin mugayir-i kanon ve nizam ve muhalif adl-u vicdan, hal-u-harekat ve teGebbsatna karGu durmaktr. Elbette vicdanlar rahatsz olanlar timsal-i diyanet ve hamiyet ve gayret olan Ioakeim ismini iGittiklerinde lerzan olurlar. gurasn bilsinler ki, ehli vicdan olan Hristiyanlar iun vazifeGinas, hakkaniyetperver, hamiyetmend Patrik ve Mitropolitleri her biri bir Ioakeimdir. Maksat isimde deil, evsaf, efkr, amal ve efaldedir. Ne diyeceklerini bilmeyup GaGranlar, Anatoli N. 4497, 28 January 1892.

One should know that those who long for the benefaction of their churches, millet, clerics and people are called Joachimist. If a few egoistic and selfish are left out, the ninety-nine and a half percent of the Christian community having common ambitions and aspirations should be entitled as Joachimist. A Joachimist wants worthies and

prominent people who are busy with the patriarch and metropolitans and national public to be religious, just, patriotic and eager and stands against the undertakings and attempts of those who are known as antiJoachimist and who act in opposition to canon and order. They are not only against these mentioned good aspirations but also trace their own interests and malice. By all means, those whose conscience is disturbed will tremble when they heard the name of Joachim; a symbol name of zeal, patriotism and religion. They should know in advance that the conscientious and patriotic patriarch and metropolitans are a Joachim. The aim is not the name but the qualities, ideas, deeds and actions.479

According to the newspaper the great church had lost its grandeur and had become vulnerable to the aggression of missionaries.480 Contrary to the will of the majority of the flock narrow interests of a minority had dominated the church.481

480 Nerede kald Ekklisiamzn eski azameti? Anatoli N. 3954, 13 September 1888.

481 Anatoli makes a very interesting comparison between the state and church administration: bugn idare-i Osmaniye Evropann en muntazam usul-i idareleri ile rekabete kabilecek bir halde kesb-i intizam eylemiGtir hele Osmanlun nam-i azamet ihtiGamyla teGekkl itmiG heyet-i siyasiye iun her hayrn mebda demek olan culus-i meyamin menuusi hazreti Abdlhamid.den bu tarafa devavn ve devair-i devletin kaffe-i Guubatnda grnen terakkiyat alem-i medeniyetin baGndaki eski makammza yine kavuGabileceimize Gphe brakmamGtr byle terakkiyat ve tevvisuat-i zemanenin ilcaatndan milkimizde czzi klli mteesir olmayan hi bir idare hibir Gube-i umur hi bir nahiye kGesi kalmamG olduu halde yalnz bir idare Gaz kesilmiG iki yz yz sene evvel mustahsen fakat el-yevm icabat-i zemane ile kabil-i tevfik olmayan baz icraatn da devam ettii iun defaatle

mahvolmak derecesinde zayflanmak muhatarasna kelmiGdir ki bud a idare-i ruhaniyedir. Anatoli N. 3996, 22 December 1888.

It is worth mentioning that during the second half of the nineteenth century almost all publications in Karamanlidika contain sections that aim at instilling respect and obedience to the sultan. The sultan and especially Abdlhamid II, is constantly praised for the importance he gave to education and for opening many schools across the Empire. The government of the sultan is presented as enlightened and its efforts to raise the educational level of the empire are contrasted to the immobility., inattention. or backwardness. of the millet authorities and especially of the Patriarchate. Thus, praising the government especially for its state-led educational endeavors and criticizing the millet leadership for its lethargy. becomes a frequent way of argumentation.

Anatoli is full of complaints against the Patriarchate, the Metropolitans, and the community leaders th at they do not perform their duties against the missionaries who without obstacles distribute free books and spread across Anatolia or about the irregularities in the schools which do not provide proper religious education. While

the Ottoman Greek press is also criticized for not paying attention to the situation

a n d problems of poor and s corned Anatolians as it does for the provinces of Rumeli. 482 But the main target was the Patriarchate and the church authorities who despite some exceptions were accused o f being totally disinterested to the spiritual needs of the Anatolian Orthodox, who were defenseless against the enroachments of the missionaries. 483

482 Bu suretle rafazlar zmreler ile Anatola yaylaldan beru nice ve nice muvaffakiyetlere nail oldular ve hala devam ittikleri ve her gn bu hali haber verdiimiz halde, Megali Ekklisia tarafndan aslaca ve zerre kadar nazaret olnmad, Anatol ktasnn ahval-i ruhaniyesi iun hi tefekkr itmeyorlar mitropolitler kendi kusurlarn setr idiorlar ve gnden gne peruGaniyet oalmaktadr. Teaccp

olnacak baGka bir husus var ise, o da Rumca gazetalarnn da rum eli cihetlerindeki eparhialar iun her vakit malumat- mezhebiye bildirdikleri halde Anatol ktas iun hibir Gey yazmamalardr. Bizler vazifemiz dahilinde ihbaratta bulnmaktan geru durmay, mitropolitler ile, Patrikhane de aslaca vazife itmezler, o vakt zevall ve hor grlmG Anatolllarn halini Allah kayra!!! Anatoli N. 5002, 11 May 1895.

483 Diger mezheblerin fevk ul ade savaGlarna ve denizi hem karay dolaGarak, bir adem bile olsun kendi mezheblerine evirmek iun kullandklar tedbirlere ve bu kadar planlara karGu amirlerimiz Gimdiye kadar ne yaptlar? Hi. Ioannis Kalfoglou, Patrikhanenin DGnmediini Ehali Gcra Gdior Anatoli N. 5830, 23 May 1898.

484 See Stephanos H. Karolidis, Mukaddime in ...... ...... . ...... ..... ....... . ........... ......, Smyrna: Proodos Matbaas 1875, pp. 9-10.

For Stephanos H. Karolidis the Church as the spiritul mother of its flock has the obligation to help its o bedient Cappadocian flock to attain its ancient grandeur. While admiting that the church lacked the necessary financial means for him it could have promoted benefactors like Zariphis or Zographos to help the poor Anatolian communities. Considering that the Church is not paying attention to the needs of its Cappadocian flock and the Cappadocians cannot inform to their brothers for their needs , Karolidis suggest s his compatriots to help their schools and churches and their needy brothers. 484

For the defense o f Orthodoxy in Asia Minor Anatoli supported that the

leaders of the creed must work for the progress of the schools and the education and correction of the clerics. But instead it argues, Anatolians fall behind because of lenience and carelessness . The i ndifference of the superiors had left according to

the paper the command of the chur ch and millet to the rule of waves. The paper defended that because of the novelty of the schools the Rum population of Anatolia were mostly ignorant of the meaning and p recepts of their creed. This ignorance was the main reason that the missionaries ( rafazs ) were able to allure to themselves through their preachers that circulate in every place and town of Anatolia . Although t he paper admitted that there is freedom ( serb estiyet ) of creed in the Empire and that

evreryone can join the creed that he wants it argued that they do not have the right to create disturbances. 485

485 Orthodoksiann Muhafazas, Anatoli N. 4774, 15 February 1894.

486 Ibid.

The first measure against the missionaries that the paper suggested to the Metropolitans was to appoint p reachers in their provinces or to organize Sunday lessons that will educate the population in their vernaculars the basics of their creed. Anatoli proposed five measures for the formation of preachers. Firstly the Metropolitans had to maintain in their pro vinces two or three preachers with the support of the population and the notables. Secondly ,

it proposed that from now on effort should be spent for the priests to be chosen among those that are familiar with science ( ilme aina ) and masterful and not ig norant. Thirdly , it suggested the enhancement of rel igion classes in order for the graduates of the schools to be able to understand the basics of the rules of their creed. Forthly , the knowledgeable priests should made voluntary addresses and finally thos e teachers whose morality permits should occasionally make religious classes to the public . The paper argued that these measures can be applied easily and without cost. 486

The language used in the paper in the last decade of the century reveals the urgency that the editors of Anatoli saw in the situation. They claimed that even the

most educated of the Anatolians can not respond to the questions of a newly converted servant. They added that in a village where fifteen years ago even one rafazs was absent n ow even three Orthodox can not be found. The paper ceaselessly stated that these all were the results of the indifference of the Metropolitans. 487

487 Orthodoksiann Muhafazas, Anatoli N. 4773, 12 February 1894. But mostly in other articles the rafazs are not described as knowlegeable like the example given above: Bu rafazlar Garaptan dnme sirkeye, benzediklerinden hahsleri, helcanlar ziyade olur cehalet asl niGane-i tefrikaleri ise de, bildikleri ve bilemedikleri bil cmle meseleye mdahale iderler azlarndan bal akar gibi grinur, lakin her bir kelamlar zehirlidir. Anatoli N. 4814, 28 May 1894.

488 Protestan Misyonerleri, Anatoli N. 4887, 26 November 1894.

While in other examples the newspaper argues that despite the ceaseless efforts of the Protestant missionaries through establishing schools, sending preachers to communities there could hardly be described as successful. For example the paper argues that in Kayseri where the missionaries had a presence that went back several decades ago, the number of Orthodox or A rmenians who had accepted Protestantism had remained very low. 488

It is worth mentioning that for the reformation, cultivatio n and progress of its compatriots Anatoli

supported the Metropolitans nominated to the Anatolian provinces ought to be suitable to th e character, language and values of Anatolians. The newspaper claimed that the Anatolian provinces developed whenever a Metropolitan of Anatolian origin was nominated there. Thus it claimed that the Metropolitans of the Anatolian provinces should have to b e Anatolian. But despite this at that time there were only three Metropolitans of Anatolian origin in the Anatolian provinces. The article lists the Metropolitan of Kayseri Ioannis among those Anatolian Metropolitans and states that his achievements are due to the fact

that he is the son of the homeland ( vatann evlad ). 489 Thus , Anatoli was in favour of the appointment of religious prelates with local origin instead of foreigners. This is important because while on the one hand Anatoli strongly supports the integration of Anatolian Orthodox to the rest of the Ottoman Rum millet on the other it defends that this integration can be achieved only through giving emphasis to local values, morals and habits that could be defended by religious leaders of Anatolian origin.

489 Bizim slahmz, terbiyemiz, terakkimiz iun huyumuza, suyumuza ahlkmza minasip zevat

tayin olnmal isbat olnmGdr ki, her hangi Anatol eparhias, Anatollu mitropolitlerden idare olnmG ise, o eparhia mcerret terakki itmiGdir. Gspat getirmeye hacet yoktr. guras yalnz malumumuz olsun ki, Anatolmz iun Anatoll mitropolitler olmaldr. Anatoli N. 4775, 17 February 1894. Detailed information about the Metropolitan of Kayseri Ioannis and his active engagement in educational issues of his province will be given in the chapter concerning the Theological Seminary of Kayseri (Kayseriye Mekteb-i Kebiri).

490 .......... ....... .. .......... .... ... ... ... ... ..... ........ .......... ........... vol. 5, 22 ..vember 1892, p. 86.

491 Ioannidis, 1896, p. 41-42.

B. Mystakides a teacher in the Theologica

l Seminary of Kayseri, is also among those that supported that a Metropolitan or a teacher that did not know Turkish was useless in the vilayets of Kayseri, Ankara and parts of zmid. 490 While Ioannis Ioannides in his book The Metropolitans of Kayseri and Diversified Information ( ......... .............. . ......... ......... ) publi shed in 1896, supports that in order to defend the Anatolian Orthodox whose language is Turkish against the missionary propaganda the Patriarchate should support the publication of useful books in Turkish and also should appoint two or three preachers that should tour the churches and preach in Turkish. 491

As stated above according to Anatoli the rafazs are able to attract some pitiful brothers who can not follow and understand the liturgy in Rumca in the Orthodox churches to theirs because in their churches the prayers are read in

Turkish.492 Although in the past in some Anatolian churches some prayers were read in Turkish this measure had been abolished.

492 Rafazlarn vasta-i celbiye-i mnferideleri, kendi Ekklisialarnda doaleri Trke lisannda okunmas olup, Orthodoksos Ekklisiada Rumca kraat ve psal olnan mukaddes akolouthialar anlamayan baz zevall karndaGlarmz, kolaylk ile kendi zuum ve rafazlklarna idhal idiorlar. Anatol Ekklisialarnda Akolouthialarn Trke Lisannda Okunmas Anatoli N. 4794, 2 April 1894.

493 Ibid.

In order to defend Orthodoxy and for the Orthodox to understand fully the meaning of the liturgy the editors proposed as a necessary measure the translation and performing the majority of the liturgies in Turkish. They also argued that because in most of the churches there were unlettered priests. who can not spoke Greek and had little idea about its correct pronounciation the Greek they read was most of the time corrupted and incomprehensible and even for a foreigner it looked like almost like Turkish. Thus they called the Patriarchate and Metropolitans to

consider the specific situation of the Anatolian Orthodox and act in this direction.493 This proposal is very important, even astonishing since as it is noted above the usage of vernaculars in liturgies was one of the primary demands of both the Bulgarians before the schism in 1870 and later of the Albanian Orthodox who sought independence from the Patriarchate. Thus, the abovementioned demand itself could very easily be associated with these separatist movements against the Patriarchate.

But in order to prevent a misunderstanding concerning the attitude of the paper towards the Patriarchate and the church it has to be said that despite its criticisms, it consistently emphasized that the Anatolian Orthodox formed the most obedient and faithful part of the undividable Rum Orthodox millet. In that sense the answer of Soullides, the editor of the paper at that time, to a letter from one of its young readers is revealing of this line. In his letter the anonymous young Anatolian

claimed that the Anatolian Orthodox while constituting the majority of the Orthodox flock was consciously alienated from the ranks of the high clergy and the administration of the millet. He concluded that this situation should lead the Anatolian Orthodox to reconsider their position and defend their rights.494 Soullides in his reply gives examples of Anatolian Orthodox who possessed high ranking positions in the clergy and the administration of the millet. Thus, he concludes that the claim according to which the Mother Church. scorns the Anatolian Orthodox is unreal.

494 Klirosumuzda pek az Anatoll grdmz gibi, idare-i millete iGtirak sralar geldikce Anatoll Rum Ortodoksos Hristianlarna atf nazar- ehemmiyet olnmayor ve yahod binde bir kerre, mucize nevinden olarak, bir Anatoll ekseriyet kazanub, muhtelit millet meclisi azalna intihab olunursa, iGbu intihabn hie karlmas iun bin trl zr, behaneler ve sebepler aranyor. Binaen aleyh biz Anatoll Rum Ortodoksos Hristianlarn idare-i ruhaniye-i milliyemize iGtirake ne derecelerde istihkmmz oldn dGnp, bilub, hukukmz muhafazaya alGmak zeman gelmiGtir zann iderim. Anatoli, 03 May 1890.

Therefore while prioritizing the needs of the Anatolian Orthodox, emphasizing their moral and cultural pecularities and defending their rights inside the Ottoman Greek millet, Anatoli consciously denied any attempt to define the interests of Anatolians outside or independent from the Orthodox millet in general. Therefore for Anatoli the Anatolian Rum Orthodox Christian. was an inseparable part of the Ottoman Rum millet. In other words, while on the one hand it constantly emphasized the superiority and distinctiveness of Anatolian customs, manners, values, character and morals to those Rums of Rumeli or coastal places, on the other hand this distinctiveness did not separate the Anatolian Orthodox from the wider body of the Rum Orthodox millet.

AS ystem that Creates only T eachers

That the entire educational system of the Greek Orthodox served only the cultivation of tea chers became an increasingly voiced complain towards the end of the century. A more practical orientation in education that will concentrate on subjects that will enable the graduates to pursue careers in trade and industry became a common demand. The main problem of education according to the article K. L. published in Anatoli who respond

s a discussion in the press about the school programs, is that the graduates of the gymnasiums and semi gymnasiums ( sholarheia ) can only become teachers and this is the re ason why so many young people are jobless. He argues that when these graduates apply to enter a bank, firm or company they are refused because they are not suitable for these kind s of occupations. This is because they are unaware of accounting ( defter usul ), they do not know French or Turkish. He proposes that instead of emphasizing th e instruction of Latin the schools should teach French and Turkish and abandon the old method ( usul

 atik ) that leads the student to become teacher. The author resorts also to the already familiar strategy f o r us , that is comparing the current state of the Rum schools with the schools of other millet s and oncludes that the graduates of other millet s can easily enter jobs because they know Turkish like their mother tongue and read and write French. 495 The only solution for

the author is the adoption of a practical program ( praktik usul ) in the schools despite the opposition of some old teachers and school boards. 496

495 Halbuki baGka milletlerin mekteplerine bir atf- nazar idelim. Bizim Gymnasionlarmz derecesinde olmayan bir mektebden 15-16 yaGlarnda genler mntehi oluyor ki, her kangi kaleme kayd olsa muvaffak oluyor, gzel gzel Franszcay okuyor yazyor. Trkeyi lisan- maderi gibi istimal ediyor ve taayyuGn tedarik ittii gibi, aheste aheste feyz buluyor. Mekteplerimiz Anatoli N. 4862, 9 October 1894.

496 Mekteplerin programlarnn praktik usulince tanzim ve tarifi bu maksada hadem olacak ise de, ne are ki ya hocalar yahod eforeia azalar bun istemeyor gibi grunuyor. GerekStambolda ve gerek

Anatol ve Rumeli cihetlerinde bulnan Gymnasion ve Sholarheion mekteplerinin mntehi Gagirdannn ahvalna bir defa atf- nazar olnr ise, sylediklerimizin sahih old meydana kacaktr. Mekteplerimiz Anatoli N. 4862, 9 October 1894.

497 [] hoca olmay arzu itmeyen bir Gagird Platon, Omiros, Pindaros, Oratios ve Virgiliosa beyhude vakit sarf itmez. Demeyoruz ki anleri okumasn, lakin digerinden geru kalmasn. Mekteplerimiz Anatoli N. 4862, 9 October 1894.

498 Eski usul mektepler hocalar (yeniler dahi) eski usula ayruca rabet ve ihtiram gsterdiklerinden tebdil olnmamasna inad ve istinad ile Gagirdann her vakit iun geri kalmasna sebep oluyorlar. Gstinad etmeye de haklar da vardr, zira kendiler matlub-i vech ile meeluf olmamG iduklerinden, bit tabi, o usul vaz olndnda yol grnerek, kendiler akta kalacaklardr. Mekteplerimiz Anatoli N. 4865, 11 October 1894.

In the second part of the article, published in another issue of Anatoli K. L. argues that the primary reason that parents in Istanbul send their children to the schools of foreigners is the lack of a practical program that will enable the graduates to be successful in employment. He argues that these foreign schools p rovide their students with practical knowledge for conducting business. Also the graduates of those schools can speak and write in one or two foreign languages and thats why they can find easily jobs. Thus he concludes that a student who does not want to be teacher should not be obliged to spent time studying the texts of Plato, Homer, Pindaros, Horatius and Virgil. 497

Instead he proposes a program that will make the student familiar with Turkish, French and accounting ( ilm i hesap

). For that reason he advo cates that the instruction of foreign languages should be made every day instead of three hours per week. But he adds that most of the teachers oppose the introduction of a practical program because they think that they will loose their positions in case t hat such kind of a practical program is applied. 498

Pr. P. Savvopoulos is also among those who criticize the educational system for producing only teachers. In his series of articles Our Schools ( Mekteplerimiz ) in Anatoli , he argues that a student who ente rs the school around 4 5 years old and graduates from a gymnasium at the age of twenty despite all the subjects that he

completes is incapable of performing any trade. 499

499 Pr. P. Savvopoulos, Mekteplerimiz, Anatoli N. 5983, 30 November 1898.

500 Yine Hamiyet, Anatoli N. 4210, 12 July 1890.

501 Ibid.

After the establishment of the Theological Seminary in Zincidere Anatoli srongly recomm ended the establishment of an industrial school (

sanayi mektebi ) for the Anatolian Rum s in a proper place in Anatolia. In accordance with its abovementioned assessment concerning the new commercial and agricultural opportunities emerging in Asia Minor duri ng the last decade of the century the paper strongly propagated the establishment of an indusrial school that will promote Anatolian youth to learn crafts and trade. It supported that in the ap proaching new age even the simplest crafts will require knowled ge of languages and science. Furthermore the paper expected the establishment of many factories in Asia Minor that would seek educated craftsman that could work in these. 500

As it is stated elsewhere Anatoli

strongly opossed the educational system in which s udents were instructed to become only teachers. It stated that the number of teachers is so increased that they have to be contended with a salary of 300 piasters and that most of the teachers live under near starvation. It even argued that the number of a dvocates and doctors had reached to a level that makes these professions difficult for making a living. On the contrary it supported the increase of farmers and craftsmen whose capital accumulation will also serv e the tradesmen that complained for insuffic ient capital. For that the establishment of an industrial school constituted a necessity. 501

Moreover together with practical lessons , calls on the introduction of gymnastic to the schools curricula became increasingly widespread during the last

decade of th e century. In an article in Anatoli A.O. stresses that with the exception of some big schools , gymnastic s is not part of the curricula. He proposes that at least twice a week, Thursday and Sundays, students should be brought to distant places under the sup ervision of their teachers and then to make exercises like races and throwing heavy stones. A.O. also proposes that once a week a doctor should give students lesson of Hygiene ( muhafaza i shhat ) in order to prevent illnesses like tuberculosis. 502

502 A. O., Mekteplerde Muhafaza-i Shhat-i Beden, Anatoli N. 4271, 11 December 1890.

503 Mekteplerimiz Anatoli N. 4865, 11 October 1894.

Another problem of the education in Anatolia that many articles touches upon is the excess number of books given to students in elementary ( astiki and dimotiki ) level schools without taki ng into consideration the level of the students and the frequent change of the books. K.L. argues that one can witness this situation when he sees a student in the entrance of the school with plethora of books that he/she can not carry. The author stresses that fifteen years ago there were not so much books but the graduates were better educated. 503

Indeed the continuous change of textbooks was a source of complain. One of the reasons of this situation was the constant change of teachers who used different bo oks while another was the lack of a homogeneous instruction program. An article published in Anatoli argues that most of the parents were complaining about the money spent for the books. The parents were complaining that they spent annually 30 40 piasters for 8 10 books while in the past they were paying only 40 50 piasters for books in their entire education life when they were students. The newspaper states that this problem arises mostly in the schools of poor Anatolian communities where the needy studen ts study without books and even unable to continue are forced

to quit the school. For the newspaper the main reason for this was that school boards were concerned only with the material needs a nd finances of the schools neglecting the lessons and the quali ty of the books used. That is why teachers could use books that were published recently or suggested by their friends. 504

504 H Bibliokapileia yani kitap naGrlarnn su-i istimalat Anatoli N. 4726, 26 October 1893.

505 Ibid.

For the critics of the new method, the books composed according to this method (

usl cedid ) were useless and a waste of money. They c riticized strongly the absence in the ellinikon schools of reading texts from the fathers of Orthodoxy such as the Basil the Great or John Chrysostom and in the gymnasiums the texts and poems of Gregory the Theologian. They defended that these texts would enlighten and embellish the intellect of the student and should be taught together with the texts of Isocrates, Lucian and Xenophon. Furthermore they argued that these complaints should be examined by the Patriarchal Central Ecclesiastical Committee and st ressed the need for the Committee to draft a uniform program for the schools. 505

But it seems that the problem of books continued even in the beginning of the twentieth century. Thus in an article concerning the moral and religious situation of the provinces

the official organ of the Patriarchate complains from the lack of a homogeneous program that will diminish the excessive number of books used needlessly. The article suggests the composition of a general and homogeneous program for the primary level schoo ls that would facilitate the education of the needy students. Another suggested measure for the provinces is the usage of ecclesiastic books like the Bible or the Synopsis as readers that are both cheap, easily found and

best suited for the development of moral and religious feeling. 506

506 G. Eugenidis, . ................ .......... ... ........ (The Ethicoreligious Situation of the Provinces), ............. ......., 9 November 1901, vol. 45, pp. 448-449.

507 Anatoli N. 4885, 15 August 1894.

508 Mektep Kitaplar Anatoli N. 5120, 23 October 1895.

Anatoli did not only criticize the excessing use of different school books but it even recommended teachers certain school books. For example it recommended teachers a reader that had been rewarded by the EFSK, composed by

Ioakeim Valavanis that contained texts of Herodot for the usage in the fourth grade of the primary schools. 507

In the same line in an article signed by a father the author who declares that he is the father of three children states that the situation with the school books has reached to such a degree that the books are changing every year. He defends that this situation creates tremendous difficulties especially for the poor who for the most time have more children and together with the entrance fee ( eisiti rion ) the cost of books is very high for ninety percent of the families of the students. This situation for the author serves only those who sell books and he defends that the only solution is that the Central Educational Committee of the Patriarchate assu me its responsibilities and introduce homogenous books for every school and class. 508

The headmaster of the schools of Bafra, Ioannis G. Sadeloglou , a regular contributor of Anatoli , enters the discussion on the books issue by confirming the father about t he problems that the constant change of the books creates. He proposes instead the formation of a program that would be approved by the local Metropolitan and will be applied for four years. In this way the students will only change their books when they e nter a new class and the students of the lower classes could be able to use the books of the higher classes by giving them a small amount of

money. For Sadeloglou the prices of the school books can also become much cheaper if the Patriarchal Central Educat ional Committee opens a contest for the selection of the school books. Thus the winners could be approved as the only school books and this will cheapen a book which will be sold in much greater number and its price will fall from five kuru to only 20 40 para . But on the contrary Sadeloglou mentions that in the existing state everyone tries to publish a school book and sell them to the teachers around them. For Sadeloglou the Patriarchal Educational Committee, which does not care for this state of affair s, is responsible for this situation. 509

509 Ioannis G. Sadeloglou, Mekteb Programa ve Kitaplar, Anatoli N. 5174, 19 December 1895.

510 ............. ......., 7 January 1896, Vol. 15, p. 123.

511 ............. .......,13 November 1892, p. 295-296.

512 See ............. ......., 17 June 1894, vol. 16, p. 122; 23 June 1895, vol. 17, p. 131; 30 January 1899, vol. 4, p. 35.

Nonetheless the Central Educational Committee of the Patriarchate also feel disturbed from the constant change of the school books because it observed that the rising cost of books forced many parents to withdraw thei r children from the schools. Thus it tried to put an end to this situation through ordering the boards of the schools of the capital to make sure that their students use the same books for three years. But it seems that this decision was not put into pract ice effectively because the complaints from the constant change of books continued over the next years. 510

The Committee also inspected the books used in the schools in order to be devoid of any religious, ethical and political impropriety. 511 From 1891 onwar ds when after the end of the first phase of the question of privileges the committees inspecting role was reinforced, it regularly called the authors and publishers to submit their books in order to obtain permissions from the Committee and to be includ ed in its catalogue of approved books that was published every July. 512 After

513 See for example the decision of the Central Educational Committee concerning the ban of the usage of eleven books. ............. ......., 21 September 1901, vol. 38, p. 374. On the other hand it also announced the books that it permitted their usage. See ............. ......., 15 September 1895, vol. 29, p. 226; 6 September 1896, vol. 28; 27 October 1901, vol. 43, p. 432.

514 Anatoli N. 5283, 26 April 1896.

515 Ioannis Metropolitan of Kayseri, Kayseri 28 January 1897, file I 13 n. 699.

inspection the Committe determined the books that it included to its catalogue and those that conflicted with religion, morals and politics and announced those that it did not give permission to their entrance to the Orthodox schools. 513

The local religious authority was also not entirely indifferent to the difficulty of the poor families to provide school books to their children. For example in 1896 the Metropolitan of Konya Atha nasios in his address to his community had promised to cover the sum of the school books of the poor children from his subsidy. 514 While metropolitan Ioannis of Kayseri demanded from the president of the Athens based Society of Anatoli to send him readers an d alphabets in order to distribute them in the schools of the poor villages of his province. 515

Moral Educatio n

As demonstrated above the attitude of Anatoli towards the new method ( Nea Methodos ) was extremely negative. It criticized it as the primary reas on for the decline that it perceived in education. This method intended to instruct Greek more efficiently than the older teaching methods. It was based on the Ollendorff Method developed by the German Heinrich Gottfried Ollendorff (1802 1865) for the inst ruction of modern languages. This method was very popular in the Ottoman

Empire and many language manuals were published according to this method. In the

preface of his book about the new method (that is the Ollendorff method) , Elias K. Emmanoulides reveal s why it is so important for the Anatolian Orthodox to learn Greek:

Look, because our ignorance of Greek is seen as a defect and fault, in every corner of Der liye the utterance Karamanl, used as a mockery became like a fashion and every person not knowing Rumca is obliged to tolerate this fashion of insult. God forbid !!! We do not accept the unjustly attributed epithet of Karamanl The people of Anatolia does not deserve mockery While the Anatolians are very clever and have skillful temperament, if only because we lack Rumca we dispelled by everyone, this deprivation is not a fault without reparation.516

516 Baknz ki Ellinik lisann bilmediimiz bize bir kusur ve kabhat gibi ad olunduundan, Der liye.nin her kGesinde Karamanl lafz istihza bahsi bir moda gibi oldu ve her Rumca bilmeyen zat iGbu hakaratl moday tahammle mecburdir. HaGa.!!!Bize nahak atf olnan Karamanllar elkabn

kabul itmeyiz Anatol ehalisi istihzaya seza deildir Anatol ehalisi gayet zeki ve tabien dirayetlu iken eer yalnz Rumca lisanndan mahrum olduumuz iun, herkes indinde medhur oluyor isek, bu mahrumiyet, kesbi mmknsz bir kusur deildir. Elias K. Emmanouelides, Usl- Cedid yani Ellinika Lisann Yazmak Anlamak Be Sylemek iun Usul, (Deri Saadet: Panagiotes Soteriades Matbaas 1885) s.3.

For Anatoli in the old method the books of both lower and higher level scho ols were homogeneous and uniform, thus the students benefited more. Anatoli especially emphasizes the neglect of the religious lessons. While according to the paper during the old method in the religion lessons students were learning properly all the subje cts

related to religion and their creed, in the present situation, students are graduating unaware of the religious subjects. According to the article students minds instructed according to the old method were filled with the orations of John Chrysostom, B asil the Great and Gregory Nazianzus which they remembered for their entire life. To the contrary, the article argues, in the present state, when they reach their twenties students become unaware of the verdicts and stipulations of their creed and cannot a nswer even the simplest question about their religion.

The article uses a very negative language when talking about the new generation. Young Anatolians, according to the same article, lack doctrinal

convictions ( itikad mezhebiye ) and if they go to the c hurch they do it in order to show their new clothes. 517 The reason for this is that religious lessons are not instructed properly. The article also emphasizes the instruction of ecclesiastic music in order for the students to be able to chant in the church s ervices. It also objects the decision in some gymnasiums according to which the religious classes were delegated to the Rumca teachers instead of hiring teachers for that subject for reasons of economy.

517 [...] mekteblerimizde mezhebi derslerin tarif olnmamasndan dolay genlerimizde itikad- mezhebiye yok, Ekklisiaya gitse dahi ya yadlarn yahod yeni boun ba ile yeni rubasn ve taze kunduralarn gstermeye gider, bir mahallde de durmayub aGGa yokar gezer, gz drt atraf seyr

ider, bunlarda mektebde tahsil-i ilm ider iken ruhlarnn mezheb ve itikad ve dindarlk gdas ile [...] olnmamasndan ileri gelmekte deil midir? Anatoli N. 5328, 3 July 1896.

518 Mekteblerimizde okutturulan dersler neden ibaret olmalu deyu uzun uzun bahslar cereyan idiyor. Kimi epistimoniki, filologiki olmal kimi praktiki, praktologiki olmal deyorlar yani bir ksm Gimdiki usul eyidir, o birleride geinmek iin bu usul eyi deildir baGka usul bulmal dimek isteyorlar. Bize kalr ise, evvel emirde ithiki ve thriskeftiki olmal yani hsn ahlk, eyi terbiye, akaid-i mezhebiye esas olmal. Allah Korkusuna Ghtiyacmz Vardr, Anatoli 12 June 1890.

As it is stated above Anatoli attributed the moral degradation and increased criminality that it perceived among Anatolians primarily to the lack of religious and

moral education under the new system where according to it students learn much more about Budism, Brahmanism and Mormonism instead of their o wn creed. The paper increasingly starts to defend before anything else a religious and moral oriented education that would instill to the students the fear of God:

There is an ongoing lengthy discussion about what should be the lessons instructed in our schools. Some claim that it should be scientific and philological; others claim that i t should be practical. S ome claim that the current system is right and the others the current system is not proper for making a living. For us, the system first of all ha s to be ethical and religious that is good moral, good manners, principles of the creed have to be the basis. 518

The paper also criticized harshly the replacement of religious books in the houses

with novels of authors like Paul de Kock, Zola. 519 This is rath er interesting since as we have seen above Anatoli and its editor Evangelinos Misailidis were among the principal popularizers of the genre of western novel among their readers through translations and publications of serialized novels. Thus , as the exampl e demonstrates the periodical press serves a dual function. While it becomes an arena of criticism of the harmful effects of the western novel on the other hand it becomes the primary vehicle for the transmission and dissemination of this genre through pub lishing or advertising translations of western novels. 520 So from these examples it can be said that the periodical press serves two contradictory purposes. On the one hand it serves as one of the main channels for the dissemination of new and secular ideas in social, political, cultural and educational matters. On the other hand it becomes the primary

forum for the defense of religious and traditional values and practices in education.

519 Allah Korkusuna Ghtiyacmz Vardr, Anatoli 12 June 1890.

520 See Ioanna Petropoulou, From west to east: the translation bridge, an approach from a western perspective Ways to modernity in Greece and Turkey: encounters with Europe, 1850-1950, edited by Anna Frangoudaki and Caglar Keyder. London; New York: I.B. Tauris, 2007. For the spread of the contemporary western fiction in different Ottoman literatures and the exchange between different Ottoman literatures see Johann Strauss, 2003.

Moral education became even more emphasized in the case of girls educat ion. According to A.

Levides the education of girls is very important for the Anatolian communities since due to the immigration of male members of the families the instruction of children is depended entirely to their mothers. For him the best place for t his education was the Central Girls School in Zincidere because it was situated in the monaste ry of John the Furerunner devoid of the numerous temptations of the schools situated in the citie s with plenty of communities. Thus, he encouraged parents to sen d their girls to this school in order to acqui r e sound morals ( ahlk hamide

) good manners ( hsn terbiye ) and their mother tongue ( lisan

maderzade ). 521

521 Anatoli N. 5358, 30 July 1896.

522 Fortna, 2000, pp. 369-393.

This attitude concerning an increased emphasis on the religious and moral content of education is in total compliance with Benjamin Fortnas assertion concerning the Hamidian effort to foster religio moral development through education. Contrary to traditional views that evaluates schools established by the state as agents of an inevitable process of s ecularization

, Fortna emphasizes the hybrid nature of the Ottoman schools that while on the one hand employ an overtly Western system on the other hand their ideological content acquired increasingly a moral and Islamic character. In this sense he reject s the traditional dichotomic view of Ottoman education that sees a stark contrast between traditional and modern or secular schools. What is more he views the Hamidian attempt to integrate the Western system with religio moral content not only as an Ottoman idiosyncrasy but an attitude that shared much with contemporary approaches to state education in which a moral agenda was an indispensable part. 522

Thus the views advocated by the editors of Anatoli concerning moral education are highly compatible with the world time. As mentioned above the emphasis on moral education far from being a remnant of the past coincided with the contemporary trends in elementary education in Western Europe. Even the articles that proposed these aforementioned measures constantly paraphrased speeches from statesmen like Gladstone or Napoleon supporting moral education. In one of these

articles the editors proposed that millet schools should imitate the worship of the students of the Theological School of Halki and of the Theological Seminary in Kayseri, thus they should also perform the daily morning and evening prayers.

As mentioned above a constant emphasis is that the study of Greogory the Theologian and John the Chrysostom should be obligatory because they can serve both in the instruction of Greek and in moral instruction. Also basic prayer books like Psaltirion and Oktoihos were suggested as basic reading books. These steps were necessary in order to fight against materialism, lack of religious faith and moral corruption.523

523 Anatoli, N. 4595, 13 October 1892.

524 ............. ......., 27 October 1901, vol. 43, p. 431.

One can easily comprehend the similarity in the emphasis on religio-moral education between state led educational policies and those of Anatolian Orthodox if we bear in mind that both educational programs intended to protect their subjects or flocks from the encroachments of Western missionaries through stressing the indigenous values, improving the moral qualities of the youth and advocating loyalty to authorities.

The Patriarchate also emphasized the importance of the moral and religious

content of the education. Even more, articles in the official organ of the Patriarchate, Ecclesiastic Truth declared that the the main scope of the primary level education should be the instruction of religious classes and the Greek language, considered as the language of the religion in order to cultivate religiosity among the students. The basis of the education system should be the instruction of Christian faith and the duties of the individual towards the society. Thus when need arises other lessons could be sacrificed for the religious lessons.524 But on the contrary it seems that many school boards were trying to diminish the hours devoted to lessons of religion in order to increase the share of practical lessons. Thus we read from an article in

Ecclesiastic Truth intending to depict the ethicoreligious situation of the provinces many complaints of headmaster and teachers against the school boards that intervene to the program in order to diminish the hours devoted to religious lessons. Besides, the new method is criticized harshly for not giving adequate emphasis to religious lessons.525

525 G. Eugenidis, . H............... .......... ... ........ (The Ethicoreligious Situation of the Provinces), ............. ......., 9 November 1901, vol. 45, pp. 448-449.

526 Komisyon- mezkr azasnn maalumat- mukteziyeyi haiz oldklarna Gbhe yok ise de, bu cihet Anatolnn zikr olnan Eparhialarnn mektepleri ahvaline ve ihtiyacat- hakikiyelerine vukuf icap ittirir yani ehalisi Trk lisan ile ve yahod btn btne tebdil-i Gekl itmiG Rumca ile mtekellim olan mahallerin mekteplerinde husul-i terekkiyat neye mutevakkf oldn bit-tecribe bilenler iraei tarik itmelidirler. Anatolmzn Mektepleri, Anatoli N. 4295, 12 February 1891.

527 The newspaper replies to the possible complaints of some printers concerning that this will prevent competition and create monopoly through arguing that common good is beyond some personal complaints. Filvaki bir takm su-i ihbarata ve bunlarn tevlid itmekte old mGkilata bir hitam

As demonstrated above, the constitution of a homogenous program for the schools was an increasingly stressed topic. For example Anatoli responded to the rumors that the Patriarchal Central Educational Committee in Istanbul is preparing a common program for all the schools and supported this effort. While it also demanded some special principles and different books to be included in the prepared program for the schools of Kayseri, Ko nya, Amasya, Niksar, and Ankara. For Anatoli the composition of a program destined to the schools of these provinces the population of which speaks Turkish or a totally altered form of Rumca demanded knowledge of their situation and their authentic needs .

526 Thus it proposed that the Central Committee should ask the opinion of the teachers of the Theological Seminary of Kayseri when preparing the program and the new books. The newspaper also proposed that the books that will be used in the schools should be published in the printing house of the Patriarchate under the supervision of a committee in order to put an end to the difficulties emerging from the usage of different books. 527

virilmek iun mekteplerimizde okuttrlacak kitablar bir epitropinin taht- nazaretinde Patrikhane matbaasnda tab ittirilmelidir. Dinilecek ki, rekabete meydan braklmayub, kitaplarnn mezkr matbaada tab ittirilmesi bir nev inhisar olacandan, baz matbaaclar Gikyet idecekler imiG. Menfaat- umumiye uuruna birka kiGi varsun Gikayet itsun. Anatolmzn Mektepleri, Anatoli N. 4295, 12 February 1891.

528 Mekteplerimiz Muhtac- Islahattr, Anatoli N. 4232, 04 September 1890.

M ost of the elementary schools were expecting from their students to pay an entrance fee ( duhuliye eisitireion ) for enrolling to the school. This entrance fee became increasingly an issue of criticism for those who claimed that elementary

education should be compulsive and free like in most of the civilized countries and entra nce fees should be required only for the upper educational institutions. According to a central article of Anatoli , while recognizing the difficulties for the poor in villages to give 20 30 piasters yearly, at the same time it criticizes this habit which b ecomes an excuse for some parents for not sending their children to schools. The article defends that elementary education should be free and suggests communities to find other ways to compensate for the amount of money gathered from this method. It also g ives as an example the Istanbul school board of Fertek which decided not to take entrance fees anymore. 528

Our Schools Need Reform

A serial of leading articles, written by the editor of the newspaper Nikolaos Th. Soullides, published in Anatoli during th e last months of 1890 demonstrate vividly the state of the education in the communities of interior Anatolia during the last decade of the ni neteenth century. T he articles state that Anatolian Orthodox has not comprehend ed yet the importance of education. In the last decade of the nineteenth century except some

remote villages nearly all cities and townships possessed

educational institutions. But according to Soullides these were administered with such indifference that most of the time they brought damag e instead of benefit.

The first problem of education in Anatolia pointed by Soullides was the carelessness of the school boards and community leaders in selecting teachers. The result of this lack of attention was the discontinuity of teachers and the freq uent changes in the teaching method. The article claims that most of the time there is not a supervisory organ and the majority of the population is content to be deceived in the fake, concocted exams made in the end of every year. 529

529 Mekteplerimizde Islahat, Anatoli N. 4241, 27 September 1890.

530 Yigirmi, yigirmi beG sene evvel kz mekteplerine muhtacz. deyu ref-i avaze idenlerin biri ve belki birincisi bu aciz idi. Kz mekteblerimizden bir gne faide halis olmad bilakis mazarratlar grld. avaze-i Gikayetini de ref iden yine bu acizdir. Mekteplerimizde Islahat, Anatoli N. 4241, 27 September 1890.

531 Kz mekteblerinden maksad valide olacak kzlarn derece-i kfiyede maalumat kazanub, terbiye olmalar ve okuyub yazabilmeleri ve lisan- millimiz olan Rumceyi tekellm idebilmeleridir. Mekteplerimizde Islahat, Anatoli N. 4241, 27 September 1890.

Soullides then turns to the issue of education of girls. He argues that 20 25 years ago Anatoli

was among the first who raised its voice that we need girls schools but after the passage of these years he admits that these schools did not bring the desired benefits and even they caused many harms. 530

According to Soullides the primary aim of the girls schools is to enable the future mothers to gain sufficient knowledge and cultivation and to be able to write, read and to learn our national language. 531 But he claims that despi te the existence of these schools for 25 years and the consumption of plenty of money the results are disappointing. He asks his readers whether one can show even one girl, graduated from these schools that can speak or write properly the Rum language. S oullide s

expresses one of the primary arguments of those who supported girls education during that period. For him these schools have to be reformed because as the first

teachers of their children, the education of future mothers is the foundation of our general education. 532

532 [...] valide olacak kzlarn hsni terbiyesi terbiye-i umumiyemiz binasnn temelidir. Mekteplerimizde Islahat, Anatoli N. 4241, 27 September 1890.

533 According to Renieri who investigates the household formation of the Greek Orthodox of the ukur village near Kayseri during the nineteenth century, the age of marriage of women was especially small. Despite the prohibition of the law for girls to marry before twelve cases of marriage and engagement before that age was not a rarity. See Irini Renieri, Household Formation in 19thCentury Central Anatolia: The Case Study of a Turkish speaking Orthodox Christian Community, International Journal of Middle East Studies 34 (2002), 500.

For Soullides

the reasons for this state of affairs were plenty. One was the lack of care of communities when they hire female teachers about their capability, knowledge and manners. Especially those coming from the western big cities were seen as imposing their completely different character and customs to local girls. Another reason for Soullides is the early marriage of girls at 12 13 years old which he describes as contrary to creed, science, medical science and morals. 533

For reform ing the current situation of these schools Soullides proposes the establishment in suitable places several teacher training seminaries for girls which would train teachers or the introduction of one or two classes to the regular girls school program and t he instruction of necessary methods and classes to those students that prefer to become teachers in the girls schools. In this way he argues the graduated teachers from these schools will possess the same character and customs with their country.

Then he proceeds to explain the way these schools can be developed. He argues that the completion of the Central Girls School in Kayseri and the establishment of a central girls school for the province of Konya is not a big deal. He goes further and states that since every province posses around forty townships and villages each of these could send one student to the school and 10 liras annually

from the community box, thus there would be 400 liras in total . He also proposes that 100 150 liras can be gathered in churches the day of Aghia Euphemia . He adds to this amount 300 400 liras from the contributions of the other students. Thus for him in the end there would be sufficient money for the administration of these central schools. He states that this will benefit the townships and villages because instead of spending every year 40 50 liras for worthless teachers they will have local teachers which will work enthusiastically for the community schools for only 20 25 liras. These graduates should at least work for th e same amount of time they spent in the

school that is for 5 6 years in the schools of their local communities. Thus for Soullides, this will also solve the problem of continuous change of the teaching staff. 534

534 Mekteplerimizde Islahat, Anatoli N. 4241, 27 September 1890.

535 Ellinikon Sholeion idare itmek gayretine dGmekten ise, taraf taraf beG on kariyeye mahsus Sholarheionlar tesisi gayretine dGmelidirki, bunlarn mucip olaca faideler inkr olnamaz mmkin ise, bu Sholarheionlar gittike Gymnasion derecesine isal olnmaldr. Mekteplerimizde Islahat, Anatoli N. 4242, 29 September 1890.

Soullide

s argues that for the village and town communities the boy schools should be limited to fourth class astiki or dimotiko schools. He states that experience has proved that those schools called Ellinikon are useless and bring little benefit and he suggests communities to avoid establishing them. Instead he proposes the establishment of semi gymnasiums ( Sholarheion ) by the joint effort of five to ten villages and if it is possible their improvement into gymnasiums. 535 Thus Soullides proposals emphasized the centralization of the educational system in Anatolia through establishing central schools in the centers of the provinces. In this sense they remind the educational vision of Efstathios Kleovoulos which he had formulated

nearly twenty years ago when he wa s metropolitan of the province. The local communities on the other hand according to Soullides should concentrate on

developing primary e ducation in their localities while supporting the secondary level central schools.

Soullides further defends that the program of the elementary schools ( astiki o r dimotiko ) has to be homogeneous and that the instructed lessons and books has to be the same and any other attempt for using other books should not be allowed. He defends that the program should only be revised once in three years by the teachers of the Theological Seminary of Kayseri ( Rodokanakeios Ieratiki Sholi Kayseriye Mekteb -

i Kebiri ). While for the semi gymnasiums he also states that their programs should be equivalent. He also stresses the importance of introducing Turkish and French classes i n the third and fourth classes of the fourth year of the semi gymnasium ( Sholarheion ).

An important proposal of the article s of Soullides is to appoint clerics as headmasters to the schools. The logic behind this proposal is firstly because of their cleric al profession these would be working with much lower salaries like 20 25 liras annually and secondly they will remain in their position much longer then the non

cleric headmasters because they will not seek better job opportunities . Thirdly the permanence of teacher s will enhance the respect of the community towards the headmaster or teacher and fourthly the attendance of the headmaster to classes of religion will lead to the cultivation of the students in a religious and decent way. Thus Soullides states, the possibility of the damage brought by inappropriate manners of some young teachers will be eliminated. He also proposes every village and town to enroll one student to the Theological Seminary of Kayseri in order to train him to become a cleric and teac her and headmaster in the schools of his community. The article continues by giving details about the supposed career path of the students sent by the communities to study in the Theological Seminary of

Kayseri. Thus the student who enrolls to the school a t 15 17 years old after graduation can be appointed as the second teacher for a period of one or two years. The article proposes the communities to marry these young graduates with a proper girl and appoint them as deacons and after three years to ordain them as clerics. These kinds of cleric t eachers according to Soullides remain until the end of their life in the same school. These, the article add can become also headmasters of the girls schools which state it as a great advantage. 536

536 Ibid.

537 Biz Anatoll Rumlarn muhta old terbiye Allah korkusuna, byklere itaata, herkese muhabbete, kklere ve acizlere muavenete, mstenid bir terbiye- edebanedir bunun haricinde bir iGe yaramayub, bin-nefs kendimize dahi muzr olmakda iduimiz bunca senelerden beri tecrbe olnmG ve sabit olmGtr. Serbesti-i talimi isteyen Evropa bu serbestinin mucip olmakta old fenalklar grerek, eski usul ve kaideye rcuya lzum gryor. Mekteplerimizde Islahat, Anatoli N. 4242, 29 September 1890.

