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MetonymyandMetaphor inMartinLutherKing,Jr.'sSpeeches
Acognitiveapproach

Gutachter:
Prof.Dr.UrsulaSchaefer Dr.BeatrixWeber

Vorgelegtvon:
Name: Studiengang: Geburtsdatum: Adresse: EMail: AlexanderMller LehramtGymnasiumMathematik/Englisch 09.01.1986 Schnbrunnstr.3,01097Dresden alexander.mueller8@mailbox.tudresden.de

Matrikelnummer: 3265725

Dresden,den04.10.2010

TableofContents
1. Introduction...........................................................................................................................................................1 2. Martin Luther King, Jr. Historical Background.........................................................................................2 3. Metonymy.............................................................................................................................................................4 3.1 Theoretical Background..............................................................................................................................4 3.2 Analysis of King's Speeches.......................................................................................................................5 4. Metaphor................................................................................................................................................................7 4.1 Theoretical Background..............................................................................................................................7 4.2 Motivation for usage of metaphor in political speeches......................................................................8 4.3 Conceptual metaphors...............................................................................................................................10 4.3.1 Image schemas....................................................................................................................................13 4.4 Novel metaphors.........................................................................................................................................19 4.4.1 Image metaphors................................................................................................................................19 4.4.2 Personification....................................................................................................................................27 4.5 Metareflection on metaphors...................................................................................................................29 5. Conclusion...........................................................................................................................................................31 6. Bibliography........................................................................................................................................................32 7. Declaration..........................................................................................................................................................34 8. Appendix..............................................................................................................................................................A 8.1 "I Have a Dream" Speech.........................................................................................................................A1 8.2 Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech..............................................................................................................A5 8.3 "I've Been to the Mountaintop" Speech................................................................................................A8

Metonymy and Metaphor in Martin Luther King, Jr.'s Speeches. A.Mller, 2010

1. Introduction

Political speeches are a common experience, but most of us have a two-minded opinion about them: the majority of political speeches is dull, unimaginative and makes promises that cannot be kept. But a minority of speeches seems to have that certain something, which distinguishes them from all the others, which take you on a journey and leave their mark in our minds. What is it that makes them so special? My hypothesis is that utilisation of metonymy and metaphor plays a key role in making a lasting impression. The goal of this paper is to examine the strategies of metaphor and metonymy from a cognitive point of view, and to ask whether we can communicate without them. Each of the chapters on metonymy and metaphor will provide theoretical background before turning to concrete examples from three of Martin Luther King, Jr.'s speeches. Most importantly, possible motivations for the use of metaphor in political speeches will be outlined and supported by speech samples.

Metonymy and Metaphor in Martin Luther King, Jr.'s Speeches. A.Mller, 2010

2. MartinLutherKing,Jr.HistoricalBackground

Before turning to theoretical considerations about metonymy and metaphor, I want to provide some historical background. This section is meant to support the reader in identifying the general context of the examined speeches, whilst more detailed historical references in concrete examples of met onymy and metaphor will be presented in the following chapters. Martin Luther King, Jr. is deemed one of the most influential speakers in American history. As a matter of fact, King's birthday is celebrated as a national holiday in the US a privilege that is oth erwise reserved for former presidents only (Degnan-Veness 2003: 1). At first, I will outline the situ ation for African Americans in the 19th century and then specify King's contributions. In 1865, the Thirteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution abolished slavery (DegnanVeness 2003: 6). The black population, however, was alienated by segregation laws (also called Jim Crow laws), e.g. black people could not go to white people's restaurants, hotels, churches, theatres or schools (Degnan-Veness 2003: 6). In 1896, segregation of blacks was upheld by the U.S. Supreme Court for all states (Degnan-Veness 2003: 6). The first organisation to tackle segregation on a large scale was the NAACP (National Associ ation for the Advancement of Colored People) founded by W. E. B. Du Bois and others in 1909 (Deg nan-Veness 2003: 7). The NAACP was successful: segregation in educational facilities was made illegal on the state level in 1954 (Degnan-Veness 2003: 7). Coloured citizens in the Southern states, however, were still denied the right to vote. Many other laws still legitimised segregation, and there was little chance to fight racist laws in primarily white courts. At this point, Martin Luther King, Jr. sounded the bell for a new era of the Civil Rights Movement: the era of non-violent direct action. Martin Luther King, Jr. was born on 15 th of January, 1929, in Atlanta, Georgia into a family of preachers. King's grandfather and his own father studied at Morehouse College for blacks in Atlanta and became Baptist preachers at Atlanta's Ebenezer Baptist Church (Degnan-Veness 2003: 3). The same career was envisaged for King by his father. King studied at Morehouse College in Atlanta, Georgia, and Crozer Theological Seminary in Chester, Pennsylvania, and took a doctoral degree in 1955 in Boston, Massachusetts (Degnan-Veness 2003: 3). Twenty-five-year-old King returned to the South to preach at Dexter Avenue Baptist Church in Montgomery, Alabama (Degnan-Veness 2003: 3).

Metonymy and Metaphor in Martin Luther King, Jr.'s Speeches. A.Mller, 2010

King's dream was for black and white people to live together peacefully (Degnan-Veness 2003: 1). Influenced by Thoreau's and Gandhis ideas of non-violence, King realised that he needed to raise people's awareness for segregation with the power of words and peaceful direct action. In 1955, Martin Luther King, Jr. became president of the MIA (Montgomery Improvement Association), which organised the influential Montgomery bus boycott. In co-operation with his friend and preacher Ralph Abernathy, King organized a thirteen-year campaign that changed the nation (Deg nan-Veness 2003: 7). Inspired by the bus boycott success, the SCLC (Southern Christian Leadership Conference) was founded to support and coordinate non-violent direct action. King was among the founders and was elected its first president in 1957. The SCLC played a major role in the American Civil Rights Move ment in abolishing segregation and restoring suffrage in the South (Degnan-Veness 2003: 16). King gained popularity and influence as he travelled across the country delivering speeches. Three of those speeches form the basis of this paper; their circumstances are outlined below. The "I Have a Dream" speech is seen as a defining moment in the American Civil Rights Move ment. It was recognised as the top speech of the 21 st century in a poll among scholars of American public address (Lucas & Medhurst 1999). On August 28 th, 1963, King delivered the famous speech from the steps of the Lincoln Memorial in front of 200,000 people. It was part of the March on Wash ington for Jobs and Freedom, which increased pressure on US Congress to advance civil rights legis lation (Carson 2009). TIME magazine subsequently labelled him Man of the Year in 1963. In 1964, King became the youngest recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize, which was awarded to him for leading non-violent resistance to racial prejudice in the United States (Wintle 2001: 272). He received the prize in Oslo on December 10 th, 1964, and showed his gratitude in his Nobel Peace Prize acceptance speech. Later on, the Selma to Montgomery marches lead by Martin Luther King, Jr. induced the Voting Rights Act of 1965, effectively establishing voting rights for the black population. In the course of his life, King broadened his critique of segregation into a critique of the threefold evil of racism, mater ialism and militarism (Deats 2008: 11). King's last public speech took place one day before his assas sination, on April 3rd, 1968 (Degnan-Veness 2003: 38). At the Mason Temple in Memphis, Tennessee, King addressed workers involved in the Memphis Sanitation Strike in his "I've Been to the Moun taintop" speech. In all of his public speeches, King drew on his education and experience as a preacher. Therefore, not all of his appearances can be clearly classified as sermon or political speech. For example, even though the "I Have a Dream" speech was delivered outside church, it resembles the style of a Baptist
Metonymy and Metaphor in Martin Luther King, Jr.'s Speeches. A.Mller, 2010 3

sermon and features citations of the Bible. Schulke and McPhee (2005: 119) consider it a fervent, emotional sermon, forged out of the language of Christianity and the spirit of democracy. The "I've Been to the Mountaintop" is also written in the style of a sermon but is still sometimes regarded a visionary political speech due to content and audience. I have chosen the three mentioned speeches in regard to their public and political impact and will therefore refer to 'political speech' throughout this paper.

3. Metonymy

3.1 TheoreticalBackground
If we go by the definition of Taylor (2003: 125), metonymy is a figure of speech whereby the name of one entity e1 is used to refer to another entity, e 2, which is contiguous to, or which is associated with e1. The connection between the two entities is achieved by a referring function, which can have a number of forms: the name of the container can be used for its content, the name of a producer can refer to his products, the name of a token can refer to the type, or a salient part can be used to refer to the whole (synecdoche). Metaphor will be covered more extensively later in this paper, but it is vital to understand the difference between metonymy and metaphor. Both use one term in place of another, only in meta phor, the substitution is based on similarity of entities from different domains, whereas in met onymy, the substitution is based on contiguity of entities from the same domain. For example, the metaphor symphony of brotherhood (A3 l.89) features a perceived similarity of brotherhood and a symphony. On the other hand, the example of metonymy Memphis is not being fair to them (A10 l.65) features contiguity of the geographical place name and the city government of Memphis. Clearly, this metonymy does not feature similarity: the city of Memphis is not like the city govern ment of Memphis rather, it is associated with it.

Metonymy and Metaphor in Martin Luther King, Jr.'s Speeches. A.Mller, 2010

3.2 AnalysisofKing'sSpeeches1
Let us look into some examples now. An instance of metonomy in Dr King's speeches is the singular usage of the Negro2 to refer to all African Americans. It is used with high frequency in the "I Have a Dream" speech: the Negro still is not free (A1 l.7), the Negro's legitimate discontent (A2 l.30), the Negro is the victim (A2 l.51) and the Negro's basic mobility (A2 l.53). Further occurrences can be found in A1 l.9, l.10 and A2 l.31, l.32, l.34. Another interesting example is We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote (A2 l.56). Here, the use of the indefinite article theoretically allows the interpretation that the utterance refers to two individuals only. Instead, we intuitively understand the utterance via metonymy. To us, it is clear that not only a single African American in Mississippi is denied the right to vote but that a Negro in Mississippi stands for all African Americans in the state of Missis sippi. The Nobel Peace Prize acceptance speech and the "I've Been to the Mountaintop" speech usu ally feature the plural Negroes. The only exception is formed by the American Negro collectively is richer than most nations of the world (A12 l.131) where a literal, non-metonymic interpretation would be even impossible since a single person cannot be collectively rich. Later on, Martin Luther King, Jr. cites a letter from a ninth-grade student: I read in the paper of your misfortune (A15 l.228). Here, the material paper refers to a copy of a certain issue of a spe cific newspaper. This can be interpreted as a special case of container referring to content when the paper is seen as the container, and information as content. Furthermore, a date can be used as a reference to an event, for instance Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning (A2 l.32). The year of the speech serves as a benchmark for all efforts associated with the Civil Rights movement. (The metaphoric statement about end and beginning will be dealt with in the chapter on conceptual metaphors.) Dates can also be used to refer to con cepts of time itself, such as today and tomorrow (A3 l.67), meaning the present and the future. Since the concept of future is hard to grasp fully (who can imagine a never-ending period of time?), it makes sense to use a term that is easier to comprehend instead. By using notions rooted in daily life and experience, a speaker can keep his audience more focused on the subject matter and create the positive impression of using clear and plain language.
1 The speeches analysed for this paper are the "I Have a Dream" speech (1963), Nobel Peace Prize acceptance speech (1964) and the "I've Been to the Mountaintop" speech (1968). Page numbers and lines of quotations are stated for easy reference. In addition, the quotations are underlined in the source texts as follows: metonymy, conceptual metaphor, image metaphor. 2 Note that Negro used to be accepted as normal and became considered to be an ethnic slur only during the 1960s (Henderson: 2003). The American Civil Rights movement proposed to supersede Negro with black and African American due to its association with the long history of slavery, segregation, and discrimination.
Metonymy and Metaphor in Martin Luther King, Jr.'s Speeches. A.Mller, 2010 5

