Inicijal 1 (2013)

1
2013
INITIAL
A REVIEW OF MEDIEVAL STUDIES
VOLUME 1
BELGRADE 2013
CONTENTS
I RTICLES
. ,
. , 2936. De administrando imperio
E. MOUTAFOV, Typology and Semantics of Cryptograms and Acrolexa in the
Orthodox East
. ,
K. REGAN, Boje utvrde Kraljevine Slavonije
N. PORI, Peace Negotiations between Serbia and Dubrovnik in 13011302
E. KURTOVI, Magarci u dubrovakom zaleu
. ,
. , (15421567)
. ,
II SOURCE MATERIAL
. , II
. ,
. . , 1574.
III REVIEWS
DUBRAVKO LOVRENOVI, Bosanska kvadratura kruga (E. Kurtovi)
,
. (. )
(. . )
. ,
(. )
IV SCHOLARLY LIFE
Historiografska produkcija o srednjovjekovnoj Bosni u 2011. godini (D. Dautovi)
. Digital Diplomatics
2011 Tools for the Digital Diplomatist, 2011 (. )
INITIAL
UDC 93/94
ISSN 2334-8003
CENTRE FOR ADVANCED MEDIEVAL STUDIES
INITIAL
VOLUME 1
Editor-in-Chief
Sran Rudi
Editorial Board
Lenka Blechov-elebi (Prague), Stanoje Bojanin,
Borislav Grgin (Zagreb), Gbor Klaniczay (Budapest),
Esad Kurtovi (Sarajevo), Smilja Marjanovi-Duani,
Vojin Nedeljkovi, Georgi Nikolov (Sofia), Paola Pinelli
(Florence), Danica Popovi, Dejan Radievi, Radivoj Radi,
Sran Rudi, Irena padijer, Georg Vogeler (Graz)
Publishing Editor
Dragi M. ivojinovi
Belgrade
2013
UDK 93/94
ISSN 2334-8003
1

- (), ,
(), (),
(), -, ,
(), (),
, , , ,
(),

.
2013
CONTENTS
I ARTICLES
,
, ....................... 11
UNA POPOVI, St Augustines Inner Self Horizon The Inward Turn,
the Method and the Problem of Knowledge ........................................ 31
, 2936 De
administrando imperio ........................................................................ 33
BOJAN NOVAKOVI, The Map as an Information Source for Chapters
2936 of De administrando imperio .................................................... 47
EMMANUEL MOUTAFOV, Typology and Semantics of Cryptograms and
Acrolexa in the Orthodox East in the Byzantine and Post-Byzantine
Period.................................................................................................... 49
E ,
............................................................................. 74
,
...................................................................... 77
MARIJA VASILJEVI, Mentions of Ancestors in Nemanji Charters and
Legitimization of Power ...................................................................... 95
KREIMIR REGAN, Boje utvrde Kraljevine Slavonije .......................... 97
KREIMIR REGAN, Gods Fortresses of the Kingdom of Slavonia ...... 114
NEBOJA PORI, Peace Negotiations between Serbia and Dubrovnik
in 13011302 A Case Study in Medieval Diplomacy .................... 115
, 13011302. :
...................................................................................... 134
ESAD KURTOVI, Magarci u dubrovakom zaleu ................................. 137
ESAD KURTOVI, Donkeys in the Ragusan Hinterland ........................... 158
, ................................................................ 161
ALEKSANDAR KRSTI, New Data about voivode Milo Belmuevi
and his Family ................................................................................... 184
,
(15421567): ................. 187
RADMILO PEKI, Lorenzo Miniati A Secret Agent in Dubrovnik
(15421567): According to Data from the Ragusan Archives .......... 203
,
............................................................................................ 205
MONIKA MILOSAVLJEVI, Notes from the Margin The Significance
of Mihailo Valtrovi for the Study of Medieval Antiquities in
Serbia ................................................................................................. 226
II SOURCE MATERIAL
, II
...................................................................................... 229
DRAGI IVOJINOVI, Horismos of Bulgarian Tsar John Asen II
for Ragusa .......................................................................................... 238
,
.............................................................................................. 241
ARKO VUJOEVI, The Arhiljevica Chrysobull of Emperor Stephen
Duan ................................................................................................. 253
,
1574. ........................................................ 255
ALEKSANDAR JAKOVLJEVI NEVEN ISAILOVI, The Census of the
Petrovo polje nahiye from 1574 ........................................................ 290
III REVIEWS
DUBRAVKO LOVRENOVI, Bosanska kvadratura kruga, Dobra knjiga,
Sarajevo Sinopsis, Zagreb 2012 (Esad Kurtovi) ........................... 293
,
I: 11861321 (.
),
, 2011 ( ) ................................... 295
, ,
, . 25, , 2011
( ) ................................. 297
. ,
( XII
XIII .), , 2011 ( ) .... 302
IV SCHOLARLY LIFE
Historiografska produkcija o srednjovjekovnoj Bosni u 2011. godini
(Denan Dautovi) ............................................................................. 309
. Digital
Diplomatics 2011 Tools for the Digital Diplomatist,
2011 ( ) ................................................................. 323
APPENDIX
........................................................... 333
Editorial Norms and Recommendations ................................................. 341
I

ARTICLES
. 1 (2013) 1131
Initial. A Review of Medieval Studies 1 (2013) 1131
: 27958:[27:101 ,

a

2, ,
una.popovic@gmail.com
. :
,

: .

:
,
. .
, , ,
, , , , .
, , .
: , , , , , , ,

, .
- , ,
, : (. . 179007).
11
. 1 (2013) 1131

, ,
, , .
, , , ,
( , , ,
), , . ,
, :
, , , .

.
:
, ( )
,
, . , , ,

, ,
: ,
. ,
, ,
, ,
,
.

, .
, ,
: ,
.
,
12
. ,
,
, ,

. , : , ,
, , ,
-,
,
. , ,
, , :
-
, . , ,
:
, , . ,
, , ,
:

, ,
.
, , , .

, , , , ,
, , , , . ,
.
13
. 1 (2013) 1131

,
, , . ,
, . ,
,
, .
, :

, ,
, - .1
, .
,
,
, . ,
, :
. , ,
,
,
. , , , .
, , , ,
. , , .2
1
. P. SEELE, Philosophie der Epochenschwelle: Augustin zwischen Antike

und Mittelalter, Quellen und Studien zur Philosophie 80, Berlin 2008, 118119.
2
.
(Soliloquia): , -
14
. ,
,
, , . , ,
, . ,
, , . , , ,
,
, ,
. , , ,
:
,

.
:
, ,
. , ,
,
( ),
, , . e , , , :
,
,
. , je : ( , , ),
.
, . ,
, ,
,
(, ).
15
. 1 (2013) 1131

. , ,
,
. , :
, ,
, .
: 1) , ,
, , 2) ,
, (
), 3) , ,
, : (), ().
, , , :
, , , , . , ,
, :
, . , , , .
, ,
, . : ,
, ; ,
. : ,
,
. , , .
16
. ,

,
:

, . , ;
.
, .
:

,
, .
, ,
; , , ,
. ,
, , ,
.
, , ,
,
.
, , . ,
, . , , ,
.
, , . , , :
17
. 1 (2013) 1131
, , ,
, ,
,
. , , ,
,
,
, .
, . , ,
: , ,
, . ,
,
.
,
, : ,
, -
,
, . ,
: , , , , . , :
, , ,
.3
, , :
,
. , , , , , , .
3
18
. A. AVGUSTIN, Ispovijesti (prev. S. HOSU), Zagreb 1987, 148149.
. ,

: ,
, .
, , : ,

, . , ,
, .
,
, , .

.
, , ,
. ,
, ,
:
, . ,
, ,
, .
,

.
, .
,
, :
, ,
,
. , ; , , , . :
.4 ,
4
AR),
. A. AUGUSTIN, O slobodnoj volji, Srednjevjekovna filozofija (prir. S. KUZagreb 1996, 121222, str. 139.
19
. 1 (2013) 1131
, , .5 , ,
, ; ,
,
.6 ,

, , , .7
, . 8 ,
, ,
.9 , , ( ,
10), ,
,
. : , , , ,

, . :
,
5
ivotinja se naime ne bi kretala teei za neim ili izbjegavajui neto ako

ne bi osjeala da osjea; ovo pak ne spada na znanje, jer se ono tie razuma, nego samo na kretanje, a to ne osjea ni jednim od onih pet osjetila. ( ) A.
AUGUSTIN, O slobodnoj volji, 139.
6
ISTO, 142.
7
.
, , : ,
,
, .
8
A. AUGUSTIN, O slobodnoj volji, 138.
9
ISTO, 137.
10
ISTO, 139.
20
. ,
, .
:
, ,
. , ,
, ,
,
, . , :
.
:
, ,
, .

- . ,
,
. ,
,
, , .
,
, . ,
, ( )
. , , , : , ,
, . , , de facto
.11
: (
11
. P. SEELE, Philosophie der Epochenschwelle, 147.
21
. 1 (2013) 1131
),
, , ,
.12
,
, .
, ,

: , ,
,
,
, .13
, ,
,
, , ,
.
, , : , ,
, ( ).
, ,

,
.
, , , ,
.14 , , ,
,
,
, .
, , , ? ,
12
. SV. AUGUSTIN, Trojstvo (prev. M. MANDAC), Split 2009, 621.

. A. AUGUSTIN, O slobodnoj volji, 147.
14
ISTO, 143144.
13
22
. ,
:
,
, : (
) ,

,
, ,
.
:
,
, , , . ,
,
: ,
.
, ; , ,
. , , ,
,
,
, , .
:
, ,
. ,
, ,
,
, : , , , ( ).
23
. 1 (2013) 1131
,
, , .15 , , , , :16 , , , .17 , , ,
,
: , ,
, .18
, ,
: , , . -, ,
.19 , 15
[Mi smo] ...pokuali napetost uma uzdignuti da shvatimo onu najodliniju i

nepromjenljivu narav koja nije naa dua. Ipak smo je tako motrili da nije od nas daleko i da nije nad nama, ali ne po mjestu, nego smo je gledali po samoj njenoj uzvienoj
i divnoj izvrsnosti . SV. AUGUSTIN, Trojstvo, 605.
16
SV. AUGUSTIN, Trojstvo, 463. , ,
,
( ): , . . ISTO, 466.
17
. . ASPERS, Plato and Augustine (trans. R. MEINHEIM), New York 1962, 71.
18
. A. AUGUSTINE, On Christian Doctrine, The Works od Aurelius Augustine,
Bishop of Hippo IX (trans. J. F. SHAW S. D. SALMOND), Edinburgh 1873, 1172, p. 17.
19
:
,
, ,
. ,
, , ,
. , , , , ex nihilo
24
. ,
() , ,
:
,
, , , ,
, ( )
, .
; ,
. , ,20
, .
,
,
, , , . ,
, . ,
.21
. , , ,
, , .
20
, , : ,
, , , ,
(De Trinitate).
21
, ,
,
, .
,
: , .
25
. 1 (2013) 1131
:

,
, . . , , ,
, ,
; .
, ,
,
: ,
, ,
, .22 , , , .
,
:23 ,
.

, ,

,
. , , , : , ,
, ,
.24 ,
: , ,
22
Mutatis mutandis , . . A. AUGUSTINE, On Christian Doctrine, 1213.

23
. ISTO, 14.
24
. . . , :
(. . ), 1982, 230.
26
. ,
,
.25 ,
( ): ,
, . ,
,
.

- ,
, , , , , , ,
.
: ,
, ,
.
, , ,
. , , , ,
,
.
,
( ) .26 , : .27
25
. A. AUGUSTIN, Ispovijesti, 144.

,
, , .
27
,
, ,
metexis/parousia/mimesis. , , , .
26
27
. 1 (2013) 1131
, ,
, .
:
, .28
: , ,
. , , :
, .
: ,
, .
() ()
:
.
, ,
, - . - ,
.
, , () , , . , : , ,
, . , , , 28
28
. A. AUGUSTIN, Ispovijesti, 262263.
. ,

, .29 ,
, ,
.
: , , , . , , , , . , , , : , ,

,
.
, , ,
.
, , .
, ,

. , , : , .
, . , :

. .
30 , (). , ,
29
. . , (. . ),
1997, 107108.
30
P. CURY, Augustines Invention of the Inner Self. The Legacy of a Christian
Platonist, Oxford 2000, 66.
29
. 1 (2013) 1131
, . , , . ,
: , , .31
,
, ; , , , , .
, , .
, , :
,
( ).
, : ,
,
. , ,
,
- ,
Dubito, ergo sum:
, . ,
.
, , ,
.
31
30
ISTO, 63.
. ,
Una Popovi
ST. AUGUSTINES INNER SELF HORIZON:
THE INWARD TURN, THE METHOD AND
THE PROBLEM OF KNOWLEDGE
Summary
This essay is dedicated to the analysis of the philosophical aspect of St.
Augustines thought, in the sense that St. Augustine, besides being one of the
thinkers who defined Christian thought, also figures as a redefiner of earlier
philosophical thought in the new, Christian context. Through this process,
themes and contents inherited from ancient philosophy were being adopted
and reshaped from the Christian perspective, thereby directly refining the understanding of the Christian position itself. The analysis offered in this paper
attempts to show what exactly is this Christian position and how it enables
fruitful philosophical thought.
Analysis is focused on Augustines determination of the inner self horizon, which not only represents an entirely new motif, unknown to ancient philosophy, but also provides insight into the shifting of thought towards new
philosophical positions based on the Revelation. The main subjects of analysis
are the inward turn, the structure of cognitive faculties of the human being, as
well as the methodological aspects of this process. First, Augustines quest for
the definition and fulfillment of his personal self is revealed as the integral
part of his quest for God, both in his pre-Christian and Christian years: only
out of the perspective of the inward turn can these quests be fulfilled. Then,
this inward turn is more precisely and more thoroughly investigated through
the analysis of the structure of human cognitive faculties, resulting in two different, yet similar inward turns, both constitutive for the foundation of the self
and innovative in their methods. Finally, Augustines self is to be founded in
its relationship with God, which is not merely ontological, but should govern
every aspect of human life. As a result, the threefold structure of human cognitive faculties stands for three different modes of human existence, as well as
of self-knowledge and self-determination. Therefore, Augustines self is presented as the place, topos of new Christian thought, which is the only possible
position of thinking for a Christian and thus the new position of philosophy,
as promulgated by St. Augustine.
Keywords: St. Augustine, the inward turn, self, philosophy, God,
knowledge, reflection, method.
: 9. 2012.
: 28. 2013.
31
. 1 (2013) 3348
: 94(495.02:497)"09":[912:930.2

1, ,
bojan.novakovic77@gmail.com
2936
DE ADMINISTRANDO IMPERIO
: (2936) De administrando imperio,

VII (945959). ,
, ,
.
: , De administrando imperio,
, , , hora, horion.
De administrando imperio ( DAI), 2936

,
.
, , , , ,
. , .
, ,
o .

, , ,
33
. 1 (2013) 3348
.1 II (408450) ,
IX .2 VI , . (VI ),3
.4
VIII
,5 .
.
1295. , .6 , ,
.7 , ,
1
, , .: O. A. W. DILKE, Cartography in Byzantine Empire, The
History of Cartography. 1: Cartography in Prehistoric, Ancient, and Medieval Europe
and the Mediterranean (eds. J. B. HARLEY D. WOODWARD), Chicago 1987, 258
275. : Cartography in Antiquity and the Middle Ages: Fresh Perspectives, New Methods, Technology and Changes in History 10
(eds. R. J. A. TALBERD R. W. UNGER), Leiden 2008.
2
W. WOLSKA-CONUS, Deux contributions lhistoire de la gographie: 1. La
Diagnsis Ptolmenne; 2. La Carte de Thodose II, Travaux et Mmoires. Centre
de Recherche dhistoire et civilisation byzantines 5, Paris 1973, 259279.
3
W. WOLSKA-CONUS, La topographie chrtienne de Cosmas Indicopleustes:
thologie et sciences au VIe sicle, Vol. 3, Bibliothque byzantine, Paris 1962.
4
.
, (E. KITZINGER, Studies on Late Antiquity and
Early Byzantine Floor Mosaics: 1. Mosaics at Nikopolis, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 6
(1951) 81122);
(H. DONNER H. CPPERS, Die Mosaikkarte von Madeba, Abhandlungen des Deutschen Palstinavereins 5, Wiesbaden 1977).
5
Ravennatis anonimy cosmographia et Gvidonis geographica, eds. M. PINDER
G. PARTHEY, Berlin 1860.
6
L. BAGROW, The Origin of Ptolemys Geographia, Geografiska Annaler 27
(1945) 318387; J. L. BERGGREN A. JONES, Ptolemys Geography. An Annotated
Translation of the Theoretical Chapters, Princeton Oxford 2000.
7
C. WENDEL, Planudes, Maximos, Paulys Realencyclopdie der classischen
Altertumswissenschaft 20/2, Stuttgart 1950, 22022253; E. POLASCHEK, Ptolemys
Geography in a New Light, Imago Mundi 14 (1959) 1737.
34
. , 2936 DAI
,
,
.8 , , , . ,
.

, DAI . , 29. : ,
.9 : /
( Cotunum, , . );10 / ( Kissa . )11
/ ( Estrum, . ).12

, . ,
.13
,
, . , .
.
,
, , .
,
, , .
8
O. A. W. DILKE, Cartography in Byzantine Empire, 271272.

Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De Administrando Imperio 1, ed. GY. MORAVCSIK, trans. R. J. H. JENKINS, Washington 1967, 138, . 291292 (= DAI 1).
: 2, . . , 1959, 2526 (= 2).
10
P. SKOK, Kako bizantinski pisci piu lina i mjesna slvenska imena, Starohrvatska prosvjeta n. s. 1 (1927) 6076, 161196, str. 163.
11
P. SKOK, Kako bizantinski pisci, 163; ISTI, Slavenstvo i romanstvo na jadranskim otocima, Zagreb 1950, 69.
12
P. SKOK, Kako bizantinski pisci, 164; ISTI, Slavenstvo i romanstvo, 100.
13
P. SKOK, Kako bizantinski pisci, 193.
9
35
. 1 (2013) 3348

.
/ ( )
, ,

.
, , . (/)
, . ,
,
, DAI.

.
, 29. () , .
, Cotunum, , . ,14 , . , ,
. , , ,
, ,
,
, .
,
, .15 , ,

. DAI,
, , .
, .
(-)
14
15
36
ISTO, 163.
P. SKOK, Slavenstvo i romanstvo, 126.
. , 2936 DAI
,
, .

, ,
. ,16
.
, . (-) (Doclea),
( Longo).17
, , .
( ), ,
.18
, .
16
ISTO, 110.
, ,
. XIX . ,
Lunta, Linda (P. SCHAFARIK, Slavische Alterhmer 2, Leipzig 18441847, 273), (P.
SKOK, Kako bizantinski pisci, 191; ISTI, Ortsnamenstudien zu De admnistrando imperio des Kaisers Constantin Porphyrogennetos, Zeitschrift fr Ortsnamenforschung 4
(1928) 213244, p. 237). ,
(. , 12. , 1,
1967, 281444, . 197, 320; A. LOMA, Serbisches und kroatisches Sprachgut bei
Konstantin Porphyrogennetos, 38
(19992000) 87161, p. 113). Sallunto
IV ,
SalluntoDocleatium, . (A. J. EVANS, Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum, Westminster 1885, 88),
(. , , 1 (1930) 1324, . 17),
(P. MIJOVI, Porfirogenitovi veliki gradovi Dioklitije, Od
Dokleje do Podgorice, Cetinje 1998, 5569, str. 6263).
18
1, 320 (. ).
17
37
. 1 (2013) 3348
3 km ,
, , .
33. , :
, ,
; ,
.19 terra de Chelmo,
Chelmum . , .20 , , , . ,
,21
.

, . . , ,
,
. ,
,22 , DAI , .
19
DAI 1, 160, . 1015; 2, 5960.

. , I, 1902, 25; .
, , 1912,
138, 386, 571, 602. XIII , .
, ,
, . ,
.
21
(. )
, . .
22
. , , 182 (1940) 151257, . 216.
20
38
. , 2936 DAI
32. 33. , . ,
. (
: , , ). , ,
(. ), , () .23 , ,
,24 ,
.
. ,

. , , .
DAI , : ,
, .25 , 31.
,26 .
, ,
, ,
, . 32. DAI . ,
,
.
, , .
,
32. ,
23

DAI 1, 156, 76; 2, 53.
25
DAI 1, 152, 154, . 2127; 2, 49.
26
DAI 1, 148, . 1015; 2, 39.
24
39
. 1 (2013) 3348
. , 29.
: , , , , , ,27 .28
, .29
,
, .30
I,31
3136 DAI. , , : () , () , , () , () . , , , ,
,
.32 .
. : , , , .
,
, .33 , ,
, .
27
DAI 1, 124, . 5558; 2, 14.

DAI 1, 124, . 6365; 2, 14.
29
DAI 1, 128, 109; 2, 18.
30
M. ANI, Ranosrednjovjekovni Neretvani ili Humljani: Tragom zabune koju je prouzroilo
djelo De administrando imperio, Hum i Hercegovina kroz povijest: Zbornik radova 1,
Zagreb 2011, 217278, str. 253254. DAI
, .
31
Theophanes Continuatus, ed. I. BEKKERUS, Bonnae 1838, V, 288, 1723;
2, 79.
32
, , DAI , . ,
DAI ,
, .
33
- DAI
territory (DAI 1, 160, 151; 162, 22 [ 33]; 162, 19
[ 34]).
28
40
. , 2936 DAI
30.
DAI , , .
,
. , : , . ,
,
. , . , .
: , .34 , :
,
, . ,
.35
30. 29. : ()
() ,
, . , , .
,
, , .
, . , ,
. , 30. . ,
30.
.
34
35
DAI 1, 144, . 95106; 2, 34.

DAI 1, 144, 146, . 113119; 2, 3536.
41
. 1 (2013) 3348
, 30. . ,
30.
31. ,
. .
( ), 30. .
32. , ,
. 30. . , 34. ,
. , - 29. 30.
, 30. . VII

. ,
, ,
30. , . .36
29. , ,37 .38 30.
,39
.
. 35. .40 , ,
.
36
30. 29, 30. 31. , 30. : T. IVKOVI, Constantine Porphyrogenitus Source on the Earliest History of the Croats and
Serbs, Radovi Zavoda za hrvatsku povijest 42 (2010) 117131, p. 125; ISTI, Sources
de Constantin VII Porphyrognte concernant le pass le plus ancien des Serbes et des
Croates, BYZANTINA 20 (2010) 1137, p. 19.
37
DAI 1, 164, . 910; 2, 64.
38
DAI 1, 128, . 106112; 2, 18.
39
DAI 1, 144, . 95106; 2, 34.
40
DAI 1, 162, 164, . 59; 2, 63.
42
. , 2936 DAI
,41

. 32. 36. . ,
,42
, .
29. ,
3136,43 I,
. 32. ,

, .
48. , , .
() :
, , , , , , .44
, ,
.45 , , . ,
. , , ,
, , Marania, Morania Morauia.
31. 32. , .
, , .
41
DAI 1, 156, . 8385; 2, 54.

DAI 1, 156, . 8385; 2, 54.
43
J. B. BURY, The Treatise De administrando imperio, Byzantinische Zeitschrift
15 (1906) 517577, p. 524525.
44
Constantini Porphyrogeniti imperatoris De cerimoniis aulae Byzantinae libri duo, ed. I. REISKII, Bonnae 1829, 691, . 813; 2, 78.
45
. ,
9. 10. , 13 (1971)
75106, . 82.
42
43
. 1 (2013) 3348
31.
, ,
, .
, .46
, .
, ,
,
, . ,
.
, , .
,
,
.
, .
,
, .
,
,
. , ,
.
, .
, ,
. , : ,47
.
46
DAI
, De conversione Croatorum et Serborum,
874. 877. (T. IVKOVI, On the beginnings of Bosnia in the Middle Ages,
Spomenica akademika Marka unjia (19271998), Sarajevo 2010, 161180, pp.
163164; ISTI, De conversione Croatorum et Serborum. A Lost Source, Belgrade 2012
[]).
47
DAI 1, 162, 1; 2, 61.
44
. , 2936 DAI
,
.48
. DAI
, ,
. ,
. ,
,
, ,
.
, ,
.
.
3136 29.
,49 . ,
. 3136.
, ,50 29. () , , () (), .51 35. ,
.52

.

. 29. ,
48
: , , , ,
(DAI 1, c. 33, 2021; 2, 61). ,
, (T. IVKOVI, Constantine Porphyrogenitus kastra oikoumena in the Southern
Slavs principalities, 57 (2008) 928, p. 19).
49
J. B. BURY, The Treatise, 524525.
50
. 48 .
51
DAI 1, 138, . 287289; 2, 25. . T.
IVKOVI, Constantine Porphyrogenitus kastra oikoumena, 2022.
52
DAI 1, 164, . 911; 2, 63.
45
. 1 (2013) 3348
.53
,
,

. , .
: ...
.54 ,
, . :

, .55 3136
, ,
. 37. ( )
,56 . 2936 .57
,
.

, .58

. ( )
, 33. .
, , .
. , , , . 53
DAI 1, 138, .285295; 2, 2426.

, ,
.
54
DAI 1, 138, . 292293; 2, 26.
55
DAI 1, 138, . 293295; 2, 26.
56
DAI 1, 168, . 5864.
57
J. B. BURY, The Treatise, 525.
58
46
. , 2936 DAI
, , , !
, ,
.
.
,
, 2936
DAI .
,
. , ,
, IX X . , , ,
.
Bojan Novakovi
THE MAP AS AN INFORMATION SOURCE
FOR CHAPTERS 2936 OF DE ADMINISTRANDO IMPERIO
Summary
The article analyses the origins of geographic information contained in
chapters 2936 of De administrando imperio, an instruction in statesmanship
written by Byzantine emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus (945959).
Names given for certain Adriatic islands in chapter 29 (,
and ) are in fact all composed by merging names of
different islands lying close to each other, indicating that this information was
copied from a map. The same applies to the name from chapter
35, where we have a combination of a Slavic city name (Lug) with the name
of a nearby deserted ancient city (Doclea). The mountain of Hum with two
cities on it, mentioned in chapter 33, is a misconception resulting from a mapreading error Porphyrogenitus knew that the Slavic word hum means hill
and interpreted the cartographic representation of the medieval principality of
Hum and its two major cities as a mountain. The above examples may have
their origins in different maps dating from different periods. South Slavic
principalities and tribes are listed in an order that reflects their political status
those that were ruled by Serbia are placed immediately following it with
47
. 1 (2013) 3348
differences in that status denoted by the terms hora, horion and archontia.
This order served as the basis for the division of the text into chapters, and
Porphyrogenitus observed it in all his works.
Keywords: De administrando imperio, cartographic representation of
South Slavic lands, merged geographic names, christened Serbia, Hum
Mountain, hora, horion.
: 30. 2012.
: 15. 2013.
48
. 1 (2013) 4975
UDC: 003.26:003.083(411:495.02)"04/14"
mmanuel Moutafov
Bulgarian Academy of Sciences
Institute of Art Studies
21 Krakra Street, Sofia, Bulgaria
moutafov1@gmail.com
TYPOLOGY AND SEMANTICS OF CRYPTOGRAMS

AND ACROLEXA IN THE ORTHODOX EAST IN THE
BYZANTINE AND POST-BYZANTINE PERIOD
Abstract: As a matter of academic convention, combinations of Greek,

Old Bulgarian and Latin letters found on various, mostly religious objects are
called cryptograms. Lying somewhere between philology, art and medieval paraecclesiastic culture, cryptograms have remained outside clearly defined fields of
research. As a result, no attempt has been made to systematically decipher, analyze and publish them. This article is composed of three main sections. The first
discusses where and when cryptograms and acrolexa occur (personal use objects,
iconography, monumental decoration, manuscripts and old-print books, fortifications, sepulchral and on-throne crosses, coffins, etc). The second is dedicated to
the typology of cryptograms and acronyms based on semantic principles, classifying them by functions, such as apotropaic, soteriological, eschatological, eucharistic, invocational, mediative, therapeutic, etc. The third section explores whether
cryptograms have the role of apotropaic iconographic symbols and proposes mechanisms for reading them.
Keywords: typology, semantics, cryptograms, acronyms, Eastern Orthodoxy, Byzantium, Middle Ages.
Entering the new millennium gave rise to the self-confidence that

anything and everything can be unveiled by our computerized and plasticsoverwhelmed world. In this context the American Dan Brown in 2003
published a new tendency in the so-called conspiracy theory by means
of his novel The Da Vinci Code. With its 60 million circulation and translations into 44 languages this book hopes to reveal by means of literature
arguments the Catholic Churchs plots and the concealing of the truth
49

about Jesus. Hence still further neologisms, such as cryptex,1 have been
introduced in the language domain, and analyses of artifacts are carried out
from the perspective of modern enigmatics and cryptography. All this is as
much extravagant as it is indicative of the fact that human beings have always been striving to unriddle the past, and especially so when the past
has to do with the mystics of religion, church, art, and the letter combinations, which contain an implied message or text. Michel Foucault has realized that a significant specific feature of the West-European style of
thinking until the late sixteenth century was the perception that the world
is all covered with signs that need deciphering.2 This fact, however, continues being the feature differentiating a Christian-European from, for example, an Asian, for whom the sacrum is a given thing needing no decoding due to its lack of icons, its esoteric being and a priori agnostics. At the
various levels of a culture, however, the signs may be interpreted in different ways and may carry varying knowledge of the world. On the other
hand, because of our urge to encode our personal data we tend to automatically seek a similar intention also in the past generations.
Science has long had the knowledge of familiar combinations of
Greek, Ancient Bulgarian or Latin letters found on different objects designed mostly for cult purposes, such combinations being conditionally
and generally called cryptograms. They have been deciphered, analyzed
and published sporadically, because they have remained outside the specific scope of research interest, that is to say they are somewhere in-between
philology, art and the Medieval para-ecclesiastic culture.
My interest in such codes dates back to the same year I mentioned,
2003, when I was asked by a colleague of mine to decipher some Greek
cryptograms around crosses3 for an on-line publication. A year later my
1
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cryptex): The word cryptex is a neologism coined by the author Dan Brown for his 2003
novel The Da Vinci Code, denoting a portable vault used to hide secret messages. It is
a combination of the words cryptology and codex; an apt title for this device since it
uses the science of cryptology to protect information written on the contained scroll or
codex (p. 199 of the novel) although actually a codex is a term for early forms of
what would now be called a book, as opposed to a rolled scroll. It is claimed in the
novel that the original design came from the secret diaries of Leonardo da Vinci, but
this is apparently not based on fact: the 2004 illustrated version of the novel fails to
present any Leonardo sketch of such a device. Following the model of codex which
pluralises as codices, cryptex might be thought to pluralise as cryptices. However, Brown uses the plural form cryptexes in his novel.
2
. , , 1992, 75.
3
I. BENTCHEV, Monogramme und Akronyme als Ikonenaufschriften, 2006 http:
//www.icon-art.info/book_contents.php?lng=de&book_id=30.
50
E. Moutafov, Typology and Semantics of Cryptograms and Acrolexa

studies were summarized in an article,4 however, it was far from satisfying
my willingness to work on this subject in a wider context.5 I have recently
published also some articles about encrypted inscriptions in Thessaloniki,
the Republic of Macedonia and Cyprus.6
So far my studies have shown that in most cases the so-called cryptograms, acrolexa or acronyms are written around the cross and the tools
that Christ was tortured with.7 According to the opinion, which has existed
so far, images of crosses with cryptograms appeared as early as in Early
Christian times,8 and they are present in the church mural-paintings repertoire in the Middle Ages acquiring particular popularity in thirteenth and
fourteenth century9 on the Balkans, the island of Cyprus and partly in the
4
. ,
, .
6 ( 2004) 230247.
5
IDEM,
, 2007, 2008, 145148.
6
E. MOUTAFOV, Cryptograms and Bilingualism in Paleologian Art, Patrimonium 3 (Skopje 2010) 251261 (in Bulgarian); IDEM, Cross and Cryptograms on Molos
Watermill, Troodos Archaeological and Environmental Survey Project, Glasgow 2012
[in print]; E. MOUTAFOV A. RHOBY, New Ideas About the Deciphering of the Cryptic
Inscription in the Narthex of the Panagia Asinou (Phorbiotissa) Church (Cyprus), Medioevo Greco. Rivista di storia et filologia bizantina 12 (Roma 2012) 181188.
7
. . , , 1910; IDEM, , 1912; . . , , - 1917; . . , , 1905; J.-P. DESCHLER, Die
Ikonenbeschriftung, Hermeneia 2 (1990) 8495 and 4 (1990) 210218; T. DAIBER, Die
Randaufschriften der Ikone Das Jngste Gericht, Das Jngste Gericht. Eine Ikone im
Ikonen-Museum Recklinghausen, ed. E. HAUSTEIN-BARTSCH, Recklinghausen 1994,
3756; . . , 1215. .. - , 1997; T. DAIBER, Aufschriften auf russischen Ikonen, Monumenta Linguae Slavica Dialecti ceteris. Fontes et Dissertationes 37, Freiburg im Breisgau Weiher 1997; I. BENTCHEV, Zur Beschriftung der
Ikonen, . . 60 . . , , 2001, 107120; . . , . . , - 2001 and others.
8
Actually the first known cryptogram is the Christogram (the Chrisma)
from a catacomb of Prissila in Rome and dates back to the third century A.D. In the
fourth century Christs name started appearing spelt with the acronym , and only
about the fifth century the widely known appeared. See also the sources EUSEBIUS, Vita Constantini, book 1, chapter 31 and LACTANTIUS, De mortibus persecutorum, book 11.
9
G. BABI, Les croix cryptogrammes, peintes dans les glises serbes des 13e et
e
14 sicles, Byzance et les Slaves: etudes de civilisation: Melanges Ivan Dujcev, Paris
1979, 113.
51

West. The interest in such epigraphy of the Cross persisted also in the years
of the Ottoman domination.10 The predominantly apotropaic significance of
these crosses predetermined also their place in the mural paintings around
the entrance of a temple, in the lunettes, around the windows and in the altar alcoves.11 Besides in churches, the soteriological symbol with cryptograms appears also in works of applied arts, in manuscript illustrations,
printed paper icons, printed books,12 antimensions and tombstones.13 The
cryptograms are a kind of formulae consisting of several most often 2 or
4 characters, which form a sentence. It is considered that such formulae
have been taken from apocryphal prayers, and in terms of their contents
they most often praise Christ, his sacrifice, St. Constantine and St. Helena,
the redemption of the original sin and the True Cross.
There are two main terms in my study and this is how I interpret
them:
(1) the word cryptogram, from the Greek hide + ,
character, letter, has the literary meaning of a hidden character or a
hidden letter. The term of Greek origin, which by the way is not used in
the Greek language,14 translates as follows: 1. A written sign for cryptography; 2. What is written using such signs, cryptogram.15 Further on,
again having the meaning of mostly cryptography or a way of deciphering
information concealed in the Bible,16 the word is used in
10
A cross with cryptograms, for example, was painted in 1588 in a niche for
proskomidia at the Petkovitsa monastery in Fruka Gora. See . , , 1922, 3031; . , j ,
22 (1986) 115116.
11
G. BABI, Les croix cryptogrammes, 2.
12
. , 1517. , 1958, 127, 131, images n LIII-1, XXXIX-2.
13
The latter are a subject of this study as well, although they carry different
semantics and are not part of the official art.
14 In Greek the phrase letters of a monastic schema are used as:
: 1. IK = . 2. =
. 3. = . 4. =
. 5. = . 6.
= . 7. = . 8. = . 9. = . 10. = . Based on . , . , 1998.
15
, 1982, 454.
16
In some cases, the deciphering of cryptograms is given in the Bible itself (eg.
Daniel 5: 2528), in others, their authors let readers solve these riddles for themselves
(eg. Revelation 13: 1618) cf. D. R. HILLERS, Revelation 13: 18 and a Scroll from
Murabbaat, Bulletin of American Schools of Oriental Research 170 (1963) 65.
52

Russian; this same word has been accepted by the Russian researchers,
such as N. V. Pokrovskij17 and A. I. Yatsimirskij18 also as a term for the
characters of interest to us, which are found repeatedly on church-art monuments. The term is accepted also by the more recent scientists of still
other traditions, such as the Canadian Duncan Fishwick,19 the Serbian
Gordana Babi,20 and the British Christopher Walter.21 In Modern Greek a
synonym of this word is , , which entered the language
as a neologism from the English words cryptograph/cryptogram and has
been documented as appearing for the first time in 1845.22 The use of
cryptogams is called cryptography.
(2) , , in Greek is formed from ,
end + , word. This composite Greek word is most correctly translated as end (beginning) of a word, without being limited to designate only
personal names or nouns. A brilliant and brief example of what is called
acrolexo is the invocation ( ) God, help!, where only
the initial characters of a noun and of a verb in the imperative are used. In
the Greek language the term dates from the last century and it is not used
in any other languages.23 When using this word in the plural I preserve its
Greek suffix: acrolexa, to make it evident that it is a foreign word.
Generally, the terms used by researchers of cryptograms until nowadays, are:
- of Greek origin;
- neologisms, that is to say they are not found earlier than the beginning of the nineteenth century;
- have been devised by scientists outside Greece in order to serve the
set of terms used by them;
- we have no indication at all about what cryptograms were called in
the Middle ages and in the Post-Byzantine period either in Ancient Greek,
or Latin, or Old Bulgarian;
17
. . , ; IDEM, , etc.
. . , - 2. , 17/3 (- 1913) 2251.
19
D. FISHWICK, An Early Christian Cryptogram?, Canadian Catholic Historical Association Report 26 (Toronto 1959) 2941.
20
21
C. WALTER, The Apotropaic Function of the Victorius Cross, Revue des
etudes byzantines 55 (1997) 193215.
22
. , , 1998, 969.
23
I tried to introduce this term in 2004 in . ,
, 232.
18
53

- all such terms are pre-semanticized in other areas of knowledge
and life;
- the words cryptolexo, cryptgraph and acrolexo, in difference from cryptgram, cryptgraphy, acronym and monogram,
are not used in other languages, but modern Greek;
- in modern Greek the phrase characters for the monastic schema
is used for cryptograms, in Russian they are called
(words on the Cross).
The publishing and deciphering of cryptograms was initially the merit of Russian experts, who followed up to some extent from what had
been already published from Mount Athos by Porphyrius Uspenskij and
Georges Millet.24 The name of Nikolaj Pokrovskij25 comes to the fore
from amongst the Russian scientists he made a table of the most famous
cryptograms on Greek crosses of the period fourteenth sixteenth century;
this table has been widely used, referred to or reprinted by later researchers. His terminology and line of study was taken up further on by other
Russians in the twentieth century, however, they did not go as far as offering hypotheses about the origin of this kind of written characters around
crosses, neither did they make a detailed analysis of their semantics. 26 A
new qualitative level of research in cryptograms with embedding them in
the artistic context of the Middle Ages and by means of giving them a new
reading was launched by Gordana Babi in 1979.27 Of special importance
in the scholarly fashion is the article by Christopher Walter on the apotropaic function of the Crosses and the cryptograms on them.28 This study
strengthens and to some extent imposes from 1997 onwards the letter characters in combination with the Cross to be interpreted mainly as apotropaic symbols. However, until nowadays there is no promising study on the
issues specified in the title of this study, and particularly so bearing in
mind the new publications on monuments and the easier communication
among the researchers in the recent years. The publishing of cryptograms
occurs in more general publications by art historians, archeologists and
24
. , , 1877, 180; G. MILLET J. PARGOIRE L. PETIT, Recueil des Inscriptions Chretiennes de L Athos, Paris 1904, 64.
25
. . , ; IDEM, , etc.
26
. . , , 2251; . ,
; . . , ; . . , ; IDEM,
, etc.
27
28
C. WALTER, The Apotropaic Function of the Victorius Cross, 193215.
54

theologians, whereby it is hidden somewhere behind the professional analysis of monuments that they provide. On the other hand, when palaeographers or epigraphists publish such letter signs, they isolate the latter
from their artistic, overall Christian and historical context.
1. Where and When Do Cryptograms and Acrolexa Occur?
Personal use objects. Cryptograms enjoy a special place on encolpion crosses or reliquaries, worn around the neck or in church processions.
They have not been attached sufficient attention so far in terms of their
connection to later images of crosses in monumental art, manuscript tradition and iconography. They represent a part of the individual Christian cult
and became particularly widespread in tenth to twelfth century throughout
the Byzantine Empire and its cultural adapts.29 Some of them used to bear
as early as in fifth and sixth century invocations to Christ and quotations
of liturgical texts,30 which have the semantic value of individual begging
prayers.31
Iconography. The place, where inscriptions are positioned in the pictorial area of Orthodox icons, deserves a special study. On one hand, these
inscriptions constitute a visual materialization of an already existing text,
an iconographic instruction, a copy or an oral tradition, while on the other
hand they create a second, conditional sacral reality, which contains whole
words or even texts interweaved in it. Although each and every Christian
personage bears its own specific attributes and has a clearly determined
role in the different scenes of the history of Christ or his Church, the development of the illustrative-popularization role of the images in the East
and the main aim to make the believers literate caused the need of signifying the different human figures or compositions. However, the examples
of icons with cryptograms are not numerous; this fact gives me certain
grounds to assume that those letter signs did not enter widely the pictorial
area of Orthodox icons, because their addressee the ordinary churchgoer
was not in position to unriddle them. Letter signs appeared on the back
of some early Sinai icons and sporadically on some Medieval ones, but we
29
. , 2000,
308, 312; , 2002, 188.
30
. , , (= .
. - .
94 /13/ [2004]), 2004, 207222.
31
In the abovementioned encolpion crosses, panagirions and staurothekes
there are inscription by concrete persons with a clear begging prayer, and in some
cases in my view the askers themselves are portrayed.
55

do not have a sufficient attention-deserving number of later similar examples or letters around crosses bearing a more specific meaning.
Monumental decoration. Crosses with cryptograms, as I have already mentioned above, are present in the repertoire of the church iconography in the Middle Ages, acquiring particular popularity in the thirteenth
fourteenth century32 on the Balkans, the Island of Cyprus and partially in
the West. Apparently after having appeared on the items for personal use,
these symbols with their apotropaic or marking function were transferred
also onto the walls of some temples. In summary it may be said that there
is a wide variety of cryptograms around crosses in mural decorations, although this is not the place where they most often occur; they were present
there primarily in the fourteenth and fifteenth century; there exist cryptograms, mostly in Greek language, even in the Slavic-speaking world; the
readings of them are hypothetical in most cases; publications of them do
not always contain a reference to Medieval written sources, etc. Cryptograms were most widely used in mural decorations in the Palaeologian art
and are linked to the Ohrid archbishopric.33 On the Balkans in the PostByzantine period, and particularly after the late fifteenth century, their use
was rare until they were eventually forgotten in the times of the local Enlightenment, when the struggle for national liberation and church independence started.
Manuscript and old-print tradition. The earliest manuscript, where
the so-called cryptograms were used, has been reported by N. V. Pokrovskij.34 This manuscript is the Vaticanus Gr. 463 of the year 1063 containing orations of St. Gregory the Theologian, where the cryptogram AMC
is found; this cryptogram was deciphered as () = ( )
(the first-born Adam raised the Cross). Actually in these Orations of St. Gregory there are six miniatures representing crosses with cryptograms in their angles. Three of these bear the popular (the light
of Christ illuminates everything), while one of them has only the paleographic nomen sacrum IC XC, and the last one is .35 However, Pokrovskij does not decipher this is noted also by D. Karadzhova
without offering a reading, although she mentioned that in the case of
the title is somewhat different has a dot in the middle and probably
32

E. MOUTAFOV, Cryptograms and Bilingualism, 259260.
34
. . , , 356.
35
. , , 2627 (20042005) 413448, p. 415.
33
56

bears significant meaning.36 Most probably this is the phrase []
light of life, or it is only an acronym of the words and , similarly to the inscription on a reliquary cross of the twelfth thirteenth century at the Museum of Byzantine Culture, Thessaloniki,37 where the vertical arm of the cross bears the inscription: (light) and the horizontal
one has (life), the being in the center. A contribution of A. I. Jatsimirskij is the note about the potential connection of cryptograms in manuscripts to a protective, healing or strengthening function, where repetitive letters are found: [] (invocation Cross of the King of kings, be enthroned), as well as of Roman inscriptions in numismatics: PPP = Pater Patriae Perditur, SSS = Sapientia Secum Sustolitur.38
It is important to note, however, that the earliest occurrence of crosses with cryptograms in manuscripts was in the eleventh century in Sinai;
they were widely used in the thirteenth fourteenth century at the end or
the beginning of texts; they are combined with the names of manuscript
writers, who were mostly clergymen; in the earlier tradition they duplicate
the famous cryptograms in mural paintings and personal use items; from
the seventeenth century onwards many new Church-Slavonic acronyms
came in and they were related to old-print books issued in Russian setting;
the reading of the late cryptograms was mostly by intuition, because they
did not have analogues in the older tradition; they are found in late prayerbooks, books of services, amulets and compendia of apocryphal or apotropaic nature.
Fortification facilities the walls of Medieval Thessaloniki.39 One
of the specificities of what is called ceramoplastic decoration in the Middle
Byzantine period (843-1204) are the images of crosses with cryptograms.40
These are symbols made of bricks and mortar in the otherwise stone-made
buildings, found on the inner walls of temples and fortification facilities.
Especially interesting in this respect are the brick crosses with cryptograms on the fortress walls and towers of the early Christian and Medieval
36
IBIDEM.
, 504.
38
. . , , 46.
39
This chapter was published as a separate study in 2008. Cf. n. 5.
40
The Greek publications do not mention cryptograms, but mainly ceramicsplastics decoration appearing in Hosios Loucas from the second half of the tenth century onwards. It is typical of the architecture traditional of what is called Hellenic
architecture school and is a combination of geometric figures and Greek letters, in
most cases neglected by researchers in semantic terms and connected to the triumph
of Christianity over the Islam. See . , (600-1204),
1992, 111, 122123.
37
57

city of Thessaloniki. The images of such crosses are found at over 30 places on the fortress walls of this city, which was the second in importance in
the Empire; the presence of the images makes the city the Byzantine center, which in terms of semantics is the most strongly linked to the apotropaic feature of the cross. For comparison, we find mostly solar symbols on
the fortress walls of Medieval Constantinople. Another specificity of the
abovementioned images is that they are typical for the Thessaloniki walls
facing mainly south and east, however, the probable explanation here is
not so much the lack of enemies in the north, but rather the fact that the
city was easier to besiege from the west and from the side of the sea. The
earlier stages in the construction of the Thessaloniki fortification facilities
are characterized by ordinary crosses without letters, shaped by bricks horizontal to the arm or by eight parallel bricks; crosses with equal arms with
arch-shaped decoration inscribed in shapes resembling a building and other types of crosses are found as well. In the cases when letters exist, the
most frequently found are the cryptograms [] [] [] [] the light of Christ enlightens all and
Christ grants blessing to the Christians. Strongly entertaining are the examples where the places of the letters in the cryptograms
known to us have been changed and they have to be read from right to left;
the explanation here us that the builder followed the logic of constructing
the respective band and thus he did not take into account the viewing angle
of the viewer, namely bottom-up and left-to-right. This phenomenon has
received a masterly interpretation by Prof. G. Velenis. In terms of the
cryptograms content it may be noted that they are not manifestly different
from the acrolexa known to us from mural paintings images, personal use
items, antiminces, etc., therefore their apotropaic-marking function against
non-believers and hostile Christian peoples is obvious.41
In Jerusalem the crosses are frequent decoration on the walls of
Christian temples, however, they have rather the meaning of pilgrim graffiti. Most of them may be seen on the Medieval columns on the northern
gate to the Holy Sepulchre Church. Their shapes vary, however the inscriptions around them are dedicative (mainly in Armenian), and not of the
cryptograms type. This is probably due to the fact that here the traces of
the Byzantine period in Palestines history are quite scarce, and the authors
of such graffiti were not monks. The Crusaders, then, did not have affinity
to such letter signs with encrypted meaning with the exception of the familiar phrase C C and some inscriptions in the foot of the Cross,
namely: , which would mean in Greek (Kings Gol41
58
. M, , 230247.

gotha), as an acronym of [] (Holy Sepulchre) or (King of the Jews or Jesus, help). The foregoing
examples may be seen, however, in objects of stone and other artifacts. Everything may be read as cryptograms in Jerussalem, and especially so because of the combination of cross images, however, some of these letters are
found on Byzantine weights, which only resemble symbols worn on the
chest, but are read as numbers: = 12, = 13 nummia.42 What matters
more, however, is that in Palestine as early as in the fourth seventh century
a link occurred between coins with crosses and oil lamps with inscriptions,43
which are seen in the later monuments with cryptograms.
The coffin of Saint John of Rila and tomb crosses/stones. As early
as in the fourteenth century the Slavonic tradition showed a tendency of
writing cryptograms on coffins of saints. For example, on the coffin of bishop Dionysios of Suzdala of 1383 in the Kremlin museum, Moscow,44
one finds and reads as follows:
As a continuation of the Cross arms letters in titles are written on top,
four of them having been deleted.
On top: // // ; on the right: // ; on the left:
// ; at the bottom: [].45 I would not dare decipher these encrypted inscriptions, because I do not have the appropriate photographs to
do it. Nevertheless, almost certainly would mean (See above),
(from palaeography), , , , ... = [] [] [] ... or The light of the Pious man illuminates all sacraments.
Probably what we have here is a replica of the well-known , but
without undisputed analogues in the other monuments known to me. What
is important to note is that in this case we have the tombstone of a monk,
42
The cross often appears on weights of the Byzantine period, as an official

mark of reliability, and on most coins of the Byzantine emperors, but the letters on
them just mark the amount of their weight or denomination See Cradle of
Christianity, eds. Y. ISRAELI D. MEVORAH, Jerusalem 2000, 127.
43
J. H. A. ILIFFE, Tomb at el Bassa of c. A.D. 396, Quarterly of the Department of Antiquities in Palestine 9 (1934) 8488; A. KINDLER, A Seventh Century
Lamp with Coin Decoration, Israel Exploration Journal 8 (1958) 106109; S. LOFFREDA, Lucerne bizantine in Terra Santa con iscrizioni in Greco, Studium Biblicum
Franciscanum. Collectio Maior 35, Jerusalem 1989.
44
, 2000, 4552.
45
The author of the article about the coffin is of the opinion that these are
probably designations of epithets of the Cross; most of these letters are also expressed
in numbers, which means that a kind of cryptograph was used in the inscription...
, 46. For the time being I cannot offer a reading of these abbreviations.
59

representative of the higher-level clergy, who died on his way from Constantinople to Kiev and his coffin was made in a setting close to the Byzantine cultural-visual one.
It is not by chance that in the fifteenth century, i.e. when crosses
with cryptograms were becoming more and more numerous on the walls
of Bulgarian temples, as well as on the pages of manuscripts with miniatures, a similar theme appeared also on the most valuable relic in my country the relics of Saint John of Rila, protector of the Bulgarians and patron
of the largest Bulgarian monastery.
The use of cryptograms around tombstones or votive crosses in the
Post-Byzantine times was not a common phenomenon in our land, either.
There are several reasons for it. In general, there are not many preserved
crosses in necropolises prior to the eighteenth century; the incomprehensibility of the letter acronyms was probably the reason for not using them in
the folklore cult practices, i.e. in liturgies and open-air ceremonies, as well
as on graves of laymen; the connection of cryptograms to after-life is definitely limited.
The foregoing findings do not refer to the sentence in
combination with an image of Adams skull,46 which, due to its soteriological and eschatological meaning, is almost always found on funeral crosses
in the Post-Byzantine times.
What is notable is that tomb crosses or tombstones with an image of
the cross of the Post-Byzantine period in my country have under the cross
either Adams skull with the abbreviation ( Adams
head), or at this place the name of the deceased is cut in the stone together
with the year of his death as if the mortal makes on the Golgotha a direct
connection with the Saviors sacrifice. More often than not in these tombstones there was an engraving of the Holy Lance and the Holy Chalice
around the cross, but to the best of my knowledge there wr no cases of
inscription of and , probably because the latter are typical of a different
stratum of the Bulgarian national Revival culture. . Popova is right in noticing that cryptograms in general are not written on stone crosses.47
On-throne crosses. Atanas Atanasov notes that cryptograms are found
also on on-throne crosses and collection plates,48 and in our country this
happened mostly around the seventeenth eighteenth century, and particularly when the on-throne crosses were with woodcarving, made by monks,
46
. . , , 1996, ilustrations ns 100,

101, 108, 110, 109, 134b, 137, 207 etc.
47
IBIDEM, 31.
48
A. ATANASOV,
, 2/34 (1976) 5158, p. 57.
60

and were used in the Holy of the Holies of our monasteries. These, however,
were not published with significant interest in epigraphy and have not become a specific subject of study so far. For this reason I am not in position
to quote many examples.
To the best of my knowledge the earliest example of a bishops
cross for blessing, which bears cryptograms, is dated 15931615 and is at
the Iviron monastery on Mount Athos49. On its wide parts the following
can be read: (The place of the skull became Paradise) and C
(Beginning of faith Mosaic cross). The body of this cross is made of
wood, but it bears silver incrustations, gold-plating and semi-precious
stones. The same are the cryptograms on the on-throne wood-carved cross
from the second half of the seventeenth century, which is in the Dionysiou
monastery, again on Mount Athos.50
The situation is the same with antimensions they have not been studied in this aspect, but it may be alluded that in their schematic versions, i.e.
where there is an image only of the cross with the step-like Golgotha framed
by the sponge and spear, there is the inscription [] (The place of the
skull became Paradise for Adam) this is the case in an antimension of the
sixteenth century from the Simonopetra monastery.51 In these compositions
even the evangelists are represented with the word-symbols: , , , . Making the narrative of these materials more
complicated in the seventeenth century resulted also in the drop-out of the
letter acronyms the painting under the cross shows the laying-down in the
grave or Christ in the material grave.
Future generations of researchers will definitely be finding more and
more examples of letter acronyms on the above mentioned genres, as well as
on the other, not mentioned here, genres of Christian art, and will add new
data. However, in terms of content and function the new data will hardly
differ substantially from those gathered so far. Therefore I would not like to
continue the tedious enumeration of facts about monuments; rather I would
move on to the typology stated in the title, the mechanisms of occurrence of
such epigraphy and the visual models of their use in Christianity.
2. Cryptograms and Acronyms Typology
Based on the Semantics Principle
Invocations of the kind (God, help), / (Christ, help) and (Mother of God,
help) are found throughout the whole Middle Ages mostly on items for
49
, 1997, 388, . 9.52.