The end of the art icle reveals explicitly the dominant patriarchal, authoritarian and religion oriented attitude towards education of the late nineteenth century Ottoman context:

The education that we , Anatolian Rum s need is a

cultivation of decency ( terbiye i edebane ) that rests on fear of God, obedience to elders, affection to everyone, helping the weak and younger. The rest of it serves nothing and is harmful and this is apparent from the experiences of many years. Europe which wanted freedom of education sees the vicious ness that this leads and deem necessary to return to the old method and rules. 537

The last part of the series of articles concerning the required reforms in the schools is

devoted to the gymnasiums. It seems that the article has been written in response to a continuing debate in relation to the benefits of these schools. The article begins with the familiar argument of those who claim that because the graduates of these schools are devoid of the knowledge necessary for livelihood they can not succeed in trad e or industry. Immediately after Soullides states the knowledge necessary for livelihood:

knowledge of Turkish, French, knowledge of the new method of accounting ( defter tutmak ) and familiarity to things concerning trade and industry. 538

538 Geim iun lazm olan maalumat nedir? Trke, Franszca bilmek, defter tutmak usul-i cedidesine vakf olmak ve ticarete, sanayiye aid Geylerden haberdar olmaktr. Mekteplerimizde Islahat, Anatoli N. 4243, 02 October 1890.

539 Ibid.

Soullides then conti nues by asking why our gymnasiums can not give this knowledge while the graduates of the schools of other millets , like those of

Armenians, Armenian Catholics and Jews possess it, they can speak French, know Turkish and immediately after graduating can e nter trade and industry. One of the two reasons that Soullides gives for that state is very interesting. The first reason, that the content of education of gymnasia is oriented towards entrance to Darlfnun can be said to be also the main characteristic o f the education in the Greek Kingdom at that time. Thus according to the author the instructed lessons studied in the gymnasiums are Latin, exhaustive Algebra, Geometry, Trigonometry, Grammatology of Greek and Latin, detailed and judgmental general Histor y, lessons like Anthropology, Psychology and Ethics. Most of these lessons according to Soullides are not studied exhaustively but concisely in the schools of different mi llets. Thus according to him, students do not have the sufficient time to study Turk ish, French and practical knowledge useful for production because of the difficulty of the aforementioned plenty of lessons. 539

To overcome this state of affairs the author proposes the example of the German system of RealSchol or the French system in whic h those who want to follow trade and industry attend two more classes in which practical themes were taught. It is interesting that the author of the article states as another reason for the lack of the instruction of practical knowledge in gymnasiums the vast hours devoted every day to the instruction of Greek ( Elliniki in

the original) language. 540

540 Elliniki lisann tahsili bir ka seneye ve gnde bir ka saatlarla taalime muhta old []. Mekteplerimizde Islahat, Anatoli N. 4243, 02 October 1890.

541 Bize gelince Gimdilik bir Gymnasionmz vardr o da Kayseriyenin Ieratiki Sholisidir.bu mektebimizde tatbik olan ders prorammas diger Gymnasionlarn ayndr. Bundan kacak olan Gagirdan mkemmel iereas, layikl muallim olabilir ise de, ticarete sanaata elveriGli olamayacaklar beyan olnyorki, bu pek dordr. Mekteplerimizde Islahat, Anatoli N. 4243, 02 October 1890.

The article than proceeds to give examples from the other well known gymnasiums of Ottoman Greeks and about how these schools arrange their program to overcome t his problem. It argues that the school board of the Great School of the

Nation ( Mekteb i Kebir ) in Phanar decided to limit the hours devoted to Latin in order to increase the hours of French and Turkish lessons (five hours in week for every four classes). It also adds that the Evangelical School of Izmir is going to make a similar change while the gymnasium of Selanik is considering transforming itself into a practical school and that the school of Beyolu is going to adapt similar measures. While for the o nly gymnasium of the region the Theological Seminary of Kayseri 541 it also emphasizes the need for reform in the program. For example according to the article the member of the school board Avraam Hristoforides had proposed the introduction of two branches one for industry and one for trade. But Soullides objects this proposal because of the expenses that it will create.

Instead he proposed the instruction of Turkish and French should start from

the last two classes of the semi gymnasium ( Sholarheion ), in or der for the students enter ing the gymnasion to be acquainted to the grammar of these two languages. Then he proposes that after studying together in the first two classes of the gymnasium students should be divided into two branches for the next two classe s. In the first branch, he argues the normal program of gymnasiums should be carried out for those who want to be clerics and teachers while the second branch would be

oriented towards those who will follow careers in trade and crafts. Thus it proposes tha t in this second branch philological and philosophical lessons would be limited while the practical lessons and the instruction of Turkish and French would be emphasized. 542 Thus the picture we derive from the articles of Soullides is in a sense in contras t with t he contemporary criticisms of Ottoman state officials and intellectuals concerning the lack of interest in instructing Turkish in Ottoman Greek schools. At least for the schools of Anatolian Orthodox communities , we witness that a considerable part of the Anatolian intellectuals were in favour of increasing the hours devoted to Turkish because they saw it as a necessary quality for advancement in trade, crafts and professional careers.

542 Ibid.

543 Konya ve Angara Eparhialarnda birer Sholarheion. teesis olnur ve Sampsondaki muntazam mekteblerin dahi programmas. ikmal idilir ise, sahra-i maarifte digger milletdaGlarna nisbeten pek geride kalmG olan Anatoll Rumlar az vakit zarfnda digger milletdaGlarnn derecesine yetiGebilirler hodbinlik saylmasun Anatoll Rum ocuklar her hangi mektebe dahil oldlar ise, gayretleri, alGkanlklar, zekvetleri ve vakarperverlikleri ile pek az mstesna olarak- digger ders arkadaGlar arasnda mmtaz olmaga muveffak olmuGlardr. Anatoli N. 4246, 9 November 1890.

Establishing a S emi G ymnasium in Konya

As stated above the est ablishment of a semi gymnasium ( Sholarheion ) in the ecclesiastic province of Konya was an intensely debated project in the last decade of the nineteenth century. Especially after the establishment of the Theological Seminary of Kayseri the establishment of a Sholarheion in the provinces of Konya and Ankara and the development of the program of the schools in Samsun become the main targets for the development of education and the elimination of underdevelopment in this field of Anatolian Rum s compared to t he other members of the Orthodox millet. 543

544 According to an article published in Anatoli the schools of Telmisos had been relieved from the oblivion that had been slide into for a time being through electing school boards in Istanbul and in Telmisos in the summer of 1890. The two school boards had managed to repair the schools and to built four stores that would yield 7-8 liras annually for the benefit of the schools. Also the school boards succeeded to repair the house called Gbrahim PaGa Kona in Fincanclar ramp in junction to the American Missionaries. inn which was the property of the schools yielding 50 liras annually. Two new teachers one for the Demotiko School and one for the infant school had been assigned for the new semester and new books and handiwork tools had been ordered. Telmissos Mektepleri, Anatoli N. 4238, 20 September 1890.

545 Thus for the article Nide, Bor, KayabaG, Denegi and Fertek could each pay 40 liras annually, Telmissos could pay 50 liras, Aravan and Kourdonos each 20 liras and Glosos and Sazalca each 10

liras. The article also suggests that the monastery can gain more from its fair that takes place every

Anatoli was proposing the establishment of the school inside the Galateri monastery near Telmissos 544 and was claiming that its proposal had gained the support of the prominent residents of the region and that a dyn asty, well known for its generosity had already promised to donate 500 liras and another one 300 liras. The monastery had thirteen rooms and an addition of three rooms and two sofas that made it sufficient for meeting the needs of the school. Then the art icle proceeds by calculating the annual expenditure of the school. It argues that the school needs a headmaster and four teachers which because they will eat from the school it states that their salary could be around 250 270 liras while for the beadle and the officer

60 70 liras. It further states that the school would comprise of four classes with fifteen students in each. If these students Anatoli calculates pay 3 kuru daily for their food this will amount to 900 kuru annually for each student which ca n meet the total amount for the teachers and the other personnels annual food expenses. Thus , it concludes that even thousand liras could be sufficient for its annual functioning. It also proposes to receive 10 liras from each student which in total will make 600 liras and if the land of the monastery could be managed well it could yield 100 liras. Then it proposes the communities to share the remaining 300 liras according to their population. 545

15th of August and thus increase its revenues. Galateri Monastrnda Sholarheion Teesisi, Anatoli N. 4239, 22 September 1890.

546 Galateride Sholarheion, Anatoli N. 4241, 27 September 1890.

But despite the suggestion of Anatoli concerning the place of school it seems that there was disagreement about the prospective shelter of it. For example a letter published in Anatoli states that the monastery of Saint George in Denegi forms a much more suitable candidate. This is because its land is much denser tha n the Monastery of Galateri. In the end of his letter the anonymous author of the letter H

proposes that the best would be that the decision about the place to be taken by a related committee that will be formed. 546

This debate concerning the establishment of a sholarheion for the province of Konya continues with the letter of Hac K. Hac S. Terkenloglou from Telmissos who can be assumed that expressed the demand of the local population of the village concerning the establishment of the school in their vil lage. While on the one hand Terkonloglou thanks the editor of Anatoli for proposing Telmissos as the place which will shelter the school on the other hand he objects his arguments concerning the possible financial sources of the school. He argues that the revenues coming from the visitors of the Galateri monastery should first be used for the salary and expenditures of the abbot and personnel of it and afterwards for the sholarheion

and secondly that the monastery should have separate budget. Moreover he st ates that the president of the school board should be the Metropolitan of Konya while its second president should be assigned among the residents of the village. Lastly he demands the drawing of a bill that will state that if the school fails and closes th e expenditure made by the monastery should be compensated by the entire ecclesiastic province and that will explicitly express that Telmissos is the sole proprietor of the

monastery. 547 Thus , it is apparent from the abovementioned letter that the notables of the community demanded the establishment of the school in their village but they hesitated from the increased economic burden that it inevitable will create. Therefore they demanded that the whole ecclesiastic province should be responsible in case of the closure of the school. On the other hand the community seems to be also anxious from the increased interventions of both the local ecclesiastic authority and of other communities of the region to their autonomy and their autarchy. Thus they tried to preve nt it through proposing measures that will explicitly

ensure that both the monastery and the school will remain under the direction of the community. In a similar way , the notables of the community of Sinasos had proposed in the 1870s to the metropolitan bishop of Kayseri such terms for the establishment of a central girls school in their village that were unacceptable. This was despite the fact that these notables generally supported the educational program of the metropolitan Kleovoulos , who aimed the d issemination of Greek. But from the moment that they grasped that the establish ment of the abovementioned

school would increase the administrative and financial dependency of the community to the metropolitan they abandoned their claim to shelter the centr al school. 548

547 Konya Eparhiasna Mahsus Sholarheion Tesisi Tesavvuri, Anatoli N. 4258, 06 November 1890.

548 Hatziiosif, 2005, pp. 202-203.

549 Konya Eparhiasna Mahsus Sholarheion Tesisi Tesavvuri, Anatoli N. 4258, 06 November 1890.

In his reply Soullides, the editor of Anatoli , argues that for the time being this is only an idea and the details should be discussed by the Metropolitan and the notables of the province. But he argues that the headmaster of the school should

be cleric and both the abbot of the monastery and the headmaster as well as the servants of the monastery and the school should be the same. 549 But despite all these

550 Anatolmzn Mektepleri, Anatoli N. 4295, 12 February 1891.

551 Bu zat vatan nedir ve ona olan borlar ne gibi idiini bildiinden vatannn mektep ve ekklisialarna elinden geldii derecede yardm ve muavenet etmiG ve eylemektedir, ve ilim yahut bir iyi iG iin iane toplandkta, bu iGe ilk mbaGiret eden ve ann devamna say-u gayret eden zat SGMEONAKG efendi olur. Anatol Ahteri, vol. 5, 1 October 1886, p. 75.

552 Der Aliye ve baGka mahallin tccarlar arasnda kesb-i Ghret etmiG ve itibara mahzar olmuG olan rfatlu Hac Bodos Efendi Zmblolu [...] kendi gayret, sebat durendislii ile meslek-i ticarette terakki ederek, btn tccarlarn hrmet ve itibarn celp eyledi. [...] pek mtevazi-l ahlk, ve modams bir takm nmayiGattan haz etmeyip bunlarn azalmasna alGr bir zattr. [...] Efendi-i mmaileyh ilimperver ve terakkiperver olduundan kendi evlatlarnn talim-i terbiyesine pek ziyade

dikkat edup bu hususta hi bir kurbandan geri durmaz, Anatol Ahteri, vol. 9, 1 November 1886, p. 142.

553 Hemcinslerimizden bu payitaht Gehirde millet--cinslerine gstermiG olduklar muavenet, fedakrlk ve vefakrlklar ve vasf-i na kabil muhabbet-i Gefkati ile alemden meth-u sena olunan ve alemin muhabbetine mazhar olan familyalar arasnda, ilk mevki-i sehavet ve Muhsinlii ve milletin her iktizasna seyirtip muavenet eden, ve oraya gzyaG ile iltica eden biareknn boG ve meyus avdet etmedii, ve cismani hem ruhani teselli ederek oraya iltica edenleri sad-u-mesrur gnderen YEORGGOS NOMGDGS EFENDGN Kadky.nde vaki familyasdr. Anatol Ahteri, vol. 10, 8 November 1886, p. 159.

supporting viewpoints there were no positive developments in establishing sholarheion and ce ntral girls school for the

vilayet of Konya and especially for the sancak of Nide the next years. 550

The Anatolian Rich and the Anatolian Schools

The periodical press constituted an important vehicle for promoting the values of phileducationalism and philanthropy. Especially wealthy members of Anatolian Orthodox who contribu ted regularly to educational and philanthropic activities were constantly praised and depicted as examples for emulation. Thus for example

, we see many short biographies and praises of wealthy tradesmen contributing to educational activities of their commu nity in the pages of Anatol Ahteri . For example among t hese were Simeonaki Efendi Deirmencoglou from Konya 551, Klimentos Stefanidis Efendi from Nide, Hac Bodos Efendi Zmbloglou 552, Yeorgios Nomidis Efendi 553,

Antonios Efendi Veziroglou from Manisa 554, I. G. Sadetoglou from Bafra, Bodos Efendi imanoglou from An kara 555 Together with these local figures very important figures of the wider Ottoman Greek community like Kostaki Mousouros Paa the ambassador of London or magnates like Yeorgios Zarifis and Stefanovik Skilitzis were praised and given examples for their ph ileducational and philanthropic activities.

554 Antonios Efendi Vezirolu [...] vatan bulunan Magnisa [Manisa] ahalisine byk eyilikler etmiG ve eylemektedir. Efendi mmaileyhin hanesi her gelen musafir iun ak olup, gelen musafirlere, ister tand olsun, ister tanmad olsun, byk taltif eyledikten sonra, bir iGi dahi var ise ann dahi bitirilmesine elinden geldii kadar muavenet eder ve ettirir. Bu Zat sayesinde, tarla ve incirlik ve zeytunluklerinde alGarak, takriben -drt yz fukara geinmektedir. Anatol Ahteri, vol. 6, 8 October 1886, p.90.

555 [...] BODOS EFENDG gGgMANOLU.nun eyilikleri pek ok iseler de kendinin Gan sevici olmayp ve iGitilmesini istemedii iun pek azlar gazetalar ile neGr olunmakta ise de bu Zatn millet ve vatan uruna itmiG ve itmekte olduu muavenet ve yardmlarn [...] Gu kadar ile iktifa ederiz ki Gimdiki halde Ankara mekteplerinin muntazam bir surette devam efendi-i mmaileyhin himmet ve muaveneti sayesindedir, Anatol Ahteri, vol. 11, 15 November 1886, pp. 171-2.

In these articles the common theme is the interest of well to do individuals, successful in business and trade in educational and philanthropic activities and their efforts for the progress of the homeland and c ommunity ( vatan ve cemaatin terakkisi ). This is described as a patriotic behavior that should be emulated. These kind of articles, news and announcements conveyed to the reader the message that when economic power and success unites with enthusiasm and in

terest in contributing to community affairs, phileducation and philanthropy brings the highest respect in his/her community and in this sense form and try to spread a specific behavioral code. It is obvious that being introduced with these qualities in the press constituted a source of pride for the individual, his family and the community. For example in his letter to the editorial board of Anatol Ahteri A. K. Lazaroglou request them to write for Klimis Stefanidis Efendi who is famous for his benevolenc e

despite he does not like these kind of things. 556 According to Anagnostopoulou the concept of civilizing the nation that dominated the ruling milieu of the Orthodox of the capital served two purposes for those immigrants who tried to civilize their pl ace of origin by contributing to the creation and development of an educational system modeled on the premises promoted by the centers of the millet : firstly it constituted a passport for entering the ruling milieu and secondly it served the creation of a local group of merchants that could engage in commerce with them. 557

556 Klimentos Stefanidis iun bir ka satr yazdnzda, her ne kadar kendisi bu gibi Geylerden haz itmez ise de, btn Nidelileri hemGehrilerinden byle bir zat- vatanperveranenin ahvalini vasf-u beyan iun mesrur olacaklardr.A. K. Lazarolu, Anatol Ahteri, vol. 7, p. 104.

557 Anagnostopoulou, 2010, p. 64.

558 Anatoldan cesim Gehirlere bera-i ticaret tevattun iden Anatolllara gelince, bulndklar mahallin klmna, ahlkna, huyuna ve suyuna alGarak, talih de yardm ider ise, aheste aheste vatanlarn unutuyorlar, yahod, (bazlar) Anatolda dodklar iun peGiman olorlar, zira Anatolldrlar. Lakin fahr idelimki Anatolliz. Anatoll Genler Anatoli N. 4789, 5 April 1894.

Anatoli constantly stressed that the primary vehicle for the progress of Asia Minor was terbiye i evlad but despite that it observed that Anatolians does not cared much about it

. Accor ding to an article published in April 1893 the parents in Anatolia who cared for their childrens education in order to gain acquaintance with the world and learn languages were below twenty percent. The paper states that those who migrate to big cities adapt to the climate and morals of the place they settle and slowly forget their homeland ( vatan ) or even some regret that they born in Anatolia. 558

The article counter those who feel shame for their Anatolian or Karamanli origin by stating that both civil ization and Christianity originates from Anatolia and calls those rich immigrants from Anatolia to cooperate in order to correct the defects of their homeland, to contribute for the progress of Anatolia and help the schools of

their homeland. 559

559 Anatoll yahod Karamanl elfazlarn bazlar kendilerine hakarat ad idiyorlar, lakin teessf ideriz. Bu ademler, o elkab hakarat ad itmiGler isede, Anatoln eer slah olmaya Gayan noksanlar var ise, ikmal itseler idi, ne al olur idi. Anatoln cesim Gehirlerinde ok Anatolllarmz vardr ki, ehli servetdirler, vatanlarn mekteplerine iane edebilirler, Anatoln terakkisi iun elden geleni yapabilirler lakin Diogenisin feneri ile araybda bulmal. Anatoll Genler Anatoli N. 4789, 5 April 1894.

560 Bunlarn kffesi evlatlarmzn kklk kemaletinden layk vechile terbiye olnmadklarndan ileru gelior. Pederinin yahod validesinin zenginliine istinaden, ahzu itaya kan bir Anatoll gen az vakt zarfnda baGkalaGyor yumurtadan kub yumurtay beenmeyor. alaturkadan alafrangaya sapor, yeni medeniyet zerine hareket idior ve Anatoll oldn unutup firenk olor. Buda yalnz Anatolllarda grlyor dediimizde sahihdir. Zira Der-i Saadetde bu kadar Rumeli tarafndan

tevattun itmiG kimesneler vardrki, anlerin vatanlarna olan hahis ve arzular, ve memleketin adab- kadimelerine sabit kalmalar ve mekteblerinin terakkisi iun her vakt caht(?) itmeleri, uhuvvetler teGkil eylemeleri Gayan- tahsindir. Anatoll Genler Anatoli N. 4789, 5 April 1894.

561 Genlerimiz ilm ile techiz olnmayorlar, asl medeniyete aGina deiller, ve eer pederlerinden yahod daylarndan bir para kald ise onn sayesinde boyuk grnmeyi isteyorlar, refiklerini hor

The primary reason of this situation for Anatoli is that children are not educated properly from early ages. The article states that a young Anatolian who goes outside his homeland thanks to the wealth of his parents after a short time undergo a metamorphosis. He for gets that he is an Anatolian and becomes a frenk

and turns from alaturka to alafranga . For the article this situation is seen only in Anatolians because those who come to Dersaadet from Rumeli do not forget their homeland and their ancient customs while they contribute to their schools and form various brotherhoods for the progress of the homeland. 560 Thus interestingly it adopts the dominant discourse of the Muslim Ottoman press concerning westernization and modernization.

The reason for this state of the Anatolian youth according to the newspaper is because the schools are retarded and the education that the students receive is incompatible with its real aim. Thus youth is not acquainted with real civilization and science. While those who receive some mone

y from their parents become arrogant and scorn their associates, give themselves airs or they want to be seen as dignitaries and elites while the poor Anatolians remain in a state of desolation. 561 It seems that

gryorlar, kendilerini bir Gey zan idiyorlar fakir Anatolllarmz ise periGan halde kalyorlar. Genlerimizin Terbiyesi Anatoli N. 4790, 5 April 1894.

562 Anatoll genlerimiz, vatanlar olan Anatol ktas iun hi bir efkr hasl idemeyorlar, ahval- ilmiyesi, ziraiesi ve tabiesi iun bi haberdir hal mektebde tahsil idiyor (velev Gymnasionda dahi olsun) bir Gagirde Anatoln yahod Asya-i gugrann hudutlar nasl tefrik olnur? Asya-i gugrann cesim dalar ve tepeleri yahod rmaklar hanglardr?. deyu sual olnsa hibir cevap viremez [] asl kusur asl vatanmz ve tarihini ve kymetini bilmediimiz, vatanmz unutmamza badi oluyor. Genlerimizin Terbiyesi Anatoli N. 4790, 5 April 1894.

563 Kezalik memnunen iGidiyoruz ki, ocuklarmzn kendi memleketimizde, kendi huy ve suyimzla terbiye olnmas luzum ve faideleri hakknda yazmG oldmz bendlerin tesiri ile bir hayli

during that period there were increased fear

s of the millet leadership for the moral degeneration and a serious shift away from traditional ways of the youth graduated from both community and foreign schools. Even external manifestations of drifting apart from traditional ways and customs like adopt ing completely the western style of dressing were seen as as a manifestation of diminishing morals and being contaminated by foreign influence.

According to the paper the Anatolian youth do not breed any thoughts for their homeland. They are unaware of its state of science, its agriculture and its geography. Even Anatolian gymnasium students who can answer correctly questions about the rivers of Amazon or Mississippi or about cities like London, Madrid or Paris can not situate correctly the laces of Kzlrmak or ci ties like Kayseri, Konya and Izmir. Thus for the article the main problem is that we do not know the value of the history and dignity of our homeland and we forget it. In order to avoid this state of affairs it proposes the parents to take care of the ed

ucation of their children. But this is not an abstract education; on the contrary as it is stated above it has to be in accordance with our character, nature and customs. 562 This is a constantly stressed theme in Anatoli which tries to convince its readers that their children have to be educated in their country in accordance with their authentic character, morals and nature. 563

hemGerilerimiz gelecek Septemvriosda ocuklarn Kayseriye mekteb-i kebirine gndereceklerdir. Anatolmzn Mektepleri, Anatoli N. 4295, 12 February 1891.

564 See the Greek translation of Kalfoglu.s work, H. Kalfolu, ........ ......... ... ............. .........., translated by Stavros Th. Anestidis, Center of Asia Minor Studies: Athens 2002, pp. 3740.

Ioannis Kalfoglou uses almost the same arguments in his ..... .... ......... ....... ........... (The Historical Geography of Asia M inor) published in 1899. He argues that those Anatolians who know nothing about their homeland ( vatan ) feel ashamed to say that they are Anatolians. This is because for Kalfoglou they are unaware of the history of their homeland, where both civilization an

d Christianity emerged , while the schools do not instruct it properly. He gives almost the same example: students know better the rivers, mounts of China, India, America and Scotland than those of Anatolia. They know better the history of foreign countries than the history of the Ottoman Empire, the country they live. Also they do not know the history of ancient Anatolia. 564

Anatoli returns to the issue of the lack of interest and neglect of the immigrant rich Anatolians towards the progress and especially th e development of the schools of their homeland in a series of other articles. The main argument is that the reform ation of Anatolia will be possible only through the efforts of Anatolians themselves. But the language used in the article is very pessimistic about the current state of the schools which states that are declining due to lack of material sources. The article compares the financial contribution that the schools of Istanbul or Rumeli

receive, with the almost nonexistent support of the wealthy to t he schools of Anatolia. According to the paper the wealthy immigrants from Anatolia help the schools of their newly settled regions while totally ignore the needs of the schools of their homeland. The main reason of this situation according to the newspape r is

because the wealthy look with contempt to Anatolia. 565 Moreover Anatoli states that some of these regret even that they born in Anatolia and feel disgust when they hear the name of their homeland. Thus for Anatoli this is the basic reason that Anato lia remains backward. 566

565 Anatoll Zenginler ve Anatol Mektebleri, Anatoli N. 4805, 15 May 1894.

566 [] bahusus bazlar Anatolda doduklarna da peGiman olarak, vatanlarnn ismini iGittiklerinde nefret his ittiklerinden ve nerelisin diye sual olndkta Evropada terbiye olndm cevabn virdiklerinden vatan namna ne derece hissiyat ve muhabbet sezindiklerini anlarz. GGte bunun

iundrki gerude kaloruz. Anatoll Zenginler ve Anatol Mektebleri, Anatoli N. 4805, 15 May 1894.

567 Yine Hamiyet, Anatoli N. 4210, 12 July 1890.

For Anatoli philanthropy and making donations to public institutions is almost a national quality of the Orthodox Rum compared to the other millet s of the Empire. Names like Zosimades, Zappas, Averof, Zografos, Zariph is, Stefanovik, Stournaris etc. are given constantly to exemplify the abundance of wealthy personalities who through their donations demonstrate their

deep seated devotion to their country and community. But what was regretful for the paper was the absence of Anatolian na mes on that kind of list of great benefactors. The paper admitted that among the Anatolian Rum s there were not extremely wealthy like those names listed above but for the paper this did not constitute an excuse for the Anatolian wealthy to combine their ef forts in order to contribute education and philanthropy. 567

A reader letter from Istanbul signed an Anatolian published few issues later in the same paper deals the same issue with a high dosage of local patriotism. The reader states that it is madness to expect assistance from Europeans to the Anatolian schools and one should expect it only from Anatolians. On the other hand it states that the poorest school in Rumeli would be in better conditions then the Theological Seminary of Anatolians. The solut ion of th

is problem is for Anatolians to

act like the wealthy of Rumeli who while donating massively to the schools of their homeland does not contribute even 10 para to the schools of Anatolia. Likewise Anatolians should give up making donations to the schools in Rumeli and contribute only to schools in Anatolia. 568

568 Mademki Rum-eli cihetinden olan zenginler gerek berhayat oldklar esnada ve gerek vefatlarnda vasiyetnamelerile Anatol mektebleri iun 10 para bile virmeyorlar ve yalnz Rum-eli cihetindeki hayrethanelere ve mekteblere terk idorlar, Anatollarmzda bunu grerek, Rum-eli cihetindeki mekteblere iane itmeklik hahisinden vaz geub, Anatol mekteblerini ihya itsunler. Hakikat Gkrar Gtmek Anatoli N. 4806, 17 May 1894.

569 Bir Mektub, Anatoli N. 5097, 12 September 1895.

This comparison between the educational situation of Rumeli and Asia Minor

is a constant theme. In a letter signed again as an Anatolian the writer complains that whenever he reads a newspape r he witness many announcements of donations made by the wealthy of the millet to the schools, churches, brotherhoods of Rumeli but on the contrary he never hears anyone that contributes even 10 para to the schools of A natolia. According to the author of t he article the wealthy are ignorant of the state of the schools of Anatolia. Despite the fact that Anatolia is much bigger than Rumeli and plenty of Orthodox living there, in religious and educational matters the population is in a backward situation and t he Metropolitans, with the exception of the Metropolitan of Kayseri Ioannis, mostly do not perform their duties. Even the Patriarchate is accused in the letter for not caring for Anatolia. 569

In his reply to that letter A. Grigoriadis asks whether Anatolians

contribute to the schools of Rumeli and it is not fair to ask the wealthy from Rumeli or Greece to contribute to Anatolian schools when the wealthy from Anatolia do not contribute the slightest sum of money to their churches and schools. He adds that the Patriarchate will not think or try to reform the existing situation in Anatolia unless Anatolians

press for it. 570

570 Anatolllarda bu kadar zenginler var, hangisi mekteplerimize kelisalarmza para datyor? Hangisi vefat idiorda, vasiyetnamesi kup felan ve felan mektebe 5 lira vermiG deyi eGidiliyor. Anatolllarmzda zenginler oldka haricden aramayalm da, biz bize bir Gey yapabilir isek, o da muvaffakiyettir. Gkrar olnr ki patrikhane bizim iun dGnmeyor, fakat alemeen ocu meme virilmedii gibi. bu hakka dair, patrikhaneye Gikayetnameler gelp de ara sra tacizlik virerek Anatolmzn hal-i pr melalini nlerine dkmedike, (zira mitropolitler bildirmei istemezler, slahna dahi alGmazlar) ne renmek ne de slah etmek iun dGneceklerdir. Anatoli N. 5098, 13 September 1895.

571 .. yani Anatoll Anatollya muavenet itmediinde ey sen bir Anatoll. nasl Rumeliliden muavenet bekleyorsun? Anatoli N. 5098, 13 September 1895.

572 .. en ziyade nazar- teesfle grlen Anatolmz mektepleri, gittike medeniyet-i hazreyi mtenasip bir surette olacak iken, tedenni ve tenkis ve en sonra harabiyete yz tutuyor. Bu tedenni ve harabiyetin sebebi aceba nereden ileru geliyor? Anatolllarmzn nazar- bikayd ve msemahasndan oldna Gphe var m? Mektebler Anatoli N. 5111, 1 October 1895.

For Grigoriadis in order to rescue Anatolians from ignorance and from the enroachments of missionaries religious pamphlets have to be publishe d and distributed freely. But he reminds the failure of the campaign opened by Anatoli in March 1895 in order to sent free newspapers to poor villages and ask to the imaginary an Anatolian how could be possible for a Rumeliot to help when Anatolians do n ot assist Anatolians. 571

The comparison between the schools of Rumeli becomes an important discursive instrument for depicting and condemning the lack of interest of Anatolians, especially of the wealthy toward educational matters. For Ioannis Ioannides th e schools of Anatolia are in a state of decline and ruin. The reason for this according to Ioannides is the indifference and disregard of Anatolians themselves. 572 On the contrary the generosity and patriotism of the wealthy Rumeliots was the principal facto r for Ioannides behind the progress of the schools there. Ioannides concludes that while there are plenty of Anatolians who posses wealth, these lack patriotism ( hamiyet ) because for him the school constitutes the

primary source of patriotism. 573

573 .. aceba Anatol hemGehrilerimizde zengin yok mdr? Efkr- acizanemce servet sahibi hemGehrilerimiz pek oktr ancak hamiyet sahibi yoktr ve yahod var ise mekteblere hi ehemmiyet vermez Mektebler Anatoli N. 5111, 1 October 1895.

574 Ioakeim Valavanis, . ....... .... .... ............ [Philanthropy among Anatolians], ........... ....... ............. ............ 1905, pp. 451-459.

575 Kostantinos (Kostaki) Vayanes (Vayanolu) PaGa (1846-1919) was a member of a prominent family of NevGehir. His father Georgios Vayanes who was a wealthy tradesman and banker, very influential in the community affairs of the community of NevGehir, sent him to the community school

Not only of Rumeli but even the Rums of the coastal areas of Asia Minor were contrasted with those of the interior in respect to their charity, phileducationalism and patriotism. Ioakeim Valavanis in an article published in the almanac of the Philanthropic Institutions of the Nation (...... ............ ...........) argues that despite their plenty of good characteristics, Anatolians are far behind from other members of the Rum millet in making charity. That is why for Valavanis there is no one from Anatolia to be added among the big benefactors like Syggros, Zarifis, Averof etc. He asks whether the Cappadocian Orphanage which is the only orphanage of the entire Cappadocia, in an area almost the same as France could continue to function with the scraps falling from the table of few Anatolians and especially through the donations of Simeonaki Efendi Siniosoglou. He also asks whether it would be possible for the gymnasium in Kayseri, the only school in its kind in the entire Anatolia could have been established without the assistance of Theodoros Rodokanakeis, a wealthy merchant, who was not even from Anatolia. For Valavanis philanthropy is a virtue that is learned but until now it was not taught properly to Anatolians. For him the negligence of the higher and lower clergy has a role in this.574

In his reply to Valavanis, Konstantinos Vayanes Efendi575 argues that the efforts for charitable acts and generosity of the Karamanlis who are seen with

of Sinasos (MustafapaGa), which was a Greek speaking township, in order to learn Greek. Vayanes remained there until he was 11 years old and returned to NevGehir to study there after Philippos Aristovoulos had become headmaster of the community school. He went to Gstanbul in 1859 and entered to the second class of the Great School of the Nation (...... ..... ... ......). Before graduating from this school he went to Athens where he completed the gymnasium and after entered the University of Athens in order to study law. In 1865 he returned to Gstanbul and entered civil service. He first became the interpreter in the Court of Naval Commerce and rapidly rose to higher positions. In 1896 he had become the head of the section of commerce of the court of appeals. Vayanes was teaching maritime commercial law in the Imperial Law School. He was also member of the Council of Justice. Vayanes became for many times member of the Mixed Council of the Patriarchate, of the Patriarchal Electoral Assembly and member of the direction board of the Great School of the Nation and other institutions of the Ottoman Greeks. He became governor (prince) of Samos between 1899 and 1901 while he became vice minister of the Ministry of Justice and Religion. After the revolution of 1908 he became undersecretary of the Ministry of Justice and Religion and senator. While between 1909 and 1910 he was minister of Justice. Vayanes ended his career as the

minister of Trade and Agriculture between 19189 in the first and second cabinets of Tevfik PaGa. He resigned from his position in Marh 1919 after the request of the Patriarchal Council from Ottoman Greek ministers, senators, deputies and civil servants to resign from their position. Konstantinos Vayanes also engaged in the community affairs of his homeland. He became for many times president of the Istanbul branch of the school board of NevGehir and played a determining role in the development of the schools. He published in various Greek journals articles under the name the pseudonym of Hesychios, while also he published various articles in Karamanlidika. On the other hand he had also publications in Turkish. He published the Hukuku-u Bahriye Tarihesi in 1893, the Mcmel Ticaret-i Bahriye Kanunu erhi in 1913 and the Muadedel ve ilveli Ticaret-i Bahriye Kanunu erhi in 1913. His career constitutes a typical example of how prominent figures of Ottoman Greeks combined membership to different layers of Ottoman society. On the one hand he was a state official while thanks to this position he came to important positions of the Ottoman Greeks while he also participated do the communal affairs of his birthplace. Ioannidis, pp. 139142; Alexis Aleksandris, The Constantinopolitan Greek Factor During the Greco-Turkish Confrontation of 1919

1922, Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies, vol. 8, 1983, pp. 152-153. For the activities of Vayanes as prince of Samos see Anatoli N. 6065, 13 March 1899. For Vayanes in the Tevfik PaGa cabinets see Sina AkGin, stanbul Hkmetleri ve Mill Mcadele Mutlakiyete Dn (1918-1919), (Gstanbul: Cem Yaynevi 1992) pp. 78-79, 148, 163.

576 Konstantinos Vayanes, Hayrperverlik ve Hamiyet-i Vataniye, ............. ........... . ..... 1913, (Constantinople: Protopapa and Sas, 1912), pp. 54-6.

insult and ridicule by those whose reason and manners are weak, are great. In order to prove this statement Vayanes contrasts the life conditions of members of the millet who live in coastal regions and those living in interior places. The Karamanlis who are under absolute necessity and scarcity and who obtain their livelihood with difficulty, in contrast to far better conditions of the coastal communities are according to Vayanes making great sacrifices in order to establish schools and churches in their towns, villages and quarters.576

Vayanes states that the places where the Orthodox communities live in interior Anatolia are unsuitable for agriculture, because most of the soil is stony and

sandy. Its inhabitants are victims of merciless usurers who force them to become indebted with excessive interest rates due to the lack of capital. Thus, they can not accumulate enough profit from the cultivation of mohair, opium, and tobacco and spring wool. Also the absence of transport facilities hinders them to benefit from the cultivation of wheat, barley, grape and other fruits. Thus, they are obliged to migrate to Istanbul, Izmir, Adana, Samsun and Mersin and engage there in trade and crafts.577

577 Ibid., pp. 55-6.

Thus , for Vayanes the arguments against Anatolians, that they lack or possess lesser generosity and patriotism consists a great injustice. His a rgumentation is inbued with a strong sense of Anatolian consciousness. He asks whether it is more valuable the donations of those that possess very little and struggle to earn their livelihood or the donations of those who possess great wealth and donate w

ithout any personal sacrifice. For him the greatness of generosity is independent form the largeness or smalness of the donation but it have to be counted in accordance with the ratio of the wealth of the donator. There is no difference in terms of the val ue of the philanthropic action, between the widow who give 10 para to the collection plate of the church and the apprentice that gives 40 para to the donation register and the master or tradesman who gives 100 liras at once. All are for Vayanes benefactors of the homeland. Through these kinds of benefactions the community of Nevehir had been able to gather the real estates that would help to provide the financial independence of the community. Vayanes asks to the elebis who incite Anatolians, whether which community that its members are wealthy has developed trade and suitable conditions that have assured the financial situation of the schools without help from abroad. Thus he concludes that the community of Nevehir, in

conditions that did not promote trade, agriculture and industry and despite the absence of millionaires like Siggros, Zarifis, Zappas, Zosimades, Arsakis, Varvakis, Sinas and Dombolas, reached to an enviable position among other communities. If the measure becomes that Vayanes claims th at Karamanites possess hundreds and perhaps thousands of grand benefactors. 578

578 Ibid., pp. 59-60.

579 Elhamdlillah kffe-i sebavetimizden beru umum Anatolllar ve hususi ile Kayserie eparhiotisleri ile dGp kalkmakta oldmzdan tabiatlarn pek al biliriz. teden beru Aristokratiyaya meyilli oldklarndan miynelerinde daima frka eksik deildir. Evangelinos Misailidis, Anatoli N. 19?3, 1876 cited in Ioannis P. Kalfolu, Anadol Mektebleri, Anatoli N. 5624, 2 September 1897.

Factionalism

The major problem of education in Anatolia according to contemporary accounts was obviously factionalism ( frkaclk ........ ). The theme of factionalism as a par exellence Greek trait was very common both in contemporary Greek, Greek Ottoman and foreign literature. Thus the incidents of factionalism among the Anatolian Orthodox were traited part of this ethnic quality and even as another proof of the

Greekness of the Turki sh speaking Anatolian Orthodox. The expenses for the normal functioning of the schools formed the primary item in the expenses of the loc al council of elders and thus most of the time it formed the principal reaso n for additional taxpaying. Therefore, this aspec t of the educational system turned it into the primary subject of factional strifes of the community.

According to Misailidis, because the Anatolians and especially those living in the province of Kayseri are for a long time prone to aristocracy they do not lack factions among themselves. 579 Misailidis called numerous times his compatriots to

unite and prevent the formation of various factions that weakened the homeland. 580

580 Ey Anadolu Rumlar! Aklnz baGnza toplayn, yol daha yakn iken arenize bakn, l edna ve evsat bir vcut olun, zira bir Allah kullar bir devlet tebaas, bir vatan evladsnz, muhabbet dnyay ihya ve muhabbetsizlik cihan tahrip eder, bir elin Gamatas kmaz, eeri yekdierden ayrlp frka teGkil ederseniz, adv size galebe eder, ve bir vcut olur iseniz, hibir kimesne size dafar erdiremez. Misailidis, 1988, pp. 269-270.

581 Ioannis P. Kalfolu, Anadol Mektebleri, Anatoli N. 5624, 2 September 1897.

582 Ioannidis, 1896, pp. ..-...

For Kal fog l o u the strifes that occur in Anatolian villages are either because of the church or clerics or because of the schools. For Kalfoglou in order to hinder the progress the ignorant and bellicose persons form factions and make things that do not suit ma nkind. These factions according to him accuse clerics or teachers for va rious reasons and in the end students are subjected to the evil consequences of the strife. He lists that recently there were strifes in the communities of Endrlk, Zincidere, Neveh ir and between the school board of the Aghios Dimitrios parish of Incesu and its school board in Istanbul. The result of these strifes for him is that most of the schools remain in the hands of ignorant teachers. He objects the arguments that the reason

of the low quality of teachers is the poverty of the Anatolians and that the majority demands these kinds of teachers. He demands from the orbacs that pretend to be aristocracy to realize their ignorance and folly in educational matters and to leave the habit of annoying the students. While he calls the educated ( okumular ) to end following the orbacs that leads them to make mistakes . 581

Ioannis Ioannides is among those who see factionalism as a plague spread among Anatolians. For Ioannides in Asia Minor it is very rare to find teachers that work continuously in a school for three or five years. The main reason for that is factionalism that leads to constant change of teaching personel. 582

It seems that the constant change of teachers due to differences and quarrels

between the community members was a common source of grievance even from the beginning of the publication of Anatoli . For e xample, nearly fifty years before Kalfoglou and Ioannides expressed the ideas above, in the 34 th issue of the newspaper we find Samouil Anastasiadis, a resident of Fertek, complaining in his letter from the constant change of teachers because of the jealo usies among the residents and that because everyone tries to find a deficiency of the teacher. 583

583 Anatoli N. 34, 11 September 1851.

584 Mektebler Anatoli N. 5111, 1 October 1895.

A second major reason that leads to the lack of progress in education for Ioannides is the existence of different factions ( frka kommata ) within the communities. These divisions and the constant quarrels between different factions is a constant complaint of the local intelligentsia and they saw it as a major threat for the development of the Anatolian communities. Ioannides stresses that the factions in Istanbul and in many places of Anatolia causes many injustices and leads people in a state where they could not differentiate good and evil. For instance he refers that while the schools of Nide, Denei, Fertek, Kayaba, Ara van, Telmoson, Bor and Sazalca where directed in a proper way for years with the appearance of factions the administration of those schools deteriorated and while the schools possessed competent teachers these were sacrificed to narrow factional quarrels. As an example he refers the situation in Sazalca where the community fired the previous teacher who according to Ioannides was a competent one for reasons of economy and hired an ignorant one in order to save just five or ten liras. 584

Georgios Pahtikos, an Anatolian teacher instructing in the Beyolu schools and Saint Michel, also criticized harshly the factionalism that prevented the progress of the schools and for the Anatolians to regain their previous glory and reputation.

Pahtikos remembers an incident he saw when he visited his village (Sille) in which women of the village were steered happily the students of the infant school which were repeating the Greek they had just learned in the school. Pahtikos argues that Anatolian women craved for their childr en to learn Greek and to be educated according to Greek education ( Rum terbiyesi ) and blames those factionalists ( kommaclar ) that hinder the development of the schools in Anatolia and the fulfillment of these wishes of Anatolian women. 585

585 Acaba kalplerinde bu gibi nazik hissiyat taGyan ve kendi cierparelerinin Rumca renmeleri ve Rum terbiyesi ile terbiye olnmalarn arzu iden ne kadar valideler bulndn dGndm ve byle validelerin arzulerinin yalnz kalplerinde kalmasna ve mekteblerimizin terakki itmemesine sebeb

olan kommaclarn pek ok ar vebal altnda kaldklarn gazeta-i muteberenizle btn Anatoli kttasna neGr ve ilan buyurmanz minasp grdm. Anatoli N. 6175, 13 August 1899.

586 Mektepler iun yazlan bendler, Gahsiyattan ar olur ve ksa olur ise derc olnr, yoksa battal torbasna girer. Anatoli N. 6074, 24 March 1899.

Anatoli i s an invaluable source for the incidents of factionalism in Anatolian communities. Despite that it constantly warned its re aders that the articles and news concerning educational matters of Asia Minor communities send to the paper has to be devoid of personal controversies ( ahsiyat ) in order to be published the paper becomes a forum for the different factions to defend and pu

blicize their position. 586

An important feature of Anatoli was its relatively vast number of correspondents (muhbir) from different provinces of Asia Minor. These correspondents functioned almost like the modern reporters of the periodical press by contributing regularly to the newspaper through sending information and news concerning their localities. Most of these informants were the young graduates and teachers of the expanding school network. Anatoli tried to incorporate these young intellectual-literati segment of the community to its program and become their voice. These letters from correspondents and readers and the correspondence between readers and publishers forms an ideal source of information about the real readers of

the paper. Additionally these were most of the time residents of the place they wrote about and this fact gives their accounts additional authenticity and indepth knowledge of the events and personalities they are reporting.

Sometimes these letters and news became sources of intense polemics between opponent factions concerning a specific local issue. These numerous polemics makes Anatoli a precious source for understanding local power relations and actors. But it also reveals Anatoli.s intention to centralize information about Anatolian Orthodox and becomes the primary public intellectual vehicle of Anatolians.

The interest of Anatoli concerning the scattered Orthodox communities across Asia Minor is manifested in its constant appeal to its literati ( ehl i kalem ) fellow countryman to provide information to the newspaper about different Orthodox communities of Asia Minor.

Anatoli stressed the lack of proper information about many dispersed communities across the continent, the importance of this knowledge and that the information given by foreigners ( ecnebiler ) is most of the time false because of their prejudices and specific interests. 587

587 Vatanmz hakknda ecnebilerin virdikleri malumatn ekseriya garaza ve kendilerince bin trl mtaalaya ve interesoya ve baz tahkiksizlie mebni doru olmadn bildiimizden, Anatolnn her tarafnda eksik olmayan ehli malumata mracaatla vatanlar ve sakin oldklar memleketler hakknda malumat vermelerini rica ve bir programma ima ettik. Anatol, Anatoli N. 4261, 15 November 1890.