The utterance we aren't going to let any dogs or water hoses turn us around (A11 l.104) refers to the Demonstrations Against Segregation in Birmingham, Alabama, in 1963, where peaceful pro testers were attacked by police dogs and splattered with water cannons (New York Times). The met onymic contraction lies in the fact that actually, it is not the dogs that drive back the protesters. Rather, the protesters fear of being bitten by the dogs makes them retreat. Besides, King does not mean any dogs but police dogs trained to show aggressive behaviour and bite people on command. Similarly, it is not the water hose that has the capacity to disband a protest march. The vigorous jet of cold water emanating from the hose is what causes discomfort in the protesters. However, inter preting the utterance only in relation to police dogs and water cannons still falls short of the whole picture. Dogs or water hoses has to be interpreted in a more general way: King wants to say that no form of physical opposition will end the protesters determination to continue their activism. Note that we have additionally decoded the metaphor turn somebody around as break some body's motivation. A similar example is amid today's motor bursts and whining bullets (A6 l.44), where trying to identify the specific motor explosions and gunshots is a fallacious endeavour. King deliberately men tions unspecific events of car explosions and flying bullets to refer to the general turmoil that goes with the Civil Rights Campaign. In the following quotation, King deliberately uses a fuzzy term to refer to a specific legal document: Maybe I could understand the denial of certain basic First Amendment privileges, be cause they [totalitarian regimes] hadn't committed themselves to that over there. But somewhere I read of the freedom of assembly. Somewhere I read of the freedom of speech. Somewhere I read of the freedom of the press. Somewhere I read that the great ness of America is the right to protest for right. (A11 l.100) Somewhere clearly refers to the First Amendment of the United States Constitution. Probably Mr King explicitly mentioned the First Amendment in the preceding sentence to make this utterance easy to comprehend for his audience. However, the last occurrence of somewhere forms an excep tion. It is not clear what document Mr King is referring to because the specific utterance is not part of any official legal document. There are also examples of synecdoche in Martin Luther King, Jr.'s speeches: I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. (A3 l.71) The synecdoche is red hills

Metonymy and Metaphor in Martin Luther King, Jr.'s Speeches. A.Mller, 2010

of Georgia, which stands for the whole state of Georgia. Later in the "I Have a Dream" speech, Dr King uses a whole string of synecdoche (Zulick 2010): [] let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado. Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California. [] Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. (A4 l.98-106) In this sequence, prominent geographic features of several states are invoked to refer to the whole state. The metaphor of freedom ringing like a bell will be dealt with later, but it must be pointed out that the metaphor relies on the fact that all geographic references feature hills or elevations. We have found a number of metonymical utterances in Martin Luther King, Jr.'s speeches. The examples drew on the contiguity between entities in a given conceptual frame. Metonymy is usually not recognised but still comprehended easily because the meaning of the utterance is contextually modulated (Cruse 1986: 52f) without noticeable cognitive effort for the listener. We will now turn to another phenomenon that is comprehended unconsciously: metaphor.

4. Metaphor

4.1 TheoreticalBackground
The traditional view is that metaphor can be found primarily in the realm of poetic or figurative language, and that everyday language has no metaphor (Lakoff 1993: 202). And indeed, when we think of metaphor, examples like Death is the mother of beauty (Wallace Stevens, Sunday Morning) immediately come to mind. However, from a cognitive linguistic point of view, metaphor is much more than that. Lakoff (1993: 210) even claims that metaphor is not a figure of speech, but a mode of thought. I will try to illustrate this claim in the following sections.

Metonymy and Metaphor in Martin Luther King, Jr.'s Speeches. A.Mller, 2010

The term itself derives from Latin metaphora, which in turn comes from Greek , meaning "transference" (Liddell & Scott: A Greek-English Lexicon). Metaphor is, according to Amer ican cognitive linguist George Lakoff (2006: 232), a mapping across domains, from a source domain, which is usually very concrete, to a target domain, usually more abstract. There is no direct link between these domains, no contiguity as we have found in metonymy. Instead, metaphor is based on perceived similarity between the source and the target. Its motivation is the desire of human beings to express abstract ideas and intangible areas of experience in an easily comprehensible manner. Metaphor accomplishes this enhanced comprehensibility through the usage of the familiar and the concrete. The mapping should not to be seen as an algorithmic process, but rather as a fixed set of ontolo gical correspondences between entities in a source domain and entities in a target domain (Lakoff 2006: 194, 233). Moreover, the mapping is a completely unconscious process (Lakoff 2006: 232), it is asymmetric and partial in the sense that the mapping cannot be reversed in most cases, and that metaphors do not link every item from the source to items in the target domain (Lakoff 2006: 232). These mappings happen on a superordinate level (Lakoff 2006: 195) and obey what Lakoff calls the invariance principle: metaphorical mappings preserve the cognitive topology (i.e. the image-scheme structure) of the source domain, in a way consistent with the inherent structure of the target domain (2006: 199). According to Lakoff and Turner (1989) there are two types of metaphor: conceptual metaphors and novel metaphors. As we will see shortly, conceptual metaphors are highly conventional and fea ture mappings of whole domains, while novel metaphors get invented by speakers and writers to express an individual concept possibly in a way nobody has ever thought of before. Novel meta phors are themselves divided into three subcategories: image metaphors, generic level metaphors and extensions of conceptual metaphors. Before turning to concrete examples for conceptual and novel metaphors, I will discuss possible motivations for a speaker to harness the power of metaphor in political speech.

4.2 Motivationforusageofmetaphorinpoliticalspeeches
There are numerous reasons to use metaphor in a political speech. Two major motivations shall be discussed in the following; one results from the fact that metaphors need to be interpreted, and the other is a result of the communicative conditions of a speech. Political speeches are often used to persuade rather than just report, which means that usually a large part of it focuses on the future. However, predictions that are found wrong later on are dan
Metonymy and Metaphor in Martin Luther King, Jr.'s Speeches. A.Mller, 2010 8

gerous to the reputation of the speaker, so politicians tend to omit concrete statements and rather use constructions that need to be interpreted. Since the interpretation is out of the speakers influence, they cannot be held accountable for it. The other motivation for metaphor springs from a dilemma between the communicative condi tions and the purpose of a political speech. In order to aid understanding of the dilemma, the com municative conditions of a speech shall be outlined first. A speech is delivered orally, but differs from regular conversations in a number of ways. First of all, a speech does not feature bidirectional face-to-face communication. Instead, the delivery of a speech is essentially a one-way presentation. As a consequence, monitoring of information flow is limited: the speaker cannot see if his audience understands the contents of the speech, and listeners cannot inquire about unclear passages. Second, speeches are mostly public, which means that the social relation of speaker and audience is one of distance. The speaker may know a few listeners, and many listeners may be familiar with the speaker but there will always be a large number of perfect strangers. As a consequence, the speech must be based on common knowledge available to anyone, no matter where they come from or what educational background they have. Third, the audience is not limited to those present during delivery. Political speeches are typically recorded and made available to a global audience via broadcast or online sharing; the audience can be distanced from the speaker in both space and time. Hence, the speech needs to stand for itself, i.e. be comprehensible without additional information. Fourth, visionary political speeches usually deal with highly abstract concepts like society, political and economic systems, moral values and many others. The topic is fixed and cannot be changed by interaction with the audience. Actually, the speaker's interaction with the audience is limited to pausing during applause. Now we are able to realise the dilemma of a speaker: the four communicative conditions outlined above characterise a political speech as detached from its audience (Chafe & Danielewicz 1987: 105). But in order to make a lasting impression, a speech needs to be involved with the audience. The speaker must get 'close' to his listeners in order to grab their attention and refer to individual experi ence to be emotionally 'touching.' What appears to be a contradiction can easily be solved by the use of metaphor, which facilitates common experience for abstract domains. Conceptual metaphors draw on immediate human experience, and source domains of image metaphors are at least common ground in the western world. Therefore, metaphor is the perfect tool to build involvement with large audiences. As we have seen in the previous chapter, metonymy can also help the speaker to find plain expressions, such as in the example where tomorrow is used instead of future (A3 l.67). My sug
Metonymy and Metaphor in Martin Luther King, Jr.'s Speeches. A.Mller, 2010 9

gestion is, however, that metaphor is more central to establishing involvement with the audience since it usually utilises the concrete in place of the abstract.

4.3 Conceptualmetaphors
Lakoff and Johnson introduced the term conceptual metaphor to refer to metaphors where both source and target domain are ideas or conceptual domains. Lakoff (1993: 224) claims that much of everyday abstract concepts like time, states, change, emotion, causation and purpose can only be comprehended via metaphor. Consider this example from Martin Luther King, Jr.'s "I Have a Dream" speech, talking about the future of the Civil Rights Movement: We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall al ways march ahead. We cannot turn back. (A2 l.47ff) Here, the political activism of the Civil Rights Movement is conceptualised as a journey of a group of people. This metaphor CAMPAIGNING tination on the journey. Now the power of metaphors comes not only from the mapping of entities from one domain of experience onto entities from another. In addition, metaphors allow the transfer of knowledge about the source domain into the target domain. For example, common knowledge about a journey is that setting off alone can be dangerous and one may not reach the destination. This means that it is safer to travel in a group, as in We cannot walk alone. We instantly understand the utterance by trans ferring this inference into the target domain: campaigning is more likely to be successful when the group of participants is large. Furthermore, a group of travellers is more likely to arrive at their destination if it is spearheaded by an experienced leader or group of leaders, and other people are more likely to join the group if it has a determined leader. By telling his audience we shall always march ahead, King calls on every body to be a co-leader of the movement in order to convince more outsiders to follow, eventually increasing the probability of arriving at their political goals. Also, we know from our everyday experience with journeys that turning back in the face of dif ficulties does not only mean abandoning the destination, but also realising that the travelled way was in vain. This logic is immediately mapped onto the domain of political activism when King pro claims that they cannot turn back.
3 The accepted strategy of naming such mappings has the form TARGET-DOMAIN IS SOURCE-DOMAIN or alternatively TARGETDOMAIN AS SOURCE-DOMAIN (Lakoff 1993: 207)
Metonymy and Metaphor in Martin Luther King, Jr.'s Speeches. A.Mller, 2010 10
IS A JOURNEY
3

consists of a set of ontological correspondences such

as: the protesters correspond to travellers and the protesters' goals correspond to their common des

The underlying principle that enables us to understand these utterances instantly does not lie in the grammar of English, nor in the English lexicon. Rather, it is part of the conceptual system underlying English. It is the principle of understanding the domain of [political activism] in terms of the domain of journeys (Lakoff 1993: 206). Let us look into a few more examples of the CAMPAIGNING
IS A JOURNEY

metaphor. Consider [The

faith in a better future] will give our tired feet new strength as we continue our forward stride toward the city of freedom (A6 l.55). Again, we comprehend the utterance instantly because we apply our knowledge about journeys: after walking long distances our body needs rest and nourish ment in order to be able to go on. In parallel, protesters need psychological nourishment, e.g. hope, to continue their activism. A city is a habitable place and potentially the final destination of a journey the utterance entails not only that freedom is the goal of the movement, but also that it is permanent freedom they are thriving for. An example I have already touched in the chapter on metonymy was just as I say we aren't going to let any dogs or water hoses turn us around, we aren't going to let any injunction turn us around. We are going on (A11 l.104). This is a particularly interesting case because King uses turn somebody around in the literal sense in the first part of the sentence, and the metaphorical sense for the second. The parallel usage expands the impact of his utterance because the impulse to go on refers to holistic determination in both the physical and the psychological realm, including effects of synergy between the two. So far, every realisation of the CAMPAIGNING
IS A JOURNEY

metaphor implied travelling by foot. But

since metaphors operate at the superordinate level (Lakoff 1993: 211), the metaphor can also show realisations incorporating other modes of transport4. For example, King extensively talks about a road leading from Montgomery to Oslo in A5 l.25ff.: The tortuous road which has led from Montgomery, Alabama, to Oslo bears witness to this truth. This is a road over which millions of Negroes are traveling to find a new sense of dignity. This same road has opened for all Americans a new ear of progress and hope. It has led to a new Civil Rights bill, and it will, I am convinced, be widened and lengthened into a superhighway of justice as Negro and white men in increasing numbers create alliances to overcome their common problems.