IBIDEM, 397, . 9.59.
51
IBIDEM, 490, . 12.1.
50
61

personal usage, such as rings, claps, etc. Their acronyms are most often ,
or and are probably the prototype of all later so-called cryptograms
around the Cross. For the then churchgoers, however, these did not have a
cryptic meaning, but can rather be designated with the Greek term acrolexa ( initial letters of words) or abbreviations. The model for
the so-called acrolexa was probably also the acrostics of the prayer canon of
Saint Joseph the Hymnographer (840-883).52 As a matter of principle, it
would be incorrect in methodological and factological terms all inscriptions
around cross images to be called cryptograms or acronyms (Greek initial
letters of nouns) prior to the occurrence of the tetragrammata in the Byzantine visual poetry, the Slavonic tradition about the fifteenth century or most
of all prior to the early seventeenth century. In my view before that era one
can speak predominantly about acrolexa and abbreviations, which came into
the iconography and monumental art from the small shapes of items related
to the individual worshipping of the holy relics and marking the christening
of the worshipper.
It seems to me, further on, that the apotropaic function of the images
of crosses with inscriptions is a bit hyperbolized, because in terms of content
prior to the thirteenth fourteenth century there are only a few examples of
contents driving away evil or enemies. The leading ones among the early
examples are rather the marking, christening, soteriological and invocation
functions, because according to the canonical Christianity the worshipper is
strong with his faith and prayer, and not with the symbols that chase evil
away. There exist also inscriptions around crosses, which have completely
neutral meaning, such as Hello, (the Cross) dominates or Light life.
In the most recent German literature apotropaicity is disputed also in terms
of the symbols of cryptograms on the built-in bricks on the faades of the
Orthodox temples of the twelfth fourteenth century.
In Russian art even the abbreviation = Latin INRI = Greek
INBI53 (Jesus of Nazareth, Judean king), written on the tablets above the
Crucifix, occurred only after the reform by Patriarch Nickon in the seventeenth century. This was the time of laying down the real beginning in the
repetition of the same letters, which for most researchers bear some encoded meaning.
52
The content of the acrostics forming the authors name see . ,

, 1949, 260.
53
Jesus Nazarenus Rex Judaeorum =
= Jesus of Nazareth the King of Judeans. On the head of the crucified Christ in an icon
at the Iviron monastery of the first half of the eighteenth century there is an inscription
= [] = . The icon was published
without comment on the inscription in: , 182, . 2.116. For
reading see above in the text.
62

Apotropaic function. Undoubtedly the main function of both the
cross and its accompanying letter signs is the apotropaic function, i.e. the
one chasing evil away. All authors agree with it, whereby a major credit
goes to father Christopher Walter for unveiling this nuance in a wide epistemic context.54
In terms of the contents of the cryptograms the following may be defined as apotropaic: , , , or
This sign scares the demons, C [] / or Our savior (is) the Cross of Moses,
, ,
, , C , , etc. As it is seen from their contents, they chase away or
save from the devil (Satan), protect against furies and demons, whereby in
the saviors role is either the True Cross, or less often the God of forces.
The apotropaic function, although leading, is not the only one.
Soteriological function. The Saviors sacrifice on the cross aimed at
redemption of the sins of mankind predetermines also the soteriological
function not only of the Life-bearing tree, but also that of the signs around
it. Therefore, although rarely, cryptograms appear around crosses in temple-tombs such as the Saint Archangels in the Bachkovo Monastery and on
tombstones/tomb crosses.
Cryptograms with the following content may be categorized under
the soterological function: ,
= , , ,
= ? Redeems this beginning
of Constantine, (light) + (life) as opposed to darkness and
death, ( (Paradise), (
), ( ), etc.
Eschatological function. Tightly linked to the soteriological meaning of the cross and its epigraphy is the faith in the Last Judgment of Christ.
The cryptograms with such a function are only a few, but still there are
some. As a concrete example we can mention the acronym with two acrolexa-epithets: (Christ Fair Judge) from
the icon of the conductor of souls (psychopompos) St. Archangel Michael,
who will render justice on behalf of the Just Judge on Last Judgment
Day, as is the case with the later Greek examples.
54
C. WALTER, The Apotropaic Function of the Victorius Cross, 193215.
63

Eucharistic function. Crosses with cryptograms occur also in mural
decorations of altars in some Medieval and Post-Byzantine temples, which
means that they are given also an eucharistic function during a service.
Since distant antiquity bread and wine have been used for ritual purposes
by numerous peoples. From Christianity point of view most significant are
the practices of ancient Judeans described in the Old Testament. For example, Melchizedek welcomes with bread and wine patriarch Abraham of
the Old Testament (Genesis 14:18). Further on, Christianity views the Judean Passover as the prototype of communion. Valid in this case is the explanation given by St. John of Damascus, which was accepted by the Seventh Ecoumenical Council; according to this explanation the bread and
wine do not change their material nature, neither do they remain ordinary
earthen substances, but rather their nature connects to the divine nature of
Jesus Christ. This happens at a certain point of the church service, which is
actually its culmination.
The following may be identified as cryptograms a with Eucharistic
(thanksgiving) message: , , , , , (), ..., ,
, , ,
, , , etc.
Invocational function. As a matter of fact, it is the abbreviations of
invocation formulae such as , , (Win in the name of
the the cross) and others on objects of the personal cult that give rise to the
initial occurrence of the idea of the cryptograms, as I have mentioned before. And again they are the source of later abbreviations such as
, that were to appear also on the walls of
temples in the fourteenth century. However, the examples of cryptograms
of such meaning are only a few, probably because the dialogue form of
invocations is not typical for them, i.e. they rarely serve as prayers having
a form of address and a concrete asking.
Euchemic function. Crosses with cryptograms, as well as their reading, occurred in the Post-Byzantine era also in some apocryphal prayerbooks, which is definitely an indication of their widespread distribution on
the Balkans about the seventeenth century also in the form of euchemata
(religious wishes). At that same time also the Batoshevski prayer-book appeared, which means that, although to a limited extent, the staurographic
abbreviations are institutionalized in the system of out-of-church prayers.
The following were used as euchemata about the seventeenth century:
, , 64

, ,
= Thank God, God help (as part of the prayer to Jesus), etc.
Mediator/mediative function. The mediative function is tightly linked to the apotropaic one. It is intrinsic to the nature of the Cross as a mediator between the world of the sinful and pious, between death and eternal
life, between the profaning and sacred. That is why crosses with
cryptograms are painted in the temples at places, where there is a transition
from one space to another, as a form of initiation. They mark the consecration in a great schema for monks, make possible the divine or holy mediation and help in transitional situations. When crosses with letter symbols
appear in manuscripts, they are most often either in the beginning or at the
end of the codex, they separate different chapters again in order to mediate between the text massifs. To what extent, however, their function is
also decorative at the same time, is difficult to say.
For divine intercession by means of invocation acrolexa of the following type are used: + = [][] [C] []
Most-generous Christ, help by analogy with the existing inscription on
the same monument: + + () + +
Most Holy Mother of God, help us. The place of death became
Paradise, etc. A general caveat needs to be made at this point: the presence
of letter abbreviations around images of crosses or of loan-translations from
staurography often unites more than one function ensuing from the location
of the artifact, its designated purpose, as well as the content of encrypted
information. This is why researchers so far used to limit themselves to unveiling only the apotropaic aspect of these signs.
Therapeutic function. There exist examples of using cryptograms or
phrases from staurography in Post-Byzantine healing-books, amulets and
books of incantations and spells. Definitely therapeutic is the function of
the abbreviation (The place of the skull became Paradise) in manuscript . F. 10. of the fifteenth century, Prague: Prescription:
Against malaria most of all write with water from the Holy Epiphany:
The place of death will become paradise, because after the wooden cross
was erected the grape cluster of life grew immediately; to You, Savior,
thank You for our joy! One may invoke also other examples of writing
incomprehensible letters of the Latin, Greek and Slavonic alphabets as a
form of alternative treatment. Although they cannot be defined as cryptograms of the type, which is the subject of this study, definitely the idea of
their occurrence in the folklore during the National Revival Period ensues
from the incomprehensible for the ordinary churchgoer letter signs on monastery-churches walls painted with icons. A proof of the foregoing is, for
example, the Russian version for deciphering the notorious Greek verb
65

win / / , which not earlier than the seventeenth century far from the Balkans started being perceived as a cryptogram meaning: (On the cross redeemed Adams
blood) or (His kingdom is infinite).
Marking function. The fathers of the church such as St. Ephraim of
Syria, St. John Chrysostom and St. Augustine of Hippo recommended the
Christians to cross themselves, their houses and the items they touch even
when they feel anger or hear an ungodly advice.55 At their very christening
the followers of Christ had to wear the cross symbol on their chest, and the
more distinguished ones used to order the manufacture of encolpions with
sacred letter signs engraved on them. The ideologists of the Orthodox monastic clergy St. Athanasius of Alexandria and St. Antonius the Great advised their brothers to arm themselves with the cross or just to make the
sign of the cross, when they face the satanic forces.56 According to St. Augustine of Hippo the sign of the cross helped even against strong fear.57 A
marking function probably belonged also to the votive Holy Trinity cross
from Tsaribrod (Dimitrovgrad), Serbia, which may have played the role of
a ritual place for the pilgrims of Grand-mother Eve and the apocryphal
Christianity affected by the Bogomils ideas.
In terms of contents the cryptograms with marking or clarifying function are predominant, and some of them are: C , C C C C C
, ,
, () () ()
()58 Cross of Jesus Christ, the Son of God, etc.
The starting points for conditional typologies of the cryptograms,
acronyms, acrolexa and other letter signs may be countless. For example,
their typology may be set up in terms of their role in divine service, or a
Liturgical typology according to their place and functions:
- in the altar (prosthesis or diaconicon) in the Eucharist;
- at the entrance and windows, in order to unite the liturgy inside and
outside the temple;
- at water consecration;
- at prayers (individual and collective);
- at funeral, etc.
55
. , ,
. . 3: , 2005, 7374.
56
. , , 425.
57
. , , 74.
58
. , , 6 (19641965) 9098, p. 93.
66

Beside at certain places in the temple and related to some rituals,
what is called cryptograms appear also in canonical worshipping books.
They are found from the fourteenth century onwards in psalm-books, Four
Gospels books, Menologia, books of Hours, Euchologia, prayer-books,
and others. In other words, the letter abbreviations, although having a decorative nuance in combination with blossoming crosses, are present in
liturgy books used by lay clerks, deacons and priests in canonical liturgies.
On the other hand, they are found also as decoration of, for example, compendia of the Orations of St. Gregory the Theologian and St. Isaac of Syria, which were the preferred reading texts for monks at times of contemplation or for reading in monastery refectories. They are found also in a
different type of works such as the Syntagma of Matheus Vlastar, Abaghar, which are also designed for readers with theological education or
with pronounced interest in church literature and moralistic texts. No data
is available about presence of staurographic formulae in liturgies, safe for
their indirect involvement in the prayer service for Ascension of Panagia
through the epigraphy on some panagiarions or through the presence of
on shrouds, winding-sheets and antimensions, but it is an undisputed fact that, although to a limited extent and tacitly for the unenlightened, they are present in liturgy practices. They exist also on the thick
parts of bema crosses from the seventeenth century onwards, around which
the most important mysteries are performed in the altar of each and every
temple. It is known that the acronym with the acrolexa is an abbreviation of the priests exclamation in the Liturgy of pre-consecrated
gifts, acclaimed prior to the reading of the paroimia, when the priest makes
the sign of the cross by hand, and also that as a part of
the Jesus prayer appears in its abbreviated form, too.
The semantic typologies, which structure the cryptograms, may follow many other logical principles.
3. Cryptograms Apotropaic Iconography?
I would like to organize what is called Iconographic typology on the
basis of the principle of combining the cryptograms with certain images
and their connection to scenes and characters neighboring them in the iconographic program of the monuments mentioned in Chapter 1. Thus the
following interaction of visual images and ideas are formed:
- with a cross;
- with the Holy Mother of God;
- with St. Constantine and St. Elena;
- with saints;
- with St. Archangel Michael.
67

As Yatsimirskij points out, some abbreviations starting with one and
the same letters are found on Byzantine coins: [C] (invocation perceived as: [Cross] of the King of kings,
be enthroned), as well as in Latin inscriptions in numismatics: PPP = Pater Patriae Perditur, SSS = Sapientia Secum Sustolitur.59 This observation,
which is, however, presented by the abovementioned author as an ordinary
finding and without mentioning the sources of such reading, has urged me
to search for more corresponding abbreviations and inscriptions in the Medieval coinage.
The example of medieval coins, worn as amulets or jewelry, are numerous and quoting them is hardly necessary. What is more important is
that after crosses and letter abbreviations in Greek and Latin such as
acrolexa clarifying certain compositions, occurred on those coins, the
coins became a valuable and meaning-bearing item in Christian iconography. For the common people and ordinary monks such coins probably
played the role of the encolpion crosses, panagiaria/ panagiarions (liturgical cups) and staurothekes (reliquaries) designed for the aristocracy and the
upper clergy. The letters around the blossoming Golgotha cross were seen
by the Greek-speaking monks as most probably bearing hidden messages
with a meaning protecting them against evil forces and ensuring victory of
faith over persons of foreign religions; in terms of time this happened in
parallel with the occurrence of letter abbreviations also in manuscripts
from the eleventh century onwards, or when the above-described coins
were no longer in use, or at least Latin was not understandable. The foregoing may be only a hypothesis, which no one will ever be able to confirm
empirically, but what is certain in this case is the following: the compositions of blossoming Golgotha crosses in combination with letters, the earliest occurrence of which was in numismatic monuments and as commonly
available items, i.e. an exchange unit, used to serve as a visual model for
the later images of crosses with letter characters.60
Cryptograms reading mechanisms. In my work with the abovementioned letter abbreviations so far I have developed the following methodology for reading: I use as a starting point some of the cryptograms familiar so far, which were written down in the nineteenth century in Mount
Athos, because they are the earliest readings, and I assume for granted that
they bear religious meaning and are created mainly by monks, i.e. people
knowledgeable of liturgy. I assume, further on, that all letter combinations
should constitute a meaningful sentence, which corresponds to the respec59
60
68
. . , , 46.
. MOUTAFOV, Cryptograms and Bilingualism, 251253.

tive rules of syntax and grammar, i.e. these are not merely words without
any connection among them. I take into consideration the place of an image with letters in view of its potential function and presumable source,
i.e. crosses and cryptograms in border spaces such as windows, doors, etc.
are supposed to form a sentence of apotropaic meaning, while those on
altars are supposed to contain an Eucharistic or soteriological message;
then for crosses worn on the chest I assume an invocation meaning, etc.
For example, if the letters K and E are present in a combination, I first try
to find the connection to St. Constantine and St. Elena, and also to find
parallels of acrolexa from the service in the Menologium (service-book
according to the month) on the day of these two saints, May 21th. I also
mandatorily cross-check my reading in Greek by looking for parallels in
the Slavonic tradition, because it is the most recent and it is translated, that
is, starting from Medieval translations I try to recover the original. Working with such monuments of the Slavonic world I look again for parallels
in the tradition in Greek language. Often I find also bilingual encrypted inscriptions, because the original idea of the apotropaic meaning implies a
more complicated message, which is supposed to confuse evil and neutralize it, or, if we use the childish metaphor, to put good cheese in the trap, in
order to catch the mouse. On the other hand, I assume a priori that any
encrypted message always has more than one reading.
About terminology once more. As early as in 1929 M. N. Spernaskij
believed that one could not classify as cryptograms in Russian and Sothern
Slavonic manuscripts the combinations of letters such as (the socalled Pilates title) or (Adams head. Sponge. Lance. Chalice),
because they were widely known.61 I would add to these also the Greek
acrolexa: , , , , , , and
others, which were used so frequently and had penetrated the everyday life
of believers so deeply that they hardly need to be clarified to those belonging to the Christian tradition and living within or through it. On the other
hand, it is not correct all letter abbreviations in the orthodox art to be called cryptograms, because, as I have already explained, there exist numerous other abbreviations, too, for which researchers allege they are cryptograms, but which for the sake of correctness should be called: cryptolexa
(TENET, SATOR OPERA), acronyms or nomina sacra ( , ),
acrolexa ( ), cryptographs (cryptographic signatures) and monograms (Chrisma). One can assume as being genuine cryptograms what is
called tetragrammata, descended from the Jewish tradition, or repetitions
61
. . , - , . . 4.3, 1929, 134.
69

of one and the same letters containing eulogy of the Holy Cross and originating from the Byzantine visual poetry, on the basis of which around
the sixteenth century Russia developed an actual cryptographic tradition
(, , , , , , , , ,
, , and others), called by the modern Russian researchers
A. V. Svjatoslavskij and A. A. Troshin staurography and defined as a field
of expertise dealing most generally with the crosses, but drawing on data
from the late Russian wooden and stone crosses.62 Such an amplified staurography, and what is more, crypto-staurography on the Balkans, cannot
be observed with the exception of some Serbian monuments, which are
closer to the Russian influences. In Bulgaria until the eighteenth century
Greek models of cryptography messages were copied, and from the fifteenth century onwards also Slavonic cryptograms were added, because
the upper clergy, if not Greek speaking, was at least bilingual.
In any case, the only term referring to what is called cryptograms,
which originates from the nineteenth century, i.e. before the intervention
of the scientists with their conditional terminology system in a language
dead for them, is letter of the monastic schema;63 for me this fact is a
sufficient ground to define them as a work of monastic art in the form of
non-canonical game. The foregoing is proved further on by the fact that
they are found mostly on works of art designed to serve the monastic cult,
and were hardly a secret to the brotherhoods in Orthodox monasteries, especially where monks of the Great schema were present. Nevertheless,
their content was passed on orally and no restrictions in its interpretation
have been found. However, when monuments accessible to a wider range
of recipients are transferred, these letter abbreviations acquire certain mysteriousness, becoming in the nineteenth century an incomprehensible cryptography or 64 for the Russian researchers tempted by
mundane knowledge and scientific interest.
All modern terms used for the letter symbols are pre-semanticised in
other areas of knowledge and life, and the words cryptolexo, cryptograph and acrolexo, in difference from cryptogram, cryptography,
acronym and monogram, are not used in any other language, but
Modern Greek.
The most universal term I can suggest for those letter abbreviations is
acrolexa, for the following reasons: it is not limited only to the field of cryptography, since also known-to-all abbreviations exist; it refers not only to
names (personal names, nouns and adjectives), while the term acronym
62
. , , 6.
. , .
64
From the Russian Podlinniki.
63
70

does; nor does it boil down to the hidden signature of the cryptographer
only; nor does it refer to hidden words in a magic square as cryptolexo
does; and calling them monograms makes no sense at all. I view as an
original one the idea to gather together all letter enigmas around crosses
and designate them with the term staurography, as a part of what is called
staurolatria (cult to the cross), which was introduced as a term in science
as early as in the nineteenth century; before doing so, however, a careful
analysis of the nature of each and every abbreviation should be made and
it should be compared to the view of life of believers in earlier times. The
above-suggested comparative-chronographic analysis is probably an illustration of a hypothesis of this kind, and their hypothetical typologisation
will probably make it clear that their function is not only apotropaic.
* * *
If you ask a botanist what a cryptogram is, he will ask in return: Do
you mean Cryptogramma acrostichoides (American rockbrake) or Cryptogramma cascadensis (Cascade rockbrake)? For him this is the Latin name
of a species of fern found mainly in the warm regions of Northern America. With the deepening of knowledge in all spheres of science from the
eighteenth century onwards scientists have developed their own Latin- and
Greek-derived terminology, which refreshes their studies. It is in many
cases artificial, deeply conditional or out-rightly incorrect, accessible only
to those researchers, who have narrow specialization in the respective set
of issues. And then the paradox occurs, where one and the same word in
one and the same language bears differing implied meanings for the representatives of different spheres of knowledge. Still more notable is the fact
that one and same terms are used in order to make a snapshot of different
phenomena in the scientific product of one and the same scientific branch.
The same thing is observed also when one reads the publications on what
is called cryptograms.
Similarly to many other issues in contemporary Byzantine studies,
the interest into cryptograms, too, has its occurrence from bishop Porphyrius Uspenskij, who wrote: At Mount Athos one often sees in the churches crosses of varying shapes on icons and mural paintings with cryptographs. In the description of his first trip to Mount Athos he enclosed
drawings of Golgotha crosses of the Vatopedi and Karakalou monasteries
with the so-called cryptograms (a pseudo-scientific translation of
) and suggested their Greek and Slavonic reading, without including, however, a reference to his sources.65 Thus the Russian cleric was, on
65
. , , 2426.
71

one hand, affected by his own background in theology, i.e. from the Russian staurography tradition after the seventeenth century, and on the other
hand, he drew on evidence for deciphering these cryptic messages from
the monastic folklore of Mount Athos in the nineteenth century. All researchers after Uspenskij did not take what he deciphered with a pinch of
salt, and added to it their similar anticipations for each letter abbreviation
on any monument of church art. This phenomenon may probably not be
incorrect, because perhaps this was exactly the idea of those who created
such letter enigmas everyone, depending on their background, mother
tongue and longings, to read what they desire to, provided only that it is
Christian in nature, and without the official Church imposing restrictions
on them or giving them any instructions.
For some recipients the letter abbreviations with encoded meaning
are a creation of a monachus ludnes (a monk having fun), who has been
cultivated to hide his identity or his personal message in an acrostic, in
visual poetry, lays his signature by means of cryptographs, laughs at monastery moralizing anecdotes of the kind of the Medieval Lemonarion
and does not want his identity to be revealed in the vanity of mundane life.
This monk is perhaps the greatest schema, due to which the so-called
cryptograms will be written on his hood, in order to protect him again evil
demons, impious thoughts, misfortunes and encroachments. He believes in
the Resurrection, in the Savor, in the power of the Holy Cross and marks
the spaces, reading materials and his body with such abbreviations (just
like the early Christians embedded a hidden meaning in the Greek word
for fish ....C. = and assumed
the fish as a symbol distinguishing them). However, this happened after
the tenth century, when the representatives of the upper clergy wore
around their necks minute encolpion crosses, reliquary crosses, staurothekes, panagiria, which due to their small size required the use of letter
abbreviations from the invocation and apotropaic practice. The visual
model of a cross with letter symbols will be borrowed from certain bilingual Byzantine coins, bearing the image of the blossoming Golgotha cross
of the time of Emperor Heraclius; the Roman numbers of those coins
began being perceived as the popular tetragrammata (tetragrammatons), because the Greek numbering uses letters, while Latin is forgotten in the East. The earliest manuscript with such signs dates back to the
eleventh century, but these signs are commonly known. At the late fourteenth century the letters around the blossoming cross will occur in monuments of church art on the Balkans and the Island of Cyprus, whereby in
front of the Greek abbreviations also Slavonic ones will appear. From the
fifteenth century onwards the Slavs will start amplifying the repertoire of
72

the letter abbreviations related to the cross, whereby the tetragrammata
will be dominant. In terms of their contents no analogue to them was
found either in the canonical written tradition, or in the apocryphal one,
which lack is probably deliberate, and therefore their reading is to a large
extent conditional. Around the sixteenth century this staurographic tradition appeared also in the old-print books and manuscripts with liturgy content, but the cryptic signs there did not at all become a sustainable element
of the decoration in old-print and manuscripts. In difference from the tradition close to Mount Athos, where also the tradition of the Bulgarian land
falls, from the seventeenth century onwards in Russia and partially in Serbia there was real encryption of the messages in what is called
, however, the hypothesis that they originated from the anonymous Azboukovniki (Alphabetic books) is unsubstantiated. In that same
period on the Balkans their use was reduced and almost completely disappeared in the nineteenth century without affecting at all the everyday-life
Christianity, i.e. it is not found on stone and wooden tomb-crosses, as is
the case in Russia, for example. The only exception is the so-called Holy
Trinity Cross of Tsaribrod (Dimitrovgrad), but it is very close to the Serbian territory and respectively the Russian influences, and it is also an isolated example with unclear function.
It is an undisputable fact that the apotropaic function is the main
one in this epigraphy on crosses, however, other functions may be added
to it, too, such as the soteriological, eschatological, therapeutic, euchemic,
mediator/mediative, etc. Their iconographic typology, then, is based on
their place in the temples, the designation of the objects they are found on,
and is based on the way they are combined in some iconographic characters and scenes. In any case, however, I have to admit that they did not become a substantial component of the cult, nor did they become a determining iconographic pattern, due to their mostly decorative nature, the encryption of the message and the recipients narrow-mindedness.
The scientific interpretation of what is called cryptograms has been
quite limited so far, and this is due mostly to the lack of a concrete idea as
to which of these letter symbols are encrypted, and which are not, because
not all researchers are knowledgeable of the Greek tradition; it is due also
to the lack of sufficient terms referring to the different types of acrolexa.
The forgoing situation made it necessary for me, on one hand, to touch
mainly upon their semantics, to set up their typology, to find parallels in
epigraphy, paleography, to cover a considerable period of time, and on the
other hand, to amplify the horizon of my study not only outside Bulgaria,
but also beyond the Balkans. I realize that this study does not cover all
monuments, and also that there are other genres of Medieval and Post73

Byzantine art, where such letter abbreviations can be found, as well as that
all readings suggested by me are conditional; however, since my task has
been to establish a typology of what is known about them and to highlight
what is valuable in their semantic structure, I believe that finding numerous and different in qualitative terms abbreviations of this kind is hardly
probable. I need to specify that for each suggested reading of acrolexa I
adhere to the models of the inscriptions documented by Uspenskij and
Millet, because it is assumed that these scientists were the last ones to be
in touch with the actual bearers of the orthodox tradition on Mount Athos.
In other cases I try to suggest readings related at least to the godworshipping practice, but I do realize that this is only a hypothesis based
on my experience and on a mechanism pre-outlined by other scientists.
Probably that was also the initial idea behind the occurrence of these acrolexa, which the nowadays self-confidence defines as cryptograms with the
only purpose to crown itself with the laurel wreath of solving them as a
riddle. Such decoding, as well as everything in the non-experimental
scientific exercises, is conditional, at least until we find the answers to this
sui generis crossword puzzle, provided that such answers exist; however, they will always remain our terminus post quem.
,
,
.
, , - , , . . ( , ,
, , , , .). -
74

, . , , , , , , , .
.
: , , , ,
, , .
: 10. 2012.
: 29. 2013.
75
. 1 (2013) 7796
: 321:929.52(497.11)"11/13"
M

1820, ,
marijamm33@yahoo.com

: .
. : ,
,
, . , ,

.
: , , , ,
, XIIXIV , .
, , . . ,
, ,
.
,
.
240 , 45%.
,
.
77
. 1 (2013) 7796
. ,

. , , .
, ,
.1
.

.

.
.
, ,
.
;
, ,
.
1.
, ,
. , ;
.2 , -
. , : , 2012 ( ), 241
243.
2

, , . .
, ... , -
78
. ,

. ,
,3 .4

. , 1196. .
,
.
,
.5
, . ,
, . , ,
.6

. , .
(=) 1, 1981, 208 (. ).
3
, 1207/8. ,
. . , ?, (=) 9 (2010) 233241.
4

. , ( ,
)
,
, . . -,
. , 1997, 274286.
5
,
. 1: 11861321 (= ), . . .
. , 2011 . 12, 7983, . 8182, 3845.
6
, . 108, 1114.
79
. 1 (2013) 7796

III.7
, ,
.8 ,
,
. , .9
,
.10
, . ,11 , ,
. ,
(
) .
, , , , .
, .
7
II
, .
(
) II,
.
. . , , II , . . . , 1991, 5368.
8
. . -, , 2007, 216268.
9
. , (1315. ), 1987, 56.
10
. . -, , 210216.
11
II, . ,
III , 8 (2009) 1219.
80
. ,
, . , , ,
.
,
. .
, car mnogim zkom i nad svo brati.12 (
) .

.
, .13 , , ,
,
. .14 ,
,
. , , , .
, ,
.15

12
. , , 2004, 6470.
, ,
1322. . . . -, , 308321.
14
, 1365. ,
1348. . . ,
, 4 (2005) 51
67, . 5253, 120.
. ,
. 5859.
15
. -, , 4 (2005) 6985,
. 7071, 923. 1343
1345. .
13
81
. 1 (2013) 7796
.16 ,
.17 ,
,
.18
, . , : 16 ...
,
: ko` bo i prkrasnago sfa...
stvori go cara mnogm zkomtm`i mn.19

. ,
. ,
;
.
,
.
,
16
. -
.
, , , . , , 4 (2005) 237248, . 243245.
17

.
, .
, . . . . -, , 2003, . 8687, 151152.
18

. . -,
, , , 65
66/14 (19992000) 320.
19
, . . , 2010, 72.
82
. ,
.

.
2.

. ,
.20
.
, - . .21

, .

. , , .22 ,
.
20
, .
. . , , , 2006, 4173;
, , , . G. KLANICZAY, Holy
Rulers and Blessed Princesses, Cambridge 2002, 114154.
21

. ,
,
.
( ), , . H. WOLFRAM, Lateinische Knigs und Frstentitel bis zum Ende des 8. Jahrhunderts. Intitulatio 1, Mitteilungen des Institusts fr sterreichische Geschichte: Ergnzungs Band 31 (1967)
931, pp. 2431.
22

. A. VAUCHEZ, Beata stirps: saintet et lignage en Occident aux 13e et 14e
sicles, Famille et parent dans l'Occident mdival. Actes du colloque de Paris (68
juin 1974), ed. G. DUBY J. LE GOFF, Rome 1977, 397406, pp. 404405.
83
. 1 (2013) 7796
. , , .
.
, ,
. ,
. ,
.23
, .
, ,
, .
, , . 24

.25 ; . , , .
, I,
. .
,
23
Stfan, v H(ri)s(t)a B(og)a vrn kral vsh Ra{kih zm()l i

Trvniiskiih, nk s(v)tao Simona Nman i s()n Prvovn~annago krala bla`nopo~iv{ga Stfana monaha, Radoslav (, . 27, 129130, .
130, 13). .
24
, .
, . 34, 147148, . 148, 12: Stfan Vladislav s pomoi Bo`i kral, vnk svtago Simona, sn Prvovn~anago
kral Stfana i v svtm i anglskom braz nar~nago Simona monaha.
25
, . 41, 165167.
84
. ,
tm` i az gr{n, s pr()s(v)t(a)go
ro`d{.26
,
.27
.

.
,
.28
.
;
,
.29
, II , .30

, .

26
, . 54, 195198, . 196, 9.

, .
, . 73, 249251. . . -,
I, . : 18
(1994) 119129.
27
, . 54, 195198, . 196, 12.
28
,
.

sin knza Andr Hlmskago,
. , . 57, 207209, . 209,
23.
29
, . 64, 225231, . 227, 2021.
30
,
,
,
, .
85
. 1 (2013) 7796

.31
, : az r{ kral() Stfan,
s()n ro{a vligo kral(a) s()na Stfanova, Stfana s()na Nmanina rk{ s(v)t(a)go Sumona.32
. , .33
.
,
, , .34 , . , ,
.
31
. 1, 437462 (. , .
).
. . -, , 129151.
32
, . 99, 349351, . 351, 2629. . . . . ,
, 10 (1998) 201220.
33
. , .
, . 138, 505506, . 506, 12.
34
Stfan Ouro{ i s B(o)gom kral() i samodr`c vsh Srbskih Zml
i Pomorskih, prvnk s(v)t(a)go Simona Nman, i vnouk prvovn~anago
kral() Stfana, nar~()nago v anglscm braz Simn monah, i vnouk
s(v)t(a)go i ravnago ap(o)s(to)lom b(o)gonosca i nastavnika i prosvtitl vs
Srbsk Zml i Pomorski i prvago arhip(i)sk(o)pa Sav, s()n ` vlikago
kral Stfana Ouro{a, prozvanago tako`d v ang()lscm obraz Simon monah, , . 125, 455469, . 458. 7b8b.
86
. ,
.35 . - . ;
. ,
36
.37

, . ,
, I ,
.
III
. ,
. .
, , . ,
. ,
, .38 ,
.
35
. , J, 5 (2006) 1141.
36
. , , 1992, . 84, 4.
37
,
. . , , (=) 46
(2007) 295312.
38
. . (. . 12).
. , ( ),
. .
. I
.
87
. 1 (2013) 7796
.
, -. .
, , .39

, . ,
, . .40
,41
, , .42 , , . ,43 44 .45
,
, .
39
22. 1333. , . . , , 9 (2010) 2550. . . , , 2 (2003) 227247, . 230233.

40

, . . 81 . 14 .
41
. -, . , 2 (2003) 55
68, . 56, 67.
42
Monumenta Serbica Spectantia Historiam Serbiae, Bosniae, Ragusii, ed. F.
MIKLOSICH, Vienaae 1858 (=Monumenta Serbica), . 111, 120124.
43
. -, , 3 (2004) 3544, . 36, 12.
44

, . . , . , 3 (2004) 4569, . 48, 1214.
. . , , 14. , . . . , 1989, 287295.
45
4,
. . , 1981, 137165, . 143.
88
. ,
. , ,
. ,
. , , . , . ,
,
, .46 47 .48

. 1349.
,

.49 ,

46
1347
1349. . , ( ) .
. , . . , (. 149), 7 (2008) 7190, . 74, 1725.
47
. . -, , .
87, 151.
48

, , , . , .
, 71, 147.
49
Monumenta Serbica, . 127, 147149. .
89
. 1 (2013) 7796
,50 , .
. , , .
, , .51
.52

. , ; .53 1360/61.
, .54
,
.
, .

,
.
. , - - . ,
.
50
, . B. KORAActes de Chilandar. Deuxime partie, actes slaves, ,

XIX , 1915, 516518 , . . ,
, 12 (1994) 121133.
51
. , , 1975, 1719.
52
Monumenta Serbica, . 145, 160164.
53
( ). ,
. . ,
(. . ), 2001, 182186, 313325.
54
. , ,
, , 67 (2001) 99111.
BLEV,
90
. ,
3.
,
, .
, , .

.

, .

.55 ,
, ( )
par excellence.56
. , ,
.57 () , .
; pravovrnh() c(a)r i kral vi{ pisanh(),58 t g(ospodi)na mi s(v)tago Simna i t
kir Savi.59
55
, . 41, . 167, 43.

, , . , , ,

, , . , . 15, 9395, . 95, 24.
57
1, 438448 (. ).
58
, . 92, 315329, . 329, 305. , ,
( , I).
59
,

. , . 93, 331333,
. 333, 6061.
56
91
. 1 (2013) 7796
.

. , ,
.60
, .
,
, .
,
, .
. , m(o)l(i)tvami i bl(a)g(o)s(lovl)nm s(v)th moih prroditl i roditl , (
).61
, . ,
. ,
,
. , , .

, , 13141316,
.62

1317. .63
60

. -,
, 41 (2004) 235250.
61
, . 125, . 458, 7b.
62
. -, , 239 ( ).
63
. , , 14, 4648 (. 35).
92
. ,

III.
,64 .65
,
. , , ,
.

.
. , .66
.67
. , ,
.68 .69

. , ,
. ,
, ,
.
64
. , III , 5
(2006) 6581, . 68, 34.
65
. , III ,
2 (2003) 2940, . 3233, 5556.
66
, . Monumenta Serbica, . 115, 129132.
67
B. KORABLEV, Actes de Chilandar. Deuxime partie, actes slaves, , XIX , 1915, 461468.
68
. , .
, 4748, 1012 (. . 44).
69
. , , 5 (2006) 99113, . 101, 69.
93
. 1 (2013) 7796

.
* * *
. , ,
, . ,
, .

,
, , .

.
. , ,
.

, .

. . ,
, (
).
, . , ,
,
.
,
. , , ,
.
94
. ,
Marija Vasiljevi
MENTIONS OF ANCESTORS IN NEMANJI CHARTERS
AND LEGITIMIZATION OF POWER
Summary
Mentions of ancestors in the charters of Serbian medieval rulers from
the Nemanji dynasty often bear an ideological note illustrating one of the key
requirements of medieval government the need to legitimize a rulers hold
on power or, in other words, to recognize newly acquired ruling authority as
legal. Analysis of these ideological mentions of ancestors has uncovered three
patterns of their usage, based on the manner in which the ancestral motif is
used and the degree of legitimization it achieves.
The first pattern consists of mentions found in autobiographical excerpts placed in the preambles (arengae) of solemn charters recording donations to ecclesiastical institutions. In situations when his right to power is disputable, the current ruler speaks of his accession to the throne, creating a context in which he can be represented as a legitimate heir. This pattern was present in the documents of rulers whose right to the throne was questioned since
the beginning of their reign Stefan the Firstcrowned, Stefan Deanski and
Stefan Duan.
The second pattern concentrates on the mentions of ancestors as saints.
This patterns potential for legitimization is most notably exploited in the rulers intitulations. Mentions of this type are often followed by the beata stirps
motif which was initially linked to the metaphor of the tree of Jesse. This pattern is present in the documents of Nemanji rulers since the time of the canonization of the dynastys founder, Stefan Nemanja, and its frequency testifies
to the suitability of such mentions for legitimization of power.
The last pattern comprises participation of the holy ancestors in government. At first, the ancestors participate in government through their mention
in the sanctions of royal charters as protectors of the current rulers donations
along with God, the Virgin, and some of the greatest Christian saints. Later,
they are shown as helping the ruler in conquests or succession to the throne
through their prayers. This pattern was developed during the reign of king
ilutin, at a time of severe internal conflicts.
Widespread presence and constant innovation of ancestral mentions indicate that they had an important role presenting the rulers to the readers and
users of their documents. Additionally, the variety of the types of mentions
implies that the diplomatic image of the ruler was adjusted to the current political situation. It was of crucial importance in the tumult of frequent dynastic
95
. 1 (2013) 7796
confrontations, which strongly encouraged the use of every available instrument to demonstrate a rulers legitimacy.
Keywords: Nemanji dynasty, legitimacy of power, holy ancestors,
charters, Middle Ages, 12th14th century, royal ideology.
: 1. 2012.
: 15. 2013.
96
. 1 (2013) 97114
UDK: 904:725.96(497.5)"12/15"
Kreimir Regan
Leksikografski zavod Miroslav Krlea
Frankopanska 26, Zagreb, Hrvatska
kresimir.regan@gmail.com
BOJE UTVRDE KRALJEVINE SLAVONIJE

: ,
.
, , .
: , , ,
(), , , .
Istodobno s poetkom koritenja oruja, ljudi su poeli usavravati

obranu svojih nastambi. Isprva su podizali drvene obrambene ograde ili zemljane nasipe oko svojih naselja, da bi se do razvijenog i kasnog srednjeg
vijeka umijee utvrivanja u drvu, kamenu ili opeci razvilo gotovo do savrenstva. Na tlu srednjovjekovne Kraljevine Slavonije u tom su usavravanju veliku ulogu imali visoki crkveni dostojanstvenici Zagrebake biskupije
te redovnike zajednice.
Budui da se naslov sastoji od dviju sintagmi, prvih nekoliko redaka
posvetiti emo njihovom pojanjenju. Zahvaljujui visokim prihodima sa
svojih brojnih vlastelinstava i posjeda, kojima su upravljali kao Boji
predstavnici na zemlji ili u ime Boje, bili su u mogunosti zatiti ih
najsuvremenijim utvrdama. U skladu s time odluili smo sve takve obrambene komplekse nazvati Bojim utvrdama, elei time ukazati na njihove
graditelje, odnosno investitore, dok smo isticanjem Kraljevine Slavonije u
naslovu ograniili istraivanje ovih obrambenih kompleksa na hrvatsku povijesnu-geografsku regiju, koja se tijekom XIII. i XIV. stoljea oblikovala
kao zasebna pokrajina unutar Ugarsko-hrvatskoga kraljevstva na prostoru
97
. 1 (2013) 97114
zapadnoga dijela savsko-dravskoga meurjeja te sjeverozapadne Bosne i
Hercegovine.1
Iako nam je u poetku namjera bila obraditi iskljuivo srednjovjekovne utvrde na posjedima zagrebake Crkve i vitekih redova, bili smo primorani odustati jer je veliki broj njih bio dovren ili znatno pregraen poetkom novog vijeka u duhu renesansnoga vojnog graditeljstva, dok su neke u
cijelosti bile sagraene tijekom prve polovine XVI. stoljea. Stoga smo odluili u rad ukljuiti i sve ostale obrambene graevine i komplekse na tome
prostoru graene tijekom itavog XVI. stoljea, koje su se pokazale i kao
najbolje sauvane. Takoer nam je namjera bila obraditi znaajnije utvrene
crkve i samostane, no zbog obima grae morali smo odustati od njihova detaljnijeg prikazivanja. U raspravi o Bojim utvrdama odustali smo i od
prikaza onih utvrda, poput Vake, o ijem se postojanju zna samo na temelju
pisanih tragova i (ne)dovoljno uvjerljivih pretpostavki. Stoga smo se ograniili na njih 37 koje su u cijelosti ili u ruevinama sauvane na terenu te na
one iji izgled moemo rekonstruirati na osnovu starih crtea ili fotografija.
Iako je bibliografija o utvrdama Kraljevine Slavonije, ukljuujui i
Boje utvrde razmjerno opsena, ono to nedostaje ili dosad nije pobui1
Kraljevina Slavonija bila je omeena visokim planinama Like i Bosne na jugu i jugoistoku (Velika i Mala Kapela Grme Manjaa Tisovac Borja Vujak), Poekim gorjem na istoku, rijekom Dravom na sjeveru te rijekama Sutlom i Kupom na zapadu. Prijestolnica slavonskoga kraljevstva bio je Zagreb, koji je istodobno
bio sjedite Zagrebake biskupije, ije su se granice od druge polovice XIII. stoljea
gotovo podudarale sa slavonskim granicama. Usp: N. KLAI, Herceka i banska Slavonija, Povijest Hrvata u razvijenom srednjem vijeku, Zagreb 1976, 253357; B. GRGIN, upanije u razvijenom i kasnom srednjem vijeku, Hrvatske upanije kroz stoljea, Zagreb 1996, 2138; A. ZSOLDOS, Hrvatska i Slavonija u kraljevstvu Arpadovia,
Povijesni prilozi 17 (1998) 287296; T. RAUKAR, Prostor i drutvo, Hrvatska i Europa. Kultura, znanost i umjetnost, sv. 1. Srednji vijek (712. stoljee). Rano doba hrvatske kulture, Zagreb 1997, 181196; L. MARGETI, Hrvatska drava u doba narodnih vladara, Isto, 197216; T. RAUKAR, Hrvatska na europskom prostoru, Hrvatska i
Europa. Kultura, znanost i umjetnost, sv. 2. Srednji vijek i renesansa (1316. stoljee), Zagreb 2000, 538; M. ANI, Od kralja poluboga do prvih ideja o nacionalnom kraljevstvu, Kolomanov put (katalog izlobe), Zagreb 2002, 42111; S. ANDRI, Klaiev udio u raspravama hrvatske i maarske historiografije, Potonuli svijet,
Zagreb 2001, 3766; K. REGAN, Srednji vijek, Hrvatski povijesni atlas, Zagreb 2003,
87178; D. PETKOVI, Hrvatsko ime u srednjovjekovnoj Slavoniji prema nekoliko
primjera u diplomatikim izvorima od 13. do 15. stoljea, Starohrvatska prosvjeta 33
(2006) 243267; J. LEI, Slavonija u izdanjima HAZU, Anali Zavoda za znanstveni
i umjetniki rad u Osijeku 23 (2007) 225262; L. HEKA, Hrvatsko-ugarski odnosi od
srednjeg vijeka do nagodbe iz 1868. s posebnim osvrtom na pitanje Slavonije, Scrinia
Slavonica 8 (2008) 152173; G. BLINT KISS, Utemeljenje i teritorijalni opseg Peuke biskupije, Scrinia Slavonica 9 (2009) 351378.
98
K. Regan, Boje utvrde Kraljevine Slavonije

valo pozornosti istraivaa jest sagledavanja njihove problematike u cjelini.2
Stoga nam je namjera ukazati na njihovu tipoloku raznovrsnost, geostrateke osobnosti odabrane pozicije te regionalne posebnosti u odnosu na druge
utvrde na irem hrvatskom i susjednom prostoru. Takoer elimo ukazati na
status i financijske mogunosti njihovih investitora, koji su imali presudan
utjecaj na graevinsko tlocrtne osobitosti, materijale te rasprostranjenost.
Radi lakeg razumijevanja sadraja, u ovome radu rabili smo odreene pojmove koji nisu izvorni. To se ponajprije odnosi na pojam plemiki
gradzamak, kojeg emo koristiti kao struni termin za svaki utvreni kompleks sastavljenog od jedne ili najee vie obrambenih graevina meusobno povezanih obrambenim zidom ili nizom obrambenih zidova u jedinstvenu fortifikacijsku cjelinu. Takoer bismo upozorili da smo pojedina
imena utvrda donijeli prema dananjem obliku naziva lokaliteta jer su njihova izvorna imena iezla iz pamenja.
2
Usp. R. LOPAI, Oko Kupe i Korane, Zagreb 1895; E. LASZOWSKI, Hrvatske

povjestne gradjevine, Zagreb 1902; G. SZABO, Sredovjeni gradovi u Hrvatskoj i Slavoniji, Zagreb 1920; E. LASZOWSKI, Gorski kotar i Vinodol, Zagreb 1923; T. URI,
Srednjovjekovni gradovi slavonskog gorja, Varadin 1981; L. DOBRONI, Posjedi i
sjedita templara, ivanovaca i sepulkralaca u Hrvatskoj, Rad JAZU 406 (1984); ISTA,
Zagrebaka biskupska tvra, Zagreb 19912; M. KRUHEK, Graditeljska batina karlovakog Pokuplja, Karlovac 1993; ISTI, Karlovac. Utvrde, granice i ljudi, Karlovac
1995; ISTI, Krajike utvrde i obrana hrvatskog kraljevstva tijekom 16. stoljea, Zagreb 1995; ISTI, Stari glinski gradovi i utvrde, Zagreb 1997; Z. HORVAT, Krune brani-kule u Hrvatskoj krajini u 16. stoljeu, Prostor 4/1 (1996) 159188; ISTI, Zidine i
branita na utvrdama kontinentalne Hrvatske 1215. stoljea, Prostor 4/2 (1996) 175
200; ISTI, Ulazi u burgove 1215. stoljea, Prostor 6/12 (1998) 4166; A. MEGA,
Bastioni kontinentalne Hrvatske, Zagreb 2000; Z. HORVAT, Vrata u burgovima kontinentalnog dijela Hrvatske, Prostor 10/1 (2002) 1120; ISTI, Kateli na sjevernim obroncima Zrinske gore u obrani od Turaka, Rijei 12 (2003) 92114; ISTI, Kapele u
burgovima 1315. stoljea u kontinentalnoj Hrvatskoj, Prostor 15/2 (2007) 181198;
ISTI, Brani-kule na burgovima kontinentalne Hrvatske, Prostor 15/1 (2007) 2741;
ISTI, Plemiki gradovi, kateli i tvrave obitelji Zrinskih, Povijest obitelji Zrinski
(zbornik radova), Zagreb 2007, 137192; F. KILJAN, Kulturno-historijski spomenici
Korduna s pregledom povijesti Korduna od prapovijesti do 1881. godine, Zagreb
2007; Z. HORVAT, Pozicije burgova tijekom 1315. stoljea, Prostor 16/1 (2008) 22
39; T. TKALEC, Arheoloka slika obrambenog sustava srednjovjekovne Slavonije
(doktorska disertacija), Zagreb 2008, 1294; F. KILJAN, Kulturno-historijski spomenici Banije s pregledom povijesti Banije od prapovijesti do 1881. godine, Zagreb
2008; Z. HORVAT, Stambeni prostori u burgovima 1315. stoljea u kontinentalnoj
Hrvatskoj, Prostor 17/1 (2009) 3251; ISTI, Stilska stratigrafija burgova 1315. stoljea u kontinentalnoj Hrvatskoj, Prostor 18/1 (2010) 4461; F. KILJAN, Kulturnohistorijski spomenici zapadne Slavonije s pregledom povijesti zapadne Slavonije od
prapovijesti do 20. stoljea, Zagreb 2010; ISTI, Kulturno-historijski spomenici Moslavine i Kalniko-bilogorskog prigorja s pregledom povijesti Moslavine i Kalnikobilogorskog prigorja od prapovijesti do 1881, Zagreb 2011.
99
. 1 (2013) 97114
Prostorni razmjetaj Bojih utvrda
Prostorni razmjetaj Bojih utvrda poklapa se, to je i razumljivo,
s posjedima visokih crkvenih dostojanstvenika te redovnikih redova, koji
su zauzimali ogromna prostranstva slavonskoga kraljevstva. (Karta 1)
Meu njima najvii i ujedno najbogatiji crkveni dostojanstvenik bio
je zagrebaki biskup, koji je nizom darovnica ugarsko-hrvatskih kraljeva tijekom razvijenoga i kasnoga srednjeg vijeka stekao veliki zemljini imetak.
Najvie posjeda imao je u Gornjoj Slavoniji, a meu kojima se vanou i
veliinom istie veleposjed na podruju sliva rijeke azme (esme), koji je
od kraja XI. stoljea obuhvaao podruja nekadanje Ivanigradske, Dubravske i azmanske upanije, a od 1277. uz krae prekide i Garike upanije.3 O vanosti tog veleposjeda dovoljno svjedoi injenica da su dva najvea naselja toga posjeda Dubrava i azma sve do pojave Osmanlija na
istonim granicama Slavonije tijekom druge polovine XV. stoljea bile
omiljene rezidencije veine zagrebakih biskupa.4 Drugi vei posjedi zagrebakog biskupa u Slavoniji su: Vaka na krajnjem sjeveroistonom uglu
Krievake upanije sa sreditem u istoimenoj utvrdi, uerje, Vugrovec i
Kaina-Blagua u Zagrebakoj upaniji sa sreditima u istoimenim naseljima, zatim zagrebaki posjed na podruju izmeu potoka Medveak (dananje Tkalieve i Medvedgradske ulice te Ksaverske ceste) do zagrebake
Dubrave sa sreditem u zagrebakoj gradskoj etvrti Kaptolu te Hrastovicu
i Goru u sjeveroistonome uglu Gorske upanije, u neposrednome susjedstvu templarskog posjeda Gora.5
Odmah nakon zagrebakog biskupa, po bogatstvu posjeda bili su kanonici zagrebake biskupije, odnosno zagrebaki Kaptol. Njihov najvei
veleposjed leao je u sisakoj Posavini. Protezao se od rijeke Save na sjeveru do sjevernih padina Zrinske gore na jugu, a sastojao se od sisakoga i petrinjsko-gradekoga vlastelinstva. Osim posavskih posjeda, zagrebaki kanonici uivali su takoer veliki posjed u Zagrebakoj upaniji, koji se, s jed3
Codex diplomaticus regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et Slavoniae (= Codex diplomaticus), ed. T. SMIIKLAS, vol. 3, Zagreb 1905, 813; Isto, vol. 6, Zagreb 1908, 193,
363364; L. DOBRONI, Topografija zemljinih posjeda zagrebakih biskupa prema
ispravi kralja Emerika iz god. 1201, Rad JAZU 283 (1951) 245217.
4
N. PROSEN, Arheoloko iskapanje tvrave u azmi, Ljetopis JAZU 64 (1960)
219226; A. HORVAT, Pogled na znaenje azme i azmanskog kraja u minulim vjekovima, Vijesti muzealaca i konzervatora Hrvatske 12/4 (1963) 99108; L. DOBRONI, Pojave i oblici te tragovi srednjovjekovne kulture na tlu Zagrebake biskupije, Radovi instituta za povijest umjetnosti 18 (1994) 114119; V. TRK, Arheoloka istraivanja Gradskog muzeja azma u 2008. godini, Zbornik Moslavine 1112 (2008
2009), Kutina 2009, 98103.
5
Codex diplomaticus, vol. 3, 813; L. DOBRONI, Topografija zemljinih posjeda, 247255, 276277, 288290.
100

ne strane, prostirao na itavoj istonoj polovini dananjeg Zagreba, od Kaptola do Dugog sela i rijeke Save, a, s druge strane, u zapadnom dijelu Zagreba na podruju dananjih gradskih etvrti Vrape, Zavrje, Grmoica i Rude.6 Od ostalih posjeda zagrebakih kanonika valja jo istaknuti prostrano
vlastelinstvo Varadinske Toplice u Varadinskoj upaniji.7 (Slika 1)
Gotovo jednake posjede u Kraljevini Slavoniji imali su i kriarski
viteki redovi. Meu njima najvea su imanja isprva uivali templari u ijim se rukama nalazila, meu ostalim, itava Dubika upanija na granici
Gornje i Donje Slavonije, potom sav prostor izmeu posjeda zagrebakih
kanonika u Zagrebakoj upaniji i posjeda zagrebakoga biskupa u azmanskom porjeju sa sjeditima u dananjem Dugom Selu i Bojakovini,
vlastelinstvo Gora u donjem toku rijeke Kupe te naposljetku vlastelinstva
Raea i Ljesnica na samoj granici Kraljevine Slavonije i Ugarske, odnosno Krievake i Poeke upanije.8 U sastavu tih vlastelinstava nalazile
su se zemlje izmeu rijeke Save kraj Gradike na jugu i zapadnih obronaka
Psunja na sjeveru.9
Za njima nisu mnogo zaostajali niti ivanovci u ijim se rukama nalazilo, meu ostalim, prostrano vlastelinstvo na sjevernim padinama Ivanice
(Ivanice) na granici Zagorske i Varadinske upanije, potom veleposjed u
dananjem istonome Turopolju te donjem Pokuplju sa sjeditem u iu te
naposljetku posjed Pakrac i aklovac u susjedstvu templarske Raee i
Ljesnice.10 Ove posjede u dananjoj zapadnoj Slavoniji ivanovci su zadrali
6
R. GAJER, Posjedi Zagrebakoga kaptola oko Zagreba u prvoj polovici 14.

stoljea, Radovi Zavoda za hrvatsku povijest 11/1 (1978) 5102.
7
S. HAJDUK K. MATIJAEC, Varadinske Toplice, Varadinske Toplice 1995.
8
Codex diplomaticus, vol. 3, 9799; G. SZABO, Lijesnica historijsko-geografska studija, Vjesnik Hrvatskog arheolokog drutva n. s. 10 (1909) 4046; L. DOBRONI, Topografija zemljinih posjeda, 276278; M. KRUHEK Z. HORVAT, Utvrde
banske krajine od Karlovca do Siska, Izdanja Hrvatskog arheolokog drutva 10
(1985) 172174; Z. HORVAT, Kateli na sjevernim obroncima, 112113; F. KILJAN,
Kulturno-historijski spomenici Banije, 1921; J. ADAMEK, Povijest vlastelinstva
Bojakovina i okolice, Kaj 14/4 (1981) 105134; R. PAVLE, Topografija dvaju
posjeda krinikih redova u dolini Glogovnice, Cris 7/1 (2005) 1423; D. KOVA
R. M. PULJEVI, Templari u Glogovnici, Cris 12/1 (2010) 245250.
9
I. KUKULJEVI-SAKCINSKI, Priorat vranski sa vitezi templari i hospitalci sv.
Ivana u Hrvatskoj, Rad JAZU 81 (1886) 180; ISTI, Priorat vranski sa vitezi templari
i hospitalci sv. Ivana u Hrvatskoj (Ostatak iz 81. knjige Rada), Rad JAZU 82 (1886)
168.
10
G. SZABO, Sredovjeni gradovi, 66, 114115; S. PAVII, ie, Hrvatska
enciklopedija 4, Zagreb 1942, 300301; L. DOBRONI, Posjedi i sjedita, 3334, 56
60, 103104; K. REGAN, Plemiki gradovi, 160161; J. ZANINOVI, Ivanovci (malteki vitezovi) na tlu Hrvatske do 1526. godine (povijesni pregled), Croatica Christiana Periodica 31 (1993) 2541; M. KRA, Ivanec. Prilozi povijesti Ivanca do 1940.
101
. 1 (2013) 97114
sve do 1465. kada ih je papa Pavao II. ustupio kraljevskom fisku. (Slika 2)
Osim njih, nekoliko manjih posjeda imali su u Planini, Glogovnici i Novakima kraj Vake viteki red sepulkralci.11 Nakon ukidanja templarskoga reda 1312, Ivanovci su naslijedili veinu nekadanjih templarskih posjeda koje su ih drali sve do provale Osmanlija.
Znaajne posjede u Kraljevini Slavoniji imali su i redovnike zajednice. Najvei meu njima u razdoblju od 1205. do 1558. nalazio se u rukama cistercita iz Topuskoga u Gorskoj upaniji, tik u susjedstvu kaptolskoga
petrinjsko-gradekog vlastelinstva.12 Prostrane posjede uivali su i pavlini
na sjevernim obroncima Ivanice u bivoj Zagorskoj upaniji sa sreditem
u Lepoglavi i neto manji posjed u Remetama na podruju Zagrebake upanije, koji se svojim opsegom podudara s dananjom istoimenom zagrebakom gradskom etvrti.13 Od ostalih posjeda pavlina valja jo spomenuti
posjede samostana Podgari, Veliki Petrovac, Kamensko kraj Karlovca.14
Osim pavlina, veleposjed su uivali benediktinci samostana u Bijeloj kraj
Daruvara.15
Tipologija Bojih utvrda Kraljevine Slavonije
Premda je na podruju Kraljevine Slavonije bilo podignuto preko
dvjestotinjak Bojih utvrda, danas se u razliitim stupnjevima uuvanosti odralo tek nekoliko desetaka njih, od kojih su pod krovom samo zagodine. Ivancu za est stotu obljetnicu povodom prvog pisanog spomena Ivanca 1396
1996, Varadin 1996; ISTI, Prilozi povijesti Ivanca od prvog spomena 1396. do 1940.
godine, Zbornik 600 godina Ivanca, Varadin 1997, 5789; LJ. ANDRIJANI, Ivanovci
u hrvatskim zemljama u srednjem vijeku, Povijesni zbornik 3 (2008) 241255; J. BELAJ, Jesu li postojale upe na podruju ivanovakog belskog preceptorata 1334. godine?, Prilozi Instituta za arheologiju 24 (2007) 437480; ISTI, Bela ivanovaki
burg na Ivanici, Prilozi Instituta za arheologiju 25 (2008) 155182.
11
L. DOBRONI, Posjedi i sjedita, 4447, 5456; R. PAVLE, Topografija dvaju posjeda, 1423.
12
M. ANI, Vlastelinstvo hrvatskoga hercega u Gorskoj upaniji, Povijesni
prilozi 16 (1996) 201240.
13
J. ADAMEK, Pavlini i njihovi feudalni posjedi, Kultura pavlina u Hrvatskoj
12441786, Zagreb 1989, 4166; M. KRUHEK, Povijesno-topografski pregled pavlinskih samostana u Hrvatskoj, Isto, 6793; T. PLEE, Pregled pavlinskih samostana kasnosrednjovjekovne Slavonije, Cris 12/1 (2010) 202220; D. DAMJANOVI, Herman
Boll i restauracija upne (ranije pavlinske) crkve u Remetama nakon potresa 1880.
godine, Croatica Christiana Periodica 68 (2011) 6985.
14
M. KRUHEK, Povijesno-topografski pregled, 74, 7779; T. PLEE, Monasterium B. V. Mariae sub monte seu promontorio Garigh alias Garich, Radovi Zavoda za
znanstvenoistraivaki i umjetniki rad u Bjelovaru 4 (2011) 101118.
15
S. ANDRI, Benediktinski samostan Svete Margarete u Bijeloj, Tkali 9
(2005) 9122; ISTI, Opis ruevina opatije Bijele iz 1761, Scrinia slavonica 7 (2007)
405428.
102

grebaka Biskupska tvrava te tvrava u Sisku. Neovisno o tome, postojei broj graevina jo uvijek je dovoljan da se one grupiraju u est tipolokih skupina.
Gledano kronoloki, prvu i najstariju skupinu Bojih utvrda ine
plemiki gradovizamkovi (grad, burg, kastrum, utvreni plemiki grad,
utvreni feudalni grad, zamak), koji su bili podizani tijekom XIII. i XIV.
stoljea. Graeni su kao utvrena boravita visokih crkvenih dostojanstvenika i vitekih redova na tee pristupanome poloaju posjeda, a sastojala
su se od jedne ili vie obrambenih graevina meusobno povezanih
obrambenim zidom ili nizom obrambenih zidova u jedinstvenu fortifikacijsku cjelinu.16 U njihovome sklopu nalazile su se gospodarske (skladita,
tale, mlin, prea, bunar, cisterna i dr.), stambene (palas) i sakralne graevine (kapela) koje su, ovisno o veliini plemikoga gradazamka i prvenstveno materijalnome poloaju njegova vlasnika, mogle biti sagraene i
kao samostalne graevine unutar obrambenih zidova grada, kao to je to
sluaj u biskupskim utvrdama Medvedgradu i Garigradu.17 (Slika 3) Mada je zagrebaki biskup sagradio nekoliko takvih graevina, od kojih Medvedgrad i Garigrad idu u red jednih od najveih plemikih gradovazamkova na podruju itave Hrvatske, najvei su broj njih sagradili kao svoje
rezidencije katoliki vojniki redovi templari i ivanovci tijekom XIII. i
XIV. stoljea, to je i logino s obzirom da su pripadnici tih redova bili
profesionalni vojniciredovnici uvijek spremni na borbeno djelovanje.18
Drugu skupinu ine utvrena naselja, koja se sastoje od niza obrambenih graevina meusobno povezanih obrambenim zidom u jedinstvenu
fortifikacijsku cjelinu velike povrine koju ispunjavaju stambene, gospodarske i sakralne graevine. Za razliku od drugih utvrenih gradskih naselja Kraljevine Slavonije, koja su nastala kao posljedica koncentracije trgovako-obrtnikih sadraja na povoljnome zemljopisnom poloaju, utvrena
crkvena naselja isprva su imala iskljuivo rezidencijalnu, odnosno stambenu funkciju. Naime, sluila su kao prebivalita visokih crkvenih dostojanstvenika i njihovih domainstava.19
16
T. TKALEC, Arheoloka slika, 233247.