It also proposed a certain framework for those that will write about their

communities. This proposed framework included the administrative status of the village, the population of the community and settlement, the spoken language (Greek or Turkish), number of churches and schools, their administration, numbers of priests, teachers, students, level of lessons etc. It also called them to give information

about the history of the settlement and the origin of its population. Special emphasis was given to the ancient history of the region and Anatoli requested its informants to provide information about ancient remnants ( asar i atika ), inscriptions etc. 588 Thi s emphasis of Anatoli was totally consistent with the trend of the intellectual literati circles of Istanbul to define and measure the Greek Orthodox communities and the ancient and living monuments that proved and demonstrated the Greekness and the continuity of Greek civilization of these communities and the land. 589

588 Bir Reca Anatoli N. 4199, 14 June 1890.

589 Anagnostakis & Balta, 1990.

590 Anadolulularn kmillerine hitab, Anatoli N. 38, 09 October 1851.

In this sense it is very interesting to ascertain that even from its first appearence , Evangelinos Misailidis called his antiquity lover [atike (antika yani eski eyleri) sevici] literary compatriots to protect the antiquities around them and described in his paper in a very detailed manner how the readers themselves could imprint the an cient inscriptions that they will find in their region and sent them to Anatoli in order to publish them and even to try to carry them (if it is required through buying) to their churches. Thus it is apparent that Misailidis had from the

beginning of publi shing his paper an explicit awareness about the ancient origins of his Turkish speaking coreligions and tried to instill this awareness through his paper to his compatriots. 590

Petropoulou argues that in Istanbul, in Smyrna but also in Cappadocia the contemp orary intelligentsia followed the manners and values that the Greek intelligentsia emitted and cultivated. The interest towards the ancient world together with the development of folkloric interests tried to ensure the unity of the three thousand years of the Greekness of Asia Minors space. Thus archeological pursuits,

translations of classical texts, numismatic collections, writing local histories are some of the occupations of those who adopt Greek and ancient names. 591 Petropoulou also emphasizes the para llel tendency to use the ancient Greek versions of Cappadocian toponimy. As Hatziiosif comments this was also the case for the name of Cappadocia itself which neither constitutes a geographical nor a social reality. For Hatziiosif the term Cappadocia for ms a mental construction an ahistorical term that was not part of the Ottoman administration system or even the ecclesiastic administration . 592 Thus Anastasios Levidis who himself had Hellenized his last name through changing the Turkish Kazancoglou to Levid is, adopts in his writings in Greek Flaviana for Zincidere while Avramios Omirolis baptizes Endirli

k as Andronikion. But for the most part the usage of these names remained confined to the circles of the local intelligentsia.

591 Petropoulou, 1988-1989, pp. 141-200.

592 Hatziiosif, 2005.

593 Petropoulou, 1988-1989 pp. 141-200. 149.

For Petropoulou the adoption o f ancient names or surnames follows the curve of the predominance of the Megali Idea in the Hellenic space ( .....

) together with the cultivation of the national consciousness in the Turkish speaking Orthodox residents of Anatolia. With this the feeling of belonging develops while it contributes to the gradual estrangement from the Ottoman world. Also the alter ation or the adoption of names and surnames usually presuppose a movement in the geographical space of individuals or groups and a concretization of identity in the place of settlement. 593 On the other hand the primary channel for Petropoulou in the alterati on is education.

The adoption of a Greek and even an ancient name or surname is not an

isolated phenomenon. This for Petropoulou possesses a specific ideological displacement in the Turkish speaking environment. It is a part of a current of a total regene ration program of the intelligentsia of Cappadocia , formed in the big educational centers of the epoch trying continuously for the spread of Greek letters. 594

594 Ibid., pp.: 141-200. 166.

595 Ioannis H. Kalfoglou, Seyahatim, Anatoli N. 5437, 26 January 1897.

As stated above, Anatoli

also acted as an informational center which tried to mobilize the communi ty members to take action for the development of education in different communities. For example in a series of articles that the writer of the newspaper I. Kalfoglous publishes in the beginning of 1897 gives his impressions from a recent journey from Hayd arpaa to Kayseri. In these on the one hand he praises the development of the communal and educational achievements of some communities like Ankara. He even names and praises some community members that take active part in community affairs. On the other h and Kalfoglou mentions Krehir as a negative example. The Orthodox community there according to him is so small that they do not posses proper religious and educational institutions. Thus he calls the benevolent Anatolian Christians to assist places like these. 595

Literary and publishing production in Karamanlidika always seen by the contemporaries as a transitory phase that will cease to exist when the Anatolian Orthodox regain completely their lost language. Even those who earn their living from Karamanlidika publishing seems to have adopted this stance and never saw it

as a permanent form of literary production. Although Anatoli constantly underlined the benefits of competition it reacted to the possibility of a publication of another newspaper with Rumi huruf as a development that will make difficult of its

continuation.596 The primary reason for this was that Anatolian Rums who knew Greek, Ottoman or French saw unnecessary to read Anatoli and even disapproved it. Thus for Anatoli the progress of education limited the readership of Anatoli to those that were unable to read other languages and thus its readership remained restricted.597

596 Anatoli N. 4199, 14 June 1890.

597 Halbuki Anatollarn bugn Rumca veya Osmanlca veyahod Franszcay mtalaaya muktedir olanlar Gu gazatay mtalaaya pek de mahal grmediklerinden, bunun krat dierlerini okumaya muktedir olmayanlara tehassur edip kalyor. Ve maarif ise gnden gne terakki bulmaktan naGi Anatoli. mGterilerinin adedi arzu edilen ziyadeyi gstermeyor. Rekabet Anatoli N. 4201, 19 June 1890. also Rekabet Anatoli N. 4202, 21 June 1890.

598 Anatoli does not refrain itself from using a depreciatory language for those: Rumca ve Franszca

aGinayz iddiasnda bulunanlara gelince bir lisann elif basn rendikleri gibi artk kendilerini Rum ve Fransz mullas belleyerek Anatoli.yi tahkira baGlar, Rumca bilirim, Franszca tahsil ettim gibi kendilerini dev aynasnda gryorlar halbuki pek nadirler mstesna tutulursa kusur kalanlarn kffesi rendikleri beG on sz ile ne Rumca ne Franszca lisan zere yazlmG kitap ve gazetalar anlamaya muktedir olamayp bkarak terk ederler ve bylece iki Geyden mahrum kalmG yarm cahil, bilup bilmediini bilmez GaGkn dGkn dalgn baygn bir halde kalrlar ki, atalar da be canm olumu okudum eski fikrinin metanetini de zayi itti demeye ve binaenaleyh istimal-i lisana kyam idilmesine sebep olurlar. Muhterem MGterilerimize Baz Gzahat- Lazme, Anatoli N. 4580, 03 September 1892.

Indeed it seems that some compatriots of Anatoli had internalized the contempt and disdain towards the Turkish speaking Anatolian Orthodox. Most probably these were the literate young Anatolians who had acquired Greek and foreign languages through the increasing educational opportunities and that.s why were much more integrated to the value system of the national-religious centre.598

While there were also readers like Prodromos A. Degirmencioglou who in his letter to Anatoli expressed the importance of the paper for the Anatolians. His letter is imbued with a strong sense or consciousness of being Anatolian and the importance of the newspaper for him lie in that it gives information about the particular (hususi) matters of Anatolians. Degirmencioglou adds that there is no peculiar (hususi) paper for every society (cemiyet) but Anatolians should feel happy that possess such a

newspaper. Thus for him for Anatolians it is not enough to read papers like Tarik, Sabah or Neologos, Konstantinoupolis and Epitheorisis but to read the paper that is belongs particularly to us (bize mahsus) and for our benefit. Degirmencioglou gives the example of the last crisis in the Patriarchate and emphasize that Anatolians can not obtain information about this crisis according to their interests from the abovementioned papers.599

599 Dersaadetde her cemiyetin bu gibi hususi bir gazetesi yokdur, byle bir gazetaya malik olduumuzdan dolay memnun olmalyz. Ghtiyacat- hususiyetimize vakf olmak iun tabir-i dikerle terakkiyatmza hizmet idecek malumata desdires olmak iun mesela Tarik, Sabah, Zuzur ve yahod Neologos, Konstantinoupolis ve Epitheorisis gazelarn mtalaa eylemek kafi deildir, ancak bize mahsus ve Gayan- istifade olan gazetay mtala eylemeliyiz. gu iddimz isbat in Anatolimizin istikbali. nvanl bu gnlerde derc olunan makaleden istifade etmeyi v patrikhanemizde ceryan iden vukuata kesb-i itila eylemeyi arzu ider isek, sair gazetalar mtaalas ile bu arzumuza nail olamayz. Anatoli N. 4295, 12 February 1891.

600 Diniliyor ki Anatoli. lisan Trki zere muharrer olub, yazdklarn Anatoll Rumlarn dahi bir ksmndan baGka nk Anatoll Rumlarn dahi bir ksm Anatoliyi. okumaya tenezzl itmez imiGkimse okumadndan yazdklarna ehemmiyet veren yok ve yazdklar bir gne tesir edemeyeceinden foni voondos en ti erimo. kabilindedir. Belki bu sz doru olub, abesle iGtigal ittiimiz muhtemel ise de, ne are! Borcumuzu ifa ile mkellef bulunuyoruz. Ekklisiastika, Anatoli N. 4494, 21 January 1892.

It seems that Anatoli also faced the contempt of its Greek language (Rumi-l ibare) companion-refikler newspapers. Even in the adamant atmosphere that followed the election of Neophytos the eight and the intense polemics between newspapers that supported different factions reveal that Anatoli also faced the contempt of its companion-refikler newspapers. The answer of Anatoli to this critic is revealing:

It is said that because Anatoli is written in Turkish other than some of Anatolian Rums because it is said that even some segments of Anatolian Rums condescend to read Anatoli- there is no one that give importance to its writings and because its writings will have no effect

it is in a sense like a voice in desert. May be these words are true and probably we busy ourselves with trifles, what can we do! We are obliged to pay our debt.600

While Teodor Kasap (1835-1897) despite being a native of Kayseri had a low view of Misailidis and his work and described him as orbac and his paper as newspaper of the green grocers (bakkal gazetesi).601 This situates Anatoli in a bizarre situation. While one can say one of the greatest ambition of Anatoli is the reacquisition of Greek, this will automatically lead the newspaper to end its existence. Thus Anatoli will consider itself successful and fulfill its mission when nearly all its fellow countryman acquire Greek and fully integrated to the Ottoman Greek Orthodox community. As it is stated above language learning was one of the primary expectation from education. In order to benefit from the increased economic opportunities Anatoli constantly stressed the need not only to learn Greek but also the official language of the state and at least one foreign language.602 On the other hand this success will deem unnecessary and there will be no further need for its publication anymore. Therefore Anatoli admitted that it had a transitory character. The progress of the Anatolian Orthodox that it was claiming to serve ceaselessly for decades was negatively correlated with its existence and development. But despite some fragmented progress Anatoli argued that there was still a long period of time before ending publication in Greek letters (Rumi huruf). That.s why the editors of Anatoli were eager to present their work not as a commercial venture but as a public duty which most of the time was contrary to their narrow private

601 Strauss, 2010, p. 189.

602 ... .. ... ...... . ....... ...... .... ..... ...... ...... ......... ....... ......, ... ..... ..... . ........ ...... ......... ...... ...... ...... ...... . ........ ....... ... ...-..-....... ........ .......... ... ... ..... ............. ......... ............ ........... ......... ......... . ........ .................. ...... ....... ............. .......... ...... ............. ..... ............ .............. ....... .......... . .......... ..........., 19 April 1890.

commercial interests.603 In that sense, as their editors claimed, Anatoli sought to be a great school (mekteb) for Anatolian Orthodox604 which tried to inculcate its reader.s religious/ethnic identification and loyalties and cultural homogeneity and standardization.

603 [] Anatoli gazetas, tarih-i tesisinden bu ane kadar yani 54 seneden beru bir mukaddes maksat ile metbu bulndmz hkmet-i seniyeye sadakat ve milletimize ve mezhebe fedakarlk ile hidmet iderek, srf Anatollulardan ibaret olan okuyucularna, hususi bir mekteb olmGdr. Anatoli N. 4777, 22 February 1894.

604 Cmlenin maalumidir ki mteveffa pederimiz Evaggelinos Misailidis efendi 56 sene mahza vatana muhabbetinden nasi Anatoli gazetasn tab-u neGr itmeye teGebbs itmiG ve hamd olsun bila inkta devamlca neGr olnarak Anatolumuza birinci bir mektep mesabesinde hdemat- maneviyede bulnmGdr. Elbette ihtiyarlarmz ve genlerimiz mteveffa pederimizin hdmetlerini inkr idemez elbette Anatolinin. gayret ve muaveneti maneviyesini takdir itmektedir. nk 56 seneden beru

Mikra Asiann ilk mektebi, dan yldz ve ismi ile tevsim itmek lazm gelirse Gark yldz olan ziya-i nur bahs gazeta Anatoli.dr. Anatoli N. 5422, 19 December 1899.

C HAPTER IV

T HE T HEOLOGICAL S EMINARY OF K AYSERI (K

AYSERYE M EKTEB K EBR )

The present chapter will deal with the establishment, organization and functioning of the highest educational institution of Anatolian Orthodox: The Theological Seminary of Kayseri. This school which was in the level of gymnasium formed the top of the educational pyramid of the region. As Fortna argues despite the abundance of the studies concerning especially the state-led educational efforts few scholars have actually looked at the schools themselves that is their curricula, textbooks, buildings but most importantly the daily life in them.605 This chapter will attempt to look what Fortna argues to the school itself and attempt to drive a picture of the daily life in resorting to various sources.

605 Fortna, 2000, p. 369.

The Theological Seminary of Kayseri was established principally in order to educate a competent clergy and a body of local teachers that will serve in the community schools of the region. The Theological School established in the island of Halki of Istanbul in 1844 aimed to create a well educated and homogeneous stratum of higher clergy. But the lack of education of the lower clergy continued to be an important concern for the leaders of the Ottoman Greek millet. The Orthodox lower clergy, especially in the provinces was mostly illiterate. The low standards of learning among especially the lower clergy and among all the parish priests form a

common theme of the Western travelers in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The provincial priests and monks were most of the time unable to understand even simple books like the Horologion, Octoechon, and the Psalter and they just memorized them. Runciman refers to a cultural cleavage between the cultivated hierarchs of the capital and the ordinary priest or monk and especially the provincial ones on the other.606 This state of affairs constituted a great problem because these were the clerics that had daily contact with the members of the community and most importantly with the missionaries that criticized and ridiculed the ignorance and illiteracy of the Orthodox clergy. The comments of Rev. H. K. Wingate about the Orthodox clergy of the Kayseri district are revealing: They are all nominal Christians, as are the Armenians, but their village priests are wretchedly ignorant, and the laity therefore remain without knowledge of Christian truth.607 In the same line are Mr. Crawford.s comments on the priests of the Greek villages of Cyzicus or Kapda peninsula: There is at least one church, sometimes four or five, in each village, but the priests are usually uneducated. They had been farmers or grocers until they arrived at forty or forty-five years of age, and then became priests. We met one such, who had some education, a nice, clean man, who was teacher as well as priest. He had seemed to feel that he was God.s servant, and when he became priest he had given up drinking and was devoting himself to the good of his people.608 While George E. White describes the Greek priest of Merzifon as a kind-hearted, warm-hearted Christian man and how they become friends during the last decade of the nineteenth century when he was working in Anatolia College in Merzifon. White

606 Runciman, pp. 220-1.

607 The Missionary Herald, December 1898, p. 502.

608 The Missionary Herald, February 1892, p. 62.

argues that the priest attended the Theological lessons of the college conducted in Turkish because the only language he really knew, though, of course, he read the liturgy and conducted the church services in Greek.609 Even Patriarchs like Gregory VI of whom the missionaries in the beginning had a favorable opinion as being liberal, enlightened were not exempt from these criticisms because the corrupted state of the Greek church prevented them to act according to their beliefs: A truly conscientious patriarch would, in the present state of the Greek church, be altogether an anomaly.610

609 Edward George White, Adventuring with Anatolia College, (Grinnell, Ia. : HeraldRegister Pub. Co., 1940) p. 52.

610 The Missionary Herald, May 1837, p. 198.

611 In the Missionary Herald there are many articles describing the ordination process of native pastors and preachers made in front of the public. One of them describes the ordination process of an Armenian pastor (Kerope Yakoubian) in Kayseri. A native of Kayseri Yakoubian had been educated

in the Bebek Seminary. Farnsworth describe in detail the days long examination process and the wide interest of the public, not only Protestants but also Armenians and Greeks: To the congregation it was especially impressive, showing how far removed from the religion of forms to which they have so long been bound, is that faith which works by love. The Missionary Herald, February 1866, pp. 5254. But these idyllic descriptions were not the whole story and the evangelical congregations faced usually problems in pastoral relations. For example according to the report of Rev. Edward Riggs who attented the meeting of the Central Evangelical Union in Kayseri in 1878 one of the main subjects was the problems in the relationship between certain churches and their pastors: They dissolved the relations between one church, Yozgat, and its pastor. Another church, Sungurlu, they strongly advised to recall its pastor, who has been for some time laboring elsewhere. Another, Kapoo Kaya, they congratulated on the recent resumption of complete relations with its pastor. To another church, Gurun, they wrote cordially counseling them to use every means for the settling of certain difficulties, in order to avoid the threatened sundering of the pastoral relation. The Missionary Herald, February 1879, p. 59-60.

The stark contrast between the Orthodox clergy and the clergy of the civilized nations caused the Orthodox lower clergy to start to loose the respect of their community especially in places where increased contact with the foreigners had become the norm. Especially the Protestant missionaries while criticizing the low level quality of education of the priests and their formalism gave great importance in cultivating native pastors and preachers with sound theological views and character able to form intimate relations with their flocks.611

612 Asklipiadis, pp. 81-85.

613 [] akaid-i diniye noktalarnda, sehv noksan, yarm ve yanlG vech zre Ekklisiada kraat itmekde yahod psal itmekdedirlerki, bulunduklar mesnet iktizasndan vacib bulunan hrmet ifa olunmal iken,, ehali bu hali anlayarak hrmeti ref itmeye mecbur oluyor, ve iGbu hissiyat- mezhebiye mahv oluyor. Anatoli, N. 4609, 24 November 1892.

614 Misailidis, 1988, p. 269.

The role of preachers was emphasized not only against western missionaries but also against the growing Panslavist threat over Macedonia and Thrace. In his lengthy pamphlet about the Bulgarian question written shortly after the establishment of the Bulgarian Excharcate Th. Asklipiadis asks whether if the church had possessed

devout and zealous preachers the Bulgarian question should have reached to such an extent. He sees the role of the lowest clergy in the struggle against the enemies of the nation as crucial as the role of the teachers. For him both comprised the true legions of Greece. Thus the Church had to educate competent, devout and practical clergymen. Otherwise Asklipiadis adds rather prophetically tomorrow we will have other questions like the Arabian and Caramanian (...........) and the other day the Albanian of which the symptoms are from time to time emerges. Thus the Church has to give great emphasis to the situation of its clergy of every level as a matter of life and death.612

The improper ordainment of unsuitable and ignorant individuals as priests annoyed also community members itself who saw it and the resulted lack of respect of community members to the priests as a principal factor in the decline of belief in the creed.613 One of them, Evangelinos Misailidis constantly criticized the ignorant priests who because their ignorance about their creed were unable to educate their flock and even they did not dare to insult the poor.614

Therefore for the church the proper education of the lower clergy and the preachers was the primary target in the struggle against missionaries and for restoring the diminished respect of the community towards the clergy. Numerous articles can be found in the official organ of the Patriarchate, Ecclesiastic Truth but also in the contemporary press concerning the elevation of the parish clergy. The parish clergy has to be elevated to the height of its holy mission. .o reach complete ecclesiastic order, harmony and solemnity in liturgies and also in the entire ecclesiastic-social life an educated clergy was needed and this could only be attained through the establishment of theology schools615. But establishing these kinds of schools exceeded the financial means of the Patriarchate and there was an additional problem that most of the time the graduates of these schools did not prefer to be priests in small cities or villages. Thus there were proposals to establish temporary courses for the existing priests or introducing the requirement for ordainement the possession of diploma. That is for a priest of a village the possession of a diploma of semi gymnasium (sholarheion) and for priests of town the possession of a diploma of a gymnasium.616 But the main problem that is the low prestige of being a priest remained intact.

615 ............. ......., 27 October 1901, vol. 43, pp. 419-420.

616 For such proposals see Anatoli, N. 4609, 24 November 1892.

During his first patriarchate Joachim III intended to establish theological seminaries in the capitals of the provinces. For example in the memorandum of Joachim III of 12 January 1879, just two months after his election, that called for a revision in National Regulations, the Patriarch among other things stressed the need of the establishment of two or three theological seminaries. During the same period Joachim also reorganized the central Theological School in Halki that aimed to

reform the higher clergy. 617 But despite these attempts of establishing schools for the lower clergy there was no progress. Not only the provinces but even Istanbul lacked a theological seminary until the end of the century.618 In his second term Joachim III reinvigorated the efforts for the establishment of cleric schools in the provinces. Thus in 1902 there were thoughts to establish two cleric schools in Macedonia.619

617 Cited in Spanoudis, 1902, p. 28 and 35.

618 For that discussion see for example .... ... ....... ... ... ....... ... ......... ......... ...... ... ........ ... ..... .. ................. .... ........... ... ......... ........ ... ......... ......... ......, ...... ..........: Constantinople 1871.

619 See ............. ......., 15 February 1902, vol. 7, pp. 73-74.

620 Eleni D. Belia, .......... ... .......... ........ . ......... ... ...... 1856-1912 (Education and Irredentist Policy the Case of Thrace 1856-1912), (...... ....... .......... ... .....: Thessaloniki 1995) pp. 6667.

As we saw previously providing community schools with competent primary school teachers of local origin was also an important issue in Ottoman Greek education. Different schools had been established during the last quarter of the century to fulfill this need. For example the Zaripheia Normal Schools of Philippoupolis had been established in 1874 in order to provide the elementary level schools of Thrace with competent local teachers. The school had been established through the initiative of the Thracian Phileducational Society of Constantinople and the financial support of Georgios Zariphis. The schools are planned to have dormitories for boys and girls and the students who were going be supported fully or partly by the Thracian Society would be obliged to work in community schools assigned by the society.620 Similarly, another teacher training school for boys and girls, the Zographeia Normal Schools in Kestorati of Epirus had been established by the Epirot Phileducational Syllogos of Constantinople in 1873 with the financial

support of Christakis Zographos. In the establishment of both schools the primary initiative had come from the Greek Philological Society of Constantinople.

Missionaries in Cappadocia

The increased activities of missionaries had become a great concern for the church hierarchy of the region. The Angloamerican missionaries reached Kayseri after the Crimean War. But they had visited Kayseri and the region before that date. In 1823 an agent of the British and Foreign Bible Society had brought Testaments in the spoken language to the region. In 1827 Rev. Elnathan Gridley reached Kayseri with his Armenian teacher but he died there shortly after due to malaria. While it seems that Kayseri was a place of banishment for those priests suspected of Protestantism. In 1839 two teachers banished from the capital to a monastery near Kayseri where they stayed for one year while in 1845 a priest was banished to the same monastery.621

621 The Missionary Herald, January 1892, p. 53.

Rev. Johnston, a missionary of ABCFM, arrived Kayseri in May 1850 with his assistant and stayed in the city for few months. According to his account during his stay he had limited intercourse with the local Armenian community because the local Armenian bishop had pronounced his anathema against two individuals who had embraced Protestantism. The excommunication had ruined their business due to the social exclusion of the community. The local Armenian Church had also responded fiercely against those who attended Johnston.s preaching service. Thus he had a very small attendance of five adults and two boys and some other occasional and secret visitors. But Johnston was confident that when the conditions enabled

freedom of belief without sacrificing worldly interests many would embrace Protestantism. Thus despite Johnston.s negative statetements about the climate of the city in the summer he advised of establishing a station in Kayseri.622 This favourable report of Johnston led the Armenian Mission in its annual meeting in Istanbul in 1853 to establish a station in Kayseri and Mr. Farnsworth was designated to the station.623

622 The Missionary Herald, March 1851, No. 3, pp. 78- 81.

623 The Missionary Herald, September 1853, No. 9, pp.257, 265.

624 The Missionary Herald, October 1854, pp. 320-321. The missionary stations were formed and administered by the missionaries of the ABCFM. In the last decade of the nineteenth century there were seven stations in the Western Turkey Mission (Gstanbul, Bursa, Izmir, Gzmit, Kayseri, Sivas, Trabzon and Merzifon). While every station had numerous outstations where regular preaching,

teaching or other work was carried out by native helpers under the supervision of the missionaries and the stations. Some of the outsations of Kayseri were Yozgat, Nide, Aksaray, Sungurlu and Talas.

625 The Missionary Herald, July 1857, p. 209; September 1857, pp. 287-288.

Kayseri became a regular missionary station of the Armenian Mission of ABCFM (after 1860 it was renamed as Western Turkey Misssion) in June 1854 with the arrival of missionaries Rev. J. N. Ball and Rev. W. A. Farnsworth.624 The nucleus of the evangelical church at that time consisted of twenty persons. In three years despite some problems especially in finding native helpers the whole Protestant community had reached to 151 persons. There were two schools operating, one for boys with forty pupils and one for girls with twenty to forty pupils. They had also succeeded to find a suitable place near one of the Armenian churches of the city for a chapel.625 The progress of the work in the Kayseri station was promising. Especially the Armenian communities of the region seem to have responded positively to the efforts of the missionaries in contrast to the Orthodox. According to the statistical report of the Kayseri station for the year 1875 conducted by Farnsworth, the number of Protestants of the entire station had reached to 2,310 while there were nineteen

out-stations. In the field of education there were 380 pupils only in Kayseri and in total 1,506 pupils in the entire station.626

626 The Missionary Herald, May 1876, pp. 169-170.

627 The Missionary Herald, February 1879, p. 60. According to Riggs about two thousand people participated at the dedication ceremony of the church including large numbers of nonProtestant Armenians and Greeks and some Turks.

628 The Missionary Herald, February 1892, p. 55.

629 Ioannidis, 1896, p. 46.

In 1878 the missionaries achieved to erect a new church in Kayseri. The

church was a stone structure in later Byzantine style with a central dome of fifty-five feet high. While the community possessed also another building for parsonage and school.627 In the beginning of the last decade of the century the Protestant church of the Kayseri station amounted of 4,558 adherents while the church members were 1,083. There were 74 Armenian and Greek native helpers. While the number of the pupils reached to 2,089.628

There they established a school but they had a very slow progress and in nearly twenty years they proselytized only some Armenian families. From Kayseri, the missionaries moved to Talas, where they had established a school and after reaching the required number by the law for the establishment of a church (fifty families), they founded their church and their community. Following the establishment of their community they established another school and a hospital in the upper quarter of Talas and they transformed the first school into a church. The community possessed lesson halls and a girls. school in which apart from the required lessons the students taught needlework and piano.629

In his extensive writings on missionary activities in Cappadocia, A. Levides argues that despite the huge expenses the school was not successful and that is why

the missionaries decided to transform it into a language gymnasium in order to attract students. On the other hand according to Levides the hospital was looking free of charge the poor and possessed a doctor, a surgeon and nurses under the directorship of Doctor Dadd.630

630 A. M. Levidis, ....... ... ... ........ ... ............. .. ..... .... .. .. .......... ......... ... .............` ......... vol. 6, March 1906, pp. 248-249.

631 Ioannidis, 1896, p. 46.

In the last decade of the nineteenth century the number of Protestants in Talas had reached to sixty or eighty families. In 1873 they established a Girls. Boarding School which in 1889 moved to its newly established quarters. This school became a very important source of recruitment for the missionaries. Some of the graduates of this school became teachers in the village schools. These developments made the village the epicenter of attention of the Orthodox Church fearing that Talas will become a center for spreading Protestantism and there were many warnings to the local Orthodox community to protect themselves against the foreign propaganda. For example Ioannis Ioannides criticized the unfortunate fathers that sent their girls

who in future will become mothers to this school for ostentation and splendor and stressed that they are responsible for their children and they have to stick to Orthodoxy.631

It was very common for the religious authorities to issue occasional warnings to their flocks in order to prevent parents to send their children to missionary schools. For example the Patriarchate in a circular issued in 16 August 1902 warned the parents who sent their children to foreign schools to protect them from propaganda. According to the circular the majority of the students in these foreign schools consisted of Orthodox who mostly entered them in order to learn languages.

The circular stated explicitly that these schools are harmful from the point of religion and nation (ethnos) and lead to the loss of religious and ethnic values and customs and the loss of the language of the fathers and leads to the degeneration of the youth. Thus it called the parents, the notables of the parishes, members of the school and church boards to trust and support the schools of the genos. Lastly it emphasized that the Orthodox schools also provide its students classes of foreign languages but on the other hand it emphasized that beyond the material interests the ultimate aim of education must be the protection of religion and language and observing the morals and customs of forefathers.632

632 ............. ......., 16 August 1902, Vol. 33, pp. 349350. It seems that the circular had an effect in preventing the Orthodox flock to enter the missionary schools. Miss Jones. statement from Istanbul about the situation of the schools of the Board there is revealing: I did not expect many Greek children this year, because of the very strong edict sent out by the patriarch against the patronage of all foreign schools. We lost some, but others have come to fill their places.. The Missionary Herald, January 1903, p. 27.

633 ............. ......., 5 October 1901, vol. 40, p. 392. But it seems that this warning did not have any effect and thus the Committee obliged to repeat one year later its announcement and warn

the conation (.........) parents to withdraw their children from this school in order to avoid its disastrous results. ............. ......., 1 March 1902, vol. 9.

634 The Missionary Herald, January 1893, pp.2728.

While the Patriarchal Central Educational Committee tried to forbid the entrance of pupils in schools that it considered that were not confirm to the qualifications of Orthodox Greek Scool. Thus, for example it announced in 1901 that a certain school in Odunkap directed by Konstantinos Dimitrakopoulos under the name Orthodox Greek School does not possess these qualities and is not recognized by the Patriarchate as such. That.s why it recommended the residents of the quarter to avoid sending their children to that school.633

Another center of action of missionaries was Zincidere. In 1893 the mission obtained a firman permitting the building of a church in Zincidere.634 Dr. Farnsworth wrote in 1893 an evaluation of the work done by the missionaries in

Zincidere which he describes as the most important center of Greek education of all the region with a very rich monastery. He argues that after nearly 25 years Zincidere, which was a branch of the church in Kayseri had become one of the most stable and self reliant out stations of the station field. It was a community of 154 persons, the church members were thirty one and the pupils in the school were 35. The preacher was a local Greek who according to Farnsworth had gained the respect of the entire town. The community erected a church in 1893 which in its basement had a nice schoolroom.635

635 The Missionary Herald, November 1893, p. 470.

Around 1855 in Zincidere the teacher Lazaros Haritonidis propagated that the Metropolitan Paisios scorned the poor and for that reason he was fired but he found a new position in the school of rgp. Levides argues that he also interfered there with the community affairs and that.s why he was forced to leave rgp and went this time to Sinasos. In Sinasos he was also fired after a short time, while his place was filled by the nephew of the Metropolitan. According to Levides this last incident angered further Haritonidis who claimed that he was persecuted by the Metropolitan and decided to work for the missionaries as a teacher and began to instruct in his house in Zincidere.

For Levides despite these efforts nobody approached the missionaries in Zincidere until a controversy broke out concerning the usage of water in the gardens of the monastery of John the Forerunner. A certain resident called Hatzi Anestis demanded to transfer water from the monastery claiming that the source belonged to the entire village. Levides recalls that the controversy that arose between Anestis and the monastery was the reason of the adoption of Hatzi Anestis and many of his relatives and friends of Protestantism. Despite the efforts of the Metropolitan and the

notables of the community to convince them some of them remained faithful to their new belief. According to Levides in 1905 even in Zincidere there were eight families of Protestants.636 Levides further argues that this incident led the Metropolitan to reorganize the school in the monastery and to rename it as Theology School and along with the Turkish and Greek lessons he invited the later Metropolitan of Kayseri I. Anastasiadis to give religion lessons and Levides himself to instruct practical lessons.637

636 Levidis, 1906, pp. 254.

637 Ibid., pp. 250-253.

638 The Missionary Herald, January 1857, p. 18.

639 The Missionary Herald, April 1876, pp. 120-121.

Despite statements of missionaries like Farnsworth.s that the Christianity of the region was formal and lifeless, the Orthodox church of the region put up a fierce and mostly successfull resistance to the efforts of the missionaries.638 For example according to Mr. Bowen from the Manisa field, despite discontent and disgust with the national churches was undisquised, Protestantism met with a great deal of hostility as the apparent foe of the Armenian and Greek nationalism.639 In Zincidere missionaries constantly complained about the efforts of the monastery to uproot them. Mr. Barlett.s reports demonstrate how swiftly the local clergy and dignitaries reacted against those sympathize the missionaries. Writing in the beginning of 1869, Barlett argued that in a meeting attended by all the men of the village it was decided that the priests should visit all the people in order to warn them against the Protestants. The seventeen men suspected of Protestantism were pressed and according always to Barlett only five of them remained firm in their faith

despite the anathema pronounced against them.640 As we saw above the reports of missionaries published in Missionary Herald contains always complaints about incidents of persecution of the local religious leaders against them. Actually most of the time the reports follow a predetermined typology in which the interest and support of the local population towards the missionary work is precluded by the local notables and church dignitaries that adopt a harsh attitude against those who associate with the missionaries. Despite the importance they attached to self help, that is the the establishment of self reliance of the stations the work of the missionaries depended always on the material support gathered from the congregations in the US. Thus the reports published in the Missionary Herald had to contain positive assessments of the work done by the missionaries in order to attract the interest of the readers. Thus one can easily argue that incidents of persecution in this picture served as a pretext for the limited results of the missionaries.

640 Barlett also adds that shortly after he and Farnsworth together with their wives visited the monastery where they were received kindly by the Metropolitan. The Missionary Herald, May 1869, pp. 158159.

641 The Missionary Herald, November 1869, pp. 888.

While in August of the same year despite some progress especially of the school, Barlett complained again from the persecution of the monastery. The recently ordained native Pastor Kerope who was going to spend some months in the village found very difficult a house. While in another council attended by the priests of the surrounding villages anathemas were issued against those showing friendship to the Protestants.641 Excommunication obviously constituted the harshest punishment inside the community. Perhaps far from its religious aspect the social isolation and exclusion that it produced made the punishment most of the time unbearable. Konstantinos Vayanes in his childhood memoirs remembers that during

the middle of the century in Sinasos it was forbidden for community members even to salute those excommunicated for reasons of violating community norms and values. Vayanes argues that in the predominantly Orthodox village of Sinasos communal excommunication was practiced even to those outside the Orthodox community for example for reasons of misbehaving in trade.642 Despite these in late 1872 Mr. Barlett argued that there were some fifteen Protestants but most of these were migrating only to return in summertime.643

642 Vayanes, 1909, pp. 25-45.

643 The Missionary Herald, May 1873, p. 155.

644 The Missionary Herald, November 1893, p. 470.

645 Levidis, 1906, pp. 253254.

As it is seen from previous examples teachers constituted a very important element in the spread of missionaries in the region. Another example of this phenomenon was Euthimios Ioannidis (Ioannou) who had been fired from the school of Zincidere because he had also adopted Protestantism. He could be the formerly quite famous teacher described by Dr. Fransworth in 1893 who described the speech of this one of the most influential Greeks of the place during the opening ceremony of the church established in Zincidere.644

Efstathios Kleovoulos, who had replaced Paisios on the throne of Metropolitan was also very swift against the missionaries. Immediately after his enthronement he wrote extensive polemics against the missionaries in Talas that called the abovementioned teacher to return to Orthodoxy.645 Kleovoulos also wrote a long treatise to previously mentioned allilodidactic teacher Euthymios Ioannidis who was deceived by the Protestants. The treatise was published after the death of Kleovoulos by the newspaper Anatolikos Astir and distributed to its tactical

subscribers. The text is written in the form of a letter which replies the questions of Ioannidis concerning issues like worshiping icons, saints and their remnants, excommunication, the celibacy of clerics etc.646 In his letter of December 1872 Barlett mentions that the new Metropolitan that replaced the former incumbent, who was nearly a hundred years old began immediately a series of vigorous efforts against the missionaries. Barlett defends that this effort of the Metropolitan awakened a spirit of inquiry among its flock.647

646 Eustathios Kleovoulos, ............ ....... (Constantinople: Anatolikos Astir 1878).s

647 The Missionary Herald, May 1873, p. 155.

These abovementioned polemics of Kleovoulos against the American missionaries W. A. Fransworth, S. Bartlett and O. Barrows, were translated in Karamanlidika by Philippos G. Aristovoulos, headmaster of the schools of NevGehir, and published sixteen years later in 1888 in the journal of Terakki. These polemical letters, written by one of the most erudite Orthodox clerics of the time provide us an example of the arguments used by the Greek Orthodox hierarchy towards the Protestant missionaries.

In the beginning of his letters Kleovoulos expresses his and his millets. affection and esteem of Americans for their love of progress and science and for the favor and respect towards the Rum millet. But the tone of the letters immediately changes and Kleovoulos accuses the missionaries for attempting to deceive the ignorant and aimless men and the unprotected and without guidance women and children, who by their nature are easily persuaded and riping off them from the Orthodox flock. Kleovoulos invite the missionaries, if they are sincere in spreading

the word of God, to propagate it to the idolater nations that are unaware of it and not among Christians of Anatolia.648

648 E. Kleovoulos Mektubleri, Terakki vol. 8, 31 August 1888, pp. 113-115.

649 E. Kleovoulos Mektubleri Gkinci Mektub, Terakki vol. 9, 15 September 1888, pp. 129-131.

650 E. Kleovoulos Mektubleri, Terakki vol. 10, 30 September 1888, pp. 145-147.

In his second letter the tone of Kleovoulos becomes even harsher. He accuses the missionaries for stoling the ignorant and unarmed sheeps of Christ.s flock through deception.The metropolitan defends the superiority and seniority of the Orthodox Church over the Caholic and various Protestant churches. For Kleovoulos the Greeks had approved the Gospel in their language centuries before the conquest of America and they shed their blood for the protection and spread of Christianity.649 Kleovoulos defends that the Rum Orthodox Church is founded on rock, that.s why

for him it resisted to the pressures of idolaters, tyrants, heretics and schismatics. Established by the Apostles and the decisions of the Holy Synods the Orthodox Church for Kleovoulos is the only true church in contrast to the rotten and scratchy doctrines of the various Protestan churches and companies who lack the ancient and real Catholicism of the Orthodox Church. For Kleovoulos both Papacy and the Protestants lack firm roots because they deny the decisions of Ecumenical Holy Synods and replace them with the doctrines of either the Pontifix or those of various doctors and that.s why everyday new creeds appear among themselves. Thus for Kleovoulos, due to their denial of the decisions of the Holy Synods shaped by the Holy Spirit, the missionaries are almost close to heretics.650

But the letters of Kleovoulos were not an isolated phenomenon. Polemics, letters, pamphlets against Protestants were common. For example, in a letter published in Anatoli in 1888 the anonymous author from NevGehir informs his

readers that in an article published in Angeliophoros, the paper of ABCFM in Karamanlidika its author, Karakin Koundouratjijan, who was writing an article about NevGehir argued that the Rums of NevGehir are phanatics and drunk. For the author of the letter Koundouratjijan was afraid to loose his salary because the Rums of the city had dissapointed the hopes of the Protestants. It seems that beeing paid by the missionaries was used as an important accusation against those who sided with the missionaries. Thus the letter continues to accuse this Koundouratjijan if it is worth for a salary to seperate husband from wife and children from their parents or insulting his old creed. The author of the article also attacked Koundouratjijan.s claim that there were few Rums of the city that had embraced Protestantism and invited him to announce their names if this is true.651

651 Anatoli N. 3929, 07 July 1888.

652 Askitopoulos, NevGehir 15 February 1905, file I 58 3306.

As we saw above teachers were very important in the spread of Protestantism. But on the other hand teachers were also on the forefront of the struggle against missionaries. Especially from the last decade of the century onwards the Society of

Anatoli and its periodical Xenophanis constituted important references for the struggle against missionaries. In his letter Askitopoulos, the headmaster of the community schools of NevGehir recommends different names to the president of the Society from Konya, Kayseri and Samsun (two of them were doctors) in order to write treatises against the propaganda activities.652 One of those recommended names, doctor Kyriakos Artemiadis from Kayseri thanks the Society for assuming responsibility in order to cure the wounds inflicted to the homeland by the missionaries who through the ridiculous pretense teach Christianity to Christians in

order to destroy their national and religious feelings. Thus Artemiadis declares that he accepts the proposal of the Society.653

653 Kyriakos Artemiadis, Kayseri 4 April 1905, file I 60 3381.

654 Merhum Aristovoulos Nevsehir kinotisi sarslmaz bir stun ve uyumak bilmez bir muhafz bir beki gibi durarak etraf-u eknaf istila etmiG propaganda Girketlerinin hi birini kadem bastrmamG ve bu suretle NevGehiri Ortodoksos Hristiyanlnn adeta bir istihkam yapmGtr. Dr. St. I. Leontiadis, Philippos Aristovoulos, ............. ........... . ..... 1913 (Constantinople: Protopapa and Sas, 1912), p. 143.

655 Ibid, p. 142. The sermons of Aristovoulos were printed in Istanbul in 1882 at the printhouse of the Patriarchate. It consisted of 276 pages and its title was Ithikai Omiliai Epi ton Kyriakon Apostolon Meta Keimenou Auton (Ethical Speeches of the Sundays of Apostles).

656 NevGehir kinotisi etrafn muharebe sard, din-u millet muharebesi kuGatt, mdafaa iin reisi harp yoktur kinotisin vcudu hastaland, tabib bulunamayor.Ibid, p. 143.

Another earlier example is Philippos Aristovoulos, who was a teacher and later became headmaster in the schools of NevGehir and worked there for more than 40 years. Through marrying a girl from the Greek speaking village of Sinasos, Aristovoulos. house had become the first Greek speaking house of the community of NevGehir. Besides teaching, Aristovoulos also preached regularly in the church of NevGehir. Such was his success that Leontiadis who wrote in 1912 his biography to the yearbook of the community of NevGehir described that through his sermons, Aristovoulos had become the guard of NevGehir and turned the community into a stronghold of Orthodoxy against the propaganda activities of different Western missionary companies.654 Even the Patriarchate appreciated the work of Aristovouls and appointed him as the preacher of three ecclesiastic provinces.655 Leontiadis contrasts the times that Aristovoulos was preaching with his period in which the community in the absence of Aristovoulos was under the threat of various propaganda and even from inside the community.656

Despite these setbacks and disappointments the missionaries were encouraged and gave a new impetus to their work among the Orthodox of the region when in late

1897 some influential Greeks declared themselves Protestants in rgb. The missionaries had worked in rgb for some years but had left the spot describing the place as stony ground. Dr. Fransworth reported that there were seventy two Potestants in rgb. He was also positive about the situation in Aksaray and Nide while during his visits he had witnessed that some of the graduates of the Talas Girls. Boarding school were operating girls. schools.657 These encouraging observations led Rev. H. K. Wingate to make a general evaluation of the fifty years of work of the station for the Greeks and the new prospects of work among the Orthodox of the region. Wingate admitted that the recent massacres against the Armenians obliged them to occupy themselves with relief work and that the fact that Armenians have responded from the very beginning positively to their work gives the impression that the Board have been engaged entirely in Armenian work. But he states that recently new opportunities of work among the Greeks of the region of Kayseri, rgb and the villages of Nide emerged never before seen in the history of their station. According to Wingate in rgb assistance of a regular pastor or preacher was desperately needed for the people who showed renewed interest to the Scriptures. While he pointed that in Nide there were many Greek villages never visited by an evangelist. Wingate further argued that the station needed money, men and especially local Greeks that will serve as teachers and priests. In order to have these men he stressed the importance of establishing a school amply provided with teachers, apparatus and buildings. In Kayseri region the school of Talas was an important venture. The majority of the seventy students divided in six grades were still Armenian but there were also some twelve boarder Greek boys which made him to believe that this

number was a promising beginning. Wingate stressed the need for having a proper

657 The Missionary Herald, March 1898, p. 110.

building for the school instead of the two non-adjacent buildings they had rented. Also he mentioned that they have established a rug factory for the pupils unable to pay in full. These pupils were employed for several hours of the day in the factory and emphasized the moral effect of this kind of assistance to the direct assistance.658

658 For Wingate the current needs of the station amounted in total 1,148 dollars of which about five hundred dollars came from the pupils. The Missionary Herald, December 1898, pp. 502-504.

659 The Missionary Herald, August 1903, pp. 351-352.

660 The Missionary Herald, January 1903, p. 26.

At the beginning of the century the Kayseri mission consisted of thirty-five congregations with a total of 5,439 adherents. These outstations were scattered over a vast area and eight of these had native pastors, twelve had unordained preachers, while twenty of them had male teachers and fourteen had female teachers. Despite

some need of monetary assistance most of the outstations supported themselves. It possessed two boarding schools, thirty village schools with 1,701 pupils, a kindergarten and a hospital with seventy beds. There were four missionaries with their families and six unmarried women. The girls. boarding school established in 1873 was the only source of female teachers for the village schools. While the boarding school for boys in Talas provided communities with teachers and preachers.659 Talas continued to be the center of the operations of the Kayseri station. The hospital there under the direction of Dr. Dodd became an important operation area. In 1903 Wilfred M. Post had joined him in his medical work. While Dr. Fransworth and his wife who were completed almost fifty years of work in this station resided in Talas. News from rgb continued to be positive. Acording to Dr. H. S. Barnum the Protestant preacher of the place Mr. Shirinidis had rallied around him a strong congregation.660

The Boys. School in Kayseri in 1903 had 85 students. While the Kayseri station employed eight native pastors, twelve unordained preachers, and 31 teachers in boys. schools. Despite this large number of native workers the station demanded the reinforcement of native laborers.661

661 The Missionary Herald, August 1903, p. 336.

662 Boos Efendi Emmanuilyan went to Rome and there he was ordained as archbishop. He returned to Kayseri in 1878 and remained there as the leader of the Armenocatholic community until 1899 when he went to Istanbul and elected as the patriarch of the Armenian Catholics. He died in 1904. A. M. Levidis, ....... ... ... ........ ... ............. .. ..... .... .. .. .......... ......... ... .............` ......... vol. 9, June 1906, pp. 403404.

663 For the establishment of the Armenian Catholic community see Charles A. Frazee, The Formation of the Armenian Catholic Community in the Ottoman Empire, Eastern Churches Review Vol. 7 No.

1 1975: 149-163.

664 Obviously there were also success stories like the Catholic missionaries of Ankara. In the beginning of the nineteenth century the Catholic Armenians in Ankara totalled twelve thousand in a

Catholic missionaries were also active in the region of Kayseri. The activities of Catholic missionaries in the region increased after the arrival of Friar Boos Efendi Emmanuilyan in Kayseri, who according to Levidis he had gained the respect not only of Catholics but also of the other millets. Boos Efendi convinced 150 Armenian families and established the Church of Holy Cross and a school.662

In the beginning of the twentieth century the Armenian Catholic community of Kayseri consisted of 150 families and other fifty Armenian families that swang between the Grigorian and Catholic churches. The community possessed one school for boys and one for girls and the total number of students were around two hundred.663 While the Jesuits had appeared in Kayseri in 1881 and had established a monastery in the name of Saint Basil and a school with three hundred students.

Most of the time the achievements of the missionaries in the region were transitory and it was far from uncommon for the proselytized to return to their

original denomination after the passage of a certain time.664 For example in the small

population of fifteen thousand Armenians. See Charles A. Frazee, The Formation of the Armenian Catholic Community in the Ottoman Empire, Eastern Churches Review Vol. 7 No. 1 1975: 159.

665 A. M. Levidis, ....... ... ... ........ ... ............. .. ..... .... .. .. .......... ......... ... .............` ......... vol. 6, March 1906, pp. 254-255.