4 Note that CAMPAIGNING IS A JOURNEY is already a sub-metaphor of LIFE IS A JOURNEY, which has been covered extensively in Lakoff & Johnson (1980).
Metonymy and Metaphor in Martin Luther King, Jr.'s Speeches. A.Mller, 2010 11

By means of the metaphor CAMPAIGNING IS A JOURNEY ON A ROAD he looks back at the history of the Civil Rights Movement since the Montgomery Bus Boycott in 1955. The road leads to Oslo because this is where King received the Nobel Peace Prize, which represents the movement's current status and level of achievement. The metaphor is then extended to include principles and opportunities of the Civil Rights Movement: millions of Negroes are traveling [this road] to find a new sense of dignity (A5 l.26), meaning that many African Americans take up the attitude and follow the tradition of protest of the Civil Rights Movement. King goes on to state that the road has no end in Oslo but will be widened and lengthened into a superhighway of justice (A5 l.29). The term superhighway indicates that the mode of transport is not walking but the car/road system. King is convinced that the Civil Rights Movement will gain more power and attract more followers, which makes a wider road necessary. Moreover, super highway is inofficially used for some of the largest interstate highways of America, which has addi tional implications: according to King's prediction, the movement will become a superlative, main stream project that is accessible for everyone and will allow rapid progress in the future. Note that superhighway of justice is a novel extension of a conceptual metaphor. This new and imaginative use of the mapping CAMPAIGNING
IS A JOURNEY

can be understood instantly because the conceptualisa

tion as a journey is a fixed part of our understanding of the world. Furthermore, we can also map inference patterns about features of landscape onto the domain of political activism. For example let us not wallow in the valley of despair (A3 l.66). King could have said don't become desperate or, a little more precisely, don't let despair paralyse you. Still the latter utterance cannot capture the whole set of implications the mentioned metaphor has. The meta phoric expression conveys so much more: in the CAMPAIGNING
IS A JOURNEY

metaphor, action becomes

conceptualised as movement, and states of affairs as locations. Since movement is the only way to change one's location, taking action is the only way to achieve political and social change. King calls on his audience not only to move, but to leave the valley, implying that leaving a valley is always connected with an effort but also potentially rewarding. Furthermore, climbing a mountain is usu ally connected with better long-distance vision, which increases orientation possibilities it becomes easier to make a considerate decision about which way to go and give reliable information on length and condition of the way to come. All this increases the probability of effectively reaching the Civil Rights Movement's goals. Utilising the CAMPAIGNING IS A JOURNEY metaphor with regard to landscape, Martin Luther King, Jr. could have extended his utterance like this: let us not wallow in the valley of despair. Rather, let us

Metonymy and Metaphor in Martin Luther King, Jr.'s Speeches. A.Mller, 2010

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ascend the mountain of hope. Actually, he uses the image of a mountain in the I Have Been to the Mountaintop speech: I've been to the mountaintop. [I went] up to the mountain. And I've looked over. And I've seen the promised land. I may not get there with you. But I want you to know to night, that we, as a people, will get to the promised land! [] Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord! (A15 l.258ff.) In this metaphor, King assures his audience that the efforts of the movement will lead to the desired goals. He achieves this by conceptualising political struggle as a landscape, where mountains are obstacles to success. As the leader of the movement, he is in charge of navigation but not all black activists believed that he was on the right track. At the time of the speech, many black activists turned their back on non-violent forms of protest; they followed people like Stokely Carmichael and Malcom X who believed that segregation can only be stopped by force. King, on the other hand, deemed non-violence a key principle and wanted to assure people of its power and utility by means of the mountaintop metaphor. Furthermore, the metaphor connects the domain of landscape with that of religion: the prom ised land and the coming of the Lord stand for the goals of the movement. While the main goal is common ground (to end racial discrimination), the long-term goals may differ from individual to individual. They could include a happy life or even justice and peace in the whole world. But King deliberately chose the metaphor over concrete statements in order to satisfy everyone. As I have pointed out in the section on possible motivations of using metaphor, the necessity for interpretation makes them a perfect place-holder for personal opinion. As a result, everyone will understand Kings utterance in a different way, but everybody will associate something positive with it, something that is worth the struggle. Consequently, every individual will have the feeling that they have understood Martin Luther King, Jr., and agree. Creating such a situation can be considered one of the main goals of a political speech. The examples of CAMPAIGNING
IS A JOURNEY

show in accord with Lakoff (1993: 208) that metaphors

are not mere words, i.e. that metaphor does not operate on the level of language but on the level of thought. The linguistic expression is only the materialisation of the underlying conceptual structure. This claim is supported by the following inference: if metaphors were only linguistic phenomena, every expression would constitute a distinct metaphor with no link to another. But since we find an entire set of realisations of a single metaphor, CAMPAIGNING IS A JOURNEY, the realisations must have the same (cognitive) root.

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4.3.1 Imageschemas We have dealt with conceptualisation as a journey in the previous section, but there are other ways of conceptualising abstract notions. Lakoff (1987: 271ff) suggests that many areas of experience are structured metaphorically by the means of image schemas. Image schemas are spatial relations used to structure cognitive processes to establish patterns of understanding and reasoning (Johnson 1987). Apart from the already mentioned journey, image schemas may include proximity and distance, mass vs. multiplex conceptualisation, linkage and separation, containment, up-down orientation, place is meaning, linear order and front-back orientation. I will discuss each in the following with the help of quotations from Martin Luther King, Jr.'s speeches. The proximity and distance image schema projects spatial relations onto non-spatial domains like relationships: closest friend and associate (A8 l.3). This is a very common schema, which is used unconsciously on many occasions. The main application of the proximity and distance image schema is to convey the degree of emotional involvement and possibility of mutual influence (Taylor 2003: 135) closeness maps onto intimacy and elevated suggestibility while distance maps onto anonymity and lowered suggestibility. Note that the metaphor P ROXIMITY
IS

INTIMACY is rooted in

everyday experience: we let friends come physically closer than strangers, a fact that has been scien tifically supported by anthropologist Edward T. Hall (1966). Hall's theory of proxemics suggests that social distance between people correlates with physical distance, ranging from public distance (approx. 3.5m and more) to intimate distance (less than 0.5m) 5. The real-world physical distance zones and the linguistic manifestations of the P ROXIMITY IS INTIMACY metaphor are linked through met onymy. Another example is we've got to stay together and maintain unity (A9 l.55), which not only draws on the image schema of proximity/distance but also on unity/multiplicity. The former schema helps to convey the idea that members of the movement should increase possibilities of (positive) mutual influence, i.e. support. The latter schema of unity/multiplicity was proposed by Clausner & Croft (1999: 15) and characterises a set of objects that is conceptualised either as a homogeneous mass or as consisting of individual elements (multiplex). The metaphorical entailment here is that protesters should act as a coherent group because this will have a greater impact on the public. Also, conceptualising the movement as a coherent group will highlight the common ground and put dif ferences in the rear, leading to less intragroup conflict this makes it possible to devote more energy towards the common goal.
5 Hall pointed out that the distances depend on cultural context; the numbers given here refer to Western European standards (Hall 1966).
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Also closely related to the proximity/distance schema is the image schema of linkage and separa tion. In the example many of our white brothers [] have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny (A2 l.45), the abstract link between the fate of two ethnic groups is conceptual ised as a physical tie. Another category is the image schema of containment (Taylor 2003: 135). It evokes a container within a three-dimensional space: objects can be put in or taken out, as in to bring the colored peoples of the world out of their long years of poverty (A9 l.44). The long years of poverty is the container, and non-white individuals are conceptualised as being trapped inside the container, unable to escape without external help. The image schema of up-down orientation deals with spatial orientation within a gravitational field and has a wide range of applications, some of which shall now be examined in further detail. Firstly, there is the metaphor GOOD
IS

UP, BAD

IS

DOWN, which is used extensively for the domain of

(ethical) evaluation throughout the examined speeches: rise to the majestic heights (A2 l.42); high plane of dignity and discipline (A2 l.40); makes him morally incapable of reaching up for the eternal 'oughtness' (A6 l.34). In all of these examples, acting out of moral values is conceptualised physically above action motivated by instinct or base motives. In the domain of quantity, the up-down image schema takes the form of the metaphor MORE UP, LESS
IS IS

DOWN, which is itself connected to the image schema of linear scales (Taylor 2003: 135).

King's utterance poverty [] chains [African Americans] to the lowest rung of the economic ladder (A5 l.10) immediately evokes the common image of a ladder where wealthier people stand on the top rungs and poorer people stand on the lower rungs. Usually this concept serves to illustrate economic mobility, while this quotation seeks to illustrate economic immobility. Further instances of the up-down image schema can be found for the COMMITMENT
IS

UP,

INDIFFERENCE IS DOWN metaphor. It is closely connected to the MOVEMENT IS UP, REST IS DOWN metaphor as we can see from these examples: let us rise up tonight with a greater readiness (A14 l.206) and this nation will rise up (A3 l.69). The concept of rising up is frequently used in political speeches, but the speakers rarely want the people to stand up. Rather, they use language of physical activity to refer to mental and emotional commitment. Consider this additional example: I knew that as they [African American university students] were sitting in [at segregated lunch counters], they were really standing up for the best in the American dream (A15 l.234). Although standing up for some thing in the sense of defending something is now a dead metaphor, emphasis is put on its literal (physical) meaning through the juxtaposition of sitting and standing. This partial reversion of a dead metaphor makes the phrase highly effective and memorable a central aim of a political speech.
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Moreover, evidence for the up-down schema can be found in the metaphor SUCCESS IS UP, DEFEAT IS DOWN: but either we go up together, or we go down together (A13 l.165). As with many other image schemas, it is easy to find experiential basis for the corresponding metaphors: after a real fight, the winner will usually stand upright, while the looser will probably lie on the ground due to injuries or exhaustion. Therefore it seems natural to conceptualise success as 'up' and defeat as 'down'. A last example of the up-down image schema in King's speeches is the metaphor SUPERFICIAL IS UP, PROFOUND IS DOWN. It can be used to convey honesty: in the depths of my heart (A6 l.60) or signific ance: will go down in history (A1 l.1). And once more, we find experiential basis that is shared by all human beings: in our environment, a structure that is meant to last will be based on a solid foundation that is dug deep in the ground (D OWN). In contrast, structures that reach high into the sky without extensive anchoring (UP) are bound to be destroyed by natural force. Given the many different applications of the up-down image schema, one could ask why it is always clear what is mapped onto UP and DOWN. Why, for example, is MORE always UP and not DOWN? The answer lies in experiential basis and the invariance principle. The source domain is clearly structured by experiential knowledge available to all human beings. One can always find a prototypical situation where the metaphor holds true in the real world as I have shown for SUCCESS IS UP, DEFEAT
IS

DOWN and SUPERFICIAL

IS

UP, PROFOUND

IS

DOWN. For example, MORE will always be con

nected to UP because stacking objects or pouring fluid into a container is a common experience. Note that in these explanation attempts, the association is one of metonymy Only when the relation ship is generalized beyond this stereotypical situation one can speak of metaphor (Lakoff 2006: 138). Whether or not we can use the resulting metaphor in a specific situation is then determined by the invariance principle; we judge if the cognitive topology of the source is preserved in the target domain. To give another example for basic experiences we will now turn to the fact that the human body has two sides: a front side, where major sensory organs (particularly the eyes) are located and in the direction of which a human usually moves, and a back side, which is more robust but where one is also more vulnerable because of lack of vision. The most prominent application of the front-back image schema is orientation in time, where in combination with the L INEAR SCALES ARE PATHS metaphor we get FUTURE IS FRONT, HISTORY IS BACK. Time is conceptualized in terms of movement through space, allowing us to use spatial expres sions for discussing matters of time. This is closely related to the aforementioned conceptual meta phor LIFE/HISTORY/CAMPAIGNING IS A JOURNEY, but it is more general as we shall see shortly. The concep
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tualisation of time as movement is central to our thinking, but surprisingly it is understood in two fundamentally different ways: TIME
OBJECT. PASSING IS MOTION OVER A LANDSCAPE

and TIME

PASSING IS MOTION OF AN

I shall discuss each in turn.