G. SZABO, Sredovjeni gradovi, 4348; N. KLAI, Medvedgrad i njegovi gospodari, Zagreb 1979; D. MILETI M. VALJATO-FABRIS, Kapela Sv. Filipa i Jakova
na Medvedgradu, Zagreb 1987; M. KRUHEK, Krajike utvrde, 2729; K. REGAN,
Plemiki grad Gari, 1562.
18
G. SZABO, Sredovjeni gradovi; V. UGAJ, Srednjovjekovne utvrde na novgradikom podruju (katalog izlobe), Zagreb 1984; ISTI, Stara Gradika, Zagreb
1997, 711; V. AVRAK . SIRK, Vinodol kraj Petrinje pronaena batina, Petrinjski zbornik 78 (2005) 6470.
19
B. MILI, Razvoj grada kroz stoljea 2. Srednji vijek, Zagreb 1995, 100,
154155, 203205.
17
103
. 1 (2013) 97114
Na podruju Kraljevine Slavonije poznata su tek tri takva naselja, od
kojih je Hrastovica bila utvrena najkasnije tijekom prve polovice XV.
stoljea,20 zagrebaki Kaptol, ije se utvrde po prvi put spominju 1387,21 i
naposljetku Dubrava koja je svoje utvrde dobila u posljednjoj etvrtini
XV. stoljea radi zatite od iznenadnih osmanskih napada.22 (Slika 4) Mogue je da je i naselje uz plemiki gradzamak Goru bilo u to vrijeme takoer utvreno, no kako na alost danas taj lokalitet nije istraen zbog zaostalih mina, nismo ga uvrstili u popis utvrenih naselja. Sva tri navedena
naselja bila su manjih dimenzija, a do danas se sauvao tek zagrebaki
Kaptol, koji u svojoj urbanoj strukturi ima u cijelosti vidljivu srednjovjekovnu fizionomiju.
U treoj skupini nalaze se utvreni samostani.23 Mada su te graevine
tijekom XIII. i XIV. stoljea bile graene kao prebivalita redovnikih zajednica, zahvaljujui injenici to su bili zidani i prostorno vrsto zatvoreni
kompleksi s unutranjim dvoritem, tijekom druge polovine XV. stoljea uz
neznatne pregradnje pretvarali su se u snano utvrene protuosmanske sakralne komplekse. tovie, neke od njih bile su tijekom XVII. stoljea nanovo utvrene novi baroknim obrambenim sustavima.24 (Slika 5)
20
Codex diplomaticus, vol. 7, Zagreb 1909, 106109; F. KILJAN, Kulturnohistorijski spomenici Banije, 2223.
21
Codex diplomaticus, vol. 17, Zagreb 1981, 5556.
22
A. HORVAT, Pogled na znaenje azme i azmanskog kraja, 99108; N.
PROSEN, Arheoloko iskapanje, 219226; L. DOBRONI, Biskupski i kaptolski Zagreb,
Zagreb 1991, 171209; V. BEDENKO, O prostoru Kaptola u srednjem vijeku, Zagrebaka biskupija i Zagreb 10941994 (zbornik radova), Zagreb 1994, 663648; L.
DOBRONI, Pojave i oblici, 1516; Z. HORVAT, Hrastovica kraj Petrinje, Prilozi Instituta za arheologiju 1516 (1998) 91100.
23
Z. HORVAT, Srednjovjekovna arhitektura pavlinskih samostana u Hrvatskoj,
Kultura pavlina u Hrvatskoj 12441786, 95109; S. SEKULI-GVOZDANOVI, Utvreni samostani na tlu Hrvatske, Zagreb 2007; Z. HORVAT, Arhitektura pavlinskih
samostana u okolici Karlovca u srednjem vijeku, Godinjak zatite spomenika kulture
Hrvatske 31/32 (20072008) 123146; V. JAKAA BORI B. BILUI DUMBOVI,
Topusko urbogeneza naselja, Radovi Instituta za povijest umjetnosti 32 (2008) 269
284; T. PLEE K. KARLO, Monasterium omnium sanctorum de Ztreza ordinis S. Pauli primi eremitae, Opuscula archaeologica 33 (2009) 183205; T. PLEE, Pregled
pavlinskih samostana, Cris 12/1 (2010) 202220; ISTA, Monasterium de s. Petri in
monte Zlat, Opuscula archaeologica 35 (2011) 319350; ISTA, Monasterium B. V.
Mariae, 101118.
24
Z. BALOG, Arheoloka istraivanja lepoglavskog samostana 1990, Muzejski
vjesnik 14 (1991) 35; ISTI, Rezultati najnovijih istraivanja samostana u Lepoglavi,
Ivaneki kalendar 9 (1994) 6771, ISTI, Lepoglava, 600 godina poslije, Kaj 33/12
(2000) 123129; P. PUHMAJER T. KUINAC, Proelja Pavlinskog samostana u Lepoglavi, Radovi Instituta za povijest umjetnosti 32 (2008) 151166.
104

etvrtu skupinu Bojih utvrda ine renesansni kateli koji su se
gradili kao protuosmanski obrambeni kompleksi tijekom druge polovine
XV. i prve polovine XVI. stoljea.25 Oni su se takoer sastojali od obrambenih graevina povezanih bedemom (zidanim ili drvenim) u jedinstvenu
obrambenu cjelinu. No, za razliku od plemikih gradovazamkova, koji su
bili graeni iskljuivo za obranu hladnim orujem na to nepristupanijim
pozicijama, kateli su prvenstveno bili namijenjeni ratovanju vatrenim
orujem to je omoguilo njihovo podizanje, neovisno o konfiguraciji terena, na onim stratekim tokama s kojih se najbolje mogao nadzirati i braniti
odreeni prostor. Neki od katela, poput onog u Dubravi, graeni su kao
posljednja linija obrane unutar samoga naselja. Zanimljiv je i podatak da je
veina katela na Banovini imala prostrana utvrena predgraa, graena
kao pribjeita okolnom stanovnitvu za osmanskih provala.26 (Slika 6)
Na slavonskom prostoru javljaju se tri tlocrtne skupine (tipa) takvih
kompleksa.27 U prvu skupinu spadaju kateli pravilnoga tlocrta, u drugu
skupinu kateli ovalnoga tlocrta i u treu skupinu kateli koji imaju osobine
i prve i druge skupine. Prva skupina jo se dijeli na dvije podskupine. Prvu
ine kateli viekutnoga tlocrta (peterokutni, esterokutni), dok drugu podskupinu ine kateli pravokutnoga tlocrta i relativno malih dimenzija, koji se
prema zemlji nastanka zovu talijanskim tipom katela. Takoer valja istaknuti da veinu katela sagraenih juno od rijeke Save, dakle na prostoru
nekadanje Donje Slavonije, karakterizira i snana okrugla brani-kula.28
Petu skupinu Bojih utvrda ine ranorenesansne tvrave koje su
graene u prvoj polovini XVI. stoljea kao veliki i sloeni obrambeni sustavi sa stalnom i relativno brojnom posadom na strateki najvanijim pozicijama. Na podruju Kraljevine Slavonije bile su podignute tek dvije takve utvrde. Prva je bila Biskupska tvrava u Zagrebu podignuta za zatitu
katedrale i zagrebakoga kaptolskog naselja, a druga sisaka tvrava (isprva katel) sagraena za stavljanje pod nadzor irokog pojasa Banske krajine i za zatvaranje smjera neprijateljskoga kretanja dolinom Save prema
Zagrebu te dalje u dubinu kranjskoga i tajerskoga teritorija.29 (Slika 7)
25
A. HORVAT, Izmeu gotike i baroka, Zagreb 1975, 5268; M. KRUHEK, Krajike utvrde, 3031; ISTI, unti kula u sustavu obrane kaptolskih prekokupskih
posjeda tijekom 16. stoljea, Osam stoljea untia (zbornik radova), Petrinja Zagreb 2012, 101124.
26
M. KRUHEK Z. HORVAT, Utvrde banske krajine od Karlovca do Siska,
172174; Z. HORVAT, Kateli na sjevernim obroncima Zrinske gore, 92114.
27
M. KRUHEK, Karlovac, 124.
28
Z. HORVAT, Krune brani-kule, 159188.
29
L. DOBRONI, Zagrebaka biskupska tvra, 1584; A. MEGA, Oblik katedralne utvrde u Zagrebu, Radovi Instituta za povijest umjetnosti 18 (1994) 122127;
Z. HORVAT, Neka razmiljanja o sjevernoj kaptolskoj kuli, Naa katedrala 6 (202)
105
. 1 (2013) 97114
Na posljednjem, estom mjestu, nalaze se utvrene crkve, danas najbolje ouvana skupina Bojih utvrda. Poput samostana, niti ove graevine nisu bile graene kao obrambene graevine. No, zbog svoje zidane
strukture te izvanrednih geostratekih poloaja na vrhovima breuljaka, brda i planina, one su tijekom druge polovine XV. i itavog XVI. stoljea bile pregraene u izvidnice i sigurna pribjeita okolnoga stanovnitva u sluaju iznenadnoga prodora osmanskih akindija i martologa. Veinom se
radilo o dograivanju obrambenoga tornjazvonika pri postojeoj crkvi te
njezinom opasavanju palisadnom ogradom, koja je u kasnijim razdobljima
mogla biti zamijenjena zidinama.30 (Slika 8)
O gradnji Bojih utvrda Kraljevine Slavonije
Podizanje obrambenih graevina u srednjem i novom vijeku bio je
sloeni poduhvat, koji je osim velikih materijalnih sredstava iziskivao i
sposobnost organiziranja golemih pripremnih radova. Iako je danas zbog
pomanjkanja dokumenata teko procijeniti ukupnost trokova tih investicija, na osnovu u cijelosti sauvanog trokovnika i opisa gradnje Biskupske
tvrave u Zagrebu te utvrde u Sisku mogu se ugrubo odrediti trokovi.
Svakoj gradnji prethodili su opseni pripremni radovi. Najprije je investitor morao unajmiti iskusnoga vojnog graditelja, koji e odabrati mjesto za gradnju utvrde te izraditi njezin nacrt, a u kasnijoj fazi voditi proces
njezine gradnje. Mada je veina takvih majstora dolazila iz inozemstva, sauvani dokumenti iz XVI. stoljea o pojedinim graevinama svjedoe da su
u tome u velikome broju sudjelovali i domai majstori.31 Potom je investitor morao nabaviti ili izraditi graevinski materijal,32 organizirati njegov
dovoz na gradilite i osigurati mu adekvatan smjetaj, pronai dovoljan broj
graevinskih radnika te organizirati svojevrsnu uvarsku slubu radi uvanja prikupljenog materijala i obrane radnika za trajanja gradnje.33 To nam
1315; J. PEKOVI, Izgradnja sisake utvrde od 1544. do 1552. godine, Glasnik Muzeja Siska 8 (2008) 4977.
30
S. SEKULI-GVOZDANOVI, Crkve tvrave u Hrvatskoj, Zagreb 1994; Z.
BALOG, Crkve tvrave u zapadnom dijelu Varadinske upanije, Kaj 29/3 (1996) 53
65; ISTI, upna crkva u Miholcu kod Krievca u kontekstu obrambenog sustava potkalnikog kraja, Kaj 30/2 (1997) 6477; ISTI, Potkalnika grupa crkva-utvrda, Peristil
46 (2003) 1328; Z. HORVAT, Kapela sv. Helene kraj Donje Zeline, Sveti Ivan Zelina
i zelinski kraj u prolosti (zbornik radova), Zagreb Sv. Ivan Zelina 2003, 263276.
31
L. DOBRONI, Zagrebaka biskupska tvra, 1834.
32
Kopanje i obrada kamena ili peenje opeke, sjea stabala i njihova obrada u
drvenu grau, izrada pei za proizvodnju vapna, priprema ogrjeva za loenje vapnenih
pei itd.
33
O krai pripremljenog graevinskog materijala ponajbolje nam svjedoi
epizoda iz Knina, gdje je 1369. kninski katelan Ivan, sin Nikole, popravio kninsku
106

ponajbolje potvruju popisi trokova gradnje sisake utvrde iz 1544. i 1545.
godine, iz kojih saznajemo da je zagrebaki kaptol za osiguranje gradilita
sisake utvrde plaao garnizon od 15 vojnika, meu kojima su poimenice
navedeni vratar, kastelan i njegov zamjenik.34
Tek nakon toga investitor je bio spreman za poetak gradnje koja je
podrazumijevala crtanje tlocrta utvrde na terenu, nivelaciju terena unutar
zadane povrine, kopanje temelja, izradu obrambenih jaraka i nasipa, zidanje obrambenih i pregradnih zidova te naposljetku izradu drvenih dijelova
(obrambenih galerija, krovova i dr.).35
Svi ti radovi imali su odreeno vremensko trajanje, a na primjeru nekih obrambenih graevina prve polovine XVI. stoljea znamo da su trajali
i po nekoliko godina. Za ilustraciju moemo uzeti gradnju zagrebake Biskupske tvrave te sisake utvrde. Pripremni graevinski radovi kod prve
su trajali od 1512. do 1513, a sama gradnja od 1513. do 1520. Slino je bilo i kod sisake utvrde, za koju su pripremni radovi zapoeli 1543, dok je
sma gradnja trajala od 1544. do 1552.36 (Slika 9)
Za posao gradnje zagrebake Biskupske tvre ukupno je potroeno
12.140 forinti (dukata). Iako nam ova cifra danas gotovo nita ne znai,
sam pogled na tu, gotovo u cijelosti sauvanu tvravu i vie nam nego jasno svjedoi da se radi o golemoj svoti. Dodatnu potvrdu pruaju nam i
cijene pokretnina i nekretnina iz XV. stoljea. Ako znamo da se za 6 dukata u tom razdoblju mogao na zadarskome podruju kupiti konj, za priblino 2,5 dukata vol, za 12 dukata manja kua, a za 40 dukata vea i kvalitetnija kua u Zadru, moemo izraunati da se za cijenu gradnje zagrebake Boje utvrde moglo sagraditi jedno manje naselje.37
Dodatnu potvrdu visokih trokova daju nam suvremeni radovi na
obnovi utvrda. Tako je za prvu fazu obnove Medvedgrada, koja je obuhvatila arheoloko istraivanje lokaliteta, pripremu terena za obnovu (izgradnja prilaznih putova, raskrivanje guste umske vegetacije), konzervacije
postojeih zidova i obnove kapele, utroeno 2.525.784 DEM (priblino
utvrdu gredama i daskama ukradenim kninskom biskupu, a namijenjenima za popravak krova kninske katedrale. L. KATI, Ban Emerik Lackovi otimlje dobra kninske
biskupije (1368), Croatia sacra 3 (1932) 6.
34
Sisak u obrani od Turaka, ur. J. KOLANOVI, Zagreb 1993, 3564; J. PEKOVI, Izgradnja sisake utvrde, 5556.
35
Z. HORVAT, O dizanju kamenih blokova na gradilitima srednjeg vijeka,
Naa katedrala 5 (2001) 1519.
36
L. DOBRONI, Zagrebaka biskupska tvra, 75; J. PEKOVI, Izgradnja
sisake utvrde, 4977.
37
Z. LADI, Prilog prouavanju hodoaenja iz Zadra u drugoj polovici 14.
stoljea, Croatica Christiana Periodica 32 (1993) 1731, str. 27.
107
. 1 (2013) 97114
1.300.000 EUR),38 dok je za arheoloka istraivanja, konsolidaciju zidova
te fotogrametrijsko istraivanje brani-kule u Zrinu utroeno ak 400.000
Kn (priblino 53.000 EUR).39
Velika materijalna izdavanja nisu bila okonana niti nakon dovretka gradnje utvrde. Naime, za njezino odravanje u borbenoj spremnosti,
to je podrazumijevalo plaanje garnizona, nabavku modernog naoruanja, graevinsku sanaciju pojedinih dijelova utvrde te njezinu stalnu modernizaciju sukladno razvoju opsadnoga vatrenog oruja, takoer su bile
potrebne velike svote novaca.40 Dok su za radove na obnovi bedema i kula i nabavku graevinskog materijala njihovi gospodari mogli raunati na
besplatan rad svojih kmetova i tako smanjiti trokove odraavanja, za nabavku modernog i skupog vatrenog naoruanja i baruta trebalo je ii kod
oruara u Ljubljanu u Kranjskoj, Grac u tajersku ili ak u Veneciju.41 Osim visokih trokova nabave oruja, trebalo je takoer organizirati njegovu dostavu u Kraljevinu Slavoniju. Da su ti trokovi bili doista veliki ponajbolje nam svjedoe primjeri slavonskih i hrvatskih velikaa, koji su
zbog neprestanog otimanja dijelova hrvatskog i slavonskog teritorija ostajali bez zemlje i kmetova, a time i bez prihoda za odravanje istih, zbog
ega su tijekom itavog XVI. stoljea dobrovoljno preputali Dvorskom
ratnom vijeu u Gracu svoje batinske utvrde i posjede uz granicu s Osmanlijama.42
Materijali i stilovi
Materijali koji su bili koriteni za gradnju Bojih utvrda usuglaeni su s geografskim karakteristikama reljefa Kraljevine Slavonije. Stoga
ne udi da je najvie utvrda sagraeno od kamena, to je u Kraljevini Slavoniji uobiajeni graevni materijal za takvu vrstu graevina.43 Za podizanje zidova koristio se lomljeni kamen (lomljenak), ploasti i priklesani
38
D. MILETI, O obnovi Medvedgrada (19791999). Kronika s komentarom,

Peristil 44 (2001) 131157.
39
Ministarstvo kulture Republike Hrvatske, http://www.minkulture.hr/userdocs
images/Odobreni%20programi%20u%202012.godini/Nepokretni%202012%20%20
odobreni.pdf (kons. 10. rujna 2012).
40
L. DOBRONI, Zagrebaka biskupska tvra, 3437.
41
Zagrebaki kaptol jo je 1544. poslao u Ljubljanu svoje izaslanstvo da
zatrae pomo za opremanje sisake utvrde, na to su se ovi odazvali i poklonili im,
meu ostalim, dvije bombarde nazvane hofnica te dva centa topnikog praha. E. LASZOWSKI, Habsburki spomenici, Monumenta Habsburgica Regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae, Slavoniae 3, Zagreb 1917, 186187; J. PEKOVI, Izgradnja sisake utvrde.
42
M. KRUHEK, Krajike utvrde, 303375.
43
Z. HORVAT, Stilska stratigrafija, 4553.
108

kamen povezan bukom, dok su detalji bili lijepo klesani (dovratnici, portali, vijenci, konzole, prozorski okviri, uglovi kamenje itd.).44
Neto manje utvrda bilo je sagraeno od drveta ili kombinacijom zidanih kula spojenih palisadama, tako da se danas njihovi ostaci prepoznaju
tek u sauvanim opkopima, nasipima i zemljanim humcima (Blagua) ili
na povijesnim vedutama (prikaz Kaptola i Gradeca iz XVI. stoljea).45
(Slika 10)
U gradnji utvrda najmanje se koristila opeka. Isprva su se s njome i
u kombinaciji s klesanim detaljima gradile pojedine graevine u unutranjosti utvrde (palaa i kapelica Medvedgrad), da bi u vrijeme ratova s Osmanlijama tijekom XV. i XVI. stoljea opeka bila koritena za modernizaciju srednjovjekovnih utvrda ili za gradnju novih tvrava. (Slika 11)
Tako je u XV. stoljeu opekom bila nadograena topovska platforma na
junu brani-kulu Medvedgrada te ugaone kule na biskupskoj rezidenciji u
azmi, dok je katel u Sisku u cijelosti bio sagraen od opeke dobivene
ruenjem graevina u antikoj Sisciji.46
Nevezano jesu li su zidovi Bojih utvrda bili graeni od kamena,
drva ili opeka, njihova krovita, najvie etae obrambenih zidova i kula,
kure, vrata, pomini mostovi, prilazne drvene konstrukcije i unutranje
pomone graevine bile su sagraene od drva.47
Premda ih prema stilskoj pripadnosti moemo podijeliti u tri osnovne grupe romanike (XII. i XIII. stoljee), gotike (XIV. i XV. stoljee) i
renesansne utvrde (XVI. stoljee) najvie njih nosi karakteristike meustilova kasne romanike i rane gotike (XIII.XIV. stoljee) te kasne gotike i rane renesanse (kraj XV. i po. XVI. stoljea).48
Zakljuak
Kao to smo ve napomenuli, na podruju Kraljevine Slavonije postojalo je u srednjem vijeku i poetkom novoga vijeka vie desetina Bojih
44
ISTI, O izgledu srednjovjekovnog zida na primjerima nekih graevina u

kontinentalnoj Hrvatskoj, Godinjak zatite spomenika kulture Hrvatske 12 (1986)
179192; ISTI, Strukture gotike arhitekture, Zagreb 1989.
45
ISTI, Zidine i branita, 193; LJ. KRMPOTI, Izvjetaji o utvrivanju granica
Hrvatskog Kraljevstva od 16. do 18. stoljea, Hannover Karlobag akovec 1997,
219222.
46
Z. HORVAT, O izgledu srednjovjekovnog zida, 190191; ISTI, Strukture
gotike arhitekture, 48.
47
ISTI, Primjena drva u gradnji burgova od 13. do 15. stoljea u kontinetalnom
dijelu Hrvatske, Prostor 13/1 (2005) 1121; ISTI, Drvene konstrukcije na burgovima
kontinetalne Hrvatske, Prostor 14/2 (2006) 142157.
48
ISTI, Stilska stratigrafija, 5658.
109
. 1 (2013) 97114
utvrda. Ako znamo da je njihovo podizanje bio izuzetno zahtjevan i sloeni posao, te da je shodno tome, za njihovu gradnju trebalo puno vremena i
materijalnih sredstava, prema njihovim obrambenim i stilskim karakteristikama i povijesnim izvorima jasno je da su ti kompleksi nastajali postupno.
Sve do druge polovine XIII. stoljea prostor Kraljevine Slavonije
titile su malobrojne kraljevske utvrde (Zagreb, Castrum Nicola kraj Zeline, Oki, Ozalj, Greben, Krievci, Varadin), koje su sagraene kao sjedita upanija ili kao pogranina uporita na mjestima starijih utvrenja.49
Premda malobrojne, za mongolske provale 1241. pokazale su se neosvojivima. Dok su palisadama utvreni Zagreb i azma bili spaljeni do temelja, dotle je nedaleki Veliki Kalnik herojski izdrao opsadu uz pomo susjednoga stanovnitva.50
Uvjerivi se da su vrsto zidani plemiki gradovizamkovi najbolja
obrana od mongolskih armija, u oekivanju nove tatarske navale kralj Bela
IV. je potaknuo gradnju plemikih gradovazamkova irom svoga kraljevstva prepustivi to iskljuivo kraljevsko pravo svojim velikaima i
plemiima te crkvenim veledostojnicima i vitekim redovima. Tako je na
podruju Kraljevine Slavonije tijekom druge polovine XIII. stoljea zapoela masovna gradnja plemikih gradovazamkova, koja je svoj vrhunac
doivjela za dva duga prijestolna rata (13011327. i 13871409).51
Nakon to je iz drugoga prijestolnoga rata kao pobjednik izaao rimsko-njemaki car i eki kralj Sigismund Luksemburgovac, na podruju
Kraljevine Slavonije nastupilo je dulje razdoblje mira. Ulazak Slavonije,
Ugarske i Hrvatske u dravnu zajednicu sa ekom omoguilo je jaanje
kulturnih veza, to je za posljedicu imalo, meu ostalim, dolazak vrsnih
graditelja i majstora klesara iz Praga, kolovanih u znamenitoj graditeljskoj koli obitelji Parler (Parlova kola), koja je znatno utjecala na razvoj kasnogotikog graditeljstva i kiparstva u srednjoj Europi, pa tako i u
srednjovjekovnoj Slavoniji. Pod utjecajem ove kole tijekom prve polovine XV. stoljea postojei skromni i arhitektonski jednostavni romaniki
plemiki gradovizamkovi obogauju se dogradnjom rezidencijalnih palasa otvorenih velikim prozorima (tzv. eki prozori), dok se stare obrambene kule pretvaraju u raskono opremljene stambene graevine grijane kaljevim peima te stambenom infrastrukturom, gdje se posebno istiu nova
49
Codex diplomaticus, vol. 3, 8991; Isto, vol. 4, Zagreb 1906, 149, 164; V.
BEDENKO, Mons Gradyz iuxta Zagrabiam, Historijski zbornik 44/1 (1991) 317; K.
REGAN, Orlovo gnijezdo obitelji Zrinski plemiki grad Ozalj, Susreti dviju
kultura: obitelj Zrinski u hrvatskoj i maarskoj povijesti (zbornik radova), Zagreb
2012, 45116.
50
K. REGAN, Plemiki grad Veliki Kalnik, Kaj 37/3 (2004) 83104.
51
V. KLAI, Povijest Hrvata 2, Zagreb 1980, 961, 223400.
110

rjeenja pomonih prostora, poput stubita i zahoda.52 Utjecaj ove kole
ponajbolje se osjeti na Medvedgradu i Garigradu, koje je biskup Eberhard
pregradio u raskone rezidencije.53 (Slika 12)
No, taj veliki procvat u razvoju arhitekture plemikih gradovazamkova na hrvatskome prostoru naglo prekidaju Osmanlije, kojima je nakon
osvajanja susjedne Srbije (1459) i veih dijelova Bosne (1463) bio otvoren
put prema hrvatskom prostoru. Duga stoljea mira, laan osjeaj sigurnosti
koji je proizlazio iz takve drutveno-politike situacije te visoki trokovi
gradnje i odravanja obrambenih graevina doveli su do toga da je Kraljevina Slavonija obrambeno nespremna doekala sukob s Osmanskim carstvom. (Karta 2)
Taj nedostatak meu prvima je uvidio ugarsko-hrvatski kralj Matija
Korvin, koji je nakon pada Bosne pod osmansku vlast 1463. i izbijanja Osmanlija na june i jugoistone granice njegova kraljevstva, kao i kralj Bela
IV. dva stoljea ranije, potaknuo sustavno utvrivanje svoga kraljevstva
brojnim katelima na temelju najnovijih renesansnih koncepcija obrane,
osmiljene u talijanskim republikama i monarhijama XV. stoljea, koje su
preko Ugarske prodirale u Slavoniju.54 Pod utjecajem tih istih novih obrambenih ideja pregrauju se i stari plemiki gradovizamkovi dodavanjem
okruglih ili potkoviastih baterijskih kula ili topovskih platformi ispunjenih nabijenom zemljom.55 Nabijenom zemljom takoer se u to doba ojaavaju stari srednjovjekovni bedemi.
U toj akciji veliku je ulogu na podruju Kraljevine Slavonije imao
zagrebaki biskup i njegovi kanonici, koji su od 1470-ih pa sve do poetka
XVI. stoljea na svojim posjedima sagradili desetak najmodernijih renesansnih katela te utvrdili tri gradska naselja Kaptol u Zagrebu, Dubravu
kraj esme te Hrastovicu na Banovini. Tim graevinskim poduhvatom bili
52
Z. HORVAT, Grijanje u srednjovjekovnim burgovima kontinentalne

Hrvatske. Kamini, dimnjaci i kaljeve pei, Prostor 2/34 (1994) 215240; ISTI, Neki
pomoni prostori, 299322; I. KILJAN, Kasnogotiki penjaci s Gari-grada, Radovi
Zavoda za znanstvenoistraivaki i umjetniki rad u Bjelovaru 4 (2011) 161194.
53
N. KLAI, Medvedgrad, 106120; Z. HORVAT, Prozori na burgovima, 52
57; K. REGAN, Plemiki grad Gari, 5759.
54
L. DOBRONI, Renesansa u Zagrebu, Zagreb 1994; B. GRGIN, Poeci
rasapa. Kralj Matija Korvin i srednjovjekovna Hrvatska, Zagreb 2002, 171186; M.
PELC, Renesansa, Zagreb 2007, 2382; F. ISTVN, gyvdmvek a 16. szzad els
felnek erdtmnyptszetben. Tvhitek, kerdsek, kutatsi feladatok, Studia
Agriensia 27 (2008) 175196; D. OUREK, Pavia azma, primjer sjevernotalijanskih utjecaja na renesansnu umjetnost kontinentalne Hrvatske, Radovi Instituta za povijest umjetnost 33 (2009) 3746.
55
A. HORVAT, Izmeu gotike i baroka, Zagreb 1975, 5268, 216235; K.
REGAN, Plemiki grad Gari, 60.
111
. 1 (2013) 97114
su udareni temelji linijskoga obrambenog sustava Banske krajine, koji je
tijekom prve polovine XVI. stoljea, zajedno s obrambenim sustavom
Zrinskih na Uni i istonim padinama Zrinske gore, bio osnovica protuosmanske obrane sredinjega dijela slavonskoga kraljevstva.56
U tom sustavu obrane vanu su ulogu imali i utvreni samostani
(Gari, Lepoglava, Remete, Topusko itd.) i crkve koje su se na podruju
Kalnikoga i Zelinskoga kraja te Hrvatskog zagorja prema unaprijed smiljenom planu podizale od posljednje etvrtine XV. stoljea. Premda nisu
imale obrambenu vrijednost renesansnih katela, svojom brojnou i povoljnim geostratekim poloajima igrale su vanu ulogu u dojavljivanju
smjera kretanja neprijatelja kroz dubinu slavonskoga teritorija te u pruanju zaklonita okolnome stanovnitvu do prestanka opasnosti.57
Nakon to su se renesansni kateli zagrebakoga biskupa i Kaptola
zbog sve breg razvoja opsadnoga vatrenog oruja ve tijekom prve polovine XVI. stoljea pokazali vojno zastarjelima, na podruju Kraljevine
Slavonije zapoela je gradnja velikih bastionskih tvrava, meu kojima se
posebno istiu Varadin, Koprivnica, Krievaci i Karlovac.58 Mada su zagrebaki biskupi i njegovi kanonici u to vrijeme bili svjesni vojne zastarjelosti svojih utvrda, pad preko polovine njihovih posjeda pod osmansku
vlast te ogromni materijalni izdaci uloeni za obranu Sisake Posavine, Banovine i podruja sliva rijeke esme tijekom prve polovine XVI. stoljea
znatno je osiromaio Zagrebaku biskupiju. Kako ona polovinom istoga
stoljea nije imala vie snage za gradnju novih i toliko potrebnih obrambenih graevina i kompleksa, tu je dunost preuzeo Hrvatski sabor, koji je
nekadanje ogromne crkvene posjede uz granicu s Osmanskim carstvom
organizirao u Bansku krajinu.
Sudbina Bojih utvrda bila je razliita. Jo tijekom prve polovine
XVI. stoljea veliki broj njih na podruju zapadne Slavonije i Moslavine
osvojile su Osmanlije. Dio su odmah razvalile i prepustile propadanju, dok
su manji broj uz slavonsko-osmansku granicu pretvorili u vrsta uporita
iz kojih su poduzimali nove osvajake pothvate prema zapadu. Istodobno
su zagrebaki biskup i Kaptol naputali obranu svojih starih utvrda na Banovini (Baniji) i sve svoje obrambene mogunosti usredotoili u gradnju
dviju modernih tvrava zagrebake i sisake te uzdravanju preostalih
utvrda na prostoru Zagrebakoga prigorja i Hrvatskoga zagorja.
56
M. KRUHEK Z. HORVAT, Utvrde Banske krajine, 161185.

Z. HORVAT, Kapela sv. Helene, 270276.
58
A. HORVAT, Izmeu gotike i baroka, 237250; S. TERK, Osnovni napredak
umijea utvrivanja. Vijesti muzealaca i konzervatora Hrvatske 39/12 (1990) 310;
A. MEGA, Bastioni kontinetalne Hrvatske, 114117, 120127, 160163.
57
112

Smanjenjem osmanskoga pritiska u XVII. stoljeu, manji se broj
Bojih utvrda, bliih prometnicama i naseljima, pregrauju u barokne
rezidencije (zagrebaka Biskupska tvra i katel u Varadinskim Toplicama) ili vojna skladita (Stari grad u Sisku), dok je veina zbog izoliranosti
svog poloaja bila naputena i preputena zubu vremena.
Nakon nacionalizacije njihovih ruevina poslije Drugog svjetskog
rata proces propadanja se jo vie ubrzao jer su lokalne komunistike vlasti doputale domaemu stanovnitvu da ih koristi kao kamenolome. Za razvoja hrvatskoga nacionalnog pokreta krajem 1960-ih i poetkom 1970-ih
preostale se ruevine stavljaju pod zakonsku zatitu, a na nekima od njih
poinju se provoditi arheoloka i konzervatorska istraivanja (Garigrad).
Taj trend se ubrzao uspostavom neovisne Republike Hrvatske 1991. te se
danas na brojnim lokalitetima vre arheoloka istraivanja i obavljaju konzervatorski radovi elei ovu vrijednu batinu sauvati za budunost.
Prilog:
Popis i tipoloka podjela Bojih utvrda na podruju
Kraljevine Slavonije s godinom ili stoljeem prvog spomena
Plemiki gradovizamkovi: Blagua (1287), Bela (1275), Blinja (poetak XVI. stoljea), aklovac (1421), ian (1290), Dubica (1256), Garigrad (1256), Gora (1242), Gradie kraj Margeana (Cukovec) (XIII.
stoljee), Hresno (XIII. stoljee), Ivani-Grad (1552), Kaptolska utvrda na
zagrebakom Gradecu (izmeu 1242. i 1260), Ljesnica (1343), Medvedgrad (1252), Opoj (1236), Pakrac (1326), Petrinja (Stara Petrinja) (XV. stoljee), Planina (nakon 1242), Raea (XIV. stoljee), Varadinske Toplice
(1376), Utvrda Svetog Ivana (XIV. stoljee ?), Vinodol (XV. stoljee), Vugrovec (1307).
Utvrena naselja: Kaptol u Zagrebu (1094), Dubrava (1094), Hrastovica (1272).
Renesansni kateli: azma (nakon 1242), unti (1551), Glogovnica
(1500), Gradec kraj Dubrave (kraj XV. stoljea), Klinac (oko 1550), Krievci (druga polovina XV. stoljea), Pecki (izmeu 1551. i 1563), Pokupsko (poetak XVI. stoljea), Srednji i Gornji Gradac (potkraj XV. ili poetak XVI. stoljea).
Renesansne tvrave: Biskupska tvra u Zagrebu (15121520), Stari
grad u Sisku (15441552).
113
. 1 (2013) 97114
Kreimir Regan
GODS FORTRESSES OF THE KINGDOM OF SLAVONIA
Summary
Since the middle of the 13th until the end of the 16th century, numerous
defensive structures were erected on the territory of the Kingdom of Slavonia
(by the roads, on mountain slopes and ridges, near river crossings). Among
the most active builders were members of the clergy of the Bishopric of Zagreb (the Bishop of Zagreb, the chapter of Zagreb, the chapter of azma, the
chapter of Vakan), Catholic monastic orders (Benedictines, Paulines) and
Catholic military orders (Templars, Hospitalers, Sepulchrales), who erected a
number of burghs, fortified settlements, convents and churches, as well as many renaissance castles and fortresses, in order to protect their own vast domains. This article intends not just to elaborate the historical and archeological topography of these defensive structures, but also to show their peculiarities when compared to other types of fortifications of the age. Therefore, all
sorts of defensive structures, their time of origin and spatial disposition are presented, with special emphasis on their significance in the shaping and development of Croatian and Central European cultural heritage. Although historical sources mention far more Gods fortresses, this paper deals with 37
such edifices, including both those wholly or partially preserved as well as
those whose appearance could be reconstructed with the help of old drawings
or photographs.
Keywords: fort, Kingdom of Slavonia, Bishopric of Zagreb, burgh, fortified settlement, renaissance castle, renaissance fortress.
: 30. 2012.
: 27. 2013.
114
. 1 (2013) 115135
UDC: 327:94](497.11:497.5)"1301/1302"
Neboja Pori
University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy
Department of History
ika Ljubina 1820, Belgrade, Serbia
nebojsa.porcic@f.bg.ac.rs.
PEACE NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN SERBIA AND

DUBROVNIK IN 13011302: A CASE STUDY
IN MEDIEVAL DIPLOMACY
Abstract: A brief but fierce conflict waged in 1301 between king Stefan
Uro II Milutin of Serbia and the maritime city of Dubrovnik ended in peace negotiations that lasted over one year (August 1301September 1302), involving
also the Venetian Republic as Dubrovniks overlord. Well-covered by source material, this long and dynamic diplomatic process enables the study of various aspects of diplomatic activity within the framework of both basic types of medieval
political organization the feudal monarchy and the republican city-state. Topics
treated here include foreign policy decision-making, choice of envoys and organization of embassies, diplomatic gifts, negotiation procedures, use of mediation,
trade embargoes and hostages, treaty documents, and diplomatic skill.
Keywords: Serbia, Dubrovnik, Venice, medieval diplomacy, envoys, mediation, hostages, treaties, diplomatic skill.
Neighborly relations between Dubrovnik and the medieval Serbian

state of the Nemanjid dynasty (c. 1170c. 1370) were marked by contrasts
the modest territory of a maritime Latin Catholic city-state organized as
an oligarchic republic was bounded (in fact, until c. 1325, completely surrounded) by a vastly larger and predominantly continental Slavic Orthodox rural society structured into a feudal monarchy increasingly permeated
by Byzantine ideological influences. However, these seemingly irreconcilable differences did not result in permanent conflict. One reason was that
neither side could expect to gain much by use of force. Dubrovnik was
, :
: (. . 147012).
115

discouraged from it by sheer geopolitical facts, but Serbias superiority
was also offset by Dubrovniks constant submission to the rule of third
powers capable of providing effective protection almost throughout the
period in question (12051358) this power was Venice. More importantly,
in spite of everything that stood between them, the two parties found an
overriding common interest commerce. Practically from its beginnings,
and especially since the resurgence of mining activity from the mid 13 th
century, Nemanjid Serbia was inclined to join the booming Mediterranean
commercial network, and the geographic position of Dubrovnik, as well as
its human and material resources, made it the ideal intermediary. Since
Dubrovniks protector Venice shared this constructive attitude for its own
economic and political reasons, notably the use Serbia as a counterpoise to
Hungarian aspirations on the Adriatic, a solid base existed for stable and
friendly mutual relations. Still, although supressed by the benefits of trade,
conflict potential remained high and on several occasions it broke to the
surface, escalating into open war. The need to maintain and, occasionally,
restore peace in the face of such challenges provided plenty of opportunities for the exercise of what was then known as the art of negotiation and
would later acquire the name diplomacy.1
1
There is no specialized comprehensive account of relations between Nemanjid Serbia and Dubrovnik. General overviews are provided by synthetic works, such
as C. JIREEK, Geschichte der Serben I, Gotha 1911 (= . ,
I, 1952, with several subsequent editions); B. KREKI, Dubrovnik in the 14th
and 15th Centuries: A City between East and West, Oklahoma University Press 1972;
V. FORETI, Povijest Dubrovnika do 1808. Prvi dio: od osnutka do 1526, Zagreb
1980; I (. . ), 1981; R. HARRIS,
Dubrovnik: A History, London 2003. Narrower subjects have been treated in a large
number of studies and articles, such as: C. JIREEK, Die Bedeutung von Ragusa in der
Handelsgeschichte des Mittelalters, Wien 1899 (= K. JIREEK, Vanost Dubrovnika u
trgovakoj povijesti srednjega vijeka, Dubrovnik 1915); . ,
, 3/14
(1937) 119146; J. LUI, Prolost dubrovake Astareje: upe, umeta, Rijeke, Zatona Grua i okolice grada do 1366, Dubrovnik 1970; . , 13271328. ,
11 (1968) 193203; S. IRKOVI, Ragusa e il suo retroterra nel Medio Evo, Ragusa e
il Mediterraneo: ruolo e funzioni di una Repubblica marinara tra Medioevo ed Eta
moderna (ed. A. DI VITTORIO), Bari 1990, 1526. A comprehensive account of Serbo-Venetian relations is given in . , 13. 14. , 1986. For specific treatment of political relations between Dubrovnik and Venice see G. REMONIK, Odnos Dubrovnika prema Mlecima do godine 1358, Narodna starina 12/32 (1931) 169178, while B. KREKI, Unequal Rivals: Essays on Relations between Dubrovnik and Venice in the 13 th and 14th Centuries, Zagreb Dubrovnik 2007, covers a wider range of issues.
116
N. Pori, Peace Negotiations between Serbia and Dubrovnik

From the medievalists point of view, this central role played by diplomacy offers a hitherto largely unexploited possibility of using the course
of Nemanjid-Dubrovnik relations to gain better insight into the diplomatic
practices of their protagonists, representing, as they do, the two main medieval political systems. Crucially for research, the topic is generally well
documented, with several dozen preserved treaties and letters, 2 numerous
entries in the chancery books of Dubrovnik and Venetian authorities,3
narrative accounts in the works of later Dubrovnik annalists and chroniclers,4 and various bits of evidence from other sources. This material is certainly capable of sustaining an extensive study in the history of diplomatic
practice, but a potentially useful alternative would be to focus on certain
peaks of diplomatic activity that simultaneously reveal many of its aspects. One such case that readily comes to mind are the peace negotiations
conducted from the summer of 1301 in order to end a full-scale military
conflict that had broken out earlier that year.
The exact causes of the war of 1301 remain unclear. 5 It might have
been related to the commercial rivalry between Dubrovnik and Kotor, a
2
Most of these were published in Monumenta Serbica spectantia historiam

Serbiae, Bosnae, Ragusii (ed. F. MIKLOSICH), Viennae 1858, and again in later collections. The recently published , I (. . . . ),
Beograd 2011, contains all documents issued until 1321.
3
Most notably the Libri Reformationum of the Dubrovnik city councils, published in Monumenta Ragusina IV (ed. J. GELCHICH), Zagreb 18791897. Venetian
records have been published in Listine o odnoajih izmedju junoga slavenstva i Mletake republike IIII (ed. S. LJUBI), Zagreb 18681872, and Acta Albaniae Veneta
saeculorum XIV et XV, t. I1 (ed. J. VALENTINI), Palermo 1967.
4
M. ORBINI, Il regno degli Slavi, Pesaro 1601 (= . ,
, 1968, with extensive commentaries by S. irkovi); G. P. LUCCARI, Copioso ristretto degli annali di Rausa, Venetiae 1605; Annales Ragusini Anonymi item Nicolai de Ragnina (ed. S. NODILO), Zagreb 1883; Chronica Ragusina Junii
Restii, item Joanis Gundulae (ed. S. NODILO), Zagreb 1893.
5
This conflict and subsequent events have been treated more or less extensively
as episodes in synthetic works (see fn. 1, in particular V. FORETI, Povijest, 8990, and
S. irkovis account in I, 451452). The only article especially dedicated to the subject is . ,
13011302. ?, 17 (1976) 417423, but due to its brevity and focus on other issues, much information illustrating diplomatic practice is left out. For this reason, it seems necessary to
offer a fresh account concentrated on the negotiation process, bearing in mind that a full
presentation of the causes, course, aftermath, and wider context of the conflict could
provide enough material for a monograph.
117

smaller but prosperous maritime commune incorporated into the Nemanjid
state in the late 12th century at the very outbreak of hostilities the Dubrovnik navy made an unsuccessful attack on Kotor itself. 6 Dubrovnik also
seized the island of Mljet, reflecting the desire to break the Serbian territorial encirclement and increase extramural possessions. However, the
reaction of Serbian king Stefan Uro II Milutin was fierce and apparently
quite successful,7 as he captured a significant number of Dubrovnik citizens, whom the city could ill afford to lose. Although this gave him the
upper hand, Milutin seems to have had little desire to continue the conflict,
not only because of its disruptive effect on trade but also because he was
preoccupied by internal struggles with his brother Dragutin.8
As far as available sources show, the first sign that diplomacy was
taking over is a decision by Dubrovnik authorities on July 24, 1301, to
award a present to one Petrus Mauro, ambaxatori domine regine.9 The regina in question is Jelena, Milutins and Dragutins mother who ruled over
an appanage in the maritime regions of the kingdom. This semi-independent position of the queen-mother, coupled with some subsequent decisions of Dubrovnik authorities reflecting a continuing state of tension,10
makes it difficult to determine whether Mauros mission was indeed a step
towards reconciliation, but on August 28 change becomes clearly visible,
as the city authorities decided to send to the Serbian king two friars, Janinus de Bononia and Nicola de Odan, with the express task of concluding
peace.11 The initiative was evidently known and supported in Venice,
where on September 414 a series of decisions were made regarding the
sending of a two-man embassy to Dubrovnik and Serbia.12 At the same
6
Statuta et leges civitatis Cathari, Venetiae 1616, 209 (phototype edition Statuta civitatis Cathari Statut grada Kotora I (ured. J. ANTOVI), Kotor 2009). For
pre-1300 relations between Dubrovnik and Kotor, see J. LUI, Pomorsko-trgovaki
odnosi Dubrovnika i Kotora u 13. stoljeu, Pomorski zbornik 6 (1968) 417454.
7
Junius Resti writes that Milutin subjected the republic to a crudelissima guerra and that the city authorities were unable to withstand him (Chronica Ragusina,
102103).
8
Cf. . , ,
3 (1955) 4982, pp. 5859.
9
The earliest preserved Liber Reformationum starts with August 1, 1301. The
July 24 decision is found copied in a later manuscript (Monumenta Ragusina II, 298).
10
These included supplying the city with grain, preparing a detachment of 300
men to protect the vineyards, inviting citizens staying abroad to return and tasking individuals with intelligence gathering and operating war machines (Monumenta Ragusina V, 13).
11
Monumenta Ragusina V, 3.
12
Listine I, 195196, no. 294296; III, 436, no. 100102.
118

time, however, both in Dubrovnik and Venice military measures continued
to be taken,13 implying that the attitude of the Serbian side to the peace proposal was still uncertain. A sure sign of normalization appears on October
5, when Dubrovnik authorities decided to guarantee safe arrival and stay in
the city to residents of the neighboring Serbian region of Popovo polje.14
Finally, on October 18, Dubrovnik authorities resolved to commence negotiations regarding a diplomatic proposal (ambaxata) made by Paulus de
Toma, a well-known Kotor nobleman who is later identified as ambassador of the lord king Uro.15
From that moment, military measures disappear and diplomacy takes
over. There was still some caution though, as negotiations did not seem to
progress smoothly.16 Only after more than three weeks, on November 10,
the city authorities agreed to offer the kings envoy a total of 6000 hyperpyra in exchange for peace and the release of prisoners. To that end, they decided to send Milutin a two-man embassy, but also to introduce a ban on
trade with Serbia until the prisoners have been returned. Special enticement
was given to Paulus de Toma himself, who was promised Dubrovnik citizenship once the exchange has been completed. Paulus seems to have readily accepted this agreement,17 and even drafted another one, regulating the
mutual rights and obligations of the Serbian king and Dubrovnik merchants
who traded in his lands, as well as the settlement of frequent disputes regarding vineyards in the border region. Thus, Michael de Procullo and Ursachius de Bodaa were elected envoys, the first installment of 2000 hyperpyra was collected, and on December 10 the embassy departed for Serbia.18
13
In Dubrovnik residents were encouraged to go ad deftensionem(!) Sclavorum

per mare et per terram, a fleet of warships was ordered to set sail ad dampna nostrum
inimicorum, a group of balesteri were recruited into service, and, most importantly, the
government proclaimed the annexation of Mljet (Monumenta Ragusina V, 3, 5, 7). The
Venetians for their part ordered their naval commander in the Adriatic to head for Dubrovnik and take necessary actions for its defense (Listine III, 436, no. 101).
14
15
Monumenta Ragusina V, 11. brief biography of Paulus de Toma is given
in . -, , 16 (2005) 171178
(involvement in the 13011302 negotiations on pp. 172174). See also the biography
of his only son, Toma de Paulo, by the same author in 48
(2001) 5972.
16
Special care was still being devoted to supplying the city with grain and freedom of movement outside the walls was restricted (Monumenta Ragusina V, 1112).
17
This is suggested by the election of two Dubrovnik envoys to Milutin on
November 13 (Monumenta Ragusina V, 13).
18
Monumenta Ragusina V, 1215. This first installment was in fact regarded
by the parties as payment of the customary yearly tribute given by Dubrovnik to Serbian rulers every Saint Demetrius Day (October 28), but now overdue because of the
119

The results of this mission become apparent from the measures taken by the Dubrovnik authorities between January 27 and February 1, 1302,
calling for the collection of 5000 hyperpyra19 4000 for the ransom and
1000 for other purposes, including the expenses of sending to the Serbian
court the long-awaited Venetian envoys, Petrus Michaeli and Jacobo eno, who had finally arrived in Dubrovnik in late December.20 This distribution of funds indicates that the Serbian king was satisfied with the sum
agreed by Paulus de Toma in Dubrovnik, but that there were still some
issues to be negotiated. On February 18, the city authorities entrusted this
task to eno, promising to accept any agreement he should reach with the
king. The Venetian promptly set off,21 without waiting for the collection of
the ransom, which seems to have been running into difficulties.22 Unable
to procure the release of prisoners, enos mission apparently concentrated on the issue of Mljet. Milutin wanted the island back and Dubrovnik
had little choice on March 15 the authorities decided that the island
should be returned to its previous condition and that Dubrovnik is not to
be involved there.23
At this point the course of events becomes somewhat unclear. It
seems that Milutin, perhaps encouraged by Dubrovniks complacency, decided to increase his ransom demand to 6000 hyperpyra. With the city already in dire financial straits, relatives of the prisoners despaired24 and the
news prompted Venice to recall its envoys. However, negotiations continued on April 12, a fresh round of talks was opened in Dubrovnik with a
new Serbian envoy, Junius de Buvalia and by the end of the month events
took a decisive positive turn, as Dubrovnik finally put together the original
war. Thus, the actual ransom amounted to 4000 hyperpyra. On the Saint Demetrius
tribute see . , , , ,
168 (1935) 203257, pp. 224239.
19
20
21
22
A later decision suggests that many of the contributors were unable to pay in
cash and offered only collaterals (Monumenta Ragusina V, 2526).
23
Monumenta Ragusina V, 23. The long and complex process through which
Mljet passed from Serbian rule to Dubrovnik has been treated on numerous occasions
with some controversy. References to earlier works can be found in the most recent contributions: I. DABELI, Povijest otoka Mljeta od najstarijih vremena do 15. stoljea, Dubrovnik 1987, 7078, and . , ,
41 (2004) 387397. The claim by R.
Harris, Dubrovnik, 51, that Dubrovnik finally acquired Mljet in 1301 is obviously wrong.
24
A decision of April 9 mentions that a number of citizens were preparing to
go to Serbia and personally plead with the king for the release their kinsmen (Monumenta Ragusina V, 23).
120

ransom sum of 4000 hyperpyra.25 Although expectations that peace will be
concluded in 15 days proved too optimistic, on May 24 the deal was
struck. In the presence of Jacobo eno, who was ordered back to Dubrovnik when prospects for success reappeared,26 Dubrovnik authorities agreed
to pay Milutin, once again represented by Paulus de Toma, 6000 hyperpyra in exchange for peace and release of prisoners, on the condition that
Paulus with his family and the ransom remains in Dubrovnik while his
brother Drago arranges the return of the prisoners to the city.27
Although the May 24 agreement represented a decisive success for
the diplomatic process, the new demands it laid on the already exhausted
Dubrovnik finances greatly delayed its implementation. 28 It was not before
July 5 that the Dubrovnik authorities were able to deliver to Paulus de
Toma half of the required 2000 hyperpyra, the whole sum being ensured
by July 25.29 Once the money was ready, however, progress was rapid.
The captives were certainly repatriated before August 13, when the authorities solemnly resolved quod civitas Ragusii aperiatur per mare et per terram, and ended the ban on trade with Serbia.30 That same day, Drago de
Toma was permitted to marry one of his daughters in Dubrovnik, while his
brother Paulus was accepted into Dubrovnik citizenship.31
25

The chronology of Venetian reactions can be reconstructed from their order
to eno issued on May 2 (Listine I, 200, no. 303; III, 437, no. 105).
27
28
The agreement itself was not that unfavorable to Dubrovnik, since the 2000
hyperpyra added to the original ransom were to be treated as advance payment of the
regular Serbian tribute for year 1302. It cannot be established whether this scheme was
part of Milutins original demand or a result of negotiations, but the city was clearly
not paying the Serbian king more money than it would have otherwise paid, it was just
paying several months earlier. However, after the May 24 agreement, the city was additionally burdened by the obligation to pay another 2400 hyperpyra to Milutin. This
payment, mentioned first on July 5 as yperperi mmcccc qui debent solvi domino regi
pro sagiis m de auro (Monumenta Ragusina V, 3132), seems to have had its origins
in a pre-war Dubrovnik debt to the Serbian ruler resulting from some business transaction of the kind frequently encountered in relations between the two parties.
29
Monumenta Ragusina V, 31, 3435.
30
The captives might have arrived even earlier, judging by the August 5 decision to grant Jacobo eno a ship to return home (Monumenta Ragusina V, 35) on
June 18 the Venetian envoy had been instructed to stay in Dubrovnik while concordia
est in fieri, and to return to Venice concordia facta (Listine I, 200). . ,
, 421, is right at taking this to be the moment when the
war truely ended.
31
Monumenta Ragusina V, 35. On grants of citizenship in medieval Dubrovnik see . , ,
246 (1961) 89129.
26
121

Amid the festivities, Dubrovnik authorities didnt forget that there
was still one more loose end finalization of the agreement on commercial privileges and vineyards drafted with Paulus de Toma in November
1301. On August 11, a committee was set up with the task of assessing
damages inflicted on Dubrovnik vineyards, and three days later Nicola de
Cruce and Binolla de Fusco were elected envoys to Milutin. 32 The day of
their departure is not recorded but the central event of their mission occurred on Holy Cross Day (September 14) when the Serbian ruler presented the agreement to them in the form of a royal charter. The precious
document was certainly in Dubrovnik by October 20, when a copy was
made and given to a caravan departing for Serbia ad utilitatem et securitatem omnium mercatorum.33 This practical move also had strong symbolic
value, as the sight of a Dubrovnik caravan passing into Serbia demonstrated that the two sides had rediscovered their common interest, while the
document with which it was supplied testified to the decisive role diplomacy had played in that achievement.
Available sources about negotiations between Serbia and Dubrovnik
in 13011302 obviously provide a wealth of information on numerous aspects of diplomatic practice and also offer the possibility of comparing
those aspects within two different settings that of a feudal monarchy and
of an oligarchic city-republic. Both of these are worthy of attention, although for somewhat different reasons. The diplomacies of medieval Dubrovnik and Venice rank among the best documented and most studied,
but their study has largely focused on the post-1300 period of transition to
Renaissance diplomacy.34 As for the diplomacy of Nemanjid Serbia, the
events of 13011302 present one of the largest concentrations of otherwise
scarce source material, providing an extremely rare opportunity to follow
its activity throughout a complex negotiating process and thus amend the
almost total scholarly neglect of the subject.35
32
Monumenta Ragusina V, 35, 37. The embassy was probably also tasked with
delivering to Milutin the old debt of 2400 hyperpyra. That money became available
on August 10 and its persuasive potential in the upcoming negotiations must have
been realized (Monumenta Ragusina V, 32).
33
34
The most notable exception is D. QUELLER, Early Venetian Legislation on
Ambassadors, Geneva 1966. For Dubrovnik diplomacy see Diplomacija Dubrovake
Republike (ured. S. BERKOVI), Zbornik Diplomatske akademije 3, Zagreb 1998.
35
The only scholarly texts published on the subject are several passages in C.
JIREEK, Staat und Geselschaft im mittelalterlichen Serbien I, Wien 1912, 2021, and
an article by Sima irkovi in (eds. .
. ), 154157.
122

Perhaps the most profound differences between Nemanjid and Dubrovnik diplomacy can be observed in the shaping of foreign policy. In the
city-republic of Dubrovnik, where supreme authority rested in the hands of
an entire social group, foreign policy was shaped through a system of collective bodies reflecting the plenary, deliberative and executive levels of
government the Consilium Maius, Consilium Rogatorum and Consilium
Minus closely monitored and guided by the monarchical figure of the
Venetian governor in the role of the city count (comes).36 In 13011302,
all of these appeared in appropriate roles at various points of the negotiating process, either as decision-makers or sources of decision-making authority.37 On the other hand, in the Nemanjid monarchy the only authorized decision-maker in foreign policy was the king. But even though his
right to decide was absolute, his power to implement decisions depended
on the support of his relatives, barons, church dignitaries, and urban autonomies who exercised direct authority over individual parts of the country
in the absence of a paid state bureaucracy. Thus, the kings theoretically
absolute freedom of decision was greatly limited, first by his own considerations for the interests of the various participants in government, and
secondly by their ability and willingness to influence him. Moreover, if
they deemed it fit and necessary, these influential factors were in the position to completely bypass supreme authority and enter into direct international contacts.
The events of 13011302 provide very good illustrations of the presence and nature of these influential factors. For example, Dubrovnik authorities supplied the December 1301 embassy with 150 hyperpyra in gifts
for the Serbian barons and another 50 hyperpyra for the Serbian archbishop, the head of the national church, who was then staying in his maritime
36
By composition, the Consilium Maius was a full assembly of the aristocratic

oligarchy, the Consilium Rogatorum a council of sages (senate) derived from the
Maius, and the Consilium Minus an 11-man permanent governing body. On the government of Dubrovnik see M. MEDINI, Starine dubrovake, Dubrovnik 1935, 6589;
. , 14. I, 1960, 3240; E. W.
CARTER, Dubrovnik: a Classic City-State, New York 1972, 111120.
37
Thus, the Maius is seen making the original August 1301 decision to seek
peace and send envoys to Serbia, as well as the decisions to annex Mljet and to accept
the November 1301 agreement. The Rogatorum decides to open the city to the inhabitants of Popovo polje, while the Minus establishes Dubrovnik authority on Mljet and
prepares instructions for envoys. As negotiations progressed and became more complex, there was an increasing tendency to delegate authority to the comes and the Minus they are the ones who decide to renounce Mljet and to accept the May 1302
agreement.
123

possession of Budva.38 Even more explicitly, the final embassy of August
1302 was to take to the Serbian court gifts amounting to 100 hyperpyra
each for Milutins casne39 and for an individual named Scordillo, because
earlier Dubrovnik envoys had promised to reward the two men for their
assistance ad faciendam pacem.40 The role of the Serbian archbishop is especially interesting, since there are indications that, in addition to exerting
influence on the kings decisions, he too entered into separate negotiations
on November 2, 1301, Dubrovnik authorities debated about his request to
confer with a Dubrovnik envoy in Budva and decided to send Michael de
Procullo, who will only 11 days later be chosen envoy to Milutin.41
Separate negotiations initiated by Serbian factors other than the king
himself most likely also stood behind the decision to open Dubrovnik to
the inhabitants of Popovo polje. As a matter of fact, this might have resulted from the early contacts established with Dubrovnik by queenmother Jelena, whose appanage included the Popovo polje area.42 Her position as a prominent member of the dynasty and ruler of the maritime region gave her plenty of room for separate initiative, while her Catholic
background and history of friendship with Dubrovnik strongly suggest the
contents of that initiative.43 Details of her involvement unfortunately remain unknown. The later Dubrovnik bans on trade included her posses38

On the kaznac, a high ranking official in charge of royal revenues, see .
, ,
1997, 1724.
40
Monumenta Ragusina V, 37. The latter might have belonged to a prominent
Cretan Byzantine family of that name, with ties to both Byzantine and Venetian ruling
circles (E. GERLAND, Histoire de la noblesse crtoise au Moyen Age, Paris 1907, 6567).
41
Monumenta Ragusina V, 1213. Procullo was instructed to hear what the
archbishop has to say and to try to convince him to visit Dubrovnik. On November
11, the city authorities granted permission to the archbishop to export 170 hyperpyra
worth of robes and cloth in spite of the ban on trade. One can only suppose that this
simple transaction was not the only reason why the head of the Serbian church appears in his maritime residence and seeks contact with Dubrovnik authorities precisely at the time when they are conducting key peace negotiations with Paulus de Toma.
On the same day a certain Rulu was also permitted to export 130 hyperpyra of cloth.
42
. , , 1998, 7981.
43
This is usually illustrated by quoting her promise to warn Dubrovnik of impending attacks by her husband, the Serbian king Stefan Uro I (Monumenta Serbica,
6970, no. 66; I, 237238, no. 67). See also . ,
, 12
(1958) 131147, and the recent monograph . ,
, 2010.
39
124

sions,44 but on May 2, 1302, city authorities decided to send two unnamed
men, obviously not official envoys, to the kings court ad inquirendum et
sciendum totum quod scire poterint de voluntate domine regine, suggesting separate and even secretive consultations.45
Information on negotiations themselves contained in the events of
13011302 is somewhat limited, as the only recorded form of negotiation
is the use of embassies. Still, the available sample illustrating that aspect
of diplomatic activity is very rich, with information on at least five Dubrovnik, four Serbian and one Venetian embassy involved in the diplomatic process. Unsurprisingly, most of this information relates to Dubrovnik
and Venetian embassies, enabling a detailed reconstruction of their composition and the linking of certain aspects of that composition to the demands of this particular diplomatic process. Especially interesting in that
respect are the personalities of Dubrovnik envoys. The embassies of December 1301 and August 1302 are typical of the citys diplomatic relations
with Serbia they each include two envoys chosen among prominent
members of the oligarchy, often with previous diplomatic experience and
even a history of involvement in the current diplomatic process.46 However, the embassy of late summer 1301 consisted of two friars, whereas the
envoy sent to the Serbian court following the May 1302 agreement on the
release of prisoners was none other than Drago de Toma, brother of the
chief Serbian negotiator. Both of these cases are in fact striking examples
of adapting the embassy to the task. The primary goal of the friars mission was to establish first contact while hostilities were still in progress,
and it was probably considered safer to sent humble men of God instead of
prominent Dubrovnik nobles.47 The choice of Drago de Toma, on the other
hand, was based on the belief that Toma family connections at the Serbian
court and Dragos desire to obtain the release of his brother together with
44