666 A. M. Levidis, ....... ... ... ........ ... ............. .. ..... .... .. .. .......... ......... ... .............` ......... vol. 9, June 1906, p. 405.

village of Stefana (ReGadiye), that lied near Zincidere forty families had embraced Protestantism through the encouragement of a master builder named Ioannis Hristiforidis. Levides explains how he went to Stefana after the order of the Metropolitan Ioannis to investigate the situation and managed to convince all the families except the one of Hristoforidis to return to Orthodoxy.665

Plenty of reasons can lead to proselytization, personal as well as factional

disputes among community members. For axample Levides recount an incident in Kayseri and Zincidere where a certain small trader called Hatzi Basil embraced the Uniate church in 1884 because his demand to remarry was refused by the Metropolitan. According always to Levidis he convinced some of his compatriots through different promises and a certain Armenian Catholic priest Nikogos who, dressed like an Orthodox priest, started to preach that the Uniate churh was not at all different from the Orthodox except mentioning the name of the Pope instead of the Patriarch during the liturgy. During that time Levides argues that there was a disagreement among the community of Kayseri concerning the partitioning of head tax. Those that complained from the partitioning called priest Nikogos to perform the liturgy. But it seems that the Metropolitan Ioannis acted immediately and protested to the local authorities that the priest agitates the conscience of the Orthodox of the region and wears the Orthodox priest garment illegaly and the authorities ordered him to leave for Ankara.666 This was not the sole example that the local ecclesiastic authority cooperated with the state authorities against proselytism. In 1885, a priest

called Theodoros in Kayseri who had embraced Uniatism was also exiled to Ankara by state authorities because he had opened a church and a school without official consent.667

667 Ibid., p. 406.

668 This different response of the two millets towards the work of the missionaries led some of the missionaries to explain the outcome through compairing the character of the two. For example according to Mr. Bowen from the Manisa field: In the main the Armenians are much more ready for religious instruction than the Greeks. All see the wretchedness and worthlessness of their own churches, but the Armenian tendency seems to be towards a better church, while the Greek tendency is in the direction of rationalism and infidelity. They are passing through a critical period. They are in the possession of a little learning, and it is turning their heads and making sad havoc with their religious faith. Greek literature seems to be essentially a reproduction of what is bad in French literature. The Greek is too ready to ape the Frenchman. The Missionary Herald, April 1876, p. 121.

669 .......... ....... .. .......... .... ... ... ... ... ..... ........ .......... ........... vol. 5, 22 ..vember 1892, p. 86-7.

In the end, the missionaries, both Protestant and Catholic had a very limited success among the Orthodox of the region. Their work among Armenians remained always far more rewarding. This obviously was the result of the ideological and organizational strength of the Orthodox church that despite many difficulties retained its hegemony over its flock.668

The Monastery of John the Forerunner

Before turning to the Theological Seminary of Zincidere a few words have to be said about the monastery of John the Forerunner that sheltered the school. The monastery of John the Forerunner that sheltered the school complex was on the road that connected Istanbul and MaraG and was used as a station for the travelers. It was situated southeast of the village of Zincidere which lied approximately ten kilometers

southeast of Kayseri. The monastery had been established (or repaired) by the Metropolitan of Kayseri Neophytos from Patmos (1717-1734) in 1728.669 During that

period through his personal contact with Damat Gbrahim PaGa, Neophytos had managed to establish and repair many churches in his ecclesiastic province. The region will witness a similar kind of a construction and repairing campaign only in the 1840s immediately after te proclamation of Tanzimat reforms.

It seems that immediately after its establishment the monastery sheltered an elementary school (....................) which did not functioned tactically. In 1760 the monastery became stavropighiako (.............), that is, it was no more under the jurisdiction of the local Metropolitan but administered by the Patriarchate separately. This was because the then metropolitan of Kayseri Paisios the first had been robbed by thieves when he was on the road to Istanbul with the precious belongings of the monastery which he had seized them.670

670 Ioannidis, 1896, p. 57.

671 Germanos translated in Karamanlidika the Idioms of Solomon (......... ..........) of Maksimos the Confessor in 1799 and published by the Patriarchal press. See E. Dallecio, Karamanlidika I, Athens 1958, p. 105. The Metropolitan of Kayseri Paisios describes his teacher Germanos as the light of the East. See Apostolopoulos, p. 234.

672 .......... ....... .. .......... .... ... ... ... ... ..... ........ .......... ........... vol. 6, 29 ..vember 1892, p. 106-7; Ioannidis, 1896, pp. 58-61.

In 1792 the then Metropolitan of Kayseri, Gregory from Athens (1773-1796) established a hellenic school in Kayseri and appointed his representative (..............) Ignatios as teacher of the school. Ignatios was replaced by Germanos from Aleksandria671 who taught until 1805 and became the teacher and mentor of many clerics who later on had successful careers in the church service, including the Metropolitan Paisios. In 1804 Germanos moved the school in the monastery of John the Forerunner which in the meantime had acquired its final shape. After Germanos. death Paisios, who as we saw will later on become for almost forty years the Metropolitan of Kayseri become the teacher of the school.672

The monastery was ravaged numerous times. In 1821, after the start of the Greek Rebellion it was attacked and looted, while the monks and Paisios run away from it. The monastery remained for months under their occupation.673 In 1833 the monastery become cathedral and the Metropolitan started to stay there permanently and went to Kayseri only when there was a necessity. While we will see later, this decision was harshly criticized on the ground that the Metropolitan spent his entire time behind the walls of the monastery. According to Evaggelinos Misailides who wrote a series of articles in his paper, the primary reason for the decline of the monastery during the last years of Paisios was the division between the Orthodox of the province concerning the status of the monastery. The province had been divided into two factions of which the first defended that the monastery was Patriarchal (.............) and the other defended that it belonged to the province. There were two types of monasteries: the stavropighiako which was under the direct surveillance of the Patriarchate and it possessed the right to appoint the abbot of the monastery with the approval of the metropolitan and its accounts were supervised by the Patriarchate. The second type called parish monastery (.........) and was administered by the Metropolitan himself. Both types of monasteries were under the control of the abbot (higoumene or archimandrite).674 While in this second type the revenues of the monastery do not belong to the metropolitan directly, Misailidis argues that he can seize them easily through an excuse. Thus for him the stavropighiako type of monasteries are preferable. Misailidis criticizes the

673 Theodoros Theodoridis, .......... ............. .. ......... ... ........... .... ...

......... ........... ... 1821 (A Revolutionary Incident in Kayseri of Cappadocia during the Greek Revolt of 1821) ............ ....... Vol. 17, Athens 1980, pp. 216226.

674 For details of the monastic order of the Grek Orthodox Church during the second half of the nineteenth century see .......... ... ... ... ............ ...... ..... ........... (Regulation of the Holy Monasteries under the Ecumenical Throne) (Constantinople: A. Koromila & P. Paspalli 1864.

metropolitans who treated the monastery as a profitable enterprise. For Misailidis it is obvious that the monastery of John the Forerunner is stavropighiako but he criticizes the attitude of his compatriots who behave according to their interest. Thus according to him, when it was in the interest of a certain faction to defend that the monastery is stavropighiako it behaved in that way while in another case the very same faction can defend that the monastery is of the parish (enoriakon) if it served its interests. He also criticized the metropolitan Paisios because he used the monastery as parish monastery. For Misailidis what was lacking was concord (.......) among the Orthodox and not the specific status of the monastery. He defended the gathering of a council consisting of clerics and laity to draft a regulation and elect an abbot and while dividing the monastery into two sections: one for the clerics and a second for the needs of the gymnasion that was planned to be established. He also demanded the convocation of general assembly every year in order to control the accounts of the monastery.675 But even during the last decade of the century very pessimistic accounts concerning the state of the monastery continued to exist. According to Joachim Foropoulos who was the headmaster of the Theological Seminary of Zincidere in 1888-1889, the church of the monastery was not in a better situation than the pensions of the road between Kayseri and Yozgat. Disorder ruled in the church and in their cleanliness the instruments of liturgy resembled tools of agriculture.676

675 In Kalfoglu, pp. 494501.

676 Foropoulos, 1890, p. 25.

The ecclesiastic province of Kayseri possessed also two other monasteries. The first was called Monastery of Taksiarchon (.... ... ........) or Yanarta Manastr as usually called by the Turkish speaking residents of the region and was

northeast of Kayseri. Levides argues that when the mother of the Great Constantine, Helen was on her way to recover the Holy Cross stayed there and she established there a church. But the building of the monastery had been established during the reign of Selim III when the residents received an imperial decree to renovate the monastery. During the first half of the nineteenth century many buildings were added to the monastic compound which led the monastery to accumulate an important debt that was unable to pay. In the end the monastery was saved thanks to the traveler of Anatolia Tzehatzef Alexander Petrovitz who in 1849 communicated the Russian ambassador of Constantinople Titof who also wrote to Czar Nicolas I the difficult situation of the monastery. Nicolas invited the higoumene of the monastery Parthenios to Russia and thanks to this visit Parthenios was able to gather many donations that saved the monastery. This incident constitutes another example of the Russian influence in the region through patronage and donations to the ecclesiastic institutions. The monastery sheltered a boy.s school which was free of charge. In the beginning of the century it had sixty students coming from the surrounding villages. The monastery was financed by the rents coming from its estates in the capital and the revenues coming from its gardens and the contributions from the visitors to the monastery.677

677 Levidis, 1904, pp. 139141.

678 Ibid., p. 143.

The third and the smallest monastery of the province was the monastery of Kerkeme or the Monastery of Holy Virgin (.... ... ........) that was in the village of Kerkeme. The monastery had been renovated in the 1850s and despite its insufficient funds it sheltered a boys. school that the pupils of the surrounding villages could attend.678

679 Ibid., p. 131.

680 . ..... ...... .... ... .... ....... ........ ... ........... ... .... ............, ................. ...... ......... ... .. ......... ..... ... .. ............ ........., .... ........ .. ....... . .......... ... ..... ...... .. .. ..... .... ... ......... . ........... ........... ... ......... Cited in Foropoulos, 1890, p. 21.

The Rodokanakeios Theological Seminary

The primary reason behind the reorganization and renaming as Rodokanakeios Theological Seminary, the school of the monastery of St. John the Forerunner (Ioannis Prodromos) was to provide local communities with competent priests and teachers that would be successful in the struggle against missionaries. The aim of the

school was to reform the clerics and reinforcing the religious sentiment of the public.679 This purpose had been stated explicitly in the second article of the school regulation which stated the aim of the school: The School aims the education and training on the basis of religion of the instructed in order to prepare them for the priesthood rank and the teaching profession for achieving the betterment of the clergy in Asia Minor and the Christian education of its residents.680

The school took its name from its Great Benefactor Theodoros Rodokanakeis, a businessman from Chios who was living in Marseille, because he had promised to make annual donations of five thousand francs for the establishment of a school in Anatolia in 1880 for the education of needy students. The Cappadocian Educational Brotherhood via the Patriarch Joachim III and Kostaki Vayanes Pasha from NevGehir, who was at that time member of the Mixed Council of the Patriarchate actively lobbyied and in the end succeeded the assignement of that donation to the

bishopric of Kayseri.681 Despite the desire of different towns and villages to shelter the gymnasium Metropolitan Ioannis managed to convince the assembly of the province to establish the school in the monastery of John the Forerunner as the best possible choice. The primary advantage of the specific place was that the monastic compound has enough space for sheltering the school and that is why its selection reduced dramatically the expenses.

681 Levidis, 1904, pp. 130131.

In the beginning the school was named Theological Seminary of Rodokanakeis (............. ........ ......) and this title remained until the school year of 1889-1890 when Rodokanakeis ended his annual contribution to the school. Afterwards the school was called as Theological Seminary (........ .....), Cappadocian Theological Seminary (........... ........ .....) or Theological Seminary of Kayseri (.... .......... ........ .....). In Turkish the school was called as the Grand School of Kayseri (Kayseriye Mekteb-i Kebiri), Theological Seminary of Kayseri (Kayseri Ieratiki Sholisi) or simply as the Gymnasium of Kayseri (Kayseriye Idadisi).

The regulation of the school was composed in Istanbul by the headmaster of the Theological School of Halki Germanos Grigoras, Konstantinos Vayanes and

Basileios Pylades and after the necessary additions in Kayseri it was sent back to Istanbul and approved by the Patriarchate. According to the regulation the school board consisted of eight members. Metropolitan Ioannis Anastasiadis became the president of the board while the abbot of the monastery Theologos Papazoglou, I Byzantiadis and Stephanos Karlogl.u from Endirlik (Andronikeion) appointed as board members. The Cappadocian Educational Brotherhood had the right to designate two board members. The Brotherhood retained this privilege until 1889

when the regulation was altered. While from that time onwards the school board consisted of the Metropolitan of Kayseri as president, the abbot of the monastery of John the Forerunner and six members among the phileducationalist notables of the seven communities of Zincidere, Stephana (ReGadiye)682, Endirlik683, Talas, Tavlusun684, Germir685 and Kayseri which were settlements around the monastery. 686

682 Stefana (ReGadiye) is located 11 kilometers northeast of Kayseri. During the exchange only 27 Turkish speaking Orthodox families had remained in the village among nearly five hundred Muslims. Stefana was a muhtarlk under the mdrlk of Talas. . ..... ......... ... ... ........ ... ......... ... ...... ........., vol. B (KMS: Athens 1982), p 113.

683 Endrlk (Androniki) is situated 11 kilometers southeast of Kayseri in the northern slopes of the Tekir mount. Before the population exchange the population of the village consisted of 53 Turkish speaking Orthodox families and 150 Muslims. Endrlk was a muhtarlk and was dependent to the kaymakamlk of Talas. See Ibid., p 46.

684 Tavlosun resides 8 kilometers east of Kayseri in one of the plenty northern gorges of the Tekir mount. Before the exchange the village had 26 Turkish speaking Orthodox families and 1500 Muslims. Tavlosun was a muhtarlk and was dependent to the mdrlk of Talas. Ibid., p 117.

685 Germir (Kermira) lies seven kilometers east-northeast of Kayseri in one of the plenty northern gorges of mount Tekir. Immediately before the population exchange the village had 62 Turkish speaking Orthodox families. While there were also around thousand Muslims and Armenians. Germir was a muhtarlk and was under the mdrlk of Talas. Ibid, p 83.

686 Kalfoglu, p. 559; Tsalikoglou, 1976, pp. 2021.

687 Codex of the Province of Kayseri, 241/307, p. 1-69.

The opening ceremony of the school was executed in 5 December 1882. In the beginning the school had 23 students. All the students were from the town and villages of the ecclesiastic province of Kayseri. Among them only one paid 12 liras annually as tuition fee, while the others were bursars. While in its second year the school had 42 students of which 34 were bursars. In the school year of 1886-1887 the number of the students had reached to 85 of which 35 were bursars. The ecclesiastic provinces that the fifty students that paid tuiton fees were: 30 from the province of Kayseri, 6 from the province of Konya, 4 from Ankara, 2 from GmGhane, 2 from Cyprus, one from Chios and one from Egypt. The next year the number of the students had reached to 117.687

688 In 1892 Foropoulos appointed as the director of the Greek Hospital of Smyrna. In 1901 hebecome Metropolitan of Melenikou and in 1903 Metropolitan of Pelagoneia. Andreas Fr. Mihailidis, .. .......... ... ........ ......... ........ (The Manuscript of the Teacher Nikiphoros Piperidis), (Chios, ......... . ..... 2005) p. 28.

689 Anatoli N. 4034, 01 April 1889.

The Kaisareias affair

The school falls into a deep crisis between 1889 and 1891 that almost caused its demise. In the school year of 1887-1888 three headmasters (Makarios Tantalidis, Ambrosios Stavrianos and Ioasaph) had been dismissed and this caused great damage to the functioning of the school. In order to prevent further instability the metropolitan appointed as headmaster Joachim Foropoulos, who had studied

Theology in Germany and was a member of the spiritual court of the Patriarchate. Born in Chios, Joachim Foropoulos (1859-1909) had graduated from the Theological School of Halki and continued his studies in Monaco and Leipzig. In 1888 while he was the headmaster of the Theological Seminary he was ordained as archimandrite by the Metropolitan of Kayseri.688

As Levides argues in the beginning the appointment of Joachim Foropoulos as headmaster of the school in October 1888 had seemed to solve its two permanent problems: the constant dismissal of teachers in the middle of the school year and the rebellious attitude of the students. But he adds that recently animosities between students and teachers had reappeared.689

A very important source for this major crisis of the school is provided by one of its protagonists. Headmaster Joachim Foropoulos published in 1890 the report (.........) that he intended to read in the oral exams as was the rule then for the headmaster to read during the exams of the school but he was prevented to do it

because he was expelled from the school.690 This is not surprising since his report consist a very harsh critic against especially the metropolitan Ioannis Anastasiadis and the existing state of the school. For him the Rodokanakeios Theological Seminary of Kayseri constituted a parody of public institution, a parody of school. Foropoulos sees as the main reason of the disturbances students. domination (............) that is the freedom of students to join to different factions inside the school. While he blames the teacher Konstantinos Eliades, the righthand of metropolitabn Ioannis, for dividing the teaching staff and the school board in order to attain his goals.691

690 Foropoulos, 1890.

691 Ibid, pp. 31-32. Foropoulos even claimed that he had discovered the correspondence of Eliades with a student, Ioannis Karagozoglou who was also the nephew of the metropolitan Ioannis Anastasiadis in order to obtain the support of the students. Ibid, pp. 46-51.

692 Ibid., pp. 27-30.

A major criticism of Foropoulos concerned the confusion concerning the orientation of the school. He criticized greatly the decision of the previous school board to limit the scholarships only to clerics (deacons and presbyters). This according to Foropoulos was a clear sign of the intention of some members of the school board to transform the school into a normal provincial gymnasium. He added that some even think to turn the school into a trade school. In order to achieve this they tried to diminish the number of the bursar students and accept only thoso who paid tuitions. He also criticized the decision of establishing a model primary school in the monastery with the sole purpose of attracting more students, in which mostly the children of the notables of the surrounding villages enrolled. For Foropoulos this was a grave mistake since these infants were together the whole day with students that were twenty years old.692

Ioannis Kalfoglou who was a student of the school during this crisis provides another detailed account of the crisis in his book about the monastery of John the Forerunner. He remembers that he had joined together with around 70 students to the faction of the Metropolitan and the school board. According to him the crisis began when Foropoulos, the headmaster was accused by the school board of excessive spending. On the other hand Foropoulos argued that the school board systematically hided from him information about the revenues and expenses of the school.693 Another factor for Kalfoglou was the jealousy of teacher Konstantinos Eliades who had accustomed to do whatever he wants under the previous headmasters. Thus Kalfoglou supported the accusations of the school board towards Foropoulos but he also accused Eliades for resorting to unproper measures in order to become the headmaster of the school.694

693 Ibid., p. 8.

694 Kalfoglou, pp. 573-575.

Obviously, an important factor in the crisis was the tension between the Cappadocian Central Phileducational Brotherhood in Istanbul and the metropolitan

and some members of the local school board concerning the administration of the school. The local authorities demanded greater control in the administration of the school through diminishing the role of the Brotherhood. Both the metropolitan and the majority of the local school board demanded that the yearly contribution of Theodoros Rodokanakeis to the school, amounting 220 liras to be sent directly to them instead the Brotherhood in Istanbul. For Foropoulos this demand was a direct offense both to Rodokanakeis and to the Brotherhood but also to the Patriarchate because it had supported the Brotherhood from its establishment. The general

assembly of the province gathered in April approved this demand which according to Foropoulos seperated the school from the national (millet) institutions.695

695 Foropoulos, 1890, pp. 66-67.

696 Kalfoglou, pp. 576-578.

697 Foropoulos, 1890, p. 54.

Another incident for Kalfoglou that caused enmity between the school board and Foropoulos was the dismission of the entire third class of the gymnasium. The incident erupted when the students of the afforomentioned class were caught a night during playing cards and dancing in the headmaster.s office. Kalfoglou points Eliades for the extremely harsh punishment given to students but the rejection of Foropoulos of the pleas of the school board for moderation strained further their relationship. While in the meantime the students of the third class started to stay in rooms in Zincidere that the school board had rented and was paying for their food. In

the end the school board decided to dismiss Foropoulos but in the general assembly of the province gathered in the monastery during the day of Saint Thomas, the assembly received a signed commitment from Foropoulos that he will work in harmony with the school board. But Kalfoglou adds that at this moment Foropoulos made his gravest mistake and joined the anti-Metropolitan faction that had been formed during the same period. As an ardent supporter of the Metropolitan, for him this act of Foropoulos caused the rage of the entire compatriots.696 But Foropoulos objected fiercely the claims that he had joined the anti-metropolitan faction claiming that the interests of the Theological Seminary which belonged to whole Anatolia is beyond any factional struggles.697

According to Kalfoglou, two days after he signed the afforomentioned commitment Foropoulos protested to the document because it was giving unlimited

executive rights to the school board at the expense of headmaster.s rights and the school board decided to fire him. In response Foropoulos together with two teachers that supported him, Euaggelinos Svoronos and Michel Zidan decided to disobey the decision. Even further, the students who supported Foropoulos prepared clubs in order to resist the school board. In 20 April students broke the windows of the board, in reply the board decided the expulsion of 38 students and of the two afforomentioned teachers that supported Foropoulos and invited from Kayseri a lieutenant with armed men to enforce its decision. Thus Foropoulos and his deacon were expelled and the next day the 72 students that remained began their lessons. The teacher Athansios Konstantinidis become the headmaster.698 The situation seemed to be normalized but two weeks later the crisis erupted again through articulating to the existing opposition faction against the Metropolitan in the province. As stated above during the same period Metropolitan Ioannis Anastasiadis also faced a fierce opposition and the ecclesiastic province of Kayseri had been divided into two factions, one that supported the Metropolitan and another who demanded his dismissal. In 6 December a severe declaration was written against the metropolitan.699

698 Kalfoglou, pp. 579-580.

699 Anatoli N. 3995, 20 December 1888.

One important source for investigating the dynamics of the crisis is the Anatoli newspaper which during that time published numerous articles and letters describing the position and claims of the opponent sides. The editors of Anatoli declared numerous times that it had a neutral stance towards the two factions and added that it will publish the articles of the two sides as long as they do not contain

improper words and insults against each other and pay the required sum for publication in the newspaper.700

700 For example see Anatoli N. 4001, 05 January 1889.

701 Anatoli N. 4029, 18 March 1889.

702 Anatoli N. 4001, 10 January 1889.

The opponents of Ioannis accused him for not administering properly the clerics of his province, of being lax in his earthly and spiritual duties and most importantly that instead of working for the development of the educational institutions of his entire province for concentrating only to the development of the Theological Seminary. He was also criticized for being too much occupied with the Theological Seminary while neglecting the rest of his duties. But according to Iordanis Haralambidis who publishes an extensive article in support of the Metropolitan in Anatoli the greatest mistake of Ioannis was not belonging to the

faction of his accusers. For Haralambidis the saddest thing is that those who express these ideas are not only those who support old ideas (eski fikir sahipleri) but they include young graduates of schools whose hearts is expected to be devoid of prejudices and partisanship.701 For Haralambidis opposition to the Rodokanakeis School is unnecessary because Anatolians need strongly that kind of a school which reversed the stream of the youth that went to western cities in order to study. Subsequently Haralambidis states that nobody can object the development of education even in smallest villages and which is what the Metropolitan actually wants. But he adds that the primary responsibility for progress is of the residents of the province and that a Metropolitan could only serve the general benefit and progress.702

Another article in defense of the Metropolitan is written by Nikolaos Th. Soullides who describes the whole Kaisareias affair as a cheap conspiracy. He argues that if the spitefulness and opportunism of those like Manoloullar, Papasoullar, Herdemoullar is considered and given importance and a Patriarchal representative is appointed to investigate the issue as they demanded and even withdraw the Metropolitan not only the ecclesiastic province of Kayseri but the entire Orthodox Church will suffer from that decision.703

703 Anatoli N. 4003, 12 January 1889.

704 A. M. Levidis was for a long period the headmaster of the school in Zincidere. He acted also as the correspondent of the newspaper of Anatoli. He was also the author of Hai en Monolithois Monai tes Kappadokias kai Lykaonias (The rock-cut monasteries of Cappadocia and Lykaonia) (Constantinople: Typois Alexandrou Nomismatidou, 1899).

As the correspondent of Anatoli in Zincidere who will also become a member of the school board, Anastasios M. Levides704 uses a much more cautious language

towards the two factions. According to Levides those who are against the Metropolitan see only his flaws without taking consideration his benefits, while those who support him does not mention his flaws and exalt him. For him the proper behavior is to praise his truths while disapprove his misdeeds. For Levides the constant change of Metropolitans is wrong. He argues that nobody can claim that the Rodokanakeios Theological Seminary is useless to the province but he adds that nobody can also claim that only this school is adequate for the province. Thus for him, there should be further effort for the development both the Seminary and the rest of the schools of the province because they complement each other. Levides argues that despite the will of its founder, Theodoros Rodokanakeis, presently the school serves only the rich. He adds that from the 120 students of the school only twenty four of them are poor and take scholarships, the rest is sons of the wealthy.

He defends that Rodokanakeis contributes the school for the poor but in the current state only those who give money can study in it.705

705 Anatoli N. 4013, 07 February 1889; N. 4014, 09 February 1889; N. 4016, 14 February 1889.

706 Anatoli N. 4014, 09 February 1889; N. 4015, 11 February 1889.

I. Georgiades considers fatal the argument that in order for a Metropolitan to perform his duties he has to possess a fierce character instead of mildness and steadiness. He states that the Metropolitan performs his spiritual and earthly duties according to regulations. To the second accusation of the anti Metropolitan faction, that the Metropolitan neglects the schools of his province Georgiades replies that the Metropolitan lost even his health in trying to develop education in his province and that the accusers of him forget that they are the main responsibles for the current state of the schools. He adds that the Rodokanakeion School which rescued them from dependancy to outside attained its current position thanks to the efforts of the Metropolitan. Thus, for Georgiades instead of admiting this, the oppositional faction is making ungratefulness. For Georgiades despite the claims of the anti Metropolitan

faction, the majority of the Orthodox of the province supports him. He states that in order to prove their phileducationalism the residents of Kayseri has to unite to prevent the province from the harms and strife of the oppositional faction.706

Seeing that their complaints against the Metropolitan did not bring any result, the opponents of Ioannis demanded form Patriarchate to send them a representative (......) in order to investigate the validity of the accusations against the Metropolitan. At the same time the opponents of Anastasiadis published various articles in Neologos that accused him as sympathizer of the Bulgarian claims. While rumours that he was giving orders to his inferiors in Turkish and that in the school exams of 1886-1887 he had expressed that his province could be severed from the

Patriarchate based on the Bulgarian example.707 It should be remembered that Ioannis Anastasiadis had been accused when he was teaching in the Theological School of Halki as sympathizer of Bulgarians and that he had made the school a center of Russian intrigues and machinations. But even that, the last accusation seems to be highly exaggerated and it seems that in the tense atmosphere created by the Bulgarian schism, accusing someone as Bulgarophile meant directly that he was a traitor.

707 Neologos, 19 August 1887 cited in Hatziiosif, 2005, p. 353.

708 Kalfoglou, p. 578.

709 Anatoli N. 4032, 28 March 1889.

710 Taksiarhis (Darsiyak) is situated 16 kilometers northeast of Kayseri. In 1924, before the population exchange the village had 52 Turkish speaking Orthodox families and nearly three hundred Muslims.

In the end the Patriarchate sent as its exarch the former Metropolitan of Konya and inspector of the Greek schools of Istanbul the Archimandrite Aleksandros Eliades who reached the province at the end of February. Kalfoglou defends that because Patriarch Dionisos V was against the Metropolitan (most probably because as we saw previously Ioannis was an ardent supporter of ex-patriarch Joachim III) the exarch was believed to favour the anti-Metropolitan faction.708

Immediately after his arrival Archimandrite Eliades went to the bishopric together with the Metropolitan and stayed there for two days. The next day, after the departure of the Metropolitan to the monastery of Saint John the Forerunner, he visited the mutasarrf of Kayseri. Meanwhile Eliades began to preach in the Metropolitan church of Kayseri and according to A. M. Levides members of the three communities of Kayseri attended massively to the church to listen him.709 While shortly after Eliades also demanded from the Metropolitan to leave the monastery of John the Forerunner and settle either to the monastery of Taksiarhis710

Taksiarhis was a muhtarlk and was under the jurisdiction of the mdrlk of Kesi. . ..... ......... ... ... ........ ... ......... ... ...... ......... (Exodus Testimonies from the Provinces of Central and South Asia Minor), KMS Athens 1982, p 118.

711 Kerkeme is located 33,5 kilometers northeast of Kayseri. Just before the population exchange only four families of Turkish speaking Orthodox had remained in the village among three hundred Muslim families. Ibid, p 82.

712 Anatoli N. 4036, 08 April 1889.

713 Kalfoglou, p. 580.

(monastery of Yanar Ta) or to the monastery of Kerkeme711 when he will begin the investigation. Indeed the Metropolitan moved to the monastery in Taksiarhis at 27

March when the exarch started his investigation at the monastery.712

According to the report of Levides the local population gave Eliades plenty of petitions with various demands. Especially members of the communities of Endirlik, Zincidere, Talas, Tavlousoun, Germir appealed to the exarch to punish those who had started this disturbance.

Meanwhile, Joachim Foropoulos who had been fired by the school board returned to the school through the support of the exarch Athanasios Eliades. Then the remaining 72 students opposing him left the school while the students of the Girl.s School had already left it. While the school started to be administered by the antiMetropolitan faction.713

But in the end what resolved the crisis was the departure from the province of exarch Athanasios Eliades for the capital. In his report submitted to the Holy Synod he defended that the complaints against the Metropolitan were not serious and that he is innocent. Thus, proven innocent Metropolitan Ioannis Anastasiadis returned to Zincidere in 8 July from the monastery of Taksiarhis where he had stayed during this period, escorted by a colonel and many soldiers and expelled once again Foropoulos and the 70 students that supported him. Shortly after the lessons started again, while

this time Konstantinos Eliades became headmaster.714 Foropoulos in his abovementioned book claims bitterly that the Metropolitan expelled him and the teachers and students through military units at that specific moment because he was afraid that he would read in the oral exams of the school the next day that report. One can assume that his claim is valid since his report uses a very harsh language against him. In the meantime Foropoulos performed the written and oral exams in 56 July and gave the seven students of the last class their diplomas.715 But we have to add that these diplomas were not recognized by the school board that replaced Foropoulos and the board members that supported him.716

714 Kalfoglou, p. 581-582.

715 Foropoulos, 1890, p. 97.

716 Kalfoglou, p. 583.

717 Levidis, 1905, p. 131.

The crisis seemed to end but the harsh factional controversies and the expulsion of his compatriot Foropoulos led Theodoros Rodokanakeis to put an end from 1890 onwards his annual contributions to the school which instead he started to give the same amount in a Greek Orthodox school in Eastern Rumelia. This led twenty needy students to loose their scholarhips and thus they left the school in that same school year. Despite the fact that the donations of Rodokanakeis lasted only seven years due to the unrest of that year, the school continued to function while it changed its name as Theological Seminary of Cappadocia or (........... ........ .....).717

In order to overcome this difficult situation of the school a general assembly of province (umum eparheia meclisi) was gathered in the monastery of John the Forerunner in 22 June 1890 with representatives of the communities of the

ecclesiastic province. The assembly of the province decided to add two new articles to the regulation concerning the school board. The first of these concerned the election process of the board. From now on in order to gain the right to be eligible a member of the seven communities near the monastery had to donate at least 10 liras or one lira annually. Likewise to be an elector, a resident of these communities had to donate the school at least five liras or half lira annually. Thus the board membership and the right to elect designed in such manner to promote continuous donations to the school. The period of board membership was two years and the election of its members took place at 29 August, in the feast of John the Forerunner. Every three members of the board had to be elected annually but the same members had the right to be reelected. These three members were determined by the board through casting lots among its members.718 During the election process the electors who were outside the province had the right to send to the president of the board a letter with their vote. While the electors that were in the province gathered in the monastery to vote. Every elector had three votes who gave them to the list containing the names of the candidates. This list had to be sent to the electors in time.719

718 Anatoli 31 May 1890.

719 Ibid.

The second measure concerned the treasurer of the board, who from now on was obliged to give the account of the budget of the school to the public annually. The council also formed an Economic Committee with eight members and allowed it to mortgage one or two from the properties of the school in order to eliminate the debt that reached to 2000 liras and to collect the receivable assets of the school not collected from August 1889 due to the disturbances. Also an Inspection Committee consisting of six members was formed in order to investigate and strike a balance of

the transactions that took place from the establishment of the school.720 Despite the confirmation of the general assembly of province the right of the school board to draft an internal regulation for the school the board postponed this until it will understood the actual needs of the school. Thus it ordered for the coming year the headmaster to give provisional orders and to make consultation with the school board.721

720 Anatoli N. 4236, 15 September 1890.

721 Ibid.

722 [] biz Anatoll Rumlar kimsenin iane ve muavenetine iltica itmeksizin kendi ihtiyacatmz kendimiz tesviye idecek ve kendi yamzla kavrulacak. kadar filotimoi yani haysiyetimizi gzetir oldmzdan, bir Eparhiann ve daha dors umum Anatolmzn mekteb-i kebiri olan Ieratiki Sholimize senevi iki yz deil beG yz ve bin lira dahi virecek kadar hamiyetimiz ve iktidarmz vardr. Anatoli N. 4191, 26 May 1890.

As it is stated above Rodokanakeis had terminated his promised annual contribution to the budget of the school, consisting of 220 liras. This created a great difficulty for the survival of the school. In this period of crisis for the school, Anatoli through continuously publishing articles concerning the situation of the school constantly urged its readers to assist the school and to contribute to the sole higher educational institution of Anatolia. For the editors of the newspaper the Anatolians had to be pleased for this interruption because now the Anatolian Rums will be able to demonstrate that they are patriotic and self-respecting enough to fulfill the needs of their homeland without outside assistance and donations.722 In the same manner, the fact that E. Rodokanakeis had contributed tremendously to the establishment and functioning of the school while he was not even an Anatolian but a tradesman from Chios settled in Marseille, was constantly stressed in order to remind the Anatolian

wealthy their responsibilities towards their homeland among which was financing the schools of the monastery in Zincidere.723

723 Eer bir yabanc Kayserieliler ve Anatolllar iun bu kadar yardm iderek, evlad- vatann tealim ve terbiyesine hal sebep olmakta ise, tabi hal Anatollu zenginlerimiz de ande hisse alarak, Ieratiki Sholi, Kappadokikon Parthenagogeion ve iki kszhaneler iin iane-i nakdiyede bulnmaktan geri durmamaldrlar. Tavsiyemizin ne kadar halisane oldn herkes anlayabilir, yetiGir ki vatan urunda herkes cmerdane hissiyat ile bulnarak alGsnlar. Kayserideki Ieratiki Sholi Anatoli N. 5483, 11 March 1897.

724 Anatoli N. 4191, 26 May 1890.

725 Anatoli N. 4728, 19 October 1893.

Despite the fact that gathering donations had become very strictly controlled by the Hamidian government the immigrant Anatolians of the capital obtained the permission to gather donations for the schools of the monastery. After the official permission three committees consisted of eminent compatriots were formed in Istanbul to gather donations for the school. The first committee was responsible for Galata and Beyolu, the second for Grand Bazaar (ar-i Kebir) and the third from the region that lied from Bahekaps to Phanar.724

One has to add that despite the termination of Rodakanakeis. donations to the school after seven years of its establishment, the family never put an end their interest to the school. Thus the girls of Rodokanakeis Fanni P. Zarifi and Isabella A. Skouzi donated two thousand francs to the school in 1893. While the school board organized regularly memorial services every first Saturday of the Lent for him.725

The Need for a Practical Program

As we saw above the crisis that erupted involved also the orientation of the school. In

an important article concer ning the required reforms in the gymnasiums , the editor of Anatoli Nikolaos Th. Soullides discussed especially the specific orientation that the

Theological Seminary should have . The article seems to have been written in response to a continuing debate in relation to the benefits of gymnasiums, most probably erupted during the Kaisareias affair. The article begins with the familiar argument of those who claim that because the graduates of these schools are devoid of the knowledge necessary for livelihood th ey can not succeed in trade or industry. Soullides states the knowledge necessary for livelihood: knowledge of Turkish, French, knowledge of the new method of accounting ( defter tutmak ) and familiarity to things concerning trade and industry. 726

726 Geim iun lazm olan maalumat nedir? Trke, Franszca bilmek, defter tutmak usul-i cedidesine vakf olmak ve ticarete, sanayiye aid Geylerden haberdar olmaktr. Mekteplerimizde Islahat, Anatoli N. 4243, 02 October 1890.

727 Tsoukalas.

Soullides th en continues by asking why our gymnasiums can not give this knowledge while the graduates of the schools of other millets , like those of Armenians, Armenian Cat holics and Jews possess it, thus their graduates can speak French, know Turkish and immediatel y after graduating can enter trade and industry. One of the two reasons that Soullide s gives for that situation is very interesting. The first reason, that the content of education of gymnasia is oriented towards entrance to Darlfnun can be said to be al so the main characteristic of the education in the

Greek Kingdom at that time. 727 According to the author the instructed lessons studied in the gymnasiums are Latin, exhaustive Algebra, Geometry, Trigonometry, Grammatology of Greek and Latin, detailed and j udgmental general History, lessons like Anthropology, Psychology and Ethics. Most of these lessons according to Soullides are not studied exhaustively but concisely in the schools of other millet s. Thus according to him the students do not possess the suf ficient time to study Turkish, French and practical knowledge useful for production because of the

difficulty of the aforementioned plenty of lessons. 728 To overcome this state of affairs the author proposes the example of the German system of RealSchol or the French system in which those who want to follow careers in trade and industry attend two more classes in which practical themes were taught. It is worth noting that the author of the article states as another reason for the lack of the instruction of practical knowledge in gymnasiums the vast hours devoted every day to the instruction of Greek ( Elliniki in the original) language. 729

728 Mekteplerimizde Islahat, Anatoli N. 4243, 02 October 1890.

729 Elliniki lisann tahsili bir ka seneye ve gnde bir ka saatlarla taalime muhta old []. Mekteplerimizde Islahat, Anatoli N. 4243, 02 October 1890.

730 Bize gelince Gimdilik bir Gymnasionmz vardr o da Kayseriyenin Ieratiki Sholisidir.bu mektebimizde tatbik olan ders prorammas diger Gymnasionlarn ayndr. Bundan kacak olan Gagirdan mkemmel iereas, layikl muallim olabilir ise de, ticarete sanaata elveriGli olamayacaklar beyan olnyorki, bu pek dordr. Mekteplerimizde Islahat, Anatoli N. 4243, 02 October 1890.

The article than proceeds to give examples from the other well known gymnasiums of Ottoman Greeks and about how these schoo ls arrange their program to overcome this problem. It argues that the school board of the Great School of the Nation ( Mekteb i Kebir

) in Phanar decided to limit the hours devoted to Latin in order to increase the hours of French and Turkish lessons (five h o urs in week for every four classes). It also adds that the Evangelical School of Izmir is going to make a similar change while the gymnasium of Selanik is considering transforming itself into a practical school and that the school of Beyolu is going to ad apt similar measures. While for the only gymnasium of Anatolia , the Theological Seminary of Kayseri he also empha sizes the need for reform in its program. 730 For example , according to Soullides the member of the school board Avraam Hristoforides had propos

ed the introduction of two branches one for industry and one for trade. But Soullides objects this proposal because of the expenses that it will create. Instead he

proposed the instruction of Turkish and French should start from the last two classes of the semi gymnasium ( sholarheion ), in orde r for the students who enter gymnasium classes to be acquainted to the grammar of these two languages. Then he proposes that after studying together in the first t wo classes of the gymnasium, students should be divided into two branches for the next two classes. In the first branch, he argues that the normal program of gymnasiums should be carried out for those who want to be clerics and teachers while the second branch would be oriented towards those who will follow ca reers in trade and crafts. Thus it proposes that in this second branch philological and philosophical lessons would be limited while the practical lessons and the instruction of Turkish and French would be emphasized. 731

731 Ibid.

732 Kalfoglou argues that Hristoforidis as the treasurer of the school board succeeded in the three years that he was the treasurer to correct the finances of the school. He resigned from his position in 1893 during the conflict that arose between some teachers and the school board. Kalfoglou, p. 595.

733 Anatoli N. 4238, 20 September 1890.

The treasurer of the school board Avraam Hristoforidis732 in his annual speech in 1890 approves Soullides. proposals about the establishment in the school of a trade branch and together an industrial school (Sanayi Mektebi). Hristoforides states that the needed expenses were not too great as it is thought and that the debt of the school is diminished to thousand liras and when this is closed the school would have annually 500 liras more than its expenses. He adds that if there is annual four or

five hundred liras donation this could make possible the realization of this project.733

Obviously, the most formidable rival of the Theological Seminary in higher education was the Anatolia College in Merzifon established by the ABCFM. The Anatolia College in Merzifon constituted a center of attraction for the Anatolian

Orthodox youth with moderate economic means who desired higher education and especially language instruction. The charm of the college rested to the fact that it provided its students a practical instruction that suited careers in trade and industry after graduation. According to George E. White who worked in the college for decades, during the last years of the nineteenth century the Greek students coming from urban centers like Samsun, Trabzon and even from the capital amounted about a third of the entire student body of the school of which the average attendance ranged around 250. Among them White mentions the Karamanlis students, an evidence that the college was rather popular among the Orthodox of inner Anatolia who demanded higher education: It had become a common sight to see a train of half a dozen wagons rolling into our compound bringing a dozen or a score of Karamanlis. from the interior of Asia Minor, a week.s journey away in the deep interior.734

734 White, p. 51.

The instruction of foreign languages and especially of French in the schools of Ottoman Greeks was a widely discussed issue in the late nineteenth century. As we saw above the contemporary press was very concerned about the attendance of Orthodox pupils to missionary schools for language learning and tried continuously to convince their readers that attending to missionary schools was a disloyalty to the

millet. Thus for example according to an article in Anatoli the Orthodox students attending to the various Catholic schools of the capital amounted 80 percent of their total pupils (obviously a great exaggeration). According to the article in these schools whole students except some few Turks and Jews were obliged to participate the liturgies in the Latin churches and receive Catholic catechism. Thus the article askes whether an Orthodox receiving that instruction could stick in the creed of his/her

parents and calls the parents to refrain from sending their children in these kinds of schools.735 But there even more harsh criticisms and accusations against missionary schools found place in the contemporary press. An article that first published in Neologos and republished in Ekklisiastiki Alitheia written by a graduate of a Catholic school of the capital forms that kind of an example. The author argues that students in these schools of which half of them were Orthodox were forced to participate in the Catholic liturgies in the chapel of the school. But he argues that what he could not stand was the unbearable insults of the teachers and priests against the Orthodox church and the Greek nation. He even states that given the opportunity the Catholic priests would not hesitate to do a second massacre of St. Bartolomew against the schismatics as they called the Orthodox. He argues that the students that graduate from these schools become the victims of the fanatism of Papacy and while they can speak few words of French they are unable to write even their names in Greek and loose their love and respect to their church and traditional values. The article ends by warning the parents who put into a grave religious and ethical danger by sending their children to these schools in order to learn few French.736

735 Anatoli N. 5867, 10 August 1896.

736 . ...... ..........., ............. ......., 14 June 1891, vol. 16, pp. 126127.

French lessons were incorporated to the programs in order to counter the educational activities of the Western missionaries, who provided their students lessons of foreign language. Instruction of foreign languages was greatly demanded by local communities because in conditions of expanded economic and commercial relations the possession of it ensured economic advancement. In westernized segments of great urban centers like Istanbul and Izmir, at the turn of the century French had acquired the status of lingua franca and certain knowledge of it had

become almost a requirement for social and occupational mobility. In his study on the signing practices of Greek-Orthodox customers of the Imperial Ottoman Bank Edhem Eldem demonstrates that signing in French together with a Gallicization of the names was rather widespread among the Greek-Orthodox customers (almost half of the sample), especially among male professionals, white-collar employees and merchants customers. An obvious indicator of the extent to which French had become a dominant medium of expression in which Greek-Orthodox clients preferred to express even one of the most basic ingredients of identity: their names.737

737 Edhem Eldem, Signatures of Greek Clients of the Imperial Ottoman Bank: A Clue to Cultural Choices and Behavior?, in Ways to Modernity in Greece and Turkey : Encounters with Europe, 1850-1950, edited by Anna Frangoudaki & alar Keyder (New York: I. B. Tauris 2007) pp. 60-91.

738 A. M. Levidis, ....... ... ... ........ ... ............. .. ..... .... .. .. .......... ......... ... .............` ......... vol. 9, June 1906, p. 408.

Thus, in order to avoid students. orientation towards these schools many communities introduced to the programs of their schools lessons of French. In NevGehir French lessons entered the program in 1893. These French lessons were starting from the last classes of the astiki schools. But difficulties, like finding personel that could teach French and financing them increased the burdens of school boards. In order to diminish the attraction of missionary schools the school board of the Theological Seminary of Kayseri increased the hours devoted to French and another French teacher was included to the staff in order to give the trade lesson in French and train the students in dialogues in French.738

An important issue discussed in the educational conferences of 1908-9, organized by the Hellenic Literary Society of Constantinople was the year from which the instruction of foreign languages had to start. Nearly, all participants agreed that the lack of the instruction of foreign languages in the schools of Ottoman Greeks

increased the orientation of the students towards the missionary schools. But on the other hand, the instruction of foreign languages particularly in very young ages was considered dangerous for the ethnic identity of the student. Thus, they on the one hand approoved the instruction of foreign languages, but on the other, they decided this instruction to be limited to the higher classes.739

739 Exertzoglou, 1996, pp. 156-62.

740 .......... ....... .. .......... .... ... ... ... ... ..... ........ .......... ........... vol. 5, 22 ..vember 1892, p. 86.

As stated above one of the main goals of the Theological Seminary of Kayseri was to educate competent local preachers that would be able to counter missionaries. The students of the Seminary were also educated to preach in Turkish in order to meet local demands. In his lecture concerning the spiritual situation in Cappadocia in the last two centuries given in the Society of Middle Ages Studies B. Mystakides, a teacher in the Theological Seminary of Kayseri during the first half of the 1890.s argues that the Bible were read in Turkish in the provinces of Kayseri, Ankara and parts of Gzmid. He adds that while the Bible is read both in Greek and Turkish in the

Metropolitan church of Kayseri in the Theological Seminary the Bible and the sermons composed by the senior students are always read in Greek. But he adds that these were translated into Turkish in order to be read in the villages of the region. He noted that much noise and anger is created by the communities if in big religious feasts the Bible and Apostolos were not read in Turkish in the churches. Thus Metropolitan Ioannis of Kayseri was reading in Greek the Bible but he was also translating it into Turkish.740 The graduates of the school were expected to be able to preach to the believers, that.s why the senior students were supposed to preach in front of the community in Greek and Turkish. Another feature of the school was that

priests and preachers whose education was not enough could take free lessons to develop their knowledge. But there were also very negative statements about the level of the graduates of the school concerning their ability to perform liturgies. For example according to Foropoulos the school was only in its name theological while only a very small minority of the students could chant properly in the Vespers. According to Foropoulos the most neglected lesson in the school was the religion classes.741

741 Foropoulos, 1890, pp. 25-26.

742 Six of them were from Endrlk, five from Zincidere and Bafra, four from Gncesu three from Talas, rgp, Kayseri, Samsun and Istanbul, two from Denegi and one student from Tavlousoun, Kermir, Erkilet, Fertek, Bor and Permata. Anatoli N. 4246, 9 October 1890 & Anatoli N. 4254, 27 October 1890.