PASSING IS MOTION OVER A LANDSCAPE.

First, I want to cover the metaphor TIME

When time passes, the

speaker is continuously moving forward along a one-dimensional path. Our current location on the path represents the present; future is in front of us and the past lies behind. Events are conceptual ised as objects that lie fixed on this path (Lakoff 2006: 201). Examples of this metaphor are let us move on in these powerful days (A14 l.207) and we've got some difficult days ahead (A15 l.257), where the days are the fixed future events. Another instance is we do have an agenda that we must follow (A12 l.141), where the agenda stands for a roadmap of anticipated future events. In the second approach, TIME
PASSING IS MOTION OF AN OBJECT,

the speaker is fixed, while objects

(events) move continuously along a one-dimensional path. Future events move towards the speaker and past events move away, so that objects just passing the speaker represent the present (Lakoff 2006: 201). The only instances of this second conceptualisation of time in the examined speeches refer to this idea of passing: this sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass (A2 l.30) and when years have rolled past (A7 l.71). An example that neither falls into TIME PASSING IS MOTION
OF AN OBJECT OVER A LANDSCAPE

nor TIME PASSING IS MOTION

is the famous quotation from the declaration of independence: pursuit of Happiness

(A1 l.17). Here, it is most likely that both the object (happiness) and the speaker move towards the future. However, answering the question whether this chase will have an end is beyond the scope of this paper. Yet another means of conceptualising abstract notions via spatial terms is the metaphor PLACE
IS

MEANING. The metaphor evokes a physical space and objects that can be moved in that space. Corres ponding with laws of physics, there can never be two objects in the same place 6. Take the example I would like to live a long life. Longevity has its place (A15 l.259). When an object is assigned a spe cific place, its existence is acknowledged. In the present example, this means that it is legitimate for humans to hope for a long life. The object can also be a group of people that is capable of self-propelled movement unless any other object or force impedes them. Consider we are determined to gain our rightful place in God's world (A9 l.49) and the process of gaining our rightful place (A2 l.38). In terms of the source domain the following scenario can be assumed: African Americans anticipate that they are not in the right place, they are not satisfied with their location in relation to other objects and agents. There
6 This section is closely related to the event structure metaphor proposed by Lakoff (1993: 220).
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fore, a majority of the black population in America starts to move to their desired location, but opposing agents and forces impede their movement. They cannot simply change place but need to gain their place. More precisely, African Americans need to make an effort in order to reach their desired location by overcoming obstacles and opposing forces. Even when they reach their destina tion, they will have to defend it against those forces that want to keep them in their original loca tion. Now we need to identify the corresponding entities in the target domain: the original place of the African American population seems to be the state of racial injustice. Consequently, the desired loc ation has to be the state of being treated with respect, of experiencing equality and justice. But what are the impeding forces? Clearly, they correspond to the political and economical power of segrega tionists and their influence on public opinion. Although the invariance principle suggests that only knowledge that is coherent with the target domain is part of the mapping (Lakoff 2006: 199), I suggest that in this metaphor, the logic of the source has an influence on the target beyond coherency. Let me explain my proposition beginning with the target domain: in reality, different observers will have different opinions about the social status of a group, e.g. problems of African Americans will have different weight in different newspa pers. In the conceptual world of PLACE
IS

MEANING, however, an object can only be in one place at a

time, meaning that different observers will recognise the object in the same place. According to the invariance principle, this inconsistency between target and source would not be part of the mapping. My suggestion is, in contrast, that this inconsistency is part of the mapping in the sense that it imposes the logic of place/object on social reality. The simplified structure of the source (same loca tion for all observers) is imposed on more complex structure of the target, creating the impression that once African Americans achieved equal status, everybody is bound do acknowledge their new status. A positive side effect of the metaphor is that the whole African American population is concep tualised as one entity. This can enhance group coherence and may help to build group identity as part of the individual identities. In effect, people are more likely to focus on common goals and act in solidarity. A further example for the PLACE
IS

MEANING metaphor is let us keep the issues where they are

(A9 l.60). The utterance raises a conceptual image of a designated area for issues of the movement. The issues in place have been identified and put there by agreement of the majority. Now King tells his followers to leave the issues (objects) in place, i.e. neither to take some away nor to add any other

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issues. This is a very effective way of conceptualising the idea of not getting distracted from original, accepted and relevant goals. Note that the detailed scrutiny presented here is not necessary for comprehension of metaphors, it is only to demonstrate the tacit knowledge we activate unconsciously upon reception. Actually, the fact that these metaphors can be comprehended immediately supports Johnson's (1987) and Lakoff's (1987) claim that image schemas are universal pre-linguistic cognitive structures resulting from everyday experience. The fact that spacial conceptualisations do not only illustrate but also help us understand and deal with abstract notions inspired Lakoff to say: it is most interesting that this system of metaphor seems to give rise to abstract reasoning, which appears to be based on spatial reasoning (2006: 213). This means that there is nothing magical about abstract reasoning because it is just a special case of image-based reasoning, and that the true power of our brains lies in the processes of metaphorical mappings. A consequence for teachers and scholars is that they should deliberately use metaphors and spacial reasoning as part of their methodology.

4.4 Novelmetaphors
After having dealt with metaphors that are usually not recognised as such, we will now turn to metaphors that correspond with the traditional view. According to Lakoff and Turner (1989), there are three types of novel metaphors: 1. Image metaphors 2. Generic-level metaphors (including personification) 3. Extensions of conceptual metaphors The only extension of a conceptual metaphor in the three examined speeches of Martin Luther King, Jr. has already been analysed in the section on conceptual metaphors (superhighway of justice on page 12). Image metaphors and personification are, on the other hand, very frequent and will be the subject of the following sections. 4.4.1 Imagemetaphors Conceptual metaphors, as we have already seen, map conceptual domains onto another conceptual domain, often containing a large number of metaphorical entailments. Image metaphors, by contrast, only project a single, conventional mental image onto another, producing what Lakoff calls a oneshot metaphor (Lakoff 2006: 215). Image metaphors are used to illustrate (in the full sense of the word) a piece of text, or to point out a specific aspect of what has just been said in a manner easily
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comprehensible to everybody. The power and persuasiveness of image metaphors is the reason why they are used frequently in political speeches, and those of Mr King form no exception. In the fol lowing, I will analyse a number of image metaphors grouped by donor domains. In the donor domain of nature we find highly figurative utterances like lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity (A1 l.9). This example serves to illustrate the eco nomic ratio in the United States of America by drawing on geographical knowledge. Even without the words lonely and vast we would know that an ocean is many times larger than an island. But not all features of islands and oceans are part of the mapping: an island is considered a safe place to stay as opposed to the ocean, where man is in constant danger of drowning. These metaphorical entailments are not active in the mentioned metaphor, which supports the claim that metaphorical mappings are partial (Lakoff 2006: 232). Moreover, this metaphor can substantiate my hypothesis that political speeches use involved lan guage (according to Chafe & Danielewicz 1987: 105) in order to be easily comprehensible and e mo tionally touching. King could have stated plain numbers for the economic status of Americans, but he chose to use a metaphor that builds on personal experience and common knowledge. In this way, he achieves more involvement with the audience; the utterance is closer to the listener than an utterance using abstract numbers he cannot relate to. It is therefore not only more effective to use metaphor in political speech but also potentially more touching. Another example from the domain of nature is to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood (A2 l.28). Again, the metaphorical entailments convey dense information: quicksand is a fatal surface feature that sucks you in the more you struggle. In terms of the source domain this could mean that racial injustice is bound to increase over time and will lead to the destruction of the American society (e.g. in a civil war). A solid rock, on the other hand, is considered a safe place and can be used as a foundation for structures that will last. As a consequence, American society should rest on brotherhood rather than on racial injustice to ensure its future. As a sideline, this metaphor also supports King's opinion that non-violence is the only legitimate form of protest. Closely tied to the source domain of nature are examples in the area of seasons, weather phe nomena and rhythm of day and night. All are frequent in King's speeches and I will present some instances for each now. Let us compare these two examples: [the] sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality 7 (A2 l.30) and Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of
7 This is also an allusion to the opening lines of William Shakespeare's Richard III.
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oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice (A3 l.73). We can see that the former utterance uses heat for a positive concept (legitimate discontent) while the latter uses heat for negative concepts (injustice and oppression). The comparison of the two can serve to support the claim that metaphors are non-reversible (Lakoff 2006: 232): we cannot know what entity will be conceptualised as heat in advance we even do not know if heat will be mapped onto a positive or a negative concept. Furthermore, King uses weather phenomena to illustrate abstract concepts like persecution, revolt and justice: left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality (A3 l.61), the whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges (A2 l.35), When our days become dreary with lowhovering clouds and our nights become darker than a thousand midnights (A6 l.56). Since the rhythm of day and night is so deeply grounded in our everyday (!) experience, it does not come as a surprise to find numerous examples in this domain: hope for a brighter tomorrow (A6 l.44), joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity (A1 l.6), to end the long night of racial injustice (A5 l.2), going through dark and dreary nights wondering how this thing is going to come out (A10 l.70) and mankind is so tragically bound to the starless midnight of racism and war that the bright daybreak of peace and brotherhood can never become a reality (A6 l.38). All of these examples conceptualise night as the negative counterpart of day. This comes natural as man cannot see in darkness, which makes him more vulnerable. In addition, it is usually colder at night, which means that man is dependent on clothing and shelter. Therefore, the night is the more dan gerous part of the day. But King also points out an advantage of the night: only when it is dark enough can you see the stars (A9 l.31). In the respective section of the speech, King recognises the fact that his audience is having a hard time. As a leader of the movement it is his duty to keep his followers motivated. He accomplishes this motivation by using the logic of day and night to convey the idea that the more difficult and desperate a situation seems, the closer is victory, and the more important it is not to lose hope. The same idea was presented by means of a different metaphor from the source domain of mining: with this faith, we will be able to to hew out of the mountain of des pair a stone of hope (A3 l.88). Another source domain is that of buildings. For instance, King expresses his rejection of the nuc lear arms race in the following quotation: I refuse to accept the cynical notion that nation after nation must spiral down a militaristic stairway (A6 l.40). This metaphor evokes a spiral staircase in connection with the GOOD IS UP, BAD IS DOWN metaphor, where the (personalised) nations descend one after another. Further examples are in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. (A1 l.22) and
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stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice (A2 l.37). For the latter quota tion, it is interesting to ask why the threshold is warm because this adjective does not make sense in the source domain. One possible interpretation is that a few people have already walked over the threshold into the palace of justice and demanded their rights, so that the threshold is not cold (i.e. out of use) any more. Another interpretation is to understand warm in the sense of welcoming. These ambiguous interpretations shows how we have to make a cognitive effort to get behind the meaning of a metaphor that does not adhere to the invariance principle, i.e. uses the donor domain in a consistent and prototypical fashion. Related to the domain of buildings is the domain of construction work where we find examples like what self-centered men have torn down, men other-centered can build up (A6 l.49) The pre vious sentence in the original speech helps to identify what has been torn down: the right to food, education, culture, dignity, equality and freedom. The level of realisation of these basic rights in the US is conceptualised as a building or structure. These rights used to be guaranteed by the US Consti tution but have been neglected by segregationists. In terms of the metaphor, it is always possible to rebuild and expand this building of rights, and King also identifies those who will do the construc tion work: not egoistic but altruistic people. In the section on the up-down image schema, I already mentioned the African American univer sity students who were protesting against segregated lunch counters (e.g. 1958 Oklahoma City sitins). In the original speech, King goes on to say that by acting this way, the students were taking the whole nation back to those great wells of democracy which were dug deep by the Founding Fathers in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution (A15 l.235). To analyse this meta phor, we need to look into the nature of a well: it is a source of water, which in turn is a vital resource for human beings. The deeper the well, the more reliable and lasting it is. This means that taking the [] nation back to [the] wells means reminding the nation of the original legal docu ments that have set a high level of democracy for the United States of America. The fact that the nation needs to be taken back means that, in the meantime, the American society must have aban doned these wells and have turned to other sources. King does not specify these sources, but the metaphor certainly would have had the capacity to convey the idea that America turned to other sources, possibly worse in water quality (i.e. moral value). We can also find an example of large scale construction work/earth movement in Martin Luther King, Jr.'s famous passage about his dream of equality and justice in the USA: I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; 'and the glory of the Lord
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shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together' (A3 l.84). This is a very general metaphor where we can hardly find a concrete correspondences between features of landscape and abstract notions (if a valley stands for lack of justice, a mountain would have to correspond with an excess of justice). Rather, the metaphor must be understood as a whole, i.e. as distributing equality and justice evenly across the country. There was also an inactive metaphor from the domain of building that I want to include for reasons of integrity: an architect is defined as one who designs and supervises the construction of buildings or other large structures (American Heritage Dictionary) in the main sense. The second, more general sense one that plans or devises was obviously derived from the first sense through metaphoric extension, an example of which can be found in the analysed speeches: when the archi tects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Inde pendence (A1 l.13). Another example comes from the domain of transportation, where the Civil Rights Movement is conceptualised as an airplane, and the leaders are mapped onto the pilots: the dedicated pilots of our struggle who have sat at the controls as the freedom movement soared into orbit (A7 l.64). The take-off of the movement can be understood as their first public recognition or possibly their first legal success. Note that soaring into orbit stands for a long and steep climb, implying constant suc cess of the movement right from the start. Dr King goes on to mention the ground crew without whose labor and sacrifices the jet flights to freedom could never have left the earth (A7 l.68), refer ring to the numerous unnamed supporters of the movement who helped to initiate direct action and gain public attention. The domain of music is used to put further emphasis on King's central concern of brotherhood: transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood (A3 l.89). In the finale of his "I Have a Dream" speech, King quotes three lines of the Negro Spiritual "Free at last". The last line of the Spiritual is From every mountainside, let freedom ring! (A4 l.96), which King takes up subsequently: and so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hamp shire (A4 l.98). Again, the abstract concept of freedom and its geographical expansion is packed into a metaphor. Its source domain is rooted in everyday experience: the ringing of a bell is surely a common observation of his audience. It portrays the inevitable spreading of sound waves into even the most remote corner with neither effort nor expense. Moreover, the ringing of a bell is considered a politically neutral and non-violent act: the ring is simply a signal of warning or, in this case, an allclear signal. King goes on to harvest the power of this metaphor by using it another eleven times in