46
Of the two December 1301 envoys, Michael de Procullo was third on the list
of Consilium Rogatorum members for that year, and had just been on the mission to
the Serbian archbishop, while Ursachius de Bodaia was a member of the Consilium
Minus. In the August 1302 pair, Nicola de Cruce was also a current councilor of the
Minus and had the experience of direct involvement in negotiations with Paulus de
Toma in November 1301, whereas Binolla de Fusco was seventh on the Rogatorum
list and freshly returned from a mission to the count of Omi (Monumenta Ragusina
V, 3, 7, 8, 12).
47
This conclusion is supported by the existence of another such example a
two-friar embassy was sent to Milutins father Stefan Uro I in 1252, also to conclude
peace after a fierce military conflict (Monumenta Serbica, 4041, no. 42; I,
187188, no. 50; cf. I, 348 (. )).
45
125

the rewards promised by Dubrovnik, present the best chance for procuring
the freedom of the captives in fact, the May 24 agreement plainly stated
that Dubrovnik can find no better or more loyal envoy to complete that
mission.48
The lone Venetian embassy offers examples of other ways in which
the embassy could be, and sometimes needed to be, adapted to the mission. First, Venetian embassies to Nemanjid Serbia usually consisted of
one envoy the sending of two, as in this case, was practiced when the
mission included mediating between two sides, the obvious reason being
that two envoys could divide and simultaneously work both ends of the
negotiating process.49 Also, when Jacobo eno travelled to Serbia, his escort was expanded to include two higher-profile experts in addition to the
usual crew of servants, grooms, and cooks. One, Blasius de Aimo, was the
interpreter (turimano),50 while the role of the other, Dubrovnik nobleman
Pasqua de Meriuncho, is not clear, but its relative importance can be
judged by the reward of 40 hyperpyra given to him for his services.51
In order to improve the chances of diplomatic success, the choice of
men for an embassy was usually wisely supplemented by the choice of
gifts. Dubrovnik and Venetian embassies to Serbia in 13011302 were no
exception in addition to the already mentioned gifts for influential individuals around the Serbian ruler, the Dubrovnik embassies of December
1301 and August 1302 brought even richer offerings to Milutin himself,
amounting to 500 and 300 hyperpyra respectively, mostly in precious fabrics. The king himself was probably more impressed by Jacobo enos
gift of two horses valued at 20 libri grossorum.52 Maybe because of this
somewhat exotic addition, enos embassy travelled to the Serbian court
by sailing to the mouth of the Drim River and then overland, as opposed to
the fully overland route apparently taken by Dubrovnik embassies. The
second choice was generally less expensive, but slower and more exerting.
In this case it also proved more hazardous perhaps due to harsh winter
48

Double Venetian embassies of 1275 and 1317 were also tasked with mediating between Serbia and Dubrovnik, while the embassy of 1350 mediated between
Serbia and Bosnia (. , , 19, 4041, 6263).
50
Monumenta Ragusina V, 33. It is interesting to note that Aimo (Emo) is a
Venetian aristocratic surname of the multitude of Dubrovnik inhabitants who could
speak both Romance and Slavic, eno chose one with evidently strong Venetian ties.
51
Monumenta Ragusina V, 28. The reward was given pro suo labore et expensis pro via quam fecit cum domino Jacobo Gino. In comparison, Aimo was given only
seven hyperpyra. On Meriuncho see . , , 347.
52
Monumenta Ragusina V, 22. This amount would be equal to 400 hypepyra
(cf. A. M. STAHL, Zecca: the Mint of Venice in the Middle Ages, Baltimore 2000, 28).
49
126

conditions, the December 1301 embassy lost two horses whose owners
received compensation.53
In return for the time and effort they sacrificed in the common interest of the republic, envoys were paid salaries and travel expenses. Dubrovnik envoys of December 1301 received 90 hyperpyra each, those of August 1302 got 60 hyperpyra plus travel expenses, Drago de Toma was given 127 hyperpyra for travel expenses alone, while the two Venetian mediators were each entitled to the equivalent of 80 hyperpyra. These sums
alone were quite modest, but in combination with other expenses they
could push the cost of embassies very high, especially if the diplomatic
process was slow.54 One saving device, which also had the neat side effect
of urging envoys to be expedient, was the reduction of their salary if the
mission exceeds a given time frame after one month, the salary of the
envoys of December 1301 dropped to just one hyperpyron per day, whereas the Venetian duo was entitled to even less after the elapse of two
months.55 Also, Venetians made use of their position as Dubrovniks overlords, as well as the citys desperate desire for peace, to burden Dubrovnik
with all expenses of enos mission to Serbia, including the purchase of
the two horses.56
In stark contrast to detailed information about these somewhat peripheral aspects of Dubrovnik and Venetian embassies, available sources are
infinitely less generous about the course of their missions in Serbia practically the only known fact is that Milutin received the August 1302 embassy at his residence in Vrhlab on Mt. Kopaonik.57 However, some significant light is shed on the missions of Serbian envoys in Dubrovnik. The
observation that Petrus Mauro, sent by queen Jelena, is the only envoy
recorded to have been given presents might be taken as an indication of
how treatment of envoys was influenced by the nature of their mission. As
53

When salaries, gifts, compensation for lost horses, and other unrecorded expenses incurred by the embassy of December 1301 are put together, the cost to the
city of Dubrovnik must have been well over 1000 hyperpyra.
55
Monumenta Ragusina V, 33; Listine , 196.
56
Even with all that, state funding for the mission of Michaeli and eno
proved inadequate and they were forced to take private loans (Listine , 201).
57
This is the only mention of the Vrhlab residence, which probably had its
heyday before Milutins conquest of Macedonia enabled his successors to set up their
favorite residences futher south. Details on archeological remains at Vrhlab are presented in . , ,
1975, 114120. See also
(. . ), 2010, 7879 (.
).
54
127

for negotiations themselves, it can be noted that envoys were not brought
before the Consilium Maius although it was the source of supreme authority in the republic, it was too unwieldy for that purpose. Instead, they
stated their mission to the comes and the Consilium Minus, who could
then direct them to continue the talks with an even narrower committee of
negotiators (tractatores) set up for that purpose. Thus, Paulus de Toma in
the autumn of 1301 and Junius de Buvalia in April 1302 negotiated with
three-man teams of Dubrovnik nobles selected along the same criteria used
for envoys.58 By excuding executive leaders whose numerous other duties
could be distractive and introducing fully committed representatives, the
negotiation process was given a more concentrated and time-effective approach, and thereby better chances of success.59 Still, when the process
reached a decisive stage, leaders could be directly involved for the finalization of the May 24 agreement, the Consilium Maius authorized not only the comes and the Consilium Minus, but also the Venetian envoy eno
and even the Dubrovnik archbishop Bonaventura.60
Regarding the organization of Nemanjid diplomatic service itself,
the only aspect that is clearly visible in the selection of envoys. All four
recorded embassies, one by Jelena and three by Milutin, were conducted
by single envoys, and all of these envoys came from Nemanjid maritime
towns Jelenas from Bar and Milutins from Kotor.61 For reasons that
can only be guessed, Nemanjid diplomacy seems to have preferred oneman embassies, both generally and in contacts with Dubrovnik. On the
other hand, the origins of the envoys are doubtlessly the result of a con58
The committee facing Paulus de Toma included three prominent members of

the Rogatorum, including the future envoy to Serbia, Nicola de Cruce (Monumenta
Ragusina V, 11), while Buvalia negotiated with Ursachius iriva, another former
member of the Toma committee, Ursachius Bodae, who was one of the envoys to
Milutin in December 1301, and Nicola de Surgo, fourth on the Rogatorum list for that
year (Monumenta Ragusina V, 25).
59
This practice is evidenced in the Nemanjid monarchy as well during the
1299 peace talks with Byzantium at his court in Skoplje, Milutin appointed three or
four of his prominent men as negotiators with the Byzantine envoy Theodoros Metochytes (L. MAVROMATIS, La fondation de lempire serbe: le kralj Milutin, Thessaloniki 1978, 106; Serbian translation with commentaries by Ivan uri in
VI (. . . ),
1986, 118).
60
Monumenta Ragusina V, 28).
61
C. JIREEK, Die Romanen in den Stdten Dalmatiens whrend des Mittelalters III, Denkschriften des Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-historische Klasse 49/2 (1904) 9, 41 (= II:
(. . ), 1962,
250, 305).
128

scious effort to adapt the person to the mission. Nemanjid maritime towns
were part of the same Mediterranean, Latin, Catholic, urban, trade-oriented
environment as Dubrovnik, and their citizens not only competed, but also
often cooperated, with those of Dubrovnik on the Serbian market. By selecting a man such as Paulus de Toma, who was even married to a daughter of the Dubrovnik nobility,62 Milutin placed his affairs in the hands of
an individual thoroughly familiar with the language, legal customs, current
affairs and key personalities of his destination. At the same time, he could
count on such an envoys loyalty, based on the devotion of a subject to his
sovereign and, perhaps even more, on the tangible interest of a businessman making his fortune from trade in that sovereigns lands. The system
apparently worked very well, because matching of envoys and destinations
is something of a signature mark of Nemanjid diplomacy throughout its
existence in addition to Dubrovnik, citizens of maritime towns were very
frequently sent to Venice and other Latin, Catholic countries, whereas embassies to Byzantium, for example, were often entrusted to Orthodox
church dignitaries, especially those who had the experience of life in monastic communities on Byzantine territory, such as Mount Athos.63
In addition to carefully chosen negotiators from both sides, hopes of
diplomatic success also relied on certain established institutions and procedures that had acquired the role of auxiliary diplomatic tools in support
of the negotiation process. Perhaps the most prominent in the events of
13011302 is mediation striving to achieve agreement between two parties by using the good services of a third. Here one may justly question
whether Venetian involment in negotiations between Dubrovnik and Nemanjid Serbia was indeed mediation, because Venice was Dubrovniks
overlord. The sources make it very clear that Venice had much more influence on Dubrovnik than a regular mediator.64 On the other hand, as much
62
. , I, 429; J. LUI, Pomorskotrgovaki odnosi, 436.

63
Among several dozen known embassies sent in those two directions, the only instances of Orthodox church dignitaries being sent to the Latin world are the missions of bishop Methodius to pope Honorius III (12161227) to procure the royal
crown (see I, 300301 (. ), with reference to
earlier works), while cases of citizens of maritime towns going to Byzantium have not
been recorded. A well-documented diplomatic career of a Serbian Athonite monk is
presented in V. MOIN, Hilandarac Kalinik, srpski diplomata 14. veka, Istorijskopravni zbornik 1 (1949) 117132.
64
In addition to the February 1302 promise of the Dubrovnik authorities quod
firmum et ratum habebunt totum illud quod dominus Jacobus eno faciet et firmabit cum domino rege, there is also the similarly worded authorization of the May 24
negotiators, who again included eno and the comes Marcus Dandolo (Monumenta
129

as it was inclined to exercise its authority as overlord, Venices fundamental interest in the well-being of Dubrovnik as one of its prized possessions
gave its approach to the 13011302 negotiations the measure of balance
necessary for mediation. Even formally, there is room to consider the presence of special Venetian envoys as intervention of a third party, since Venice was normally involved in Dubrovniks relations with Serbia only
through the person of the comes, who was part of Dubrovniks communal
government structure. Ultimately, it is sufficient to note that Venice was
practically providing effective mediation and that its efforts were obviously recognized as such both by Dubrovnik and the Serbian court.
Another well-documented diplomatic auxiliary, this time of the type
used to exert pressure on the other side, is the trade embargo. During the
negotiations of 13011302 there are two recorded uses of this tool, both by
Dubrovnik. The first, introduced on November 10, was intended to last
until the release of Dubrovnik prisoners held by the Serbs, and included
Milutins and Jelenas lands, but was later expanded to the territories held
by Dragutin and shortened until the return of the embassy dispatched in
December 1301.65 The second, proclaimed on February 18, was linked to
enos mission,66 but eventually remained in effect until the return of the
captives in August. These embargoes actually served a dual purpose in
addition to pressuring the Serbian side by depriving it of trade revenues
and certain critical imports, such as salt, they removed the danger of additional Dubrovnik citizens falling into Serbian captivity should negotiations
take a sudden negative turn. However, there measures proved so damaging
to the economy of Dubrovnik itself that its own subjects resorted to smuggling or simply chose to disobey. 67 The authorities themselves realized the
problem and occasionally relaxed or temporarily suspended the bans for
certain individuals and goods, at the same time taking care not to undermine their effectiveness as a pressure tool, but it is practically impossible
to assess both the successfulness of these efforts and of the embargoes
themselves.68
Ragusina V, 21, 28). Moreover, instructions given by the Venetian authorities to Michaeli and eno stipulated that decisions concerning the mission were to be made by
them and the comes, while the men of Dubrovnik were only to be consulted (Listine
I, 196197, no. 297; III, 437, no. 104).
65
66
67
On April 29 a naval blockade was introduced ne mercaciones portentur in
terris regis Urosii et matris sue, while two days later there is mention of merchants
who had secretly (furtive) gone to Serbia tempore guerre (Monumenta Ragusina V,
2627).
68
Monumenta Ragusina V, 13, 16, 24, 28, 35.
130

The third auxiliary diplomatic tool whose use is recorded in the
events of 13011302, and the only one used by the Serbian side, is the institution of hostages. The specific conditions in which medieval diplomatic
activity took place made this institution of giving, taking, or exchanging
individual persons of importance as a guarantee that undertaken obligations will be fulfilled a favorite asset. Even the sparsely documented diplomacy of king Milutins Serbia readily offers examples of all three possibilities.69 A peculiarity of the 13011302 case is that it was an envoy who
became hostage, and quite possibly by his own decision through his
promise to stay in Dubrovnik with his family until the agreed release of
captives is effected, Paulus de Toma turned himself into a hostage, or, as
the source says, collateral (pro pignore) for the realization of that agreement. This bold move, important also as testimony to the envoys confidence in the sincerity of his masters intention to close the deal, probably
proved decisive in breaking the circle of mistrust that seems to have been
created by Milutins evident refusal to release the prisoners until the ransom is fully paid, and the fear of the Dubrovnik authorities that payment of
the ransom will not be followed by the release of prisoners, but by a new
ransom demand.70
At the time of the 13011302 negotiations between Serbia and Dubrovnik, diplomatic activity already involved the use of a variety of written documents credentials, safe conducts, informative letters, and treaties. A process of that magnitude and duration could have easily produced
two dozen such documents, but the only one preserved today is the treaty
on commercial privileges and vineyards. Like all such treaties between
Nemanjid Serbia and Dubrovnik since the second half of the 13 th century,
it is not composed as a contract but as a grant by which the Serbian ruler
bestows upon Dubrovnik certain rights in return for certain obligations.
What makes it unique is that it has survived both in its final form of September 14, 1302, and in the form of a draft prepared during the November
69
Sometime around 1290, Milutin gave his son Stefan as hostage to Nogai,
leader of the Golden Horde, in 1299 he exchanged hostages with the Byzantine emperor, and in 1319 he accepted hostages from Croatian magnate Mladen ubi I, 443, 447 (. ), 473 (. ).
70
Although unique in known Nemanjid diplomatic practice, the use of this tool
by envoys is recorded elsewhere at one point during the 1299 negotiations, the Byzantine envoy Metochytes, faced with deep mistrust from the Serbian side, offered
Milutin my body for my words, to do with it as he pleases, should the Byzantine
side fail to fulfill its part of the agreement (L. MAVROMATIS, La fondation, 115;
VI, 135.).
131

1301 negotiations conducted in Dubrovnik by Paulus de Toma.71 Differences between the two texts provide rare insight into the way documents
of this type were created. For example, there is clear evidence of the effort
to give the final version a more coherent composition.72 Other differences
are obviously the result of subsequent negotiations. Although they go no
further than to amend two draft clauses,73 this group is especially significant as an indication that agreements made by an envoy could still be altered before ratification by the bearer of supreme authority.
The treaty of 1302 also gives rise to an interesting hypothesis regarding the content of treaty documents between Serbia and Dubrovnik.
Almost from the beginning, the negotiations of 13011302 moved along
two separate tracks the short-term, concerned with ending the war, and
the longterm, striving to regulate fields in which mutual relations were
most intense. Both contain a preliminary and a final agreement, but while
on the longterm track each of these phases is marked by an appropriate
contractual document the draft of November 1301 and the privilege of
September 1302 the only written traces of the short-term agreements of
November 10, 1301, and May 24, 1302, are records of Dubrovnik council
decisions, with only the second one approaching the form of a private contract. One possibility is, of course, that short-term treaty documents also
existed, but have not been preserved. However, since this is not the only
such case,74 it may be that the sides simply felt no need to create such do71
The original is given in Monumenta Serbica, 5153, no. 54, while the draft
was first published in Monumenta Ragusina V, 1314. Both are printed side-by-side
in I, 343347, no. 98.
72
This was achieved by inserting a general proclamation of freedom of movement at the beginning and rearranging the ending so that all trading privileges are
grouped together, before the lone article on vineyards and the final clause confirming
continuity of mutual relations from the time of Milutins father.
73
The draft clause stipulating that Dubrovnik merchants shall not be obliged to
pay for damages caused by their servants is expanded with the subclause that masters
must turn over to the Serbian authorities those servants accused of committing crimes
of murder and serious bodily injury or pay the appropriate blood money. The draft
clause giving merchants right to trial by a mixed court of one Serbian and one Dubrovnik judge is limited to cases other than treason, murder and serious injury, abduction, and horse theft, which remain reserved for the kings court.
74
For instance, the treaty of 1252 never mentions the preceeding war or the
peace payment of 1200 hyperpyra by Dubrovnik to king Uro I (Monumenta Serbica, 40, no. 42; I, 187188, no. 50; cf. V. FORETI, Povijest, 8485), while
the treaty of 1362 does deal with a number of issues arising from the conflict it seeks
to end, but again omits the payment of 5500 hyperpyra without which the agreement
would not have been achieved (Monumenta Serbica, 169171, no. 151; cf. V. FORE-
132

cuments. They could have easily seen these agreements as a sequence of
clearly defined actions implementation of a truce, restoration of the territorial status quo, payment of the ransom, release of prisoners which,
once preformed, left no loose ends worth of being commemorated in writing. If accepted, the existence of such silent treaties or parts of treaties
should not be viewed as a relapse into dark-age oral agreements, but as an
illustration of the practical attitude required of diplomats and decisionmakers in all times and places, the medieval Balkans being no exception.
The mention of attitudes brings up the most subtle and vague aspect
of diplomatic activity present in the sources about the 13011302 negotiations diplomatic skill. This aspect is seldom spoken of directly in historical sources. Instead, it reveals itself through the way in which participants
manage the diplomatic process and, to paraphrase the old definition of politics, make the possible happen. It may be said that diplomatic skill is
ultimately determined by two factors personal characteristics and accumulated experience. The balance of these may vary greatly not only
among individuals, but also among diplomacies. Thus, Dubrovnik and Venice, as oligarchies with a pronounced collective trait and relatively highly
developed official written records, were prone to rely heavily on experience, giving their actions the appearance of routine.75 In fact, one gains
the impression that they would have achieved much the same results in the
given circumstances regardless of the individuals representing them. On
the contrary, in Nemanjid diplomacy, usefulness of a presumably significantly smaller pool of accumulated experience, as it was probably based
more on oral than written material, ultimately depended on one individual.
Such conditions strongly favored reliance on personal characteristics. In
this case, the person in charge is Milutin, who realizes that the captives he
is holding give him the upper hand and exploits that advantage to get as
much hard-needed cash as he can in view of the time constraints placed on
him by other challenges he is facing. Milutins main negotiator, Paulus de
Toma, displays a similar attitude regarding the opportunity to gain Dubrovnik citizenship, a highly desirable reward for any Adriatic businessman of that time.
Povijest, 153). This phenomenon was recently noted by . ,
, 56 (2008) 117151, pp. 121122.
75
Examples of this include repeated decisions by the Consilium Maius to entrust the preparation of instructions for negotiators to the Minus as its current executive elite, involvement of the locally informed Dubrovnik comes in the decisionmaking process within the Venetian embassy, and the forming of a committee to assess damage in Dubrovnik vineyards in preparation for negotiations on the issue.
TI,
133

In the end, who fared better? Milutin annuled Dubrovniks territorial
success on Mljet and acquired a hefty sum of perhaps 4400 early and 4000
additional hyperpyra, while Paulus de Toma became a Dubrovnik citizen.
The Dubrovnik authorities, on the other hand, extricated themselves from
a disadvantageous situation and even managed to run by the Serbian side
the most comprehensive set of privileges yet, removing, or at least defining, some troublesome practices affecting their merchants. In the long run,
the score is much easier to call four generations after the events of 1301
1302 the vast majority of Milutins achievements lay in ruins, but the
councils of Dubrovnik and Venice stayed around for another four centuries, diligently recording their relations with some other neighbors.

13011302. :

1301. , ,
II
, . ,
,
1302.
,
,

.
.
( ),
, (, , )
, , . .

134

, , , ,
.
,

.
,
.

, .

.
,
, . -
, , .

, ,
,
. ,

,
,
, .
: , , , , , , , , , .
: 30. 2012.
: 25. 2012.
135
. 1 (2013) 137159
UDK: 636.18:339.56(497.5:497.6)"13/14"
Esad Kurtovi
Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta u Sarajevu
Odsjek za historiju
Franje Rakog 1, Sarajevo, Bosna i Hercegovina
kurtovic.esad@gmail.com
MAGARCI U DUBROVAKOM ZALEU

: , .
.
. . ,
.
: , , .
Magarci predstavljaju znaajnu domau ivotinju korisnu za noenje

tovara i jahanje na istonoj jadranskoj obali u razvijenom srednjem vijeku.
Poznate informacije o njima su ture i najee su prepreka za sveobuhvatnije analize. U centralnim dijelovima bosanske i srpske srednjovjekovne drave magarci nisu bili puno gajeni niti drani a to se pravda njihovim izostajanjem iz pravnih i drugih spomenika. Istovremeno, bolji status u grai a
kao odraz ivotne prakse imale su mazge, mule i konji koji su bile efikasniji u istim vrstama posla.1 Za razliku od dubljeg zalea, hercegovaki
prostor u sastavu bosanske drave u razvijenom srednjem vijeku sa primorskom vegetacijom, uestalim krakim predjelima i oskudnijom hranom
Rad nastao u okviru projekta Mjesto i uloga konja u historiji srednjovjekovne

Bosne, finansiranog od strane Federalnog ministarstva obrazovanja i nauke Federacije
Bosne i Hercegovine.
1
. , , 1978, 4344; .
, , (. .
. ), 1999, 710714.
137
. 1 (2013) 137159
pogodovao je iroj upotrebi magaraca, u takvim okolnostima izdrljivije
ivotinje. Otuda nisu rijetke informacije u kojima se spominju magarci u
dubrovakoj grai. Magarce nalazimo zabiljeene pod latinskim nazivima
asinus, assinus, axinus, te salmerius, za mlade asselus i axelus, a za magarice sline pratee enske oblike. Uglavnom se radi o nekoliko vrsta ugovora i biljeenja koji su istovrsnog karaktera. Putem njih je mogue rekonstruisati pojedine segmente o mjestu i ulozi magarca u ivotu dubrovakog
zalea u razvijenom srednjem vijeku. Prije svega to se odnosi na uzgoj i
rad, kupoprodaju i pljaku magaraca. Tim aspektima posveujemo detaljnu panju.
***
Za sklapanje ugovora o raznoraznim poslovima sa susjedima najblii
pojas dubrovakog zalea, upravo blizinom, sam po sebi je bio veoma
znaajan. Tako je i u sluajevima ugovora o uzgoju i radu sa magarcima.
U pitanju su podruje Popova, Ljubinja, Trebinja, Zagorja, Vrsinja i Konavala. Sve dalje preko toga prostornog pojasa nije bilo dovoljno isplativo s
obzirom na injenicu da je bilo previe udaljeno za transport i prijevoz ivih ivotinja, te kontrolu dogovorenog uzgoja i rada sa stokom. Bitna karakteristika ovih ugovora je da ih nije mnogo te da su rijetke situacije u kojima se samo magarci daju na uzgoj i rad. To moe govoriti o njihovom
znaaju meu ostalim korisnim domaim ivotinjama koje se nalaze u svakodnevnom opticaju u dubrovakom zaleu (konjima, mazgama, bikovima
i kravama, ovcama, kozama, svinjama i pelama).
Ugovori o uzgoju i radu sa magarcima imaju uobiajene klauzule
koje podrazumijevaju ugovori o uvanju stoke (sozida).2 Izdvajamo nekoliko primjera. Veliki ugovor o dranju, uzgoju, radu i podjeli zarade prema
dubrovakom obiaju sklopio je Obrad Bokijen iz Popova. On je decembra 1398. godine primio od dubrovakog vlastelina Mihaila Bobaljevia
80 koza i ovaca, est volova, est krava, dvije svinje, jednog magarca i 20
konica pela.3 Februara 1391. godine Brajan Milovani iz Trebinja primio
je od Krajne, udovice Matka Miltinia, sedam volova, tri magarca i jednog
2
V. Tabelu 1: Ugovori o uzgoju magaraca (na kraju rada).

Obrat Bochyen de Papaua fuit confessus habuit a ser Michaelis de Baballio
octuaginta bestias capras et pecudes in sozida ad tenendum, pascendum et custodiendum bona fide ad omnem proficium et damnum secundum usum Ragusii. Item sex
boues et sex vachas, item duos porchos, item unum asinum. Item XXti bussolos apium
terminum ad voluntatem dicti ser Michaeli, promittens ipse Obrat obligando se et sua
bona redderis bona racione ipsi ser Michaeli singulo anno de ipsis bestiis et fructibus
carum et restituere ipsas bestias ad voluntatem dicti ser Michaeli. Et sic fuerunt contenti. Renuntiando (29. XII 1398), Diversa Cancellariae, fasc. 32, fol. 211r.
3
138
E. Kurtovi, Magarci u dubrovakom zaleu

konja na dranje, uzgoj i rad uz podjelu zarade i poroda od te stoke.4 Jula
1392. godine Bogavac Priljubovi iz Zagorja primio je od Radmila Bratkovia na uvanje i rad dva vola i tovarnog magarca uz obavezu davanja
dijela zarade prema obiaju kraja.5 Radoslav Letuni iz Bijele drao je jednu magaricu i dva magarca dubrovakog vlastelina Natala Prokulia. Oni
su opljakani, a vlasnik je novembra 1419. godine podigao tubu veeg
broja poinilaca koji su tereeni za ovu pljaku.6
Uzgajivai magaraca rijetko se spominju sa nekom posebnom vrstom svoga zanata. Uglavnom su to ljudi koji se bave stoarstvom. U prikupljenoj bazi podataka pronaen je jedan primjer, iz maja 1407. godine, u
kome je uzgajiva magaraca nazvan asinarius, kao da se radi o posebnoj
vrsti zanimanja.7 Iako nisu esti ugovori koji navode uzgoj i najamni rad
sa magarcem, prikupljene informacije pokazuju kako su se i magarci nalazili u uobiajenom tretmanu korisnih domaih ivotinja u privrednom prometu istone jadranske obale razvijenog srednjega vijeka.
4
Brayan Millouanich de Tribinio facit manifestum quod ipse habuit et recepit

a Crayna uxore condam Matchi Miltinich et tanquam epitropa dicti eius mariti, presente et dante ad pascendum septem boues, tres asinos et unum equum secundum consuetudine contrate, promittens ipsa animalia bene et diligenter pascere, custodire, saluare et tenere ad omnem voluntatem ipsius Crayne dicto epitropario et ipsa eidem restituere et eidem de utilitate et fructu proueniente ex eis facere racionem bonam ad
clarum factum. Renuntiando (4. II 1391), Div. Canc., fasc. 29, fol. 180v.
5
Bogaue Prilubouich de Ixagoria facit manifestum quod ipse habuit et recepit a Radmillo Bratchouich duos boues et unum salmerium ad tenendum et laborandum cum ipsis donec durauerint, promittens eidem dictos boues et assinum bene et diligenter pascere et custodire omnibus expensis ipsius Bogaue et de lucro quod facint
cum eis dare eidem Bogaue partem secundum consuetudinem contrate. Renuntiando (14. VII 1392), Div. Canc., fasc. 30, fol. 126r.
6
Ser Natalis de Proculo coram nobili et sapienti viro domino vicerectore ser
Clemente de Bodaza sedente loco ser Johannis de Volo Rectoris infirmi conqueritur
supra Radi Tassienouich, Pribislauum Miletich, Boghetam Dragosaglich, Rughiam
Voisilouich et Radoslauum Beroeuich vlachum. Eo quia his diebus propelapsis predicti in montibus supra Bielem violenter sibi abstulerunt unam asinam et duos asinos
quos habebat in manibus Radoslaui Letunich in villa de Biela. Testes: Radoslauus Letunich, Bogmil, Bogheta, Vita fratres et filii dicti Radoslaui (23. XI 1419), Lamenta
de foris, fasc. 4, fol. 109v.
7
Boxigchus [prazan prostor] asinarius villanus ser Nicolai de Palmota in Grauoxio contentus et confessus fuit habuisse et recepisse et habere et tenere unum asinum a ser Junio Matchi de Restis in societatem ad omnem voluntatem dicti ser Junii
restituendi ipsi ser Junio, cum hoc quod dictus Boxigchus teneatur dare et soluere media totum lucri quod fuerit cum eo asino dicto ser Junio patrono dicti asini, videlicet,
dicto tempore quo qum tenebit etc. Renuntiando (23. V 1407), Div. Canc., fasc. 89,
fol. 176v.
139
. 1 (2013) 137159
***
iru dimenziju znaaja i prisustva magarca u svakodnevici dubrovakog zalea daju kupoprodajni ugovori. Njihov broj je daleko vei, a kako je bilo uobiajenije zasebno prodavanje pojedinih magaraca tako se popravlja i opi pogled na mjesto i ulogu magarca u odnosu na ostalu stoku
na podruju Dubrovnika i njegovog zalea.
Kupoprodajni ugovori imaju uobiajene stavke. U najkraem, prodavac javno izjavljuje da je za odreenu cijenu prodao magarca, a kupac
da je istoga kupio. Primjerice, oktobra 1392. godine Ivan Kupojevi iz Rudina prodaje javno jednog magarca Iliji de Tripe za pet perpera.8 Novembra 1393. godine Petko Pribilovi, vlah Grbavi, izjavljuje da je javno na
dubrovakom trgu prodao dubrovakom vlastelinu Andriji Sorkoeviu
jednu tovarnu magaricu za tri perpera.9 Ovakvi ugovori mogu biti u svom
pojavnom obliku uslonjeni stavkama koje se podrazumijevaju u svim
ugovorima, prije svega injenicom da e kupac garantirati izvrenu prodaju. Tako to izgleda jednostavnije u ugovoru iz jula 1406. kada Radonja
Pripkovi iz Dabra, ovjek vojvode Sandalja Hrania, javno prodaje jednog magarca Radonji Medoeviu iz upe dubrovake za pet perpera i etiri groa, sa dodatnim navodom da e prodaju braniti od bilo koje osobe,
ili malo rjeitije u sluaju iz septembra 1412. godine, kada Mirko Veljkovi iz Trebinja prodaje Radanu Marojeviu iz umeta magarca za pet perpera i osam groa.10 Navedeno jasno podrazumijeva da je kupac zatien
od bilo kakvih potraivanja od drugih osoba u sluajevima da im je prodat
ukraden ili bolestan magarac. Prodavac je svojom imovinom jemio da e
8
Iuan Cupoeuich de Rudine vendit unum eius asinum publice Helye de Trippe precio yperperis quinque, quos fuit confessus recepisse a suprascripto Helya et promisit de deffendo etc. (13. X 1392), Div. Canc., fasc. 30, fol. 150r.
9
Petchus Pribillouich vlachus dictus Gherbauich facit manifestum quod ipse
vendidit ad currum more sollito ser Andree de Sorgo presenti et ementi unam eius asinam salmeriam pro yperperis tribus, quos fuit confessus ab ipso ser Andrea reepisse
pro completis solucionis precii dicte assine, promittens etc. Renuntiando etc. (20. XI
1393), Div. Canc., fasc. 30, fol. 81v.
10
Radogna Pripchouich de Xadbra homo voyuode Sandalis facit manifestum
quod ipse vendidit ad currum publicam in plateis Ragusii Radogne Medosseuich de
Breno unum axinum pili nigri pro perperis quinque et grossos IIII, promittens de deffendando illum a quacquam persona. Renuntiando (27. VII 1406), Div. Canc., fasc.
36, fol. 81v; Mircho Velchouich de Tribinio facit manifestum quod ipse vendidit ad
currum in plateis comunis Radanno Maroyeuich de Sumetto seu Junchetto unum asinum pro yperperis quinque et grossos octo, quos confessus fuit habuisse et recepisse,
promictens se et sua bona solepniter obligando dictum axellum deffendere autoriare
et disbrigare a quamcquam persona voluntis aliquam questionem de ipso mouere. Renuntiando (20. IX 1412), Div. Canc., fasc. 39, fol. 132v.
140

svaku eventualnu tetu platiti, sadanjom ili buduom svojom imovinom,
kao to to slikovito izjavljuje u ugovoru Radain Maji iz Ljubinja, koji je
septembra 1429. godine prodao Niki Ljubiiu iz umeta magarca za osam
perpera (sub obligatione omnium suorum bonorum presentium et futurorum).11 Pored toga ponekad se posebno navode osobe koje poznaju prodavaa, a ponekad i jemci za prodavae. Aprila 1399. godine Ostoja Milanovi iz
Popova, ovjek vlasteliia Boitka Brlia, prodao je dva magarca Petku
Medojeviu za pet perpera i jedan gro. Vukac Ivanovi iz umeta izjavljuje
da poznaje prodavca i da je jemac za sve eventualne probleme koje bi kupac
imao u vezi sa izvrenom kupovinom.12 Juna 1402. godine kada Nenada
Radmani iz Prapratne prodaje magarca dubrovakom vlastelinu Nikoli Guetiu za tri perpera i est groa, ivoje Braji, ovjek vlastelina Klementa
Guetia, izjavljuje da poznaje prodavaa.13 Na slian nain, oktobra 1405.
godine kada Dabiiv Bujenovi iz Trebinja prodaje magarca Povrku Pribiloviu iz Brgata za est perpera, Bogi Vratkovi, ovjek dubrovakog vlastelina Blaa Menetia, izjavljuje da poznaje prodavaa.14
Prema prikupljenim podacima iz ugovora o kupoprodaji pratimo da
prodavci dolaze u Dubrovnik i dovoze magarce na prodaju iz Ljubinja
11
Radassinus Maich Islubigna per se et heredes suos dedit et libere vendidit

Nixe Liubisich de Zoncheto presenti, recipienti et ementi unum asinum precio et mercato yperperorum octo grossorum, quos confessus fuit habuisse et recepisse a dicto
Nixa emptore, promittens et se obligans dictus Radassinus dicto Nixe emptori dictum
asinum venditum ab omni homine et uniuersitate deffendere et guarentare sub obligatione omnium suorum bonorum presentium et futurorum. Renuntiando (4. IX 1429),
Div. Canc., fasc. 46, fol. 32v.
12
Ostoya Millanouich de Popoua homo Bossichi Barlich facit manifestum
quod ipse vendidit ad currum more sollito duas eius assinas Petcho Medoeuich presenti et ementi pro precio yperperorum quinque et grossos I, quos ab ipso Petcho fuit
confessus recepisse, promittens etc. Quem Ostoyam venditorem Vocha Iuanouich de
Zoncheto dixit se cognoscere et ipse Voche constituit se plegium dicto Petcho emptori
quod si reperetur ipsas assinas fuisses furatus vel predatus per dictum Ostoyam, quod
conseruabit ipsum Petchum indempnem pro omni dampno quod propterea reciperet.
Renuntiando (13. IV 1399), Div. Canc., fasc. 32, fol. 246v.
13
Nenada Radmagnich de Prapatna facit manifestum vendidisse ser Nicholao
de Goziis ad curum unum axinum pili baretini pro perperis tribus et grossos sex, quos
fuit contentus et confessus habuisse a dicto ser Nicholao. Quem Nenada Ziuoye Braisich homo ser Clementis de Goze dixit cognoscere (3. VI 1402), Div. Canc., fasc. 34,
fol. 125v.
14
Dabisiuus Buyenouich de Tribinio facit manifestum quod ipse vendidit
unum eius axinum ad currum Pouersco Pribillouich de Vergato pro precio perperorum
sex, quos dictus Dabisius fuit confessus recepisse, promittens etc. Renuntiando. Quem
Dabisiuum venditorem Bogich Vratcouich homo ser Blaxii de Menze de Vergato dixit
se cognoscere (4. X 1405), Div. Canc., fasc. 35, fol. 226v.
141
. 1 (2013) 137159
(1355, 1367, 1377, 1429), Popova (1367, 1399, 1415), Nevesinja (1368,
1369, 1393), Draevice (1375, 1377, 1379, 1432), Trebinja (1376, 1377,
1379, 1397, 1405, 1412), Glavske kod Trebinja (1378), Luga (1390, 1398),
Brisnice (1390), Dabra (1390, 1406), Ljubomira (1390, 1393), Rudina
(1392), Konavala (1393), Prapratne (1402), Povri (1409), Golubinca
(1413), Oraha (1413), Luke (1416), Dubokog u Popovu (1416), abice
(1416), Bilee (1436), Vidovog polja (1437), kao i od vlaha urovia
(1375), Krajsalia (1390), Pliia (1392), Grbavia (1393), Bobana
(1417), vlaha iz katuna Vuihne Pokrajia (1402) i katuna Dobrien
(1435).15 Sve su to podruja neposrednog dubrovakog zalea na kojem je
uzgoj magaraca bio znaajno razvijen, gdje je magarac upotrebljavan za
jahanje i prijenos tereta te uzgajan za prodaju na dubrovakom teritoriju na
kojem su magarci bili potraivani. Vei broj kupaca pokazuje znaaj magarca za ire distriktualno podruje Dubrovnika.16
Prilikom kupoprodaje stoke uobiajeni su njeni opisi. Takvi opisi
predstavljaju dodatnu potvrdu prodavcu i kupcu za prepoznavanje i dokazivanje vlasnitva. Za razliku od konja kod kojih se mogu nai i iscrpniji
opisi, kod magaraca oni su jednostavni. U irem rasponu spominje se boja
njihove koe i dlake. Razlikuju se crn (asinum quasi nigrum, pili nigri),
crnkast (pili subnigri), kestenjast-vran (axinum vranum), tamnosme, (pili
muruli), mrk (pili falui, axinum mercho), siv plav (pili plaui), pepeljast
(pili baretini), pepeljasto-bijel (pilli beretino albi) i bijel magarac (pili albi, pili albatii).17 Rijetki su dodatni opisi kojima se magarci mogu raspoznavati, kao u ugovoru iz novembra 1390. godine kada je spomenut magarac sa crnom trakom preko lea.18
Prikupljani kupoprodajni ugovori pokazuju da najjeftiniji magarci
kotaju dva perpera i tri dubrovaka dinara (groa) (1417), dva perpera i
est groa (1375) i dva perpera i 10 (groa) (1369). Najskuplji magarac plaen je osam perpera i dva groa (1414). Ostale cijene u biti odreuju vrijednost magarca, a one su: tri perpera i vie 6 magaraca, etiri perpera i vie
4 magarca, pet perpera i vie 13 magaraca, est perpera i vie 12 magaraca, sedam perpera i vie 3 magarca, osam perpera i vie 4 magarca.
Od 45 sluajeva prodaje magaraca kod 25 cijena iznosi pet do est
perpera. Moe se zakljuiti da je to uobiajena cijena dobrog magarca. Is15
V. Tabelu 2: Kupoprodaja magaraca.

ISTO.
17
ISTO.
18
Millos Tulillouich de catono Crayslaui facit manifestum quod ipse vendidit
ad currum morre solito unum eius asinum salmerium cum una vega nigra per schenam
Giucho Ducianich de Zoncheto presenti et ementi pro perperis sex, quos fuit confessus ab ipso Millos recepisse pro precio dicti asini, promittens etc. Renuntiando (28.
XI 1390), Div. Canc., fasc. 29, fol. 158v.
16
142

pod pet perpera bili bi prosjeni i slabiji (10 cijena), a preko sedam perpera
(7 cijena), po visini cijene bili bi najkvalitetniji magarci. Posebno iskazana
cijena magarica kree se od tri do est perpera. Cijena magarica sa mladim
kree se od tri do pet perpera i sedam groa.19
Stanje na tritu u Dubrovniku i u zaleu nije isto. Prodajom za novac stjee se osnova za kupovinu drugih artikala koji su potrebni zaleu.
Kupovina u Dubrovniku nije samo kupovina za vlastite potrebe nego i
osnova za daljnje trgovanje. Tako je na tritu u Dubrovniku preprodaja
uobiajena. Pratimo jedan takav sluaj putem preprodaje magarca. Augusta 1392. godine Tvrtko Dobrai, vlah Plii, prodao je magaricu sa mladim Milau Dragoeviu za etiri perpera i tri groa, a kupac Mila odmah
postaje prodava, vri preprodaju istih Radoslavu Bojoviu, ali za pet perpera i dva groa, tj. (po zvaninom kursu 12 groa = 1 perper) za 12 groa
skuplje.20 Kazali bi da onaj tko prati stanje na tritu brzo zarauje.
***
Na vie mjesta u tubama zatiemo magarce kao predmete pljake.
Magarac ipak nije uestala i jedinstvena meta drumskih razbojnika, mada
ima i takvih sluajeva. Veinom se radi o situacijama u kojima su magarci
dijelom sveobuhvatnijeg pljakanja.
Izdvajamo nekoliko primjera u kojima su predmet pljake samo magarci. Augusta 1373. godine nosai Milan i Hranislav podigli su tubu protiv Brajka Milbraia iz Popova zato to im je, bukvalno u sred Dubrovnika, kod crkve svetog Blae na trgu ukrao magarca. Decembra 1421. godine Biitko Pribojevi iz umeta podigao je tubu protiv brae Novaka i
Pavla Cvjetkovia iz Popova, ljudi kneza Grgura Nikolia, zbog pljake
magarca vrijenosti od osam perpera. Pljaka je izvrena u Dubrovniku kod
crkve svete Lucije.21 Zbog pljake mladog magareta tubu protiv Vukaina
19
V. Tabelu 2: Kupoprodaja magaraca.

Tuertchus Dobraych vlachus de Plesi facit manifestum quod ipse vendidit
ad currum more sollito unam eius asinam cum I axello post se Millas Dragosseuich,
presenti et ementi pro perperis quatuor et grossos III, quos fuit confessus ab ipso Millas recepisse, promittens etc. Renuntiando etc. (26. VIII 1392), Div. Canc., fasc. 30,
fol. 138r; Millas Dragoseuich facit manifestum quod ipse vendidit ad currum more
solito dictam eius asinam cum axello Radoslauo Boyeuich presenti et ementi pro
yperperis quinque grossos II, quos confessus recepisse ab ipso Radoslauo, promittens
etc. Renuntiando etc., Div. Canc., fasc. 30, fol. 138r.
21
Milan bastasius et Chranislauus bastasius coram domino Rectore ser Blasio
de Sorgo conqueruntur supra Braycus Milbracich de Pappoa, dicens quod prope ecclesiam sancti Blasii in platea in septimana proxima post Pascha proxime preteritum
furatus fuit nobis unum asinum (19. VIII 1373), Lam. de for., fasc. 1, fol. 133v; Bositchus Priboeuich de Zuncheto coram nobili et sapienti viro domino Rectore ser Zore
de Palmota conqueritur supra Nouachum et Paual fratres Zuetchouich de Popoua
20
143
. 1 (2013) 137159
Velisalia i njegovih kompanjona podigla je Stanisava, udovica Milovana
Sijumia. Pljaka je izvrena u mjestu Orah u Brdu kada je mlado magare
udovice Stanisave vodio Radulin Sridanovi.22 Zbog krae magarca decembra 1426. godine Boiko Nenojevi iz umeta podigao je tubu protiv Sokana Brankovia, njegovog ovjeka Branisava i Ljubie Gojakovia.23 Maja 1449. godine Mikoje Ratkovi iz upe dubrovake, ovjek dubrovakog vlastelina Nikole Guetia, podigao je tubu protiv Ivka Gleevia iz Vrsinja zbog pljake magarca. Tuilac je angairao soka, tajnog
svjedoka, Radivoja Novakovia iz Bijele, ovjeka Pribila Miokuevia,
koji ga je kotao etiri perpera da bi saznao ime krivca.24 Sline situacije,
kao i situacije u kojima se pored magaraca predmet pljake i druge stvari i
ivotinje mogu se sagledati u priloenoj tabeli.25 Augusta 1372. u prijavi
krae spominje se pljaka devet magaraca, te magarice sa mladim, dok je
u prijavi iz augusta 1436. godine navedeno da se radi o pljaki etiri magarca natovarenih itom. Oktobra 1449. godine prijavljena je kraa, izmeu ostalog i tri magarca. Januara 1456. godine prijavljena je pljaka devet
mukih i enskih mazgi (mula) i dva mlada magareta.26
homines Gregorii Nicolich. Eo quia die jouis proxime preterita predicti accusati sibi
furtiue subtraxerunt de ciuitate Ragusii, videlicet, juxta ecclesiam sancti Luce unum
asinum valoris yperperorum octo. Testes: Bositchus Rughya famulus Ziuchi Pribilouich, Bogdanus Xapostata illorum de Caboga, Miolbrath Radostich (8. XII 1421), Liber maleficiorum, fasc. 5, fol. 58v.
22
Stanissaua uxor condam Milouani Siumicich coram nobili et sapienti viro
comino Marino Sy de Restis honor Rectore Ragusii conqueritur supra Volcassinum
Velissaglich et socios quorum nomina ad huc nescit. Eo quia die mercuri propelapsa
dum quidam Radulin Sridanouich duceret unum asellum dicte Stanissaue in loco dicto
Orach in Berdo dictus accusatus cum sociis violenter dictum asellum accepit de manibus dicti Radulini (4. I 1424), Lam. de for., fasc. 5, fol. 244v.
23
Bosicho Nenoeuich de Zuncheto homo ser Dobre de Binzola coram nobili et
sapiente viro domino Rectore ser Georgio de Goze conqueritur supra Zochan Branchouich et Branisauum eius hominem et Glubisa Goiachouich. Eo quia die jouis proxime
preterita supra casale de Zuncheto in et supra terreno communis predicti accusati sibi violenter diripuerunt unum asinum (7. XII 1426), Lam. de for., fasc. 7, fol. 115r.
24
Michoe Ratchouich de Breno homo ser Nicole Pau. de Goze et fratrum coram domino Rectore ser Sigismondo de Georgio fecit lamentum supra Iuichum Glegeuich de Versigne, dicens quod furatus fuit sibi unum asinum. Radiuoi Nouachouich
de Bielem homo Pribii Miochussouich soch cui dedit 4 yperperis pro sobina. Giurchus Ostoich, Radossaus Vuchnich testes de sobina (15. V 1449), Lam. de for.,
fasc. 22, fol. 77v.
25
V. Tabelu 3: Pljake magaraca.
26
Ser Blasius de Babalio et Radoanus suus homo coram domino Rectore ser
Johanne de Bona conqueruntur supra Volch Costudich, duos filios Steya Stignich homines dicti Volch, Smollanum Voichnich et tres suos homines, dicens quod in Bielsich eundo in Neuessignam sunt elapsi dies XV abstulerunt dicto Radoano, Radmio,
144

Septembra 1372. godine meu opljakanim stvarima bila je i polovina magaree koe. Pljaku je prijavio Priboje Miloti iz umeta optuujui
Bogina Dragoevia i brau Radoslava i Pribila iz Trebinja.27 Primjer krae magaree koe pokazuje jo jednu od korisnih pozicija koje je magarac
davao srednjovjekovnom drutvu.
Najvei broj prikupljenih informacija o pljakama magaraca potkrepljuje ranije stvorene sudove o mjestu i ulozi koju magarac ima na irem
dubrovakom podruju i u neposrednom zaleu. To je prostorni ambijent u
kojem se cijene i intenzivnije koriste magarci za uzgoj, prijevoz i noenje
tereta.
Prilikom razbojnitva deavalo se da su magarci stradavali. Tako je
novembra 1441. godine Marko Prkovi iz upe dubrovake podigao tubu
protiv Radivoja Ljubsalia iz esvenica kod Trebinja optuujui ga da je
ubio jednog njegovog magarca smrtno ga ranivi maem. Ovaj sluaj se ne
zavrava samo na ovoj optunici. Krajem aprila naredne, 1442. godine,
Marko Prkovi izjavljuje da je od optuenog Radivoja dobio zadovoljtinu
Radoslauo et Radoste hominibus dicti ser Blasii asinos VIIII et unam asinam cum pulle et unam spatam et grossos XI (24. VIII 1372), Lam. de for., fasc. 1, fol. 74r; Stipan Ostoich et Rado Dobrilouich coram domino Rectore ser Petro de Sorgo conqueruntur supra Stipchum Mergienouich et Ostoyam eius fratrem. Eo quia sibi acceperunt
per vim et derobauerunt in Tribigne quatuor asinos oneratus furmenti et verberauerunt
eos. Testes: Radeglia Radoucich, Radiuoi eius frater, Dobrilo Radiceuich (10. VIII
1436), Lam. de for., fasc. 11, fol. 167v; Millat Utissinouich de Bielo coram domino
Rectore ser Michaele de Proculo fecit lamentum supra Vucha, Radissam et Grupchum fratres Popouichi de Tribigne, dicens quod acceperunt sibi per vim tres asinos,
yperperis tres in contatis, unam manariam, unam gonellam albam, unum cossier et
unam centuram precii grossis XVIII (29. X 1449), Lam. de for., fasc. 22, fol. 266v;
Matchus Radinchouich, Vitchus Milchouich, Goyan Hostoich, Ratchus Radochnich,
Radmius Milbrtaouich et Jachxa Milouanouich ac Milat Nicolich, omnes contrascripti
coram domino Rectore ser Andrea de Babalio lamentum detulerunt contra et aduersus
Tuertchum Meduidouich, Radic Radouinouich, Stipchum Mergienouich, Mladin Mergienouich, Radi Garba et Vuchich Parich, dicentes quod per vim super teritorio cherzegi depredantes acceperunt inter mullos et mullas nouem ac asellos duos cum suis
omnibus fulcimentis. Et hoc fuit die sabati nuper preterita. Et hoc quia dicebant quod
certum contrabanum fuerat acceptum fuit hominibus in Ragusio, ideo non redderent
ipsa animalia nisi prius fuerit restitutum contrabanum cuidam Hostoie Babich suberdito Tuertci (19. I 1456), Lam. de for., fasc. 29, fol. 40v.
27
Priboe Milotich de Joncheto coram domino Rectore ser Johanne de Grede
conqueritur supra Bogcinum Dragosseuich, Radoslauum et Pribilum fraters eius de
Tribunio, dicens quod die martis proxime preterito michi furtiue acceperunt unum
bouem nigrum, brachia XXXVI de panno merine, unam tunicam femineam de panno rubeo, duos utres et mediam pellem asininam (5. IX 1372), Lam. de for., fasc.
1, fol. 75r.
145
. 1 (2013) 137159
na ime ubijenog magarca.28 Jula 1447. godine Radi Tvrdeevi podigao
je tubu protiv Braje Vrgoevia iz Bobana zbog ubistva magarca i prolijevanja etiri kvingva vina.29
***
Svojevrsni prezir, poreenje, ismijavanje i omalovaavanje vrijednosti magarca koji u javnom izrazu ljudi koriste radi meusobnog nipoditavanja nije bio stran ni ovome vremenu. Nekoliko primjera potvruje da je
u razvijenom srednjem vijeku teka uvreda bila kazati drugoj osobi da je
magarac ili da je sin magarca.
Oktobra 1425. godine Vlakota Cukoti, Dubrovanin iz Drijeva, podigao je tubu protiv veeg broja stanovnika Drijeva zbog otvorenog fizikog napada na njega sa ranjavanjem koji je izvren na trgu Drijeva dok se
on tamo nalazio u drutvu sa Markom Bauzoviem i Paulicem Petroviem.
U izjavi Marka Bauzovia navodi se da je jedan od napadaa ia Kopitovi nazvao Vlakotu sinom magarca (fili asini).30 Slina situacija sa istim
28
Marcus Prcouigh de Breno coram domino Rectore ser Martolo de Zamagno

fecit lamentum supra Radiuoi Gliubisaligh de Tribigna zoe de Cesuinia, dicens quod
ipse Radiuoi interfecit unum asinum ipsius Marci confodiendo ipsum cum uno ense.
[Testes:] Pribisauus Radoghnigh, Jacob Bosighcouigh, Radouanus Braianouigh (26.
XI 1441), Lam. de for., fasc. 15, fol. 65v. Ispod: Die XXV aprilis 1442. Marcus Prcouigh suprascriptus lamentator super se et omnia sua bona renuntiando confessus fuit
se esse contentum et tacitum de suprascripto lamento, videlicet, quod ab ipso Radiuoi
Gliubisaligh suprascripto sibi integre fuit satisfactum pro interfectione suprascripti
asini, Lam. de for., fasc. 15, fol. 65v.
29
Radi Tuerdeceuich coram domino Rectore ser Nicola Pau. de Gondola fecit lamentum supra Braia Vergozouich de Bobana, dicens quod interfecit sibi unum
asinum et sparsit quingos quatuor vini. [Testes:] Radiuoi Maxicosa, Vlatchus Nouachouich (24. VII 1447), Lam. de for., fasc. 21, fol. 125v.
30
Vlacota Zugotich per literam suam hic affixam coram nobili et sapiente viro domino Rectore ser Raphaele de Gozis et suis judicibus ... [ne vidi se] ... [Sisam
Copitouich] ... Nicolam Volchussich, Radina Stagneuich, Radouan famulum Pierchi
Clunouich et multos alios. Eo quia dicti accusati in platea Narenti dum ipse Volcota
accusator staret pacifice cum Marco Bausouich et cum Pauli Petrouich, tunc dicti accusati verberauerunt acriter accusatorem predictum cum guastatione oculi sinistri et
policis manus et cum fractura colli et capitis cum bastonibus et cultellissis cum cicatricibus et effusione sanguinis ut in litera hic affixa latius continetur. Et inter alios dicens dictus Sisa: Ego faciam uni dictum querelante de Zuitcho Gudeglich. Et hoc fuit
his elapsis diebus in foro Narenti. Marcus Bausouich, Pauli Petrouich judices de Narente, prezbiter di Narente dom Iuanis, Iuan, Vitas, Bogissa Porucenouich, Zuitan
Bogdanouich (23. X 1425), Lam. de for., fasc. 6, fol. 164v. Ispod: Die predicto.
Marco Bausouich testis predictus constitutus coram supradicto domino Rectore et juratis judicibus, juratus supra dicto lamento et examinatus suo juramento, dixit quod
loco et tempori in lamentis vidit et presens fuit quoniam dictus Vlacota stabat cum ipso
146

akterima desila se i kasnije. Juna 1427. godine Vlakota je, tada sudac u
Drijevima, podigao tubu protiv brae Ivana i ie Kopitovia te Ivana
Vukia zbog napada i ranjavanja. ia je opet iskoristio priliku da Vlakotu nazove sinom magarca asocirajui pri tom na njegovo tadanje slubovanje (Fili asini quare convicians meliori homini quam tu fis).31
Poetkom januara 1441. godine Kovio Ratkovi podigao je tubu
protiv Mladoa Baljinovia i brae Brajana i Strijezoja Mioia tvrdei da
su mu ukrali jednu kravu, koju su raskomadali, podijelili i odnijeli sa sobom.32 Kovio je poetkom druge polovine istog mjeseca ponovo podigao
tubu. On je pokuao da doe do krivaca ali je bio napadnut od strane
Mladoa Baljinovia, koji mu je pritom prijetei izjavljivao da je magarac
jer mu je ranije raskomadao kravu a da e mu sada raskomadati glavu (O
asine ego comedi tuam vacam et nunc accipiam tibi caput).33
teste et cum Pauli Petrouich in platea Narenti et dum quedam homo Pauli Radiuoeuich veniret ibidem petens unam suam cultellissam. Tunc Vlacota Zugotich dixit dictus
judicibus aliud esse non poteris nisi quod reddatur cultellissa, hinc homini voiuode
Pauli Radiuoeuich ne briga fiat in Narente, tunc Sisa predictus irruentes contra Vlacotam predictum, dicens sibi fili asini, tu vis hic judicaris et statim cepit eum per capilloos conculeans ipsum in terram. Et ipse Vlacota prostrato interram cepit eum percuteris ipse Sisa cum calcibus pingnis et cum acribus verberibus una cum Nicola Volchussich et cum Radouino famulum Pierchi Clunouich et fregerunt ipsi Vlacote pollicem et collium et capite et dictus Sisa percussit cum calce ipsum Vlacotam per oculum, ex quo oculo tunc id Vlacota nichil videbat nescit si ex percussione predicta amisit aut amittet oculum predictum. Et tanquam dixit de uni dicta Zuittchi Gudeglich dixit se nichil audiuisse, Lam. de for., fasc. 6, fol. 164v.
31
Vlacota Zugotich coram nobili et sapiente viro domino Aloisio Mar. de Gozis honor Rectore Ragusii conqueritur supra Iuan Copitouich et supra Sisam fratrem
eius. Eo quia his elapsis diebus in Narente dum dictus Vlacota judex de Narente sederet ad reddendum jus quibusdam vlacchis et aliis, predicti accusati et Nicola Volcussich una cum eis venientes supradictum Vlacotam cum cultellissis, dictus Sissa ipsum
Vlacotam percussit in facie cum manu, dicens: Fili asini quare convicians meliori homini quam tu fis. Et ipsum Vlacota cum cultellis irruentes in ipsum in domum suam incalciauerunt adeo quod pro tunc non potint habere nec assignare testes (19. VI 1427),
Lam. de for., fasc. 7, fol. 196r.
32
Couius Ratchouigh coram domino Rectore ser Damiano de Menze fecit lamentum supra Mlados Balynouigh et Brayan Miosigh et Stresoe eius frater, dicens
quia ipsi acceperunt sibi unam vacham per vim et eam inciderunt in pecios et portarunt eam domum (6. I 1441), Lam. de for., fasc. 14, fol. 132r. Ispod: Die XXII januarii ... Mlados cum nepote suo, Lam. de for., fasc. 14, fol. 132r.
33
Chouius Ratcouigh coram domino Rectore domino Damiano de Menze fecit lamentum supra Mlados Baglinouigh, dicens quod ipse Mlados [prekrieno: sagitauit unum sericiam] extraxit eidem usque ad ... contra dictum Chouinum ut vulneraret ipsum dicens: O asine ego comedi tuam vacam et nunc accipiam tibi caput, quare
etc. [Testes:] Bosighco Banigh (17. I 1441), Lam. de for., fasc. 14, fol. 140v.
147
. 1 (2013) 137159
Zakljuak
Magarac pripada korisnim domaim ivotinjama koje su imale znaajno mjesto u historiji istone jadranske obale. To se posebno odnosi na
ui primorski pojas specifine klime i vegetacije u kojem je magarac predstavljao najisplativiju i najizdrljiviju stoku koja je bila sredstvo za prijevoz i noenje tereta. Prikupljeni podaci pokazuju da je uzgoj i rad sa magarcima bio razvijen na irem dubrovakom podruju i neposrednom slavenskom zaleu, kojim je dubrovaka drava bila okruena sa kopna, tj. na
podruju Popova, Ljubinja, Nevesinja, Konavala, Trebinja, Luga i Draevice. Iskazanu potrebu ovih podruja najbolje prezentira dubrovako trite, gdje magarci zauzimaju znaajno mjesto meu stokom kojom se trguje. Cijena dobrog magarca kree se oko 56 perpera u dubrovakim dinarima. Skuplji magarci dostiu cijenu od 8 perpera ali su takvi sluajevi rijetki. Cijena jeftinijih magaraca kree se izmeu 24 perpera. Boja dlake kod
ovih ivotinja kretala se od tamno crne, preko njenih svijetlijih nijansi i sive, pa sve do bijele. Pored ostale stoke Dubrovani daju i magarce Slavenima u zaleu na uvanje i rad u obliku ugovora koji podrazumijevaju
obostranu korist za uzgajivaa i vlasnika stoke (sozida). esti su sluajevi
pljake magaraca, gde su oni ponekad i krvave rtve napada. Navedeni primjeri pokazuju da je i u ovo vrijeme ime magarac za ljude bilo izvor poruge i meusobnog omalovaavanja.
Prilozi:
tabelarni pregledi izvornih podataka
Tabela 1: Ugovori o uzgoju magaraca
Uzgajiva
Obrad Budichnich de Papoa
Osroe Turdoseuich de Tribinio
34
148
Vlasnik
Bogoslauo Petchuich sartori
Radouan Marich
Vrsta stoke
Signatura
XXXII animalia minuta et asinum 25. VI 1370,
unum
DC34 22, 63r
unum bouem blaum, unum bouem 2. I 1388, DC
rubeum, unum bouem album ha- 27, 70r
bentes cauadum nigrum et capud
nigrum, una vacha alba sine cauda
nigra et capite nigro, una aliam
vaccham paruam albam et rubeam, unam asinam cum asinello paruo et domos XII apium
DC = Diversa Cancellariae.