743 Kalfoglou, p. 593.

744 See Kayserideki Kappadokiki Geratiki Sholi, Anatoli N. 5012, 24 May 1895.

As it is stated above after the expulsion of Foropoulos Kostantinos Eliades assumed transitionally the headmastership of the school for the year of 1889-90 while the next year he was replaced by Basileios Ioannides, who was for the last twenty years teacher in the community schools of Nide, Fertek and Denegi. In the school year of 1890-91 43 new students had enrolled to the school.742 But the next year Konstantinos Eliades became once again the headmaster of the school. While he resigned next year (1891-92) together with teacher B. Mystakides because both of them required to give their exams in the University of Athens in order to get their degree of doctorate.743

As we saw above contrary to its name in reality the seminary was in gymnasium level and was also recognized by the University of Athens and the Ministry of Education of the Greek Kingdom as such.744 This recognition was not an isolated phenomenon. From the 1870.s onwards many Ottoman Greek secondary

level schools strived to be recognized as equivalent with the schools of Greece. But obviously this recognition required from the schools to harmonize increasingly their educational programs with the prescripts of the educational institutions of the Greek Kingdom.This recognition of the school as gymnasium was an important reason for the editors of Anatoli that during the beginning of the 1895-6 school year six new students, members of important families of Anatolians living in Istanbul, including the two nephews of Simeon Siniosoglou were sent to the school instead of entering to schools in Istanbul.745 That year Gervasios Sarasitis became the headmaster of the school. Gervasios was a graduate of the Theological School of Halki and previously was the headmaster of the schools of GmGhane.746

745 Kayserideki Geratiki Sholi Anatoli N. 5100, 16 September 1895.

746 Kayseri Gymnasionu Anatoli N. 5084, 23 August 1895.

Frictions between teachers continued to constitute a constant problem that hindered the proper functioning of the school. In 1892 the headmaster Basileios

Ioannidis resigned and he was replaced by Paisios from Nevehir, who was a priest and graduate of the Theological School of Halk i but unable to administer he also resigned after one month. The school board then decided to appoint Dr. Kondogiannis from Chios as headmaster and the afforomentioned Paisios as vice headmaster. But according to the editors of Anatoli this was also an uns uccessfull measure because the appointed persons were not suitable for the task and once more indiscipline ru led and the year ended with scandalous exams. The paper states that they fired unjustly four local teachers (Pr. Eutyhidis, K. Artemiadis, I. Papad opoulos and K. Pantazidis) while renewing the contracts of two Chiot teachers that were many complaints about them. The article describes Kondogiannis as lazy and Paisios as ignorant and without proper te aching requirements. The editors claimed that in

ord er to appease t he public that complained from the state of the school they appointed Eliades but they added that whenever Eliades was appointed to a certain position of the school he had gathered the anger of the students and the public. They conclude what is the point to reappoint those teachers fired or failed. The only consol ation of the paper is that he was not appointed as headmaster yet . 747

747 Kappadokiki Ieratiki Sholinin Mdrl, Anatoli, N. 4703, 14 August 1893.

748 Kappadokiki Ieratiki Sholinin Mdrl, Anatoli, 3 August 1893.

749 Kalfoglou, p. 596.

Some of the incidents from November of the previous year were the ignorance of the teacher of accounting ( lmi hes ap ), the kicking ( ayak tepme ), protestations and petitions of students, the lenience of the headmaster, and the unability of the school board to settle issues. In order to prove the treasurers ability and effort, which was forced to resign, the editors ar gue

that during th e years of 1889 1993 that he had worked as treasurer the schools revenues had increased. 748 In 1893 the model school ( ........ ..... ) was abolished and the school remained with six classes. While the eruption of cholera in Kayseri that year , forced the administration of the school in fear of contamination to give the students their diplomas earlier without making proper e xams. 749

It seems that the school

still lacked a regulation during 1893. After the end of the term of the regulation that had been drafted during the establishment of the school and approved by the Patriarchate there was no attempt for its reimposition or fo r drafting a new one. The school was administered through provisional regulations that were drafted in the beginning of every year by the headmaster and the school board. For the editors of Anatoli this constituted one of the principal reasons for the cons tant disputes among teachers and the continuou s indiscipline of the students.

They criticized headmaster Eliades for persistently preparing new regulations that not only nobody followed but he also changed them in the mid of the schoolyear. The article rem inded its readers that four teachers resigned in the schoolyear of 1889 1890 in protest of his administration. It also criticized the attitude of the school board that sacrificed four teachers in order to save one. 750 B. Mystakides was also highly critical f or the absence of a written regulation that will state neatly the rights and obligations of the teachers. He added that this absence was the result of the arbitrariness of the school board that avoided the introduction of that kind of regulation because it saw it against its interests. 751 In 1897 the school still lacked a proper regulation. Kalfoglou acknowledges the headmaster of the school Gervasios Sarasitis who was complaining that the school after fifteen years of functioning still did not possess a regu lation. 752

As we saw previously, headmaster Foropoulos had also constantly complained about the disappearance of the school regulation which one can find only two or three copies of it in the entire province and both teachers and students were unaware of i t s existence . For him the primary reason behind the constant problems that disrupted the normal functioning of the school and the disorder was this absence. 753

750 Kappadokiki Ieratiki Sholinin Mdrl, Anatoli, N. 4703, 14 August 1893.

751 B. Mystakides, Zincidere 22 February 1892, file I 4/1-7.

752 Anatoli N. 5585, 15 July 1897.

753 Foropoulos, 1890, p. 23.

The opposition of Anatoli to Eliades increased further when the school board decided to appoint hi m as the headmaster of the school. For Anatoli Eliades had caused the unrest of 1889 and the shattering of the school each year during the last seven years. He was also responsible for introducing the school the student

domination ( mathitokratia ) that is the daring of students that are capable to do everything they wanted . 754 O ne of the permanent problems was treating unequally all the students and to pass those that do not deserve it. These simple meritocratic principles created continuous problems in th e functioning of the school.

754 [] matitokratia. yani Gagirtlerin her Geyi yapmaya curat iderek muvaffak olabilmeleri mimkin oldn Kappadokiki Ieratiki Sholinin Mdirlii, Anatoli N. 4743, 7 November 1893.

755 Ibid.

756 Ibid.

Anatoli has a long list of accusations against Eliades. The paper asks how the incidents that happened during the headmastership of Amvrosinos Stavridis effendi emerged. One year earlier, that is in 1887, when the headmaster wa s Makarios Tantalidis effendi the administration of the school was defacto in the hands of Eliades and he was used to do whatever he wanted. This state of affairs according to the paper changed after the appointment of Amvrosios. Thus Eliades who can not t olerate this situation agitated the students of the last class and forced Amvrosios to

resign and he became headmaster o the school for five months. 755

The paper further claims that in 1889 during the Foropoulos disorders ( patrtlar ) he had corresponded w ith students in order to provoke them against Foropoulos . And this was the reason that the students demanded him for hedmaster. The paper asks how students previously afraiding even their shadows learned kicking and constituting factions with teachers. The paper accuses Eliades for causing division among the students and for the expulsion of Foropoulos which left the school to his hands. 756

Anatoli further asks how a teacher who was a riot leader ( reis ) of the students few days ago can become the headmaster of the school and how the students can submit to him . Thus every kind of immorality, disobedience and boldness became

dominant. For the paper Eliades remained as headmaster for a year through complying with the students. Not to mention four teachers resig ned protesting him. 757

757 Ibid.

758 Ibid.

Eliades was also appointed as headmaster in 1891 but he resigned in October because of the opposition against him. The new headmaster according to Anatoli was forced to leave the school after one year because he followed the advices of Eliades who after his resignation become once again headmaster. But after only one year he was forced to leave the school because as Anatoli

argues some of his letters were discovered that aimed to create a division between the members of the school board . The paper asked what changed now that he is called back to assume the headmastership. Eliades non Anatolian origins were also employed as an argum ent against him by the paper. The editors claimed that in a school that is considered as a life star ( can y ldz ) of Anatolia it is unacceptable to do whatever some foreigners ( ecnebiler ) want and to turn the school into an instrument of the personal interests of others. 758

Despite these highly negative statements against Eliades, there were also positive assess

ments of his work in the school. For example B. Mystakides , in his lengthy letter to the president of the Society of Anatoli present a highly favourable picture for him. According to Mystakides Eliades is the only teacher who could carry the burden of head mastership. For Mystakide s, Eliades who was teaching in the school for six y ears, as the oldest teacher formed the living memory of the school and had gained knowledge about the figures and traditions of the land. He admitted that for some he is the one wh o brought catastrophy to the school but he added that for the majority and for those who are closer to the affairs of the school he was the

savior of it. Mystakides adds that he shares the latter view and propose s him as the only suitable candidate for hea dmaster. Mystakides argued that Eliades was very influential in the success of the faction of the Metropolitan in the factional conflict that had erupted in 1889. His humble character and love for the school constituted further proof for Mystakides that Eliades was the only suitable candidate for the position of headmaster ship . 759

759 B. Mystakides, Zincidere 22 February 1892, file I 4/1-7.

760 Bu illet bir hayli mddet devam iderek enfaz- hkm ve icra-i merama ol kadar istidat kesb itmiGdirki gyaki vicuhi mektebin barna basmGda lisan-i hal ile emrime ram ol zira ayamn

altndasun deyu tehdit ediyor idi. Kappadokiki Ieratiki Sholi, Anatoli N. 4707, 7 September 1893.

761 Hatta arebdirki mektebin kahr iin kullanlan vesaitin en messeri, anel zahir mektebin himayetinde bulunan kimselerin ilkaatndan husula geliyor. Kappadokiki Ieratiki Sholi, Anatoli N. 4707, 7 September 1893.

A letter written by a teacher of the gymnasium P. Papadopoulos, published in Anatoli , expresses that despite the establishment of the school ten years ago it faced numerous times the threat of closing and the last year was disastrous. Papadopoulos argues that after the Foropoulos issue the harshest trouble wa s this years. Because, while the Foropoulos issue was about discord and uproar ( niza ve arbede ), the current crisis erupte

d because of the the absence obed ience and the plague of freedom . 760 Papadopoulos argues that while there was the possibility to take the necessary measures and discipline for the exaltation of the school the rights of students were sacrificed for the co nf licts and animosity that took place among the notables of the millet ( resa i millet miyanelerinde ). 761

Papadopoulos further maintains that during the ravage that lasted for a long

time only few persons tried to fulfill their duties with the work, effort and patriotism that is required. But in the end those were forced to resign and others were expelled as a reward for their fidelity. He states that the students do not fear of being expelled

because of the attitude of the headmaster and as a result disobedien ce becomes dominant and thats why they play every kind of coffe ehouse plays and pass time playing tambura and violin and dream day and night with fortune telling, remil and dream books. 762

762 [] iGte bu sebebtendirki ocuklarn kalplerinde tard olunmak korkusu olmayub itaaszlk teksl ve baGka gne ifal siyatda bulunuyorlar, bu sebebtendirki her nev kahvehaneler oyunlar mektebde bila ihtiraz icra olunuyor bu sebebtendirki vazifelerini brakb tanbura ve keman ile imrar vakt idiyorlar bu sebebtendirki gice gndz fal remil ve rya kitaplar ile vahi heylata dalyorlar. Kappadokiki Ieratiki Sholi, Anatoli N. 4707, 7 September 1893.

763 Mihailidis, pp. 55-56.

764 Vilayat, Anatoli N. 4716, 2 October 1893.

765 Anastasios M. Levidis, Anatoli N. 5240, 2 March 1896.

In 21 October 1894 some students of the school presented to the Metropolitan a lengthy epistle in which they complained from the teacher of mathematics Georgio Skaraki. The reason of the complaints was Skarakis harsh behavior against the students and his unjust grades, and some novelties in instruction. 763

It seems t hat despite the bad situation of the school the work of Elpis brotherhood established by a graduate Panagiotis S. Miniadis and the immigrants in Samsun for the support of the school was satisfactory which gathered 90 liras for the

school. 764 But according to Anastasios M. Levides the school faced financial difficulties in the winter of 1896 because the number of the enrolled students was low and the amount of tuition fell. It seems that the members of the school board tried to save the situation through bor rowing . Levides argues also that the friends of the school regretted the resignation of the treasurer of the school board Haralambos. 765

In an editorial article Anatoli the editors argue that in the winter of 1896 some inconveniences emerged in the administr ation of the school. The article maintains

that these inconveniences appeared because of the abbot of the monastery and the vice president of the school who according to the same article had become abbot for favor. It seems that this person was dismissed f rom vice presidency. On the other hand the article uses a very positive language for the headmaster of the school Gervasios. For the article the primary reason for these inconveniences happening from time to time is the absence of a regulation that would g ive order to the school. Another viciousness for the article is again the student domination ( ........... ). Also the article proposes that no one should interfere from outside to the administration of the school which has to be the responsibility of the school board, while the school board has to know to determine its orientation and goals. The article also proposes that the relation and conversation between students and teachers and the school board should be banned because it claims that teachers promo te the formation of factions among the students in order to attain their goals. 766

766 Evvelinden beru bir fenalk vardr ki, ............ tesmiye olnur, bu ki muhlik bir engerek ylan oldndan baGn ezmeli sanien mektebin eforias var iken, haricden baGka adem mektebin idaresine dahil itmemeli, salisen idareye meemur olan eforia ne hat zerinde yryeceini bilmeli, rabien Gagirdan ile hocalar ve eforia arasnda mlakat ve minasebet katiyen men olnmal, nk ok defa grlmiGdir ki hocalar Gagirdan teGvik ederek maksadlarnn icrasna alGyorlar. Anatoli N. 5347, 27 July 1896.

767 Ibid.

Another problem for the same article is that students were not educated in accordance to the needs of careers in trade. While the article admits that the school gives more tha n sufficient knowledge to the graduates in order to become teachers it does not provide them relevant knowledge in topics like French, Turkish and

accounting which according to the article are necessary for successful career in business. 767

But on the other hand it seems that the graduates of the school demanded very much by the communities in order to work as teachers in the community schools. It

is important to note that from the seven first graduates of the school in 1887 the six were employed immediately as teachers in the community schools of Ankara, Nevehir, Bafra, Incesu, Yanar Ta and Zincidere. While only one of them went to the capital to become a clerk in a trade company. 768

768 Kalfoglou, p. 569.

769 Ieratiki Sholiler, Anatoli N. 5327, 20 June 1896.

770 While Anatoli replied to these critics arguing that no one, including the school or the church could force the graduates to become priests contrary to their preferences. Anatoli, N. 4586, 22 September 1892.

In another article in Anatoli concerning the theological seminaries the auth or argues that because the students of the theological schools do not want to be priests and want to get a position in the Patriarchate or to become Metropolitans these schools have no benefit to the Anatolians. The author argues that at present there are only three Anatolian students in the Theological School of Halki while the other students from Rumeli, Istanbul or the Aegean islands do not want to go to Anatolia. According to the same author while until that time no one ordained among the graduates of t he Theological Seminary of Kayseri , the provinces of Kayseri, Konya and Amasya had gained tremendously from the school because nearly in every village of them the graduates of the school work ed a s teachers. While

many villages demand ed the graduates of thi s school to employ them as teachers. 769 As it is mentioned above during the first decade of the school there were some complaints that despite of the name of the school a lmost none of its graduates had been ordained. Indeed while the students received extens ive lessons of religion, trained to preach in communities and both in the morning and evening participated to the liturgies in the monastery most of its graduates did not prefer to become priests. Instead until its end the graduates favourite career path was becoming teachers. 770

While according to the fourteenth article of the school the villages around Kayseri had the right to send to the school deacons or priests to study freely. According to an article of Anatoli many deacons and priests had studied in t he school while in 1890 one of the seniors of the school had been ordained as deacon. 771 The Metropolitan of Kayseri was also complaining that lately he observed that most of the bursars of the school predestined to be clerics were avoiding this path because of various reasons. Ioannis admitted that this was a common problem of all theological schools. But he was optimistic because in the school year of 1897 1898 ten of the 78 students of the school were clerics which according to the school regulation studie d free of charge. Five of these were deacons, four of them were friars and the last one a young priest. Ioannis stressed that generally the number of clerics were much smaller (around 4 to 6) and he interpreted this increase as an encouraging sign. 772

771 Anatoli, N. 4586, 22 September 1892.

772 Ioannis Metropolitan of Kayseri, Kayseri 28 January 1897, file I 13 n. 699.

A let ter written by N. B. Mavrogenis and published in Anatoli gives us an example of the fierce struggles concerning the control of the school and the monastery. In his letter Mavrogenis accuses the school board member Georgios Urailoglou from Kayseri for inter vening to the working of the school and for gathering assemblies that are against the creed and the privileges given to the clerics. Mavrogenis argues that while the Metropolitan was in Istanbul in order to participate to the meetings of the Holy Synod and had announced that he is postponing the metropolitane assembly elections and that he was preparing the election regulation of the assembly in the Patriarchate and while his

locum tenens Papa Athanasios had went to Nevehir for a couple of days he announced to the entire ecclesiastic province to sent their representatives for election. Meanwhile Mavrogenis argues that

the abbot of the monastery Papa Hrysanhos who had been appointed throu gh the blessing by Georgaki Efendi interfered to the authority of the headmaster of the school. Mavrogenis argues that after the complaints against Hrysanthos the Metropolitan of Kayseri ordered him to go immediately to the monastery of Kerkeme but he ref used to obey to his order through the encouragement of Georgaki e fendi and wrote irregular and unlawful invitations and declared that the oral exams of the school would be held in 7 July. Thereupon the Metropolitan of Kayseri declared through telegraph tha t he is postponing the elections and the exams and that he is returning immediately to the province. But Mavrogenis argues that Hrysanthos did not declare the public of the town and villages of the region and these started to gather into the monastery in 7 July in order to inspect the exams and participate in the elections. In that day a fierce quarrel erupted among those who defended the

decision of the Metropolitan and between the supporters of Urailoglou. Mavrogenis also criticized in his article the chi ef of the Kayseri commerce court and member of the school board , Ioannis Oraiopoulos for hiding the letter of the metropolitan and for staying illegally with his entire family in a department of the monastic compound for more than twenty days. 773 In the end the exams were postponed until Ioannis reached his province with the permission of the Holy Synod. 774

773 Anatoli, N. 5348, 16 July 1896.

774 Kalfoglou, p. 600.

The problems that the school faced does not preoccupied only those in Zincidere or in the province of Kayseri but also the immigrant Anatolians who had sett led in Istanbul interested and discussed keenly the affairs of the school. In a letter published in Anatoli the anonymous author from the imperial capital who signs his letter as a Kayserili argues that while the school possess a school board it is very

sad that individuals like Urailoglou, Oraiopoulos and Manologlou intervene to the affairs of the school acting like feudal lords ( derebeyi ). He adds that they hear terrible news about the school and everyone waits eagerly more information about the current situation. He argues that the problem probably arises like the past inconveniencies from the mischief of foreigners who are lunatics of official posts ( memuriyet divanesi )in order to obtain a position ( post kapmak ). The author adds that the flight of the teacher of French, Markopoulos without even making exams proves once again the truthfulness of the insistence of Anatoli to employ teachers of local origin in the Anatolian schools instead of foreigners who are always ungrateful. 775

775 Kayserideki Ieratiki Sholi, Anatoli, N. 5352, 22 July 1896.

776 Anatoli, N. 4588, 26 September 1892.

The financial a ssistance of the diaspora of Kayseri and inner Anatolia in the urban centers of the empire was crucial for the continuation of the school. Especially after the end of Rodokanakeis contributions Ioannis the Metropolitan of Kayseri tried to form a network c onsisting of diaspora members to support the schools of the monastery with their donations. Numerous times Ioannis toured centers like Samsun, Bafra, Adana, Mersin etc. and gathered donations from his migrated wealthy compatriots and other benefactors. It seems that he had constan t correspondence with those interested in the development of the school and had the means to support it. Two of them doctor Misail S. Simeonidis and Grigorios Arzoglou from Bafra had started a donation campaign in 1892 for providin g the school instruments of physics and chemistry and were proposing the establishment of a printhouse in the school.

Anatoli published the letters of Simeonidis and Arzoglou and the reply of Ioannis which is full of praise for the two men. 776 In this sense contributing to the progress of

777 Anatoli N. 5364, 19 August 1896.

the school and in general to education is propagated as a most patriotic ac t and phileducationalism became one of the highest virtue s .

According to the announcement of the school board the school in 1896 was composed of seve n classes of which the first three were in the level of ellinikon and the rest four graduates of dimotiko school of four class. The headmaster of the school Gervasios Sarasitis was responsible for the Religion and Pedagogy lessons. The

abovementioned G. Sk arakis was responsible for the physicomathematic lessons, A. Ioannides, S. Kontas and N. Papadakis were responsible for the lessons of Greek and Latin, History and Philosophy. Ioannis Neolahanides was responsible of the lessons of the first class. While th e Turkish lessons of the seven classes were given by H. Mavropoulos. The school board was looking for a teacher of French to give 20 hours in week French lessons to the six classes. 777 As stated above that year the school was recognized as a gymnasium by the University of Athens.

In the beginning of 1898 the school had seven classes which four of them were classes of Elliniko school and the rest three gymnasium classes. It had eight teachers including one music teacher. Three of them were graduates of the University of Athens and the headmaster was a cleric who was a graduate of the Theological School of Halki. The students had weekly over two hundred hours lessons. In the last two years Commerce (Emborika) had been added to the program. In the school year of 1897-98 ninety students had been registered. These students were from the provinces of Kayseri, Konya, Ankara, Adana, Niksar, GmGhane, Kolonia

(gebinkarahisar) and even from Istanbul. The tuition fees were 12 liras for the classes of Ellinikon school classes and 15 liras for the gymnasium classes. But the school

had accepted a certain number of semi-bursars from the province of Kayseri.778 In the school year of 1903-1904 102 students had been registered to the school. While the lessons that these received in three ellinikon and four gymnasium classes were the following:

778 Ioannis Kalfoglou, Anatoli N. 5725, 5 January 1898.

1st class: (six students) Holy history of the Old Testament, Greek, Arithmetics, Turkish, French, Grek history, Geography, Natural history, Calligraphy, Drawing and gymnastics.

Second class (thirteen students): Liturgy, Greek, Arithmetics, Geometry, Turkish, French, Greek History, Geography, Mythology, Calligraphy, Drawing and gymnastics.

Fourth class (first of gymnasium, ten students): Holy Catechism, Interpretation of the Bible, Greek, Algebra, Gtheoretical Arithmetics, Latin, Turkish, French, Roman History, Zoology, Ecclesiastic music and gymnastics.

Fifth class (second of gymnasium, twenty three students): Ecclesiastic history, Interpretation of the Bible, Greek, Algebra, Geometry, Latin, Turkish, French,

History of Byzantium, Botanics, Trade, Ecclesiastic music and gymnastics.

Sixth class (third of gymnasium, twenty one students): Christian ethics, Interpretation of the Bible, Greek, Algebra, Geometry, Latin, Turkish, French, History of the Middle Ages, Psychology, Physics, Chemistry, Trade, Ecclesiastic music and gymnastics.

Seventh class (fourth of the gymnasium, nineteen students): Ecclesiastic rhetoric, Interpretation of the Bible, Greek, Geometry, Trigonometry, Latin, Turkish, French, Modern History, Logics, Pedagogy, Physics, Cosmography, Trade, Ecclesiastic music and gymnastics.779

779 Levidis, 1904, p. 9

780 Evld- vatann kendi memleketimizde kendi ahlk ve adabmzla ve kendi nazaretimiz altnda terbiye olnmalar fevaid ve muhasenat hakknda bundan akdem burada ve Evropada tahsil idenlerin peder ve valide tanmadklarndan ve adab-u adatmz taagib ve acib ve garib atvar ve efkrda bulndklarndan Gikayet iden ve adeta tahsili muzr add itmek isteyene cevaben yazdmz bir bentte bir nebzecik bahs itmiGtik. Anatoli 31 May 1890.

781 Ioannis Kalfoglou, Vilayat, Anatoli N. 5408, 11 November 1896.

As we saw earlier religious and moral instruction was considered very important as defensive measure against the perceived moral degradation. The editors of A natoli constantly stressed that the Theological Seminary erases the defects that higher education in big cities and Europe creates. It argued that those students sent to urban centers begin to not recognize the authority of their parents, abandon the custo ms and accepted ways of their homeland and adopt strange behavior and thoughts. On the contrary the Theological Seminary enables the education of the children of the homeland ( evlad vatan ) in their own country, according to their morals and customs and under the surveillance of their community and parents

. 780 The s tudents of the schools of the monastic compund required to participate continuously to the morning and evening prayers and liturgies in the church of the monastery. Ioannis Kalfoglou who was amo ng the first graduates of the Theological Seminary and as we saw wrote frequently about its progress was among those who constantly stressed that Anatolian parents should send their children to the school instead of sending them in other places. 781

According to Kalfoglou the Anatolian children are clever, capable,

hardworking, and zealous. But he adds that this intelligence and cunning sometimes leads to indiscipline. For him in these kinds of schools the real issue is obedience. Without obedience Kalfoglou a rgues disorder rule. He resembles these schools to an army in which the soldiers obey their superiors without objection. Similarly in the school if the students disobey their superiors the administration of the school becomes impossible. For Kalfoglou for some time the students had used to serve the intentions of their teachers and even theirs, in accordance to mathitokratia they caused problems to teachers, headmaster and the school board. According to Kalfoglou mathitokratia consisted a great trouble for the schools and for its eradication the headmaster has to be capable and the application and approval of a regulation. Previously the primary reason s for the appearance of mathitokratia

were the preferential treatment of wealthy students and the quarreling attitude of Anatolian children. For Kalfoglou the school administration in the schoolyear of 1897 has ended this situation but he adds that the danger has not vanished entirely. For him constant interventions from outside damage d the relations among teach ers and students. Previously, he argues students were making various complaints for the food but nowadays these diminished. Kalfoglou states that the paramount thing in the administration of the school is the style of the administration. He adds that for p rogress the headmaster, teachers, students all should be united. But for him this is absent in the Theological Seminary. The reason of this state of affairs for him , as he

was stressed before, was the absence of a published regulation that will determine e veryones rights and responsibilities. Thus in the absence of such a regulation everyone becomes the headmaster of the school. But he adds that the current headmaster Gervasios Sarasitis through his capacity and potency managed even the most difficult circ umstances. In the end Kalfoglou once again plead the Metropolitan

as the head of the school board and its members to consider these circumstances caused by disorganization and to prepare the Regulation. 782

782 Ioannis Kalfoglou, Zincideredeki Ieratiki Sholi, Anatoli N. 5597, 29 July 1897.

783 Kalfoglou, p. 560, 564..

784 Ioannis Tsourouktsi, . .... .......... ........ ....., Athens 1967, ...-...... 23, p. 12.

The Building

From its establishment in 1882 the school functioned inside the monastic compund of St. John the Forerunner (Ioannis Prodromos). The school started to function in the rooms of the department devoted to the metropolitan (despotikon) because the building that sheltered the old school of the monastery was almost ruined. In the third year of the school the classrooms and the boards had been built or repaired.783 From September 1908 the school moved to a newly established three-storeyed building next to the monastery thanks to the donations of Simeon Siniosoglou. There it functioned until 1917 when the building of the school was occupied by the army and stopped functioning.784

On the ground floor of this building there was the headmaster.s office, the hall of teachers., the seminary, the teaching classes, the kitchen and the mess hall. All the halls according to Tsourouktsi had big windows in order to allow the sun and the air to enter the rooms. The dorm rooms were big halls that contained twenty to

twenty five wooden beds.785 In the first floor there was the dorms o the headmaster, of the subdirector and the dorms of the students and the library.786

785 Ibid., p. 2, 17.

786 The library in the beginning of the twentieth century contained nearly two thousand titles. Levidis, 1904, p. 132.

787 He also adds that in the original plan there was a marble stair that would lead to the first floor but that was not completed too because of the lack of money and was replaced by a woodden stair that connected the ground floor with the first from inside. Tsourouktsi, 1967, p. 3.

The second floor had remained incomplete because of the absence of money and a new donation was expected fot its completion. This according to Tsourouktsi was because the architect of the building had misacalculated the expenses.787 There

were only two halls, one of the Physic classes and the other where the related organs and charts were kept.

According to Tsourouktsi when the school was in the monastery it had a wide compound fort he exercises of gymnastics and a couple of necessary organs. While in its new building, it acquired a complete hall of gymnastics in the wide courtyard with all the necessary organs. In the end of the school year the demonstrations of gymnastics were performed in this courtyard. Tsourouktsi remembers that in the middle of the compound there was a blue bridge with some organs of gymnastics. On the one side of the bridge it was written with white letters over the blue background ............ . ....... (Gymnasium of Argaios (Erciyes)). While on the other side it was written Healthy Mind in Healthy Body (.... ..... .. ...... .....).

The Students and the Daily Life in the School

As we saw above contrary to its name the school was never become a complete theology school. Obviously the fact that the school was sheltered in a monastic compound had created many similarities with theology schools. The headmaster of the school was usually a cleric, a graduate of Theological School of Halki. The students were sanctified every day morning and evening. Tsourouktsi remembers that while the morning liturgy and the vesper did not take much time they were pretty bothersome for the students.788

788 Tsourouktsi, 1967, p. 6. He states that sometimes students were pretending that were ill in order to escape going to church early in the morning, especially during the winter. Ibid., p. 9.

789 Kalfoglou, pp. 561-562.

790 Foropoulos, 1890, pp. 26-27.

In the beginning the school had been established especially for the destitute students. While in the first year of the school all the thirty students were poor from its second year the school began to accept students with tuition.789 But increasingly in later years the school administration was criticized for favoring the rich students and neglecting the needy students. The report of headmaster Foropoulos mentioned above, gives a bitter picture about the situation of the poor students in the school, who lacked even shoes. Despite the 18th article of the regulation of the school that stated explicitly that the school should provide shelter, food, medical treatment, free garments and books, the only things that the school administration provided to these needy students were a bad sheet and a blanket and some borrowed books.790

In the last class of gymnasium the teacher of the religion who usually was the headmaster of the school was teaching ecclesiastic rhetoric. In order to practice the students were required to preach two times in the church, first during the fast of Christmas and secondly during the Lent. The exact date was determined through lottery. The speeches were controlled strickly by the headmaster who corrected them in order to prevent any infringement of ecclesiastic rules. The students were wearing ecclesiastic garments only in these occasions when they were going to preach. Those students who were from the villages of Kayseri were ussualy preaching in the Lent also in Turkish.791

791 Tsourouktsi, 1967, p. 7.

792 Ibid., pp. 89.

The memoirs of Ioannis Tsourouktsis who was a student in the school for four years (from 1905-1906 to 1908-1909) provides us precious information about the details of the daily life in the school during its last decade (his little brother Iosif and his cousins Menelaos Poimenides were also among the last graduates of the school). Tsourouktsi argues that despite the heavy program of the school and plenty

of obligations of the students they do not had cases of overwork because of the lack of activities other than those of the school. He adds that the obligatory participation to the lessons and the small number of students in the class that never exceeded 2025 enabled the assimilation of the subjects during the lesson.792

According to B. Mystakides, a teacher of the school during the first half of the 90.s the students of the school were studious and industrious. But they were influenced heavily from the political machinations of their parents and from every disruption of order. Mystakides states that there were satanic actions that tried to

create rebellious behavior and intrigues among the students. He defended that the most important thing is that parents should understand that the students once they enter the school should severe all ties with their household and be entirely dependent to the rules and order of the school until they graduate from it. If they do not accept this Mystakides adds indiscipline will continue to rule the school.793

793 B. Mystakides, Zincidere 22 February 1892, file I 4/1-7.

794 Tsourouktsi, 1967, p. 10; Levidis, 1905, pp. 131133. According to this source in 19031904 the students of gymnasium classes paid 15 liras and those of the smaller classes (elliniko) 12 liras annually.

From the beginning all the students of the school were boarding. Even students from Zincidere itself were not accepted as external. Students were allowed to go to their homes only in Christmas, Easter and the summer. The school attracted boarding students from diverse places like Adana, Samsun, Konya and even Istanbul. Tsourouktsi argues that this was because the alimony was cheap and the strict surveillane of the students. Until 1907 the tuition fees of the school were 15 liras.

From the next school year it increased to 17 liras. The villages that were close to the school were also sending semi bursar students that were paying as tuition 8 liras until 1907 and 10 liras afterwards. The number of the semi bursar students from the villages had been predetermined according to the contribution they had made during the establishment of the school. The only free students accepted to the school were the married deacons preparing for priesthood or unmarried clerics. While the students of the Central Cappadocian Girls. School payed 10 liras, the semi bursars 6 and the students that were external, i.e. came fro Zincidere paid only 2 liras annually.794

The tuition fees were paid twice during the school year for every six months. The first part was paid in the beginning of the school year and the second one in February. The school board tried methods to gather the amount from the parents of the students who were outside the region. For example it called those parents who were in Istanbul to give the fees amount to Diamantoglou brothers.795 Not only the parents but also other prominent figures of communities could assume the responsibility of paying the tuition fees and other expenses of certain students.796

795 Anatoli N. 5453, 3 February 1897.

796 See for example the letter of Kozma Kuzucakoglou from Alaam to the Metropolitan of Kayseri that he resigns from the sponsorship (kefalet) of Georgios I. Ioannidis due to his old age and not leaving his sons this burden of responsibility. Anatoli N. 3935, 21 July 1888.

797 Ioannis Metropolitan of Kayseri, Zincidere 27 July 1900, file I 23.

The Metropolitan could also assume the protection of succesfull students and even promote their further studies through finding them protectors that would assume their expenses and sending them to the higher educational institutions of Istanbul or Athens. In these cases the metropolitan asked most of the time M. Evaggelides, the president of the Athens based Society of Anatoli to find protectors for these successful graduates. Thus for example Metropolitan Ioannis in a letter to M. Evaggelidis asks from him to help a successful graduate of the school, Ioannis G. Ioannidis from Nide to further his studies.797

The daily program of the students in the beginning of the twentieth century as Tsourouktsi recalls was: The students woke up at 5 AM in the morning and until 8 o.clock they were completing the breakfast and attended morning mass. From 8 o.clock to 12 they received four lessons of 50 minutes with two breaks of ten and one of twenty minutes break between the second and third lessons. The lunch was at

12 o.clock and after there was a rest until 14. From the end of the rest to 16.40 there were three lessons of which the last one was either Music or Gymnastics. Between 17 and 18 students attended mass and after they had lunch. Between 18 and 19 students could rest or walk around. From 19 to 21 students were required to be in the study and after to sleep.798

798 Tsourouktsi, 1967, p. 2223.

799 Ibid., p. 23.

800 According to the decision of the Committee the ceremony before the beginning of the exams consisted of: a) ritual, b) Hymn for the God, c) report of the directorate of the school, d) Hymn for His Majesty the Sultan, e) report of the school board, f) hymn for the Ecumenical Patriarch, g) two or three songs of school nature and between them the dispensation of the diploma and the awards, h) adres of the patriarchal representative. in ............. .......,14 June 1902, vol. 24, pp. 252253.

Like all the other schools of Ottoman Greeks of Asia Minor the Theological Seminary performed oral exams after the completion of the written ones. In these parents and relatives of the students from the villages around gathered to see the performance of the students. In these exams students do not received grades but they are expected to answer correctly to questions asked by their teachers, members of the school board and even the Metropolitan or state officials participating to the exams.799 The annual oral exams were among the central events of the school life of the Ottoman Greeks and such was its importance that the Patriarchal Central Educational Committee had issued in 1902 a decision in which it described in detail how the exams and the ceremony that surrounded it should be performed tactically and homogeneously in all schools of the capital.800

The oral exams constituted the public event that demonstrated to the residents of the region the achievements and progress of the students and the school. As is it said these exams were performed in the presence of the public and the religious and state dignitaries. Not only the families of the students but everyone who was

interested welcomed to this event. The report of Anastasios M. Levides to Anatoli about the oral exams of 1896 forms a detailed account of these oral exams. As we saw above that year the exams were performed in 14 July after the metropolitan.s arrival from the capital. The visitors were welcomed by the teachers and the students of the school but also by the students of the Central Girls. School and the students of the boys and girls Orphanages. The crowd then entered the church and listen some prayers and also the speech of Gervasios Sarasitis, the headmaster of the school. The next day after attending the liturgy the crowd gathered in the mansion of the monastery and after praying for the Sultan the public cheered by clapping their hands three times Zito!. Afterwards the headmaster made another speech about the progress achieved in the last schoolyear. Next in the presence of the mutassarf of Kayseri the crowd cheered the slogan Long Live our Sultan! (Padiahm ok Yaa!) Afterwards, the exams started from the senior class and continued for five days, until Thursday. While the next day the oral exams of the Central Girls. School began.801 Finally after the completion of the exams of both schools the next Sunday, in 21 July, the public gathered in the church of the monastery including the metropolitan, the teachers and the school board. After the liturgy the headmaster made a speech about the results of the exams while two of the graduates of the school year also made farewell speeches to the public, one in Greek and one in Turkish.802

801 Anatoli, N. 5353, 23 July 1896;

802 Anatoli, N. 5359, 31 July 1896.

A common complaint against these exams was that they were designed to elicit parrotlike responses from the students based on predermined questions of the

teacher. Another complaint concerning the oral exams was the fact that during these exams only few students were examined. According to some, these inspected students were mostly the children of the wealthy.803

803 [] Gifahi imtihanlarda yalnz birka Gagirdann teftiG olnmas ve bunlarn da zengin evlad bulnmas umumiyetle hiddeti celb idecek meseledir. Ah fukaralk, fukaralk, her mahalde tefrik olyor! Ne deyelim. Allah sabr vire. Anatoli N. 4820, 25 June 1894.

804 This holiday as a school feast was so central in the life of the Greek Orthodox schools of the Empire that the Patriarchal Central Educational Committee announced a decision in 1901 on which it described in detail how the schools should organize its celebration in order to achieve homogeneity. According to this decision the celebrations should begin in the local Church in which all the students and teachers should be gathered where the names of the founders, members of the school board and the benefactors are mentioned in the liturgy. Then the congregation, including the invited highest dignitaries should be gathered in the cenral hall of the school in which a speech by the headmaster of

the school is delivered. Afterwards hymns for God, the Sultan, the Patriarch and the benefactors of the school were sang. Lastly the students should sing songs that they learnt in the school. ............. ......., 26 January 1901, vol. 4, p. 27.

Three other important days for the monastery was the feasts in Easter and in the day of John the Forerunner and the memorial of Theodoros Emmanouil Rodokanakeis. Obviously like all the other Orthodox schools of the empire the school holiday of the Three Hierarchs (..... ........) was also celebrated in the school. Because of the fact that two of the Three Hieararchs, Basil the Great and John the Chrysostom were known to be of Cappadocian origin this holiday assumed even more importance in the schools of the region as a demonstration of the importance of the region to Greek Orthodox letters and culture.804

The school was occasionally visited by state authorities. For example we learn from an article of Levides in Anatoli about the various recent developments in Zincidere that in 1892 in his visit to the township the mutasarrf Hakim Efendi, accompanied by his secretary, the treasurer, the judge and a notable of the region, Akakayalzade mer agha visited also the monastery and the schools in it. There after receiving information about the number of teachers and students and the lessons

instructed he inspected two students in reading Ottoman which Levides argues that he was fully satisfied with the results.805 Despite that kind of a statement in which obedience to state authorities is emphasized it seems that especially by the beginning of the twentieh century the students increasingly identified more with Greek nationalism. Tsourouktsi who was a student in the school between 1905 and 1909, recalls the moving sight of students returning from excercises to the monastery, led by the teacher of gymnastics in a military line up of four, singing the Thourio (......) of Rigas, the revolutionary songs of Crete or the Marseillaise.806

805 Anatoli, N. 4519, 28 March 1892.

806 Tsourouktsi, 1967, p. 18.

Savvas Zervoudakis, a teacher of the gymnasium argues that the education the students. received in both schools was most Christian (...............) and Hellenic (.................). According to the description of Zervoudakis every aspect of students. life, the breaks, lunchs, sleep, study, exercises, and walks were exactly defined and monitored. The food, the diet and the hygiene was strickly controlled by the doctor of the school. The students attended the church every

morning and vesper with complete order. After the dinner students listened in the refectory from other students either passages from the Bible or Apostle or different ethical speeches. The students were required to cross themselves before lying to bed. During the days the order was overseen by the stewards while during the night nightwatches supervised the dorms. The kitchen of the school observed fully the days of fast, while during lunchtime a student of the last class was reading speeches of the church rhetors. Above all according to Zervoudakis the Metropolitan Ioannis who

stayed in the monastery was the supreme overseer (........) against the occurrence of even the smallest mistake.807

807 Zervoudakis, 1896, pp. 80-81.

808 Tsourouktsi, 1967, p. 3435.

Despite such idyllic descriptions of complete order and surveillance of students. daily actions as we saw earlier the reality seems to be much different from that. Tsourouktsi recalls two incidents of unrest in the school. In the first one, occurred in 1906-1907, the reason of the unrest was the controversy between the new headmaster of the school deacon Joachim Kalafatis and the older teachers that had performed as deputy until Kalafatis had arrived. Tsourouktsi argues that the controversy reached to such a level that first the teachers and after the students divided into two camps that supported either the headmaster or the teachers of philology Pandelidis and of mathematics Natsis. While the student camps were led by two undergraduates, Devletoglou and Eggonopoulos. According to Tsourouktsi the frequent quarrels enden up in a serious clash by the end of the year. The incident ended only when the Metropolitan Gervasios came to the monastery in the middle of

the night and ordered students to go to their dorm. The problem ended through the departure of the headmaster from the school.808

The second incident that Tsourouktsi recalls was much more severe than the previous one. In this the majority of the students rose up against the harshness of the teachers and their major slogan was we want control meaning they demanded to know every month their grades in order to correct their shortcomings. The movement according to Tsourouktsi was led by undergraduates among those students called Laz, Theologos Tosunoglou from Denek Maden and Dimosthenis Sidiropoulos

from Samsun. The students forced the headmaster and the teachers to flee from the school and occupied the school for ten days. In the end Tsourouktsi argues that eight students were dismissed from the school for restoring order.809

809 Ibid., pp. 3638.

810 Ibid., pp. 1213.

Teachers

The unmarried teaching staff was staying in special rooms of the monastic compound. The married ones could stay in houses of the village. Most of the teachers came from distant regions of the Empire like Epir, Macedonia or the Aegean islands. Different actors were influential in the selection of teachers. The Metropolitan, the Patriarchate, the Cappadocian Phileducational Brotherhood, the Hellenic Literary Society in Istanbul, the Athens based Society of Anatoli etc. But it was not an easy task to find suitable teachers. The distance of the school to major urban centers, the

difficult journey that was required and the limited life inside the monastery that the school promised were factors that made the task even more difficult. But according to Tsourouktsi those that endured these conditions were rewarded economically. He recalls that teachers received around 80-90 liras annually and that even the one tenth of this amount they could not spend it since their entire expenses were covered by the school and the monastery. But he also adds that as soon as the teacher was able to gather a certain amount of money he was looking for other positions in more pleasant places.810

811 Gervasios Metropolitan of Kayseri, Zincidere 28 June 1904, file I 47 2746.

For example when the Metropolitan Gervasios asked from the Society to send a teacher of Greek and Latin philology, the criteria demanded were that he will be a graduate of the University of Athens, with knowledge of pedagogy and philosophy, experienced and virtious. The annual salary of this teacher was going to be 75 liras. As it is mentioned above dwelling, food and every other need of the teacher was provided by the school board. Gervasios demanded from the president of the Society to add to the abovementioned sum five liras for the expenses of journey if need arised.811

However in his extensive letter to the president of the Society of Anatoli and his personal friend M. Evaggelidis, B. Mystakides, a teacher of the Seminary depicts a grim picture of the conditions that the teachers face in the school. According to Mystakides the teachers who came to Zincidere after a long and difficult journey are deceived by the school board on every aspect. Gradually they realize that everything that they had arranged in their contracts previously was changed arbitrarily by the board itself. In every aspect of the daily life the actual conditions are very different from those that the board had depicted in the beginning. According to Mystakides the

heating, the food, the service, the health care that is provided in the monastery is diametrically opposed to what had been described previously. Thus the teacher has to take care of his own his needs and most of the time to pay extra money for his simplest daily needs. This arbitrariness is also relevant in the instructed lessons. According to Mystakides a teacher who is going to instruct the Greek lessons can be forced to give other lessons like Bookkeeping or exegesis of Holy Scriptures. This is also valid for the instruction hours which could be increased arbitrarily by the board

itself. Another complaint of Mystakides is that the teacher most of the time is obliged to buy teaching materials he needs from his own pocket. The food for Mystakides is awful and the strict observance of fasts deteriorates the situation even further. The worst according to Mystakides is that the protests of the teachers are not taken seriously. He also complains about the lack of a written regulation that will state explicitly the right and duties of the teaching staff. For Mystakides this is because the existence of a written regulation does not serve the school board and the constant change of some part of the regulation depending to the conjuncture. Last but not least he argues that the renewal of the contracts are delayed until the last moment which often makes impossible for a teacher to dare to make the long journey to Istanbul or Athens in order to find a new position. Thus he is obliged to continue his work even under worst conditions and diminished salary.812

812 B. Mystakides, Zincidere 22 February 1892, file I 4/1-7.

813 Gervasios Metropolitan of Kayseri, Zincidere 28 June 1904, file I 47 2746.

Starting from the last decade of the century the Society of Anatoli became increasingly the most important supplier of teachers not only of the Theological

Seminary but for all the schools of the region. While of course there were other sources too. For example metropolitan Gervasios in the abovementiond letter stated that they will wait until 20 of June for a reply otherwise they will resort somewhere else.813 But it seems that the Society was not able to find a suitable teacher and Gervasios wrote a second letter in which he increased the salary of the teacher to eighty liras plus five liras for the expenses of the journey to Zincidere. It also stressed that while the amount of salary was less than some other places it is actually more because in those places he will be obliged to spend more and added that until

25 of August he has to be present in the school.814 But even in the end of August the Society was unable to find a suitable candidate. Thus Gervasios asked the president of the Society, Evaggelidis to choose the best of the existing candidates to avoid any delay in the beginning of the lessons. For the Metropolitan the only solution in order to have permanent teachers was to send students to the National University of Athens. Gervasios also answer the question whether Greek nationals can teach in the school by stating that there is no obstacle in it unless the government gives them the required passports.815 While he also requested from the Society to take under its protection a graduate of the Central Girls. School in order for her to become later the headmistress of the school.816

814 Gervasios Metropolitan of Kayseri, Zincidere 2 August 1904, file I 51 2858.

815 Gervasios Metropolitan of Kayseri, Zincidere 23 August 1904, file I 52 2982.

816 Gervasios Metropolitan of Kayseri, Zincidere 7 October 1904, file I 56 3177.

817 Tsourouktsi, 1967, p. 14.

Thus the school had always problems concerning the permanence of the teaching staff. While the cooperation between the old and new teachers was not always sincere and there were often cases of animosity. For Tsourouktsi these incidents evoked paralel incidents among the students that divided to groups that supported different teachers. Tsourouktsi argues that this state of affairs could have been prevented if those responsible for the school had founded local teachers that could remain for long periods in the school.817

The long distance of the school from the urban centers created further difficulties for the teachers. They had to make long journeys before reaching the school and there were even cases in which they made this long way in vain because

in the meantime the school board or the Metropolitan had changed their minds and decided that they do not need the certain teacher. Thus for example Konstantinos Aleksiadis writes to the president of the Society Evaggelidis that after reaching the school through a journey of fourteen days the Metropolitan Gervasios announced him that the teaching staff was full and that he came too late. But luckily for him after its meeting the school board decided to hold him for the instruction of technical and some other lessons but with an important reduction of his prearranged salary (only forty five liras annually).818 But instead of the low salary it seems that in the end Aleksiadis decided to stay because he refused Evaggelidis. proposal to go to Patmos in the pretext that he already started to teach.819 While in the end of the schoolyear the Metropolitan Gervasios called the members of the Teacher Society (........... ........) and declared that apart the philologists Prodromos Eutihidis and M. Stefanidis all other teachers could renew their contracts. Thus Aleksiadis renewed his contract, this time with a better salary.820

818 Konstantinos Aleksiadis, Zincidere 19 September 1902, file I 36 1729.

819 Konstantinos Aleksiadis, Zincidere 14 October 1902, file I 37 1761.

820 Konstantinos Aleksiadis, Zincidere 27 June 1903, file I 40 2068.

Most of the times there was a stark contrast between the patriotic zeal of the teachers coming from either Greece or western parts of the empire and the indifference of the local authorities. This can be observed from the letters of teachers to the president of the Society of Anatoli which most of the time contain bitterness. In his letters to the president of society, B. A. Mystakides one of the cultivated teachers of the school in the beginning of 1890.s express his disillusionement that despite his self sacrifices the conditions that he worked obliged him to resign from

his position. For Mystakides because of these conditions in the school faith withers away, while perfidiousness and cunning dominates.821

821 B. A. Mystakides, 23 May 1891, file I 1.

822 B. A. Mystakides, Zincidere 24 June 1891, file I 2.

823 Tsourouktsi, 1967, p. 46.

Mystakides in his letters criticizes harshly the school board, which he characterizes as consisting of members that do not possess the slightest education. This is how he desrcribes the situation in the school: Other than the daily calumnies and conspiracies, arbitrary opening and seizure of letters, division of students for supporting secretly some teachers, derision of teachers during instruction, indiscipline, audacity and scurrilousness of students, harsh beatings with large firewoods []. These antipedagogic and antichristian things that are happening Mystakides argues, describe the course of the school which is called

Theological.822

Tsourouktsis refers the abovementioned Kostandinos Aleksiadis in the developmet of the lessons of gymnastics. Aleksiadis who was from Inebolu of Pontos and had graduated from the teachers. seminary of Athens and taught pedagogy to the senior classes and some support classes for the lower classes for several years in the gymnasium of Zincidere. Tsourouktsi remembers that he was teaching patriotic songs and elements of European music to the students, he was also an athlet, especially successful in weight lifting a poet writing primarily satirical ones. For Tsourouktsi he was an enthusiastic organizer and supporter of organizing feasts, excursions and an advisor of the students.823

It is interesting that one finds many incidents of complaints from teachers. rebellious actions. In one of them the Metropolitan Gervasios wrote to Evaggelidis that because the teacher of mathematics Konstantinos Tzambertidis rebelled during the exams while drifting also the teacher of Greek and Latin philology the school needed two teachers to replace them.824

824 Gervasios Metropolitan of Kayseri, Zincidere July 1905, file I 67 3757. In another letter Gervasios even names the teachers that he wanted to be appointed: Noulelis for philology and Leonidas Latsis for mathematics. See Gervasios Metropolitan of Kayseri, Zincidere 8 August 1905, file I 68 3925.