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the subsequent lines to build up tension for his final words, which are also the final lines of the Negro Spiritual: Free at last! Free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last! Moreover, the domain of family relations has to offer metaphorical expressions like every American was to fall heir(A1 l.15), white brothers (A2 l.44) and little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers (A3 l.81). All of them serve to create a sense of an American family in order to minimise perceived difference and maximise perceived similarity. This aims at cutting the ground from under segregationist arguments and has the potential of reducing conflict within the society. Surprisingly, metaphors from the domain of religion form only a small set of three examples. First, King uses God's children (A4 l.92, l.109; A2 l.29) or children of God (A7 l.73) primarily to refer to citizens of the US, while in some cases it is possible that he refers to the whole of mankind. Secondly, the concept of hell is mapped onto nuclear warfare to illustrate its lethal impact and exist ential risk for civilisation on earth: hell of thermonuclear destruction (A6 l.41). Thirdly, King tells his audience that they have also come to this hallowed spot (A1 l.24). He alludes to the Lincoln Memorial, which is not officially considered a sanctuary, but its large-scale political importance means it is like a hallowed spot. More examples of image metaphors can be found in the domain of rule and power relations: to establish a reign of freedom and a rule of justice (A5 l.4), justice, [] can [] reign supreme among the children of men (A6 l.46) and mankind will bow before the altars of God and be crowned triumphant over war and bloodshed, and nonviolent redemptive goodwill will proclaim the rule of the land. (A6 l.50) On first sight, it seems a little ironic to use words of domination in order to proclaim freedom, justice and goodwill. But on closer examination we understand why the concept of rule lends itself naturally to metaphors because it has a very simple structure. Compare the definitions for democracy and autocracy from Merriam Webster's Dictionary: Democracy: A government in which the supreme power is vested in the people and ex ercised by them directly or indirectly through a system of representation usually in volving periodically held free elections. Autocracy: A government in which one person possesses unlimited power. The basic structure of autocracy and the fact that it is part of common knowledge makes it a perfect vehicle for abstract concepts. Therefore it is no contradiction to find metaphors from the domain of rule in speeches about freedom and equality.

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King also used a metaphor from the domain of literary genres: transform this pending cosmic elegy into a creative psalm of brotherhood (A5 l.22). He intends to say that the human race has to end injustice and find a way of peacefully living together on earth. This idea is conveyed by paral leling the situation on earth with an unfinished plaintive poem that needs to be transformed into a positive and prudent psalm. In the domain of livestock breeding we find the following metaphor: there was a power there which Bull Connor couldn't adjust to; and so we ended up transforming Bull into a steer, and we won our struggle in Birmingham (A10 l.93). Some background knowledge is necessary to be able to comprehend the utterance: Bull was the nickname of Eugene Connor, the police commissioner of Birmingham, Alabama during the Civil Rights era. King explicitly mentioned the name Bull Connor in the previous sentence to aid comprehension. The metaphor operates in the source domain of cattle, where the transformation of a bull into a steer happens through castration. In the target domain, the relations between the Civil Rights Movement and the executive forces in Birm ingham, the castration can be interpreted as a pruning of (illegitimate) police action. It has been pointed out several times that metaphors are rooted in immediate experience. The most immediate experience to man is, of course, that of the human body. Therefore we can expect to find examples like in 1962, when Negroes in Albany, Georgia, decided to straighten their backs up. And whenever men and women straighten their backs up, they are going somewhere, because a man can't ride your back unless it is bent (A15 l.239). King makes an inference using the logic of the human body, which is immediately comprehended in terms of the target domain: to ride one's back means to suppress; a back is bent if one accepts a lower power status and retreats to inferi ority in relation to the oppressor ; to straighten one's back means to dismiss this inferior status and going somewhere is the process of demanding equal rights and abolishing oppression. Note that the inference is highly obvious in the source, but not in the target domain. This claim is supported by the multiple suggestions how to cope with oppression: some resign, some suggest violence, some use methods of passive resistance. Other examples connected to body experience can be found in the subcategory of physical pain/restraint devices: crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination (A1 l.8) and poverty [] chains [African Americans] to the lowest rung of the economic ladder (A5 l.10). Restraining the freedom to move is probably the most direct form of exercising control over a human being. These metaphors transfer the concept of control into the target domain: they serve to illustrate the inability of the black population to escape segregation, discrimination and poverty.
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In another example, American society is conceptualised as a human body, with some parts more sensitive than others: we are putting pressure where it really hurts (A12 l.159). Martin Luther King, Jr. refers to his strategy of exercising economic power by boycotting companies supporting segrega tion. The present metaphor underlines the impact and consequent importance of the strategy. Furthermore, the fact that human beings receive audio signals via their ears can form the source of a metaphor: this same road [history of Civil Rights Movement] has opened for all Americans a new ear of progress and hope (A5 l.28). To open one's ears is understood as the readiness to absorb information. Here, however, the matter is to open a new ear, which is not possible in the source domain. Nevertheless, we understand the utterance in the style of the more common expres sion of opening somebody's eyes. Two ears represent status quo, therefore a third ear is neces sary for change. While many coloured people had become accustomed to the denial of suffrage, they are now beginning to demand their right to vote. While many white people had never even thought of ending racial discrimination, they are now aware of the possibility and its benefits. A last example in the domain of the human body is connected to the basic need of water. Dr King warns his audience not to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred (A2 l.39). Here, the need for freedom is paralleled with the basic human need to drink, portraying freedom as a substance just as vital as water. A well-known metaphor from the "I Have a Dream" speech is set in the domain of finance. King illustrates his understanding of the current situation for the African-American population with the concept of a check (A1 l.13-23)8. A check is a written order directing a bank to pay money as instructed (Merriam-Webster Online Dictionary), and a bad check is a check that the bank cannot cash because there is not enough money in the sender's bank account (termed insufficient funds). Writing a bad check is considered an illegal act (Wild: 2008). Given this background knowledge we can turn to the analysis of the extended bad check meta phor: what King wants to say is that the U.S. Constitution was designed as a promise of freedom and equality for all American people (i.e. a check or promissory note). This promise was then denied to the African-American people by legislation and executive authorities (America has given the Negro people a bad check). The lack of justice in official authorities is illustrated as the bank of justice is bankrupt, which King refuses to believe. He urges all African-Americans to claim their rights now (cash the check) and receive upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
8 Citation references are omitted for reasons of legibility in the following paragraph. All citations are from the section A1 l.13-23.
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The bad check metaphor draws much of its rhetoric power from the terrific juxtaposition between the picture of a wealthy nation (the richest on the planet) and poor black people being given [bad] checks (Wardrop: 2009). Possibly it also refers to racial economic (in-)justice in the United States as suggested by Julianne Malveaux (2010). Further examples for image metaphors can be found in the domains of medicine tranquilizing drug of gradualism.(A1 l.25) and clothing our children are stripped of their self-hood (A2 l.55). The domains of criminality our children are [] robbed of their dignity (A2 l.55) and biology not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence (A2 l.41) are also present in Martin Luther King, Jr.'s speeches. The last field of inquiry deals with phenomena of light and fire. Light is mostly used for positive concepts, as in beacon light of hope (A1 l.4) and when the blazing light of truth is focused on this marvelous age (A7 l.71). Fire is more ambiguous in the sense that it can stand for negative as well as positive concepts, but all of the following examples are connected to power and impulsiveness: seared in the flames of withering injustice(A1 l.5), there was a certain kind of fire that no water could put out (meaning that the movement could not be stopped) and the preacher must have a kind of fire shut up in his bones (A11 l.108), referring to a preacher's readiness to identify and criti cise injustice. To sum up, King used the following source domains for his image metaphors: nature, weather, rhythm of day and night, buildings and construction work, transportation, music, family relations, religion, power relations, literature, livestock breeding, the human body, finance, medicine, clothing, criminality, biology and phenomena of light. We can see that some of these donor domains are part of the immediate experience of our world and the rest is at least omnipresent in US-American cul ture. It is this proximity to our own experience that makes these metaphors so easily comprehensible and effective. 4.4.2 Personification Personification is, according to Lakoff/Turner (1989), a generic-level metaphor. This is a term coined to denote mappings that preserve causal structure, the aspectual structure, and the persistence of entities. In short, it means that the source and the target must have the same overall event shape. This implies that personification or the metaphor OBJECTS into some of these structures now.
ARE

PEOPLE can only be applied when the

generic-level structure of the specific object corresponds with the one of a human being I will look