Radosau Cranisich de Vercigna
Milloue Stoychouich de Ternouo ville Gradoe Tributinich
Brayan Millouanich de Tribinio
ser Giue de Ju- unum somerium ... ipsum assinum 13. IX 1388,
nii de Chaboga
DC 27, 152r
Pribillo Bogoe- tres boues, duas vachas et unum
uich de Losia assinum salmerium
Crayna uxore
condam Matchi
Miltinich et tanquam epitropa
dicti eius mariti
Bogaue Prilu- Radmillo
bouich de Ixa- Bratchouich
goria
Obrat Bochyen ser Michaelis
de Papaua
de Baballio
Boxigchus [prazno] asinarius

villanus ser Nicolai de Palmota in Grauoxio
Pribetta Pribillouich de Uscopia Canalis
Pribil Bradetich
homo Glubisse
Bogdanich
Radoslaui Letunich in villa
de Biela
Grubaze Ragieuich de Glubigne
uietchus Utisienouich de
Tribigne
ser Junio Matchi de Restis
23. X 1390, DC
29, 147v
septem boues, tres asinos et unum 4. II 1391, DC

equum
29, 180v
duos boues et unum salmerium ... 14. VII 1392,

assinum
DC 30, 126r
octuaginta bestias capras et pecu- 29. XII 1398,
des in sozida ... sex boues et sex DC 32, 211r
vachas, item duos porchos, item
unum asinum, item XXti bussolos
apium
unum asinum
23. V 1407, DC
89, 176v
Bogoslauo Da- duos asinos

boyeuich de
Osolnich
Goiacho Rado- capita centum pecudem et capraslaglich
rum et duodecim capita bouina et
unum asinum et octo porchos
Ser Natalis de unam asinam et duos asinos
Proculo
21. II 1412, DC
39, 35r
4. I 1415, DC
40, 100r
23. XI 1419,
Lam. de for. 4,
109v
Bogmillo Rado- quindecim capita bestiarum boui- 26. IV 1415,
uanich
narum et quadriginta capita pecu- DC 40, 154v
dem et caprarum et quatuor axinus
Dobruscho de pecudes octo ... unam vacham et 14. XII 1448,
Latiniza
duas assinas
DC 61, 280v
149
. 1 (2013) 137159
Tabela 2: Kupoprodaja magaraca
Prodavac
Radienus Radostich de Liubignem
Radella Milosseuich de Papoa
Kupac
Vrsta stoke
Cijena
Signatura
Obrat Radosla- unum asinum quasi pro yperperos 6. IX 1355,
uich
nigrum
VI
DC 18, 83r
asinam unam cum

uno pulcro post ipsam ... asine et pulli
Vlatchus Chran- Liubisse Micho- asinam unam pili
ich Conani
louich de on- muruli
homo Semchi cheto
casna
Miltien Dobra- Maroe filio con- duos asinos, unum
nich de Liubi- dam Domagne pili nigri et alium
gna
de Mildrugo
pili albi
Bogaua Rado- Brayco Rado- asinum unum pili
manich de Ne- slauich
nigri
uessigna
Bochin Staue- Priboe Voych- unum suum asinum
rouich de Neues- nich
pili falui
signa
Radoslauus Vol- Milatcho Milos- unum asinum pili
choslauich de
sich de Vergato plaui
Canale homo
Senchi
Nouachus Glau- Pribislauo Gra- suum assinum
ich de Draeuia cianich
Bogaue Priba- ser Martolo de unam asinam albam
seuich morobla- Crosi
chus de catune
Zurri
Dobroslauus
ser Marino de unum suum asinum
Strachnich de Ragnina
pili albatii
Tribinio
Radoslauus Da- Radich Dobro- unam suam asina
boeuich de Liu- mislich
pili abbacii
bigna
Voyssal Mila- Pribillo Liubo- unum asinum pili
nouich de Dra- mirich de Ver- muruli
euia
gato
35
150
Maroe Camarich
DN = Diversa Notariae.
pro perperis V 8. VI 1367,

et grossos VII DC 21, 102v
pro perperi VI 11. VII 1367,
et grossos II DC 21, 112r
pro yperperis
VIIII et grossos VIIII
pro yperperis
V [5,5]
14. VIII 1367,

DC 21, 71v
12. III 1368,
DC 21, 175r
pro yperperis 28. X 1369,

II et grossos X DC 22, 12r
pro yperperis 10. III 1370,
V
DC 22, 38r
pro grossos
XXX
pro perperi
IIII
23. II 1375,
DC 24, 12v
31. VII 1375,
DC 24, 58r
per grossos
XXXX
27. I 1376,
DC 24, 105v
yperperos V 13.VIII 1377,

[5,5]
DN35 8, 73r
pro perperis
IIII
30. VIII 1377,

DN 8, 80r

Sriedan Radulo- Ostoye Metiglauich de Tribunio uich
Radmanus
Obrado
Schytarich de Rayeuich de
Draeuia
Brenno
Mirchus Culaye- Stoyano Milauich de Tribunio touich
de Glauscha
Dobretxinus
Pribillo GradoChranoeuich de euich
Tribunio
Nouach Niegoeuich de Draeuia

Milloslaus Crepeyeuich de Lugo
Radin Radomirich de Brisnia
Andruscho de
Paboerra
unum suum asinum

pili albacii
unum suum asinum
pili flaui
pro perperis
III
pro yperperis
IIIIor
8. X 1377, DN
8, 91v
6. XII 1377,
DN 8, 108r
unum suum asinum pro yperperis 31. X 1378,

pili subnigri
V [5,5]
DN 8, 127r
duas vacchas pili
pro perperis
castanei, unum asi- XXX
num pili muruli et
inter capras et oues
XX, videlicet capras
XVII et oues III
unam suam asinam pro perperis
pili nigri
III
Jurcho Radosa- unum eius salmeri- pro perperis

lich
um ... ipsius assini quinque et folarum VI
dompno Marino unam eius asinam pro perperis
de Glauatha
cum una alia assi- tribus et grosnella post se
sos I
Clapota Rado- Radisao Andre- unum eius assinum pro perperis V
salich de Debro uich
nigrum
et grossos I
Pripchus Mille- Pribe Bogoeu- unum eius salmeri- pro perperis
tich de Lubo- ich
um asinum
quinque
mire
Millos Tulillo- Giucho Ducia- unum eius asinum pro perperis
uich de catono nich de Zonche- salmerium cum una sex
Crayslaui
to
vega nigra per schenam
Tuertchus Do- Millas Dragos- unam eius asinam pro perperis
braych vlachus seuich
cum I axello post se quatuor et
de Plesi
grossos III
Millas Dragose- Radoslauo
dictam eius asinam pro yperperis
uich
Boyeuich
cum axello
quinque grossos II
Iuan Cupoeuich Helye de Trippe unum eius asinum precio yperpede Rudine
ris quinque
Radouez
Bogauez de
unum asinum
precio yperpePetchouich de Zonchetto
ros quinque et
Liubomere
grossos quatuor
18. I 1379,
DN 8, 142r
15. IV 1379,
DN 8, 164r
14. III 1390,
DC 29, 71v
20. V 1390,
DC 29, 91v
27. VII 1390,
DC 29, 120v
25. IX 1390,
DC 29, 137v
28. XI 1390,
DC 29, 158v
26. VIII 1392,

DC 30, 138r
26. VIII 1392,
DC 30, 138r
13. X 1392,
DC 30, 150r
7. IV 1393,
DC 30, 10v
151
. 1 (2013) 137159
Radiuoy Duplouich de Neuesigna
Dobrouoy Stoysalich vlach
Siridan Turunum eius asinum

mich de Brenno salmerium
pro yperperos 4. V 1393, DC

sex
30, 23r
Brayan Petcho- unum asinum

uich de Zonchetto
Petchus Pribillouich vlachus

dictus Gherbauich
Michocho Bogdanouich de
Canali
Pribil Radosalich de Tribinio
ser Andree de
Sorgo
precio yperperorum trium et

grossos quatuor
pro yperperis
tribus
Brathach Gu- unam asinam

gieuich de Breno
Radiio Bogau- unum asinum
ich de Brenno
Bosigicho Gio- Milcho Obnouich de Lug royeuich

Ostoya Millano- Petcho Medoeuich de Popoua uich
homo Bossichi
Barlich
Nenada Rad-- ser Nicholao de
magnich de
Goziis
Prapatna
Pribislauus
Millete ortario
Oichnich vlach
de cathono Volcichne Pochraicich
Braisa Godoye- Obraddo Vouich
cassinouich de
Breno de Gouza
Braysa Godoe- Raye Millanouuich et Milloch- ich de Zoncheto
na Chlapouich
socii
Dabisiuus Bu- Pouersco Pribilyenouich de
louich de VerTribinio
gato
Pribislauus
Radoslauo
Duchoyeuich
Yuanouich
152
unam eius asinam

salmeriam
unum asinum cum

una auricula incisa
duas eius assinas
unum axinum pili

baretini
unum axinum
unum axinum
13. VIII 1393,

DC 30, 52v
20. XI 1393,
DC 30, 81v
precio yperpe- 3. XII 1393,

ris quatuor
DC 30, 87r
pro precio
yperperorum
sex
precio yperperorum octo
pro precio
yperperorum
quinque et
grossos I
pro perperis
tribus et grossos sex
pro perperis
quinque
13.VII 1397,
DC 32, 66v
23. VI 1398,
DC 32, 154v
13.4. 1399,
DC 32, 246v
3. VI 1402,
DC 34, 125v
12. VIII 1402,
DC 34, 151v
pro yperperis 31. V 1405,

sex
DC 35, 184v
unum eorum asinum precio et no- 9. VIII 1405,

pilli nigri cum mu- mine precii
DC 35, 211r
xo albo
yperperorum
sex
unum eius axinum pro precio per- 4. X 1405, DC
perorum sex 35, 226v
unum axinum
pro sex yper- 4. VII 1406,

peris
DC 36, 74r

Radogna Pripchouich de Xadbra homo voyuode Sandalis
Dobri Veselchouich
Radogne Medosseuich de
Breno
unum axinum pili

nigri
Radogosto de unum asinum

Vergado homini Stipchi de
Smalotiza
Radouez Pribi- Obraddo Millo- unum axinum vranich de Pouerso slaglich de Jun- num
homo Sandali- chetto
um
Bosidar Bogdi- Radogosto An- unum suum asinum
louich
drich homini
Stephani de
Smolatica
Radez Radisse- ser Blasio Mic- treginta capras cum
uich de Tribinio haelis de Baba- lacte et tresdecim
lio
edos et unum asinum
Mircho Velcho- Radanno Ma- unum asinum
uich de Tribinio royeuich de Sumetto seu Junchetto
Radoua Terdo- ser Nicolao M. unum assinum pilli
seuich de Golu- de Goze
beretino albi
bina homo comiti Pauli
Pouerscho Mil- Radoslauo Prip- unum axinum
lathouich de
cich de ZunHoracho
chetto
Glubetchus Bo- ser Natali de
quendam asinum
goeuich, Vlat- Proculo
chus Peruincich
Radoslauus Go- Bogdanus Mil- unum asinum
iachouich
chouich
pro perperis
quinque et
grossos IIII
27. VII 1406,

DC 36, 81v
pro perperis 26. VIII 1408,

tribus et gros- DC 37, 105v
sos sex
sex
DC 37, 193r
pro pretio
[yperperis]
septem
7. VIII 1409,
DC 37, 236r
omnia dicta
animalia pro
yperperis treginta
pro yperperis
quinque et
grossos octo
2. II 1412, DC
39, 51r
20. IX 1412,
DC 39, 132v

sex et grossos DC 39, 234r
sex
pro yperperis 27. VIII 1413,
sex
DC 39, 288r
pro yperperos 10. VI 1414,
septem
DC 40, 16r
pro yperperis
octo grossos
duobus
Radoslauus Ra- ser Nicolao An- quendam asinum sa- pro yperperis
gieuich
dree de Menziis luum, securum et
quatuor et
expeditum ab omni grossos undepersona
cim
Radissa Peruo- Bogauze Mil- unum suum axinum pro perperis
slaglich de Po- chouich
septem et
poua
grossos sex
5. IX 1414,
DC 40, 47v
9. XII 1414,
DC 40, 92r
17. III 1415,

DC 40, 135v
153
. 1 (2013) 137159
Radouez Priboyeuich dictus
Tupsich de Luca
Millobrath Dobriceuich de Papaua de villa
vochata de Doboche
Radosauus Ratcouich de Sabiza
Nicola de Boban vlacchus
Milluno Branchieuich de
Mocossis Breni
Dimitrio Milchouich de Vergato homini heredum ser Blaxii de Menziis
Vitcho Maroeuich de Zoncheto
uxor Vite Clementis de Goze
unum axinum mer- pro yperperis

cho
tribus et grossos tribus
unum axinum pili pro yperperis
nigri
sex
18. IV 1416,
DC 41, 7r
asinum unum
iperperis VIII 24. IX. 1416,

DC 41, 29r
unum asinum pilaminis quasi nigri
4. IV 1417,
DC 41, 100v
Radoye Petcho- unum asinum

uich
yperperos duorum et grossos III

precio et mercato yperperorum octo grossorum
pro yperperos
quinque
ser Nicole Jo.

de Caboga
pro perperis
quinque
23. VI 1435,
DC 49, 71v
Dobrillo Smer- tres asinos

cich
pro perperis
septem
4. XI 1436,
DC 50, 114r
Nicole de Lone unum asinum
pro perperis
quatuor
20. II 1437,
DC 50, 150r
Radassinus Ma- Nixe Liubisich unum asinum

ich Islubigna
de Zoncheto
Bosigchus Popouich de Draceuiza

Stipchus Mirossalich homo
Radossaui Paulouich de catona de Dobrieni
Bosidar Iuanouich homo Radossaui Paulouich de Bilieghia
Codoe Crecich
et Miochanus
Creycich fratres
de Vidouopolye
16.2. 1416,
DC 40, 273r
unum asinum
4. IX 1429,
DC 46, 32v
12. VI 1432,
DN 17, 283r
Tabela 3: Pljake magaraca

Tuilac
Optueni
Miltien Popou- Stoyach Percheich
tich, Utiesenum
36
154
LF = Lamenta de foris.
Mjesto
in Papoa
Vrsta stoke
Signatura
michi acceperunt 25. X 1371,
violenter res infra- LF36 1, 34r

Schoipes, Bogmilum filium dicti
Utieseni et Priboe
Bisich homines
Beliachi
Ser Blasius de
Babalio et Radoanus suus
homo
Chranoe Rayeuich de Brenno
Milan bastasius
et Chranislauus bastasius
ser Vice de
Goe
Vlatchus Rachoeuich
Ser Natalis de
Proculo
Bozetta Stanimirouich de
Vergato
scriptas: staria frumenti V, tunicam

unam et clamidem
unam de rassa et
yperperos quinque
pro asinis quos redemi ab ispis
Volch Costudich, in Bielsich
asinos VIIII et
24. VIII 1372,
duos filios Steya eundo in Neu- unam asinam cum LF 1, fol.74r
Stignich homines essignam
pulle et unam spadicti Volch, Smoltam et grossos XI
lanum Voichnich
et tres suos homines
Petchum Chyrbo- in domo sua in unum asinum
20. II 1373,
louich de Tribu- Breno
LF 1, 102v
nio et Sriedanum
fratrem dicti Petechi
Braycus Milbra- prope ecclesi- unum asinum
19. VIII 1373,
cich de Pappoa
am sancti BlaLF 1, 133v
sii in platea
Radicha Gerdouno asino
11. V 1376,
bich
DC 24, 143r
Vratchum Vrani- in Glafscho
duos asinos et un- 14. IX 1419,
cich et Radouiam clamidem et
LF 4, 80r
num Ostoich et
ipsum vulneraueeius fratrem Rarunt in capite cum
doichum
magna effusione
sanguinis
Radi Tassienou- in montibus unam asinam et
23. XI 1419,
ich, Pribislauum supra Bielem duos asinos quos LF 4, 109v
habebat in maniMiletich, Boghetam Dragosaglich,
bus Radoslaui LeRughiam Voisilotunich in villa de
uich et RadoslauBiela
um Beroeuich
vlachum
Pripin Brancou- in Zaula
cuppellos sexde- 1. VIII 1420,
ich de Zaula et
cim frumenti et
LF 4, 226r
supra Iuchum et
unum bouem et
Radoua Mezichi
unum assellum
fratres homines
dicti Pripini
155
. 1 (2013) 137159
Bositchus Pri- Nouachum et Paboeuich de
ual fratres ZuetZuncheto
chouich de Popoua homines Gregorii Nicolich
Petcho Crani- Volcoslaum Volsich dictus
chsich, RadoslaVicha
um Radich,
Radi Corinich,
Bregla Volcassinouich et socios
quorum nomina
ad huc nescit
Stanissaua
uxor condam
Milouani Siumicich
Bosicho Nenoeuich de
Zuncheto homo ser Dobre
de Binzola
Radoe Radassinouich et Liubaz homo ser
Marini de Georgio
Rados Tichoeuich
Stipan Ostoich
et Rado Dobrilouich
37
156
de ciuitate Ragusii, videlicet, juxta ecclesiam sancti

Luce
in Canali de
manibus Bogdani Nartie
unum asinum va- 8. XII 1421,

loris yperperorum LM37 5, 58v
octo
animalia quinqua- 18. IX 1423,

ginta inter oues et LF 5, 204r
capras et unum asinum et sextarium
unum frumenti, yperperos tres, unam
interulam, unum
cappellum, unam
scarsellam cum
gladio et cingulo et
insuper vulnerauerunt ipsum accusatorem uno ense in
capite cum cicatrice et sanguinis effusione maximam
Volcassinum Ve- in loco dicto unum asellum
4. I 1424, LF
lissaglich et soci- Orach in Ber5, 244v
os quorum nomi- do
na ad huc nescit
Zochan Brancho- supra casale de unum asinum
7. XII 1426,
uich et Branisau- Zuncheto in et
LF 7, 115r
um eius hominem supra terreno
et Glubisa Goia- communis
chouich
supra homines
duas asinas
18. VIII 1432,
Gregorii Nicolich
LF 9, 110v
... Radossaus Tuertchouich et Radiuoy Pomenouich
et Radoye [prazno] de Vitinus
Vratchi Bogdano- in Zoncheto unus asinus
18. V 1432,
uich de Tribigne
LF 9, 37r
et Liubissa eius
fratris
Stipchum Mergie- in Tribigne
quatuor asinos one- 10. VIII 1436,
nouich et Ostoratus furmenti et LF 11, 167v
yam eius fratrem
verberauerunt eos
LM = Liber maleficiorum.

Radmio Jelou- Vochxam et Racigh
diz Seracinouigh
et Brathoy Seracinouigh et Stipan
Seracinouigh et
Stepcho Seracinouigh dictos Seracinouigh omnes
fratres de Plescha
animalia minuta 1. VI 1438,

LXII, scilicet, pe- LF 12, 36v
cudes et capras,
item duas vachas,
item unum asinum
Nouach Rado- Luca et Braia- in dicto loco

saligh
num Miosigh fra- de Glausca
tres et supra Milat
Radichieuigh et
Dobrouoi Radilouigh de Glafsca
duos asinos
Miloua Dobrosalich, Micho Radouanouich, Pribius

Lucich, Vucasinus Radosalich, Iffchus
Radouanouich
vachas 4 et duos 11. II 1448,

asinos et XII ca- LF 21, 291r
pras et despoliarunt pasceros et ligarunt eos et verberauerunt
Radilum Vechatouich et eius filios

homines Pribii
Miochuseuich ...
Nomina filiorum
Radili sunt Dobrie, Stoiach et
Bogdanus et Dobrouoi ... Radosauus Racich, Bosidar Budeceuich
qui stant a Tribimla et Cutlouich
homines Vochasin
Gregoreuich et
Vuchota Milenich,
Radosauus Miglieuich, Radouanus
Vechatouich, Radi Pribetchouich
et Mil Milatouich
et Nouach Strieseuich
Michoe RatIuichum Glegechouich de

uich de Versigne
Breno homo
ser Nicole Pau.
de Goze et fratrum
unum asinum
21. XII 1443,

LF 17, 142v
15. V 1449,
LF 22, 77v
157
. 1 (2013) 137159
Millat Utissino- Vucha, Radisuich de Bielo sam et Grupchum
fratres Popouichi
de Tribigne
Radi Radoico- Dobrouoi Radilouich de Breno uich et Radi Radoeuich de Popouo
Matchus Radinchouich, Vitchus Milchouich, Goyan

Hostoich, Ratchus Radochnich, Radmius
Milbrtaouich et
Jachxa Milouanouich ac Milat
Nicolich
Tuertchum Meduidouich, Radic

Radouinouich,
Stipchum Mergienouich, Mladin
Mergienouich,
Radi Garba et
Vuchich Parich
tres asinos, yperperis tres in contatis, unam manariam, unam gonellam albam, unum
cossier et unam
centuram precii
grossis XVIII
verberauerunt ipsum et acceperunt
sibi per vim asinum, unam camisiam, unam centuram, unum par caligarum, unam manariam et unum
cossier
super teritorio inter mullos et
cherzegi
mullas nouem ac
asellos duos cum
suis omnibus fulcimentis
29. X 1449,
LF 22, 266v
25. VIII 1450,

LF 23, 206r
19. I 1456, LF
29, 40v
Esad Kurtovi
DONKEYS IN THE RAGUSAN HINTERLAND
Summary
The donkey is a useful domestic animal which had an important role in
the history of the Eastern Adriatic coast. This is especially true in the case of
the narrow coastal strip of land with a specific climate and vegetation in
which the donkey represented the most cost-efficient and sustainable cattle
used for transport and carrying of loads. The gathered data shows that the breeding of donkeys and working with them was present on the wider Ragusan
area and the immediate Slav hinterland which surrounded the Ragusan state
158

from land, i.e. on the territories of Popovo, Ljubinje, Nevesinje, Konavle, Trebinje, Lug and Draevica. The need for donkeys in this area is best demonstrated by the fact that they occupied a significant place on the Ragusan market among the cattle which was being traded at the time. The price of a good
donkey was in the range between 5 and 6 hyperpers of Ragusan dinars. The
more expensive donkeys could reach the price of 8 hyperpers, but these cases
were rare. The price of cheap donkeys is in the range between 2 and 4 hyperpers. Beside other cattle, the Ragusans also gave donkeys to Slavs in the hinterland for keeping and working by means of a contract which implied mutual
benefit for the breeder and owner of the cattle (sozida). The common position
of donkeys in transport is illustrated by robberies of donkeys. Apart from stealing, donkeys were sometimes victims of bloody attacks as well. The presented examples show that the donkey was also at this time a source of ridicule
and mutual disrespect for people.
Keywords: donkey, Ragusa (Dubrovnik), Ragusan hinterland
: 18. 2012.
: 10. 2012.
159
. 1 (2013) 161185
: 929.52:94(497.11:439)"14"

36/II, ,
aleksandar.krstic@iib.ac.rs

: , 1476/7, 1464. . a . , , , 1496. 1498. . 1499. 1500. . , ,
() . 1500, . , 1495. . 8. 16. 1500. .
, ,
.
: , , , , , , II a, , , .
XV o
e, : (1315. ): , , (. .
177029).
161
. 1 (2013) 161185
.1
, , , ,
, ,2 . , ,

, , , . : ,
, ,
. , , , .3
, , , 1
. , 1, 19522, 376, 381, 407, 413; . 2

. , 2, 1952 , 390391; . ,
(14591690), 1914, 78, 17, 2324, 2729; , - (1703), 1929, 14,
18, 26, 28, 34, 36, 4041, 60; Y. RADONITCH, Histoire des Serbes de Hongrie, Paris
1919, 6566; . , , 1.
, 1939, 210212; , 1, 1957, 155158; (= ) 2, 1982, 377
382, 435, 444, 458460 (. ); . . . 2
, , 1991 ,
218220; . , , 13 (1990) 7380;
ISTI, Srpski narodni prvaci, glavari i stareine posle propasti srednjevekovnih drava,
Novi Sad 1999, 3233, 55, 76, 153155; , , ,

9. 10. 2005. , 2006, 115123 (=
, 2006, 195206).
2
. , 16. 17. , Vjesnik kraljevskoga hrvatsko-slavonsko-dalmatinskoga zemaljskoga arkiva 15/2 (1913) 92103,
. 9394 ( : . , , 354, . , . , , , 71/14 (2005) 3
22, . 2122).
3
. 1.
162
. ,
, . 1907.
(14581490)
II (14901516) ,4 , .5 : II 1496. ,
,6 1498. ,7
II,
16. 1500. .8 , ,
, ,
.
* * *
( )9 ,

. ,
4
L. THALLCZY A. LDSY, Magyarorszg mellktartomnyainak oklevltra II, A Magyarorszg s Szerbia kzti sszekttetsek oklevltra 11981526 (=
klevltr), Budapest 1907, 276277, 297299.
5
A. MAGINA, Un nobil srb n Banatul secolului al XV-lea: Milo Belmuevi,
Analele Banatului, Serie nou, Arheologie istorie 18 (2010) 135142.
6
Magyar Orszgos Levltr, Budapest, Diplomatikai levltr (=DL) 26655.
: M. LENDVAI, Temes vrmegye nemes csaldjai 1, Budapest
1896, 24; . , , 27, ,
40. .
. -,
, 37 (1988) 742, . 34,
1496. . , , .
7
DL 36849.
8
, XIX
(-) : Biblioteca Academiei Romne, filiala Cluj-Napoca (=BAC), colecia Kemny Jzsef,
mss. KJ 288/D, Appendix diplomatarii Transilvanici, vol. 8, f. 14.
9
. . , , 23 (1986) 13
23, . 18, 20, . 29. , .
163
. 1 (2013) 161185
, ,
1454. .10 , . , .

1452. , , 1453. , . ,
, ,
(1455), .11
1455. , . ,
.
, ,
1448. , , .12 , ,
, , , ,
10
. , 1, 375, 381; . . , 2, 326, 389390, 397; . , 15. ,

1979, 187188, 191; 2, 377 (. ); . ,
, 1994, 352, 724; . , ,
197198; , /,
(=) 3 (), 2007, 617618; . , /, 2 (), 2006, 391.
11
. , 1, 376, 381; 2/2, 1970, 228230 (. ); . , , 190191; 2,
299, 377 (. . , . ); . , ,
381, 412, 463, 724.
12
,
, . . , 107, . . 9 (1959) 1164, . 31; . , ,
1722; . , , 343344; . , , 199.
, : . ,
- , (. . ), 1994, 5977, . 5961.
164
. ,
,13
.

() 1457. , ,14 20.
1458. . 14.
1458.
,
. , , , 31. .15
.
,
, . 1464. , - ,
.16
13
, . ,
, : 1 (), 1959, 446.
14
. , 1/2, 1934, 431
433; . . , 2, 390; . , , 724; . , , , , , . , . . , 2007, 719, . 13, 18.
. , , 199200, . 19,
. ,
1, 1955, 84, 93; . (. 2, 377) . -, (1415. ), 2010, 125.
15
( ),
,
: F. RAKI, Prilozi za sbirku srbskih i bosanskih listina, Rad JAZU 1 (1867) 124163, . 157; . . ,
2, 390391; . , , 516517, 520, 537, 724;
. , , 199200; . , , 7, 13; . , (1316. ), 2008, 126127.
16
. . , 2, 390; . ,
, 198199.
165
. 1 (2013) 161185
/ , , , , .17 ,
, , , . , . , , ,
XV ,
, , , . ,
,

. ,
, 25 .
1425, .
,
14101415. . ,
. ,
1503. .
XV XVI ,
, .18 ,
,
.
, , ,
75 . , , ,
12 .19 , ,
.20
17
. . 11 14.
. , , 94; DL 26662.
19
L. THALLCZY A. LDSY, klevltr, 297298; A. MAGINA, Un nobil,
142. XVI 14, 12 , 12 : J. HOLUB, Az letkor szerepe a kzpkori jogunkban s az idltott levelek
12, Szzadok 55 (1921) 3237, 212235.
20
. , , 196, . 5
18
166
. ,
, 14521456. ,
1458. . ,21 . , 1503.
75 , 60 . ,
, . , , , . , . ( ) 1458.
? , ,
: ,
; , ; ,
.
, . , 1464. , 1476/7. , ,
? ,
.

. ,
1464. , .22 1952.
21
. , , 1454,
1455. . nobiles domine 1443. : . . , 2, 389, . 69; . , , 198; , /, 3, 617618; . , /, 2, 391.
22
. . , 2, 390; 2, 377378, . 14
(. ); . , , 724; . . , 1, 2000, 305. , , 1469.
( 1, 407, . 95), :
167
. 1 (2013) 161185

1476/7. ,
8.583
.23 ,24 .25 1476/7. ,
terminus post quem , . ,
.26 , (14681471),
, , , (14711474).27
Y. RADONITCH, Histoire, 65; . , , 18; . , , 210. . . , , 201, . 25.
23
Babakanlk Arivi Istanbul, Tapu tahrir defteri, no 16 (1476), 223224; .
, 15. ,
4 (1952) 165169, . 167. 101 ,
26 ,
, . ,
- , , 2.600 : . ,
J, , . .
, 2010, 122.
24
2, 1960, 73 (. ); . , 14591683, 1974, 159160; .
, ,
1805. , 1979, 113, 116; . -, (1476-1560). . . , 2004, 301;
, 15. ,
, 8593, . 87, 91.
25
1476. . ,
1, 155156. , . .
. , , 220, . 2,
XV .
26
. , , 93.
27
2, 380382 (. ); P. ENGEL, The Realm of St Stephen. A History of Medieval Hungary 8951526, London New York 2001, 302306; . . . . , , 2002, 163165.
168
. ,
,

1476. , ,

1480. 1481. , .
,
,
1483. , 19 . ,
1468. 1474. ,
.28

XV
.
, .

,
.
(de Saaswar).29
1490.
( ) 1483. ( ).
, .
, 1476/1477.
, .
, 1476. ,
,
, . ,
,
28
. , , 7677; , , 38,
201202. ,
, , .
29
DL 26655, DL 36849, DL 20476, DL 29022, DL 26662; L. THALLCZY A.
LDSY, klevltr, 299; A. MAGINA, Un nobil, 140, 142. . ,
1, 407,
, .
169
. 1 (2013) 161185
,
. ,
1467. , 1476/7. : , , , .30 , , 1476/7.
, .
, ,
, ,
.31 , II .
, ,
II (14901491).
( )
, 1491. .32

, ,
, .33 30
: . -, , 46, 60, 97, 202;

. . , 15. . - , 2007, 39, 5961.
31
, 1491. 600, 300, 1.000 . 1498. , , ,
1.000 , , , : LUDOVICI
TUBERONIS DALMATAE ABBATIS, Commentarii de temporibus suis, ed. V. REZAR, Zagreb 2001, 73; Magyar trvnytr 10001526. vi trvnyczikkek, Budapest 1899,
606, 608.
32
Ludovici Tuberonis Commentarii, 66, 73; NICOLAUS ISTHUANFFY, Regni
Hungarici historia post obitum gloriosissimi Mathiae Corvini regis, Coloniae Agrippinae 1724, 10.
33

. ,
, : Is si exhibit, est maior persona quam condam Belmostwyth fuit,
170
. ,
, 22 , , 17 .
,
, .34
XV ,
.35 ,
,
. ,
, , 1496.
.36 ,
, ,
.

.
festum Sacrosanctae Resurectionis diem celebraturus ad aedem diuae
Virginis, quae haud procul a domo eius sita est, una cum filio et sexaginta
circiter comitibus proficiscitur37 ,

,
. , sacrosancta resurrectio ,
vel domini Jazith nunc forent: V. FRAKNI, Tomori Pl kiadatlan levelei, Trtnelmi
tr (1882) 7895, 201202, p. 88; . , , 226.
34
. A. MAGINA, Un nobil, 137.
35
. , , 2324, 27; ,
, 34, 36, 40; Y. RADONITCH, Histoire, 6566; . ,
, 210; D. DINI-KNEEVI, Sremski Brankovii, Istraivanja 4 (1975) 5
47, str. 36; 2, 435, 450451 (. ); . , , 7778; , , 64, 8990, 202, 226.
36
Millus Belmoseuyth de Sasuar iudices nobilium comitatus
Bachiensis 23. 1496. II
, , ,
: DL 20476.
37
Ludovici Tuberonis Commentarii, 134135.
171
. 1 (2013) 161185
assumptio. , aedes fanum , ,
.
.38
, , ,
. , .
, ,
.39 , , 1495.
.40 ,
.
, . ,
, 8. 1500.
, : Pisa s si tmn(s)tvo lta zd m()s()ca sktmvr i d(a)n tornik.41
. , ,
1495, 7004. .
8. , 1500. . .42
, II 2. 1496.
38
. . : LUDOVIK CRIJEVI TUBERON, Komentari o mojem vremenu, Zagreb 2001, 132.

39
LUDOVICI TUBERONIS Commentarii, 135136; . ,
, 2728; , , 4041; . , , 210; . , , 203204.
40
. -, , 1967, 217
218; 2, 452 (. ).
41
. , , 94.
42
. SP. RADOJI, Antologija stare srpske knjievnosti (1118. veka), Beograd 1960, 212, 348; 2, 378, . 14 (. ); . ,
, 1975, 488; , . . , 1986, 128129; . , , 204; .
, , . . , . . , 2010, 3363, . 43.
172
. ,
.43 , 1496.
, , .
,
, .
, .
12. 1498. ,

(. Hethkadar) 200 .44
,
1496. 1498. . , 8. 1495. , , 2. 1496. 16. 1500. ,
.45 8. 1500. , . ,46
. , , . ,
zd 1500, 1495. . , ,
, , , . 1500.
7009. , z.
, ,
43
DL 26655; A. MAGINA, Un nobil, 139.

: ,
( ) (Dragina-Srbova), (Cadr)
: P. ENGEL, A Temesvri s Moldovai
szandzsk trkkori teleplsei (15541579), Szeged 1996, 72, 106.
45
A. MAGINA, Un nobil, 142.
46
, 1913. , Lymbus. , ,
.
44
173
. 1 (2013) 161185
d
.47

, ,
(12. 1498 8. 1500). , , , ,
, , .
1500. , , 9.000 , 18 ,
.48
.49
, , (1500. 19. ),
. , ,
, 8.
1500. .
1500,
, 31. 1499. .
,
1500.
47
. A. MAGINA, Un nobil, 141, . 1.

MARINO SANUTO, Vilgkrnikjnak Magyarorszgot illet tudstsai: 1
(14961501), ed. G. WENZEL, Magyar Trtnelmi tr 14 (1869) 3282, pp. 134135
( : MARINO SANUDO, Odnoaji skupnovlade
mletake prema junim Slavenom 1, ed. . VALENTINELLI, Arkiv za povjestnicu jugoslavensku 5 (1859) 1160, str. 120121); 2, 459 (. ); . , , 2001, 183.
49
II , 1501. ,
, . ,
, : .
, 1, 414; . , , 4245; .
-, , 1967, 224227; 2,
459461 (. ).
48
174
. ,
. , 16.
1500. .50
, . ,
. , ,
, .

.51

,
. , II 16. 1500.
generosas dominas Oliveriam matrem condam Mylos Belmosowyth ac Veronicam consortem, nec non Mylitham puellam filiam eiusdem, simulcum universis possessionibus, portionibusque
et iuribus possessionariis ac rebus et bonis suis,
.52
,
,
.
,

.53 , 30. 1501.
50
: . , , 94; A. MAGINA, Un nobil, 142.

51
. , , 2728; , , 4041; . , , 210; , 1, 156; . . . , ,
218, 220; . , , 203205.
52
53
II 1500.
: MARINO SANUDO, Odnoaji, 156; . -, , 224; 2, 458 (. ). 16. : DL 94624, L.
THALLCZY S. HORVTH, Jajcza (bansg, vr s vros) trtnete 14501527, Budapest 1915, 147148; DL 245308.
175
. 1 (2013) 161185

.
,
,
.54
, ,
.
II in personis egregiorum Stephani et Marci
Jaxyth de Nagh Lak ac generose domine Olivere, matris condam Belmosewyth de Saswar, 4. 1503. ,
, ,
, , 600 .
25.
, . 8. , 15.
1503. .
.55
,
.
,
,
(, , ).56 1503. ,
. ,
,
1504. .
,
. 1467. 1499.
,
54
L. THALLCZY A. LDSY, klevltr, 297299.

DL 26662. . , mris mre mulieris muliere, matris matre, ,
.
56
. , , 94.
55
176
. ,
.57
. 1504.

, 22.
. ,
.
, , de Damsos , , nobilium puellarum Anko, filie
condam domine Clare, relicte condam Mllus Belmosawth, ac Sophie filie dicti Stephani Bradach, ex dicta domina Veronica procreate.58
, , , . , , 16. 1500. , . .59
? , , :
, . , .

, . ,

? , ,
, , ? ,
a
. ,
57
P. ENGEL, Kzpkori magyar genealgia, Magyar Kzpkori Adattr, CDRom, Budapest 2001, tbla: Bradcs (ladomerci), Musina (damsusi, Hunyad m.).
58
DL 29590.
59
A. MAGINA, Un nobil, 142; L. THALLCZY A. LDSY, klevltr, 297
299. 30. 1501.
, : za milo{a bom`vik dvoik milic da n mor prti do vrmna vzrasta: DL 32552.
177
. 1 (2013) 161185
,60 ,
. Anko, -, , , 1518.
.61 ,
, ,
, , . relict condam Myllus Belmosawyth
.
, 1500. , .
1505. de Saswar.62
XVI
,
, ,
. 1458. , . ,
1501. , 1489.
. , ,
, XVI .
,
60
Z. JAK, A kolozsmonostori konvent jegyzknyvei 2 (14851556), Budapest

1990, 118, no 2884.
61
DL 29643.
1500. . , 22. 8. 1504. 1518. , ,
( ), (
), , : P. ENGEL, Kzpkori
magyar genealgia, tbla: Musina (damsusi, Hunyad m.). ,
1504. ,
. , , .
62
28. 1505. de Wgra ,
. ,
: DL 38442.
178
. ,
, .
.
, ,
1503. .
,
. ,
, (, , , ,
, )
.63 , . 1529. ,
. , , , , , , , ,
.64
( ). , XVIII ,
1478. , . .65 XVI
63
. , , 94.
, ,
: GY. KLDY-NAGY, A Szegedi szandzsk teleplsei, lakosai s trk
birtokosai 1570-ben, Szeged 2008, 340341; . ,
( ), 1952, 81, 159.
, ()
, ,
; .
, (Remetea Mare) . (Ianova) , , (Giarmata) : P. ENGEL, A Temesvri
s Moldovai szandzsk trkkori teleplsei, 55, 70, 71, 77, 92, 118.
64
M. LENDVAI, Temes vrmegye nemes csaldjai I, 3435, 60; S. BOROVSZKY,
A nagylaki uradalom trtnete, rtekezsek a trtneti tudomnyok krbl 18, Budapest 1900, 150, p. 48; . , , 353, . 41/5, 388,
. 130/3; . , , 4447, 52, 56; A. MAGINA,
Un nobil, 140, n. 4.
65
. , (= )
2, 1903, . 2362; 6, 1926, . 10212; . , , 1, 330414, . 357358.
179
. 1 (2013) 161185
, . ,
1620. 1679. ,
.66 ,
, ,
.67
.
. , , . ,
, ,
. , 1539. , .68
(in Tibisciensi agro). ( ).

, 66
. . , , 1718 (1988) 780, . 31; GY. KLDY-NAGY, A Szegedi szandzsk

teleplsei, 196197; 2, . 2362; 3,
1905, . 4999; . , , 81, 162. : D. CSNKI, Magyarorszg
trtnelmi fldrajza a Hunyadiak korban 2, Budapest 1894, 149.
67
,
, , ,
.
, ,
. . . , , .
. , .
68
. , 3, . 4963; . , , 1907, 95101,
XVI , , , ; . , .
. : Y. RADONITCH, Histoire, 109110; . , , 443444, 447;
. , , 2000, 111112;
D. EICU, Die Ekklesiastische Geografie des Mittelalterlichen Banats, Bucureti 2007,
7980; . , , 44.
180
. ,
.
, , . , , , .

, .69
, ,
.70
, :
,
,71 , , , .72
. , , (),

, .73 ,
,
. , ,
j oj 1488. .74
69
Ludovici Tuberonis Commentarii, 134. . , , 366,

.
70
. . , , 322.
71
.
72
XVI : , (Herneacova), . , . (Becicherecu Mic) , . (
, ). XVIII
, ;
, : P. ENGEL, A Temesvri s Moldovai szandzsk trkkori teleplsei, 45, 91, 109, 119.
73
. , , 94; . ,
, 4147.
74
1510. :
, , 409/33; . . . , , 2728 (19951996) 7994, .
9394.
181
. 1 (2013) 161185

XV . , 100 , . ,
, .75

, 1483. II 1496. . , .

:
1. ,
21. 1483. (
,76
II 1496. ).
2. , ,
, 21. 1483, 8. 1487. (, II 1496. ).
3. , 800 , 8. 1487. (, ;
8. 2.
1487. , ,
,
, , ).77
75
, , : . , , 94.
76
DL 26646; L. THALLCZY A. LDSY, klevltr, 276277; A. MAGINA,
Un nobil, 138139.
77
(

),
. , -
182
. ,
4. , , 8. 2. 1487. 6. 4. 1490.
(, ).
5. II, ,
, :
, ,
, , 2. 1496. (, ).78
6. II, ,
, ,
4.000 . 31.
1499. 19. 1500, 8. 1500. (, ).79

II, :
7. II , 30. 1501.
.80
8. II servianis
scilicet litteris scripti , 3. 1501. .81
II , .82 , ,
,
.
, : . ,
, 93; DL 19232, : L. THALLCZY A. LDSY, klevltr, 281.
78
, , , . ?
79

, , : . , , 94.
80
DL 32552; L. THALLCZY A. LDSY, klevltr, 297298.
81
DL 29022; L. THALLCZY A. LDSY, klevltr, 298299.
82
183
. 1 (2013) 161185
,
.
,
1488. .83
, . ,
1498. , .84 ,
1503. ,85
, (,
, .).
Aleksandar Krsti
NEW DATA ABOUT VOIVODE ILO BLMUEVI
AND HIS FAMILY
Summary
Voivode Milo Belmuevi was a significant figure in 15th century Serbian history. He was born to a noble family, whose members performed administrative duties in Zeta and northern Serbia during the reign of despot ura
Brankovi (14271456). He is usualy considered as identical to voivode Milo,
the despots last commander in Zeta prior to the Ottoman conquest (1452
1456). This identification is questionable, because the mother of Milo Belmuevi was still alive in 1503. Shortly before the downfall of the Serbian medieval state, Belmuevi supported the pro-Ottoman faction of Michael Angelovi. Due to this fact, he fell into disgrace at the court and was deprived of his
property in 1458. After the fall of Smederevo (1459) he entered into Ottoman
military service and became the sipahi. Despite some wavering (in 1464 he
sought refuge in Dubrovnik), he was still in Ottoman service in 1476/7, when
he held Jagodina in the Morava valley as a timar. He moved to Hungary most
probably during the great Hungarian offensives against the Ottomans in north83
1488.
.
, ,
, . : Nicolao magno wayvoda de Sipzo et Rayko Rayko et Nicolao Lywbyth de eadem Sippzo: DL 30225.
84
85
DL 26662.
184
. ,
ern Serbia in 1480 and 1481, when tens of thousands of Serbs were taken across the Sava and the Danube and settled in southern Hungary. After moving to
Hungary, Belmuevi fought the Ottomans along the border, but also on other
battlefields, as the commander of a large detachment of light cavalry hussars.
He was wounded serving king Matthias Corvinus (14581490) in Silesia, but
the time and circumstances under which that happened are unknown. He distinguished himself during the wars of king Wladislas II Jagello (14901516)
against Maximilian Habsburg and Jan Albrecht in western and northern Hungary (14901491). For his loyal service and military merits, Belmuevi was
rewarded by king Matthias in several occasions, starting from 1483, with estates in Temes, Csand and Bcs counties. It is after one of these estates that he
was given the noble apellation de Saswar. In 1496, king Wladislas II confirmed to Milo Belmuevi and his sons Vuk and Marko the earlier donations of
Matthias Corvinus. Vuk was presumably named after his grandfather, the despots nobleman Vuk Belmuevi. However, voivode lost both of his sons in
the next few years: Marko died under unknown circumstances before 1498,
while Vuk was killed in battle against the Ottomans. This occured on Easter,
most probably in 1499 or 1500, during an Ottoman incursion into the territory
of southern Hungary. In this conflict voivode Milo was also wounded. Later,
in order to avenge his son, he ravaged the surroundings of Smederevo. Left
without a male heir, Belmuevi got permission from king Wladislas II to leave his estate to his mother Olivera (until now, it was mistakenly believed that
this was the name of his wife), his wife Veronica and his underage daughter
Milica. The king confirmed the will of Belmuevi, written in Serbian language and preserved to the present day, after his death in the autumn of 1500. Veronica, who came from the noble family Arka Damsusi from Hunyad County,
remarried after her husbands death to Stephen Bradacs. With this marriage,
the largest part of Belmuevis property was transferred to Bradacs (the voivode left some possessions to his familiares). Milica was married to Stefan
Jaki the Younger of Nagylak, member of another Serbian noble family from
Hungary, but they most probably had no children. King John Szapolyai awarded the former possessions of Milo Belmuevi to Marko Jaki in 1529. Two
Serbian orthodox monasteries Boani in Baka and Bezdin in the Mure valley in Romania, known from 16th century, were erected on Belmuevi lands.
It is traditionally considered that the Jaki brothers were the founders of both
monasteries, but it is possible that the original churches were built by Milo
Belmuevi.
Keywords: Milo Belmuevi, voivode, Christian sipahi, Jagodina, will,
Matthias Corvinus, Wladislas II Jagello, Jaki family, Boani, Bezdin.
: 1. 2012.
: 8. 2013.
185
. 1 (2013) 187203
: 929:355.40(450.521:497.5)"15"

. ., ,
bijeljani@yahoo.com

(15421567):
*
: ,
. , ,

.
, ,

. ,

.
: , , , ,
, .
. . , , .1
*
e, : (. . 47023).
1
. , , 1948, 120121.
187
. 1 (2013) 187203

a a, . ,
. , , .
, , ,

. , , .2 ,

.3
,
,
XVI , 1567.
1542. , .
.
o.4
,
. , . ,
, 19. 1544.
. 40 32 , .5
2
. ,
(XVI ), , . .
. , 2011, 7591.
3
. , , 14201620,
1995, 230, 292, 305, 317, 325, 346, 359, 423, 435.
4
Dravni arhiv u Dubrovniku (DAD), Diversa Cancellariae (Div. Canc.) fasc.
128, fol. 187(3. X 1542); . ,, 13001600, ( ), 2009, 251252.
5
Debita Notaria (Deb. Not.), fasc. 83, fol. 210 (19. XII 1544); . ,
XIIIXVI , . 2 (15001601),
1952, 173, 1123.
188
. ,

.6 1543.
, Diversa Notariae
17. 1537, 153.
Mobilia ordinariae 1543, 207 .7
20. 1544. , , , . a
a, a , .
,
(Federico Vari di St. Angelo).8

.
, ,
.
, . .
1546.
, (Nicolaus
Luxaninus), . , , ,
. 92 .9
, (Laurentius Antonii Laurentii de
Miniatis) 1547. ,
.10
6
Procure Notariae (Proc. Not.), fasc. 17, fol. 295r296 (29. V 1543).
Sentenze di Cancellariae (Sent. Canc.), fasc. 108, fol. 167 (23. XI 1543).
8
Proc. Not., fasc. 18, fol. 78 (20. XI 1544).
9
Debita Notarie pro Comuni (Deb. pro Com.), fasc. 3, fol. 19 (27. XI 1546).
10
. ,
. . 1:
( ). . 1, 1874, 489, 84 (1. II 1547).
7
189
. 1 (2013) 187203
, , . . 4. 1547.

.
.11

, ,
. . , 62 .12
1547. .
, ,
. ,
: , .
20 .13
,
. 1547. , , . : 42 ( ), 84 ( ).14 ,
.
, .15

, 40- XVI ,
.
. , 11
Deb. pro Com., fasc. 3, fol. 33 (4. II 1547).

Isto, fol. 33 (18. III 1547).
13
Isto, fol. 35r (11. VI 1547).
14
Isto, fol. 35(17. VIII 1547).
15
Isto, fol. 37(3. XI 1547).
12
190
. ,
.
1548/49. 23. 1548, , .16
1548. ,
.17
1549.
.
21 26 (ducatus sultaninorum viginti unum et grossos viginti sex). ,
, .18
,
, .
.19
, , .20
o
.
, ,
. .21
. , 1549. 107
.22
.23 1550.
,24 1551. 185 10 ,
16
Isto, fol. 38r (23. I 1548).

Isto, fol. 39r (5. III 1548).
18
Isto, fol. 43r (31. V 1549).
19
Isto, fol. 51 (14. VI 1549).
20
Proc. Not., fasc. 18, fol. 297r298r (27. IX 1547).
21
Isto, fol. 310 (22. XI 1547).
22
Deb. Not., fasc. 85, fol. 61r (27. VIII 1550).
23
Isto, fol. 138r (24. VII 1551).
24
. , , 288296.
17
191
. 1 (2013) 187203
, 4. 1553.25 1557.
.26 :
60- XVI -
.27
20. 1563. , ,
229 .28 324 33
. 100
, 224 15 .29 ,
.30

(de Scutari de Vucotari) ,
a , .31
, . ( ),
.32 , , . .33 1564.

, ,
, .34
21. 1566. , ,
, .35
25
Deb. Not., fasc. 85, fol. 1 (26. X 1549).

Isto, fol. 60r (21. VIII 1550).
27
. , 16. 17. , 4041 (1995) 7194, . 88.
28
Div. Not., fasc. 117, fol. 18r (20. X 1563).
29
Isto, fol. 18r (21. X 1563).
30
Isto, fol. 144r144 (27. II 1566).
31
Isto, fol. 145 (4. III 1566).
32
Div. Canc., fasc. 137, fol. 180r (7. II 1553).
33
Div. Not., fasc. 117, fol. 7r (12. VIII 1563).
34
Isto, fol. 28 (3. I 1564).
35
Isto, fol. 146r146 (21. III 1566).
26
192
. ,
et sociorum Banci de
Florentia , 576 ,
.36
XVI .37
, 1550. ,
.38 1550.

, (de
Castello Novo). , ,
ducato uno
1/3 per balla.39
.
.
, ,
1,5 .40 ,
.
,
1,25 , 4,5 .41
1552.

.42
, 17
.43
.44
XVI , ,
.
36
Isto, fasc. 120, fol. 42r (24. XII 1576).

. , , . 7,
2010, 317.
38
Consilium Rogatorum (Cons. Rog.), fasc. 49, fol. 151r (15. IV 1550).
39
Isto, fol. 151r (1. IX 1550).
40
Isto, fasc. 51, fol. 38r38 (26. III 1552).
41
Isto, fol. 122r (16. XI 1552).
42
Isto, fol. 141142r (22. XII 1552).
43
Isto, fol. 161r161 (16. II 1553).
44
Isto, fol. 194r194 (21. IV 1553).
37
193
. 1 (2013) 187203
, , , , (), , ,
.
, ,
(cordovani, montonini),
(pellame), . .
: , , , , , ; , , , , , . .45
, ,
. 1554. .
.46
2. 1560.
72 . 102 50 (centum duo
buffalin et coria cinquaginta bovina).47
1564.
. ,
.48
.
,
. 11. 1544.
45
. . ,
XVI ., , 1983, 117136; EADEM,
50- 80- XVI . ,
48 ( 1984) 225247; EADEM,
80- XV . 30-
XVI . , 51 (1986)
298315; . , 16. ,
36 (1989) 6579, . 65.
46
Div. Canc., fasc. 139, fol. 189r190 (5. X 1554).
47
Isto, fasc. 150, fol. 130r (2. VIII 1564).
48
Securita e Noleggiata di Notaria, fasc. 1, fol. 181r182r (6. VII 1564); .
, , 85.
194
. ,
,
.
14. , . ,
.49 , , ,
.
, , .50
XVI
.
; ,
, , .
.51
o .52 .53

,
.54
. .55
1563. (Stephanus Johannis dictus Vodopia),
1564.56
1567. , , , ,
49
Div. Not., fasc. 121, fol. 39r (11. VII 1544).

Isto, fasc. 108, fol. 155r155 (20. III 1545), fol. 173r (23. V 1545); . , , . 5, 2008, 76, 83.
51
Div. Canc., fasc. 136, fol. 156r158r (23. I 1552); Div. not., fasc. 112, fol. 40
(3. V 1552); B. HRABAK, itno trite Ferare i Dubrovani (XIVXVIII vek), Spomenica akademika Marka unjia, Sarajevo 2010, 8390, str. 8890; . , , 80.
52
Div. Canc., fasc. 146, fol. 188189r (7. XI 1560).
53
Isto, fasc. 139, 189r-190 (5. X 1553).
54
. , , . 1: 15211571, 1950, 254; . , 16. , 16 ( 2005) 263278, . 273.
55
DAD, Lanae, Officiali dellarte della Lana, fasc. 2, fol. 27 (15. VII 1562)..
56
Div. Not., fasc. 117, fol. 17 (15. X 1563).
50
195
. 1 (2013) 187203
, , , - .57
, ,
.58
. ,
, , .59

I (15371574), ,
. , .
, ,
, . , ,

. 1561. , 40.000
. , ,
. XVI () ,
, 1495. . 1516.
1524. . , .60
, , .
1559.
, .
,
,
,
57
Div. Canc., fasc. 110, fol. 185r185 (3. XI 1549); fasc. 112, fol. 40 (3. V
1552); fasc. 130, fol. 45r (10. II 1554); fasc. 140, fol. 126128r (7. II 1555) etc.
58
Sent. Canc., fasc. 109, fol. 227 (27. XII 1544).
59
. , , 7591.
60
L. VOJNOVI, Istorija Dubrovake Republike, Beograd 20052, 165; P. PRETO, Tajna diplomacija Mletaka i Dubrovnika, Tajna diplomacija u Dubrovniku u 16.
stoljeu, gl. ur. M. POLI-BOBI, Zagreb 2011, 6370, str. 67.
196
. ,
.
. 23. 1559.
, ( ) .
, 25. ,
. , ,
.
,
,
, 15 .61
, . , , .
1560.
. 1562.
,
.
, Domino Simeone de Zagueri. , ,
. ,
. ,
,
.62
(Manifico Gentile Acciaiuoli) .63
61
J. TADI, Dubrovaki nadbiskup veliki prijatelj i uhoda Francuza, Trivulzio

(15211543), Novo doba 314 (Split, 24. XII 1925) 14; ISTI, Promet putnika u starom
Dubrovniku, Dubrovnik 1939, 234236; M. DEANOVI, Anciens contacts entre la
France et Raguse, Bibliothque de lInstitut franais de Zagreb 3, Zagreb 1950, 4647.
62
E. SOLA CASTAO, Dubrovnik i dojave, Tajna diplomacija u Dubrovniku u
16. stoljeu, 7184, str. 81.
63
Div. Not., fasc. 107, fol. 131r (22. XII 1565).
197
. 1 (2013) 187203
1566. , , I
, .

. , ,
, .
. , ,
. ,
, , ,
, . , , .
, , ,

.64 ,
,
, 27. 1566. ,
. , , . , :

; , .65
64
. , , 91125; . ,
, 15081958, . .
, 1958, 556; . , 1566. ,
1/12 (1949) 166168, p. 167; R. BOGII, Cosimo Medici i Marin Dri, Republika
17/3 (Zagreb 1961) 1617; V. FORETI, O Marinu Driu, Rad Jugoslavenske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti 338 (1965) 5145; M. RATKOVI, O Drievu pokuaju
prevrata u Dubrovniku, Dubrovnik 3 (1967) 9198; Zbornik radova o Marinu Driu,
gl. ur. J. RAVLI, Zagreb 1969; Marin Dri 15082008. Zbornik radova sa meunarodnog znanstvenog skupa odranog 57. studenog 2008. u Zagrebu, gl. ur. N. BATUI D. FALIEVAC, Zagreb 2010.
65
L. KUNEVI, Ipak nije na odmet sve uti: Mediejski pogled na urotnike
namjere Marina Dria, Anali Zavoda za povijesne znanosti Hrvatske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti u Dubrovniku 45 (2007) 946, str. 13, 15.
198
. ,
2. 1566. , , , .

, ,
. ,
,
. , ,
. ,
,
, , (,
) ,
. ,
, . , .66
, , .
. ,
, ,
.67
26. 1566,
.68 ,
. , , 1566. . , . ,
,
.69
, , .
, ,
66
M. DRI, Djela, prir. F. ALE, Zagreb 1979, 27.

Lettere Commissioni di Ponente, fasc. 1, fol. 46r; Secreta Rogatorum, fasc.
2, fol. 153 (18. VII 1567); . , 16. ,
1932, 146.
68
Div. Not., fasc. 117, fol. 163 (26. VII 1566).
69
Isto, fasc. 120, fol. 42r (24. XII 1576).
67
199
. 1 (2013) 187203
. , ,

, . , , ,
,
.70

, 10. 1580,
, L. Sorgo ( ),
. ,
, .
, .71
,
,
.
,
, 29.
1567. .72
(, , , ), : , , ,
.73
.
, , , 70
E. SOLA CASTAO, Dubrovnik i dojave, 8384.

L. PALJETAK, Skroviti vrt. Dnevnik Cvijete Zuzori plemkinje dubrovake
(ulomak), Dubrovnik. asopis za knjievnost i znanost n. s. 13/4 (2002) 97122, str. 119.
72
Testamentum D. Laurentii de Miniatis Florentini defuncti Curzula.
1567. Ind. 10. Die vero 29 aprilis Ragusii. Hoc est testamentum q(uonda)m
D(omini) Laurentii de Miniatis florentini defuncti hisce diebus proxime elapsis Curzule,
repertum in publica notaria civitatis Ragusii ubi datum fuerat ad servandum inter alia testamenta vivetiu ex more civitatis cui testamento erant ascripti in testes Ser Francesco
Hier. de Sorgo iudex, et ser Aurelius Amaltheus notarius cuius testamenti tenor est videlicet., Testamenta Notariae, fasc. 42, fol. 204.
73
Col nome dellomnipotente et sommo dio, et di Madonna Santa Maria sempre Vrgine, et di Santo Pietro, S. Paolo, S. Biagio et S. Giovanni Battista, S. Maria Madalena, S. Orsola con tutta la celestial corte del paradiso et ritrovandomi io Lorenzo di
Antonio Miniati fiorentino, sano del corpo et della mente, et volendo far menzione di
me et fare questo ultimo mio testamento..., Testamenta Notariae, fasc. 42, fol. 204.
71
200
. ,
. ,
,
, .