825 Kalfoglou, p. 623.

The Cappadocian Orphanages

As it is stated above in 1891 Metropolitan Ioannis Anastasiadis established an orphanage in Zincidere. The Cappadocian Orphanage for Boys as it was named begun to function inside the monastery. The headmaster of the orphanage was Eugenios N. Aleksiadis from Nevehir until 1897 when he resigned. Then Ioannis Poimenidis from Andronikion, a graduate of the Theological School of Halki took his place. While the headmistresses of the girls orphanage were until 1894 Kalliopi Simeon, a g raduate of the Central Girls School, Elisabeth Haralambous from Zincidere until 1898, also a graduate of the Central Girls School. 825

Ioannis established a department in the court of the monastery for the

orphanage of girls while a building for the orphana ges was began to be erected near the monastery. The construction of the building was postponed until the granting of official permission for the establishment of the building of the orphanages. When the permission was finally obtained in 1896 Ioannis began its construction the next year.

Until that time the orphanages for boys functioned inside the monastery. 826 Kalfoglou states that totally two thousand liras were spent for the building, half of which donated by Siniosoglou. 827

826 Ibid., pp. 615-618.

827 Ibid., p. 622.

828 Ioannis Metropolitan of Kayseri, Kayseri 28 January 1897, file I 13 n. 699.

829 Kalfoglou, p. 624.

There were nearly 65 70 orphans from the beginning. There they learned Greek and also received practical lessons. Kalfoglou reports that from the graduates some had become teachers in the schools of poor communities. In 1897 the boys orphanage had thirty pupils. These received lessons of tailoring and shoemaking but Metropolitan Ioannis admitted that these lessons were not as successful as they have expected.In his letter to the president of the Society of Anatoli Ioannis argues that he want to transform the orphanage into an agricultur al orphanage in the model of the orphanages of the Italian Don Bosco that will suit better the nature of the pupils coming from the small villages of his province. Thus he asked the president to send him the program of the agricultural school of Athens and asked his thoughts about an agriculturalist teacher for the orphanage.While in the orphanage for girls where twenty five girls were studying the practical lessons that they received were tailoring and weaving including rug making.

828 But according to Kalfo glou whose book is published in 1898 there were no practical lessons in the boys orphanage despite the fact that in its first years tailoring metalwork, and shoemaking. While the girls received lessons of tailoring, weaving and rug making. While two stude ns of the boys orphanage received lessons of sericulture. 829 While in 1904 the orphanage had 37 pupils instructed in four classes of dimotiko school. The pupils of the last two

classes receive d also lessons of tailoring from technitians. 830

830 Levidis, 1904, p. 133.

831 Anatoli N. 4537, 16 May 1892.

832 te bu suretle eratiki Sholi, Kendrikon Parthenaoion, Kappadokikon Orfanotrofion gibi eparhiann badii iftihar olan messesat ilmiye ve hayriye mevcudiyetlerini merhum oannisin himemi fedakranesine borludurlar. Ioannidis, p. 48; Kalfoglou, p. 617; Tsalikoglou.

Kalfoglou reports that many Anatolians that heard the decision of founding an

orphanage sent important sums to the Metropolitan. For example when in spring 1892 Ioannis was in Mersin and Adana in order to gather donations for the schools of the monastery, Hristaki Simeonidi s from Kayseri together with his aunts had gathered from the benefactors of Adana hundred liras for the orphanage. 831 But the primary donator of the orphanages was Simeonaki Siniosoglou from Talas who gave thousand liras for the construction of the orphanage and in 1895 contributed them with five hundred liras and his wife Evlambia with three hundred liras. The annual interest of this sum was allocated for the needs of the orphanages and the couple

became the benefactors of the institutions and the name of Si meon Siniosoglou inscribed to the entrance of he new building of he orphanages. Moreover Siniosoglou also donated a profitable estate in Ankara for the benefit of the orphanages. He also donated hundred liras annually to the orphanages, while he left in hi s testamen t 2500 liras to the orphanages.

To secure the future of the orphanages and provide them a stable financial position, Ioannis traveled regularly to Istanbul and to the commercial centers of the vilayets of Konya and Adana in order to find donation s from the prominent members of the Orthodox communities there. Ioannis continued his attempts to gather financial support especially for the orphanages. 832 In 1914 the newly elected metropolitan of Kayseri Nikolaos proposed the Patriarchate to name the boys

orphanage as Cappadocian Orphanage for Boys Simeon Sinisoglou and the girls orphanage as Cappadocian Orphanage for Girls Eulambia S. Siniosoglou in recognition and gratefulness to the grand benefactors of the two institutions. 833

833 Codex of the Province of Kayseri, 205/319, p. 296-297.

CHAPTER V

KINDERGARTENS IN ANATOLIA AND THE FOUNDATION OF THE KINDERGARTNERS TRAINING COLLEGE OF ZINCIDERE

The development of kindergartens in Anatolia forms a neglected part of the educational topography of the late Ottoman period. The studies that mention kindergartens emphasize the kindergartens founded by the missionaries and the inclusion of the institution to the state led educational system after the Young Turk Revolution of 1908. In these the development of kindergartens among the nonMuslim communities of the empire receives almost no attention. Even Fortna.s article, concerning the development of kindergartens in the Ottoman context have only slight references to the kindergartens established by nonMuslim communities. Fortna uses the term kindergarten to denote the preschools that followed the lineage of the movement launched by Friedrich Froebel. He states that this institution was firstly established in Anatolia by American missionaries in 1885 in Izmir. But until the inclusion of kindergartens as state educational institutions in 1913 and even until

well into the Republic kindergartens remain to be marginal phenomena in educational life of the empire. While the kindergartens founded by indigeneous minority groups only replicate the missionary kindergartens. 834 But as will be

834 Fortna, Benjamin C. The Kindergarten in the Ottoman Empire and the Turkish Republic, in Kindergartens and Cultures The Global Diffusion of an Idea ed. By Roberta Wollons, (Yale University Press: New Haven & London 2000): 251-273.

demonstrated below kindergartens assumed a very important role in the educational competition both between non-Muslim groups and against missionary educational endeavors. Far from replicating the missionary kindergartens the kindergartens established in the Balkans and Anatolia by the Ottoman Greeks assumed a very important role in disseminating the Greek language ton on-Greek speaking Orthodox populations. In that sense as Fortna describes the state established preschools the kindergarten as an originally Western institution assumed new roles in its transpalnted context and even become part of the educational policy of Ottoman Greeks to combat western missionary influence.

Infant schools or kindergartens were very important in the development of education in the Orthodox communities of Asia Minor. There infant schools received great emphasis because they were assigned a special role in the re-acquisition of Greek by the turcophone and other foreign speaking Orthodox communities.

Almost in parallel with the establishment of girls. schools in the communities of Cappadocia the first infant schools began to be established in the beginning of the seventies. For example in NevGehir the girls. school was established in 1869, while the first infant school in 1872. According to the economic state of the communities the infant schools could be attached with the girls. school to form infant girls. schools (..................). The age of entrance to the kindergartens was not specified and changed according every community, i.e. according to the general regulations of the schools of Gelveri of 1910 the kindergarten accepted infants from

five years old and not older than seven years old.835 The children who were sent at

835 ....... .......... ... .............. ... ............. .......... .......-...... ........ ....... (General Regulation of the Schools of the Greek-Orthodox Community of KarvalisKelveri of the vilayet of Konya) D. Thomaidou: Istanbul 1911 art. 2, p. 5.

the age of four or five to the kindergartens were expected to begin learning Greek at this early age by distancing them from their turcophone family surrounding.

The kindergarten teachers were supposed to be graduates of kindergartners. training colleges and their assistants were graduates of community or higher girls. schools. They taught Greek to the students through practices with word exercises, plays, songs, tales, object lessons etc. The children generally stayed the whole day in the kindergarten and ate there in order to be in constant interaction with their kindergartners who would teach them Greek.836

836 Soldatos, 1989b, p. 19.

It is impossible to investigate the development of education of preschool children and kindergartens in Asia Minor without referring to Froebel and his educational philosophy. The word kindergarten was created by Friedrich Froebel (1782-1852) whose name was associated with the kindergarten movement that spread across the world during the second half of the nineteenth century.

Froebel was influenced greatly from the pedagogical principles of Johann Heinrich Pestalozzi. Froebel like Pestalozzi saw family as the origin of all social life and acknowledged the importance of mother-child relationship for the intellectual

and emotional development of the child. But he also shared Johann Gottlieb Fichte.s ideas that the contemporary German family was inadequate to fulfill its educational role in the regeneration of the nation and emphasized a specialized institution. So his ideas can be seen as a synthesis of the views of Pestalozzi and Fichte in which the kindergarten becomes the symbol of this synthesis which does not weakens but on the contrary strengthens and enriches mother-child relationship. The Froebelian kindergarten was a synthesis between home-centered and institutional child

rearing.837 As a mid nineteenth century bourgeois liberal nationalist Froebel rejected traditional authoritative education. The kindergarten movement with its emphasis on education in achieving progress, freedom and culture belongs to the liberalism of the middle of the nineteenth century. His educational philosophy is summarized in his famous motto Kommt, lasst uns unsern Kindern leben.838

837 See Ann Taylor Allen, .Let Us Live with Our Children.: Kindergarten Movements in Germany and the Unites States, 1840-1914, History of Education Quarterly, Vol. 28, No. 1. (Spring, 1988), pp. 23-48 & Ann Taylor Allen, Spiritual Motherhood: German Feminists and the Kindergarten Movement, 1848-1911, History of Education Quarterly, Vol. 22, No. 3, Special Issue: Educational Policy and Reform in Germany. (Autumn, 1982), pp. 319-339.

838 Come, let us live for the children".

839 Jane Read, Free Play with Froebel: Use and Abuse of Progressive Pedagogy in London.s Infant Schools, 1870-c.1904, Paedagogica Historica, Vol. 42, No. 3, June 2006, pp. 299-323.

The kindergarten served an important role in the early socialization of the infant in an environment that reflected the domestic ethos of the German home. Froebel.s humanist inspired views on kindergartens underlined the harmonious interconnection between man and woman and their unity. Froebel stressed the outdoor environment and the natural world for fostering religious and spiritual insights.839 His communal ethos reflected the symbiotic relationship between the individual and the community.

In Froebel.s educational philosophy specific learning materials, the Gifts and Occupations and the learning environment have a primary importance in fostering intellectual and manual creativity and skills. It aimed among others making learning easy and pleasant, stressed the importance of free play rather than based on rote learning and rigid routine. The main activities of the first kindergartens of Froebel consisted of singing, dancing, gardening and playing with the Froebel Gifts.

The first Froebelian kindergarten was established in Blankenburg in 1839. After the failed 1848 revolutions and the prohibition of the Froebelian kindergartens in Prussia, the Froebelian diaspora who left the German states developed the movement in England and USA. The first Froebelian kindergarten in England was established in 1851 and in the USA in 1856.840 Generally the application of Froebel.s ideas after him lacked his comprehensive and wider vision and concentrated on its practical aspects emphasizing the acquisition of manual skills and industrial work. The kindergarten movement in most cases led by middle-class women who saw in it a possibility to transcend the dichotomy of private and public spheres and home/school and made a synthesis between them.841

840 Clem Adelman, Over Two Years, What did Froebel say to Pestalozzi?, History of Education, 2000, Vol. 29, No. 2, pp. 103-114. For the kindergarten teacher training in England and US see Kristen Dombkowski, Kindergarten teacher training in England and the United States 18501918, History of Education, 2002, Vol. 31, No. 5, pp. 475-489. Dombkowski argues that due to different factors while the kindergarten became adaptable and attractive to the US educational climate it was not institutionalized in England. p. 475. For the application of Froebel methods to England see also Kevin J. Brehony, .Even far distant Japan. is showing an interest.: the English Froebel movement.s

turn to Sloyd, History of Education, 1998, Vol. 27, No. 3, pp. 279-295.

841 Allen, p. 26. For the role of women in the development of the kindergarten movement in Germany see also Jane Read, Froebelian Women: networking to promote professional status and educational change in the nineteenth century, History of Education, 2003, Vol. 32, No. 1, pp. 17-33.

The application and spread of the Froebel method by the beginning of the twentieth century to the communities of Asia Minor had been introduced by Aikaterini Laskaridou. She had started to apply this method during the 1880.s in her Kindergartners. Training College in Athens. This method had been firstly applied in the kindergartens of the slavophone communities of Macedonia and had given positive results in the acquisition of Greek. Aikaterini Laskaridou who had imported the method in Greece believed that it would be very useful in the communities of Asia Minor because through this method the infants will easily get used to speak in Greek, learning in the first instance the related names in Greek of the things in the

nature and will speak with each other in Greek.842 She was giving as an example the positive result of the Froebelian kindergartens established in Thrace and Macedonia, in which the Bulgarophone infants had acquired Greek in a very short time.

842 Cited in Georgios Askitopoulos, ............ (Educational) Xenophanis vol. 7 1910, p. 408. .. ..... ....... .. ......... ... .. ......... .............., .......... .... ...... . ..... ... ........., ....... ... ...... .. ....... ....... ......... ... ......... ........... .. ............

843 The letters were sent via Constantinople. For example in her letter dating 17 December 1912, Aik Tzoannopoulou requested from the vice president of Anatolia to send from now on their letters to the following address: Stamatios Hatzopoulos, Secretary of the Patriarchal Central Educational Committee, Patriarchate, Phanar. Then Tzoannopoulou received her letters from Georgiadis and Tsaousoglou.10939 / I 176 / 17 December 1912 / 1912 / Aik. Tzoannopoulou.

844 Ibid., p. 339.

The present chapter investigates the attempt of establishing a kindergartners training college in interior Asia Minor in the beginning of the twentieth century. The study is mostly based on the correspondence of the school board of Zincidere, the metropolitans of Kayseri and especially the letters of Aikaterini Tzoannopoulou, the headmistress of the college from the beginning to its end.843

The foundation of a kindergartners training college would not have been possible without the Association of Asia Minor Natives: Anatoli (........ ... ........... . .......), which in reality owned and financed the school. As we saw previously the establishment motive of the Society was the cultural situation of the communities of Asia Minor and the lack of proper teachers especially in the communities of the interior.844 The incrased importance of the kindergartens in the reacquisition of Greek by the turcophone communities led the Society to help establishing a school that will educate kindergartners for the Anatolian communities. In this school, graduates from the highest girls. schools of Asia Minor would be educated by teachers from Athens to become kindergartner in the kindergartens of

the local communities. The school would have the aim to provide the turcophone communities of these distant places with well educated kindergartners specialized in the Froebel method.845

845 Ibid., p. 350.

The establishment of a kindergartners training college in Cappadocia had started to be discussed from the beginning of the twentieth century. The idea for the establishment of a kindergartners training college should be attributed to the educator Georgios Askitopoulos. Askitopoulos had played an important role in the establishment of the school by constantly stressing and propagating the importance of kindergartens in the reacquisition of Greek and the importance of supplying the communities of Asia Minor with competent kindergartners. Askitopoulos was a warm supporter of the Froebelian kindergartens. For him the greatest advantage of the Froebelian method was its success in adapting the child to the school atmosphere.

He criticized harshly the existing kindergartens of Asia Minor which he argued that most of them functioned against the rules of pedagogy and the propositions of rationalism. He argued that despite teaching those plays, songs, stories through systematic excursions and walks, teaching were beginning immediately with the alphabet, grammatics and syntax forms which were

incomprehensible for the infants and they were forced to stay for hours in unhealthy desks. Thus the infants were developing hate, disgust and repulsion for the letters:

In this way the kindergarten is believed to be a real torture and frightening and the kindergartners justifiably as antipathetic and repellent beings. While at Sundays and holidays, in cases of misbehavior of their infants mothers frighten them through the scary image of the school and the shape of the kindergartner

described as the head of Medussa immediately brings the desired result.846

846 Georgios Askitopoulos, ............ (Educational) Xenophanis vol. 7 1910, pp. 404-5. .. ............ ............. ......... ........... ............ ... ....... ... .. .......... ....... .. ............ ... ...... ..... .. .. ....... .... ... ........ ... ...... .. .......... ...... ... ...... ... .......... ......... .. ....... ... ........ ... ........ ...... ... . ..... ... .........., ........... .. ...... ........, ........ ...... .. ............. ........... In the same period Nikolaos Parises present us a miserable picture about the situation of the kindergarten of Tsopanisia (..........), a small town in Manisa. In the kindergarten of the community in 1907 there were around 100 infants. But according to Parises these infants were not sent to the kindergarten by their parents to strengthen their affection for letters but to be rescued from them. Parises defends that the infant graduated from that kind of kindergartens learn nothing except being used to psittacism and superficiality, the spiritual fatigue and increases the possibility of infectious diseases. Parises suggests that kind of kindergartens to be transformed into preparatory classes, where infants would graduate from 6 years old while until that age according always to Parises the infants had to stay at their home to enjoy the motherly affection and nursing. Xenophanis, vol. 4, 1907, pp. 360-1.

847 According to Askitopoulos the same aimless and fruitless way of instruction continue in the next classes of the elementary school. Askitopoulos, 1910, pp. 405-6.

848 [...] ..... .. ....... ... ... ......... ........... ...... ... ....... .. ............. .. ........ ... .. .... .. ......... ... ... .......... ......... ... .... ......... .. .......... .... .......... ... ......... . ........... ... ............ ...... .. ....... ... .. ........... ....... ... ............ ... ....... ... .............. ............. . ......... ... .............. ..........., .. ..... ...... ... ............ ... ....... ... ........ ... ...... ...... .... Askitopoulos, 1910, pp. 413-4.

Askitopoulos argued that infants graduated from that kind of kindergartens were learning topics completely discordant with their faint strength. While the kindergartners in most cases taught material from the elementary school in order to succeed in the famous oral examinations.847 He believed that with the spread of the Froebelian system the huge decline of the number of the students from the first class

of the kindergarten to the secondary school (..........) would be diminished:

[...] because the students via methodical instruction will follow indefatigably and easily the lessons and through this suitable development of the lesson will learn quickly and pleasantly [...] the simplification of the teaching material will develop and cultivate vastly the personal effort of the students and in this way will repel totally the soul exhausting psittacism, the only reason of the desensitization of judgment and will of our little children.848

He defended that the kindergarten was not a luxury, ostentation but a necessity for the communities of Asia Minor, because infants would get used to the school and

would acquire love and interest towards systematic and orderly work. Askitopoulos suggests communities that do not possess the necessary means to preserve complete astiki schools to sacrifice every idea of local pride and to limit themselves only to four-class elementary school with a well arranged kindergarten. For him the reinforcement and betterment of elementary schooling in Asia Minor was a precondition for the development of education. The Frobelian kindergartens [...] is the safest method for rapid and first-hand development of our badly organized schools.849

849 Askitopoulos, 1910, pp. 414-5. ... ..... . .... ... ........... ....... .... ....... ... ...... ......... ... ..... ....... ........ .........

Askitopoulos supported the establishment of the kindergartners training college in Cappadocia, because he believed that it is the best way to equip the communities with permanent kindergartners. The frequent renewal of the teaching staff was one of the greatest problems of education in Cappadocia and the cultivation of teaching staff with local origin was seen as the only way that could stop this phenomenon. Certainly the teaching staff with local origins could have functioned also as a local conveyor of national action in the Ottoman domain.

Askitopoulos tried to put into practice his ideas when he was the headmaster

of the schools of the community of NevGehir between 1904 and1906 and especially between 1911 and 1914, when he at last succeeded to turn the kindergartens of NevGehir into the first Frobelian kindergartens of Cappadocia. In this period he tried to introduce the Frobelian system and a more pedagogical system for the acquisition of Greek that firstly would concentrate on oral teaching and after that on reading and writing. The Program of Reforms of the Schools of NevGehir (.........

.............. ... .............. .......) that was ratified in 1905 specified that infants between five and seven would study in the kindergarten. These students would be taught the comprehensible and spoken (....... ... .......) Greek orally and visually.850

850 Two kindergartens were planned to be employed in the kindergarten which would be devoid of deficiencies in the pronunciation of the Greek language. It was going to consist from one class and the infants were required to leave the kindergarten at 7 years old with any knowledge they gained. The Program of Reforms of the Schools of NevGehir (......... .............. ... .............. .......), 1905.

851 In that year the community had acquired an experienced Frobelian kindergartner (Soteiran Andypa). Furthermore in order to have permanent kindergartners the community of NevGehir had three bursars in the Kindergartners College of Zincidere.

Despite of the formation of the program its implementation was not possible due to the difficulties created to Askitopoulos by some local trustees. In 1906 he left the schools of NevGehir and returned only in 1911 with the guarantee that his proposed program would be implemented. Indeed, from 1911 until 1914 Askitopoulos introduced many novelties to the schools of NevGehir. In this period his primary concern was the radical correction of the three kindergartens of the community in which around three hundred students were enrolled. He presented them word exercises and very simple object lesson (..............) which for him had excellent success in Macedonia and gave illustrious results in NevGehir also. The results were quite satisfactory. The students notes Askitopoulos succeeded to make conversation in Greek better and easier than the students of higher classes that were unable to state two very simple sentences.851 He defended that through the Program of Kindergartens of NevGehir (......... ... ............ .......)

infants were able to speak Greek in a very short period of time, while previously they were speaking among them only in Turkish.852

852 Georgios Askitopoulos, ....... .. ... ........ ... ... (Notes from my School Life), (Athens: 1957).

853 Gerbasios seems to have had a clear idea for what was the primary aim of education. For him teaching Greek in the schools leads to the learning to which nation one belongs, the gold pages of his nation.s history and acquires feeling. 24 June 1905, 3720 I / 64.

The Establishment of Kindergartners. Training College

It seems that the idea of establishing a kindergartners training college preoccupied from the beginnings of the twentieth century the Society of Anatoli and different

educators and intellectuals of the region. This is demonstrated from the related correspondence between Epaminonda Kyrakides president of the society and the metropolitan of Kayseri Gerbasios. In his letter to Kyrakides, president of Anatolia, in 24 June 1905, the metropolitan of Kayseri Gerbasios explained his thoughts about the proposed establishment of the kindergartners training college. In the beginning Gerbasios argues that the acquisition of the desired language could be only through marriages with Greek speaking wives and stresses the importance of mothers in teaching the language. For Gerbasios despite the fact that children were taught the desired language in the schools and used it there, it remained always foreign to them and they continued to use their mother tongue in the house and in the market.853 He stated that if the Society accepted to send a headmistress free of charge and one female teacher expert in the Froebel method, then they could establish the school because they had a newly built residence. He argued that they were ready to

accept ten female bursars from the town and townships of neighboring districts. He objected to the argument of Ioannis Ioannides that Sinasos is the most suitable place for the establishment of that kind of a school. Gerbasios firstly underlined the absence of a suitable building in Sinasos, secondly that it requires more money and thirdly it would be easily wrecked without the close surveillance of the Holy Metropolitane.854

854 Ibid.

855 . 64 3720, 24 June 1905 Th. Noulelis teacher in the Theological Seminary of Kayseri in his letter to the president of the Society of Anatoli defends the establishment of the college in Zincidere, which would be under the protection of Gerbasios. 19 April 1906, . 77 4570.

There seems to be a strong competition between different communities in order to decide for the suitable place for the kindergarten training college. Askitopoulos supported Kayseri or Tiana of Nide, while Gerbasios defended Zincidere and objected to Ioannis Ioannides. argument that Sinasos was the suitable place for the college. Sinasos was one of the biggest Greek speaking communities of

Cappadocia and had many advantages for sheltering the college. The school of Sinasos had functioned as the central provincial school for many decades until the establishment of the Theological Seminary in Zincidere (........ .....) in 1882. The primary weakness of Zincidere according to the residents of Sinasos was that it was in a Turkish speaking region. In contrast they defended the Greek speaking environment of Sinasos would have a positive influence in the acquisition of Greek. But Gerbasios defended that the community of Sinasos did not possess suitable land for the college and added that the institution remote from the surveillance of the Holy Metropolitane would not be successful.855 Unfortunately we do not possess any clues for the reasons that led to the failure of the plan at that period. Aik. Laskaridou in 1907 claimed that there was a plan in the Society for the establishment of a

Kindergartners Training College in Kayseri and added that the basis was established, the related contracts were signed but on the last minute I do not know the reason that led to the failure.856

856 Cited in Askitopoulos, ............ (Educational) Xenophanis vol. 7 1910, p. 408. ........ .. ...... ....., ........... .. ....... ........ .... ... .......... ....... ... ....... ... ..... ...... ...... .. .........

857 Pandelis M. Kondogiannis, . ........... ... ..... ....... ... ....... (The Greeknes of the provinces of Bursa and Gzmir), (............ ....... .. ......: .thens 1919) p. 146.

In the end Zincidere was chosen because of the monastery of John the Forerunner which previously sheltered the most advanced schools of the region: the Theological Seminary, the Cappadocian Central Girls. School and two orphanages, one for boys and the other for girls.

It seems that another reason for the decision to establish the kindergartner training college in Zincidere was as mentioned above that despite the efforts of four years, the Society of Anatoli was unable to obtain permission from the authorities to

establish it in Nide or Konya. Thus losing hope of obtaining permission for Nide the Society decided to establish the seminary in Zincidere, where the girls. school already had permission and the kindergartners training college presented as a department of it.857

The decision of the Society of Anatolia for the establishment of a kindergartner training college in the Monastery of John the Forerunner in Zincidere was declared to the local population through a letter bearing the date of 7 February 1911. Anastasios Levides in his letter to the Society writes that the inhabitants responded to this decision with great gratitude. According to Levides. letter the college was considered to be sheltered in a building part of the monastery which had been assigned for the usage of the Theological Seminary. This building had remained

empty after the construction of a new building which consisted of seven classes, two dormitories, sufficient number of rooms for teachers, a wash house, dining-room, kitchen, store rooms etc. were assigned to the Society for the college. But Levides added that because the monastery was provincial, the decision had to be taken by the general Provincial Convention, the related permission of the Patriarchate was also required, because the monastery was also under the protection of the Patriarchate.858

858 A. Levidis, 16 March 1911, 9552 / I 118.

859 A. Levidis, 29 March 1911, 9553 / I 119.

860 Her sister Polykseni Tzoannopoulou was also a kindergartner and she worked in the college until the end of the second school year 1912-13.

861 Founded by the Thracian Phileducational Syllogos of Constantinople the Zaripheia was an

important school of the big community of Philippoupolis. The school functioned until 1906 when the Greek community of the city was expelled by the Bulgarians.

On March 20 the letter was received from the Patriarchate which gave permission for the decision of the establishment of the college. The metropolitan of Kayseri Ambrosios wrote letters to the communities of Kayseri and the surrounding districts to send representatives to the general Convention. The Convention gathered in 25 March and gratefully accepted the proposal of the Society and determined a suitable place for the establishment of the college.859

The headmistress of the school from its establishment to its end was Aikaterini Tzoanopoulou. Tzoannopoulou followed by her sister, Polykseni860, who also taught in the college, reached Kayseri after eight days of an adventurous journey in 15 September 1911. Aikaterini Tzoannopoulou was from Philippoupolis and she had taught in the Girls. School of Philippoupolis from 1904 to 1906. She was the daughter of Georgios Tzoannopoulos who had been also a teacher in the Zaripheio College (......... ...........) of Philippoupolis.861

862 Eleni Varika, . ....... ... ...... . ...... .... ............ .......... .... ...... 1833 1907 (The Rebellion of Ladies The birth of a feminist consciousness in Greece 18331907) (Athens: ...... ....... ........ ... ......... ........ ... ......., 1987) pp. 18283.

863 For example see 11 February 1913, . 184 11015.

Tzoannopoulou and her sister were among the hundreds female teachers that from the last decades of the nineteenth century had spread to Macedonia, Thrace, Epir and Asia Minor in order to disseminate the Hellenic lights (........ ....) in regions that contained turcophone, albanophone or bulgarophone populations. The reinvigoration of Megali Idea during the end of the century and the strategic importance that the dissemination of Greek language and culture acquired for nationalism brought a new grandeur to the social function of the female teacher and was opening to an important number of women an avenue for participating to the public sphere and also possibilities of social elevation through patriotic action. The need or the desire of those women to earn their life reconciled with their will to

escape from a life that was empty and devoid of meaning and went together with patriotic excitement and the attraction of travel and adventure.862 Tzoannopoulou was a characteristic example of this generation and in her letters she often mentioned the high and superior ideas that had brought her in this barbaric and under yoke country in order to serve Hellenism by sacrificing her bright future.863

Shortly after her arrival Tzoannopoulou visited the Girls Orphanage which sheltered both the Central Girls. School and the Kindergartners Training College. She found the building insufficient for meeting the needs of three schools. But Ambrosios, the metropolitan of Kayseri, promised to provide her the required space through additional construction. The College began to function in the same building that was the Cappadocian Orphanage and the Central Cappadocian Girls. School.

Tzoannopoulou refers constantly in her letters to the insufficiency of the building for serving the needs of the three schools but in the end these appeals were not heard.864 The common usage of the building creates problems between her and the headmistress of the girls. school. She writes:

864 But it seems that there were different opinions for the establishment place of the college. Levides was supporting that there was a suitable place for the college. While the metropolitan in his letter to the president of Anatoli refutes Levides and the previous metropolitan Gerbasios and defends that neither the monastery nor the Theological Seminary contain sections fort the establishment of the college and adds that Levides pretend ignorance that these sections serve he needs of the monastery and the Theological Seminary. Lastly the metropolitan supported that the college retains the best sections of the Girls. Orphanage. 10 December 1911, . 137 10196.

865 18 December 1911, . 138 10222. . ..... ... .... ..........., .. ......... ..........., ...... ....... ... .. ........ ....... .... .... ... ...... ..... ........, ...... ............ .. ... .......... .. ....... .........., .... .............. .. .... ..... ... ... ....... ....... ... ...... ........ ..... ..... ............

866 18 December 1911, . 138 10222. .. ........ .... ... ..... ..... ... ............, .......... ... ........... ... .. ..... ..., ..... ..... ... ... ............. .. ....... ... .... ....... ... .. ......... ... ..... ... ..... ...... ... .......... ...... ..........

867 21 May 1912, . 153 10457.

868 Aik. Tzoannopoulou, 19 September 1911, 10066 / I 131.

Our situation is very difficult, especially when the others are against the effort. Much happened, they tried hard in order to force us to resign, but considering the great endeavor and the great responsibility that we have against those souls we hanged on. 865

But she immediately adds:

But do not think that all these are disappointing us, on the contrary they encourage us in our work, because only through the results we will give our enemies to understand the grand and holy aim of this national institution.866

The lack of students constitutes another problem. Tzoannopoulou argues that the locals do not comprehend the benefits of the education and criticizes them in trying to marry off their girls in early ages.867 Until that time no one had registered in the school which made both Tzoannopoulou and the Metropolitan anxious.868 Finally the

lack of students led the metropolitan of Kayseri Ambrosios to convince the parents of the students of the ninth class of the central Girls. School to register in the college.

Another thing that distressed Tzoannopoulou was the lack of money. Metropolitan Ambrosios had declared that he received no money but he assured her that when he received it he would order the following for the college: desks, toolboxes, beds, wash-basins, books for the archive of the college. He also assumed to decorate an office.869

869 Tzoannopoulou in her letter dating 2 October 1911 sent a list to the Society that contained things that the college needed for its first class. It included Froebel Gifts, books, a bell, stamp etc. from the Society for the Spread of Beneficial Books and from the bookstore of Estia in Athens; materials of handiwork and technical work from different stores which she claimed that would improve the functioning of the school. Aik. Tzoannopoulou, 2 October 1911, 10067 / file I 133.

870 Aik. Tzoannopoulou, 2 October 1911, 10067 / file I 133.

871 10129 file I 135.

It seems that Tzoannopoulou in her first month of her arrival found the conditions discouraging for the functioning of the college. She expressed her sorrow for the progress of the schools of the Americans which for her proved that they worked harder and with more zeal from them.870 Despite all these deficiencies the Kindergartners Training College of Zincidere started to function in 10 October 1911 at the monastery of John the Forerunner.

In its first year 1911-12, eleven students registered to the College. Eight of them were graduates of the Cappadocian Central Girls. School, while the three other which Tzoannopoulou argues that registered thanks to the care and efforts of the metropolitan of Kayseri one of them was from the community of Burdur and the others had graduated from the Cappadocian Central Girls School two years before.871 The Metropolitan of Kayseri Ambrosios wrote to the Society of Anatolia that five of

these students were not boarding while the others were boarding students. For Ambrosios all students had to be boarding students for better ethical development of the students and for their more successful usage of Greek.872 It seems that the Society of Anatolia shared this view because in her letter Tzoannopoulou thanked the society which decided to accept the remaining non-boarding students of the first class as boarding.873 Only one non-boarding student was prohibited from becoming a boarding student because she had not been able to get good grades in the first semester. Due to this Tzoannopoulou decided not to take her as boarding student in order to be an example to the other students.874 The Society had also bursars in the Central Girls. School who were going to study in the college after completing that school. For example in the beginning of the school year of 1911-12 the Society kept eight boarding students of different communities in the Cappadocian Central Girls School,875 as bursars while this number increased to 16 in the end of the year.876

872 Metropolitan Ambrosios, 30 October, 10128 / file I 134.

873 Aik. Tzoannopoulou, 18 December 1911, 1022 / file I 138.

874 Aik. Tzoannopoulou, 31 January 1912, 10298 / file I 243.

875 Three from the community of NevGehir in the sixth class, two from Sinasos in the fifth class, one from Gncesu in the seventh class, one from Ankara in the sixth class and one from AlaGehir in the sixth class. Aik. Tzoannopoulou, 1 November 1911, 10129 / file I 135.

876 For example there were bursars of the community of NevGehir studying in the Central Girls. School and in the Kindergartners Training College of Zincidere. One of those was Anastasia Kalavoutsoglou who was an orphan. The community sent her in order to relieve her mother who was a widow with four children. She went to Zincidere when she was 8 years old and returned when she was 15 and became kindergartner. Two other bursars from NevGehir were Anna Sernikoglou and Katina Paisiou. Askitopoulos, 1952, pp. 71-2.

As it is stated above from its first year the college functioned in the building

of the Girls. Orphanage, in which the Central Girls. School was also sheltered. In the issue of establishing a new building for the college, the attitude of the Society was negative. Thus the college remained in the three storeyed building of the girls.

orphanage. In the ground floor of the building was the orphanage of the girls, the mess-room, which was used commonly and a kitchen. In the middle floor there were classrooms, offices and rooms of the teachers. The college had four rooms, one office and its first class in this floor. In one of the rooms the materials of the students was kept. In the upper floor there was a big dormitory.877

877 Aik. Tzoannopoulou, 18 December 1911, 1022 / file I 138.

878 Aik. Tzoannopoulou, 2 October 1911, 10067 / file I 133.

In a letter to the president of the Society of Anatoli Epaminonda Kyriakides, Tzoannopoulou depicts the reluctance of the students to register in the school, the lack of money, problems in finding caretaker, steward, and caterer. In order to solve these problems Tzoannopoulou and her sister assumed the responsibilities of the caretaker since there was only one class in this first year of the school. Tzoannopoulou also thought to propose to the steward of the Theological Seminary to accept the duties of the caterer of the college in return of a small reward.878

For metropolitan Ambrosios the independent and self-sufficient maintenance

of the college required the meeting of the expenses of a steward, a cook, a baker etc. Ambrosios proposed that the bursars of the college could pay for food etc. He proposed that the bursars of the college could pay for food and service what the semi-bursars of the Theological Seminary and the Central Girls. School to the treasury of these schools in order to relieve the treasury of the college from these expenses. For him instead of paying a cook 12-18 liras, to a steward 18-24 liras and to an baker 15-18 liras which reached to 45-60 liras in total, the Society could spend these sums for establishing a new building and/or reinforcing its educational

activities.879 Tzoannopoulou shared Ambrosios. idea, and she proposed Anatolia that students could be supplied from the Monastery of John the Forerunner, in order to avoid the expenses of establishing kitchen and paying the cook, the kneader etc. She also proposed Kyriakides that instead of this they could spend this money for the establishment of a particular building for the college. She also answered to Kyriakides.s suggestion that the students of the college should assume the expenses of their books and writing materials. For her this should be the case only for the selfsupporting students, because the bursars were entirely needy.880

879 Metropolitan Ambrosios, 30 October 1911, 10128 / file I 134.

880 Aik. Tzoannopoulou, 1 November 1911, 10129 / file I 135.

881 Aik. Tzoannopoulou, 18 December 1911, 10020 / file I 138.

Tzoannopoulou also asked for support from the Society to supply uniform exterior garments for the students. For this she requested Anatoli to provide them

sufficient amount of local textiles which argued that they will obliged the well to do students to pay. She also demanded for interior garments of the students two liras for the absolute needy students. She also asked the Society to regulate their salaries in order to have them per month.881

In her report of 17 July 1912, Tzoannopoulou presents a detailed picture of the first year of the college. The college had only one servant and one porter that of the Central Girls. School. The teachers of the first class of the college and the lessons that they taught were the following: Ksanthopoulos: Religion; Zisis Fylides: Greek, Psychology, History and Physics; Theodorides: Mathematics; A. Adanasopoulos:

French. The practical and theoretical Froebelian lessons were taught by Tzoannopoulou and her sister.882

882 These lessons were Froebelian theory, Hygiene, Technical work, Gymnastics, Sewing, Handiwork, Plastic arts, Drawing, Singing lesson and practical exercises. 15 July1912, 10585 / file I 156. The exams were performed in 4 and 5 June and were approved by the metropolitan of Kayseri. No serious health problems had occurred during the school year except some colds. The food was provided by the monastery, while the heating was insufficient, but she argues that the metropolitan of Kayseri promised to establish heaters for the next year.

883 15 July 1912, 10585 / file I 156.

884 11 February 1913, 11015 / file I 184.

For Tzoannopoulou the obstacles for the success of their efforts were the various deficiencies in infrastructure, which she hoped that would be remedied in the next school year. These absences were the following: desks according to the requirements of the Froebelian system, beds, seats and establishment of wardrobes and a workroom. But for her the most important deficiency was the lack of a systematic kindergarten that would serve for exercising the students. In conclusion Tzoannopoulou argued that the results of the first year were good and she thanks the metropolitan who works with soul and body for the college.883 In the second year of the College, Tzoannopoulou continued to ask from the Society the establishment of a kindergarten near the college for exercising of its graduates.884

Management and Ideology

The different holidays and celebrations during the school year give us a clear indicator of the ideological orientation and messages conveyed to the students. For example during the first school year the holidays that were celebrated were 25

March, the religious feast of Annunciation (............) and the independence day of Greece in which students represented Rigas Ferraios, and the cutting of New Year Cake, in which the boarding students of the Central Girls. School had also participated.885 In different holidays students read patriotic poems and danced national dances. While Tzoannopoulou in one of her letters to the president of Anatoli sent a short essay of her best student, Efterpi Tsalikoglou in the school year of 1913-4 which subject was the salvation of Macedonia, Epir, and Crete in order to be awarded.886 While during rare visits of the state authorities, like that of the mutasarrf of Kayseri students were singing different Ottoman hymns.887

885 15 July 1912, 10585 / file I 156.

886 20 March 1914, file . 239 11767.

887 12 May 1914, file . 247 11823.

888 The Central Cappadocian Educational Brotherhood (........ ........... ............

.........) had been established by in 1872 by the then metropolitan Efstathios Kleovoulos.

Just before the beginning of the second school year of the college, 1912-13 a severe controversy emerges between the metropolitan Ambrosios and the trustees. In her letter bearing the date of 20 August 1912 she informed Anatoli that a movement had been formed against the metropolitan Ambrosios, which aimed to undertake the management of the monastery of John the Forerunner and the schools there. These according to Tzoannopoulou came to an understanding with the Patriarchate and the Central Cappadocian Phileducational Brotherhood (........ ........... ............... ..........) in Constantinople.888 She argued that they succeed and assumed the management. Tzoannopoulou added that these visited her and proposed to take the administration of the Central Girls School. Tzoannopoulou answered them positively with the condition that the metropolitan be accepted as the

president of the schools, just like the Society of Anatoli had accepted him. Tzoannopoulou argued that they answered that they considered him as president, but she believed that they had said this only for ostentation.889

889 Aik. Tzoannopoulou, 20 August 1912, 10696 / file I 162.

890 Aik. Tzoannopoulou, 20 August 1912, 10696 / file I 162.

891 4 October 1912, file . 172 10921. .... ... .... ........... ... ............ ... . ....... ....... ..... ......... ... ... .. ..........., ........ ... ............ ..., ..... ... .. .... ..... .......... ......... ... .. .......... ... ........ .....

892 Aik. Tzoannopoulou, 4 September, 10921 / file I 172.

The next day Ambrosios invited Tzoannopoulou and proposed her to remove

the college from the Central Girls. School but she argued that the situation was unsuitable for this project. Tzoannopoulou wrote to the president of Anatoli that she tried to remain neutral in this conflict for the benefit of the College.890 During this controversy Tzoannopoulou tries to take equal distance between the two sides. But the language that she uses in her letters reveals that she was not in agreement with the accusations of the antimetropolitan party, whom together with the Society of Anatoli recognized as the president of the college. She writes:

[...] all the organization of the College and the systematic work of it owe to the his exellency President of our College, who even neglect his own interests in order to support its development. 891

She added that she visited Ambrosios with the students, who chanted to him as a gesture of respect.892 Perhaps this pro-Ambrosios stance of her led the trustees to abandon their decision for Tzoannopoulou to undertake the direction of the Girls. School.

The board of trustees of the schools of Zincidere, presided by K. M. Boyatzoglou, wrote in 4 September 1912 to the Board of Trustees of the Society of

Anatoli about the conflict between them and the metropolitan Ambrosios. The board of trustees complained that the Machiavelistic form of government of the province and the schools of the monastery and the wasteful management of them, without cooperating with the associations in the administration of the Theological Seminary, the Cappadocian Central Girls. School and the orphanages forced them and the Cappadocian Phileducational Brotherhood in Constantinople to took the administration of the schools from the metropolitan. The administration was given to the Board of Trustees of the Brotherhood which was accepted also by the Holy Synod of the Ecumenical Patriarchate. The board of trustees appointed the personnel of the schools and the lessons started in 3 September.893

893 K. M. Boyatzoglou, 4 September, 10738 / file I 167.

894 K. M. Boyatzoglou, 4 September 1912, 10738, file I 167.

But because Ambrosios continued to keep the account of the college in secret and tried to hire again Zisis Filides, a teacher whom the board of trustees described as trouble-maker, it demanded from Anatoli to surrender the administration to a body consisted of trustworthy persons, in order to avoid frictions. The trustees

claimed also that while Ambrosios took 8 liras from each student, he gave only four liras to the treasury of the college. Also while he took allowances for the teachers, he gave only six liras to one teacher.894

Ambrosios on his side argued that he had found the schools in dept of eight hundred liras and argued that neither the Cappadocian Phileducational Brotherhood of Constantinople nor the board of trustees tried to strengthen the financial position of the schools. Due to the interference of the Cappadocian Brotherhood to the college he defended the split of it from the Girls School and to transfer it to a new building.

He also opposed Cappadocian Brotherhood for its intention to dismiss the teacher Zisis Filides who was teaching Greek in the Girls. School for three years and for one year in the college. He also proposed the election of a board of trustees for the college consisting of two members.895

895 Metropolitan Ambrosios, 26 August 1912, 10725, file I 164.

896 Tsalikoglou, p. 35.

897 30 October 1912, file . 170 10879. As it is shown above Anatoli had bursars from different communities in the Cappadocian Central Girls. School that were going to study in the college.

898 14 April 1913, file . 92 11069.

This conflict over the control of the monastery and schools reached to such an extent that in 21 August 1912 the day of the religious festival of the church of the

monastery of John the Forerunner Ambrosios seized the candle stand and the office of the monastery and the school with his armed men in order to obtain the rich revenues of the day and prevent the board of trustees to obtain them. Due these practices the trustees of the schools of Zincidere and members of the province council demanded from the Patriarchate via the Central Cappadocian Phileducational Brotherhood his replacement which they achieved in the end.896

Perhaps this bond of the college with the metropolitan explain the negative attitude of the antimetropolitan trustees for Tzoannopoulou, which asked from her 8 liras for each student for food and threatened her to stop to provide food the college if they do not pay the specific amount until a certain time.897 Tzoannopoulou writes that she is amazed how these filthy creatures dare to ask this amount when the students of the Central Girls. School pay only seven liras for food, fees, doctor and nursing while the students of the college receive only the beans with the filthy oil that they give in the beginning of the year.898 Indignated from this situation she

899 30 November 1912, 10879 / file I 170. ......... ... .......... ... ..... ......., ......... ........ ............, ...... ... ........ ... ....... ... ........ ....... ..........

900 Aik. Tzoannopoulou, 17 December 1912, 10939 / file I 176.

writes that anyone else in her situation would have resigned after that ethical insult but her love to the college prevented her to do that. She writes: Just think our situation; ethical insult, esoteric controversy of headmistresses, threat of cutting the food and in addition complete lack of money899 But in the end the antimetropolitan faction with the consent of the Patriarchate and the Central Cappadocian Phileducational Society of Constantinople will succeed to assume the control of the monastery, of the Theological Seminary and Central Cappadocian Girls. School. Ambrosios was replaced by metropolitan Nikolaos who reaches Kayseri in April 1914.

But the tension with the board of trustees would continue for some time.

Tzoannopoulou continued to complain from the board of trustees because it insisted to open an eighth class in the central Girls. School which had only five students instead of agreeing to the proposal of her to combine this class with the first class of the college in order to have more students. Tzoannopoulou argued in her letter that the board of trustees has an enmity to the college, who instead of being glad for the progress of it they try to prevent the teachers to undertake the lessons of the College.900

These intracommunal conflicts and the negative attitude of the board of trustees against Tzoannopoulou and the personnel of the college lead her to use a very harsh language which demonstrates her rage and desperation:

[] the attitude [] of these monsters that are called Kaisariots or generally Cappadocians constitute the garbage of Hellenism who through their banality and insidiousness contributed to the diminishment of my National consciousness, contributed to utter damnations to that kind of Hellenes901

901 14 April 1913, file . 192 11069. ... . ........... ... ... ....... ..... ....... ......... . ........... .......... ........... ... ........... ... .......... ....... ... .. ........... ..... ... ... .............. ........... .... .. ...... .. ....... ... ......., ........... .... .. ......... ....... ..... ......... ........