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The first feature of human beings is that their existence begins with birth. This gives rise to metaphors like a genuine civilization struggling to be born (A6 l.56). The imagined future Amer ican society that abolishes all racial discrimination is conceptualised as a human being with strong determination to come into existence. Furthermore, humans are either male or female: America has defaulted [] insofar as her cit izens of color are concerned (A1 l.17). The possessive adjective her tells us that America is concep tualised as a female, possibly including the maternal role and other female role implications. The human body is prone to sickness, injury and death. Hence, personalised abstractions can also be ill: the nation is sick (A9 l.30) or injured: wounded justice, lying prostrate on the blood-flowing streets of our nations, can be lifted from this dust of shame (A6 l.46). Just as man, justice needs help after injury in order to continue existence. Similarly, the nation needs to be rescued in the following example: to lift our nation from the quicksands. In both of the latter two examples, help is concep tualised as UP, something we have already touched on in the section on conceptual metaphor. The adjective fatal can be used for both living beings (causing or capable of causing death) and abstractions (causing ruin or destruction), therefore it is debatable whether it would be fatal for the nation [] (A2 l.30) is a personification or not (definitions by American Heritage Dictionary). Moreover, individuals possess conscience and memory. This allows for the utterances like the conscience of this nation (A15 l.242) and the tortuous road [] bears witness to this truth (A5 l.25). Following the latter example, King continues his personification of the road by saying that this same road has opened for all Americans a new ear of progress and hope. The action of opening a new ear is of course to be understood metaphorically and has already been covered in the previous chapter. Two characteristics of human beings that go beyond their physical capabilities are the exertion of power and practice of religion. In parallel, abstract notions take on the same characteristics: justice [] can [] reign supreme among the children of men. (A6 l.46); mankind will bow before the altars of God and be crowned triumphant over war and bloodshed, and nonviolent redemptive goodwill will proclaim the rule of the land (A6 l.50). Interestingly, the latter example features two personifications in one sentence. Mankind takes a bow and is crowned, but somebody else, namely nonviolent redemptive goodwill, seizes power. This could serve to demonstrate King's conviction that non-violent action will eventually lead to peace in the world. When an abstract notion is personalised, it enables individuals to interact with abstractions as they would with human beings. For example, they can exchange objects: America has given the Negro people a bad check (A1 l.19), or initiate cognitive processes: we have also come to this hal
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lowed spot to remind America of [] (A1 l.24); black people of Birmingham, Alabama, aroused the conscience of this nation (A15 l.242). The difficulty in personalising a nation is that a nation is already made up of individual human beings, and utterances about this nation could be transferred onto its constituents. Take if the nation returns to business as usual (A2 l.33) does Martin Luther King, Jr. refer to the national gov ernment (a case of metonymy), to the white population, or to all citizens of the United States (per sonification)? Or why does King refer to the conscience of this nation (A15 l.242) when he could have referred to the conscience of every individual citizen? The answer lies in the capability of personification to build group coherency. Martin Luther King, Jr. utilises personification to create a sense of solidarity and shared responsibility within the US. Personification accomplishes this by maximising perceived intragroup coherency: conceptual ising a group of individuals as one organism highlights their connection and their common goal, put ting difference in opinion in the rear. As a leader of the Civil Rights Movement, King heavily depends on this perception of common fate and resulting group dynamics of solidarity. The down side of personalising a nation is that it also increases perceived intergroup difference, i.e. people who strongly identify as Americans will perceive other nations as completely different from themselves. According to the in-group projection model, this leads to depreciation of other nations (Waldzus et al., 2005: 77 ). Moreover, personification can serve to further support my hypothesis that political speeches use involved language (according to Chafe & Danielewicz 1987: 105) in order to be easily comprehensible and emotionally touching. Since everybody experiences the event shape of life on a daily basis, integrating this knowledge through personification can increase immediacy of language. In effect, personification is a means to turn abstract utterances into apparently more clear and plain expres sions to which the listener can relate. As a result, personification can be utilised to compensate for the lack of involvement with the audience resulting from the communicative conditions of a speech.

4.5 Metareflectiononmetaphors
On a few occasions in the examined speeches, King shows his awareness of metaphor. This metare flection on metaphor manifests itself in preparing the audience for a following metaphor, in mitig ating his own metaphorical utterances, and in reflecting on metaphors of other speakers. All three phenomena will be dealt with below. Even though metaphor is comprehended without additional cognitive effort, it can make sense to prepare the audience for a following metaphor. At the end of his Nobel Peace Prize acceptance
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speech, Dr King gives a personal insight into his experience of travelling on airplanes: every time I take a flight I am always mindful of the man people who make a successful journey possible the known pilots and the unknown ground crew (A6 l.62). This story is actually the source of the fol lowing metaphorical statements: so you honor the dedicated pilots of our struggle (A7 l.64). Describing personal experience does not only increase involvement (according to Chafe), it also provides the lead-in for a crisp metaphorical statement. Sometimes King chose to mitigate his metaphorical statements. For example, the utterance in a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check (A1 l.13) signals to the listener that literal interpretation is not intended. Talking about a symbolic shadow (A1 l.3) ensures the listener that the expression is to be understood metaphorically and has nothing to do with a real shadow, thus keeping the audience focused on the subject matter. Another example is (salient parts in italics): I think Alfred Nobel would know what I mean when I say that I accept this award in the spirit of a curator (A7 l.75). Mr King could have used an unmitigated metaphor like I accept this award as a curator, but he did not. A reason for the moderation could be to rise the audience's awareness that the following statement is to be taken metaphorically, thereby preventing misunderstanding. The last aspect of meta-reflection on metaphors is King's contemplation of preaching from his "I've Been to the Mountaintop" speech: It's all right to talk about "long white robes over yonder," in all of its symbolism. But ultimately people want some suits and dresses and shoes to wear down here! It's all right to talk about "streets flowing with milk and honey," but God has commanded us to be concerned about the slums down here, and his children who can't eat three square meals a day. It's all right to talk about the new Jerusalem, but one day, God's preachers must talk about the new New York, the new Atlanta, the new Philadelphia, the new Los Angeles, the new Memphis, Tennessee. (A11 l.119-124) In this quotation, King takes up the fact that preachers make frequent use of metaphoric language. He criticises that preachers use metaphors to tranquillize their followers and distract from real world problems. Since King utilises metaphor to convey meaning rather than to appease (at least in the examined speeches), this criticism does not contradict his own use of metaphor.

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5. Conclusion

In conclusion, it is justified to say that metonymy and metaphor definitely play a key role in political speech. Both can help to solve the central dilemma between detachment and involvement: on the one hand, political speeches are detached from the audience through communicative conditions as well as through their abstract content. On the other hand, speakers must touch the emotions of their audience i.e. create involvement in order to be successful. Metaphor accomplishes this balancing act by utilising the listener's most immediate experience to convey meaning. It draws on everyday knowledge from domains like the human body, objects within three-dimensional space and gravita tional fields, and many other areas of physical, mental, emotional or social experience. To a certain degree, metonymy also contributes to solving the dilemma as it provides another means to turn abstract, detached language into more plain, involved language. Moreover, this paper has hopefully shown that both metonymy and metaphor are basic to human understanding of the world. They are used constantly and automatically, with neither effort nor awareness (Lakoff 2006). Conceptual metaphor especially appears to be so fundamental to reas oning that it is impossible to communicate without it. Therefore it is not surprising to find numerous manifestations of image schemas in the three examined speeches by Martin Luther King, Jr.. In con clusion, this paper seeks to support Lakoff's claim (1993: 210) that metaphor is indeed not just a figure of speech but a mode of thought.

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6. Bibliography

Carson, C. (2009). King, Obama, and the Great American Dialogue. American Heritage Magazine, Volume 59, Issue 1, Spring 2009. Available from: http://www.americanheritage.com/articles/magazine/ah/2009/1/2009_1_26.shtml Chafe, W. L. (1982). Integration and Involvement in Speaking Writing and Oral Literature. Norwood: ABLEX Publishing Corporation. Clausner, T.C. and W. Croft (1999). Domains and image schemas. Cognitive Linguistics 10.1: 1-31. Cruse, D. A. (1986). Lexical Semantics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Deats, R. (2008). Martin Luther King. Traum und Tat. Ein Lebensbild. Mnchen: Verlag Neue Stadt. Degnan-Veness, C. (2003). Martin Luther King. Harlow: Penguin Books Ltd. Free at last" [Negro Spiritual]. (n.d.). Retrieved September 3, 2010, from: http://www.negrospirituals.com/news-song/free_at_last_from.htm Hall, E. T. (1966). The Hidden Dimension. Garden City: Doubleday. Henderson, A. (2003). What's in a slur? American Speech 78(1):52-74. Johnson, M. (1987).The body in the mind: The bodily basis of meaning, imagination, and reason. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. King, M. L. Jr. (1963). I Have a Dream speech. Transcript retrieved August 10, 2010 from http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/mlkihaveadream.htm King, M. L. Jr. (1964). Nobel Peace Prize Acceptance Speech. Transcript retrieved August 10, 2010 from: http://www.mlkonline.net/acceptance.html King, M. L. Jr. (1968). I've Been to the Mountaintop speech. Transcript retrieved August 10, 2010 from http://americanradioworks.publicradio.org/features/sayitplain/mlking.html Lakoff, G. (1987). Cognitive models and prototype theory. In: U. Neisser (Ed.), Concepts and conceptual development: Ecological and intellectual factors in categorization . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lakoff, G. (2006). The contemporary theory of metaphor. In: Geeraerts, D. (Ed.), Cognitive Linguistics: Basic Readings (185-237). Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Lakoff, G. & Johnson, M (1980). Metaphors We Live By. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Lakoff, G. & Turner, M. (1989). More Than Cool Reason: A Field Guide to Poetic Metaphor. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Liddell, H. G. & Scott, R. (2009). A Greek-English Lexicon, Entry for metaphora retrieved March 24, 2009 from http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=Perseus%3Atext %3A1999.04.0057%3Aentry%3D%2367015 Lucas, S. & Medhurst, M. (1999). "I Have a Dream" Speech Leads Top 100 Speeches of the Century . University of Wisconsin-Madison. Retrieved September 3, 2010, from http://www.news.wisc.edu/releases/3504.html Malaveaux, J. (2010). Still, Insufficient Funds. Retrieved August 20, 2010, from www.juliannemalveaux.com/downloads/Still-Insufficient-Funds.pdf New York Times (1963). Dogs and Hoses Repulse Negroes at Birmingham. Retrieved August 20, 2010, from http://partners.nytimes.com/library/national/race/050463race-ra.html Schulke & McPhee (2005). The Historic March on Washington. In: Canfield, J. et. al., Chicken soup for the soul: Stories for a better world. Deerfield Beach, Florida: Health Communications, Inc. Shakespeare, W. (~1591). The Tragedy of Richard the Third. Available from: http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/2257
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Taylor, J. R. (2003). Category Extension: Metonymy and Metaphor. In: Taylor, J.R. (Ed.), Linguistic Categorization. New York: Oxford University Press. Waldzus, S., Mummendey, A., & Wenzel, M. (2005). When different means worse: In-group prototypicality in changing intergroup contexts. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 41, 7683. Wardrop, R. (2009) Critiques: King, Martin Luther. I have a dream. Accessed August 5, 2010. http://www.russellwardrop.com/page.asp?category=critiques&tid=43&aid=48 Wesley, J. (1765) John Wesley's Notes on the Book of Amos. Retrieved August 23, 2010 from http://wesley.nnu.edu/john_wesley/notes/amos.htm Wild, T. (2008). Metaphors in I Have a Dream. Retrieved September 3, 2010, from http://socyberty.com/history/metaphors-in-i-have-a-dream Wintle, J. (2001). Makers of Modern Culture: Makers of Culture. London: Routledge. Work, J. W. (1960). American Negro Songs and Spirituals. New York: Bonanza books. Zulick, M. D. (2010). Martin Luther King I Have a Dream. http://www.wfu.edu/~zulick/341/king.html and http://www.wfu.edu/~zulick/341/kingnotes.html Dictionary Definitions: check. (n.d.). In Merriam-Webster Online Dictionary. Retrieved July 29, 2010, from http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/check democracy. (n.d.). In Merriam-Webster Online Dictionary. Retrieved July 29, 2010, from http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/democracy autocracy. (n.d.). In Merriam-Webster Online Dictionary. Retrieved July 29, 2010, from http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/autocracy architect. (n.d.). The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, Fourth Edition . (2003). Retrieved August 30 2010 from http://www.thefreedictionary.com/architect fatal. (n.d.) The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, Fourth Edition . (2003). Retrieved August 20 2010 from http://www.thefreedictionary.com/fate

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7. Declaration

I hereby declare that this paper is my own work. No other than the stated sources have been used, and all citations have been marked as such. This paper has not been submitted before for any sem inar or examination at any other University.