, . , ,
, , , 1565. .

, , ( , ).74
e (Fracesc Geretichio mio genero di Crciola) 500 .
60
.
,
( ,
). 400 ,
.

15 . , 1.000 . , , , ,
1.000 . , ,
(officio de morti) . ,
20 .
o ,

, , , , .
74
...et voglio che Niccol mio figliuolo che legittimato, come si vede la sua
legittimatione in casa mia, fatta in Roma lanno 1565 sotto suo vero giorno, sia mio
herede universale, di tutto il mio stabile et mobile, tanto di quello e in Fiorenza
q(uest)o di quello e in Raugia, et in ogni altra parte del mondo di mia ragione..., Testamenta Notariae, fasc. 42, fol. 204.
201
. 1 (2013) 187203
, , ,
,
70, 40 . e
. , , , (la
mia Tedesca, mia dona et madre detto Nicolo mio figluolo)
. , , .75
, ,
. ,
, a 1565.76
, 1567. , , ,
1565. . , . ,
, .
1581. 2.500 . , , , , ,
, .77
,
.78
75
Div. Not., fasc. 120, fol. 42r (24. XII 1576).

Testamenta Notariae, fasc. 42, fol. 204205r (29. IV 1567).
77
Deb. Not., fasc. 113, fol. 5 (26. I 1581), fol. 34r (3. VI 1581), fol. 41 (1.
VIII 1581), fol. 42r (4. VIII 1581), fol. 43 (19. VIII 1581), fol. 48 (12. IX 1581), fol.
49r (16. IX 1581), 49 (18. IX 1581), fol. 50r (19. IX 1581), etc.
78
Deb. Not., fasc. 113, fol. 90 (5. V 1582), fol. 91r (IX V 1582), fol. 105r (13.
VI 1582), fol. 113 (24. VIII 1582), fol. 114r (30 VIII 1582), fol. 116 (10. IX 1582),
fol. 117r (12. IX 1582), fol. 122r (20. X 1582), fol. 127 (24. XI 1582); fasc. 114, fol.
125 (7. XI 1589), fol. 172 (4. III 1591); Div. Not., fasc. 123, fol. 187189r (5. I
1587); . , 13001600, 2012,
122, 215216, 300301, 328, 439.
76
202
. ,
Radmilo Peki
LORENZO MINIATI SECRT AGENT IN DUBROVNIK
(15421567): ACCORDING TO DATA FROM
THE RAGUSAN ARCHIVES
Summary
Florentine Lorenzo Miniati, mentioned in the famous conspiratory letters
of Ragusan playwright Marin Dri, was active in Dubrovnik for about two and
a half decades. From the 1540s up until 1567, he attained prominence as a successful merchant, dealing in various goods: grain, salt, metals, cloth, wool, raw
material for dyeing (crvac chermisium, grana), hides and other items.
In his financial transactions, Miniati used both credit and bills of exchange. He issued insurance for transported goods at his own risk, but also as an intermediary on behalf of other merchants. After some time, he was appointed
Florentine consul in Dubrovnik.
In addition to his activities as merchant and consul, Miniati also operated
as a secret agent under false identity. He sent confidential information from Dubrovnik to various addresses. Aware of the danger he was exposed to, he anticipated his own death and, although a relatively young and healthy man, personally wrote his will on the island of Korula. Soon after, his life ended in a tragic way.
Finally, it must be emphasized that this paper does not provide a full account of Miniatis life and activities, as there is much information about him in
Italian, Spanish and other archives.
Key words: Lorenzo Miniati, Dubrovnik (Ragusa), trade, consul, secret
agent, testament.
: 1. 2012.
: 20. 2013.
203
. 1 (2013) 205226
: 902(497.11)"04/14":929

- 1820, ,
monika.milosavljevic@gmail.com
:

*
: . .
.
, .
: , , , , ,
, . , ,
.

*

, :
(. . 177008).
205
. 1 (2013) 205226

.
, .

,

. 1
, .
,
,
, . ,
.2 .
.3 1950.
, , 1954.
.
1955. 1
B. OLSEN, Od predmeta do teksta Teorijske perspektive arheolokih istraivanja, Beograd 2002, 1328; Histories of Archaeology: A Reader in the History of
Archaeology (eds.T. MURRAY C. EVANS), Oxford 2008.
2
P. KONERTON, Kako drutva pamte, Beograd 2002, 99107; K. GERC, Antropolog kao pisac, Beograd 2010, 933; F. KATROGA, Istorija, vreme, pamenje, Beograd 2011, 2331.
3
. , 1956.
(Society for Medieval Archaeology) Medieval Archaeology. 1957.
, 1962.
, . K. PREDOVNIK, Cur archaeologia medievalis?, asopis za kritiko znanosti, domiljijo in novo antropologijo 28/200201 (Ljubljana 2000) 3151, str. 34.
206
. ,
, 1962. .4
, . (1869
1956) , , .
,

.
.5 1958.
, , :
, , o, , , , , ...
, ,
.
.
,
.6
4
. , (19201988),
,
, . . ,
1990, 129136, . 129; . , , , 1997, 135136; F. CURTA, Medieval Archaeology in South-eastern Europe, Reflections: 50 Years of Medieval Archaeology, 19572007, eds. R. GILCHRIST A.
REYNOLDS, London 2009, 191223, p. 192; P. NOVAKOVI, Archaeology in the New
Countries of Southeastern Europe: A Historical Perspective, Comparative Archaeologies: A Sociological View of the Science of the Past, ed. L. Lozny, New York 2011,
339461, p. 389.
5
. , . , , 35 (1984) 2532, . 2829; S. BABI M. TOMOVI, Milutin Garaanin
Razgovori o arheologiji, Beograd 1996, 1718; , ,
. . , 2008, 3986 (. . ); A. PALAVESTRA, Vasi pre Vine (19001908), 7/3 (2012) 649
679.
6
. , . 18691956, . . 78/1956
1957 (1958), . XIXIII.
207
. 1 (2013) 205226
, , (18391915),
.7 , ,
.
- : .
( ) :
1907. , ,
, ,
... .
. ,

, .8

,9

10 ,11
,12 13 .14 , ,
7
. , . , 2829.
. -, , 18831983, .
. , 1983, 2740, . 28, 29
9
. , . , . .
78 (1958) XVXX.
10
. , ( ), 6 (1900) 873878.
11
, , 7 (1901) 10401054.
12
, ,
, . . 1 (1906) 3988.
13
, , 9. 15. . , 1922.
14
, , ,
1928.
8
208
. ,
15 . .16
. ,
. , ,
,
. ,
,

, .
17
,18
.19 (Wiktor Stoczkowski), , . ,
,
15
, , (
), 4, 5, 6 (1901) 112118, 146151, 177183.
16
. . , , ( ), 183.
17
, . . , 1978,
. 7101 (. ); . ,
, , . . , 1990, 189195, . 190; . ,
, , . . ,
2008, 5372, . 5859.
18
B. G. TRIGGER, Writing the History of Archaeology A Survey of Trends,
Objects and Others. Essays on Museums and Material Culture, ed. G. W. STOCKING JR.,
Madison 1985, 218235, p. 233; B. G. TRIGGER, The Coming of Age of the History of
Archaeology, Journal of Archaeological Research 2/1 (1994) 113136, pp. 114116,
ISTI, The History of Archaeological Thought, Cambridge 2008; N. SCHLANGER J.
NORDBLADH, General Introduction: Archaeology in the Light of its Histories, Archives,
Ancestors, Practices Archaeology in the Light of its History, eds. N. SCHLANGER J.
NORDBLADH, New York 2008, 15, p. 1; S. BABI, emu jo istorija arheologije?, . . 6/3 (2011) 565577, . 565571.
19
. C. GERRARD, Medieval Archaeology Understanding Traditions and
Contemporary Approaches, London 2003, XIXV.
209
. 1 (2013) 205226
. . . ,
,
.20

, , , .21
, . . ,
1903. ,
. , , . (1877 1947), . ,
18961898. , , , . 1901.
. 1903,
.22 ,

20
W. STOCZKOWSKI, How to Benefit from Received Idea?, Histories of Archaeology: A Reader in the History of Archaeology, eds. T. MURRAY C. EVANS , Oxford 2008, 346359, pp. 350351.
21
S. BABI, emu jo istorija arheologije?, 573.
22
. ,
150- ,
5 (1989) 124138, . 129; . , ,
: 20/1 (2011) 489501, . 491492.
210
. ,
.
-
.
, , , ,
XIX XX ,23
.24
, . ,
.

,
.25
1899. , ,
:
, , , . .
, ,
.
. , ,

, . , ,
1871.
;
23
. , 19. , 2003.
24
. Z. KUZMANOVI, Refleksivna priroda arheolokog zakljuivanja: studija sluaja korpusa helenistikih nalaza u Srbiji, Beograd 2012. Doktorska disertacija.
Univerzitet u Beogradu Filozofski fakultet.
25
, . 7101 (. ); . ,
, , . . , 1990, 101122.
211
. 1 (2013) 205226
1884., , .26
( )
.
, , ,
.
,
.

, .

.

: - , , . . ,
, IX , , , ,
, : [...] ,
; , , . , ,
, .27
26
. ,
, , 27. 1899. , :
II 18721907, . . , 2007,
223227, . 223224.
27
, 73 (. ).
212
. ,
.
,
.
,

. , , .
, , .28
,
.29

. 25 , ,
. . ,
, , .
, ,
.
.30
,
, ,
28
, . 80.
. , , , 30 (1984) 1323, . 19.
30
.
29
213
. 1 (2013) 205226
31

.32
, , ,
/ , .
, . , , . .33 ,
,
.34
, ,
, 18721907. ,
2007. :
II 18721907.
,
,
, .35
,
( ) .

; .
31
Z. KUZMANOVI, Refleksivno miljenje zamena za analogiju? Primer debate o antikoj ekonomiji, . . 5/1 (2010) 151164,
. 153154.
32
. From the Baltic to the Baltic Sea Studies in Medieval Archaeology,
eds. D. AUSTIN L. ALCOCK, London 1990.
33
. . , . , 2829.
34
. S. BABI M. TOMOVI, Milutin Garaanin, 29.
35
. . 26.
214
. ,
,
. , . ,
,
.

. , 17. 1881.
,
1883,
1884. . , .36

.
,
, 37
:
,
,
100 ,
1900. .:
, . , , , ,
. . , , ,
36
. , , , 13
14; , , 134135.
37
, , 195.
215
. 1 (2013) 205226
, ; , [...]. , ,
.38
, , 39

.
: . [...] , , , [...] , , .40 ,

. -
( .
), .41
.42

, XIX
.43
,
38
.
.
40
, 194.
41
B. OLSEN, Od predmeta do teksta, 3337.
42
. . , , : , 2005, 4364.
43
. . , 19. ,
, 2006; . ,
. , 2008, 5569.
39
216
. ,
- - .
, , . ,
,
. ,
, . ,
- .
... , ,

. ,
.
. ,
.44

.

,
, ,
,
. , , .45

44
, 28 (. ).
. . , , : II , 1216, . 15 (= .
. , ,
36 (1872) 294300).
45
217
. 1 (2013) 205226
.

.46

,
XIX .47

, ,
.
, . .
. , ,
. , , - .
, .

, .48
46
, 12.
XIX - .
.

.

XIX . ,
, . ,
. ,
.
. . . ,
, , , 7390, . 7486.
48
. . , , 12, 14.
47
218
. ,

49 .50 1874,

.51
, [...]
. ,
, .52
, ,
.
, , ,
.53
- .
,
,
; ,
. ,

49
, , : II , 3037, . 3637 (= . . , , 47 (1879) 232242).

50
, , 16.
51
,
, , ; 14. 1874. , : II , 104113.
52
, 104.
53
, 106.
219
. 1 (2013) 205226
;

, .

, ,
.54
,
.

; , ,

.
XIX
, ,
.

.
;
;
; , ,
.55
,
,
, ,
.

.
.
, ,
, . ,

54
, , : II , 3754, . 3738 (= . . ,
, 48 (1880) 449471).
55
. , , :
II , 157173, . 172 (= , , 1878).
220
. ,
, ,
, .56
,
,
. , .

.

, ,
,
; , , , .57
1871. ,
. 1872.

. , ,
. ,

.
1873. .
18711873. , , . ,

,
.

,
56
57
, 172.
. . , , 16.
221
. 1 (2013) 205226
.

1874, 1875, 1877. 1878. 58. , 1885. ,
,

.
. .59
, ,

. ,
. ,
Serbiens byzantinische Monumente (1862)
; .60
12 ,
.
,
. - ; ,
... ,
,
. , , ,
.61
58
, . 98 (. ).
, 5758.
60
, 28.
61
. . , , 107.
59
222
. ,
,
,62
. :
, . .
,
.
.63
. . , 1929.
,64 .65
. , ,66 .67
,
, , . , .
: , . ,
.68
,
. ,69
62
, . . , 2011; .
KOSTI, Dunavski limes Feliksa Kanica, Beograd 2011.
63
. KOSTI, Dunavski limes Feliksa Kanica, 13.
64
. , ( ),
. . 27/8 (1929) 594603.
65
. KOSTI, Dunavski limes Feliksa Kanica, 16.
66
. , , 1992.
67
. , , : II , 99102 (= . ,
, . . 1/2 (19061907) 2430).
68
. , , 13.
69
. , , 489.
223
. 1 (2013) 205226
.
, , .
,
.70 , - ,
,

. , . , XIX
.
.
, . XX .

, .71
,
, , .
, ,
, ,
70
. , ( 14. 1896. , .
) : II , 208223
. 212.
71
P. NOVAKOVI, Archaeology in the New Countries of Southeastern Europe,
398400.
224
. ,
, , ,
.72
,
.73 ,
.74
,
, , .75 , 76
, .
, . , , , .77
,
, .
,
78 .
72
K. VERDERY, The Political Lives of Dead Bodies: Reburial and Postsocialist

Change, New York 1999, 95127; I. OLOVI, Balkan teror kulture, Beograd 2008,
120132.
73
A. BANDOVI, Gustav Kosina i koncept kulture u arheologiji, 7/3 (2012) 629648, . 644645.
74
. U. ECO, Ur-Fascism, The New York Review of Books (1995), http://www.
nybooks.com/articles/archives/1995/jun/22/ur-fascism/ (. 3. 2012).
75
. . , , 2011,
. 96.
76
. S. JONES, The Archaeology of Ethnicity; S. BABI, Still Innocent After
all these Years? Sketches for a Social History of Archaeology in Serbia,
Archologien Europas: Geschichte, Methoden und Theorien / Archeologies of Europe: History, Methods and Theories, eds. P. F. BIEHL A. GRAMSCH A. MARCINIAK,
Tbinger Archologische Taschenbcher 3, Mnster 2002, 309322; T. H. ERIKSEN,
Etnicitet i nacionalizam, Beograd 2004, 139169.
77
I. OLOVI, Balkan teror kulture, 120132.
78
. . , , 106.
225
. 1 (2013) 205226
Monika Milosavljevi
NOTES FROM THE MARGIN: THE SIGNIFICANCE
OF MIHAILO VALTROVI FOR THE STUDY
OF MEDIEVAL ANTIQUITIES IN SERBIA
Summary
The study of medieval archaeology in Serbia before the Second World
War was to the greatest extent defined by Miloje M. Vasi. Certain contributions for drawing attention to medieval antiquities at the institutional beginnings of the archaeological discipline can be attributed to Mihailo Valtrovi
as well. Under the assumption that marginal and unquestionable knowledge
lingers in the epistemological bases that are used for studying the past, the article tackles theoretical foundations in Valtrovis interpretations of the medieval monuments.
This study is relevant for understanding the mechanisms of how the
knowledge of medieval art has been introduced and transferred, which is a
part of common history of the archaeology and the history of art. Valtrovis
conceptual heritage indicates the role of archaeology in the formulation of national identity on the medieval bases in the 19th century and to the strong misuses that occurred through repetition of those methods in the contemporary
contexts.
Key words: history of archeology, medieval archeology, art, nationalism, disciplinary boundaries, Mihailo Valtrovi.
: 1. 2012.
: 24. 2013.
226
II

SOURCE MATERIAL
. 1 (2013) 229239
: 94:339.5(497.2:497.5)"12":[930.2:003.074
.

36/II, ,
dragic.zivojinovic@iib.ac.rs

II *
: ,
II (12181241)
. ,
9. 1230. , ,
.
,

.
: II, , , , XIII , 1230. , (), , .
II,
,

, .
:
, .
*
, : (1315. ): , , (. .
177029).
229
. 1 (2013) 229239
9.
1230. , , -
, ,
II, .
1817. , , , (1836), , .1
( 4.5.5) - . ,
13 ( ), (
) 240 143 mm , .
( ), , , ,
.
XIX ,
( , ), 150
20 , .2
1
. . , . 1. . . . . ,
1903, 148; . . , . .
. . , 2005, 7.
2
. . , -,
,
1, - 1852, 347348 ( . ); Monumenta
Serbica spectantia historiam Serbiae, Bosnae, Ragusii, ed. F. MIKLOSICH, Viennae
1858, n 7, 23; . . , ,
, 1860, 5657; Codex diplomaticus
Arpadianus continuatus 1, ed. G. WENZEL, Pest 1860, n 218 (42 b), 350 (.), 351
(. ); V. BOGII, Pisani zakoni na slovenskom Jugu. Bibliografski
nacrt. 1: Zakoni izdani najviom zakonodavnom vlau u samostalnim dravam, Zagreb 1872, 1718; P. J. AFAK, Pamtky devnho psemnictv jihoslovanv, Praha
18732 ( . 1851), n 3, 2; Codex diplomaticus regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et
Slavoniae. Vol. 2: 11021200, ed. I. KUKULJEVI-SAKCINSKI, Zagreb 1875, n 243,
181; . . ,
230
. , II
I (11861196), II. , ,
,
,
, , .3 , 70- XIX , (1876), ,
4, 8190, - 1879, 9; Documente privitoare la istoria
Romnilor 1/2, eds. E. HURMUZACHI N. DENSUIANU, Bucureti 1890, n 638, 781
782 (. . . ); . . ,
II, 7/1,
1901, 2539, . 27; . . , ,
n 1, 147; Codex diplomaticus regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et Slavoniae 3, ed. T. SMIIKLAS, Zagreb 1905, n 296, 337; . . , ,
1911, 13; . , II . , 2/7 (1912) 259272, . 265 (.), 266 (); . . , ,
4 (1915) 74; . , . , , 1931, n 2, 578; 1/2, .
. , 1934, n 790, 205; . . , . . 3: (11871280), 1940, 352 (.);
. , 2. , 1944, n 22, 42 (.), 43
(.); . 2, . . ,
1958, . 1, 19; . ,
, 1965, 31 (); 1, . . ,
1975, 107 (); . : , . . . , 1982, 175 ( ); XIII . . . . ,
1987, 192193 (.); . . , , 30; ,
. 1: 11861321, . . . .
, 2011, n 25, 124.
3
. . , , 348349; . .
, , 2, -
1853, 109112; Monumenta Serbica, n 7, 2; . . , , 56; Codex diplomaticus Arpadianus continuatus 1, n 218 (42 b), 350;
V. BOGII, Pisani zakoni na slovenskom Jugu, 17.
231
. 1 (2013) 229239
,
II.4
. prz zakonh o kmrki ,
.5 , ,
,6
.7
,8
.9
kpi
,10

.11
4
. , . . . . . , 1978, 300, . 31; . . ,

, 9; E. KALUNIACKI, Einige Berichtigungen zum Texte der Urkunde Asens II. vom Jahre 12301241, Archiv fr slavische Philologie 11 (1888)
623624.
5
. . , , 352.
6
. , 2, n 22, 43. . , II, 265, ,
.
7
. , 2, 329330; , II, 66/3 (1943) 147179, . 177.
8
. , II , 4 (19521953) 912, . 910. , : . . .
, (. . .
. . . ), 1962, 55, . 2.
9
. . , , 167 (s. v.
zakon), 212 (s. v. kmrk), 323 (s. v. prz).
10
. . , , 352; . ,
2, n 22, 43; . . , , 213 (s. v. koupi).
11
. . , . (
), 1863, 508 (s. v. koupi), 508509 (s. v. koupl).
232
. , II
*
Dava c(a)rs(tvo) mi rizmo si hr vsi dnbrvni{sti,
lbvnm i vsvrnm gstm |2| c(a)rs(tva) mi, da d
hdt p vsi hr c(a)rs(tva) mi, s kpi kakv lib ili nst() ili ` n, |3| ili kpi kakv lib nst() i do k lib
zm ili hr didt, ili d Bdn ili Bra|4|ni~ova i Blgrada didt(), ili d Trnva i po vsm Zagori hdt, ili
d Prslava, |5| ili karvnsk hr pridt(), ili krnsti
hr, ili bristi, ili v drin i v Dimtic, |6| ili
v skp()sk hr ili prilpsk, ili v dvlsk hr,
ili v zm arba|7|nask, ili v Sln idt, pvsd da si
kpvat i prdavat svbd|8|n bs vsk pakosti, da n
imat p vsh hrah() c(a)rs(stva) mi i g(ra)dvh i klisrah |9| zaprtnia, n da si hdt() i kpt i prdavat
bs p~li, k i vsvrnii |10| i lbvnii gost c(a)rs(tva) mi.
Kt li im spaksti, om lib, ili na klisrh, ili na f|11|rsh, ili gd lib prz zakon(h) o kmrki, t da
vst: ti prtivnik c(a)rs(tv) mi |12| i milsti n imti, n vlik rgi patiti t carstv(a) mi.
ASN C(A)R() BLGAROM() I GRKOM

,

, ,
: ,
, ; , , , ,
, ,
, ,

, ,
, .
, ,
*
: .
233
. 1 (2013) 229239
, , :
, (. )
.

(1. ), ( , )
( )
.12
,
(carstvo mi) (hr vsi dnbrvni{sti),

p vsi hr carstva mi,
(. 37) . (. 710) ,
.13 (. 1012)
12
. F. DLGER, Facsimiles byzantinischer Kaiserurkunden,

Mnchen 1931, 56; , . . . , 1936, LXXVILXXVII; . , , 4 (1956) 89114, . 91; G. OSTROGORSKI, Autour dun prostagma de Jean VIII Paleologue, 10 (1967) 6385, . 6975; , ,
, , 34 (1968) 245257, . 253;
F. DLGER J. KARAYANNOPOULOS, Byzantinische Urkundenlehre 1. Die Kaiserurkunden, Mnchen 1968, 109112; N. OIKONOMIDS, La chancellerie impriale de
Byzance du 13e au 15e sicle, Revue des tudes byzantines 43 (1985) 167195, .
191192; . ,
, Palaeobulgarica 12/4 (1988) 6475, . 70,
71; . , , Miscellanea 27 (2006) 5799, . 60; , , 10 (2011) 2936, . 34.
(F. DLGER, Facsimiles, 5), XIII ( 1230.
1290. ), , XIV XV .
13
. . , ,
226227,
, .
234
. , II
, , ili na klisrh ili na frsh, .14
: kt li im
ispakostit vlik rgi ima patiti t carstva mi,15
, , .16 : Asn
car Blgarom i Grkom ,17 ,
.
, 9. 1230. .
, , ( , 8 km
. )
II , .18 ,
.19 , ,
14
. , . , .
. , II,
11, 1930, 5, . 2324. (, 15
16) .
16
V. MOIN, Sankcija u vizantijskoj i u junoslavenskoj irilskoj diplomatici,
Anali Historijskog instituta u Dubrovniku 3 (1954) 2752, str. 2830.
17
, . . , , 5; . , , 194; . . , , 29. , ( , ),
, .
(. . , ,
n 2, 64; n 3, 65; n 4, 66) , (, n 11, 71; n 19, 78; n 25, 82).
18
II 40 , 9.
( XIII , 200 [ ],
310 [ . ]).
19
. Georgii Acropolitae
Opera. Vol. 1, ed. A. HEISENBERG, corr. P. WIRTH, Stuttgart 19782, 4144, 2511265;
GEORGE AKROPOLITES, The History (trans. and comm. by R. MACRIDES), Oxford
2007, 178184; . . , , 338343; J.
LOGNON, LEmpire latin de Constantinople et la principaut de More, Paris 1949,
15
235
. 1 (2013) 229239
, 20 ,
, ,
.21 , II, , 1230.22 ,23 .

.
: .24 : , , ,25 164; . , , 1970, 408410; . ,
, 294295; 1, . . ,
1981, 309312 (. ); . : , 166170 (. -); W. TREADGOLD, A History of the Byzantine State and Society, Stanford 1997, 721722; . .
, VIIXIV . : 1, 1999, 484488.
20
,
, (. . .
, . ?,
5 (1922) 3556; . , 2, 329).
21
(7. ). , ,
, (. . 18).
22
. , , . ( II, 152153) 1230.
23
,
( dava carstvo
mi, :
), ,
.
24
. . . , ( ), 1910, 347; . , 2, 327; . . ,
, 168169; . : ,
259261 (. ). ,
,
( , 506; , .
. . , 1999, 776 [. ]).
25
XII XIII , ,
236
. , II
,26 .; (,27 ,28
,29 ...), ,30
. ,
, , II
, : , - , , , ,
( , 1967, 5759) .
. . ,
, 3 (1912) 121134, . 124; , , 3/1 (1930) 96153,
. 122, 126; . , , , 13/2 (1957) 8492, . 8890.
26
XIII .
, (1205) .
, 1230. . , 1232. (. ,
1323 , ,
18/8 (1922) 1124, . 911; . , ,
. - , . . , 1978, 84112, . 95).
27
, (. , 2, 328). carbo,
(V. BEEVLIEV, Zwei Bemerkungen zur historischen Geographie Nordost Bulgariens, Recherches de gographie historique, eds. V. BEEVLIEV V. TPKOVA-ZAIMOVA, Studia Balcanica 1, Sofia 1970, 6978, pp. 7578;
. : , 341 [. ]).
28
, , , , 80- km . O . P. NIKOV, Die
Stadt und das Gebiet von Krn-Krounos in den byzantinisch-bulgarischen Beziehungen, Studi bizantini e neoelenici 5 (1939) 229238; . ,
, 25 (1967) 233250; .
, , 1,
1968, 216219.
29
, 100 km
(. , 2, 328).
30
, (. , 2, 328; . . ,
( XII XIII
.), 2011, 46).
237
. 1 (2013) 229239
.31 1230.

?32

?33

II () ().34
.35
,
1279. ,36
, .
Dragi M. ivojinovi
HORISMOS OF BULGARIAN TSAR
JOHN ASEN II FOR RAGUSA
Summary
The article contains the edition, translation, commentary and photograph of the horismos of Bulgarian ruler John Asen II (12181241) for the
city of Ragusa (Dubrovnik), in which rights and privileges of merchants from
this maritime commune are being guaranteed in all the regions under the
Tsars rule. Based on the list of regions mentioned as belonging to the Bulgarian Empire, it can be concluded that the document must have originated after
31
. . , , 4647.
, 47.
33
, 165. . . , 12. 13. , 2425 (1986) 151289, . 235245; . ,
(11861460). , 19942, 9598; . .
, , 143182.
34
. . , XIIIXIV .
, 1989, 9596. (
, 47, . 9) .
35
. . , , 47, 165.
36
. . , , 31 (1984) 540,
. 2628.
32
238
. , II
9 March 1230, the date of the battle of Klokotnica, when Asens state was
considerably extended towards the south and southwest at the expense of the
defeated emperor of Thessaloniki, Theodor Doukas Komnenos Angelos. It is
highly probable that the agile-minded businessmen of Ragusa were quick to
grasp the changed political reality and didnt wait long to obtain commercial
privileges for their community from the newly inaugurated most powerful ruler of Southeast Europe.
Keywords: John Asen II, Second Bulgarian Empire, Ragusa (Dubrovnik), horismos, 13th century, year 1230, hora (region), Klokotnica, edition and
commentary.
: 30. 2012.
: 12. 2013.
239
. 1 (2013) 241254
: 726.7(497.11)"13":347.251:[930.2:003.74

- 1820, ,
zarko.vujosevic@f.bg.ac.rs

*
: , , . 36 ( 4/15),

.
, ,
. 150/152 .
,
.
: , ,
, , , .
, , .1
* , :
: (. 177003).
1
. , . . , .
, 1997,
5558 ( ); . . ,
,
10 (2011) 87102, . 97.
. , , 4586, . , , 3, 2007, 141142.
241
. 1 (2013) 241254

, : . 36 10.
1354, . 150/152 1348/49. , X, . , .2 . 150/152
, . 36 .3
, , 1378/79. .4
(. 36), (. 150/152),
.
. 36 ( 4/15)
,
797 mm 301 mm,
XIV .5 , , , ( ),
( ), , ( ), ( 19 ),
2
. . , ,
1988, 157159 (. 36 ), 155157 (. 150/152 ); . , ,
1998, 45 (. 36 ), 128 (. 150/152 ).
3
. 150/152: . ,
() , 1847, 5153; F. MIKLOSICH, Monumenta Serbica spectantia historiam Serbiae, Bosnae, Ragusii, Wien 1858, 142145, . 125; (), ,
1868, 7476 (); B. KORABLEV, Actes de Chilandar II, Actes slaves, 19 (), 1915, 510513, . 43. . 36 . ,
, 1912, 738740, , .
4
. . 1 .
5

. 2 ( . . , , 157
78 29,5 cm). (varit similaire) 1370, . V. MOIN
S. TRALJI, Vodeni znakovi 13. i 14. vijeka 1, Zagreb 1957, 158, . 6461 ( 748 ).
242
. ,
,
.
.
-
.6 , .
, : (?)
. ,
, 1381, .7 80- XIV
.8 ,
XIV .9
,
,
6
. ,
XII XV , 1926, 159, . 77 78.
7
. , , 23, 32, 256257, ,
. 1381. . . ,
, 20012, 162165,
. , ,
Realia Byzantino-Balcanica ( ).
8
. ,
(. 63), 9 (2010) 111133, .
122124, 129131. 26. 1388 (: . , . , 7/24 (1868), 231295,
. 266271. . , 1873, 388393) 1388/89?
( . , , 111133).
9
. ,
, 259, . 6 ( 20. 1379. 15.
1381); , 32 44, . 78 ( 70- XIV ),

(. 63) . . ,
, 158, 1378/79 (
. 1 ). . . , (. 63), 130
131, . 75.
243
. 1 (2013) 241254
(). XIV XV , .10
. 36 , 8876
-63, , 2767
, 4/15 ( ).
( ) .11

+ , , , |2| . , , |3| , .
(!) |4|
, `,
, , |5| `
, |6| (!),
. |7| ,
|8| , . |9|
10
. . . , ,
19992 (. . ) 117118.
.
, .
11
. ,
Times New Roman (The Unicode Standard,
Version 6.1, Cyrillic), .
, . (, , , , , ).
. , . , . .
244
. ,
|10|
, |11|
[] , |12| ` .

|13| . |14| , ,
, |15| , |16| .
|17|
`, , . |18| ,
,
|19| .
, |20|
, , , |21| ,
, |22|
|23|

(!) |24|
`.
|25|
,
|26| `[] : |27| ;
|28| ;
; |29| ; ; |30| ; ; ; ; |31| ; ; ; ; |32|;12 ; ;
12
,
.
. 150/152, 1378/79. ( . . 3 1).
245
. 1 (2013) 241254
; |33|
. , |34| .

|35|, ,
, |36| .
`: |37| ,
, , |38| , ,
, |39| , ,
|40| ,
, ; |41|
I, , , |42| , , , , |43| , . , |44|
, , |45| ,
, |46| .
` |47| . : |48|
,
, |49| 13 , , (!) |50|
, , , |51| , ,
, , |52|
. ` |53| [] , ,
|54|
.
, |55| .
.
|56|
, |57|
13
246
. ,
, `
|58| ,
. |59|
,
|60|

, |61| ,
. |62| .
(!) , |63| , , , , |64| [], . |65|
, ,
|66|
..
.. |67| .. |68|

, |69|, .
|70|
.. ... (!) ..
|71| + +
|72| , .. . +

1. [1381 1400?]
+ . , |2| , ,
, |3|
. , |4| |5| |6| |7| |8| |9|
|10| .
2. [ XV ?]
. |2| :
247
. 1 (2013) 241254
[] ,
|3|
|4| , ,
, ` |5| ,
|6|
. .
: (
) XIX . .
. |2| ,
|3| .
|4| , , .
+ .
XIX . 150/152. . 36, . , ,

.14
, .
36.15 ,
. 150/152 ( 10/7 , 7903-28), .
36 . 150/152, XV .16
, (. ).17 14
. , , 738, . 36 , . 150/152 XV . . , , 5354, , . . , , 157158, 1349.

1354, .
15
. . , , 156; . , , 54, 60.
16
. 14 . 150/152 XV ( ). . , , 128 XV XVI, . XVII ( .
. , , 157).
17
12 . 150/152 , ,
, -
248
. ,
,
(?) .
, . ,
, ,
.18
, . 150/152 , .
. 36, ,
( 31 ).
40 ,
( 4143). . 36
, : ( ), ,
.19 , .

, , .
, , (
100 km ).20
( . . , , 155 . ,
, 128 ).
18
( 28 )
-, (), ( 3435), ( 39), ( 60), ( 63),
( 68). ( 70).
19
, 1378/79,
: . ,
, 89, 8 1114.
20
. : . , , 5760 ( . 58); . ,
, ,
249
. 1 (2013) 241254
: XV
,
1378/79,
.
, .
, , . 150/152
. 36, : ;

.21 , 1348/49,
X, ,
. 36.22

( 72), . 36 10. 1354, .23 X, (IV) ( 2122)
,
,
. . , 1998, 7190, . 8384 ( . 87); , , 43 (2006) 4157,
. 52 (); . , , 97101 ( ).
21
1378/79, : ... (. , , 89, 1112). . 36,
. 150/152 .
22
, , . ,
, .
23
. , 23.
, 161 (1934) 2753, . 4650, ;
. , , 19 (1938) 239244, . 244, . 29; . . , , 155159; . , , 47.
250
. ,
, .24
X , . , , , . actio conscriptio,25
, ,
( 23), 1355.26
. ( 1718), .27 , ( 78) (. . 24
).28 ,
: 25. 1358(!),
.29 ,
24
, , ( : . , , 4 (2005) 119134;
. . 121 . 13).
. 1354 (. , ,
1516 (1936) 303317, . 306307).
25
. , 23.
, 4950.
26
. . , , 155; . , , 47.
27

. . , , 1997, 170171.
28
18. 1347: . ,
, 5 (2006) 99113,
. 101, 56 .
29
: . ,
,
4 (2005) 135149.
251
. 1 (2013) 241254
1354. 1355. , .
. 36
. , , ,

1378/79.30 - , ,31 , ( 17). , ,
. ( 24), (
56, 63) ( 69) ,
( 56).
(vidimus)
, .32 -
, .33 , XIV ,
, 1370. (. . 5 ).
30
. , , 221224. , .
31
. , , 1940,
140141; . -, , 176; . , 9091.
32
vidimus , 1352/53,
. : 3, . . , 1980, 411423 (.
). . Archives de l'Athos 12, Actes de Pantlmn, ed.
P. LEMERLE G. DAGRON S. IRKOVI, Paris 1982, 164167 ( .
4, 47).
33
. . , , 159; . passim.
252
. ,
- . 36 , , 1378/79.
.34 ,
1354.
1355. . , . 36
. 150/152, .
arko Vujoevi
THE ARHILJEVICA CHRYSOBULL
OF EMPEROR STEPHEN DUAN
Summary
The church of the Presentation of the Virgin Mary in the former village
of Arhiljevica on the slopes of Skopska Crna Gora was founded by sebastokrator Dejan, a prominent noble of Serbian emperor Duan, who granted Dejan a chrysobull in which the manorial boundaries of the foundation were defined. Since possession of the Arhiljevica manor (metochion) was transferred
to the Serbian Athonite monastery of Hilandar by the charter of Eudokia and
Constantine Draga from the year 1378/79, Duans chrysobull to Dejan is
preserved in the archives of Hilandar in the form of two documents: the elder
one marked Hil. 36, and the more recent Hil. 150/152. Both are transcripts
made in Hilandar the elder one was copied from the original and later served
as the model for the more recent copy. The first document, whose first full publication is offered in this paper, was made at the time when the church of Arhiljevica was donated to Hilandar. In the bottom of the document two later entries recording legal transactions can be found: the first is from the late 14th
and the second probably from the early 15th century. In terms of diplomatic
status, Hil. 36 is an authentic transcript, but its dating (Skoplje, 10 August
1354) is questionable, because it contradicts historical circumstances known
34
. . , ,
158 . , , 5354.
253
. 1 (2013) 241254
from other reliable sources (e.g. the mention of Sava as patriarch before he
was elevated to that position, the fact that the emperor was far away from
Skoplje at the time in question). Therefore, the date when the lost original of
Duans chrysobull for the church of Arhiljevica was issued can only be approximated as 1354 or 1355, based on examination of the diplomatic elements
of Hil. 36 and the historical and legal context of its contents. Hil. 150/152 differs from its predecessor in the dispositional section, containing two previously unmentioned villages that do not appear even in the Draga charter of
1378/79. This doctored transcript, which is of secondary importance for the
reconstruction of the original, was made in the 15th century or later with the
intent of obtaining or confirming the enlargement of Hilandars Arhiljevica
metochion.
Keywords: Emperor Stephen Duan, sebastokrator Dejan, church of
Arhiljevica, Hilandar monastery, chrysobull, edition and commentary.
: 1. 2012.
: 28. 2012.
254
. 1 (2013) 255290
: 314.1(497.5)"1574"(093)

36/II,
aleksandar.jakovljevic@iib.ac.rs

36/II,
neven.isailovic@iib.ac.rs

1574.
:
, , 1574. .
- , .
, , (
) .
: , , , , , , , XVI , , .

, . ,
( ), ( ).1 40- XIV ,
.2 1411.
, : (1315. ): , , (. .
177029).
1
S. GUNJAA, Hrvatsko historijsko Kosovo, Ispravci i dopune starijoj hrvatskoj historiji III, Zagreb 1975, 129168; F. SMILJANI, Graa za povijesnu topografiju kninsko-drnikoga kraja u srednjem vijeku, Arheoloka istraivanja u Kninu i
Kninskoj krajini, Izdanja Hrvatskog arheolokog drutva 15, Zagreb 1992, 5563.
2
A. BIRIN, Knez Nelipac i velikaki rod Nelipia, doktorska disertacija, Sveuilite u Zagrebu Filozofski fakultet, 2006, passim.
255
. 1 (2013) 255290
(Campus, Polye) (Polye Kanane), , ( ) ( ) .3
, (1435), (1437).4 XV , 1494.5
,
. ,
( , ).6
1522. ,
, ,
.
, , .
( 1530. ),
,
. ,
XIV .7 , 1537. .8
3
N. ISAILOVI A. JAKOVLJEVI, Srednjovekovno Breevo i Polje Kanjane:

jo jedan pokuaj ubikacije, Povijesni prilozi 43 (2012) 3158.
4
P. ROKAI, Poslednje godine balkanske politike kralja igmunda (14351437),
Godinjak Filozofskog fakulteta u Novom Sadu 121 (1969) 89109, str. 96102; A.
BIRIN, Knez Nelipac i velikaki rod Nelipia, 146156.
5
S. M. TRALJI, Drni esnaestog i sedamnaestog stoljea, Radovi Instituta
JAZU u Zadru 19 (1972) 393404, str. 393394; S. GUNJAA, Hrvatsko historijsko
Kosovo, 146; N. ISAILOVI A. JAKOVLJEVI, Srednjovekovno Breevo i Polje Kanjane, 54.
6
L. THALLCZY A. HODINKA, Magyarorszg mellktartomnyainak oklevltra I. A Horvt vghelyek oklevltra I (14901527), Monumenta Hungariae Historica. Diplomataria XXXI, Budapest 1903; J. ADAMEK I. KAMPU, Popisi i obrauni
poreza u Hrvatskoj u XV. i XVI. stoljeu, Zagreb 1976, 13.
7
Babakanlk Osmanl Arivi, stanbul (=BOA), Tapu tahrir defteri (=TD)
157; BOA, TD 164; BOA, Maliyeden Mdevver Defterler (=MAD) 540; N. ISAILOVI
A. JAKOVLJEVI, Srednjovekovno Breevo i Polje Kanjane, 3738, 4649.
8
H. ABANOVI, Bosanski paaluk: postanak i upravna podjela, Sarajevo 19822,
5859.
256
. . ,

1574. . 9 (tapu tahrr defteri). je ,
, . .10

.11 , ,
,
1528/30.
1550. .12

,
.
982. (23. 2. 1574)
, , -
.13 ,
,
, (1571
1573), ,
.

9
BOA, TD 533.
F. D. SPAHO, Livno u ranim turskim izvorima. Prilog za monografiju, Prilozi za orijentalnu filologiju (=POF) 3233 (19821983) 147162, str. 156157; ISTI,
Defteri za kliki sandak iz XVI i poetka XVII stoljea diplomatiki opis, POF 34
(1984) 137163, str. 151156; ISTI, Neke karakteristike razvitka varokih naselja u
Klikom sandaku u XVI i XVII stoljeu, POF 38 (1988) 241251, str. 245247.
: H. ABANOVI, Bosanski paaluk, 108; A.
HANDI, O formiranju nekih gradskih naselja u Bosni u XVI stoljeu. Uloga drave i
vakufa, POF 25 (1975) 133169, str. 147148, 153; ISTI, O gradskom stanovnitvu u
Bosni u XVI stoljeu, POF 2829 (19781979) 247256, str. 254; ISTI, O ulozi dervia
u formiranju gradskih naselja u Bosni u XV stoljeu, POF 31 (1981) 169178, str. 175.
11
F. D. SPAHO, Skradinska nahija 1574. godine, Acta historico-oeconomica
Iugoslaviae (=AHOIe) 16 (1989) 79107.
12
F. D. SPAHO, Splitsko zalee u prvim turskim popisima, AHOIe 13 (1986)
4786; F. D. SPAHO A. S. ALII B. ZLATAR, Opirni popis Klikog sandaka iz
1550. godine, Sarajevo 2007, 8288, 99101 ( ).
13
BOA, TD 533, 20; Kanuni i kanun-name za bosanski, hercegovaki, zvorniki, kliki, crnogorski i skadarski sandak, Sarajevo 1957, 140.
10
257
. 1 (2013) 255290
,
1571. 14
1574.
. ,
, ,
.
(mustahfzn) ,
, ,
.
, , 1574.
, ,
, - , . 476488 49

.

23
. ,
,
,
, , , ,
, , , , , . ( )
. , ,
,
, , , , , , .15 ,
14
1571.
BOA, Mhimme Defteri (=MD)
10, 343, . 556. , . 12
Numaral Mhimme Defteri (978979 / 15701572), <zet Transkripsyon ve ndeks>, Ankara 1996, II, . 1164 (21. 1572).
15
Vojnogeografski institut u Beogradu, Topografska karta SFRJ, razmera
1:25.000, sekcij Split.
258
. . ,
, XVI .16 , , , , , , , , , .17 , 1574.
,
, .
, 13 (mezraa)
. .
() ,
. , , ,
, ( )
.
, , ( ,
, , ). , , (, , , ),
,
.

, .
1550. .18

. , -,
16
M. KORENI, Naselja i stanovnitvo Socijalistike Republike Hrvatske 1857

1971, Zagreb 1979, 216.
17
K. KOSOR, Drnika krajina za turskoga vladanja, Kai 11 (1979) 125194,
str. 141176; N. ISAILOVI A. JAKOVLJEVI, Srednjovekovno Breevo i Polje Kanjane, 34, 3839, 41, 4445, 5154.
18
F. D. SPAHO A. S. ALII B. ZLATAR, Opirni popis Klikog sandaka
iz 1550. godine, 100.
259
. 1 (2013) 255290
- , , , ,
.19
, . , ()20 ,
1574. - .
, , ,
,
.

.
(resm-i filuri),
. , ,
443, , , . , 1574. 180
(bd- hav).21 , . ,
,
( ),
. 19
N. ISAILOVI A. JAKOVLJEVI, Srednjovekovno Breevo i Polje Kanjane, 50.

S. FAROQHI, The Early History of Balkan Fairs, Sdost Forschungen 37
(1978) 5068; . , , ,
1999, 488489.
21
1574. 180
, . . , , : , ; , ,
1150 (Karye-i Buik tbi-i Petrova polye; resm-i filuri ve haymne ve bd- hav ve
siyb 1150) . BOA, TD 556, 51. . .
20
260
. . ,
. ,
,
, , , .22
. , .
443 50 , 9 . , ,
, .
, .
, .23
,
, ,
;

.
.24 , .25
22
. K. JURIN STAREVI, Demografska kretanja u selima srednjodalmatinskog zalea u 16. i poetkom 17. stoljea, POF 54 (2004) 139168; A. HUSI, Demografske prilike u srednjodalmatinskom zaleu poetkom 16. stoljea, POF 55 (2005)
227242.
23
. . H. ABANOV, Krajite Isa-bega Ishakovia. Zbirni katastarski popis iz 1455. godine, Sarajevo 1964, LILII; , , . 1, . 1, , 1964, XXX
XXXIV; H. HADIBEGI A. HANDI E. KOVAEVI, Oblast Brankovia. Opirni
katastarski popis iz 1455. godine, Sarajevo 1972, XIVXVI; . , 1571. , 2010, 1415.
24

.
25
BOA, TD 157; BOA, TD 164; BOA, MAD 540; BOA, TD 211; BOA, TD
212; BOA, TD 284; BOA, TD 285; BOA, TD 622.
261
. 1 (2013) 255290
, .
,
.

, , , , , ; , , .
,

(/; //; //; //; //; / ). , (-/-; -/-) + /-; + -/- + -/-

;
, , ; ,
. . ,
-, , -
.

. ( > ; > ; > .); ( >
.). , ,
. , ,
, ,
, , , ,
. , ; (< ).
,
, .
262
. . ,
(. batina-i Nikola veled-i Radman , ). .
.

[476] Nhiye-i Petrova polye der liv-i Klis
siyb der nehr-i ikoyla der kurb- karye-i mezbre,26 bb 4 f 15,
der tasarruf Bl dizdr bb 4, resim 60.
Zemn-i bhe der kurb- kala-i Drni mezkr bir hl ve hric ezdefter bil-rsm olnub der tasarruf Mem veled-i Al hn- tahrrde tasarrufnda bulnub defter-i cedde zerine kayd olnd.
Hsl ber vech-i makt f sene 12.
Otlak maa batina-i Murik27 tbi-i Drni.
Hsl an r 400.
iftlik an hisse-i karye-i Liyan maa otlak der tasarruf Ahmed veled-i Vuk ve Mehmed veled-i Karagz ve Pr veled-i Hamza ellerinde olan
temessk mcebince slb- sbk zere zerlerine kayd olnd.
Hsl: gendm keyl 2, bah 50; mahlt keyl 2, bah 40; alef keyl 2,
bah 23; r-i bostn 2; r-i kettn 2; r-i giyh 5; r-i kvre 5; r-i
sr ve piyz ve kelem 2; nsf bd- hav ve resm-i ars ve polaina ve bc-
siyh maa ihtisb 94. Yekn 223.
Karye-i Rahik tbi-i Virh Rika
Batina-i Pervne veled-i Al; batina-i Al veled-i Ahmed; batinai Mustaf veled-i Mirik der yed-i Durmu veled-i o merd-i kala-i Drni;
batina-i Gz veled-i Radi; batina-i Al veled-i Alagz; batina-i Mehmed veled-i Bl merd-i kala-i mezbre; batina-i Ahmed veled-i Karagz;
batina-i Kurd veled-i Al; batina-i Bl veled-i Ahmed; batina-i Dvud
veled-i Vukoye; batina-i skender veled-i rmerd; batina-i Pr veled-i
Ahmed; batina-i Nash veled-i Vukosav; batina-i Fazl veled-i Bl; batina-i van veled-i Grubia; batina-i Murd veled-i Abdullh; batina-i Al
veled-i Abdullh; batina-i Vukdrag veled-i Yuray; batina-i Mile veled-i
Vukain; batina-i Ferhd veled-i Abdullh; batina-i van veled-i Kostadin;
26
, ,
. ,
. 1585/86.
,
. BOA, TD 622, 254/A254/B.
27
: Batina-i Mujik.
263
. 1 (2013) 255290
batina-i Yuray veled-i Grgur; batina-i Ber veled-i Al; batina-i Matiya veled-i van; batina-i Martin veled-i Maukat; batina-i Vel veled-i
Ysuf merd-i kala-i skradin; batina-i liya veled-i Yuray der yed-i Al
veled-i Nikola.
Hne 27 f 180, resim 4860.
[477] Otlak ve gayr nsf- karye-i Rahik der tasarruf ahl-i varo-i
kala-i Drni.
Hsl 120.
Mahsl- haymne ve nsf bd- hav 400.
siyb der nehr-i ikoyla der tasarruf ahl-i varo-i kala-i Drni,
bb 6 f 30, resim 180.
Der tasarruf Martin veled-i Maukat bb 1; der tasarruf Mustaf
Mirik bb 1; der tasarruf skender rmerd bb 1; der tasarruf Murd veled-i Abdullh bb 1; der tasarruf Mehmed veled-i Bl bb 1; der tasarruf
Al veled-i Ahmed bb 1.
iftlik an hisse-i karye-i Rahik ve Luka yedi hisse zere der tasarruf mer Kethud-y kala-i Drni veled-i Bl Aa ve Mem veled-i Ferhd ve Al veled-i Timurhn ber vech-i itirk defter-i atk mcebince tasarruflarnda bulnub defter-i cedde zerine kayd olnd.
iftlik-i mezraa-i Kk Rahik ve an hisse-i karye-i Susel hric
ez-defter olub mer Kethud tasarrufnda bulnub defter-i cedde zerine
kayd olnd.
iftlik an hisse-i karye-i Rahik ve an hisse-i mezraa-i Susel ve
an hisse-i karye-i Bioik tbi-i Petrova polye der tasarruf Mehmed ve
Fadl ve bk biradern- evld- Bl Kethud hn- tahrrde tasarruflarnda
bulnub defter-i cedde zerine kayd olnd.
Hsl: gendm keyl 21, bah 525; mahlt keyl 45, bah 900; alef
keyl 17, bah 170; r-i bostn 6; r-i kettn 6; r-i giyh 15; r-i
kvre 15; r-i sr ve piyz ve kelem 6; nsf bd- hav ve resm-i ars ve
polaina 13. Yekn 1656.
Ceman 7216
iftlik an hisse-i karye-i Rahik ve Brd28 maa zemnh- varo ve
an hisse-i karye-i Liyan der tasarruf Dizdr veled-i Mustaf ber mceb-i
hccet-i kd tasarrufnda bulnub on bir hisse zere ber karr- sbk tasarruflarnda zere kayd olnd.
Hsl: gendm keyl 4, bah 100; mahlt keyl 12, bah 240; alef keyl
6, bah 60; r-i bostn 2; r-i kettn 2; r-i giyh 5; r-i kvre 5;
r-i sr ve piyz ve kelem 2; nsf bd- hav ve resm-i ars ve polaina 4.
Yekn 420.
28
, :
Mezraa-i Brdar Dolna (...) der karye-i Rahik (BOA, TD 622, 255/B).
264
. . ,
Karye-i Hirenik tbi-i Petrova polye
Batina-i Nikola veled-i Radman; batina-i Vuka veled-i Vukain;
batina-i Todor veled-i Vuk; batina-i Dragobrad veled-i Petri; batina-i Lazar veled-i Yuray; batina-i Radul veled-i Radosav; batina-i Petri veled-i
Radi; batina-i Blaj veled-i Radohna; [478] batina-i Vukosav veled-i Radman; batina-i Radi veled-i Tvrdko; batina-i Radul veled-i stepan; batina-i Radoye veled-i Pribina; batina-i Radivoy veled-i Pribina; batina-i Mihal veled-i Radain; batina-i Todor veled-i van; batina-i Mezd veled-i
Vel; batina-i Yuray veled-i Mili; batina-i Yuray veled-i strahina; batina-i Nikola veled-i Radivoy; batina-i Radosav veled-i Rog; batina-i Branko veled-i Radosav; batina-i Behrm veled-i Dvud; batina-i Dragik veled-i Martin; batina-i Radivoy veled-i Vukain.
Hne 24 f 180, resim 4320.
siyb der b- ikoyla der kurb- karye-i Hirenik der tasarruf Sefer
suba mtevell-i evkf- Murd Be ve bk rey-y karye-i Kanani,
bb 5 f 15, resim 75.
iftlik an hisse-i karye-i Hirenik ve nsf batina-i Obrad ve zemn-i
Al ve an hisse-i bhe-i Paval der karye-i Siverik maa otlak ve yaylak
ve b ve bhe tbi-i Petrova polye der tasarruf Sefer suba mtevell-i
evkf- Murd Be el-merhm hn- tahrrde hccet-i kdyla tasarrufnda
bulunman defter-i cedde zerine kayd olund.
Yekn 125.
Karye-i Kanani tbi-i Petrova polye
Batina-i Radoye veled-i Nikola; batina-i Radoye veled-i Radin; batina Vuk veled-i Radosav; batina-i Vukosav veled-i Dimitri; batina-i Vukdrag veled-i Milobrad; batina-i Vukman veled-i Kova; batina-i Radosav
veled-i Balinik; batina-i Vladosav veled-i vlag; batina-i Rako veled-i
Mileta; batina-i Radovan veled-i vladisav; batina-i Matey veled-i Vukmir; batina-i Radeka veled-i Radi; batina-i vanko veled-i Radonya.
Mezraa-i Krevina maa orman der dire-i ikoyla der kurb- karye-i Hrenik; batina der yed-i ehl-i karye.
Hne 14 f 180, resim 2520.
Mezraa-i Zidik der tasarruf Toma ve Olivir ve Maroye ve Vukik
tbi-i Petrova polye.
Batina-i Toma veled-i Mileta; batina-i Olivir veled-i van; batina-i Maroye veled-i Vukman.
Hne 3 f sene 180, resim 540.
265
. 1 (2013) 255290
[479] iftlik-i Ahmed Be ve Al Be ebn-i Mehmed Be Murd
Be-zde ve an hisse-i karye-i Hirenik ve an hisse-i karye-i Kanani Kd
depesi dimekle marfdr maa bt ve bhe ve ayrh tbi-i Petrova
polye hn- tahrrde ber mceb-i defter-i atk tasarruflarnda bulnub defter-i cedde zerlerine kayd olnd.
Yekn 460.
Orman der dire-i nehr-i ikoyla baltalk ve ayr yerleridir der
kurb- karye-i Hirenik hric ez-defter olub Murd Be evkfna kayd olnd, ber vech-i makt 130.
iftlik-i mezraa-i Bilo Brdo Drni kalasnn varoyla Badan nm
karyenin mbeyindedir der tasarruf Bl Aa dizdr- kala-i Drni ve Mem
b. Ferhd ve Al veled-i Timur ve bk rek- mustahfzn- kala-i mezbre der tasarruf ahl-i karye-i Badan tasarruflarnda bulnub defter-i cedde
zerine kayd olnd
sr ve piyz ve kelem 2; nsf bd- hav ve resm-i ars ve polaina 6. Yekn
240.
Suvt-i tark mezraa-i [!] Siverik ve karye-i Bioik ve karye-i Mioik ve karye-i Pavik nm drt pare karyelerin reylar davarlarna suvt
in ihtiyaclar ve keml-i mertebede hr u zebleri oldu ecilden ayn-
vilyet ehdetler ile zerine varlub grildikda fi'l-vk kur-i mezkrenin reylarna suvt lazim olman nehr-i ikoyla'dan ber cnibden Kanani [ve] Pavik nm karyelerin snryla ve bir cnibi Kilise iftlii snrlaryla ve rey-y mezbre tlebler ile mbeyinlerinde altm zir mikdari lazim [o]lan suvt in yol tayn olnub Tepluvah nm karyenin deresiyle gidb Kozma depe'de nihyet bulub ol vech zere minbad Kilise
iftlii yerlerinde ve sair karyelerin etrafnda olan yerlerine ve ayrlarna
dahl olunmamak zere defter-i hknye kayd olnd bi-mahzar-i ayn- vilyet-i Petrova polye.
iftlik-i zemn-i ilise-i eela maa ayrh maa Progon kadmden sekiz hisse zere defter-i atkde mukayyed olman ol takdrde zikr
olan sekiz hissede drt hissesi Murd Be evkf tasarrufnda ve har drt
hissesiyle rey tasarruflarnda bulnub fermn- erf mcebince bu hudd ile mahdd olan arz-i merkmin ayrlar zirat u hirset olnacak
yerleri feth-i hknndan ber zikr olan eela nm kilisenin yerleri aldu
266
. . ,
hn- tahrrde ayn- vilyete ehdetler ile zuhr bulan mtevellsi olan
Sefer tlebile defter-i cedd-i hknye kayd olnd.
r-i sr ve piyz ve kelem 2; nsf bd hav ve resm-i ars ve polaina 4.
Yekn 405.
[480] Karye-i Badan tbi-i Petrova polye
Batina-i Vukik veled-i Radi; batina-i vetko veled-i Radoye; batina-i Jivko veled-i vani; batina-i Yuray veled-i Dragobrad; batina-i
Grin veled-i Radi; batina-i Pavlo veled-i Vukobrad; batina-i Milosav
veled-i Milobrad; batina-i vko veled-i Vukoye; batina-i Gro veled-i
Yuray; batina-i Milko veled-i stepan; batina-i Pavko veled-i Radoye; batina-i stepan veled-i van; batina-i van veled-i Yuray; batina-i Obrad veled-i vani; batina-i Radan veled-i Vladisav; batina-i Bogava veled-i Grgur; batina-i Dimitri veled-i stepan; batina-i Timur veled-i Al; batina-i
Obrad veled-i Herak; batina-i Mihoye veled-i Vukobrad.
Hne 20 f 180, resim 3600, an mahsl- haymneh-i karye-i m[ezbre] 20.
Karye-i Linak tbi-i Petrova polye
Batina-i Herak veled-i Vukosav; batina-i Radi veled-i Obrad; batina-i Mihal veled-i Obrad; batina-i Luka veled-i stepko.
Hne 4 f 180, resim 720.
Mezraa-i Murik tbi-i Petrova Gora Krka'nn ber yaksnda
kala-i skradin mkabelesindedir der tasarruf Behll Be zam ve Vel Aa
ellerinde olan temesskleri mcebince defter-i cedde zerine kayd olnd.
Hasl: gendm keyl 2, bah 50; mahlt keyl 6, bah 120; alef keyl 3,
sr ve piyz ve kelem 2; nsf bd- hav ve resm-i ars ve polaina 4. Yekn
220.
Ceman 940
Karye-i Bioik tbi-i Petrova polye
Batina-i Vuksan veled-i Vukosav; batina-i Radin veled-i Lubiik;
batina-i Vuk veled-i vani; batina-i Radosav veled-i vetko; batina-i
Mihal veled-i Milo; batina-i Radko veled-i Radoye; batina-i Radosav veled-i Vuk der yed-i stepan; batina-i Radoye veled-i Vukain; [481] batina-i Radonya veled-i Radko; batina-i Milko veled-i Vladko; batina-i Vuk
veled-i Radko; batina-i Vukosav veled-i Miloye; batina-i Radiik der yed-i
Vlag veled-i Vukdrag; batina-i Batrik veled-i Radain; batina-i Radivoy
veled-i Radovan; batina-i Martin veled-i Radi; batina-i Radosav veled-i
267
. 1 (2013) 255290
Gruba; batina-i Velya29 veled-i Braya; batina-i Yuray veled-i Vuksan;
batina-i Miyak veled-i Petri; batina-i Mile veled-i Sanko; batina-i Ferhd
der yed-i Husrev veled-i o; batina-i Paval veled-i Radenko; batina-i van
veled-i imrak; batina-i Mehmed veled-i rmerd; batina-i Bogdan veled-i
Radul; batina-i Vukosav veled-i Radman; batina-i Toma veled-i Vukoye;
batina-i Radovan veled-i Radi; batina-i Husrev Ferhd der yed-i Vuksan
veled-i Radman.
Kilise-i sveti sa ve Mariya; batina-i Belan der yed-i Radul veled-i
Radman.
Hne 31 f 180, resim 5580.
Karye-i Tirubuhovina tbi-i Petrova polye
Batina-i Vid veled-i Radan; batina-i Toma veled-i Radan; batina-i
Nikola veled-i stepan; batina-i veys veled-i Mustaf; batina-i Matey
veled-i Radan; batina-i Dragoye veled-i Vukik; batina-i Bartol veled-i
Paval; batina-i Paval veled-i Radoye.
Mezraa-i Medna30 der kurb- karye-i Trbuhovina; batina-i Ostoya
veled-i Blaj.
Hne 9 f 180, resim 1620.
Karye-i Mioik tbi-i Petrova polye
Batina-i van veled-i Milobrad; batina-i lys veled-i skender; batina-i Vukik veled-i liya; batina-i vko veled-i Milova; batina-i Rstem
veled-i hn; batina-i Hseyin veled-i hn; batina-i Paval veled-i Radivoy; batina-i Karan31 veled-i van; batina-i Milko veled-i Yuray; batina-i
Vukosav veled-i Radivoy; batina-i Al veled-i Herak; batina-i Mustaf
veled-i skender; batina-i Mem veled-i Hamza; batina-i Radoye veled-i
Vidak; batina-i stepan veled-i Vukik; batina-i vani veled-i Milobrad;
[482] batina-i Radko veled-i Radivoy; batina-i Radoye veled-i Pavlo; batina-i Radko veled-i van; batina-i Milko veled-i Milia pop; batina-i Toma veled-i Milak der tasarruf ehl-i karye; batina-i vani der yed-i Vukik
velede.
Hne 22 f 180, resim 3960.
Karye-i Pavik tbi-i Petrova polye
Batina-i Radi veled-i Radosav; batina-i Radoye veled-i Yuray; batina-i Bratul veled-i Vukain; batina-i Vukmir veled-i Vukik; batina-i Bartol veled-i Vuka; batina-i Mehmed veled-i Hamza; batina-i Yuray veled-i
Nikola; batina-i Obrad veled-i Yuray; batina-i stepan veled-i vko; bati29
Tolya veled-i Brayi (BOA, TD 285, 33).