902 04 November 1912, file I 173 . The document states that the teaching hours of P. Tzoannopoulou will reach to 40 hours per week when the kindergarten would be established.

903 Aik. Tzoannopoulou, 30 October 1912, 10879 / file I 170. The schedule of the school, prepared in 4 November 1912 for the school year of 1912-3 is presented in the Appendix I.

Despite these conflicts the college continued to function in the school year of 1912-

13 with three classes. The preparatory class, which had been introduced at that year, had eight students -for the subjects that were done in the preparatory class see Appendix II-, the first class had five and the second class had nine students in total twenty two students. There were five teachers in the school year of 1912-13 in the College. Among them Zisis Filides who had also taught in the previous year, taught 34 hours in a week, including Greek, History French lessons in the second class, Greek physics, psychology and history lessons in the first class and Greek, mathematics, history and physics in the preparatory class. While Zafeirios, who also taught philology in the Theological Seminary, taught pedagogy and gave the lessons of pedagogy and Method of Instruction which amounted four hours per week. Arvanitis, who was teacher of mathematics in the Theological Seminary, gave the lessons of physics and mathematics of the second class and mathematics of the first class, which amounted six hours per week. Tzoannopoulou and her sister had the same teaching hours which amounted to 29 hours in a week.902 Also Metropolitan Ambrosios was going to undertake to teach the lessons of Religion three hours a week in the three classes.903

904 16 January 1913, file . 180 11000.

905 Aik. Tzoannopoulou, 16 January 1913, file 11000 / I 180.

906 Aik. Tzoannopoulou, 21 January 1913, file 11001 / I 182.

907 30 October 1912, file . 170 10879.

During the winter of 1912-13 the college faced great financial difficulties most probably due to the conditions created by the Balkan War. Tzoannopoulou in 16 January 1913 wrote to the new president of Anatoli, A. M. Lambrinoudes that she received only 20 liras from them and if they would not receive any money the college could be closed. She argued that two teachers from the Theological Seminary

Zafeirios and Arvanitis- had accepted to teach in the college only on the condition to be paid at the end of each month. But as she informed that until that time they had received only their November salaries through the efforts of the metropolitan. Tzoannopoulou added that that these two teachers had visited her and expressed that they would not continue their lessons.904 To avoid this Tzoannopoulou gave 6 liras them from her own money. Tzoannopoulou ended her letter by pleading to Anatoli to sent money in order to avoid any interruption of the lessons.905 In her letter to Lambrinoudes of 21 January 1913 she had still not received money and argued that while she loved the college and decided to stay in this savage and desolate place she still needed her salary.906 Tzoannopoulou.s correspondence is full of grievances related to the lack of money and delay of her salary and that she is obligated to borrow money constantly.907

If representatives of the nation reward in this way those that work for the benefit of the nation and especially ladies, I hide my face, without having the strength to say something because I

born as a Helen, raised as a Helen, I never imagined this reality.908

908 14 April 1913, file . 192 11069. ... ............. ......... .. ............ ... ...... .... .... ... ...... ............ ... ....... .........., ......... .. ........, ..... ........ .. .... ..... ......... ......., ......... ............ ........ ............ ........ ... ...............

909 Aik. Tzoannopoulou, 17 December 1912, 10939 / file I 176.

As it is stated above the development of female education had allowed the entrance of women of middle class origin to salaried work. Even though the salaries of teachers were much lower than most of the occupations of middle class men it allowed a woman to live a moderate but independent life. A great number of these female teachers worked in order to meet the needs of their families. Tzoannopoulou constantly refers in her letters the need to be paid regularly in order to meet her family.s needs. Generally the work of teachers was very hard. They usually worked seven days in the day (Tzoannopoulou taught 34 hours in the week) but they had also additional duties and the school year was much longer than today.

In the school year of 1912-13, the doctor of the school was visited the college twice. Tzoannopoulou described the food given to the college as scanty, especially in the fasts (forty days in Christmas, fifty days in Easter). Tzoannopoulou argued that they never received milk. The college received service only for the washing of messtins and for this they were forced to employ a servant. The fuel granted for heating for Tzoannopoulou was insufficient. The college passed the harsh winter of that year thanks to the metropolitan Ambrosios who sent coal to the college several times.909

In the third year (1913-14) of the college it seems that the situation starts to be normalized. The end of the Balkan Wars allowed the restoration of communication with the Society of Anatoli and the funding of the college. On the

other hand the replacement of Ambrosios by the new metropolitan Nikolaos restored somehow the relations between the college and the board of trustees. The only remaining problem was the lack of personnel.910 In the beginning of the school year the lessons did not began regularly due to lack of teachers. Despite the tensions of the previous two years the relations between the board of trustees of the schools and Tzoannopoulou had improved and normalized. The board of trustees visited Tzoannopoulou in the beginning of October and asked her to hire the students of the eighth class to the preparatory class of the college due to lack of teachers. Tzoannopoulou accepted this proposal and three students entered to the preparatory.911 In its third school year the school had forty two students (twenty nine of whom were bursars of Anatoli).

910 It was very difficult to find teaching staff. The great distance and the difficult journey because of the absence of means of transportation and the limited life did not attract teachers. But despite these negative elements the yearly salary of the teacher of the Theological Seminary consisted of 80-90 liras of which they did not spent even one tenth of it because they stayed in the school and all their daily needs were provided there. Thus staying a couple years there a teacher could accumulate a considerable amount. But immediately after that he was abandoning the school in order to go to a better environment. Ioannes Tsourouktsis, . .... .......... ........ ..... (The Theological

Seminary in Kayseri), CAMS, 343/....../23, pp. 12-13.

911 Aik Tzoannopoulou, 7 October 1913, 11459 / file I 218.

912 Aik. Tzoannopoulou, 20 October 1913, 11506 / file I 221; Aik. Tzoannopoulou, 24 December 1913, 11506 / file I 221.

From 17 October the headmaster of the Theological Seminary started his lessons, while the remaining personnel were absent. In 19 October three students from the community of Antalya entered to the preparatory class of the college.912 In contrast to the tranquility of the college, the Theological Seminary was in a bad situation. The seminary had few teachers and its two school superintendents had been recently fired. This led according to Tzoannopoulou to looseness of the school. Together with these the headmaster, who was also teaching in the college, had made

many absences. This looseness of the school for Tzoannopoulou led the students to attack the teacher of Greek, who found refuge together with the headmaster in Kayseri. Tzoannopoulou wrote that in this instance students were carrying not only clubs but also yataghans and revolvers. After that students closed the doors of the school and refused to open them to the trustees. For two days they remained in the school and surrendered only due to lack of food because the trustees had refused to give food to the school. Then the headmaster returned to the school, while nearly sixty students had escaped from it. The board of trustees and headmaster after the meeting of the general convention gave harsh punishments to the students. Some were expelled definitively from the school, some for one year, and others excluded from the lessons for two months, others for one and still others were prisoned for fifteen days.913 But the conflict continued and the divergent students came to the school in Saturday armed and pressed the headmaster to give them certificates and the matter subsided only with the intervention of the board of trustees.914 The tension continued for some time and the headmaster of the school was accompanied by students loyal to him who had armed them in order to protect him from the expelled students. 915

913 Aik. Tzoannopoulou, 12 February 1914, 11699 / file I 237.

914 Aik. Tzoannopoulou, 20 March 1914, 11767 / file I 239.

915 Tsourouktsis points that the lack of teaching personnel was creating problems in the regular functioning of the school. There were often situations of jealousy and enmities, while many times students were divided between those that supported the different factions of the teachers. That kind of occasions had been in the school years of 1906-7 and 1908-9. Ioannes Tsourouktsis, . .... .......... ........ ..... (The Theological Seminary in Kayseri), CAMS, 343/....../23.

The fiscal problem of the college continued to preoccupy Tzoannopoulou and almost every letter of her to the Society of Anatolia. In her letter of 14 April 1914 complained that did not receive any money despite the letter of the new president

Lambrinoudes on 3 February that guaranteed that the money will come in the middle of the same month.916 But the fiscal difficulties of the college in paying the salaries of its teachers and in obtaining food was not expressed only by the headmistress. The first thing that the new metropolitan of Kayseri Nikolaos, who arrived in his seat in 2 April 1914, to replace Ambrosios, did was to visite the schools of Zincidere. In his letter to the presidency the new metropolitan requested from Lambrinoudes to send a cheque via the National Bank of Greece for the payment of the salaries of the teachers of college.917

916 Aik. Tzoannopoulou, 14 April 1914, 11794 / file I 242.

917 Meropolitan Nikolaos, 20 April 1914, 11799 / file I 245.

918 Aik Tzoannopoulou, 9 May 1914, 18876 / file I 246.

Despite these attempts it seems that the requested money did not come even in the first week of the May. The board of trustees of the schools visited

Tzoannopoulou and requested her to write a letter for them to Anatoli. The letter requested from Anatoli to send as quick as possible the money for the two semesters because of the absolute necessity of the board of trustees to them. Tzoannopoulou wrote to Lambrinoudes to send the money via the division of the Ottoman Bank in Kayseri to the metropolitan of Kayseri.918

The fiscal matters continued to occupy the central issue in the correspondence between the Society and Zincidere. In another letter of the metropolitan Nikolaos thanked Lambrinoudes because he received eighty liras from the Society via P. Tsaousoglou for the board fees of the college. Nikolaos wrote to Anatoli that based on their declaration in their previous letter that they would sent the remaining amount of board fees, they took credit of 158 liras with time-limit of 91 days at the expense

of A. Georgiadis and P. Tsaousoglou in order to meet the emergency needs of the college.919

919 11869 / file I 251 / 10 June 1914 / metropolitan Nikolaos. Despite the difficulties in funding, Anatolia continued to send the college educational instruments. In its letter bearing the date 17 April 1914, the trustees thanked the Society of Anatolia for the Froebelian tools that they received in 12 April in order to be used in the Kindergartners Training College. 17 April 1914, 11797 / file I 243.

920 Aik. Tzoannopoulou, 8 August 1914, 11961 / file I 257.

921 Aik. Tzoannopoulou, 5 October 1914, 12072 / file I 263.

Tzoannopoulou expressed in her letters also her personal problems. In 8 August 1914 she requested from the vice president of Anatolia to sent her if its

possible ten liras for her personal account via her son-in-law N. Zafeirios, due to difficulties she faced.920 We learn from another letter of Tzoannopoulou to Anatolia that the money that she demanded was given to her. But she asked for other eleven liras for the Society of Anatolia because of family needs.921

The Schools in Wartime

The letters diminish sharply after the end of 1914 (only three letters for 1915-16), which coincides with the beginning of the World War I. The educational institutions of the region faced great difficulties during the war. Zincidere became a conscription center. The college in its fourth school year (1914-15) had forty four students (twenty three of whom were bursars of Anatolia). But it stopped functioning in 1916, while the Central Girls. School continued to function until December 1917, when army authorities took its building. Only the boys and girls orphanages continued to function which sheltered 250 children, most of them Armenian, due to the upheaval

brought by the conditions of war.922 M. Poimenides a resident of the village remembers the hunger and the diseases like typhoid and avitaminosis that the war brought. He recollects how the orphans were going outside the village to collect some grass and most of the time they were eating them without even cooking it. In 1918 the building of the orphanage was transformed into a Turkish orphanage which sheltered many children from the eastern parts of the empire (including Armenians).923

922 Georgiadis and Tsaousoglou, 27 February 1919, 20236, file I 286. While Eleni Serapheimidou which was one of the Protestant residents of Zincidere, remembers that the army took also the orphanages and dispersed the orphans to the homes of the village. ....., vol. B, 1982, p. 67.

923 M. Poimenides, .......... (Zincidere), ...... 22, pp. 7-8.

924 Metropolitan Nikolaos, 16 September 1916, file I 277 .

925 Georgiadis and Tsaousoglou, 27 February 1919, 20236 / file I 286.

The Kindergartners Training College stopped functioning the beginning of the 1916-17 school year. The decision was considered to be temporary. The reason behind this decision was that the building of the Theological Seminary had been confiscated by the state and turned into hospital. Thus the Seminary was considered to continue to function in the building of the girls. orphanage that sheltered also the college.924 Aik. Tzoannopoulou went to Mersin and became the headmistress of the Girls. School of Mavrommati, where she was still working in 1919.925

During the short period of its function starting from 1911, forty two kindergartners graduated from the school, which worked in different communities of Anatolia. Despite the attempt of the metropolitan of Konya to reestablish the school

in Konya after the war, he could not realize the project because of the turbulent events of this period.926

926 Ibid., p. 350. The college in its first year of functioning (1911-2) had 11 students, in the second (1912-3) 22, while in the fourth (1914-5) 44, 23 of which were bursars of the Society of Anatoli.

927 See the letter of the board of trustees of Zincidere to the Society of Anatoli that complains about the increased migratory movement that create great problems in keeping the orphanages. . 124 9592, 28 July 1911. The spirit of progress and betterment had been over. Those who did not care about the community affairs which was a general characteristic, cared with its funding. Evidence of this observation is the disinterest fort he seats of the muhtar committee and the consistent disagreements over the seats of the board of trustees. The immigrants were always enthusiastic to help the needs of their homeland but the bad administration of their money easily disappointed them. .. 75 .... ...............

928 .. 75 .... ............... . ..... ........ ... ............ ... ..........., ... .

....... ....... ... ...... ......, .... .... .. .... ........ ... ............. ... ... ............. .....

929 Gervasios from Pontos, Sophronios from Pontos, Ambrosios from Chios, Nikolaos from Sinop [........ .. ......, ......... .. ......, ........ .. .... ... ........ .. .......]. Tsalikoglou admits that he doubts the survival of the schools without the protection of the Cappadocian Phileducational Brotherhood in Constantinople. Tsalikoglou, ibid, p. 36-7.

When the college was founded in 1911 Zincidere, like many of the communities of Cappadocia was in decline. Immigration, the depletion of whole Cappadocia, had led the community to decline. The community which once was consisted of five hundred Orthodox families had been diminished significantly, which before the exchange of populations would be limited to only hundred families.927

The metropolitans which in the past had contributed immensely in the establishment and advancement of the schools of Zincidere in late years had a diminished interest in the schools. According to a member of the community of

Zincidere the strict exercise of the duties of the metropolitane and the tactical payment of Despot parasi were perhaps the only things that satisfied the ecclesiastic authority928 While Tsalikoglou mentions that the successors of the metropolitan Ioannes Anastasiades did not possess his education and experience.929

The correspondence between the headmistress, the board of trustees and the metropolitan of Kayseri with the president of the Society of Anatoli reveals the complex interrelationships between different actors in shaping the educational and communal affairs of the Ottoman Greeks. The picture we obtain from these letters is far different from the idyllic presentations of the history of Ottoman Greek education in conventional Greek historiography. Rather than a homogenous entity what we find is a fragmented community in which different actors tries to assert themselves and to direct this process.

CHAPTER VI

TEACHERS IN THE SCHOOLS OF ANATOLIA: APOSTLES OF HELLENISM

In the beginning of the nineteenth century most of the teachers of the newly established schools of the Orthodox communities of Anatolia were priests.930 There were also self educated laymen who possessed some knowledge of reading and writing skills. Contemporary accounts were mostly very negative about the qualities of these teachers. According to Schneider and Powers who visited Ktahya in 1837 on behalf of the ABCFM, the teacher of the Orthodox school in which there were hundred to 150 students did know nothing of Greek, except the alphabet. For the missionaries the only thing the teacher, who confessed his ignorance could do was instructing reading of a language which he does not understand.931 But gradually the priests, monks or self educated laymen were replaced by trained teachers, who were

930 The traditional basic education that was provided mainly by the parish priests became an integral

part of the nationalist mythology and historiography in Greece. In this conception the church provided the basic education through organizing secret schools (krypho sholio), in hidden places in fear of punishment by the Ottoman authorities and enabled the continuation of the national identity and religion. This conception by its anachronistic usage of certain terms, fails to acknowledge that it is not possible to speak for a national awareness prior the nineteenth century in the context of the Turkish speaking Orthodox communities of Anatolia. The members of these communities identified themselves primarily through their communal affiliations or through a wider and thus much imperceptible religious identity. Thus instead of the preservation of the national identity of the Orthodox communities, these educational activities served the needs of a traditional precapitalist local community through reproducing their religious and communal identity. For the emergence and development of the myth of secret schools see Alkis Aggelou, .. ..... ....... (The Secret School), (Athens: Estia, 1997).

931 The Missionary Herald, June 1837, p. 254.

graduates of semi-gymnasiums, gymnasiums and even of teacher training colleges.932 While in the beginning the main suppliers of teachers to the Orthodox communities of Anatolia were the major ecclesiastical centers, after the establishment of the University of Athens, the educational institutions of the Greek Kingdom (the Rizaris Seminary, the Maraslis Teachers Training College etc.) became the primary supplier of teachers. Schools in Istanbul like the Theological School of Halki established in 1844, the Great School of the Nation in Phanar, the Zappeion of Pera etc. were also important for providing teachers to the communities of Anatolia. These teachers became the main channel for the spread of the normative discourse and values of Greek nationalism in the communities they worked on.933

932 Kazamias, 1991, p. 358.

933 Kitromilides, 1994, p. 171.

934 ............. ......., 13 November 1892, vol. 37, pp. 295-296.

According to the new regulation of the Patriarchal Central Educational Committee issued shortly after the end of the first phase of the question of privileges the Committee was responsible to give permission of teaching to teachers elected by school boards. The Committee demanded from teachers their diplomas, papers attesting their work experience and their faithful execution of his/her duties.934 While in 1894 the Patriarchal Central Educational Committee announced the teachers instructing in the schools of the Archbishop of Constantinople to come to the offices of the Committee before the opening of the school year for the authentication of their contracts and the renewal. While the headmasters and

headmistresses required to present their analytical program of their schools and the books used in them.935

935 ............. ......., 2 September 1894, vol. 26, p. 208.

Although the Committee was officially responsible for the educational affairs of the Arcbishopric of Constantinople its decisions set the standard of the entire educational affairs of the Orthodox of the Empire. This was even so for the Anatolian communities in which the Istanbul branches of the school boards were very influential in choosing teachers.

An attempt for determining the gradation of teachers was made by the regulation that was accepted on July 1907 by the two bodies of the Patriarchate. According to this regulation male teachers were divided into three grades according to the school they graduated, their graduation degrees and their work experience. These three grades were subdivided further into categories according to the above mentioned criteria. This system described a hierarchy that determined the positions that each teacher can fill and the terms of promotion. Thus according to this division teachers of the first grade could direct astiki schools with seven or six classes and instruct in their higher classes. The teachers of the second grade could direct primary (dimotikai) schools of four or five classes and could teach in astikai schools. Finally

those of the third grade could teach in the primary (dimotikai) schools of four or five classes and could also teach in the lower levels of the schools with plenty of classes. The regulation divided into grades and subdivided into categories the female teachers separately. According to this division the female teachers of the first grade could direct and teach girls. schools with six or seven classes. Those of the second grade could direct and teach in girls. schools with four or five classes and finally those of

the third grade could teach in the lower classes of the girls. schools with four or five classes.936

936 .......... ........... ............ .......... ... ............. .................. (Regulation for the Gradation of the Teaching Staff of the Archbishopric of Constantinople), Constantinople: ............ ........... 1908.

937 ......... ....... .............. ... .............. ........ 1905 (Reformatory Program of the Schools of NevGehir of 1905), Xenophanis, vol. 6, 1907,, article 28.

938 Ibid., article 27.

The selection and subsequent monitoring of the teachers were crucial to the success of the educational efforts. The communities, village councils and school boards of inner Anatolia had great difficulties in finding suitable teachers for their schools due to their remoteness and low standards of living. However, for example the community of NevGehir had become very demanding for the qualities of its

teachers by the beginning of the twentieth century. The teachers had to be selected from among the graduates of Teachers. Training colleges and the teachers of the girls. school and kindergartners from the graduates of the Zappeion or Ioakeimeion in Phanar and the Arhigeneion. The headmistress of the girls. school had to be chosen from among the graduates of the Arsakeion Girls. School of Athens or the Zappeion.937

Obviously, on the top of the hierarchy of teachers was the headmaster who directed the school. The administration and general supervision of the schools of NevGehir had been entrusted to the headmaster. The affairs relating to the girls. schools were under the responsibility of the headmistress of the girls. school, who conducted her work by consulting with the headmaster if there was a need.938 The headmaster of the school was responsible for the proper functioning of the school.

He had lesser hours of instruction than the other teachers939 In the annual budget of the schools an adequate sum was kept for the small needs of the schools. This sum was given to the headmaster who was obliged to account for it at the end of the year.940

939 Soldatos, 1989b, p. 46.

940 ......... ....... .............. (Reformatory Program of the), article 33.

941 ....... .......... ... .............. ... ............. .......... ....... (......) ........ ....... (General Regulation of the Schools of the Greek Orthodox Community of Gelveri of the Province of Konya), (Constantinople: D. Thomaidou 1911) Chapter 5, article 32.

942 Ibid.

According to the General Regulations of the schools of Gelveri the headmasters were appointed by the central school board in Istanbul and the approval of the local school board. These were required to be graduates of University, teaching seminaries and gymnasiums while the females have to be graduates of higher girls. schools. While they have to possess knowledge of pedagogy, decent character and have to be approved by the Metropolitan of Konya.941

The duties of the headmasters centered on the supervision of the entire school life for the fulfillment of the instruction, the ethical and religious instruction and the intellectual development of the pupils and the discipline both of teachers and students. The headmaster through his/her own conduct had to be an example and had to regulate the manners and character of the students.942 The headmaster was expected to be in constant communication with the central and local school boards. Thus s/he supervised the work of the teachers and was obliged to report those that were not fulfilling their obligations. He had to present the local school board every week the book of attendance of the teachers.

The teachers were expected to be endowed with many virtues, with the faculty of speech, decency of life and righteousness of conviction because only then could they profit the students. One of the primary concerns in finding suitable teaching staff for the community of NevGehir was the teachers. level of knowledge of Greek. The ninth article of the Reformative Program of the Schools of NevGehir clearly stated that special attention should be given during the appointment of the teaching staff to be free from deficiencies in their pronounciation of Greek.943

943 ......... ....... .............. (Reformatory Program of the), article 9.

944 Karatza, p. 137.

945 Soldatos, 1989b, p. 127.

946 .. .......... ....... ..... ......... ....... ... .... ........... .......... ........

....... ........ ...... .... ........... 7 . 8 .... ....... Athanasios Ioannidis, ........... .......... (Travel Notes), Xenophanis, vol. 1, 1896, p. 324.

One of the greatest difficulties for the maintenance of a school in a community of Asia Minor was providing the salaries of the teachers. The salaries of the teachers were not fixed and determined by the agreement of the two parties, the teacher and the school board. But the wages of the local teachers in Cappadocia were very low, while the outsiders were paid much better, because it was very difficult to decide to work in the interior of Anatolia.944 Later when the contacts with the Kingdom of Greece increased, the teachers were employed with salaries that were valid there. The salary of a teacher would rise when the contract was renewed.945

The work of the teachers was very demanding. According to Athanasios Ioannides the teachers in Cappadocia were totally victims of the mostly illiterate school boards that forced on teachers many hours of instruction that could reach 7 or 8 hours a day.946 In NevGehir, teachers were expected to teach at maximum 38

hours per week.947 But the headmaster had the right to assign two additional teaching hours in week to a teacher in case of need. The community required to supply the teacher accordingly additional pay if the teacher had taught more than 38 hours per week.948 According to Mystakides who in his extensive letter about the conditions in the Theological Seminary of Kayseri the school board usually increased the instruction hours of teachers arbitrarily. For Mystakides a teacher who is going to instruct the Greek lessons could be forced to give other lessons like Bookkeeping or exegesis of Holy Scriptures. This was also valid for the instruction hours which could be increased arbitrarily by the board itself.949

947 ......... ....... .............. (Reformatory Program of the), article 17.

948 Ibid., article 24.

949 B. Mystakides, Zincidere 22 February 1892, file I 4/1-7.

950 ............. ......., 31 August 1901, vol. 35, pp. 350-352.

951 ............. ......., 14 July 1900, vol. 28, pp. 314-315. See also ............. ......., 31 August 1901, vol. 35, pp. 350-352.

All teachers were required to instruct the whole lessons of a class. The instruction of the entire lessons by a single teacher was believed to be a more pedagogic method. Obviously the teacher was expected to possess the required criteria stated by the Patriarchal Central Educational Committee for the instruction of certain classes.950 The Patriarchal Central Educational Committee stated explicitly that teachers were obliged to remain in the school until the end of the school day. Thus they had to come to the school at least fifteen minutes before the beginning of the lessons and remain until the departure of the students. In the hours that they did not have lessons they were expected to inspect and supervise the students or perform other services for the school. They were not allowed to go outside the school during these hours.951

952 ......... ....... .............. (Reformatory Program of the), article 15.

953 Ibid., article 13.

954 Soldatos, 1989b, pp. 43-4.

The teachers had also additional obligations like attending the church with the students The students of the schools of NevGehir were required to attend church with their teachers every Saturday, for the liturgy of vespers and on different religious holidays, like that of St. Demetrius, St. Nicholas, St. George and the Three Hierarchs etc.952 They often had the obligation to chant at church as stated in their contracts. The teachers were also responsible for the surveillance and punishment of the pupils. In NevGehir, the exercise of strict and uninterrupted supervision of the conduct of students outside the school and in the home was among the duties of the teachers who had the right to advise, reprimand and prevent those who misbehaved. These

duties were also entrusted to the other suitable fellow-citizens or in case of need to salaried officials.953 Social obedience to figures of authority began in the first place through obedience to the teacher. The teacher.s role is defined mostly in parental terms. The teacher counted as the spiritual father of his pupils. Their role in a sense exceeded of parents. Towards the end of the nineteenth century some teachers started to reinforce their students to adopt the Greek translation of their Turkish family names or the Hellenize them through adding the suffix idis instead of the oglou. One obvious example that demonstrates their parental authority over their students.

The school superindendant was also responsible for the discipline at school. He toured around the streets in order to supervise students. behavior. He was also responsible for the attendance of the students.954 The systematically incorrigible and negligent, immoral students and those who were naturally incapable of learning were permanently expelled from the school, irrespectively of the social standing of

their families, on the basis of the report of the Teachers. Society and the decision of the school board. The punishment of temporary expulsion was given by the headmaster if it did not exceed six days, but if it did it was taken by the Teachers. Society.955

955 ......... ....... .............. (Reformatory Program of the), article 26.

956 Anatoli N. 610, 29 January 1863.

957 Teesf Olnacak Haller Anatoli N. 4984, 20 April 1895.

Sometimes the teachers performed also other occupations in order to sustain themselves. For example from a letter from Enegi we learn that the teacher of the school Mihail Grigoriades was also performing money changing and was carrying letters and different things.956

It seems that another problem of the teachers was that w

ere obliged to gather donations through wandering around with a box for the benefit of the schools every Sunday in public places like coffee shops, tavern and casinos. The editors of the Anatoli newspaper criticized harshly this practice. It argued that there were cases where some individuals were farming ( iltizam ) these boxes from school boards for certain amount of money, above of which were keeping for them. 957

The harsh working conditions of the teachers were a concern for those who wrote about educational matters. In his series of articles Our Schools Mekteplerimiz in Anatoli Pr. P. Savvopoulos from Sille points to the desperate conditions of teachers and argues that under these circumstances those who want to became teachers are either poor or crazy. For Savvopoulos the teacher is more important for children than his/her parents, brothers or relatives. He points to the pressure that teachers are exposed from the community notables (orbacs). He argues that for a teacher in order to remain in a position he/she has to be dishonest,

bribe taker, wicked, flatterer, shameless (mzevir, mrtekip, ahlaksz, dalkavuk, utanmaz). On the other hand those teachers who try to perform their duties properly and are brilliant, honest, skilful, educated, decent, hardworking (fazl, namuslu, maharetli, ehli irfan, ehli namus, gayretli) get into trouble, chased and ridiculed.958

958 Pr. P. Savvopoulos, Mekteplerimiz, Anatoli N. 5993, 14 December 1898.

959 Anatoli N. 34, 11 September 1851.

The transience of the teachers was one of the the main problems of the schools. The constant replacement of all the teaching staff at the end of the school year for reasons owing to the conduct or to the laziness of the teachers or most of the time to the existence of factionalist elements among the members of the community was very frequent. Conflicts and disagreements between the teachers or with members of the community were among the principal obstacles for the normal functioning of the schools. It seems that the non permanency of teachers constituted an important problem even from the very establishment of the schools in the region. Thus according to the author of a letter published in Anatoli despite the establishment of schools in Sille and Fertek around the end of the forties the teachers had not

stayed more than two or three years in these schools. This was not because of the incompetence of the teachers but of the jealousy and lust of the community members who tried to find even the smallest fault of the teachers.959

The teachers often fall victim of the factional rivalries inside the communities. Athanasios Ioannidis, who himself was teacher in the Theological Seminary of Kayseri, in his observations about the tour he made around NevGehir that he published in the journal Xenophanis, notes that because the Christians of the region can form only disputes on themes concerning the school, they are divided among themselves into those that support a certain teacher and those who oppose the

same teacher. For Ioannidis the teachers of the region are victims of school boards that enforce them seven or eight hours of lesson daily.960 Georgios Askitopoulos, headmaster of the schools of NevGehir during 1904-5 and 1911-4 complained that parents could say inappropriate words for teachers where their children could hear them.961 In order to prevent this, the Reformatory Program of the Schools of NevGehir had stated that every disagreement or charge of one member of the teaching staff against another had to be reported to the headmaster who was expected to reconcile the quarreling parts and to restore any injustice. If he did not manage this, it was reported to the school board which took the necessary measures.962 The school board was so afraid of a conflict among the teaching staff that every complaint against the headmaster was conveyed in written form to the school board, while private suggestions and verbal accusations were forbidden.963

960 Athanasios Ioannidis, ........... ..........` ......... vol. 1, 1896, pp. 322-5.

961 Georgios Askitopoulos, ".... . ...... (Family and School), ............. ........... . ..... 1914, (Constantinople: Protopapa and Sas), 1913, p. 228.

962 ......... ....... .............. (Reformatory Program of the), article 31.

963 Ibid., article 32.

When Aleksandros Eliades former Metropolitan of Konya and inspector of the Greek schools of Istanbul reached the province of Kayseri at the end of February 1889 in order to inspect as the Patriarchal exarch the complaints against the Metropolitan Ioannis the local population gave him plenty of petitions with various demands. Among these diplomaed teachers of the province gave Eliades a petition that demanded the abandonment of the New Method in the schools that according to them had abolished the Greek language, the precious and sacred inheritance from our forefathers and replaced the experienced teachers that had worked altruistically

in the schools of the province for decades with inexperienced and ignorant freshmen (mezler) who ruined the schools of the province.964

964 Anatoli N. 4034, 01 April 1889.

965 Ghtiyar Didaskaloslarn Hali, Anatoli N. 4985, 22 April 1895.

966 Moutalaski 12 December 1905, file I 72.

As we saw above the main objection of Anatoli was the loosening of the religious instruction in the schools. Another problem for the newspaper was the declining respect towards the teachers due to their young age which made it possible for a teacher of 1820 years old to become headmaster. This must have created serious problems in a society in which the age of a person was among the primary factors that determined his or her place in social hierarchy and recognition. For the newspaper the condition of the old teachers was beyond description. The editors of Anatoli proposed the introduction of a pension fund (tekad sand) by the

Patriarchate through the donations of benefactors, because for the newspaper the miserable conditions that these teachers endured consists an insult to the millet.965

On the other hand teachers often were accused for sticking to old methods and resort to rote learning (..........), that is to have students learn the grammatical rules by heart in the higher classes while neglecting the early classes and the instruction of modern language.966

Aleksandros Eliades, who as the Patriarchal representative tried to solve the dispute that had erupted in Kermir between two factions concerning the control of the school and the teachers. In order to solve the dispute in Kermir Eliades visited the village and gathered there an assembly consisting of the leaders of the two factions. The assembly decided to send away the existing teachers in the end of the year and appoint new ones; also it decided that from now on the principal authority of the

schools will be the Kermir School Brotherhood in Istanbul and assigned the enforcement of the decision to a committee consisting of two members from each faction.967

967 Anatoli N. 4034, 01 April 1889.

968 Magriotis, p. 138.

The educational societies of Asia Minor, Istanbul and Athens played an important role in finding suitable teaching staff for the communities of Asia Minor. The local church authorities were also influential in finding teachers. The Greek bookstores in urban centers of the empire like Istanbul, Smyrna, Thessaloniki, Edirne, Trabzon, and Jannina had a very crucial role in supplementing Orthodox communities with suitable teachers. Magriotis, who was a teacher, had written letters in 1906 to the bookstores of Constantinople, in order to find a community in need for a teacher with suitable conditions. During the summer of 1906 the community of Sinasos had also contacted the bookstores of Constantinople in order to find a headmaster and a mistress.968 Upon recruitment the school board and the teacher would sign a contract determining the period of service, which usually was of one

year, and the obligations of the two parties. But most of the time the contracts encompassed many ambiguities for the teacher. In his extensive letter to the president of the Society of Anatoli and his personal friend M. Evaggelidis, B. Mystakides, a teacher of the Theological Seminary of Zincidere depicts a grim picture of the conditions that the teachers face in the Seminary. According to Mystakides the teachers who came to Zincidere after a long and difficult journey were deceived by the school board on every aspect. Everything that they had arranged in their contracts previously changed arbitrarily by the board itself. In every aspect of the daily life the actual conditions were very different from those that the board had depicted in the

beginning. According to Mystakides the heating, the food, the service, the health care provided by the school was diametrically opposed to what had been described previously. Thus the teacher had to take care of his own his needs and most of the time had to pay extra money for his simplest daily needs. Last but not least he argues that the renewal of the contracts are delayed until the last moment which often makes impossible for a teacher to dare to make the long journey to Istanbul or Athens in order to find a new position. Thus he is obliged to continue his work even under worst conditions and diminished salary.969 Joachim Foropoulos, headmaster of the Theological Seminary between 1888 and 1889, provides a very similar picture and accuses the metropolitan of Kayseri and the school board for not depicting the true condition of the school before the signing of the contract. Just like Mystakides, when he reached Zincidere Foropoulos saw that in every aspect of school life both the metropolitan and the school board had deceived him through not telling him the grim conditions of the school.970

969 B. Mystakides, Zincidere 22 February 1892, file I 4/1-7.

970 Foropoulos, 1890, pp. 20-35

In a very interesting article published in Anatoli a certain Savvopoulos criticizes the precarious conditions that teachers were employed and describes under what conditions teachers make contracts with the members of the school board. According to Savvopoulos most of the time these contracts have no clauses about compensation of the teachers in case they are fired. Furthermore he argues that the Patriarchal Central Educational Comittee can not interfere because the contract signed between the parties is not approved by the committee. He also criticizes harshly the fact that teachers of the highest level to elementary level schools were hired in the bookstores of Galata and Zindankaps. The teacher is obliged to apply to

bookstores when he/she is without a position. Savvopoulos argues that the first thing that the orbac after becoming a member of the school board think is to renew the teachers by kicking out the teachers appointed by the previous school board. For that purpose he immediately goes to Istanbul and begins to search for teachers in the bookstores of Galata. In the rest of his article Savvopoulos gives us a vivid and humorous version of the teacher selection process:

The freshmen [mezler] standing in front of the bookstores grasp from the coquettish walk of the coming guy that he is a member of a school board and replying towards the grandeur of the school board (ephoros) with humbleness and smile and by bringing their hands to their breasts they bounce in front of the ephoros and say please come in monsieur!!! and they take the ephoros inside the bookstore. Immediately after entering the ephoros says that he wants one or three male teachers and one or two female teachers. Meanwhile the customer is offered coffee and cigarette. The required teacher should possess a diploma, know excellent Turkish and French, his voice should be nice and also he/she should be both musician and chorister, and if he/she has these qualifications in the end he could give him 35 liras or anyway 40 liras. The notorious bookseller answers, yes sir but a teacher as you describe can be found very difficultly but I will provide you with a teacher that I had find for another region for your exalted sake to the schools of

your country. Be sure, tomorrow I will send him to the ukur han to have a look at him. and afterwards tries to suit the business!!!. []

To make a long story short, the bookseller efendi searches around and in the end he finds a person who is a teacher only in name []

[] when the ephoros efendi notices that the person that enters his room is a teacher gives himself the posture that is required. And when the teacher enters and sees the grandeur of the ephoros sitting back comfortably in the cushion in the corner he asks humbly the seated:

- Your higness are you Mr. B? - Yes, answers the efendi, Are you a teacher? Do you have diploma? Are you Greek? Do you know French? You have to know good Turkish.

The teacher takes out from his breasts a bundle of true or pretended - diploma and certificates and explains where he taught Greek, that he was the left chorester in the church of Edirnekaps, that his French is harmless and his Turkish well. [] the ephoros

efendi becomes exulted [aka gelerek] goes together with the

teacher to a tavern where he settles his bargain at 1880, 2003, 2986, 3120 and rarely 35 liras. The bargained female teacher obviously is not taken to the tavern971

971 Pr. P. Savvopoulos, Mekteplerimiz, Anatoli N. 5998, 17 December 1898.

972 Foropoulos, 1890, pp. 1012.

An important problem that teachers faced constantly was the interference of the school boards or of the ecclesiastic authority to their job and responsibilities. For example Joachim Foropoulos, the headmaster of the Theological Seminary of Zincidere during 1888-1889 complained from the direct interference of the Metropolitan of Kayseri Ioannis Anastasiadis to the drafting of the program. He argued that despite the explicit statement of the twelfth article of the school regulation that the drafting of the program was the duty of teachers presided by the headmaster, metropolitan Ioannis had intervened even in the smallest detail of the program and enforced his demands in a two day long meeting that Foropoulos

describes as a true battle and as a open violation of the rights of teachers.972

In order to correct these irregularities the Patriarchal Central Educational Committee issued numerous times declarations concerning the employment and working conditions of teachers. The Committee was addressing the Orthodox schools of the capital but without doubt its decisions and announcements determined the standards of educational life for the entire Orthodox schools of the empire. This was more so for the Orthodox schools of interior Anatolia which most of the time were directed by the immigrant compatriots settled in the capital and by the Istanbul branches of school boards established by them.

The Committee announced that the replacement of teachers is not allowed unless there is a relevant reason and only at the end of the school year. The teacher in

question has to receive his/her entire salary. The committee has to approve the qualifications and capability of the newly employed teacher according to the 23rd article of the school regulation. It also demanded from the members of the school board to inform the committee before 20 of July any dismissal.973 Next year the Committee warned again the school boards, headmasters and teachers of the school of the capital that according to the 22nd article of the regulation the school board is obliged to complete the contracts of the teaching staff until 20 July and announce them to the Committee. While it reminded that according to the 23rd article of the same regulation if this process is not completed until the declared date the staff is assumed to remain in its place.974

973 ............. ......., 14 July 1900, vol. 28, pp. 314-315.

974 ............. ......., 27 July 1901, vol. 30, pp. 301-302.

975 Ziogou-Karastergiou, p. 41. According to the General Regulation of the Community Schools of Archibishopric of Constantinople of 1897 every teacher required to bring in August their contracts for

sanctioning and to be provided with the certificate of the Central Educational Committee of the Patriarchate. Article 42 cited in Ziogou, p. 670.

976 Soldatos, 1989b, p. 98.

The type of the contract determined in the General Regulation of the Community Schools of Archibishopric of Constantinople of 1897 prevailed with little variations in all the schools. From the 1890s onwards a School Certificate was introduced that was granted by the Central Educational Committee of Patriarchate and the metropolitans to the educators as an indication of their occupational quality.975 The contract included the responsibilities and duties of the teacher and of the school board. The salary and the way of payment was also determined by the contract.976 Usually the contracts were made by the Istanbul branch of the school board of a community if the teacher was from Istanbul. Thus when Magriotis came to Istanbul he met with the representative committee of the

village council of Sinasos in order to discuss the conditions of the job. The office of the village council was in Galata. It was a vast hall, the walls of which were decorated with religious icons. There Magriotis and the members of the representative committee reached an agreement in which as genuine Cappadocians and experienced tradesmen board members convinced Magriotes on their terms.977 After having agreed, they signed a contract for two years. Georgios Askitopoulos had also signed a contract with the Istanbul school board when he had become headmaster of the schools of NevGehir. The contracting parties were obliged to pay compensation in case of the cancellation of the contract. For example, in the case of Maggriotis, the side that cancelled the contract had to pay a compensation of ten liras. Thus when he decided to leave Sinasos after the completion of the first school year because of the deterioration of his wife.s health conditions (she was also the headmistress of the girls. school) he paid the aforementioned sum to the village council for the cancellation of the contract.978

977 Magriotis, p. 139.

978 Ibid., pp. 139, 144.

One method of solving the difficulty in finding suitable teachers and providing their permanence was giving scholarships to students which guaranteed through signing contracts that after graduating he/she would work in the community schools for the years of their study often for lower salaries than the other teachers. Usually these bursars were chosen among the children of poor families or orphans in order to help the family and the children. For example the community of Bor was sending bursars to the Theological School in Zincidere, in order to help the children and most importantly in order to meet the need for local teachers in the schools. After their graduation these bursars were teaching in their community schools.

Usually they were obtaining half of their normal salary in certain years that corresponded their period of education. 979

979 ............. ........... . ..... 1914, pp. 162-3.

980 Tsourouktsi, 1954, pp. 69-71.

981 Anatoli, N. 4595, 13 October 1892.

As we mentioned above graduates of the Theological Seminary of Zincidere were increasingly demanded as teachers in community schools of the region. One example of them was Iosif Moisiadis who immediately after graduating from the school in 1902 was appointed as teacher of Greek in the school of Endirlik. After some years he managed to transform the school of the village into a seven class astiki school by combining the two sections of the school and by dividing the students as much as he can into classes. He introduced many novelies in the school life of Endirlik like the lessons of Music, Gymnastics and Drawing while he also established a school library.980

There was an important current that defended that priests should perform as teachers especially in the elementary level of schools for improving moral education. This was proposed also in order to promote the entrance of qualified individuals into priesthood because the priests lacked the economic means for a respectable existence. Thus for example the editors of the Anatoli newspaper numerous times proposed that graduates of Theological Schools and Seminaries should be able to become married priests that would act also as teachers. The seminaries should be directed by graduates of the theological schools, while the primary schools by the ordained graduates of theological seminaries. According to the paper the school boards of communities should prefer those graduates of gymnasiums that choose to become married priests.981 It is important to state that this was not a peculiarity

982 Among them were the Cappadocian historian and later deputy of Gzmir in the Ottoman parliament during the years 1908-1912, Pavlos Karolidis (1849-1930).

983 Margaritis Evangelidis, ........ .... ... ........... ... ......... ... ...... ... .......... ...... ..... ... ...... (Memorandum on the rights and sufferings of the hearths of civilization of Asia Minor and Thrace), (Athens: 1918), pp. 25-7.

concerning the Anatolian Orthodox schools. Even in the Kingdom of Greece there was a strong current that supported that the Church should be the sole responsible of the elementary education.

The Association of Asia Minor Natives: Anatoli

When discussing providing the community schools of Anatolia with teachers one has

to mention the work of the Athens based Association of Asia Minor Natives: Anatoli (........ ... ........... . .......), which contributed immensely to the communities of Asia Minor in finding teachers and assisted their educational activities. The Society had been founded in 1891 by forty nine Anatolians living in Athens, occupying important positions in Athenian society.982

From its establishment until 1925, except for short intervals, its president was Margaritis Evaggelidis (1850-1932), -who originated from Kyzikos- professor of philosophy at the University of Athens. A militant nationalist, he later become the president of the Common Committee of the Unredeemed Greeks and was also among the Greek authors who relied on the assumption that many Anatolian Muslims had Greek origins. He adopted the assumption that the Turks who invaded Asia Minor were few, and that the Turkification of Anatolia became possible only with forced Islamization. Therefore, he concludes that, the Turks of Asia Minor have 80% Greek blood.983 For Evaggelidis the ultimate righ of every person is to live in a society of

984 Margarites Evaggelides, .... ......... ........ (About the Racial Unity), Xenophanis vol. 1, 1896, pp. 541-551.

conationals speaking the same language. The quest for national unity which conforms to natural law and the will of the Creator is the primary aim of human life. In that sense the Greeks strove for almost three thousand years for achieving national unity and in that struggle according to Evaggelidis the Greeks of Asia Minor (...........) played pivotal roles starting from antiquity to the Hellenistic period. Not only to the unity of nation the Greeks of Asia Minor for Evaggelidis had served the entire humanity in the emergence of Christianity through eliminating the localist, anthropomorphic elements of the monotheism of Judaism and turning it into a universal religion that addressed to the entire humanity and nations. Thus, they had served not only the national unity but also the elevation of cosmopolitanism and turning Hellenism into humanism, into a cosmopolitan principle. Thus for Evaggelidis the contemporary Greeks of Asia Minor strove to protect their morals, values, customs, language, religion and all those elements that connected it to the entire Hellenism. While the non-Greek speaking Greeks of the continent which except the loss of the language possessed for him the same values and holy heritage, morals, history and blood with the other Greeks, have for Evaggelidis only one

desire: to reaquire the language of their forefathers. This desire, gives value and sweetens their otherwise bitter life and enrich their phantasy. Thus for Evaggelides every effort have to be spent for the fulfillment of these wishes.984

The Society of Anatoli was supported by the Greek state, by the University of Athens, by the municipality of Athens, by the Association for the Propagation of

Greek Letters, by Greek banks and by different societies such as the societies of Asia Minor Natives of Alexandria and Cairo.985

985 Nikos E. Milioris, . ........ ... ........... . ......., ............ ....... vol. 12, Athens 1965, p. 344.

986 Ibid., p. 339.

987 Richard Clogg, The Greek millet in the Ottoman Empire, Anatolica Studies in the Greek East in the 18th and 19th centuries, (Hampshire: Variorum, 1996), p. 197.

988 Kitromilides, p. 172.

989 Xenophanis, vol. 2 1905, p. 25.

The establishment motive of Anatoli was the cultural situation of the communities of Asia Minor and the lack of proper teachers especially in the communities of interior Anatolia.986 According to Clogg, the basic objective of Anatoli was to educate young Greeks from Anatolia, either at the University or at theological colleges of Greece or at the numerous Greek schools of Istanbul and Izmir.987 These young members of the communities of Asia Minor were encouraged to return to their native communities as teachers in the community schools in order to enlighten them and to instill them with a sense of Greek consciousness.

The objectives of the militantly nationalist988 Anatoli were the investigation of the material and intellectual needs of the communities of Asia Minor and to provide them with material, ethical, and cultural help. In this framework, the Society aimed at the development of education in Asia Minor and especially the reacquisition of Greek by the Turkish and Armenian speaking Orthodox communities. This interest of Anatoli for the Turkish speaking communities of inner Anatolia can be attested by the symbolic act of announcing the deceased Metropolitan of Kayseri Ioannis as one of the two Grand Benefactors of the society.989 The Society also aimed at fighting against the missionary activities of both

Catholics and Protestants in Asia Minor. Thus, members of Anatoli had clear views about the centrality of religion on the identity of local communities. The loss of religious identity, according to them, would eventually result in the loss of the national identity.990

990 Milioris, p. 343. See also Magda M. Kitromilidis, .. ....... ... ........ ... .. ...... ......: ......... ......... ... .. ...... ... ........ ....... 1898-1903(The Hellenes of Bithynia and the National Center: Unpublished Testimonies from the Archive of the Society of Anatoli 1898-1903 Deltio Kentrou Mikrasiatikwn Spoudon Vol. 8 1990-1991, 87-106.