Dresden, October 4th, 2010.

__________________________ (Alexander Mller)

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8. Appendix

8.1"IHaveaDream"Speech
(delivered 28 August 1963, at the Lincoln Memorial, Washington D.C. by Martin Luther King, Jr.)

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous day break to end the long night of their captivity. But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promis sory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is
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1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25

the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children. It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitter ness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a dis trust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: "For Whites Only." We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New

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York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satis fied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."9 I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends. And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal." I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sis ters and brothers. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."10 This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.

57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87

9 The American Standard Version of the Holy Bible: Amos 5:24 10 Ibid.: Isaiah 40:4-5
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With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. And this will be the day this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning: My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride, From every mountainside, let freedom ring! And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado. Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California. But not only that: Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring. And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: Free at last! Free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!11

88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113

11 For the complete spiritual see Work (1960).


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8.2 NobelPrizeAcceptanceSpeech
(delivered December 10, 1964 in Oslo, Norway by Martin Luther King, Jr.)

I accept the Nobel Prize for Peace at a moment when twenty-two million Negroes of the United States of America are engaged in a creative battle to end the long night of racial injustice. I accept this award in behalf of a civil rights movement which is moving with determination and a majestic scorn for risk and danger to establish a reign of freedom and a rule of justice. I am mindful that only yesterday in Birmingham, Alabama, our children, crying out for brotherhood, were answered with fire hoses, snarling dogs and even death. I am mindful that only yesterday in Philadelphia, Mississippi, young people seeing to secure the right to vote were brutalized and murdered. And only yesterday more than 40 houses of worship in the State of Mississippi alone were bombed or burned because they offered a sanctuary to those who would not accept segregation. I am mindful that debilitating and grinding poverty afflicts my people and chains them to the lowest rung of the economic ladder. Therefore, I must ask why this prize is awarded to a movement which is beleaguered and committed to unrelenting struggle; to a movement which has not won the very peace and brotherhood which is the essence of the Nobel Prize. After contemplation, I conclude that this award which I receive on behalf of that movement is pro found recognition that nonviolence is the answer to the crucial political and moral question of our time -- the need for man to overcome oppression and violence without resorting to violence and oppression. Civilization and violence are antithetical concepts. Negroes of the United States, following the people of India, have demonstrated that nonviolence is not sterile passivity, but a powerful moral force which makes for social transformation. Sooner or later all the people of the world will have to dis cover a way to live together in peace, and thereby transform this pending cosmic elegy into a cre ative psalm of brotherhood. If this is to be achieved, man must evolve for all human conflict a method which rejects revenge, aggression and retaliation. The foundation of such a method is love. The tortuous road which has led from Montgomery, Alabama, to Oslo bears witness to this truth. This is a road over which millions of Negroes are traveling to find a new sense of dignity. This same road has opened for all Americans a new ear of progress and hope. It has led to a new Civil Rights bill, and it will, I am convinced, be widened and lengthened into a superhighway of

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justice as Negro and white men in increasing numbers create alliances to overcome their common problems. I accept this award today with an abiding faith in America and an audacious faith in the future of mankind. I refuse to accept despair as the final response to the ambiguities of history. I refuse to accept the idea that the "isness" of man's present nature makes him morally incapable of reaching up for the eternal "oughtness" that forever confronts him. I refuse to accept the idea that man is mere flotsam and jetsom in the river of life unable to influence the unfolding events which surround him. I refuse to accept the view that mankind is so tragically bound to the starless midnight of racism and war that the bright daybreak of peace and brotherhood can never become a reality. I refuse to accept the cynical notion that nation after nation must spiral down a militaristic stairway into the hell of thermonuclear destruction. I believe that unarmed truth and unconditional love will have the final word in reality. This is why right temporarily defeated is stronger than evil tri umphant. I believe that even amid today's motor bursts and whining bullets, there is still hope for a brighter tomorrow. I believe that wounded justice, lying prostrate on the blood-flowing streets of our nations, can be lifted from this dust of shame to reign supreme among the children of men. I have the audacity to believe that peoples everywhere can have three meals a day for their bodies, education and culture for their minds, and dignity, equality and freedom for their spirits. I believe that what self-centered men have torn down, men other-centered can build up. I still believe that one day mankind will bow before the altars of God and be crowned triumphant over war and bloodshed, and nonviolent redemptive goodwill will proclaim the rule of the land. "And the lion and the lamb shall lie down together and every man shall sit under his own vine and fig tree and none shall be afraid." I still believe that we shall overcome. This faith can give us courage to face the uncertainties of the future. It will give our tired feet new strength as we continue our forward stride toward the city of freedom. When our days become dreary with low-hovering clouds and our nights become darker than a thousand midnights, we will know that we are living in the creative turmoil of a genuine civilization struggling to be born. Today I come to Oslo as a trustee, inspired and with renewed dedication to humanity. I accept this prize on behalf of all men who love peace and brotherhood. I say I come as a trustee, for in the depths of my heart I am aware that this prize is much more than an honor to me personally.

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Every time I take a flight I am always mindful of the man people who make a successful journey possible -- the known pilots and the unknown ground crew. So you honor the dedicated pilots of our struggle who have sat at the controls as the freedom move ment soared into orbit. You honor, once again, Chief (Albert) Luthuli of South Africa, whose struggles with and for his people, are still met with the most brutal expression of man's inhumanity to man. You honor the ground crew without whose labor and sacrifices the jet flights to freedom could never have left the earth. Most of these people will never make the headlines and their names will not appear in Who's Who. Yet when years have rolled past and when the blazing light of truth is focused on this marvelous age in which we live -- men and women will know and children will be taught that we have a finer land, a better people, a more noble civilization -- because these humble children of God were willing to suffer for righteousness' sake. I think Alfred Nobel would know what I mean when I say that I accept this award in the spirit of a curator of some precious heirloom which he holds in trust for its true owners -- all those to whom beauty is truth and truth beauty -- and in whose eyes the beauty of genuine brotherhood and peace is more precious than diamonds or silver or gold.

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8.3 "I'veBeentotheMountaintop"Speech
(delivered in Memphis, Tennessee on April 3, 1968 by Martin Luther King, Jr.)

Thank you very kindly, my friends. As I listened to Ralph Abernathy in his eloquent and generous introduction and then thought about myself, I wondered who he was talking about. [laughter] It's always good to have your closest friend and associate say something good about you. And Ralph is the best friend that I have in the world. I'm delighted to see each of you here tonight in spite of a storm warning. You reveal that you are determined to go on anyhow. Something is happening in Memphis; something is happening in our world. And you know, if I were standing at the beginning of time, with the possibility of taking a kind of general and panoramic view of the whole human history up to now, and the Almighty said to me, "Martin Luther King, which age would you like to live in?" - I would take my mental flight by Egypt and I would watch God's children in their magnificent trek from the dark dungeons of Egypt through, or rather across the Red Sea, through the wilderness on toward the promised land. And in spite of its magnificence, I wouldn't stop there. I would move on by Greece, and take my mind to Mount Olympus. And I would see Plato, Aristotle, Socrates, Euripides and Aristophanes assembled around the Parthenon. And I would watch them around the Parthenon as they discussed the great and eternal issues of reality. But I wouldn't stop there. I would go on, even to the great heyday of the Roman Empire. And I would see developments around there, through various emperors and leaders. But I wouldn't stop there. I would even come up to the day of the Renaissance, and get a quick picture of all that the Renaissance did for the cul tural and aesthetic life of man. But I wouldn't stop there. I would even go by the way that the man for whom I'm named had his habitat. And I would watch Martin Luther as he tacked his ninety-five theses on the door at the church of Wittenberg. But I wouldn't stop there. I would come on up even to 1863, and watch a vacillating president by the name of Abraham Lincoln finally come to the conclusion that he had to sign the Emancipation Pro clamation. But I wouldn't stop there. [applause] I would even come up to the early thirties, and see a man grappling with the problems of the bank ruptcy of his nation. And come with an eloquent cry that we have nothing to fear but fear itself. But I wouldn't stop there. Strangely enough, I would turn to the Almighty, and say, "If you allow me to live just a few years in the second half of the 20th century, I will be happy." [applause] Now that's

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a strange statement to make, because the world is all messed up. The nation is sick. Trouble is in the land; confusion all around. That's a strange statement. But I know, somehow, that only when it is dark enough can you see the stars. And I see God working in this period of the twentieth century in a way that men, in some strange way, are responding - something is happening in our world. The masses of people are rising up. And wherever they are assembled today, whether they are in Johan nesburg, South Africa; Nairobi, Kenya; Accra, Ghana; New York City; Atlanta, Georgia; Jackson, Mississippi; or Memphis, Tennessee - the cry is always the same - "We want to be free." And another reason that I'm happy to live in this period is that we have been forced to a point where we're going to have to grapple with the problems that men have been trying to grapple with through history, but the demand didn't force them to do it. Survival demands that we grapple with them. Men, for years now, have been talking about war and peace. But now, no longer can they just talk about it. It is no longer a choice between violence and nonviolence in this world; it's nonviolence or nonexistence! [applause] That is where we are today. And also in the human rights revolution, if something isn't done, and done in a hurry, to bring the colored peoples of the world out of their long years of poverty, their long years of hurt and neglect, the whole world is doomed. Now, I'm just happy that God has allowed me to live in this period, to see what is unfolding. And I'm happy that He's allowed me to be in Memphis. I can remember, I can remember when Negroes were just going around as Ralph has said, so often, scratching where they didn't itch, and laughing when they were not tickled. But that day is all over. We mean business now, and we are determined to gain our rightful place in God's world. And that's all this whole thing is about. We aren't engaged in any negative protest and in any neg ative arguments with anybody. We are saying that we are determined to be men. We are determined to be people. We are saying that we are God's children. And that we don't have to live like we are forced to live. Now, what does all of this mean in this great period of history? It means that we've got to stay together. We've got to stay together and maintain unity. You know, whenever Pharaoh wanted to prolong the period of slavery in Egypt, he had a favorite, favorite formula for doing it. What was that? He kept the slaves fighting among themselves. But whenever the slaves get together, something happens in Pharaoh's court, and he cannot hold the slaves in slavery. When the slaves get together, that's the beginning of getting out of slavery. Now let us maintain unity. Secondly, let us keep the issues where they are. The issue is injustice. The issue is the refusal of Memphis to be fair and honest in its dealings with its public servants who happen to be sanitation workers. Now, we've got to keep attention on that. That's always the problem with a little violence.