, .
31
Karan veled-i van (BOA, TD 285, 33; BOA, TD 622, 262A).
30
268
. . ,
na-i Bojik veled-i Vukain; batina-i vani veled-i Milko; batina-i Boko
veled-i Milko; batina-i vladosav veled-i Vukain; batina-i Al veled-i
Ferhd; batina-i Murd Abdullh der yed-i Yahy veled-i o; batina-i Bojigko veled-i Vukain; batina-i Yakov veled-i Radman.
Otlak an hisse-i karye-i svilay; batina der yed-i ehl-i karye.
Hne 18 f 180, resim 3240.
Karye-i Siverik tbi-i Petrova polye
Batina-i Nikoye veled-i Radoye; batina-i Paval veled-i Radosav; batina-i Vuka veled-i Vukosav; batina-i Petri veled- Vuka; batina-i d
veled-i Al; batina-i Mihovil veled-i Vukan; batina-i vani veled-i Radoye; batina-i Antun veled-i van; batina-i Ahmed der yed-i Vuk veled-i
van; batina-i Medak32 veled-i Vuk; batina-i Vukobrad veled-i Vukik; batina-i Vuk veled-i Nikola Karan; batina-i Vukosav veled-i Vuk; batina-i
Vuksan veled-i Dragik; batina-i Radonya veled-i Vukain; batina-i
Vuina veled-i Radman; batina-i Radonya veled-i Marko; batina-i Vukik
veled-i Radosav; batina-i Radosav veled-i Vuk; batina-i Radovan veled-i
Vuk; batina-i Petri veled-i Vukosav; batina-i Petri veled-i Vukain; batina-i Radoye der yed-i Matey veled-i Vuina der yed-i Hzr veled-i Korkud
siph; batina-i Tabak der yed-i van veled-i Nikola.
Hne 24 f 180, resim 4320.
[483] Mezraa-i Dminii Siverik nm karye ile Tepluvah nm karye
mbeyindedir defter-i atkde siphye hsl kayd olnmdr f sene 80.
Karye-i Tepluvah tbi-i Petrova polye
Batina-i Radoye veled-i rebi;33 batina-i Haydar veled-i Vukdrag; batina-i Radman veled-i Radoye; batina-i Radoye veled-i Damyan;
batina-i Hasan veled-i Mahmd; batina-i Bl veled-i Yakb; batina-i
Milak veled-i Dragik; batina-i hn veled-i skender; batina-i Pavlo veled-i Damyan; batina-i Vuyi veled-i rebi; batina-i Vukik der yed-i
Sf Ferhd veled-i rmerd.
Hne 11 f 180, resim 1980.
Karye-i Treskale tbi-i Petrova polye
Batina-i van veled-i Radivik; batina-i Martin veled-i Radiva; batina-i Yuray veled-i Mihovil; batina-i Yuray veled-i Petri; batina-i Nikola
veled-i Marko; batina-i Nikola veled-i Yakov; batina-i Martin veled-i Matey; batina-i Radi veled-i Petri; batina-i Yuray veled-i vani; batina-i
Nikola veled-i Radovan; batina-i Matiya veled-i Radiva; batina-i Toma
32
Medko veled-i Vuk (BOA, TD 285, 34).

Radoye veled-i rebevik (BOA, TD 285, 33); Vuyi veled-i reba (BOA,
TD 622, 263/A).
33
269
. 1 (2013) 255290
veled-i Matey; batina-i Rado veled-i Branko; batina-i Matiya veled-i Pavko; batina-i Mihovil veled-i Nikola; batina-i Vukdrag veled-i Dragoye;
batina-i Toma veled-i Vukik; batina-i Malko veled-i Matey; batina-i
Bartol veled-i ulin; batina-i Milosav veled-i Radovan; batina-i Yurko veled-i Pavko; batina-i Mila veled-i Drajen; batina-i Yuray veled-i Dragia;
batina-i Matey veled-i Nikul; batina-i stepan veled-i Vuko; batina-i Grgur veled-i Radoye; batina-i stepan veled-i Dragik; batina-i Luka veled-i
Pavle; batina-i Nikola veled-i van; batina-i Vladisav veled-i vani.
Mezraa-i unar;34 batina-i Petri veled-i Vukik.
Mezraa-i Brtan ve strijevia ve Lubostine maa otlak ve yaylak ve
ayr; batina der yed-i ehl-i karye nefer Marko Yuray.
Hne 32, resim 3600.
[484] Karye-i Grahovia tbi-i Petrova polye
Batina-i Vukdrag veled-i Radoye; batina-i Nikola veled-i vani; batina-i Novak veled-i Dimitri; batina-i Nikola veled-i Vuk; batina-i Petri
veled-i Yuray; batina-i Velya veled-i Nikola; batina-i Vukdrag veled-i
strahina; batina-i Dragia veled-i Olivir; batina-i Radonya veled-i Dragia; batina-i Ferhd veled-i Al; batina-i Vuksan veled-i vani; batina-i
Marko veled-i Lale; batina-i Milko veled-i Mileta; batina-i Vuyi veled-i
van; batina-i Vukosav veled-i vani; batina-i Petri veled-i Radivoy; batina-i van veled-i Vuksav; batina-i Vuk veled-i vani; batina-i Vuk veled-i van; batina-i Byezd der yed-i Mehmed velede.
Hne 20 f 180, resim 3600.
Karye-i Gorani tbi-i Petrova polye
Batina-i stanko veled-i Radovan; batina-i stepan veled-i van; batina-i Gro veled-i Herak; batina-i Selak veled-i vladko; batina-i vladisav veled-i Vukosav; batina-i Dragik veled-i Radosav; batina-i Radman
veled-i Vukosav; batina-i Radul veled-i Rayko; batina-i Pavlo veled-i Radonya; batina-i Todor veled-i Miha der yed-i Grin veled-i Grgur; batinai Radoye veled-i Todor.
Mezraa-i Ponor Bzrg ve Kk ve Vidnak ve Mravini der
snr- karye-i m[ezbre]; batina der yed-i ehl-i karye.
Hne 12 f 180, resim 2160.
Karye-i Buhay35 tbi-i Petrova polye
Batina-i imun veled-i Marko; batina-i Yuray veled-i Marko; batina-i Vukman veled-i Petre; batina-i Bogdan veled-i Matey; batina-i Grgur
veled-i Martin; batina-i Matey veled-i Radovan; batina-i Radosav veled-i
34
Der kurb- karye-i Sedramik (BOA, TD 284, 97; BOA, TD 285, 31).
Buhani (BOA, MAD 540, 192; BOA, TD 211, 622); Buhayi/Buhabi nm dier Hrastofe (BOA, TD 284, 96; BOA, TD 285, 30).
35
270
. . ,
Vukmir; batina-i Paval veled-i Radoye; batina-i Bartol veled-i Matey; batina-i Vukman veled-i Matey; batina-i Vukdrag veled-i Radoye; batina-i
Marko veled-i imun; batina-i Yuray veled-i Lilik; batina-i Martin veled-i
Dragik; batina-i stepan veled-i Martin; batina-i van veled-i imun; [485]
batina-i Grgur veled-i Pavlo; batina-i Andriya veled-i Toma.
Hne 18 f 180, resim 3240.
Karye-i Gayin tbi-i Petrova polye
Batina-i Milo veled-i Luka; batina-i liya veled-i Pavlo; batina-i
Vuksan veled-i Matey; batina-i Radi veled-i stepan; batina-i Vuyi veled-i vani; batina-i Toma veled-i van; batina-i Petri veled-i Vukik; batina-i Kostadin veled-i Toma; batina-i Marko veled-i Matey; batina-i Grgur
veled-i Pavko.
Hne 10 f 180, resim 1800.
Karye-i Grada tbi-i Petrova polye
Batina-i Radosav veled-i Andriya; batina-i Radi veled-i Milko; batina-i Nikola veled-i Yuray; batina-i imun veled-i Luka; batina-i Grgur
veled-i Matey; batina-i Nikola veled-i Maroye; batina-i Matey veled-i
Pavko; batina-i Yuray veled-i Tolya; batina-i van veled-i Matey; batina-i
Dragik veled-i tvrdko; batina-i Yuray veled-i Vukik; batina-i Vukain
veled-i Radovan; batina-i Radovan veled-i van; batina-i van veled-i
Yuray; batina-i Paval veled-i Dragoye; batina-i Miloye veled-i vani; batina-i Vukdrag veled-i Radoye; batina-i Vukain veled-i vko; batina-i
vani veled-i vladko; batina-i Radomilo veled-i Radi; batina-i Petri veled-i vani; batina-i Hasan der yed-i vladosav veled-i vani; batina-i
Marko veled-i Dragik; batina-i Matiya veled-i Andriya; batina-i van veled-i Pavlo; batina-i Yuray veled-i vanko; batina-i Radivoy veled-i Marko; batina-i Mile veled-i Milik; batina-i Toma veled-i Krako; batina-i
Radi veled-i vko; batina-i Bogava veled-i Vukdrag; batina-i Radi veled-i Vladko; batina-i Radivoy veled-i Petri; batina-i Milan veled-i Milik;
batina-i Yuray veled-i imun; batina-i Timur veled-i Doan; [486] batina-i Dragoye veled-i Niko; batina-i Maloye veled-i Luka.
Hne 37 f 180, resim 6660.
Karye-i Otavie tbi-i Petrova polye
Batina-i Grgur veled-i van; batina-i Obrad veled-i Toma; batina-i Vukosav veled-i Radi; batina-i vetko veled-i Dragoye; batina-i
Paval veled-i van; batina-i stepan veled-i Vukosav; batina-i Mihovil
veled-i Radko; batina-i Vukosav veled-i Radoye; batina-i Paval veled-i
Miliya; batina-i Nikola veled-i Milik; batina-i Radi veled-i Marik; batina-i Nikola veled-i Toma; batina-i van veled-i Marko; batina-i viyan
veled-i Radoye; batina-i Radin veled-i Radosav; batina-i Yuray veled-i
271
. 1 (2013) 255290
Vukik; batina-i Radivoy veled-i van; batina-i urko36 veled-i Radko;
batina-i van veled-i Radko; batina-i van veled-i Radoye; batina-i van
veled-i Boyko; batina-i Nikola veled-i Radoye.
Mezraa-i Bedrine der kurb- karye-i Otavie (....); batina der yed-i
ehl-i karye.
Hne 23 f 180, resim 4140.
Karye-i Buik tbi-i Petrova polye
Batina-i Al veled-i Mustaf; batina-i Hseyin veled-i Al; batinai Burk veled-i Mustaf; batina-i Ms veled-i Mustaf; batina-i Kurd veled-i Hasan.
Hne 5 f 180, resim 900.
siyb der nehr-i ikoyla der snr- karye-i m[ezbre] der tasarruf
ehl-i karye, bb 5 f 30, resim 150.
Mahsl-i haymne der karye-i m[ezbre] 100.
Yekn 1150.
Karye-i Suhovare tbi-i Petrova polye
Batina-i Radosav veled-i Radko; batina-i Vuka veled-i Yuray; batina-i Badrik veled-i Radoye; batina-i Radonya veled-i Vukdrag; batina-i
Yuray veled-i Brayan; batina-i Radosav veled-i Milko; batina-i vetko
veled-i Bogdan; batina-i Nikola veled-i Vukdrag; batina-i vladosav veledi Obrad; batina-i Radosav veled-i Radi; batina-i Paval veled-i Radoye;
batina-i Yuray veled-i Radko; [487] batina-i Radi veled-i Radko; batinai Milo veled-i Nikola; batina-i stepan veled-i Radoye; batina-i Radi veled-i Vuksan; batina-i Mireta veled-i Yurko; batina-i Milko veled-i Vuka; batina-i Petri veled-i Popla; batina-i Radosav veled-i Radoye; batina-i Dragik veled-i Radonya; batina-i Vukik veled-i vladosav; batina-i
Vukain veled-i Vukosav; batina-i Petri veled-i Dena; batina-i Ksm veled-i Ysuf; batina-i Toma veled-i Dragobrad; batina-i vani veled-i Radonya; batina-i Hasan veled-i Ysuf.
Hne 28 f 180, resim 5040.
iftlik-i Maroye37 maa otlak der dire-i Suhovare ve karye-i
Mahavie zikr olan mezraa hric ez-defter olub Al Aa ve Al Bl tasarrufnda bulnub defter-i cedde zerlerine kayd olnd.
sr ve piyz ve kelem 2; bd- hav ve resm-i ars ve polaina 1. Yekn 100.
36
Durko veled-i Radko (BOA, TD 285, 32); urko veled-i Radko (BOA, TD
622, 258/B)
37
: Maronya/Marovine
272
. . ,
Karye-i Breevik tbi-i Petrova polye
Batina-i Vukosav veled-i Radosav; batina-i vladosav veled-i Petri; batina-i Vuksan veled-i Vukik; batina-i Radosav veled-i Yuray; batina-i Vuksan veled-i Radoye; batina-i Matiya veled-i Radivoy; batina-i
van veled-i Radobrad; batina-i Radovan veled-i Radi; batina-i Gvozden veled-i Radosav; batina-i Mehmed veled-i Radi; batina-i Radi veled-i van; batina-i Milko veled-i van; batina-i Vuka veled-i Obrad; batina-i vetko veled-i Radi; batina-i Bartol veled-i Radosav.
Hne 15 f 180, resim 2700.
Karye-i Lubikina tbi-i Petrova polye
Batina-i imun veled-i Nikola; batina-i Antun veled-i va; batinai uyin38 veled-i Radovan; batina-i Grgur veled-i imun; [488] batina-i
stepan veled-i Mihovil; batina-i Vukdrag veled-i Niko; batina-i Grgur
veled-i Yakov; batina-i Marko veled-i Matey; batina-i Vukoye veled-i
Bojidar; batina-i Antun veled-i Grgur; batina-i Hasan veled-i van; batina-i Matey veled-i Radan; batina-i imun veled-i Petri; batina-i stepan
veled-i Mihovil; batina-i Yuray veled-i Matey; batina-i Matey veled-i stepan; batina-i Nikola veled-i Matey; batina-i Luka veled-i ulin; batinai Matey veled-i ulin; batina-i Toma veled-i van; batina-i Nikola veled-i
Yuray; batina-i Petri veled-i Grgur; batina-i Grgur veled-i stepan; batina-i Andriya veled-i stepan; batina-i van veled-i Bogdan; batina-i Paval
veled-i stepan; batina-i Yuray veled-i Matey; batina-i Matey veled-i stanul; batina-i van veled-i Radoye.
Hne 29 f 180, resim 5220.
Mezraa-i unar maa otlak-i Drivar der kurb- karye-i Lubikina ve
Ramlan nm karyeler mbeyindedir hric ez-defter olub Mehmed veled-i
Vel ve Mustaf veled-i Ahmed ve Hasan veled-i Mehmed tasarruflarnda
bulnub defter-i cedde zerine kayd olnd
sr ve piyz ve kelem 2; bd- hav ve resm-i ars ve polaina 2. Yekn 60.
Karye-i uyak39 tbi-i Petrova polye
Batina-i Martin veled-i stanek; batina-i Grgur veled-i Ruji; batina-i Matey veled-i vko; batina-i Luka veled-i Martin; batina-i Yuray veled-i Radivoy; batina-i Andriya veled-i Yuray.
Hne 6 f 180, resim 1080.
38
39
ulin veled-i Radovan (BOA, TD 285, 30).

: viyak
273
. 1 (2013) 255290
siyb der nehr-i Vrba der tasarruf ahl-i karye-i Lubikina ve uyak, bb 3 h[acer] f 15, resim 45.
Yekn 1120.
Panayr der karye-i Siverik kenise-i eela tbi-i Petrova polye,
1000.

[476]
40 , 4 [] 15 [],42 4, 60.
41
;43 []
[], , , ; .
, 12.
,44 .
400.
45
, , , , ;
, .
: 2 , 50; 2 , 40; 2 , 23; 2;
2; 5; 5; , 2; , ,
94. 223.
40
(), . , , 46
, .
41
, ,
.
42
, ,
. .
43
, . .
44
(), .
. .
45
, .
.
274
. . ,
,46 47
, ; , ; , , ,
; , ; ,
; , ; , ; , ;
, ; , ; , ; , ; ,
; , ; ,
; , ; , ; , ; , ;
, ; , ; , : , ; , ; , ; , ; ,
, .
27 180, 4860.
[477]
.
120.
400.

6 30, 180.
, , 1; , 1; , 1; , , 1; , ,
1; , , 1.
48
, , , ;
46
(, ),
.
47
,
,
[] tbi-i
Petrova polye (BOA, TD 556, 139). (BOA, TD 622, 255/).
[] tbi-i Drni (BOA, TD 440, 268).

.
48
, .
275
. 1 (2013) 255290
, ,
.
49 ,50
;
.
, 51 , ;
.
: 21 , 525; 45 ,
900; 17 , 170; 6;
6; 15; 15; ,
6; ,
13. 1656.
7216
, ;
.
: 4 , 100; 12 , 240; 6 , 60; 2; 2; 5; 5; ,
2; , 4.
420.
,52
, ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; [478] , ; , ; ,
; , ; , ; , ; , ;
49
, .
, , .
51
, , .
52
(), , .
, .
50
276
. . ,
, ; , ;
, ; , ; , ; , ; ,
; , ; , .
24 180, 4320.
- 5 15, 75.
,
53 ,
, ; - .
: 2 , 50; 2 , 40; 1 , 15; 2;
2; 5; 5; , 2; , 4.
125.
,54
, ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ;
, ; , ;
, ; , ; , ; , ;
, .
55
; .
14 180, 2520.
,56 , , , .
, ; , ;
, .
3 180, 540.
53
, , .
, , .
55
, .
56
, .
54
277
. 1 (2013) 255290
[479] - - - -
,57 , ,
;

.
: 4 , 100; 13 , 260; 8 , 80; 2; 2; 5; 5; ,
2; , 4.
460.
; , ; -, 130.
,58
,59 - , , , , ,
;
.
: 2 , 50; 6 , 120; 5 , 50; 2; 2; 5; 5; ,
2; , 6.
240.60
. , , , 61 62 . [ ]
. ,
, , , , 57
, , .
, () .
59
, , .
.
60
242.
61
, , .
62
, , ,
.
58
278
. . ,
. 63 . ,
,
. , .
64 ;65
,
-,
. , , ,
, .
: 4 , 100; 13 , 260; 2 , 25; 2;
2; 5; 5; , 2; , 4.
405.
[480] ,
, ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ;
, ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , , , ;
, ; , ; , ; , ; ,
.
63
, , .
, . , . M. SLUKAN, Kartografski izvori za povijest Triplex Confiniuma, Zagreb 1999,
146, karta 2.
65
, , . .
M. SLUKAN, Kartografski izvori za povijest Triplex Confiniuma, Zagreb 1999, 146, karta 2.
64
279
. 1 (2013) 255290
20 180, 3600, 20.
,66
, ; , ;
, ; , .
4 180, 720.
,67 ,
, - . .
: 2 , 50; 6 , 120; 3 , 30; 2;
2; 5; 5; , 2; , 4.
220.
940.
,
, ; , ; , ; , ;
, ; , ;
, , ; , ;
[481] , ; , ; , ; , ; , , ; , ; , ; , ;
, ; , ;
, ; , ; , ; ; , ; , ; ,
; , ; , ; , ; , ; , , .
;68 ,
.
31 180, 5580.
66
, , .
. . 45.
.
68
. , ,
.
67
280
. . ,
,69
, ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , .
70 ; , .
9 180, 1620.
,
, ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ;
, ; , ; ,
; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; [482] , ; , ; , ; , , ; ,
; .
22 180, 3960.
,
, ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ;
, ; , ; , ; , ; ,
; , ; , ; , ; ; , ; , .
; .
18 180, 3240.
,
, ; , ;
, ; , ;
69
, , ,
.
70
, .
281
. 1 (2013) 255290
, ; , ; , ; , ;
, ; , ; ,
; , ; ,
; , ; , ; , ; , ;
, ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , , , ; ,
.
24 180, 4320.
[483] ,71 ;
, 80.
,
, ; , ;
, ; , ;
, ; , ; ,
; , ; ,
; , :
, .
11 180, 1980.
,72
, ; , ; , ; , ;
, ; , ; ,
; , ; , ; , ; , ;
, ; , ;
, ; , ;
, ; , ; , ; , ; ,
; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ;
, ; , ; ,
; , .
71
72
282
, .
, .
. . ,
;73 , .
, 74 , ; ,
.
32, 3600.75
[484] ,76
, ; , ;
, ; , ; , ; , ; ,
; , ; , ; , ; ,
; , ; , ;
, : , ; , ; , ;
, ; , ;
.
20 180, 3600.
,77
, ; , ;
, ; , ;
, ; , ;
, ; , ; ,
; , , , ; , .
,78 , ; .
12 180, 2160.
73
, . , . BOA, TD 284, 97; BOA, TD 285, 31; F. D. SPAHO A. S.

ALII B. ZLATAR, Opirni popis Klikog sandaka iz 1550. godine, 84.
74
, ; , ; , .
().
75
. 180.
76
, .
, , .
77
, .
.
78
, . .
283
. 1 (2013) 255290
,79
, ; , ; , ; , ;
, ; , ; , ; , ; ,
; , ; ,
; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; [485] , ; , .
18 180, 3240.
,80
, ; , ; , ; , ;
, ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , .
10 180, 1800.
,81
, ; , ;
, ; , ;
, ; , ; ,
; , ; , ;
, ; , ;
, ; , ;
, ; , ; , ; , ; ,
; , ; , ; , ; ,
: , ; , ; , ; , ;
, ; , ; , ; , ; ,
79
(, ), .
. /
, . BOA, TD 284, F. D. SPAHO A. S. ALII B. ZLATAR,
Opirni popis Klikog sandaka iz 1550. godine, 82.
80
, , , .
81
, , .
284
. . ,
; , ; ,
; , ; , ;
, ; [486] , ; a, .
3782 180, 6660.
,83
, ; , ; , ; , ;
, ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ;
, ; , ; , ; , ; , : , ; , .
e84 (....);
.
23 180, 4140.
,85
, ; , ;
, ; , ; , .
5 180, 900.
5 30, 150.
100.
1150.
,86
, ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; ,
; , ; ,
82
38 .
, , .
84
e, , .
85
, , .
86
, . , , .
83
285
. 1 (2013) 255290
; , ; [487] , ;
, ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; ,
; , ; , ; , ; , ;
, ; , ; , ; , .
28 180, 5040.
;87 .
: 1 , 25; 2 ,
40; 2 , 20; 2; 2;
5; 3; ,
2; , 1. 100.
,88
, ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ;
, ; , ; , ; , ; , .
15 180, 2700.
,89
, ; , ; , ; , ; [488]
, ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; ,
87
,
, .
88
, .
. ,
, .
89
, .
, , (
) ( ).
286
. . ,
; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ; , ;
, ; , ; ,
; , ; , ; , ; , ;
, ; , ; ,
; ; , ;
, .
29 180, 5220.
90 , ,
,91 ; , , , , .
: 2 , 13; 1 ,
20; 1 , 10; 2; 2;
5; 3; ,
2; , 2. 60.92
,93
, ; , ;
, ; , ;
, ; , .
6 180, 1080.
94 3 15, 45.
1120.95
, , 1000.
90
, .
( ), (. . 15).
91
, ,
.
92
59
93
//, .
, .
.
94
,
.
95
1125.
287
. 1 (2013) 255290
:
(ayn) , , ;
.
(bd- hav) ,

, , .
(batina)
, ; ,
.
(vakf-evkf) ; ; ,
; .
(vilyet) , , , ; - -; XV XVI
-
, .
(defter) , , ;
.
(dizdr) ; () .
(zam) 20.000 (), 100.000 ; - .
(zemn) ; (,
, .) .
(ihtisb) ;
.
(keyl) , ; 1574.
64 .
(kethud) ; ,
-, ; .
(bc- siyh) ,
; , () , .
288
. . ,
(mezraa) , , ,
;
.
(resm-i ars) ; , ,
.
(mtevell) .
(nhiye) , , , , ; ;
.
(panayr) , ; ().
(polaina)
,
.
(rey) , , .
(resim) .
(sancak) - , , -.
(siph) ,
-;
20.000 .
(suba) , ; -
; -; ; .
(suvt) ; ; .
(temessk) ,
.
(r) : , ;
, , , .
(haymne) , ; , .
(hccet) ; ,
.
(fermn) , . .
289
. 1 (2013) 255290
(iftlik)

;
, .
Aleksandar Jakovljevi Neven Isailovi

THE CENSUS OF THE
PETROVO POLJE NHIYE FROM 1574
Summary
This paper offers a critical edition (including text, translation and facsimile) of the census of the Petrovo polje nahiye from 1574. After the Turkish
conquest (c. 1522), this nahiye was originally part of the vilayet of Croatia
(Vilyet-i Hrvat) in the Sanjak of Bosnia, but since the 1540s it belonged to
the Sanjak of Klis. The census is an extract from the 1574 Extensive defter of
the Sanjak of Klis, in which, for the first time since the fall of these areas under Ottoman rule, complete data on all settlements, including the fortresses
and towns, was accumulated. Unfortunately, the data on the fortress and town
of Drni located in Petrovo polje is missing. The edition also provides identification of toponyms, a guide to terminology, comparison with the data from
other defters covering the same region, and additional notes where they were
needed. Until the end of the 16th century, Petrovo polje was inhabited almost
exclusively by people of vlach status, and population density was relatively
good. Christian population was dominant in this nahiye, although the process
of islamization can be noted in most of its villages.
Keywords: census, defters, nahiye, the Ottoman Empire, Petrovo polje,
Croatia, Dalmatia, 16th century, vlachs, islamization.
: 30. 2012.
: 18. 2013.
290
III

REVIEWS
. 1 (2013) 293305

REVIEWS
Dubravko Lovrenovi, Bosanska kvadratura kruga, Dobra knjiga, Sarajevo Synopsis, Zagreb 2012.
Knjiga Bosanska kvadratura kruga Dubravka Lovrenovia ima sve
potrebne karakteristike savremene strune knjige. Sastoji se od uvodne
biljeke koja pojanjava sadraj, ciljeve i motivacionu podlogu autora, tri
osnovna poglavlja sa kritikim aparatom kojima se materija izlae, pratee
dodatke kojima se prezentiraju upotrebljeni izvori i literatura, biobibliografsku biljeku o ovom izdanju i na samom kraju su indeksi. Pored toga,
obogaena je slikovnim prilozima faksimila dokumenata, latinske i irilske
grae ouvane u Dravnom arhivu u Dubrovniku, te fotografijama uglednih
predstavnika struke kojima je autor posvetio posebnu analizu. Ako navedenom dodamo dobru pripremu teksta, skladan dizajn, malu teinu a kvalitetne korice, zakljuit emo da je u tehnikom smislu, po iskazanim vanjskim karakteristikama, ovo knjiga kakvu bismo danas poeljeli. Kada pratimo
ranija Lovrenovieva posebna izdanja, moemo potvrditi isto, kazati da su
autor i njegovi izdavai prilikom pripremanja knjige imali respekta prema
buduim itaocima. Knjigu krasi itljivost i razumijevanje svojstveni i prepoznatljivi po autorovom umijeu da kontrolie, prati, slae i paljivo odrava
svoj pisani izraz pred strunom i irom italakom publikom zbog koje je sve
to, zanatski, za dobre pisce i potrebno initi. Otuda je po mjeri biblioteke
svakog itaoca kojeg naslov i sadraj Bosanske kvadrature kruga u startu
jednostavno mora i treba da intrigira i interesira.
Dr Dubravko Lovrenovi, redovni profesor na oblasti historija srednjega vijeka na Odsjeku za historiju Filozofskog fakulteta u Sarajevu, pripada
plodnim istraivaima i istaknutim djelatnicima moderne historiografije zapadnog Balkana. Takvu prepoznatljivu poziciju ostvario je trajnijom stvaralakom posveenou srednjem vijeku, u bogatoj razvojnoj liniji kreui se od
sitnih istraivakih zrnaca iz mlaih dana, preko opsenih lanaka posveenih
raznovrsnim temama, do svojevrsnih vrhunaca zrelim sintetskim zaokruivanjima u monografijama kakve su Na klizitu povijesti (2006) i Steci
(2009). Pred jednim takvim novim plodnim sadrajem nalazimo se i u ovom
sluaju.
293
1 (2013) 293305
Initial 1 (2013) 293305
Mada u polazitu kao zbirka uglavnom ranije objavljenih radova, kompletna prezentacija putem izbora uvrtenih radova, njihove dorade, ujednaavanja kritikog aparata i sadraja i sortiranja u novom ruhu i kontekstu
skladno je pretvorena u izraz koji predstavlja novu sintetsku cjelinu. Taj novi
kvalitet kao osjeaj dobie i predstavnici struke koji su imali sree da
proitaju sve ranije Lovrenovieve radove, a potpuno e ga osjetiti svi oni koji
ih nisu u cjelini poznavali.
Pored predstavnika struke, kojima je Lovrenoviev angaman na polju
srednjovjekovlja priznat i od iznimnog znaaja, kako po analizi i prezentaciji
izvora tako i po reinterpretaciji dosadanjih stajalita, definiranjima i redefiniranjima kojima je zaokupljena moderna historiografija, raznovrsna anrovska postavka koju Lovrenovi ovdje nudi u pristupu srednjem vijeku a u kojoj
se bosanskohercegovaka stvarnost korjenuje, odrava i izvodi, omoguie i
irem krugu italaca da zavire i shvate sadraj koji se krije unutar korica ove
ovako slikovito i zaslaeno nazvane knjige.
Tri kljuna poglavlja koja su pred nama nisu samo opa karakteristika
ove knjige nego i uope demonstracija irine autorovog aktualnog angamana.
Svode se, dakle, na istraivaku dimenziju nepoznatog kao osnovnim polazitem struke (O bosanskom autokefalnom kranstvu), diskusiju sa tumaenim u modernom i savremenom dobu kao neminovnom potrebom u borbi za
opstanak nae struke (Bosanski mitovi), te na izdvajanje i ocjenjivanje
pozitivnih literarnih i historiografskih vrijednosti kao putokazu koji se kao
polazite nudi buduim generacijama (O pionirima i nastavljaima).
Sa Crkvom bosanskom u pozadini istaknute su autorove analize svetaca
zatitnika srednjovjekovne Bosne, vjerskog profila bosanskog magnata vojvode Radoslava Pavlovia, proglaenja Bosne kraljevstvom i razmatranja
bosanskog srednjovjekovlja u svjetlu politike teologije. Ove analize, sa
novim uglovima promatranja i originalnim potragama demonstriraju karakteristike srednjovjekovne Bosne u krilu evropskog srednjovjekovlja i, zahvaljujui autoru koji prati moderne tokove, bez pretjerivanja, trenutno
odravaju nauno prisustvo ovog podneblja u savremenoj evropskoj historiografiji. Baziraju se na okvirima koje nudi irilska graa koju Lovrenovi
ponovo iitava i u njoj nalazi rjeenja za uspjene pristupe. Takva polazita
je svojevremeno nasluivala ugledna diva zapadnobalkanske historiografije dr
Nada Klai udei se bogatstvu irilske grae u kojoj se i dalje kriju saznanja
za brojne strune nepoznanice. U vizuelnom pogledu stara irilica se kao
zlatna nit provlai rukopisom sa novim pogledima na pojedina pitanja. Jezik
grae, lake nego interpretacije, Lovrenoviu omoguava da pojasni kontekst
u kojem se radnja deava i u kojem akteri ive svoje vrijeme, a ono je historija. Ovom oglednom Lovrenovievom kvalitetu struka e dobiti novi istraivaki zamah u pokuajima da odgovori i na druga nerijeena pitanja. ira
italaka publika e, na ovom mjestu, itajui ponuene sadraje biti u prilici
da sama razumijeva srednji vijek.
294
Reviews
Mada se o zabludama u historiografiji pisalo i ranije, blago reeno, za

okvire male historiografije kakva je ova u Bosni i Hercegovini, Bosanskim
mitovima dr Dubravko Lovrenovi se proslavio. Kritikim tonovima prema
raznovrsnim devijacijama u stvaralatvu otvorio je teku borbu koju struka
vodi za poboljavanje moderne historiografije i uope literature na ovim prostorima. Za oekivati je, stoga, da e i ovaj Lovrenoviev pristup doivjeti pojaano zanimanje kod italaca kao i nedavno Povijest est magistra vitae
(2008).
Novo Lovrenovievo zalaganje za pisanjem historije historiografije u
Bosni i Hercegovini potaknuto je analizama nekoliko znaajnih djelatnika
(Sreko Daja, Julijan Jeleni, Lajo Thallczy i Anto Kneevi). Po svemu
znaajan prostor za dalji razvoj historiografije. Na ovom polju se oekuju i
drugi Lovrenovievi pristupi, kao i angaman u organizacionom smislu.
Knjiga dr Dubravka Lovrenovia Bosanska kvadratura kruga predstavlja znaajno djelo kojim e biti obogaena historiografija, naroito u Bosni i Hercegovini. U njemu se prepoznaje sveobuhvatni stvaralaki angaman
na istraivanju novih tematskih okvira, diskusiji i ocjenjivanju historiografije
a koji je kvalitetom u liniji ranijih autorovih uspjenih sintetskih pristupa. Po
svemu je kvalitetan izraz za struku i iru italaku publiku i u tom smislu ovo
medievalno tivo toplo preporuujem za viekratnu i trajniju upotrebu.
Esad KURTOVI
,
. I: 11861321 (. . . .
), , 2011, 652 .
= Collection of Medieval Cyrillic Charters and Letters of Serbia, Bosnia and
Dubrovnik. Volume 1: 11861321 (eds. V. Moin S. irkovi D. Sindik),
Institute of History, Belgrade 2011, pp. 652.
Edition of domestic documentary sources for the medieval history of
Serbia, Bosnia and Dubrovnik has been a long-standing preoccupation of Serbian academic historiography since its beginnings. However, although the
preserved documentary production of the region stands at a relatively modest
total of around 1500 items, none of more than a dozen collections published
until the Second World War managed to cover it completely, leaving many
documents scattered in various individual editions or even unedited. In fact,
some of these collections proved to be inadequately conceived and executed,
making them difficult to use, insufficient and unreliable.
In the 1950s increasing awareness of this problem led the then newly
founded Institute of History to embark upon the preparation of the much-
295
1 (2013) 293305
Initial 1 (2013) 293305
desired complete collection. In 1963, the task was entrusted to Vladimir Moin, Sima irkovi and Duan Sindik. With all their expertise and diligence,
they were confronted by numerous difficulties regarding selection and presentation of material accumulated through the activities of previous researchers,
extraordinary geographic dispersion of preserved documents, increasing lack
of funds, and numerous other professional commitments of the participants.
As time passed, keeping the material up to date with current research results
became an ever-growing problem, while special technical challenges were
presented by the advent of the computer age. The complexities of these latter
stages largely fell on the shoulders of Sindik, as Moin passed away in 1987
and irkovi in 2009. Consequently, it was only in 2011 that the first results
of the project were made public with the appearance of the present volume,
covering the period from the earliest preserved document (1186) to the end of
the reign of king Stefan Uro Milutin of Serbia (1321).
The long and often troubled history of the collection is presented in the
foreword written by Sima irkovi (pp. 1523). This is followed by editorial
notes and extensive lists of abbreviations, earlier editions and relevant scholarly works (pp. 2544). The central section (pp. 45546) contains the 148
documents identified in the period, ordered chronologically and denoted by
ordinal numbers and titles. Each document is introduced by its date of issue,
short summary, current location, physical appearance, comments regarding
tradition (with references to relevant works), and lists of earlier editions. This
information is then followed by a critical edition of the document text, given
in parallel columns for documents with multiple copies and accompanied by
selected variae lectiones from previous editions. The final part (pp. 547652)
is taken up by extensive, well-organized indexes of personal names, place
names and terms.
There can be no doubt that the collection represents a most welcome new
tool for researchers of the period. Of course, the texts of the new editions, the
conclusions of sometimes quite extensive and elaborate commentaries, and the
reliability of indexes have yet to stand the test of scholarly use. Persons of the
editors, all distinguished diplomatists, provide a strong guarantee of quality, but
the conditions in which the collection was prepared call for a measure of caution. Yet, one benefit is immediately recognizable a large quantity of prime
source material and information necessary for its application in studying Serbian medieval history has been made available in a single volume, greatly diminishing the need to consult numerous other, clearly inferior publications. Had it
been possible to supply the collection with photographs of the documents (the
editors envisaged a separate album), it would have rightly claimed the status of
a definitive, capital work in the field of source publication.
More troubling are certain editorial principles implemented in the collection and their implications for the continuation of the project. One is the
choice to publish only documents preserved or originally written in the Cyril-
296
Reviews
lic script. This decision leaves very valuable and, with the passage of time,
increasingly numerous Latin and Greek documents outside of the collections
scope. The omission is all the more regrettable because certain borderline cases such as Latin documents with Cyrillic signatures and Greek documents
with Serbian Cyrillic translations have been included. On the other hand,
appearance in the collection of two documents of Bulgarian provenance raises
questions as to the criteria of document selection and their concordance with
the title. Finally, the number of 148 presented documents is misleading, as
roughly one third are actually unpreserved items, known only through mentions in other sources. Although the attention given to these actes mentions is
a commendable change from their almost complete disregard in earlier scholarship, placing them in the same rank as preserved documents seems excessive and presents an unnecessary potential burden in dealing with later periods, when such mentions become far more numerous.
Viewed on its own, the Collection of Medieval Cyrillic Charters and
Letters of Serbia, Bosnia and Dubrovnik is a fundamental work of scholarship, filling a century-long, sorely felt gap in the study of medieval Serbian
and Balkan history. However, as Volume 1 of a projected series it creates serious inconveniences to any subsequent volumes, demanding such a reassessment of key principles that it almost seems more proper to speak of a new beginning than of a continuation.
Neboja PORI
, , , . 25, , 2011, 463 .

= Gedchtnisschrift fr Sima irkovi, Institut fr Geschichte, Sammelband,
Heft 25, Herausgegeben von SRAN RUDI, Belgrad 2011, 463 S.
Sima irkovi (19292009), der wahrscheinlich bedeutendste serbische
Medivist des 20. Jahrhunderts, begann seinen wissenschaftlichen Werdegang
als Mitarbeiter am Institut fr Geschichte in Belgrad. Dementsprechend sowie
aufgrund der Tatsache, dass sich alle im Institut angestellten Mittelalterforscher mehr oder weniger als Schler des verstorbenen Forschers bezeichnen lassen, entschloss sich diese Einrichtung, durch Verffentlichung eines
Sammelbandes ihrer Dankbarkeit und Hochachtung gegenber ihrem die
Geschichtsschreibung und die Forschungsmethodologie so sehr bereichernden
Mitglied auf symbolische Weise Ausdruck zu geben. In dem Band kommen
verschiedene Themen zur Sprache, mit denen sich der rastlose Historiker und
ordentliches Mitglied der Serbischen Akademie der Wissenschaften und
297
1 (2013) 293305
Initial 1 (2013) 293305
Knste whrend seiner langen und schpferischen Karriere beschftigte. Die

Idee wurde zuerst von den Kollegen an der Philosophischen Fakultt (wo Professor irkovi die meiste Zeit seiner Ttigkeit verbrachte) begrt, danach
auch von den Freunden, Mitarbeitern und Verehrern in der Serbischen Akademie, von ihren wissenschaftlichen Instituten sowie von mehreren Universitten im In- und Ausland untersttzt. Das Ergebnis liegt nun vor ein Werk,
seinem Charakter nach demjenigen hnlich, zu dessen Ehre es entstanden ist:
nchtern und unaufdringlich. Der Sammelband beinhaltet 30 Studien in serbischer, englischer, franzsischer, slowenischer und kroatischer Sprache. Dazu gehrt auch eine als Sonderdruck mit 156 Seiten verffentlichte Bibliographie von Sima irkovi (Institut fr Geschichte, Sonderausgaben, Heft 61,
bearbeitet von Slavica Merenik, Neven Isailovi und Vlastimir oki, Belgrad 2011).
Am Anfang der Publikation steht der Beitrag von Ljubomir Maksimovi, Mitglied der Serbischen Akademie, unter dem Titel Sima M. irkovi
(29. januar 1929, Osijek 14. novembar 2009, Beograd); darin werden die
wichtigsten Ereignisse aus der erfolgreichen Laufbahn des verstorbenen
Professors knapp dargestellt (S. 913). Darauf folgen zwei Auftze der
ordentlichen Akademiemitglieder, Desanka Kovaevi-Koji (Srbija u ekonomiji Venecije (XV vijek), S. 1527; franz. ZF: La Serbie dans lconomie de
Venise au XVme sicle) und Mirjana ivojinovi (Roga i druga novana davanja Protata atonskim manastirima, S. 2938; franz. ZF: Roga et autres
dotations du Prtaton aux monastres athonites), die von beiden Seiten den
geografischen Raum begrenzen, dem das Forschungsinteresse von irkovi
galt. Durch den Beitrag von Baria Kreki, Professor an der Universitt zu
Los Angeles, werden mithilfe bisher unverffentlichter Archivalien interessante Einzelheiten ber den Alltag der Frauen in Dubrovnik zur Zeit der Renaissance bekannt gemacht (Images of Womens Lives in Dubrovnik in the
Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries, S. 3954), whrend Ignacij Voje, Professor
an der Universitt zu Ljubljana, neue Erkenntnisse ber den Anteil der
auslndischen, vornehmlich venezianischen Bankiers in den Kreditgeschften
von Dubrovnik mitteilt (Mjenice (littera cambii) u kreditnim poslovima
srednjovjekovnog Dubrovnika, S. 5562; engl. ZF: Bill of Exchange (littera
cambii) in Medieval Credit Affairs). Rade Mihalji, Mitglied der Akademie
der Wissenschaften und Knste der Serbischen Republik und Professor an der
Universitt zu Banja Luka, errtert durch die Analyse der einheimischen
diplomatischen und rechtlichen Quellen das Phnomen des Grundbesitzwechsels im mittelalterlichen Serbien und macht in der gleichnamigen Studie
(Zamena poseda u srednjovekovnoj Srbiji, S. 6373; engl. ZF: Property
Exchange in Medieval Serbia) darauf aufmerksam, dass gute Sitten und
gesetzliche Vorschriften, trotz der schriftlichen Belege ber einen fr alle
Teilnehmer befriedigenden Wechselvorgang, nicht immer beachtet wurden.
298
Reviews
Der krzlich verstorbene Professor Bogumil Hrabak (Universitt zu

Novi Sad, Universitt zu Pritina) leistet in seinem Aufsatz (Firentinska porodica iz Ferare Minijati na dubrovakom poslovnom podruju (XVI vek), S.
7591; engl. ZF: The Florentine Miniati Family of Ferrara in Dubrovnik
World of Affairs (16th Century)) einen Beitrag zur Geschichte der Beziehungen zwischen der Hl.-Blasius-Republik und der apenninischen Kommune
Ferrara. Darja Miheli (Institut fr Geschichte Milko Kos zu Ljubljana)
widmete ihre Arbeit Mauro Orbinis Quellen fr die frhmittelalterliche Geschichte Karantaniens, nmlich den drei humanistischen Autoren: Johannes
Aventinus, Wolfgang Lazius und Vinko Pribojevi (Don Mauro Orbini in njegovi vzorniki o zgodnjem srednjem veku v vzhodnih Alpah, S. 93117; engl.
ZF: Reflections of Don Mauro Orbini and his Predecessors on the Early Middle Ages in the Eastern Alps). Professor Nenad Feji, Universitt zu Martinique, beschftigte sich mit dem Phnomen des Erhalts der Gesellschaftsordnung und des Friedens in einem Patrizierstadtstaat am Beispiel des mittelalterlichen Dubrovnik (Lordre rgne Dubrovnik: une commune mdivale face menace trangre et aux problmes de la paix civile, S. 119136).
Unter dem Titel Micro-history and Lebenswelten as Approaches to Late
Medieval Dalmatian History. A Case Study of Korula (S. 137158) analysiert Oliver Jens Schmitt (Institut fr Osteuropische Geschichte zu Wien)
anhand beinahe unberhrter Archivbestnde das gesellschaftliche und politische Leben auf der Insel Korula in den ersten Jahrzehnten der venezianischen Verwaltung. Ihm folgt die wertvolle Studie von Paola Pinelli (Universitt zu Florenz), die ber die Intensitt der Wirtschaftsbeziehungen zwischen
Dubrovnik und Florenz in der ersten Hlfte des 15. Jahrhunderts berichtet
(The Florentine Company of Francesco Neroni and Trade with Dubrovnik
(Ragusa) in the First Half of the 15th Century, S. 159175). Lovorka orali
(Kroatisches Institut fr Geschichte zu Zagreb) schreibt ber die serbischen
Auswanderungen im Sptmittelalter und die Beziehungen der Emigranten zu
ihrer Heimat, indem sie den Bestand der Testamente des Archivs in Venedig
benutzt (Prisutnost i djelovanje iseljenika iz Srbije u Veneciji u XV i XVI stoljeu, S. 177194; engl. ZF: The Presence and Agency of the Immigrants from
Serbia in Venice in the 15th and in the 16th Century). Die Straenruberei im
Dubrovniker Hinterland whrend des 15. Jahrhunderts erforschend, versucht
Esad Kurtovi (Philosophische Fakultt zu Sarajevo) Mikrotoponyme zu lokalisieren und geht erneut das Problem der Abgrenzung zwischen dem Herzog
Stefan Vuki Kosaa und seinem Sohn Vladislav 1464/1465 an (Monte Lapidoso Kameno brdo, S. 195209; engl. ZF: Monte Lapidoso Rocky Hill).
Peter Rokai, Professor an der Universitt zu Novi Sad, schlgt in seinem Aufsatz (Tri priloga istoriji Bosne u srednjem veku, S. 211217; engl. ZF:
Three Contributions to the History of the Medieval Bosnia) eine andere Lesart
von gewissen Begriffen aus der mittelalterlichen Geschichte des bosnischen
Staates vor. Die gemeinsame Studie von Radivoj Radi (Philosophische Fa-
299
1 (2013) 293305
Initial 1 (2013) 293305
kultt zu Belgrad) und Duan Kora, Jedan neobian pomen Dubrovnika iz

XIV veka (S. 219224; engl. ZF: An Unusual 14th-Century Mention of
Ragusa), widmet sich der Analyse der negativen Charakterisierung der Bewohner von Dubrovnik, die in einer zum Genre der Volksliteratur zu zhlenden sptbyzantinischen Schrift, nmlich dem Buch von den Vgeln, zu
finden ist. Marko uica von der Philosophischen Fakultt zu Belgrad beschftigt sich mit der Militrgeschichte (O moguoj ulozi Vuka Brankovia u Kosovskoj bici Prilog razmatranju srednjovekovne ratne taktike, S. 225244;
engl. ZF: On a Possible Role of Vuk Brankovi in the Battle of Kosovo (1389)
A Contribution to the Study of the Medieval War Tactics), whrend das
Interesse der aus der gleichen Einrichtung Stammenden Kollegin Jelena
Mrgi den zivilen Themen gilt der Erforschung der Stdte in der neueren
serbischen Geschichtsschreibung (Cives et civitatis. Urban Studies in Recent
Serbian Historiography. In Memory of prof. Sima irkovi, S. 245259). Ein
weiterer Forscher von der Belgrader Philosophischen Fakultt, ore Bubalo,
fhrt eine neue bersetzung sowie Deutung des Artikels 84 des Gesetzbuchs
von Duan vor Augen (Sudbina i opadanije Prilog tumaenju lana 84 Duanovog zakonika, S. 261267; engl. ZF: Fine Imposed by Court and Out-ofCourt False Accusation A Contribution to the Interpretation of Article 84 of
Duans Code). Diplomatiki obrasci srpskih srednjovekovnih razrenih
dokumenata (S. 269288; engl. ZF: Diplomatic Patterns of Serbian Medieval
Quitances) heit der vorbildliche Aufsatz von Neboja Pori (Philosophische
Fakultt zu Belgrad), der mit seiner typologischen Methode bei der Untersuchung von diplomatischen Quellen die schon Mitte der 1950er Jahre geuerten Schlsse von Sima irkovi besttigen kann. ber den zum Ende des
13. Jahrhunderts belegten und fast 250 Jahre lang dauernden Streit zwischen
den hohen Wrdentrgern der rmisch-katholischen Kirche in Serbien uert
sich Katarina Mitrovi von der Philosophischen Fakultt zu Belgrad (Sukob
barskog arhiepiskopa i kotorskog episkopa oko jurisdikcije nad katolikim
parohijama u srednjovekovnoj Srbiji, S. 289305; engl. ZF: Bar Archibishop
and Kotor Bishop Conflict over the Catholic Parishes in Medieval Serbia).
Stanoje Bojanin (Institut fr Byzantologie der Serbischen Akademie)
liefert in seinem Text Nedelja kao neradni dan u srednjovekovnoj Srbiji (S.
307335; engl. ZF: Sunday as a Non-Working Day in Medieval Serbia) eine
ausfhrliche Quellenbersicht ber den Sonntag als Ruhetag und stellt durch
sorgfltige Analyse fest, dass es auch Verpflichtungen gab, die beim Beachten
des vorgeschriebenen Wochenarbeitsrhythmus nicht immer erfllt werden
konnten. In der Abhandlung von Sran Pirivatri (Institut fr Byzantologie
der Serbischen Akademie), Podatak Niifora Grigore o hronologiji braka
Stefana Deanskog i Marije Paleolog (S. 337345; engl. ZF: A Report of Nikephoros Gregoras Regarding the Chronology of Stephen Uro III Marriage
with Maria Palaiologena), wird durch vergleichende Auseinandersetzung mit
den diplomatischen und narrativen Quellen (sowie durch ihre allgemeine
300
Reviews
Neubewertung) ein neuer chronologischer Rahmen fr die Eheschlieung

zwischen dem serbischen Herrscher und der Verwandten des byzantinischen
Kaisers gegeben.
Der letzte Teil stammt aus den Federn der Mitarbeiter des Instituts fr
Geschichte zu Belgrad und wird mit dem Beitrag von Olga Zirojevi (Ishrana
novih muslimana, S. 347353; engl. ZF: The Alimentation of the New Muslims) eingeleitet. In dem Aufsatz unter dem Titel Vojinovii (S. 355366) ergnzt Gordana Tomovi die Genealogie des serbischen Adelsgeschlechts aus
dem 14. Jahrhundert und schildert die Ausbreitung seiner Besitzungen. Eine
weitere prosopographische Studie, Slavonska grana porodice Miloradovi (S.
367380; engl. ZF: Slavonic Branch of Miloradovi Family) von uro Toi,
verfolgt den gesellschaftlichen Aufstieg der genannten Familie whrend des
18. Jahrhunderts. Tibor ivkovi (The Origin of Royal Frankish Annalists Information About the Serbs in Dalmatia, S. 381398) erforscht die Herkunft
der Mitteilung ber die Serben in den frnkischen Annalen und kommt zu
dem Ergebnis, dass es sich um hochrangige Belege handelt, die auf dem Bericht des frnkischen Hauptmanns, des Eroberers von Sisak, sowie auf einem
Brief des Frsten Ljudemisl ber die letzten Monaten der Rebellion von
Ljudevit Posavski beruhen. Marica Malovi-uki stellt das Geschfts- und
Familienleben des Kimo Gervasijev, des Zllners von Stefan Deanski und
Stefan Duan, und seiner Nachkommen dar (Porodica Kimo-Klimo iz Ulcinja
u srednjem veku (XIVXV vek), S. 399407; engl. ZF: Kimo-Klimo Family of
Medieval Ulcinj (14th15th Century)). Es folgt die rechtsgeschichtliche Studie
von Biljana Markovi (Svedoenje u sudskom dokaznom postupku prema starijim rukopisima zakonodavstva cara Stefana Duana, S. 409423; engl. ZF:
Testimony in Legal Presentation of Evidence According to Older Manuscripts
of Tsar Stefan Duans Legislation), whrend Sran Rudi die Abstammung
von sechs Familien aus Bosnien Vili, Kopi, Obrenovi, Ljubuni, Vladkovi und Pavkovi untersucht und ihre Stammbume ergnzt (Prilog poznavanju nekih islamizovanih bosanskih porodica, S. 425439; engl. ZF: Supplement to Accounts on Some Islamized Bosnian Families). Der Aufsatz von
Neven Isailovi und Aleksandar Jakovljevi (ah Melek (prilog istoriji turskih
upada u Bosnu 1414. i 1415. godine), S. 441463; engl. ZF: ah Melek (A
Contribution to the History of the Turkish Incursions into Bosnia in 1414 and
1415)) wirft ein neues Licht auf die laut bisheriger Ergebnisse der einheimischen und auslndischen Forschung geheimnisvolle Gestalt eines herausragenden osmanischen Heerfhrers und berichtet von dessen Erbe Nachkommenschaft und Stiftungen.
Als Anhang zur Gedchtnisschrift wurde, wie oben erwnt, auch die
umfassende Bibliographie von Sima irkovi gedruckt. Darin werden zuerst
die Grundprinzipien der Herausgeber dargelegt (Vorwort, S. 912) und ein
Verzeichnis der bisher verffentlichten Bibliographien geliefert (S. 13). Es
folgt die chronologisch geordnete Liste der Publikationen des Professors,
301
1 (2013) 293305
Initial 1 (2013) 293305
wobei die Herausgeber insgesamt 663 Einheiten aufzunehmen vermochten (S.

17101). Die Benutzung dieses wertvollen Nachschlagewerks wird durch ein
Sach- (S. 103122) sowie ein Titelregister (S. 123156) erleichtert.
Dragi M. IVOJINOVI
arko VUJOEVI
. , ( XII
XIII .), , 2011, 255 .
= . ,
( XII XIII ),
, 2011, 255 .
, ( ( V
.), 2005), .
(. 713) , ,
( , , , , ) XIII .
(. 1436), (. 3744),
, , , , . (. 4558)
, . (. 4549), ,
(. 4954), (. 5456)
(. 5658).

( III) (
).
,
, , ( , . 5969),
302
Reviews
( , . 70
123), ( , . 124182) ( , . 183190),
( , . 191224).
, , 1190. I
, .
( XIII ), 1196. ,
. XIII (. 6269), 15. 1253.

.
(. 7095)
(. 95123). ,
( ) . 1185. (
1195) 1201, ,
, . , ( 1208). XIX . ,
(, , , ) .
, , , ,
, . ( ) 1211. (. 110111), 1214.

- : (. 124138),
(. 138143) (. 143181).
303
1 (2013) 293305
Initial 1 (2013) 293305
, ,
I (1196).
,
, ,
, .
, (1198) . , III
, 1200,
. ,
(
) ,
,
. , 1200. 1201, , .
XIII
, .
1208, ,
1204, . ,
( 6 km ), 1208.
. , .
. ,
. , 6739. (1. 1230. 31. 1231), II . , , .

(. 183190).
- XIII (12021203)
(princeps Bellota, nobili viro Belletae principi).
.

304
Reviews
(. 184185).

, , (. 189).