991 Aggelos A. Aggelidis, NevGehir 10 July 1904, file I 48 2780.

992 Stavros B. Theodorides, Zincidere 22 June 1903, file I 39 n. 2066.

The Society of Anatoli rapidly became the top of a network that provided teachers seeking better working conditions and employment options. Thus Aggelos

A. Aggelidis one of the veteran teachers who had taught in the schools of Sinasos, rgp and NevGehir for years who resembles his profession to soldiers that are ready wherever destiny leads them, asks from Evaggelidis to help him find a suitable position with a decent salary because the climate of the region is not good for his health, while he has to work as being responsible of a big family with brothers studying and a sister in a critical age.991 While Stavros B. Theodorides a graduate of the University of Athens who was teaching for three years in the Theological Seminary of Zincidere asked from Euaggelides to find him a position in the Theological Seminary of Patmos or in another suitable place. Theodorides complained both from the school board and from the new Metropolitan of Kayseri Gervasios that had succeeded Ioannis Anastasiadis following his death for firing arbitrarily the teachers. For Theodorides his only fault was not making flattery.992

In another letter sent to Evaggelidis by a thirty two years old priest from NevGehir, called Nektarios requested from the Society to help him fulfill his dream

of completing higher theological education in Athens. After graduating from the Theological Seminary, Nektarios had worked for more than ten years in the schools of NevGehir. Now that he decided to realize his plans, he requested from Evaggelidis to help him to find a teaching position in a school or to stay in a church in Athens in order to be able to support himself and his family during his four year education.993

993 Nektarios, NevGehir 4 May 1904, file I 44 2659.

994 Milioris argues that according to the official reports the number of students from Asia Minor that was supported by the Anatolia was 1842. Milioris, p. 344 and 351.

995 Ioannis Metropolitan of Kayseri, Zincidere 27 July 1900, file I 23.

Anatoli was very active in giving scholarships to students coming from Asia Minor to study in Greece, most of whom would return to Asia Minor as teachers working in the schools of different communities. The students that were supported by

the Society studied at the Theological School of the University of Athens, at the Rizaris Seminary and at other theological seminaries. As mentioned above, after graduating from these schools they returned to Anatolia as teachers or as married priests. The Society also supported girls from Asia Minor, who studied at the Teachers Training College of Athens, at the Arsakeion (.........) Girls. School and at the Omireio Girls. Boarding School (........ ..............) of Smyrna.994 For example in that cases the metropolitan of Kayseri wanted for a successful graduate of the school of his province to continue his/her studies he asked most of the time M. Evaggelides, to find protectors for these successful graduates. Thus for example Metropolitan Ioannis in a letter to M. Evaggelidis asks from him to help a successful graduate of the school, Ioannis G. Ioannidis from Nide to further his studies.995

There were also many private applications to the Society. Papa Mathaios who was a parish priest in Zincidere petitioned from the Society to accept his daughter Hrysi to the College. Papa Mathaios, who had seven children explained in his letter that he had the wish that at least one of his daughters be educated. He argued in his letter that his daughter Hrysi who was in the fifth class of the Central Girls. School was a hard-working student. He requested from the Society to convince headmistress Tzoannopoulou to accept Hrysi to the college.996

996 Papa Mathaios, 24 March 1914, file I 240.

997 Gervasios of Nazianzou, Zincidere 14 June 1902, file I 30.

998 Kayseri, 4 May 1899, file I 21 No. 974.

Anatoli was trying to support the communities of Asia Minor in many ways: It was helping different communities to obtain proper teachers, kindergartners and headmasters. Many village councils and school boards of different communities sent

application letters to the Society to ask for help in this important issue. It provided especially books, geographic charts, historical tables, and other visual educational tools to communities with limited economic means. It also sent books to societies and reading rooms of Asia Minor, as well as instructions for the organization of the educational programs in the schools. Thus for example it demanded from the metropolitan of Kayseri statistical information about the school and its students.997

The society was also distributing geographical charts to the schools that needed them. Thus for example the school board of Kayseri petititioned the society in a letter in the name of the Christian Greek community of Kayseri to send it geographical charts.998 While the abbot of the monastery of Taksiarhis who was in Smyrna in order to gather donations for the orphanage that was sheltered in the

monastery, requested from the Society to send them the geographical charts of Zafeiropoulos. According to the abbot, the orphanage was accepting orphans and was giving those clothes and food. But the monastery lacked sources and the abbot requested from the Society to include the orphanage among the needy schools of Asia Minor that the Society helped.999

999 Konstantinos Oikonomos, Smyrna 11 March 1905, file I 59 No. 3311.

1000 Savvas B. Zervoudakis, 18 April 1896, file I 8, No. 603.

1001 Ioannis Metropolitan of Kayseri, 23 December 1897, file I 15 No. 772.

The society was also active in sending to remote communities in need, books, educational or ecclesiastic equipment. For example Savvas B. Zervoudakis, a teacher in the Theological Seminary, in his letter to the president of the Society asks him to send didactic books and prayer books like Psaltirion, Oktoiho, Alfavitarion to the community of the village al near Kayseri. According to Zervoudakis the Orthodox

community of al which consisted of thirty families surrounded by the Armenian community whose population was five times more than the Orthodox. For Zervoudakis the community was in desperate situation, devoid of any school, educational or ecclesiastic instruments and above all, Armenian was the dominant language. Thus, this was an urgent issue in order to prevent from Armenification this community that is left to the mercy of God.1000 While Metropolitan Ioannis requested from the Asia Minor Society to send hundreds or even thousands primers for the children of the small and poor villages of his diocese.1001

It is important to note that the school boards, church committees and even entire communities employed the ideological mesagges and elements of the discourse of the Society when they lobbied for funds. For example let us examine the

case that the school board of Kayseri asked for financial help for the reconstruction of the almost ruined church of the parish and the primary school which was sheltered in it. The school board kindly rejected the proposal of the society to assume the support of a student from Kayseri on the ground that the parish did not have such an able student while among the successful students of the gymnasium of Zincidere no one accepted the proposal. Thus instead of it, the school board asked the Society to change the form of the support and help the reconstruction of the church. The school board argued that until that time the contribution of migrated compatriots was not enough and if the situation continues they will be obliged to close the school that they maintained with difficulty. Next the school board threatened the Society that in case of the closure of the school the forty-fifty children studying in it will be seized by the schools of propaganda that is of missionaries. Thus they demanded from the Society to send at least the expenses of the bursar student to the community, in order to move the school to a house until the reconstruction of the church is completed and asked Society.s mediation in order to communicate with other conations that could help them.1002 The example above amply demonstrates that the communities, school boards, church committees were not only passive recipients of the ideological messages of the Society but they manipulated and employed the discourse and the ideological messages of the national center and actively negotiated with it when lobbying for funds and assistance. This is most probably also the case for the individual applicants and protgs of the society. As Kechriotis argues while those individuals who applied to the Society possessed obviously a sense of belonging and serving to the imagined community of the Hellenic nation the

protection of the Society was critical in achieving social mobility through providing

1002 Kayseri 1 July 1902, file I 31 No. 1681.

better educational, career opportunities and social recognition. Thus the applicants and protgs of the Society were not passive instruments of the nation building process but rather acted most of the time with a certain blend of devotion and a commitment to serve the Hellenic nation and personal interest.1003

1003 Vangelis Kechriotis, Educating the Nation: Migration and Acculturation on the two Shores of the Aegean at the Turn of the Twentieth Century in Cities of the Eastern Mediterranean: From the Ottomans to the Present Day, Biray Kolluolu & Meltem Toksz (London: I. B. Tauris Publishers 2010): 142. In his article Kechriotis demonstrates that Izmir constituted a key destination for those Anatolians wished to study and take advantage of the career opportunities that education provided.

1004 Milioris, p. 345.

In order to supply the communities of Asia Minor with teachers of local origin Anatoli established its own theological seminary in 1900, in Patmos. This

school, which called the Theological Seminary of Revelation, was transferred to Samos in 1906 and from then on it was called the Theological Seminary of Samos.1004 In order to register to this school, one had to provide a document from a certain Orthodox community of Anatolia stating that the bearer was from the community and after graduating from the school that community would employ him as a teacher in its schools with a proper salary or after some time as a married priest. Not only the communities but also pious and art loving men and women had the right to recommend studious and virtous youths to the school. In this case there was also the requirement to provide a written guarantee approved also by the local ecclesiastical authority. Other requirements for a person to enter the Theological Seminary was to possess the knowledge of the ritual, of etymology and of the Greek grammar, rudiments of syntax, the whole of practical arithmetic and relevant knowledge of theology, political history and geography. Students graduated in four years. All of the students were staying in the dormitory and were wearing ecclesiastical garments. Most of the students were supported by the Society of

Anatoli which provided all their needs, nourishment, garments, books etc. and only a small proportion of the students paid the sum of 10 liras per year. The Theological Seminary of Samos functioned normally until 1914 and in this period 132 teachers or/and priests for the communities of Asia Minor graduated from the school. Together with the pedagogical and religious orientation of its program, the school also contained practical instruction. The graduates of the schools could chant and preach in the church perfectly. They also had lessons of agronomy and technical lessons enology, fertilizers,cocoonery etc. as well as lessons of hygiene.1005

1005 Ibid., p. 346.

1006 According to an article in Anatoli there were 33 candidates for a position in a school. Anatoli, N. 4566, 28 July 1892.

Abundance of Teachers

As we saw above a widespread complaint about the education provided in the Ottoman Greek schools was that its graduates could only be teachers. Thus every year there were plenty of graduates starting to follow the teaching career and there was a real problem of unemployment for the teachers because the demand was behind those who entered the profession.1006 Despite the difficulty of the job and the limited material benefits many graduates of schools seemed to prefer to enter the profession. Obviously during this period the most prestigious profession for women was becoming a teacher. Despite its low salary, it was perhaps the only job for women that enabled the rise of their social standing. Due to this fact the number of female teachers raised so much in Asia Minor that during the Greek occupation of

Western Asia Minor the analogy of female teachers to male teachers in the occupied regions was four to one.1007

1007 M. Mihailidis Nouaros, . ............ ........ ... ....... ... ... ..... ... ..... ... ..... ............. ........ (The Educational Policy of Greece in the Zone of Sevres) ............ ....... 6, 1955, p. 18.

1008 Yalnz Gu kadar hocala iltica iden genlerimizin pederleri ve valideleri yahod kendileri paliadakileri tefekkr iderek, dorudan bir sanata yahod iGe hidmet itseler, mrleri olduka alGacaklar ve iftihar idecekleri bedihidir zira senaatkr ve iG sahibi ademlerin kalmalar mimkinsiz iken, hocalarn seneler ile nevki bulamamalar her gn grlmektedir. Bahsimiz Dar-lfnunlerde ikmal ders itmiG ve alemin nazarn celb iden hocalar iun deil (nki kymetlu inci gibi her daim aranmaktadrlar) yalnz 3 yahod 4 sene mekteblere devam iden ve ok Geylerden bihaber genler iundur bunlarn hali ki teessf olunur.. Anatoli, N. 4566, 28 July 1892.

1009 Bayram Kodaman, Abdlhamid Devri Eitim Sistemi, pp. 155-156.

The editors of the Anatoli newspaper published many articles that stressed that this excessive number of teachers diminished the prestige of the profession while creating great difficulties for teachers. Thus the articles in the press tried to discourage the graduates of secondary schools to become teachers. While as we saw in the previous chapters there were many calls for a more practical orientation in education that would orient its graduates to trade and crafts.1008

It should be mentioned that this emphasis on the excessive number of teachers and the criticism that the orientation of the entire educational system is for training teachers, contrasts with the situation in the state-led educational endeavors. Teacher shortage, especially in provincial education was one of the main problems of Ottoman state education. To overcome the inadequate number of teachers there were attempts like increasing the number of teacher training schools (Darlmuallimin) or proposals like of using local medreses and especially those of Istanbul, as Medrese-i Muallimin to train teachers.1009 The Bulgarian educational network also faced a similar problem. Until the establishment of legal separate church administration in

1870 it was very difficult to find instructors for the illegal Bulgarian schools. These schools found instructors thanks to the support of American Protestant missionaries of which the school in Samakov functioned like a teachers training seminary for the local Bulgarian schools. While the teachers educated by the panSlavic committees in Russia played also an important role in supporting the emerging Bulgarian educational network.1010

1010 Somel, 2005, pp. 261-262.

1011 nhan Evered, pp. 100-101.

1012 Blumi adds that these locals ironically becomes most of the time provide the resistance with prime vehicle. Isa Blumi, Teaching Loyalty in the Late Ottoman Balkans: Educational Reform in the

The usage of locals as teachers was a common practice in Ottoman educational endeavors. The Ottoman state employed a policy of educating local children in Istanbul in order to send back to their communities as teachers. But the late Ottoman governments also tried to establish provincial teacher training colleges

in order to alleviate the financial burden of educating teachers in the imperial capital and also the diminish the inadequacy of educators. Another factor for supporting teachers of local origins was the assumption that these would require lesser salaries than the teachers coming from urban centers. Thus while it would be necessary to pay a teacher coming from Istanbul at least 300 to 400 kuru this amount was almost the half for the locals. But these low salaries made very difficult to attract locals to the profession of teaching.1011

The appointment of local teachers trained in centers like Istanbul and even in Athens was a common practice. Blumi argues that this practice of using locals trained in the metropole in the schools of the periphery was a common practice of the colonial powers of the time, including the Ottoman state itself.1012 But as we

Vilayets of Manastir and Yanya, 1878-1912, Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, Vol. XXI No. 1&2 (2001) p. 19.

1013 Scott J. Seregny, Russian Teachers and Peasant Revolution The Politics of Education in 1905, (Indiana University Press: Indiana 1989). It is interesting that while the Russian teacher in its effort to enlighten the dark masses entered increasingly to the orbit of revolutionary politics, while the Ottoman Greek teacher which also defined its role as a cultural pioneer hegemonized by nationalism.

saw earlier this was not only a top-down process in which the center imposed its will on the locals. Rather the locals also preferred the appointment of their compatriots as teachers both for reasons of spending lesser and also for keeping the same teacher for longer periods. Another important factor for preferring locals as teachers was the fear that teachers that originated from the urban centers, especially the younger ones would have detrimental effects on the morals and manners of the students.

Teachers Brotherhoods

Attempts for establishing teachers. organizations that will elevate the status of teachers form an obvious sign of the emergence of a professional ethic among teachers. In his study concerning the mergence of a professional movement among teachers in Imperial Russia during the first years of the 20th century Seregny argues that as opposed to the other more established professional groups teachers of primary schools had a lower prestige within the society in relation to the other new professions. According to Seregny this was because of the low pay, feminization, subordinate status and modest social origins of the teachers.1013

The profession of teaching was among the rising modern professions that constituted a dynamic stratum in the Ottoman Greek millet. The abovementioned widespread complaints concerning the working conditions of teachers reveal an

increasing awareness of teachers themselves about the distinctiveness of their profession. The organizations formed by teachers promoted the principles of the profession such as merit, expertise, service to the nation-millet and religion and tried to improve the working and living conditions of teachers. There were many attempts to form a Teachers. Brotherhood (........... .........) a society of mutual help but in the end a brotherhood was established in 1891. According to its regulation the first goal of the brotherhood was to provide material support for the retired teachers of old age or to those quitted the profession due to illnesses. The second aim of the brotherhood was ethical mutual help among its members. That is the brotherhood aimed to increase the social prestige of the profession in order to attain the place that it deserved through organizing conferences about issues of pedagogy, the publication of a periodical etc.1014

1014 ............. ......., 28 June 1891, vol. 18, p. 140.

1015 Anatoli, N. 4700, 10 August 1893.

1016 Anatoli, .. 4698, 5 August 1893.

In Galata there was also a certain Teachers. Brotherhood (........... .........) directed by Aleksandros Georgiadis which was recommending teachers to school boards or their representatives or information for specific teachers.1015 In order to forestall irregularities and to assist communities to find suitable teachers the Teacher.s Brotherhood invited members of school boards or their representatives to obtain information about teachers for their schools. The office of the brotherhood was in Yenihan no. 8, Krekiler street, Galata.1016

The teachers were organized also in societies in the locality they worked in which they discussed different matters concerning the state of the school and

education. In NevGehir the teachers. society had been organized at the beginning of the twentieth century. It had many responsibilities in the administration of the schools. The teachers chose the books that students would use. While a teachers. brotherhood existed also in the Theological Seminary of Kayseri of which rights and obligations had been stated in the school regulation.

The teacher as soldier

In the struggle over Macedonia and Thrace the figure of the teacher assumed increasingly greater importance. The co-national teacher was exalted and treated as almost the primary weapon of national regeneration and the liberation struggle. On the other hand the teacher belonging to the enemy camp almost demonized. While praising the enlightening and Hellenizing role of the Greek teacher, Greek nationalism produced a demonic view of the Bulgarian teacher. Belonging to a poor family, the future Bulgarian teacher had been taken from his/her family and educated according to Panslavist doctrines often in Russia by the different Panslavist organizations or even in different missionary schools. The Bulgarian teacher was among the primary responsible for the division of communities according to ethnic and lingual lines spreading the seeds of enmity among once brotherly fellow

Orthodox Christians and hostility towards the Orthodox clergy and the Greek nation.1017 Thus it is no coincidence that teachers of different community schools became one of the primary targets of rival nationalisms and the militarization of the

1017 See for example Asklipiadis, pp. 31-34.

figure resulted of being the usual target of the armed conflict. This demonization was also relevant for the case of the missionary teacher in Anatolia.

The internalization of this role by the teachers enhanced the legitimacy of their profession with certain rights and increased the prestige of the teaching profession. From the writings of the teachers themselves we see that they emloyed continuously terms concerning ethic of service and sacrifice when they mentioned about their profession. It seems that especially by the beginning of the twentieth century teachers increasingly identified more with Greek nationalism and expressed more openly their sentiments. Tsourouktsi who was a student in the Theological Seminary of Kayseri between 1905 and 1909, recalls the moving sight of students returning from excercises to the monastery, led by the teacher of gymnastic in a military line up of four, singing the Thourio (......) of Rigas, the revolutionary songs of Crete or the Marseillaise.1018 Tsourouktsis argues that the teacher of gymnastics, Kostandinos Aleksiadis who was from Inebolu of Pontos and had graduated from the teachers. seminary of Athens and taught pedagogy to the senior classes for several years in the gymnasium of Zincidere that he was teaching patriotic songs and elements of European music to the students,. He was also an athlet, especially successful in weight lifting a poet writing primarily satirical ones. For Tsourouktsi he was an enthusiastic organizer and supporter of organizing feasts, excursions and an advisor of the students.1019 The words of Efthalia Andoniadou, a kindergartner in the school of NevGehir, vividly illustrate this transformation: I remember that in 1 May of 1924 -I was kindergartner then- we gathered in the

1018 Tsourouktsi, 1967, p. 18.

1019 Ibid., pp. 4-6.

Church of St. George and all the schools we went to excursion in the gardens in the locality Olger (zler). In the road we sang, teachers and students, patriotic songs without any fear. In the beginning we said our national anthem and after the Old Demo (.... ....) Who are those who step without touching the ground. Our evzones are surging from the mountain.s ridge1020 etc. In the countryside we feast all together for the last time, we drink, eat, sing, make swings and in the end we trampled the trefoils of Turks. In returning the big students cared the students of the kindergarten and help them to pass the steamlets by saying Take care of our infants, all of them will be soldiers of Greece.1021

1020 ..... ..... ...... ... ...... ... ..... ... ........, .. ....... ... ....... ... ... ..... .. .....

1021 . ....., p. 138.

1022 B. A. Mystakides, 23 May 1891, file I 1.

But most of the times there was a stark contrast between the patriotic zeal of the teachers coming from either Greece or western parts of the empire and the indifference of the local authorities. This can be observed from the letters of teachers to the president of the Society of Anatoli which most of the time contain bitterness from the ignorance and non patriotic behaior of local school boards. In his letters to the president of society, B. A. Mystakides one of the cultivated teachers of the school in the beginning of 1890.s express his disillusionement that despite his self sacrifices, the conditions that he worked obliged him to resign from his position. For Mystakides because of these conditions in the school faith withers away, while perfidiousness and cunning dominates.1022 For teachers who did not know Turkish and working in Turcophone communities the language barrier formed an important additional factor of alienation from the local context. For example Joachim

Foropoulos, the headmaster of the Theological Seminary of Kayseri, was speaking with some members of the school board and with most of the parents of his students through an interpreter.1023 But on the other hand we should not assume the teachers who had come to village communities from urban centers were traited solely as outsiders who had no power of exerting influence on the community itself. On the contrary teachers increasingly assumed more control in community affairs and treated as embodiment of the desired progress. As Karakasidou indicates together with the local ecclesiastic authority, teachers formed the nucleus of the local intelligentsia that conveyed and spread a sense of common membership in a broader, larger collectivity through their sacred knowledge, both religious and secular.1024

1023 Foropoulos, 1890, p. 57.

1024 Karakasidou, p. 117.

CHAPTER VII

CONCLUSION

Especially from the second half of the nineteenth century onwards the Turcophony of the majority of the Orthodox population of Anatolia became to be treated gradually as an anomaly that has to be corrected. A major factor in this change of perception was the establishment of the Kingdom of Greece and afterwards the emergence of other Balkan nationalisms which introduced language as the most important objective criterion in determining nationhood. As Benedict Anderson states one of the two striking features of the age of nationalism in Europe between 1820 and 1920 was the rise of national print-languages which replaced the traditional sacred languages. In that sense the nineteenth century became the golden age of vernacularizing lexicographers, grammarians, philologists and litterateurs which played determining roles in the development of the national print languages.1025

1025 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (Verso: London 1996) pp. 67-82.

In this frame the ecclesiastic leadership of the Orthodox millet and the secular leadership of the Ottoman Greeks became increasingly more sensitive and anxious towards the dominance of Turkish in the Anatolian Orthodox communities. The missionary activities, of which the chief targets were the non-Muslims of the Empire, enhanced the anxiety about the loyalty of these communities to the Patriarchate.

Especially the emphasis of the Protestant missionaries to the spoken language of the populations they targeted, the usage of vernaculars (Armeno-Turkish, Karamanlidika or Bulgarian) in their publishing, educational and religious endeavors were perceived as a great threat. Thus, just like the Ottoman state authority, the leadership of the Ottoman Greek millet adopted a siege mentality. In this specific historical context modern education acquired an adversarial nature and educational competition fueled both state led and the non-Muslim educational endeavors.

In this sense education became one of the primary mechanism of inclusion and incorporation of peripheral population groups into the value system of the religious-national center. The primary target of Ottoman Greek education in the Turkish speaking Anatolian communities was dissemination of the knowledge of Greek. But in order to achieve this, first and foremost the local residents had to be convinced of the benefits of modern style education and the acquisition of Greek. In this both the local ecclesiastic authorities and especially the immigrants from Anatolian communities settled in Istanbul played pivotal roles. As we saw above the metropolitans of Kayseri gave great importance to the formation of an educational network that will instill to their flock obedience to the religious authorities and the dissemination of the language of the church. Especially Efstathios Kleovoulos and his successor Ioannis Anastasiadis played key roles as metropolitan bishops of Kayseri, in the development of education in their provinces while also in the nationalization of their religious community. While the immigrants of Istanbul played a determining role in the dissemination of the values, norms and behavioral

codes of the center of the Ottoman Greeks to their brethrens. The increased economic and intellectual dependency of the local Anatolian communities to the immigrant

communities of the capital served the gradual adoption of the value system propagated by the center of the Ottoman Greek millet.

Thus, towards the middle o f the nineteenth century a new language hierarchy emerged and consolidated. According to this new linguistic hierarchy Greek started to represent progress, advancement, prosperity a nd a break away from the existing backwardness. The plain Turkish that is spoken is despised and is treated as an oriental sign of backwardness and poverty. Obviously, this reorientation created much internal strife in the communities but in the end it became hegemonic because it was supported actively by the local ecclesiastic authority, the emerging literati and the majority of the immigrants of Istanbul.

In this process the communities, council of elders, school boards, church committees were not only passive recipients of the ideological messages of the centers of the Ottoman Greek millet

but they manipulated and employed the discourse and the ideological messages of the national/religious center and actively negotiated with it when lobbying for funds and assistance.

In the existing historiography of Ottoman education t he spec ific local roles the new sty le schools assumed have been frequently overlooked. These institutions assumed new roles and adapted to their transplanted historical context in order to fulfill local needs and expectations. Thus , as we saw in the examples abov e the new schools of the region were far from secular schools. Instead the whole educational approach was fuelled by the attempt to regenerate the religious feelings among the pupils that

considered to be threatened by foreign propaganda. Educational end eavors legitimized first and foremost through a religious discourse. It can be even asserted that during the first decade of the twentieth century the educational institutions of the region had been thoroughly centralized and vertically integrated to

the e ducational network of the Ottoman Greeks that the Patriarchate through the local metropolitan was among the primary determinant. On the local level nineteenth century can also be seen as an epoch in which the local ecclesiastic authority expanded its admin istrative authority and his power base over local communities which in the past had only fragile relations with it. But this is only part of the story. While increasing its influence the local ecclesiastic authority also became more dependent administrativ ely, ideologically and economically to the Patriarchate and the secular leadership of the capital , including the well to do immigrants of the region . While towards the end of the century and especially after the establishment of the Athens based Society of Asia Minor natives Anatoli the material and ideological support of Athens gained utmost importance.

The practice of using locals trained in the metropole in the schools of the periphery was a common practice of the colonial powers and missionaries of

the time, including the Ottoman state itself. 1026 But as we saw earlier this was not only a top down process in which the center imposed its will on the locals. Rather the locals also preferred the appointment of their compatriots as teachers both for reasons of spending lesser and also for keeping the same teacher for longer periods. Another important factor for preferring locals as teachers was the fear that teachers that originated from coastal urban centers and especially the younger ones would have detrim ental effects on the morals and manners of the students.

1026 Isa Blumi, Teaching Loyalty in the Late Ottoman Balkans: Educational Reform in the Vilayets of Manastir and Yanya, 1878-1912, Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, Vol. XXI No. 1&2 (2001) p. 19.

The literary production in Karamanlidika was a key factor in the adoption of the abovementioned new value system. As we saw above the press in Karamanlidika supported ardently the dissemination of modern style education as the primary

vehicle for Anatolian Orthodox to achieve progress. Both Evangelinos Misailidis, the pioneering figure in Karamanlidika publishing and his newspaper Anatoli continuously propagated key concepts of the western vocabulary of civilization like progress, education, literacy, civilization, respectability and in that sense they adopted in general lines the western discourse of modernization and its concepts of binary oppositions like civilization-barbarity, modernity-tradition etc. While on the other hand they also defended a critical stance towards the West and especially towards its agents, above all the missionaries in Anatolia. Parrot like imitation of patterns of western behavior was criticized harshly as a sign of loosing ones particular identity and they propagated that Anatolians could attain civilization only through reclaiming their ancient glory and enlightening and regenerating the East through education.

But what kind of an education the Anatolian Orthodox needed? As we saw above, towards the end of the century the entire Ottoman Greek educational system was increasingly criticized because it only served the cultivation of teachers. A more practical orientation in education that will concentrate on subjects that will enable the graduates to pursue careers in state administration, trade and industry became a common demand. It is interesting that among these demanded subjects is the instruction of Turkish. Despite the new linguistic hierarchy that identified Greek with progress, possession of reading and writing skills in Ottoman Turkish continued to be valued because it also formed a privileged instrument in advancement and modernization. Thus, the introduction of Turkish together with French in curricula

which seems to be contradictory with the priorities of the increasingly dominant Greek nationalism seems no more when one considers that Ottoman Turkish until the end of the empire continued to be an asset in advancement. Ottoman Turkish retained

its prestige and towards the end of the century its proper instruction gained priority for advancement in professional life.

As it is stated above the editors of Anatoli attributed the moral degradation and increased criminality that they perceived among Anatolians primarily to the lack of religious and moral education. The paper increasingly defended before anything else a religious and moral oriented education that would instill to the students the fear of God and loyalty to authorities. The editors of Anatoli defended that the church and the school were like soul and skin. The elevation of the standing, status and education of local priesthood became an important issue against the spread of missionaries.

This attitude concerning an increased emphasis on the religious and moral content of education is in total compliance with Benjamin Fortna.s assertion concerning the Hamidian effort to foster religio-moral development through education. Contrary to traditional views that evaluates schools established by the state as agents of an inevitable process of secularization, Fortna emphasizes the hybrid nature of the Ottoman schools that while on the one hand employ an overtly Western system on the other hand their ideological content acquired increasingly a moral and Islamic character. In this sense he rejects the traditional dichotomic view of Ottoman education that sees a stark contrast between traditional and modern or secular schools. 1027 Thus the views advocated by the editors of Anatoli concerning moral education are highly compatible with the wider Ottoman context.

As mentioned above the emphasis on moral education far from being a remnant of

1027 Fortna, 2000, pp. 369-393.

the past coincided also with the contemporary trends in elementary education in Western Europe.

It is worth mentioning that the views of the literaty segment of Anatolian Orthodox in the Karamanlidika press reveals a strong sense of local or even an Anatolian consciousness. According to them the education that suited Anatolians not only should have to be religious and moral but it should also be consistent with the local conditions, character and customs of Anatolians. Not only education but also the bishops nominated to Anatolian provinces ought to be suitable to the character, language and values of Anatolians and should have to be Anatolian origin instead of foreigners. In order to defend Orthodoxy and for the Orthodox to understand fully the meaning of the liturgy the editors of Anatoli even proposed as a necessary measure the translation and performing the majority of the liturgies in Turkish.

Anatoli on the one hand strongly supported the integration of Anatolian Orthodox to the wider Ottoman Rum millet, on the other it defended that this integration can be achieved only through giving emphasis to local values, morals and habits that could be defended by religious leaders of Anatolian origin. The editors of Anatoli consistently emphasized that the Anatolian Orthodox formed the most obedient and faithful part of the undividable Rum Orthodox millet. While prioritizing the needs of the Anatolian Orthodox, emphasizing their moral and cultural peculiarities and defending their rights inside the Ottoman Greek millet, the newspaper consciously denied any attempt to define the interests of Anatolians

outside or independent from the Orthodox millet in general. Therefore for Anatoli the Anatolian Rum Orthodox Christian. was an inseparable part of the Ottoman Rum millet. In other words, while on the one hand it constantly emphasized the superiority and distinctiveness of Anatolian customs, manners, values, character and morals to

those Rums of Rumeli or coastal places, on the other hand this distinctiveness did not separate the Anatolian Orthodox from the wider body of the Rum Orthodox millet.

The development of education in the triangle constituted by Kayseri, NevGehir and Nide was slow and unsystematic. Despite the socioeconomic differences of the towns and villages of the region during the end of the nineteenth century all of them possessed at least one primary level school. In larger and wealthier communities like NevGehir and Sinasos there were also semi-gymnasiums. Many communities had also girls. schools and kindergartens. The schools in the compound of the monastery of John the Forerunner the Theological Seminary of Kayseri and the Central Girls. School formed obviously the top of the local educational hierarchy for the students of both sexes.

The present study attempted to demonstrate the complex interrelationships between different actors in shaping the educational and communal affairs of Turkish speaking Anatolian Orthodox. The picture we obtain from the investigation of the schools, especially those sheltered in the monastic compound of the monastery of John the Forerunner contrasts with the idyllic presentations of the history of Ottoman Greek education in conventional Greek historiography. Rather than a homogenous entity what we find is a socially, economically, culturally, linguistically and ideologically fragmented community in which different actors tries to assert themselves and to direct this process through factional politics. The expenses for the normal functioning of the schools formed the primary item in the expenses of the

local community and thus most of the time it formed the principal reason for additional taxpaying. Therefore, this aspect of the educational system together with the the question of what would be the specific orientation of education turn into the primary subjects of factional strifes inside the communities.

Despite the horizontal and vertical development of the educational institutions of the region towards the end of the century, there were opposing and mostly negative statements concerning their success. It is impossible to answer the question whether the process of Hellenization among the Turkish speaking Anatolian Orthodox met with absolute success. But on the dissemination of Greek the answer of the question seems to be more on the side of negative. For example according to Richard Dawkins, despite the efforts made by the schools and the societies, in many places of Cappadocia Turkish was still threatening the Greek language altogether. He cites many examples of this: Two other villages have quite recently given up Greek in favor of Turkish; these are Andaval, not far from Semendere and near the road from Nigde to Misti, and Limna or Limnos a little way east of Axo. Andaval is a village of some two thousand inhabitants, all Christian; Karolidhis says that Greek was recently spoken but had then (1884) almost disappeared. Limna is recorded by Rizos (1856) as a Greek speaking village, but the language is now said to be understood by a few old people only. Or in Uluaa the Greek is in an extremely corrupt condition, and is bound shortly to disappear as a vernacular in favor of Turkish. I have even heard women talking Turkish to their children, a sure sign of the approaching extinction of the Greek dialect.1028 According to the Greek consulate in Konya in 1916, the Orthodox Christians of Cappadocia were ignorant, vulgar and rude. They were in a state of national degeneration since although they had Greek origins they were like the Turks.1029 In 1920, the authors of the centennial of the schools of NevGehir confessed that despite the passage of one hundred years from the establishment of schools Turkish was still the language used among the people. But

1028 Dawkins, 1916, pp. 11 and 18.

1029 Anagnostopoulou, 1997, p. 543.

they were hopeful that in the future with the help of the local school network Greek would prevail in the houses at least.1030 Krinopoulos is also among those who believe that there is the danger of the total abolition of Greek in central Asia Minor; for example, he mentions that many national folk songs have been replaced by Turkish ones.1031

1030 NevGehir Mekteplerinin,1920, pp. 106-7. While despite the existence of a kindergarten, a girls. and a boys. school that applied the astiki method and an educational society called Improvement (.........), the Orthodox community of Ankara had remained Turcophone until the exchange of population, Greek being used only in the school. Anastasios K. Iordanoglou, . ............ ......... ... ....... (The Greek-Orthodox community of Ankara), . .... .... ....... vol. 2, 1994, p. 166.

1031 Krinopoulos, 1889, pp. 15-7.

1032 Ioannidis, 1896, p. 90.

While Ioannis Ioannides, a member of the local intelligentsia, in his preface of his book ......... .............. . .......... ......... (Metropolitans of Kayseri and Various Information) published in 1896, was very optimistic for the diffusion and increased usage of the language of religion among the youth of NevGehir due to the progress and order of its schools,1032 in 1913 he felt obliged to apologize for the use of Karamanlidika in the Calendar of 1914 of the Society of Papa Georgios. In his introductory article of the calendar he tries to counter the criticisms about the language of the book. Ioannidis asks how many of our compatriots know sufficiently Greek and how many do not. For Ioannidis the number of those who do not know Greek is very high. He also questions the Greek taught in schools by asking whether those who completed the schools of their country could preserve the Greek they had instructed there. Thus for Ioannidis due to the vast number of those who do not speak Greek the use of Turkish (tarz-

ifademiz) in publishing activities had to be continued for some time.1033 We have also seen above the rather exaggerated statement of the editor of Anatoli in 1890 Soullides, who stated that despite the passage of more than twenty years from the establishment of first girls. schools in the province, their graduates were totally unable to speak Greek. While we saw ample examples above that for the editors of the newspaper, in the last decade of the century the education in Anatolia was in decline.

1033 Ioannis Ioannidis, .................. ....... (Calendar-National Education), ............. ........... . ..... 1914 (Constantinople: Protopapa and Sas, 1913), p. 15.

The introductions of books in Karamanlidika published towards the end of the nineteenth century or the first decade of the twentieth century are full of that kind of apologies for the use of Turkish, which is a good indicator of the degree of success of the diffusion of Greek in Turkish speaking communities. It is interesting that Ioannides who was very active in publishing texts in Karamanlidika refer to this only as a transitory situation that would be left after the re-acquisition of Greek. Even the editors of Anatoli admitted that their paper had a transitory character. The progress of the Anatolian Orthodox that it was claiming to serve ceaselessly for decades, endangered its existence and development. But despite some fragmented progress the editors argued that there was still a long period of time before ending

publication in Greek letters (Rumi huruf). In that sense, as their editors claimed, Anatoli sought to be a great school (mekteb) for Anatolian Orthodox which tried to inculcate its reader.s religious/ethnic identification and loyalties and cultural homogeneity and standardization. Thus, the literary and publishing production in Karamanlidika was always seen by the contemporaries as a transitory phase that will cease to exist when the Anatolian Orthodox regain completely their lost

language. Even those who earn their living from Karamanlidika publishing seems to have adopted this stance and never saw it as a permanent form of literary production.

But at this point it would be a legitimate claim to argue that schooling reinforced the knowledge of Turkish.1034 This could be seen as bizarre but education served the reinforcement of Turkish speaking in two ways. On the one hand Turkish lessons became increasingly part of school curricula even before the government had made them compulsory because as it is demonstrated above most of the time the local population demanded strongly the instruction of Ottoman Turkish as a primary vehicle in pursuing careers in state service but also in trade. On the other hand the literacy acquired in the school increased the number of potential readers that could consume the Karamanlidika literary production. In that sense education served both the increase in Karamanlidika publications and the acquisition of Ottoman Turkish on the basis of local Turkish that pupils already possessed as vernacular. The establishment of new schools contributed also to the process of almost extinction of local dialects of Greek. As we saw quite different local dialects of Greek were spoken in even neighboring villages of the region. These local dialects were threatened not only from the spread of Turkish but also by the development of the school system which started to replace the local dialect with a standardized form of Greek. R. M. Dawkins observes this in the region of Sinasos, which was one of the rare places where Greek had retained its dominance among the population. Dawkins states that the old dialect has now almost disappeared under the influence of the excellent schools and close connection with Constantinople.1035 He also claims,

1034 Hatziiosif, 2005, p. 340.

1035 Dawkins, 1916, p. 3.

after his visit to Aravan that despite the absence of the Turks there which gives the local dialect more chance for survival, it will however probably yield in time to the common Greek taught at the school.1036

1036 Ibid., p. 15.

1037 cited in Kitromilides, 1994, pp. 173-4.

1038 The People of Turkey: Twenty Years.Residence Among the Bulgarians, Greeks, Albanians, Turks and Armenians, vol. 2, Stanley Lane Poole (ed.), (London: John Murray, 1878), p. 188.

1039 ............. ........... . ..... 1914 (Dersaadet: Protopapa and Sas, 1913), p. 159.

1040 For Ramsay those who are called Greeks are a religion not a nation. They have nothing in

common except the creed and ceremonial of the Orthodox Church. W. M.Ramsay, Impressions of Turkey During Twelve Years. Wanderings (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1897), p. 240.

But there were also favorable statements about the success of educational institutions in the acquisition of Greek. For example in the early 1860s, a French archeologist, Georges Perrot who visited among other the primary and Hellenic schools of Ktahya and Ankara concluded with confidence that the entire generation growing up now will talk Greek.1037 In 1878 Poole stated that even the lite of the Greek society of Broussa thirty years ago had lost the use of their mothertongue, replacing it by broken Turkish. Since then, the introduction of schools has been the means of restoring the use of their own language to the great majority of the people. While he observes that one portion of the city was still ignorant because the families were sending their girls at a very early age to the silk factories, even the inhabitants of the surrounding villages, in all of which Greek schools have now been established, have learnt their national language.1038 In Agios Konstantinos, which was an old village south of mount Erciyes at 8 hour distance from Kayseri, the language that was spoken by the 140 Orthodox households of the village was Turkish but Greek had started to be spoken because of the schools.1039 Ramsay argues that the Greeks1040 of Kayseri, Nide or Bor had forgot their Greek until the revification of

the western spirit in the last generation produced a revival of the language.1041 At the same time he observes that the Greeks of the villages had retained their native language but he adds that it is a very interesting tongue which is very difficult for one who had used to the Aegean Greek to understand it. According to Capt. Frederick Burnaby who visited Yozgat in 1876 the Greeks of the city, who like the Armenian inhabitants of the city spoke and wrote in Turkish but with Greek or Armenian characters, were reacquiring the language of their ancestors thanks to the newly established schools. The present generation of children can most of them speak as well as write, in the language of their ancestors.1042 While according to Ioannis Tsourouktis, a resident of Endirlik, in the first decade of the twentieth century the Turcophone students of the local school were excellent (.......) in both ancient and modern Greek.1043

1041 Ibid., p. 243.

1042 Capt. Frederick Burnaby, , On Horseback Through Asia Minor (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), pp. 104-105.

1043 Tsourouktsis, 1954, p. 72.

Despite these differing evaluations on the success of the educational endeavors concerning the dissemination of Greek, the empire.s dissolution following World War I and the events that led to the Population Exchange prevented the full course of this process. In any case as Kitromilides argues, the introduction of Greek nationalism in the Orthodox communities of Cappadocia reversed the well advanced process of integration of the Turkish-speaking Orthodox to their Muslim compatriots. In the 1870.s when the foundation and spread of modern schools had begun, not only had the language ceased to be barrier, but also popular religion with its traditional syncretism provided an element of psychological integration at the basis of Christian and Muslim communal life an element that bridged instead of

reinforcing ethnic separateness. 1044 Education stopped and reversed this process of social and cultural integration and created a sense of Greek national identity and feeling among the younger generations. Despite the occasional expression of a local or Anatolian Orthodox conscience inside the Ottoman Greek millet, most of the time in response to defamatory arguments concerning their Turcophony, a political and cultural program that will emphasize their ethnic distinctiveness from the Rum millet in the sense of Bulgarian or Albanian examples never took hold. While the Anatolian Orthodox elites and the newly emerging literate stratum adopted by and large the ideological program of the centers of the Ottoman Greek Orthodox millet. Until the exchange of populations the cultural and ideological program of integration to the Greek Orthodox millet/nation retained its hegemonic position and remained as the most convincing program for achieving progress and prosperity.

1044 Paschalis Kitromilides, Greek Irredentism in Asia Minor and Cyprus,Middle Eastern Studies, vol. 26, no: 1,1990, pp. 5-6.

APPENDIX

Table 1: Schedule of the Schools of the Archbishopric of Constantinople (1912)

Lessons

First Class

Second Class

Third Class

Fourth Class

Fifth

Class

Sixth Class

Hours

Religion

10

Greek Writting

11

11

10

12

62

Turkish

French

Mathematics

17

Geometry

History

Geography

Object Lesson

Natural History

Commerce

Handicraft

11

Singing Lesson

Drawing

11

Gymnastics

12

Experimental Physics

Chemistry

Hours

24

24

29

29

36

36

Table 2: Schedule of the Weekly Instruction of the Astiki Schools for Boys with 6 classes of the Bishopric of Kayseri - Cappadocia1045

1045 .......... ......... ... ...... ....... ...... ... ....... ... ... ...... ... ........ .......... ........... (Analytical Program of the Astiki Schools with six Classes of Males and Females of the Province of Kayseri of Cappadocia), (Constantinople: Protopapa kai Sas 1912) p. 33.

Lessons

First Class

Second Class

Third Class

Fourth

Class

Fifth Class

Sixth Class

Hours

Religion

10

Greek Writting

11

11

10

10

60

Turkish

French

Mathematics

17

Geometry

History

Geography

Object Lesson

Natural History

Commerce

Handicraft

10

Singing Lesson

Drawing

10

Gymnastics

12

Experimental Physics

Chemistry

Agronomy

Hours

24

24

29

34

36

36

182

Table 3: Schedule of the Weekly Instruction of the Astiki Schools for Girls with 6 classes of the Bishopric of Kayseri - Cappadocia1046

1046 .......... ......... ... ...... ....... ...... ... ....... ... ... ...... ... ........ .......... ........... (Analytical Program of the Astiki Schools with six Classes of Males and Females of the Province of Kayseri of Cappadocia), (Constantinople: Protopapa kai Sas 1912) p. 34.

Lessons

First Class

Second Class

Third Class

Fourth

Class

Fifth Class

Sixth Class

Hours

Religion

10

Greek Writting

11

11

11

11

62

French

Mathematics

17

Geometry

History

Geography

Object Lesson

Natural History

Commerce

Handiwork

16

Singing Lesson

Drawing

12

Gymnastics

12

Experimental Physics

Chemistry

Hours

24

24

30

33

36

36

182

Table 4: Schedule of the Kindergartners Training School in 1912-3

Monday

Preparatory

First class

Second class

8:00 9:00

Technical lessons

Technical lessons

Handiwork

9:00 10:00

Drawing

Greek

Froebelian Presents

10:00 11:00

Religion

Physics

Froebelian Presents

11:00 12:00

Greek

Froebelian Theory

Method of Instruction

14:00 15:00

Mathematics

French

Physics

15:00 16:00

History

Technical lessons

Mathematics

16:00 17:00

Technical lessons

Technical lessons

Technical lessons

Tuesday

Preparatory

First class

Second class

8:00 9:00

French

Greek

Froebel Theory

9:00 10:00

Froebel Theory

Psychology

Froebelian presents

10:00 11:00

Singing lesson

Singing lesson

Greek

11:00 12:00

Greek

Hygiene

Method of Instruction

13:00 14:00

French

14:00 15:00

Physics

Handiwork

Sewing

15:00 16:00

Drawing

History

Pedagogy

16:00 17:00

Gymnastics

Gymnastics

Gymnastics

Wendesday

Preparatory

First class

Second class

8:00 9:00

Rhythmics

Rhythmics

Greek

9:00 10:00

Family Economy

Greek

Nursing

10:00 11:00

Greek

Religion

Froebelian presents

11:00 12:00

Greek

Froebelian Theory

Froebelian presents

14:00 15:00

Mathematics

Drawing

Drawing

15:00 16:00

Plastic Arts

Plastic Arts

History

16:00 17:00

Plastic Arts

Plastic Arts

Froebelian Work

Thursday

Preparatory

First class

Second class

8:00 9:00

Geography

Handiwork

Greek

9:00 10:00

French

Greek

Drawing

10:00 11:00

Greek

Frobelian Gifts

Garden Management

11:00 12:00

Greek

Hygiene

Garden Management

13:00 14:00

Rhetoric

Rhetoric

Rhetoric

14:00 15:00

Physics

Drawing

Mathematics

15:00 16:00

History

Mathematics

Pedagogy

16:00 17:00

Sewing

Sewing

French

Friday

Preparatory

First class

Second class

8:00 9:00

Handiwork

Physics

Froebelian Gifts

9:00 10:00

Handiwork

Greek

Froebelian Gifts

10:00 11:00

Greek

Method of Instruction

Religion

11:00 12:00

Greek

Method of Instruction

Singing Lesson

14:00 15:00

Geography

History

Physics

15:00 16:00

Mathematics

Mathematics

Technical

16:00 17:00

Singing Lesson

Singing Lesson

Singing Lesson

Saturday

Preparatory

First class

Second class

8:00 9:00

Calligraphy

Calligraphy

Greek

9:00 10:00

Domestic Economy

Psychology

Nursing

10:00 11:00

Greek

French

Froebelian theory

11:00 12:00

Gymnastics

Gymnastics

Gymnastics

14:00 15:00

Religion

Religion

Religion

15:00 16:00

Domestic Economy

Domestic Economy

Domestic Economy

16:00 17:00

Domestic Economy

Domestic Economy

Domestic Economy

APPENDIX B

Analytic Program of the Preparatory Class

Greek: Ancient language. Interpretation from Xenophon and Plutarch.

Grammar:

Synthetical Exercises: Syntheses referred to different events and problems of practical life

Orthographic exercises

Mathematics: Entire of the practical Mathematics of Hatzidakis.

History: Ancient Greece and Rome until Great Constantine.

Physics: Elements of zoology.

Geography: Europe, Ottoman Empire and Greece in detail

Froebelian Gifts:

House Economy: The place of Greek women generally as a mistress of the house. Airing and heating of the house. Cleanness of the house and of the kitchen utensils etc.

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