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You know what happened the other day, and the press dealt only with the window-breaking. I read the articles. They very seldom got around to mentioning the fact that one thousand, three hundred sanitation workers were on strike, and that Memphis is not being fair to them, and that Mayor Loeb is in dire need of a doctor. They didn't get around to that. [applause] Now we're going to march again, and we've got to march again, in order to put the issue where it is supposed to be - and force everybody to see that there are thirteen hundred of God's children here suffering, sometimes going hungry, going through dark and dreary nights wondering how this thing is going to come out. That's the issue. And we've got to say to the nation: we know how it's coming out. For when people get caught up with that which is right and they are willing to sacrifice for it, there is no stopping point short of victory! [applause] We aren't going to let any mace stop us. We are masters in our nonviolent movement in disarming police forces; they don't know what to do, I've seen them so often. I remember in Birmingham, Alabama, when we were in that majestic struggle there, we would move out of the 16th Street Baptist Church day after day; by the hundreds we would move out. And Bull Connor would tell them to send the dogs forth, and they did come; but we just went before the dogs singing, "Ain't gonna let nobody turn me around." Bull Connor next would say, "Turn the fire hoses on." And as I said to you the other night, Bull Connor didn't know history. He knew a kind of physics that somehow didn't relate to the transphysics that we knew about. And that was the fact that there was a certain kind of fire that no water could put out. And we went before the fire hoses; we had known water. If we were Baptist or some other denomination, we had been immersed. If we were Meth odist, and some others, we had been sprinkled, but we knew water. That couldn't stop us. And we just went on before the dogs and we would look at them; and we'd go on before the water hoses and we would look at it, and we'd just go on singing, "Over my head I see freedom in the air." And then we would be thrown in the paddy wagons, and sometimes we were stacked in there like sardines in a can. And they would throw us in, and old Bull would say, "Take them off," and they did; and we would just go on in the paddy wagon singing, "We Shall Overcome." And every now and then we'd get in the jail, and we'd see the jailers looking through the windows being moved by our prayers, and being moved by our words and our songs. And there was a power there which Bull Connor couldn't adjust to; and so we ended up transforming Bull into a steer, and we won our struggle in Birmingham. [applause]

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Now we've got to go on in Memphis just like that. I call upon you to be with us when we go out Monday. Now about injunctions: We have an injunction and we're going into court tomorrow morning to fight this illegal, unconstitutional injunction. All we say to America is, "Be true to what you said on paper." [applause] If I lived in China or even Russia, or any totalitarian country, maybe I could understand some of these illegal injunctions. Maybe I could understand the denial of certain basic First Amendment privileges, because they hadn't committed themselves to that over there. But somewhere I read of the freedom of assembly. Somewhere I read of the freedom of speech. Some where I read of the freedom of the press. Somewhere I read that the greatness of America is the right to protest for right. And so just as I say we aren't going to let any dogs or water hoses turn us around, we aren't going to let any injunction turn us around. We are going on. We need all of you. And you know what's beautiful to me, is to see all of these ministers of the Gospel. It's a marvelous picture. Who is it that is supposed to articulate the longings and aspirations of the people more than the preacher? Somehow the preacher must have a kind of fire shut up in his bones and whenever injustice is around, he must tell it. Somehow the preacher must be an Amos, and say, "When God speaks, who can but prophesy?" Again, with Amos, "Let justice roll down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream." Somehow, the preacher must say with Jesus, "The spirit of the Lord is upon me, because he hath anointed me to deal with the problems of the poor." And I want to commend the preachers, under the leadership of these noble men: James Lawson, one who has been in this struggle for many years; he's been to jail for struggling; he's been kicked out of Vanderbilt University for this struggle, but he's still going on, fighting for the rights of his people. [applause] Rev. Ralph Jackson, Billy Kiles; I could just go right on down the list, but time will not permit. But I want to thank all of them. And I want you to thank them, because so often, preachers aren't concerned about anything but themselves. And I'm always happy to see a relevant ministry. It's all right to talk about "long white robes over yonder," in all of its symbolism. But ultimately people want some suits and dresses and shoes to wear down here! It's all right to talk about "streets flowing with milk and honey," but God has commanded us to be concerned about the slums down here, and his children who can't eat three square meals a day. It's all right to talk about the new Jeru salem, but one day, God's preachers must talk about the new New York, the new Atlanta, the new Philadelphia, the new Los Angeles, the new Memphis, Tennessee. [applause] This is what we have to do. Now the other thing we'll have to do is this: Always anchor our external direct action with the power of economic withdrawal. Now, we are poor people. Individually, we are poor when you com pare us with white society in America. We are poor. Never stop and forget that collectively - that

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means all of us together - collectively we are richer than all the nations in the world, with the excep tion of nine. Did you ever think about that? After you leave the United States, Soviet Russia, Great Britain, West Germany, France, and I could name the others, the American Negro collectively is richer than most nations of the world. We have an annual income of more than thirty billion dollars a year, which is more than all of the exports of the United States, and more than the national budget of Canada. Did you know that? That's power right there, if we know how to pool it. [applause] We don't have to argue with anybody. We don't have to curse and go around acting bad with our words. We don't need any bricks and bottles. We don't need any Molotov cocktails. We just need to go around to these stores, and to these massive industries in our country, and say, "God sent us by here, to say to you that you're not treating his children right. And we've come by here to ask you to make the first item on your agenda fair treatment, where God's children are concerned. Now, if you are not prepared to do that, we do have an agenda that we must follow. And our agenda calls for withdrawing economic support from you." And so, as a result of this, we are asking you tonight, to go out and tell your neighbors not to buy Coca-Cola in Memphis. Go by and tell them not to buy Sealtest milk. Tell them not to buy - what is the other bread? - Wonder Bread. And what is the other bread company, Jesse? Tell them not to buy Hart's bread. As Jesse Jackson has said, up to now, only the garbage men have been feeling pain; now we must kind of redistribute the pain. [applause] We are choosing these companies because they haven't been fair in their hiring policies; and we are choosing them because they can begin the process of saying they are going to support the needs and the rights of these men who are on strike. And then they can move on downtown and tell Mayor Loeb to do what is right. But not only that, we've got to strengthen black institutions. I call upon you to take your money out of the banks downtown and deposit your money in Tri-State Bank-we want a "bank-in" movement in Memphis. So go by the savings and loan association. I'm not asking you something we don't do ourselves at SCLC. Judge Hooks and others will tell you that we have an account here in the savings and loan association from the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. We're telling you to follow what we're doing. Put your money there. You have six or seven black insurance companies in the city of Memphis. Take out your insurance there. We want to have an "insurance-in." Now these are some practical things we can do. We begin the process of building a greater economic base. And at the same time, we are putting pressure where it really hurts. I ask you to follow through here.

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Now, let me say as I move to my conclusion that we've got to give ourselves to this struggle until the end. Nothing would be more tragic than to stop at this point, in Memphis. We've got to see it through. [applause] And when we have our march, you need to be there. If it means leaving work, if it means leaving school, be there. [applause] Be concerned about your brother. You may not be on strike. But either we go up together, or we go down together. [applause] Let us develop a kind of dangerous unselfishness. One day a man came to Jesus; and he wanted to raise some questions about some vital matters in life. At points, he wanted to trick Jesus, and show him that he knew a little more than Jesus knew, and throw him off base. Now that question could have easily ended up in a philosophical and theological debate. But Jesus immediately pulled that question from mid-air, and placed it on a dangerous curve between Jerusalem and Jericho. And he talked about a certain man, who fell among thieves. You remember that a Levite and a priest passed by on the other side. They didn't stop to help him. And finally a man of another race came by. He got down from his beast, decided not to be compassionate by proxy. But he got down with him, administering first aid, and helped the man in need. Jesus ended up saying, this was the good man, this was the great man, because he had the capacity to project the "I" into the "thou," and to be con cerned about his brother. Now you know, we use our imagination a great deal to try to determine why the priest and the Levite didn't stop. At times we say they were busy going to a church meeting - an ecclesiastical gathering - and they had to get on down to Jerusalem so they wouldn't be late for their meeting. At other times we would speculate that there was a religious law that "One who was engaged in religious ceremonials was not to touch a human body twenty-four hours before the cere mony." And every now and then we begin to wonder whether maybe they were not going down to Jerusalem, or down to Jericho, rather to organize a "Jericho Road Improvement Association." That's a possibility. Maybe they felt that it was better to deal with the problem from the causal root, rather than to get bogged down with an individual effort. But I'm going to tell you what my imagination tells me. It's possible that those men were afraid. You see, the Jericho road is a dangerous road. I remember when Mrs. King and I were first in Jerusalem. We rented a car and drove from Jerusalem down to Jericho. And as soon as we got on that road, I said to my wife, "I can see why Jesus used this as the setting for his parable." It's a winding, mean dering road. It's really conducive for ambushing. You start out in Jerusalem, which is about 1,200 miles, or rather 1,200 feet, above sea level. And by the time you get down to Jericho, fifteen or twenty minutes later, you're about 2,200 feet below sea level. That's a dangerous road. In the days of Jesus it came to be known as the "Bloody

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Pass." And you know, it's possible that the priest and the Levite looked over that man on the ground and wondered if the robbers were still around. Or it's possible that they felt that the man on the ground was merely faking. And he was acting like he had been robbed and hurt, in order to seize them over there, lure them there for quick and easy seizure. And so the first question that the Levite asked was, "If I stop to help this man, what will happen to me?" But then the Good Samaritan came by. And he reversed the question: "If I do not stop to help this man, what will happen to him?" That's the question before you tonight. Not, "If I stop to help the sanitation workers, what will happen to my job?" Not, "If I stop to help the sanitation workers what will happen to all of the hours that I usually spend in my office every day and every week as a pastor?" The question is not, "If I stop to help this man in need, what will happen to me?" The question is, "If I do not stop to help the sanitation workers, what will happen to them?" That's the question. [applause] Let us rise up tonight with a greater readiness. Let us stand with a greater determination. And let us move on in these powerful days, these days of challenge to make America what it ought to be. We have an opportunity to make America a better nation. And I want to thank God, once more, for allowing me to be here with you. You know, several years ago, I was in New York City autographing the first book that I had written. And while sitting there autographing books, a demented black woman came up. The only question I heard from her was, "Are you Martin Luther King?" And I was looking down writing, and I said yes. And the next minute I felt something beating on my chest. Before I knew it I had been stabbed by this demented woman. I was rushed to Harlem Hospital. It was a dark Saturday afternoon. And that blade had gone through, and the X-rays revealed that the tip of the blade was on the edge of my aorta, the main artery. And once that's punctured, you drown in your own blood - that's the end of you. It came out in the New York Times the next morning, that if I had merely sneezed, I would have died. Well, about four days later, they allowed me, after the operation, after my chest had been opened, and the blade had been taken out, to move around in the wheelchair in the hospital. They allowed me to read some of the mail that came in, and from all over the states, and the world, kind letters came in. I read a few, but one of them I will never forget. I had received one from the Pres ident and the Vice President. I've forgotten what those telegrams said. I'd received a visit and a letter from the Governor of New York, but I've forgotten what the letter said. But there was another letter that came from a little girl, a young girl who was a student at the White Plains High School. And I looked at that letter, and I'll never forget it. It said simply, "Dear Dr. King: I am a ninth-grade stu

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dent at the White Plains High School." She said, "While it should not matter, I would like to mention that I am a white girl. I read in the paper of your misfortune, and of your suffering. And I read that if you had sneezed, you would have died. And I'm simply writing you to say that I'm so happy that you didn't sneeze." [applause] And I want to say tonight, I want to say that I too am happy that I didn't sneeze. Because if I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been around here in 1960, when students all over the South started sit ting-in at lunch counters. And I knew that as they were sitting in, they were really standing up for the best in the American dream. And taking the whole nation back to those great wells of democracy which were dug deep by the Founding Fathers in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitu tion. If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been around here in 1961 when we decided to take a ride for freedom and ended segregation in interstate travel. If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been around here in 1962, when Negroes in Albany, Georgia, decided to straighten their backs up. And whenever men and women straighten their backs up, they are going somewhere, because a man can't ride your back unless it is bent! [applause] If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been here in 1963, when the black people of Birmingham, Alabama, aroused the conscience of this nation, and brought into being the Civil Rights Bill. If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have had a chance later that year, in August, to try to tell America about a dream that I had had. If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been down in Selma, Alabama, to see the great movement there. If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been in Memphis to see the community rally around those brothers and sisters who are suffering. I'm so happy that I didn't sneeze. [applause] And they were telling me, now it doesn't matter now. It really doesn't matter what happens now. I left Atlanta this morning, and as we got started on the plane, there were six of us, the pilot said over the public address system, "We are sorry for the delay, but we have Dr. Martin Luther King on the plane. And to be sure that all of the bags were checked, and to be sure that nothing would be wrong on the plane, we had to check out everything carefully. And we've had the plane protected and guarded all night." And then I got to Memphis. And some began to say the threats, or talk about the threats that were out. What would happen to me from some of our sick white brothers? Well, I don't know what will happen now. We've got some difficult days ahead. But it really doesn't matter with me now. Because I've been to the mountaintop. [applause] And I don't mind. Like any body, I would like to live a long life. Longevity has its place. But I'm not concerned about that now. I

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just want to do God's will. And He's allowed me to go up to the mountain. And I've looked over. And I've seen the promised land. I may not get there with you. But I want you to know tonight, that we, as a people, will get to the promised land! So I'm happy, tonight. I'm not worried about anything. I'm not fearing any man. Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord!

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