, , (. 191
196), (. 196201) (. 206207), (. 202204),
(. 205) :
(. 207212) (. 212223).
(. 225233) : (1185) ( 1201), (1207)
(1230), II (1241)
(1396). (. 234240), (. 241244) (. 245
255): Selbstndige und halbselbstndige Herrschaftsgebiete im wieder aufgebauten Bulgarischen Zarenreich (Ende des 12. Mitte des 13. Jahrhunderts).
.
305
IV

SCHOLARLY LIFE
. 1 (2013) 309330

SCHOLARLY LIFE
Historiografska produkcija o
srednjovjekovnoj Bosni u 2011. godini
Srednjovjekovni period bosanske prolosti zaokuplja panju veoma irokog kruga autora. Od vrhunskih strunjakamedievista do potpunih historiaraamatera, mnogi se svake godine odluuju da neto napiu o bosanskoj banovini/kraljevini, njenim poznatim vladarima i velmoama, o jedinstvenoj vjerskoj situaciji ili o nadgrobnim spomenicima stecima. Iz tog cjelokupnog
broja napisanih radova, samo se mali procenat moe ubrojati u historiografiju,
onu koja doprinosi razvoju historijske nauke o bosanskom srednjovjekovlju.
Tim radovima, bit e posveen ovaj pregled objavljenih radova u 2011. godini.
Prva karakteristika, jasno uoljiva u odnosu na prethodnu godinu, jeste
izraen nedostatak historijskih monografija o srednjem vijeku. Dok je 2010.
godinu obiljeilo izdavanje monografija koje su ve zauzele znaajno mjesto
u historiografiji,1 gotovo svi znaajni radovi u 2011. godini su objavljeni su u
obliku strunih lanaka ili izlaganja sa naunih skupova. Ta injenica uope
ne umanjuje dostignua postignuta u ovoj godini, pogotovo kada se zna da se
unutar svjetskih okvira u novije vrijeme sve vie panje pridaje upravo nezavisnim strunim lancima. Zbog izraene decentralizacije nauke kod nas, u
ovom pregledu zasigurno ima nedostataka, no oni su nastali usljed objektivnih
okolnosti nedostupnosti nekih publikacija, a ne zbog subjektivnih stavova prema autorima ili njihovim radovima.
* * *
Iako u Bosni i Hercegovini nema specijaliziranog glasila za srednji vijek, nekoliko strunih asopisa unutar svojih stranica daju znaajan prostor
ovom periodu i tako doprinose razvoju historiografije o srednjovjekovnoj Bosni. Renomirani asopis Instituta za istoriju u Sarajevu Prilozi u svom jubilarnom 40-om broju donosi dva rada sa srednjovjekovnom tematikom. Esad
1
. -, 1415. , , , . 678, ,
. 29, 2010, 312; . , ( ), , , . 59, 2010, 173.
309
1 (2013) 309330
Initial 1 (2013) 309330
Kurtovi analizira vijesti iz Dubrovakog arhiva o poznatom trgovcu iz Kreeva Radoju Kristiu bolje poznatom po nadimku Kozoje.2 Dva su glavna doprinosa ovog rada. Autor najprije ispravlja stavove starije historiografije, koja
je Radoja Kristia smatrala Dubrovaninom a ne domaim ovjekom. Ova teza
bazirana je na opirnoj izvornoj bazi, uglavnom neiskoritenoj od ranijih istraivaa. Upravo to bogatstvo izvornih vijesti, neuobiajeno za neku linost
srednje klase u srednjovjekovnoj Bosni, daje pravi uvid u dinamini ivot trgovaca tog perioda. Radoje Kristi (autor se opredjeljuje za ovakvo itanje u izvorima veoma razliito zabiljeenog prezimena ove porodice) uestvuje u nizu
poslovnih poduhvata sa Dubrovanima zaduujui se kod njih na razne svote,
ulazei u zajednika trgovaka drutva, tui i biva tuen, spletkari protiv konkurencije, a s vremenom u poslovne poduhvate uvlai i brata Ivana. ak iz
ugovora o vjenanju sa Franuom, pisma Dubrovana Radoju iz 11. oktobra
1436. godine i njegovog testamenta (2. mart 1464) dobijamo mali pogled u privatni ivot ovog Kreevljaka. U Prilozima je objavljen i rad Pavla Dragievia
u kojem on, na osnovu informacija iz dva pisma pronaena u seriji Lettere e
commissioni di Levante Dubrovakog arhiva vezana za odbijenicu Dubrovana
da prodaju brod velikom bosanskom vojvodi Sandalju te za put diplomata Sandalja i banice Anke u Veneciju i vremenske nepogode koju su doivjeli na povratku, uoptava zakljuak da su svi ti dogaaji vezani za deavanja u Kotoru i
Sandaljevu tenju da preuzme taj grad.3 Treba istai i da je teta to ovaj jubilarni broj Priloga nije popraen bibliografijom objavljenih radova iz prethodnih brojeva, na osnovu ega bi se lake moglo doi do zakljuka o vanosti
ovog asopisa za historiografiju bosanskog srednjovjekovlja.
Jo jedan struni asopis u 2011. godini objavio je svoj jubilarni, takoer 40. broj Godinjak Centra za balkanoloka istraivanja Akademije nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine.4 Ovdje su u izvjetaju Blagoja Govedarice (voditelj projekta) i Melise Fori objavljeni rezultati istraivanja koje su
obavili u saradnji sa eljkom Grubiiem. Prezentirani su zabrinjavajui nalazi koji govore da je projektom izgradnje autoputa Koridor 5/c kroz Bosnu i
Hercegovinu direktno ugroeno 228 kulturno-historijskih spomenika, od ega
preko 60 lokaliteta od znaaja za prouavanje srednjeg vijeka, ukljuujui i
kraljevski grad Vranduk.5 Esad Kurtovi rekonstruie aktivnost pripadnika
2
E. KURTOVI, Iz historije Kreeva u srednjem vijeku (Radoje Kristi zvani Kozoje), Prilozi 40 (2011) 2354.
3
. , .
, Prilozi 40 (2011) 213220.
4
M. ELMO M. FORI, Bibliografija Godinjaka (140) uz obiljeavanje izdavanja 40. broja, Godinjak Centra za balkanoloka istraivanja (2011) 287313. Iz ove bibliografije moe se vidjeti da su srednjovjekovne teme zastupljene u 25 od 40 brojeva, odnosno u svakom broju od 2000. godine.
5
B. GOVEDARICA M. FORI, Rezultati orijentacionog istraivanja u cilju identifikacije i zatite arheolokih spomenika na trasi autoputa 5/c kroz Bosnu i Hercegovinu, Godinjak Centra za balkanoloka istraivanja 40 (2011) 207218.
310
Scholarly Life
vlakog katuna Predojevia, bilo da su one uobiajeni privredno-trgovaki

kontakti sa Dubrovakom republikom ili, isto tako, uobiajeni razbojniki napadi na dubrovake trgovce. Katun Predojevia vee se za podruje oko Bilee, a kao u izvorima najzastupljenije katunare autor identificira Brajana Predojevia, eprnju Brajanovia sa sinovima te Zagorca Brajanovia sa sinovima. Ovaj rad je dodatno pare u mozaiku o hercegovakim vlasima koji Kurtovi slae ve nekoliko godina.6
Osim strune periodike, radovi o bosanskom srednjovjekovlju mogu se
nai i u asopisima raznovrsnijeg sadraja koji dio svojih stranica posveuju i
historijskim prilozima. Ve godinama jedan od takvih asopisa je i Bosna Franciscana koji dva puta godinje izdaje Franjevaka teologija u Sarajevu. Naalost, u brojevima 34 i 35 iz 2011. godine, samo je jedan rad od interesa za nau
tematiku. Muhamed Husejnovi istrauje razne segmente svakodnevnog ivota
u Srebrenici u XV stoljeu. Meutim, njegovom lanku moe se dati svega nivo
preglednog rada. Napisan na osnovu literature, bez neobjavljen arhivsk grae, a u dubokoj sjeni izlaska u prethodnoj godini navedene monografije o istoj
temi.7 Iz broja 32 Graanikog glasnika vrijedan osvrta jedino je zajedniki lanak Esada Kurtovia i Emira O. Filipovia, rad od znaaja za historijsku geografiju i za prouavanje srednjovjekovnih fortifikacija, u kojem autori osvjetljavaju etiri grada koja su zbog svog karakteristinog stratekog poloaja i dominacije nad okolinom dobili ime po uvenoj ptici grabljivici. Sokol na Plivi slavan je po svojoj ulozi u sprjeavanju ugarske ofanzive 1363. godine, prvi spomen Sokola u Usori i danas se upotrijebljava kao dan Opine Graanica, mada
autori iroko elaboriraju o svim komplikacijama i zabludama oko datiranja tog
dokumenta, Sokol u Konavlama, najdominantnije utvrenje tog dinaminog i
izvorima odlino pokrivenog podruja, bio je ukljuen u uvene pregovore o
kupoprodaji Konavala, a Sokol u Meurjeju najpoznatiji je kao rezidencija
Sandalja Hrania i Stjepana Vukia Kosae.8 U Godinjaku 2011 kojeg objavljuje BZK Preporod u Sarajevu, Esad Kurtovi objavio je i studiju u kojoj
analizira prolost Trebinja u vremenu dok je bilo sastavni dio srednjovjekovnog
bosanskog kraljevstva (13771463). Autor na osnovu podataka iz Dubrovakog
arhiva sagledava razne aspekte ovog podruja, od granica trebinjskog kraja,
drutvene strukture, privrednog ivota, oblika uprave koje je u Trebinju uspostavljala velikaka porodica Pavlovia, te vjerske slike podruja.9
6
E. KURTOVI, Iz historije vlaha Predojevia, Godinjak Centra za balkanoloka

istraivanja 40 (2011) 243254.
7
M. HUSEJNOVI, Vjerske, kulturne i zdravstvene prilike u Srebrenici u prvoj polovini 15. stoljea, Bosna Franciscana 34 (2011) 219234.
8
E. KURTOVI E. O. FILIPOVI, etiri bosanska sokola, Graaniki glasnik 32
(2011) 201222. Isti rad je objavljen i u asopisu sarajevskog Univerziteta Pregled
(1/2011) 83114, no s obzirom da je osnova rada izlaganje sa naunog skupa Istraivanje
lokalne historije u Bosni i Hercegovini odranog u Bosanskom kulturnom centru u Graanici 10. decembra 2010. godine, dali smo prednost ovoj verziji.
9
E. KURTOVI, Iz historije trebinjskog kraja u srednjem vijeku, Godinjak 2011.
BZK Preporod, 279301.
311
1 (2013) 309330
Initial 1 (2013) 309330
Ve treu godinu zaredom Udruenje arhivskih radnika Republike Srpske u Banjoj Luci izdaje svoj i tehniki i sadrajno zanimljivi Glasnik. U broju iz 2011. godine tri lanka su vezana za bosansko srednjovjekovlje. Aranel
Smiljani kroz prizmu titule upana prouava slinosti i razlike izmeu srednjovjekovne Bosne i Srbije. Prema autoru, slinosti meu nosiocima ove titule
u Bosni i Srbiji bile su izraene od ranog srednjeg vijeka, do sredine XIII stoljea, te nakon krunisanja kralja Tvrtka i s time provedene vizantinizacije dravnog aparata. U navedene slinosti ubrojani su: rodovsko predvodnitvo,
oblasna uprava, vijernost prema vladaru, obavljanje diplomatskih misija te
upravnih i sudskih poslova. Razlike se ine raznovrsnijim, a samo neke od
njih su: nepostojanje titule veliki upan u Bosni, u Bosni se nalaze upani u
slubi oblasnih gospodara, iskljuivo u Srbiji neki od upana kuju svoj novac,
u Bosni su upani imali veliku samostalnost u odnosu na centralnu vlast a titula upana se javlja i meu vlakim stanovnitvom itd.10 Slian uporedni metodoloki pristup kao i u prethodnom radu ima i pristup Pavla Dragievia koji
se odnosi na jedan od temelja feudalnog poretka na Balkanu princip batine.
Istina, batina, tj. oevina, privatno vlasnitvo s neprikosnovenim pravom
svojine, moe se mnogo bolje sagledati na primjeru Srbije, zbog velike zastupljenosti u Zakoniku cara Duana. U Bosni batina se nazivala plemenito i
nije bila vezana za linost nekog vlastelina nego za cijelu njegovu porodicu,
dakle nije nasljedstvo od oca nego od plemena. Zbog velikog nedostatka izvora
o ovom obiaju u srednjovjekovnoj Bosni, treba s oprezom uzeti autorova uopavanja da osim imena i deindividualizacije, u Srbiji i Bosni u ovom segmetnu
porodinog prava nema bitnijih razlika.11 U rubrici objavljivanje arhivske grae uro Toi, nastavljajui svoja prouavanja srednjovjekovnih branih obiaja, donosi faksimil, transkripciju i interpretaciju te prevod dokumenta od 16.
jula 1474. godine iz serije Lamenta de foris , fasc. 45, fol. 6. Iz navedenog dokumenta moe se vidjeti primjer branih obiaja modo Bosignanorum et patarinorum koji je zastupljen u dubrovakom zaleu a koji je bio contra sacramentum matrimonii i kod zvanine crkve nije se smatrao branom vezom.12
Istraivanja, asopis Fakulteta humanistikih nauka Univerziteta Demal Bijedi u Mostaru, u svom broju 6/2011 donose rad Saliha Jalimama koji se bavi vojno-politikim deavanjima na jugozapadnoj granici Bosanskog
kraljevstva u vrijeme vladavine pretposljednjeg bosanskog kralja.13 Autor, na10
. ,
, 3
(2011) 6166.
11
. , , 3 (2011) 6775.
12
. , , contra omnem sanctionem sacrosanctem romane ecclesie, 3
(2011) 365370.
13
S. JALIMAM, Vojno-politike veze srednjovjekovne Bosne i Cetinske krajine u
vrijeme kralja Stjepana Tomaa, Istraivanja 6 (Mostar 2011) 1936.
312
Scholarly Life
glasivi mali broj bibliografskih jedinica o ovoj temi, veinom na osnovu objavljenih izvora identificira kljune dogaaje u kojima su se ispreplitali interesi srednjovjekovne Bosne i Cetinske krajine. Aspiracije bosanskog kralja oko
gradova Knina, Ostrovice sa Skradinom te Klisa esto su se sukobljavale sa
interesima hercega Stefana Vukia Kosae, tako da obadvojica trae odobrenje svojih akcija od Mletake republike. Ban Petar Talovac kao i njegovi nasljednici nali su se usred kolopleta intriga iz kojih e s najpovoljnijim ishodom izai ugarski podanik Ulrih II Celjski. Bosanski kralj slabo prolazi u tim
politikim igrama, te jedino to uspijeva izvui jesu povlastice od Venecije za
trgovinu solju. U ovom asopisu predstavio se i Esad Kurtovi jo jednim radom koji analizira pojedine segmente drutvenog ivota dubrovakog zalea u
srednjem vijeku.14 Prvi dio rada postavljen je na dosta irokoj osnovi, gdje
autor analizira prisutnost predstava sokolova na stecima, iluminacijama, u
heraldici i toponimiji. Drugi dio rada posveen je arhivskim vijestima o sokolarstvu u serijama Dubrovakog arhiva. Tako je pronaeno nekoliko ugovora
o dresuri ptica, cijeni koju dostiu pripitomljene ptice te o njihovoj krai. Sve
navedeno daje cjelinu iz koje itatelj moe stei predstavu o vanosti ovog
segmenta svakodnevnog ivota u srednjem vijeku, koji je bogataima predstavljao omiljeni sport i zabavu, a niim slojevima jo jedan od zanata kroz koje
su obezbjeivali svoju egzistenciju.
to se tie strune periodike koja se izdaje van Bosne i Hercegovine,
posebno treba istai Istorijski asopis beogradskog Istorijskog instituta, koji je
u svojih prethodnih 59 brojeva imao veliki doprinos u razvoju historiografije
bosanskog srednjovjekovlja. U broju 60, iz 2011. godine, pronalazimo dva interesantna rada. Neven Isailovi donosi do sada nepoznatu povelju ugarskog
kralja Sigismunda, datiranu 20. januara 1436. godine, danas uvanu u Maarskom dravnom arhivu u Budimpeti, pod oznakom DL 38522. Ova povelja je
od velikog znaaja za prouavanje bosansko-ugarskih odnosa u burnim vremenima 30-ih godina XV stoljea, zatim za prouavanje prirode boravka kralja Tvrtka II i njegovih poklonika na ugarskom dvoru u tom periodu, i konano, za prouavanje do sada historiji nepoznatih sela u upama Zemunik i Gla
koje su se rasprostirale u podruju lijeve obale Vrbasa. U prosopografskim
analizama povelje, autor se bavi familijarima, tj. vlastelom podlonoj velikakom rodu Hrvatinia, na ijem elu se tada nalazio neak Hrvoja Vukia,
vojvoda Juraj Vojsali, za kojeg je zabiljeeno da je ... filius quondam Voyzlay
de Zokol. Rije je o Sokolu na Plivi, gradu koji je bio objekt analize u jednom
od prethodno navedenih radova.15 Studija ure Toia donekle izlazi iz vremena bosanskog srednjovjekovlja, no interesantna je za praenje prilagodbe
velikakih rodova, ali i obinih seljaka potpuno novoj situaciji nastaloj nakon
14
E. KURTOVI, Iz historije sokolarstva u dubrovakom zaleu u srednjem vijeku

(Uzgoj ptica za lov i lov pticama), Istraivanja 6 (Mostar 2011) 3756.
15
. , 1436.
, LX (2011) 153177.
313
1 (2013) 309330
Initial 1 (2013) 309330
pada Trebinja pod Osmansko carstvo, te se nadovezuje na ranija istraivanja

reene oblasti ovog autora.16 Toi je takoer, zajedno sa Isailoviem, koautor
rada objavljenog u broju 32 Meovite grae. Rad je u osnovi baziran na ugovoru od 29. avgusta 1395. godine, pronaenom u seriji Diversa Cancellariae,
fasc. 31, f. 165166r, u kojem se moe nai slikovit primjer jedne vrlo rairene prakse iz svakodnevnog ivota srednjeg vijeka afilijacije ili posinjenja
zeta. Naime, budui da se esto deavalo da u porodicama ne bude zakonitog
mukog nasljednika, u kuu bi se dovodio zet kao afiliatus, koji bi stekao odreena prava na imovinu eninih roditelja, ali ta prava su bila umanjena u odnosu na prava roenog, pa ak i usvojenog sina.17
Veoma interesantna tema prisutnosti Bosne u izvorima bizantske provinijencije oduvijek je privlaila panju historiara. Od starijih radova treba istai izlaganje Sime irkovia odrano povodom 800. godine povelje Kulina
bana,18 a u 2011. godini ovoj temi se posvetio Boris Babi radom objavljenim
u Zborniku radova Vizantolokog instituta.19 Rad je pisan sa gledita istorijske
geografije i bazira se na izgledu prostora srednjovjekovne Bosne u reenim izvorima. U interpretaciji izvora, naroito De administrando imperio Konstantina VII Porfirogeneta, Babi je blii stavovima starije beogradske vizantoloke
kole, nego li novijim pogledima koje promovira Tibor ivkovi.
U asopisu Istraivanja Filozofskog fakulteta u Novom Sadu, Melina
Rokai prezentirala je kratki pregledni rad o opem poloaju franjevaca u zemljama jugoistone Europe. Tu se ovla dotakla i njihovog djelovanja u srednjovjekovnoj Bosni, istiui od svega ostalog neobinu praksu stanovanja franjevaca u privatnim kuama, meu obinim svijetom.20
Struna periodika sa podruja Republike Hrvatske u 2011. godini donosi samo nekoliko radova direktno vezanih za bosansko srednjovjekovlje. Historiari umjetnosti Nada Gruji i Danko Zeli prethodne su godine objavili
rad Palaa vojvode Sandalja Hrania u Dubrovniku u dubrovakim Analima, da bi u 2011. izala i engleska verzija tog asopisa namjenjena inostranim
naunim krugovima. Rad je dosta opiran zauzima preko 60 stranica, no naalost, za razliku od hrvatske verzije, izbaeno je dvadesetak stranica na kojima se nalazilo 74 prepisa izvora iz raznih serija Dubrovakog arhiva koji se
16
. , , LX (2011) 179191.
17
. . ,
(servitium) (affiliatio), Miscellanea XXXII
(2011), 7585.
18
. , , Osamsto godina povelje bosanskog bana
Kulina 11891989, Akademija nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine, Posebna izdanja,
knj. 90, Odjeljenje drutvenih nauka, knj. 23, Sarajevo 1989, 2335.
19
. ,
, 48 (2011) 3950.
20
M. ROKAI, Poverty and the Franciscan Order in Southeast Europe, 22 ( 2011) 145151.
314
Scholarly Life
tiu razliitih radova na palai i izvjetavanja velikog bosanskog vojvode o

napredovanju njene adaptacije. Sandalj je palau, ili izvorno polau, dobio
kao dio pregovora o ustupanju njegovog dijela Konavala Dubrovniku. Prema
autorima, palaa se nalazila na prostoru dananje Poljane Marina Dria, u neposrednoj blizini katedrale, Kneeva dvora i Vrata od Ponte (lukih vrata).
Nakon velikog potresa 1667. godine, od izvornog izgleda ouvana je tek kruna cisterne sa reljefnim grbovima roda Kosaa.21
Milko Brkovi nizu svojih radova posveenih analizi latinskih srednjovjekovnih isprava pridodao je i lanak posveen korespondenciji bosanskih
vladara i velmoa sa Republikom sv. Marka. Najprije je data transkripcija i prijevod 13 isprava bosanskih vladara poslanih u periodu 13661457. U drugom
dijelu rada autor daje kontekstualizaciju povelja i svoje vienje okolnosti u kojima su one nastale.22 Prostorima koji e u kasnijem periodu ui u sastav srednjovjekovne bosanske drave bave se i dva rada objavljena u spomen na Mihu
Baradu u Povijesnim prilozima Hrvatskog instituta za povijest u Zagrebu.23
* * *
Za historiografsku produkciju o srednjovjekovnoj Bosni u 2011. naroitu vanost imaju Zbornici radova objavljeni u toj godini. U tri Zbornika publikovano je skoro 30 radova od manje ili vee vanosti za nauno prouavanje
srednjovjekovne Bosne. Izlaganja predoena na Meunarodnom naunom
skupu Hum i Hercegovina, odranom u Mostaru od 5. do 6. novembra 2009.
godine, objavljena su tokom 2011. godine u dvotomnom izdanju Hrvatskog
instituta za povijest iz Zagreba. U prvom tomu ovog Zbornika ukupno je 19
radova od interesa za nau temu,24 a od njih izdvajamo ukupno est. Mladen
21
N. GRUJI D. ZELI, The Palace of Duke Sandalj Hrani in Dubrovnik, Dubrovnik Annals 15 (2011) 766.
22
M. BRKOVI, Srednjovjekovne isprave bosansko-humskih vladara Veneciji, Radovi Zavoda za povijesne znanosti HAZU 53 (2011) 49100.
23
I. GOLDSTEIN, Topografija Porfirogenitove Paganije doktorat Mihe Barade, Povijesni Prilozi 41 (2011) 916; M. ANI, Miho Barada i mit o Neretvanima, Povijesni
prilozi 41 (2011) 1743.
24
Zbog pomankanja prostora, svi radovi nisu mogli biti uvrteni u analizu, pa na
ovom mjestu donosimo naslove ostalih radova: A. MIJATOVI, Kulturna batina u Tihaljini
od prapovijesti do srednjega vijeka; P. MARIJANOVI . RAGU S. VUKOREP, Mogue
geoloko-morfoloke poveznice Hercegovine s povijesnim nazivom Crvena Hrvatska; A.
KEGRO, Ranokranska crkvena organizacija s hercegovakih prostora; T. VUKI, Biskupi koji su upravljali Katolikom crkvom u Hercegovini; V. B. LUPIS, Povijesni pregled Zahumske (Stonske) biskupije od poetaka do 1300. godine; M. TOMASOVI, Crkvena arhitektura Huma od kasnoantike tradicije do srednjovjekovnih naela; V. SOKOL, Gdje se nalazila Porfirogenetova Paganija i granica sa Zahumljem; M. PALAMETA, Kranska likovnost
na stecima; Z. ERAVICA, Krievi kao simbol kranstva na srednjovjekovnim kamenim
nadgrobnim spomenicima mramori (tzv. steci) u Konavlima; M. BABI, Prinos hercegovakoj hagiotoponomastici; M. TICA, Lednika nekropola; H. G. JURII, Muenici i sveci
humske zemlje od 14. do poetka 19. stoljea; M. IMI, Pismenost u srednjovjekovnoj
Hercegovini; P. KNEZOVI . DEMO, Latinitet u Hercegovini prije 1852. godine.
315
1 (2013) 309330
Initial 1 (2013) 309330
Ani donosi sustavnu kritiku prije svega interpretacija kontroverznog djela

De administrando imperio Konstantina VII Porfirogeneta. Osvrui se na neke ranije radove, Ani istie tenje koje su proimale historiografiju XIX i
XX stoljea tenje izjednaavanja pojmova Hrvati i Srbi iz DAI sa modernim nacionalnim imenima Hrvati i Srbi. Ne poriui znaaj etniciteta za
onovremene narode, autor je irokom erudicijom pokazao naine i posljedice
njihove modernizacije. Nakon tako postavljene dijagnoze historiografskog itanja uvenog djela carapisca, u zavrnom dijelu teksta autor se osvre na
jednu od njegovih posljedica stvaranje mitologema o Neretvanskoj dravi i
njenim stanovnicima Paganima/Neretvanima. Istiui da je takav naziv oito
inostranog porijekla, Ani smatra da je ta zajednica samu sebe vidjela u drugaijem svjetlu i nazivala se Humljani. U ovom radu su izneeni brojni stavovi koji tek treba da dobiju svoju historiografsku ocjenu, no, hrabrost autora
u suprotstavljanju uvrijeenoj historiografskoj tradiciji, staroj stoljee i po, zasluuje panju.25 Sumirajui svoja ranija istraivanja, Dijana Kora predstavila se pristupom u kojem daje sumarni pregled religijskih prilika u srednjovjekovnom Humu. Prema autorici, vjerska situacija u Humu se komplikuje 1219.
godine, osnivanjem autokefalne Srpske pravoslavne crkve, tj. Stonske eparhije, kao i naseljavanjem Vlaha na ove prostore. Izvorima nepotkrijepljenim pokazuje se izlaganje autorice o tome da na podruju Humske zemlje, poetkom
XV stoljea, nije bilo zajednica Crkve bosanske, navodei kao argument samo
to da se u diplomatskoj slubi vojvode Sandalja pripadnici Crkve bosanske javljaju tek od 1419. godine.26 Najvrijedniji dio pristupa Milka Brkovia, posveenog srednjovjekovnim poveljama porijeklom sa prostora Huma, predstavlja
doneseni Popis i regeste isprava srednjovjekovne humske kancelarije.27
Radmilo Peki se u svom radu bavi iskljuivo ulogom firentinskih trgovaca u
trgovini solju, olovom i bosanskim robljem, te se tako nadovezuje na svoju
doktorsku disertaciju Firentinci na Balkanu 13001600. U tako uokvirenoj temi, dati su jako zanimljivi i vrijedni podaci koji ukazuju na dinamiku trgovinske razmjene u srednjovjekovnoj Hercegovini.28 Jako vaan elemenat upravo
te dinamike bila su hercegovaka vlaka plemena. Meu temama ovog Zbornika, historiografija o hercegovakim vlasima dobila je svoj prilog u pristupu
Esada Kurtovia u kojem se analizira do sada manje poznato pitanje senioriteta za vie od dvadeset hercegovakih vlakih skupina. U prvo doba, vlasi su se
25
M. ANI, Ranosrednjovjekovni Neretvani ili Humljani Tragom zabune koju

je prouzroilo djelo De administrando imperio, Hum i Hercegovina kroz povijest. Zbornik
radova, knj. 1, Zagreb 2011, 217278.
26
D. KORA, Religijske prilike u humskoj zemlji od 13. stoljea do pada pod
osmansku vlast, Hum i Hercegovina kroz povijest, 473494.
27
M. BRKOVI, Srednjovjekovna humska kancelarija, Hum i Hercegovina kroz povijest, 561600.
28
R. PEKI, Strani trgovci na podruju srednjovjekovne Hercegovine, Hum i Hercegovina kroz povijest, 627646.
316
Scholarly Life
nalazili pod direktnom jurisdikcijom bosanskih vladara, da bi kasnije priznavali vazalitet bosanskih velmoa. Treba istai i da je autor donekle korigirao
ranije stavove historiografije (D. Kovaevi-Koji) po pitanju pripadnitva
vlaha onom senioru na ijem posjedu se nalaze, utvrdivi da ima odstupanja
od tog principa. Dodatna vrijednost ovog rada je i to je za pojedine vlake
katune data geografska lokacija njihovih prebivalita.29 Petar Vranki u svom
radu na saet nain donosi prikaz pisanja bizantskih i osmanskih historiara i
ljetopisaca, suvremenih posljednjim danima ostataka Bosanskog kraljevstva.
Od bizantskih pisaca autor istie: Mihajla Duku (Historia Byzantina), Georgija Sfrancesa (Chronicon Minus), Mihajla Kritobula (Critobuli Imbriotae Historiae), Laonika Halkokondila (Expositio Historiarum) i Anonymusa Graecusa (Historia Imperatorum Turcorum). Od osmanskih povjesniara izdvojeni
su: Aik-paa Zade (Tevrh-i l-i Osmn), Tursun-bey (Trh-i Ebl- Feth),
Sadedin Hoda Efendija (Tc t-Tevrh), Ali El-Gemali (Annales Sultanorum Othmandiarum) i drugi.30
U povodu 550. obljetnice osmanskog osvajanja Smedereva i drugog, te
konanog pada Srpske despotovine, Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti u
proloj godini je objavila Zbornik radova sa naunog skupa Pad Srpske despotovine 1459. godine, odranog u Beogradu i Smederevu 2009. godine. Sinia Mii u radu o obnovi Srpske despotovine nakon njenog prvog pada prouava uvijek komplikovano pitanje srednjovjekovnih granica, koncentriui se
naroito na istonu i zapadnu granicu Despotovine nakon Duge vojne 1444.
godine. Za bosansko srednjovjekovlje vanija su autorova razmatranja oko zapadne granice i dinaminih odnosa Bosanskog kraljevstva s Despotovinom.
Nakon rata vezanog za prevlast nad Srebrenicom, augusta 1452. godine, granica izmeu Bosne i Despotovine je utvrena i, prema Miiu, ila je od ua
rijeke Lukavac u Savu na jugozapad, pratei tok rijeke, a zatim na jug prema
obroncima Majevice. Granica na Polimlju, prema zemljama Stjepana Vukia
Kosae nije se mijenjala u odnosu na raniji period.31 lanak ure Toia baziran je na autorovim nastojanjima da dokae kako glasine i mitovi o prodaji
Smedereva od strane kralja Tomaa i njegovog sina nisu u skladu sa povijesnim injenicama. Istiui rezultate novije, kritike historiografije, ukazano je
da su sami stanovnici Smedereva, plaei se odmazde osvajake vojske i podravajui Mihaila Anelovia (brata rumelijskog beglerbega Mahmud-pae)
na utrb od Ugarske postavljenog omraenog Tomaevia, pustili osmansku
29
E. KURTOVI, Seniori hercegovakih Vlaha, Hum i Hercegovina kroz povijest,
647696.
30
P. VRANKI, Hercegova zemlja od propasti Bosne do definitivnog pada pod Turke u svjetlu suvremenih bizantskih i osmanskih izvora, Hum i Hercegovina kroz povijest,
697742.
31
. , (14441459),
1459. , , ,
. 134, , . 32, 2011, 6374.
317
1 (2013) 309330
Initial 1 (2013) 309330
vojsku u grad. Brojne napade na bosanskog kraljevia i tek 92 dana srpskog

despota, od strane pape Pija II i ugarskog kralja Matije Korvina, Toi identifikuje kao zgodnu i prikrivenu odstupnicu kako bi sa sebe samih skinuli oitu
odgovornost.32 Odnos bosanske dinastije prema deavanjima istono od granice njihovog kraljevstva prouava i Jelena Mrgi. Autorica analizira odnose
dvaju dinastija na vie nivoa: na pitanju Srebrenice jabuke razdora vladara
Bosne i vladara Srbije voljom i namjerom njihovog zajednikog seniora, ugarskog kralja Sigismunda; na pitanju odnosa prema zajednikoj opasnosti
Osmanskom carstvu; te na odnosu prema Dubrovniku, Mletakoj republici i
papskoj kuriji.33 Radom Nevena Isailovia osvijetljen je za srednji vijek jako
karakteristian nain irenja i uvrivanja vladarske moi brana politika.
Ni bosanski kralj Toma nije zapostavio ovaj model moemo pratiti gotovo
grozniavo traenje najpogodnije mlade za njegovog sina Stefana, poev od
udovice bana Petra Talovca Hedvige, preko kerke monog milanskog vojvode
Francesca Sforze, do konano realiziranog braka sa kerkom srpskog despota
Lazara Brankovia, Jelenom (Marom). Ipak, upravo e ovaj ambiciozni plan
kralja Tomaa doprinijeti broj propasti njegovog kraljevstva.34 Petar Rokai
prati sudbinu krune srpskih despota te pokuava razrijeiti dileme nastale u literaturi pogrenim identificiranjem krune trakih despota kao krune Srpske despotovine, koja je dola u posjed Osmanlija nakon pada Jajca 1463. godine.35
Odlaskom Sime irkovia u historiografiji srednjeg vijeka kompletnog
Balkanskog poluotoka nastala je velika praznina. Istorijski institut iz Beograda pokuao se bar djelomino oduiti velikom historiaru izdavanjem u njegovu ast Spomenice, u kojoj je svoj doprinos dalo 30 eminentnih naunika. Za
srednjovjekovnu Bosnu u ovoj Spomenici je nekoliko radova od posebnog
znaaja. Esad Kurtovi analizira podatke iz dubrovakih izvora o ozloglaenom lokalitetu Monte Lapidoso ili Kameno brdo, poznatom kao izuzetno pogodnom za drumsko razbojnitvo. Autor na osnovu informacija veinom iz
serije Lamenta de foris, Kameno brdo locira uz frekventan put pored Kljua,
niz pravac Cernica Bilea. Kurtovi istie i da se ni u kom sluaju ne moe
govoriti o naselju ili trgu na ovoj lokaciji i zakljuuje da je to tek geografski
pojam koji ne treba mijeati sa lokalitetom slinog imena Brdo u blizini Trebinja.36 Jelena Mrgi u okviru pregleda novije historiografske produkcije o
32
. , ,
1459. , 185194.
33
. , , 1459. , 195202.
34
. ,
15. , 1459. e, 203214.
35
. , ,
1459. , 429439.
36
E. KURTOVI, Monte Lapidoso Kameno brdo,
, , , . 25, 2011, 195210.
318
Scholarly Life
srednjovjekovnim gradskim naseljima, osvre se i na rad irkovia na ovom

irokom polju historijske nauke, ukljuujui i radove vezane za naselja srednjovjekovne Bosne.37 Petar Rokai autor je rada u kojem analizira tri pojma vezana za bosansko srednjovjekovlje i predlae njihovo novo itanje, ime se
otvaraju prostori za nove interpretacije njihovog konteksta. Prvi termin je ubanus koji se javlja u povelji pape Grgura IX iz 1233. godine vezano za vijest bana Ninoslava o prelasku njegovog roaka Prijezde ubanus (albanusa) na katoliku vjeru. Za razliku od starijih tumaenja, Rokai smatra da je rjeca al preuzeta iz maarskog jezika i da ona oznaava termin podban. Slijedei termin
koji autor analizira, ustvari je lino ime Ponsa, ime bosanskog biskupa iz XIV
stoljea. Smatrajui da su svi kasniji istraivai nekritiki preuzeli itanje ovog
imena od Klaia, Rokai je uvjeren da je ispravno itanje Poa. Jo jedno ime zainteresovalo je Rokaia i ponovo je vezano za tumaenja Vjekoslava Klaia. Radi se o navodnom kralju Bosne Janou Marotiju, koji se spominje meu uesnicima kongresa vladara iz 1412. godine kao Marolt knig zu Bossen. Autor naglaava da se radi o nesporazumu u spisku i da je dotini Maroti samo naveden
ispred bezimenog bosanskog kralja, bez znaka interpunkcije meu njima.38 U
radu koji proizaao iz suradnje Nevena Isailovia i Aleksandra Jakovljevia raspravlja se o voi osmanskih odreda koji su upadali na teritorij Bosanskog kraljevstva u 1414. i 1415. godini. Autori su naglasili da je veina istraivaa pogreno itala ime ove linosti i samim time nisu mogli da ga pravilno identificiraju. Jedina iznimka bio je Nedim Filipovi koji je u svom kapitalnom djelu
Princ Musa i ejh Bedredin ispravno tumaio da se radi o ah Meleku, istaknutoj linosti XV stoljea, ali su naglasili i da je taj nalaz ostao neprimjeen zbog
nedostatka imenskog registra u spomenutoj knjizi.39
* * *
Jedina knjiga iz 2011. godine, u potpunosti posveena Bosni u srednjem
vijeku, jeste Srednjovjekovna Bosna u areni politike historiografije Kenana
Dautovia, docenta na Fakultetu politikih nauka u Sarajevu.40 Knjigu je objavio travniki Divan a predstavlja dio autorove doktorske disertacije Postkonfliktna konstrukcija bosanskohercegovake drave i drutva. Analizirajui
niz historijskih djela iz ugla svoje struke, naune oblasti sigurnosti, autor uoava jasan sukob interesa naune historiografije sa politikom historiografijom,
kako naziva upotrebu historiografije u politike svrhe, prvenstveno za kreiranje
nacionalne svijesti pojedinog naroda. Dautovia zanima jedna od najeih
37
J. MRGI, Cives et civitates Urban studies in recent Serbian Historiography,
, 245259.
38
. , , , 211217.
39
. . , ( 1414. 1415. ), , 441463.
40
K. DAUTOVI, Srednjovjekovna Bosna u areni politike historiografije, Divan,
Travnik 2011, 182.
319
1 (2013) 309330
Initial 1 (2013) 309330
manifestacija takvog oblika bavljenja historijom, nastajanje predrasuda, pseudokognitivnih uvjerenja praenih snanom emocionalnom angairanou. U
praenju najvanijih tokova bosanskog srednjovjekovlja, autor je preuzeo metodoloki pristup Ante Babia i materiju podijelio u 6 poglavlja (Teritorija i
stanovnitvo, drava, drutvo, privreda, crkva i kultura). Cilj autora nije da
ponudi vlastito vienje historijskih procesa, ve da identifikuje granine razlike u historiografiji, pri tome ga naroito interesuju razlike u interpretaciji u
udbenicima historije za osnovnu kolu.41 Mogue je da je previe prostora
posveeno autorima bez ikakve naune vrijednosti za historiografiju srednjeg
vijeka, no u knjizi i oni slue kao primjeri unoenja ideoloko-politikih interpretacija u historijsku nauku, njihovog proglaavanja jedinim istinama, sve u
cilju kako bi se osigurala potrebna snaga za eljene politike projekte, uz
istovremeno onemoguavanje generiranja nosilaca eventualnih promjena.
Konavle kao geografski region ni bil u sastavu Bosanske drave niti
punih 50 godina, no, uticaj te oblasti na drutveno-politike odnose Bosne i
Dubrovnika bio je ogroman. Iz tog razloga je za historiografiju bosanskog
srednjovjekovlja od znaaja monografija Nike Kapetania posveena ovom
podruju. Nakon kratkog pregleda historije Konavala u kome je dat osvrt i na
period bosanske prevlasti 13771426, najveim djelom knjige Kapetani se
bavi stanovnitvom oblasti, detaljnim opisima svih kaznaina sa kartografskim pokazateljima i popisom toponima. Ogroman broj podataka prezentiran
u ovoj monografiji osigurava joj nezaobilaznu ulogu u svim buduim istraivanjima ovog zanimljivog mikroregiona.42
Na mali dio prostora dananje Bosne i Hercegovine odnosi se knjiga
Hrvoja Graanina posveena podruju June Panonije na prijelomu kasne antike u rani srednji vijek. Ta injenica ne diskvalifikuje ovo djelo u pregledu
historiografske produkcije o srednjovjekovnoj Bosni, tim vie to obrauje geografski neuokvirene teme hunske i avarske prevlasti i doseljavanja Slovena.
Knjiga je u osnovi objavljena doktorska disertacija Graanina, izdana u zagrebakoj nakladi Plejada.43
* * *
Na polju izdavanja i tumaenja izvora bosanskog srednjovjekovlja
2011. godina bila je vrlo plodna. U etvrtom broju svog asopisa Graa o
41
Na ovom mjestu moe se staviti primjedba da je kao ogledne primjere autor uzeo
vremenski dosta udaljene udbenike: E. PELIDIJA F. ISAKOVI Historija za 6. razred
osnovne kole, Sarajevo 1994; I. MAKEK A. NIKI, Povijest 6 Udbenik za 6. razred
osnovne kole, Mostar 2006; . , 7. , 2007. Vjerovatno su razlog bile najuoljivije razlike u interpretaciji historije srednjovjekovne Bosne.
42
N. KAPETANI, Konavle u 15. stoljeu, Matica hrvatska Konavle, Grude 2011,
274.
43
H. GRAANIN, Juna Panonija u kasnoj antici i ranom srednjovjekovlju (od konca 4. do konca 11. stoljea), Plejada, Zagreb 2011, 455.
320
Scholarly Life
prolosti Bosne Akademija nauka i umjetnosti Republike Srpske donosi 13 radova u kojima su izvori objavljeni, prevedeni i interpretirani, uz obavljene
prosopografske i topografske analize.44 Ovaj asopis je nastao po uzoru na neto stariji Stari srpski arhiv koji izdaje Filozofski fakultet u Beogradu, a koji u
svom 10. broju iz 2011. godine donosi i tri rada od interesa za bosansko srednjovjekovlje.45
U izdanju mostarske Crkve na kamenu izala je zbirka izvora koju je
sastavio Milko Brkovi. Ovaj strunjak za latinske srednjovjekovne izvore
ovaj put se, moramo rei naalost, fokusirao mahom na irilske povelje. Autor
je u osnovi povadio sve vezano za odnose Bosne i Dubrovnika iz dvotomne
zbirke Ljubomira Stojanovia Stare srpske povelje i pisma (1929. i 1934) ime je izgubljena bilo kakva originalnost djela, no to je i manji problem u odnosu na novotinu koju Brkovi donosi, a to je transkribovanje irilskih povelja na modernu latinicu, ime su gotovo u potpunosti izgubile svoju upotrebljivost, a transkribovanje brojne vrijednosti slova irilice unijelo je veliku zbrku.
Koga je autor smatrao pod prosjenim itateljem zbog kojeg je to uinio i
da li je razlog ovakvog postupka sve vee nepoznavanje i modernog irilinog
pisma u okolini u kojoj djeluje, teko je rei, no ostaje injenica da je napravljen bespotreban posao koji je u startu osuen na neuspjeh.46
I dok Brkovieva zbirka nee imati nikakvu primjenu u historijskoj nauci, potpuno je drukija stvar sa zbirkom koju je priredila Nella Lonza. Ova
44
Objavljeni su radovi: . , ; , ; . , I ; . . , ; . ,
; . ,
1405. ; . ,
; . ,
; .
, ; . , ; ,
; . , . ; . ,
.
45
To su radovi: . ,
; . , II ; . , .
Znaajna su i dva priloga: . : , 110 (20022011) i , ,
,
, na osnovu kojih se moe stei uvid u znaaj ovog asopisa i za izuavanje bosanskog srednjovjekovlja.
46
Diplomatiki zbornik srednjovjekovnih humskih i bosanskih isprava Dubrovniku,
prir. M. BRKOVI, Mostar 2011, 254.
321
1 (2013) 309330
Initial 1 (2013) 309330
zbirka predstavlja nastavak prakse objavljivanja odluka vijea Dubrovake republike koja traje jo od 1879. godine. Obraene su odluke vezane za dvoipogodinji period od poetka 1395. do avgusta 1397. godine, a podaci koji se
mogu nai u ovom djelu mogu se iskoristiti kako za prouavanje irokog niza
tema, poev od politiko-diplomatskih odnosa Republike pa do svakodnevnog
ivota u gradu i zaleu.47
U 2011. godini jo jedno kapitalno djelo iz oblasti objavljivanja izvora
ugledalo svjetlo dana. Rije je o Zborniku srednjovekovnih irilikih povelja i pisama Srbije, Bosne i Dubrovnika, Knjiga 1 (11861321) koji su u
izdanju beogradskog Istorijskog instituta priredili Vladimir Moin, Sima irkovi i Duan Sindik. Na 652 stranice nalaze se povelje koje su, istina, i ranije
objavljivane, ali sada sa dosta ispravaka i uz vrhunske kritike metode. Poto
Zbornik obrauje vrijeme bosanskog srednjovjekovlja sa najmanje suvremenih izvora, zasigurno e imati veliki doprinos u buduim istraivanjima samih
poetaka bosanske banovine.48
* * *
U zakljunom osvrtu na historiografsku produkciju o srednjovjekovnoj
Bosni u 2011. godini, moe se istai nekoliko glavnih karakteristika: nauni
interes za bosansko srednjovjekovlje najvie je izraen u Bosni i Hercegovini
i Srbiji, manje u Hrvatskoj; izrazit nedostatak objavljenih historijskih monografija nastavak je stanja iz ranijeg perioda, to je i logino s obzirom na to da
se do dobrih medievistikih sinteza teko dolazi; izraen je veliki broj strunih
radova objavljenih u raznim asopisima, naroito u zbornicima radova, te jaka
aktivnost na polju objavljivanja historijskih izvora. Prikazani radovi su veoma
raznoliki, njihova kvaliteta varira od obinih preglednih radova koji nee ostaviti dubljeg traga u historijskoj nauci do radova najvieg kvalitetnog nivoa, reputacija autora iji su radovi objavljeni u ovoj godini kree se od potpunih
amatera, studenata koji objavljuju svoje prve radove, iskusnih naunih radnika
pa sve do sada ve legendi pisane rijei u historijskoj nauci. S obzirom na ope stanje duha u regionu, nauna medievistika produkcija i u 2011. godini
dokazala je da ima solidnu plodnost i stvaralaku kreativnost.
Analiza historiografske produkcije prezentirana na prethodnim stranicama pokazuje da je nauno istraivanje srednjeg vijeka, na junoslovenskim
prostorima, zadralo svoju visoku poziciju u okvirima ope historijske nauke.
U preko 70 objavljenih naslova obraen je veliki broj tematskih cjelina u kojima su, nekim vie nekim manje, napravljeni dodatni iskoraci u poznavanju
47
Odluke dubrovakih vijea 13951397, ed. N. LONZA, Hrvatska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti Zavod za povijesne znanosti u Dubrovniku, Zagreb Dubrovnik 2011,
454.
48
, , 1 (11861321), . . . . , , 2011, 652.
322
Scholarly Life
materije. Najvie radova posveeno je drutvenoj historiji baziranoj na izvornoj grai dubrovake provinijencije dok kvantitativno donekle zaostaju radovi
iz historijske geografije te politike i religijske historije. Rani srednji vijek,
inae rjee obraivani dio bosanskog srednjovjekovlja, takoer je solidno zastupljen (Ani, Goldstein, Babi...) a veina radova se zasniva na tumaenjima De administrando imperio.
Najvei broj radova u 2011. godini izaao je u sastavu zbornika radova
sa naunih skupova odranih u ranijim godinama ili u Spomenici izdanoj u
ast velikom medievisti Simi irkoviu. Iz tog razloga srednjovjekovni Hum
je najobraenija regija bosanske drave u 2011. godini, a najistraeniji meudravni odnosi su oni izmeu Bosanskog kraljevstva i Srpske despotovine.
Struna periodika iz Bosne i Hercegovine i susjednih drava takoer je dala
svoj obol objavljivanjem nekoliko znaajnih nauno-istraivakih pristupa. U
veini vodeih historijskih asopisa mogu se pronai radovi od interesa za nau temu, a meu njima vodeu ulogu su zadrali Prilozi sarajevskog Instituta
za istoriju i Istorijski asopis beogradskog Istorijskog instituta. Historijskih
monografija u 2011. godini manje nego u prethodnoj, no poklonici srednjovjekovne prolosti ovih prostora su na to ve navikli. Ono po emu e 2011.
godina ostati zabiljeena jeste objavljivanje dvije zbirke izvora, jedne u redakciji Nelle Lonze, a druge u saradnji ve pokojnih irkovia i Moina sa Duanom Sindikom. Ove zbirke e kroz dugi niz godina biti od velike koristi nizu
sadanjih i buduih generacija medievista.
Denan DAUTOVI
.
Digital Diplomatics 2011 Tools
for the Digital Diplomatist, 2011.

. .
, ,
,
.
323
1 (2013) 309330
Initial 1 (2013) 309330
, .1
Commission Internationale de Diplomatique 2005,
.2
Charters Encoding Initiative (CEI), 2007. .3 ,

, .
Digital Diplomatics 2011
tools for the digital diplomatist 29. 1. 2011. II
International Centre for Archival Research (ICARUS), European
Network on Archival Cooperation.4 28 50 , ,
, - . , .5
Keynote
Benot-Michel Tock ( ), Digital Diplomatics,
Magic Diplomatics?
1
: G. VOGELER, Vom Nutz und Frommen digitaler Urkundeneditionen, Archiv fr Diplomatik 52

(2006) 449466.
2
: . , 21. ( ), 5 (2006) 277290.
3
Digitale Diplomatik: Neue Technologien in der historischen Arbeit mit Urkunden, ed. G. VOGELER,
Archiv fr Diplomatik Beiheft 12, Kln Wien 2009.
4
ICARUS . : www.
icar-us.eu.
5
: Internatio-nal
Conference Digital Diplomatics Tools for the Digital Diplomatist, Napoli, 29
settembre 1 ottobre 2011, Napoli 2011, 56 , , , : www.cei.lmu.de/digdipl11.
324
Scholarly Life

Nicolas Perreaux ( , ), De laccumulation
lexploitation: propositions et expriences pour lindexation et lutilisation
des bases diplomatiques numrises; Olivier Canteaut Frdric Glorieux
(cole nationale des chartes, ), Essai de classification automatique des
actes royaux franais (XIVe XVe sicles); Michael Gervers Gelila Tilahun
( ), Statistical Methods for Dating Collections of Medieval Documents; Els De Paermentier ( ), Diplomata
Belgica: Analysing Medieval Charter Texts (dictamen) through a Quantitative
Approach; Robin Sutherland-Harris ( ), Applications of the DEEDS Database to Somerset Charters: Dating, Diplomatics and
Historical Context; Timo Korkiakangas ( ), Challenges for the Linguistic Annotation of an Early Medieval Charter Corpus.
Jeroen Deploige Guy de Tr ( ), When Were

Medieval Benefactors Generous? Time Modelling in the Development of the
Database Diplomata Belgica; Christian Emil Ore ( ),
Interlinking Source Text Collections a Norwegian example; Redmer Alma
( , ), The Digitaal Oorkondenboek Groningen en Drenthe and the Semantic Web: Towards a Generic Publication of
Dutch Medieval Sources?; Richard Higgins ( ), Cataloguing medieval charters: a repository perspective; Pierluigi Feliciati
( ), Descrizione digitale e digitalizzazione di pergamene e sigilli nel contesto di un sistema informativo archivistico nazionale:
lesperienza des SIAS; Francesca Capochiani Chiara Leoni (
) Roberto Rosselli del Turco ( /
), Open Source Tools for Online Publication of Charters; Antonella
Ghignoli ( ), Il progetto Italia Regia; Camille Desenclos Vincent Jolivet (cole nationale des chartes, ), Diple, propositions pour la convergence de schmas XML/TEI ddis ldition de sources diplomatiques; Daniel Piol Alabart ( ),
Proyecto ARQUIBANC. Digitalizacin de archivos privados catalanes: una
herramienta para la investigacin.
Paul Bertrand Maria Gurrado (Institut de recherche et dhistoire des

textes, ), Palographie mdivale et analyse formelle quantitative: considrations mthodologiques et rsultats denqute. Autour de lutilissation du
logiciel Graphoskop; Jinna Smit ( / ), Automatic Writer Identification: the Paleographers New
Friend?; Dominique Stutzmann (Institut de recherche et dhistoire des textes,
), Diplomatique et palographie numerique: De nouveaux
instruments de datation et dattribution?.
325
1 (2013) 309330
Initial 1 (2013) 309330
Semantic Web
Aleksandrs Ivanovs ( ) Aleksey Varfolomeyev ( ), Semantic Publications of Charter
Corpora. The Case of a Diplomatic Edition of the Complex of Old Russian
Charters Moscowitica Ruthenica.

Michael Hnchen (Forschungsstelle fr Vergleichende Ordensgeschichte, ), Die Erschlieung, Formalisierung und Auswertungsmglichkeit digitaler Urkundencorpora mittels einer Datenbank; Martin Roland
(Kommission fr Schrift- und Buchwesen des Mittelalters der
sterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, ), Illuminierte Urkunden
im digitalen Zeitalter Chancen und Maregeln; arko Vujoevi ( , ) Neboja Pori ( ) Dragi M. ivojinovi ( , ), Das serbische Kanzleiwesen: Herausforderung der digitalen Diplomatik; Jonathan
Jarret ( ), Poor Tools to Think with: the Human
Space in Digital Diplomatics.

Luciana Duranti ( , ),
The Return of Diplomatics as a Forensic Discipline, Antonella Ambrosio
Maura Striano ( II, ), Insegnare la diplomatica con le nuove tecnologie. Uno dei percorsi possibili.
Gunter Vasold ( , ), Work-in-Progress-Editionen als multidimensionale Wissensrume; Manfred Thaller

( ), What is an Environment for Charters?.
. . .
.
. . , ,
online. .

,
- , .
326
Scholarly Life

(
, , , ).

,
( , ) .

. .
text-mining
, 150.000 .
, 90% .
,
. . . XIV .
1427,
587 , . M. , DEEDS (Documents of Early England Data Set) ,
1066. 1307. . : , (shingles), ,
. ,
10 .
. 1191. 1244. 400 Diplomata Belgica,
word-,
: , ,
.
327
1 (2013) 309330
Initial 1 (2013) 309330
,
. .
, , .
, .
. , Diplomata Belgica
33.000 1250. Sources from the Medieval Low Countries. . . : Medieval
Norwegian Text Corpus , Diplomatarium Norvegicum,
, ( 24.000)
XML- , ,
Regesta Norvegica. . , . . - .
Italia Regia (
; ), online
VIII XI .
, ,
, .
,
. . .
Graphoskop
, .
12751325,

. .

.
1299.
1345. ,
, , .
. , .
328
Scholarly Life
XII , ,
10 .
. .
XIV . ,
, . , ,
, ,

.
.
.
, , .
,
.
. je

. , ,
,
, .

, . .
je , , , . . eLearning-
,
online
monasterium.net. . , .
work-in-progress
329
1 (2013) 309330
Initial 1 (2013) 309330
. . je
Virtuelles deutsches Urkundennetzwerk (VdU) XML-
Charters Encoding Initiative.
-,

. MGH-Constitutiones online, . (Collaborative Archive)
www.monasterium.net,
(Diplom@tica) .6
,
e ( )
(Beiheft 13)
Archiv fr Diplomatik .
, .

. , , , , ,
, (,
, , , ). ,
,
,
(, ). ,

, 2013.

-, - www.cei.lmu.de/digdipl11/organization/posters.
330

APPENDIX
. 1 (2013) 333348
1.
1.1.

.
. ,
. ,
, .
,
.
1.2.
, ,
.
, , ,
, .
1.3. ( ), , , ,
.
.
1.4.
, .
1.5. , . :
, .
, . ,
.
333
1 (2013) 333348
Initial 1 (2013) 333348
1.6. , , : Initial.RMS@gmail.com.
1.7. ,
.
, . ,
.
1.8. , ,
, , . ,
.
.
1.9.
, . , , .
,
. , ,
, , .
2.
2.1. , Times
New Roman ( 12 pt), 1,5 ( 10
pt ) , .
2.2. ( ,
, , e-mail)
.
:
, , 35/IV, , , marko.markovic@yahoo.com
2.3. (
- )
, , .
2.4. , ,
1.000 ( ).
334
Editorial Norms
,
.
2.5. , , 3.000 ( ).
,
.
2.6. , , 10.
2.7.
60.000 ( ).
2.8. .
2.9. , ( ),
(.tiff, .jpg, .png). (, ),
. .
2.10.
Hram Studenica ( English), a
Times New Roman ( Greek).
3.
3.1. :
- . . ;
- . Byzantion 52;
- . 15 km, 20 kg;
- , . 14 .
3.2. :
- 10 10
- ,10 10,
3.3. . (Alt+0132)
(Alt+0147). . . ,
. ; . .
3.4. , ; , ,
, , .
335
1 (2013) 333348
Initial 1 (2013) 333348
3.5. [ ] ( ), .
3.6. :
- , 10 . ;
- , . 800 ;
- , 10 . 5 (2006) 39;
- ,
, ,
;
- , .
10.000;
- , .
II; XII ;
- ,
. ,
14. , XLLXVI.
3.7. : ,
. 15. 1389.
3.8. ,
. kg, m, t, l, cm, mm.
3.9. (-)
(. -). (),
. (. 1935, ).
3.10. (Bold ),
.
3.11 (Italic ), , , , .
4.
4.1. , , , ,
. . .
4.2.
, .
.
:
. ,
12. 15. , 2005, 162165.
336
Editorial Norms
C. TYERMAN, Gods War. A New History of the Crusades, London

20072, 102104 ( ).
C. ERDMANN, The Origin of the Idea of Crusade (trans. M. W. BALDWIN W. GOFFART), Princeton 1977, 209234 ( ).
, .
. . , , 183190; C. TYERMAN, Gods War, 207210, C.
ERDMANN, The Origin, 308311.
4.3.
( , ).
.
:
A. BORST, Die Katharer, Schriften der Monumenta Germaniae Historica 12, Stuttgart 1953, 4873.
4.4.
: , , , , , ,
.
:
. , ,
56 (2008) 353369, . 360361.
P. CHARANIS, Aims of the Medieval Crusades and How They Were Viewed by Byzantium, Church History 21/2 (1952) 123134, pp. 128129 ( ).
, , ., p. pp. . . , , 363; P. CHARANIS, Aims of the Medieval Crusades, 130132.
4.5. , , , ,
, .
:
, , 17 ( 2010) 180192, . 189
191.
, , 15 ( 2006) 164183,
176.
4.6. : , , , , , (), . ,
.
:
337
1 (2013) 333348
Initial 1 (2013) 333348
K. LEYSER, The Tenth Century in Byzantine-Western Relationships,

Relationships between East and West in the Middle Ages, ed. D. BAKER,
Edinburgh 1973, 2963, p. 41.
K. LEYSER, The Tenth Century, 3739.
4.7.
: , ( /),
, , , , ( ).
:
The New Cambridge Medieval History 5, ed. D. ABULAFIA, Cambridge
1999, 164181, p. 167 (B. HAMILTON).
(,
), , , .
4.8. :
- . ,
, . . - . ,
2001, 7880.
, .
- . ALCUIN,
Vita Willibrordi, ed. W. LEVISON, MGH SS rerum Merovingicarum 7, Hannover 1920, 113141. .
- . , I, . . . . , 2011,
. 6, 6162. , .
- . :
, , /
, /, ( r (recto)
v (verso) ):
Bibliothque nationale de France, Paris, Ms lat. 4117, fols
108v145r;
Dravni arhiv u Dubrovniku, Acta Minoris Consilii, fasc. 19,
fol. 256v;
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Ms Vat. lat. 6055, fol. 151r.
r, v .
, .
,

.
338
Editorial Norms
4.9. :
P. LEBEAU, Paul of Samosata, New Catholic Encyclopedia 11 (Pau
Red), Washington D.C. 20032, 34.
. , , , 5
(), 2011, 415416.
4.10.
, , - .
:
P. MAGDALINO, The Byzantine Background to the First Crusade, a
pamphlet of Canadian Institute of Balkan Studies (1996), http://www.deremi
litari.org/resources/articles/magdalino.htm (. 9. a 2008).
M. ANSANI, Edizione digitale di fonti diplomatiche: esperienze, modelli
testuali, priorit, Reti Medievali Rivista 7/2 (2006), http://www.dssg.uni
fi.it/_RM/rivista/forum/Ansani.htm (. 20. 2008).
5.
5.1. , , . ,
,
.

.
:
10
A. FAILLER, Pachymeriana nova, Revue des tudes byzantines (=
REB) 49 (1991) 171195, pp. 180184; . , , (= )
22 (1983) 4358, . 48.
14
. MALAMUT, Les reines de Milutin, Byzantinische Zeitschrift (= BZ)
93 (2000) 490507, p. 500.
5.2. , : BHG, BHL BHO (Bibliotheca hagiographica Graeca, Latina Orientalis); CCCM CCSL (Corpus Christianorum, continuatio mediaevalis series Latina); CFHB (Corpus fontium historiae Byzantinae); CSHB
(Corpus scriptorum historiae Byzantinae); MGH (Monumenta Germaniae historica) ; MHH (Monumenta Hungariae historica); MHJSM (Monumenta historico-juridica Slavorum Meridionalium);
MSHSM (Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum Meridionalium); PG,
PL PO (Patrologia Graeca, Latina Orientalis); (
). . .
339
1 (2013) 333348
Initial 1 (2013) 333348
5.3. (
).
(. ), .
5.4. , .
:
3
. , V (13321391), 1993,
3739 (= , V).
6
J. W BARKER, Manuel II Palaeologus (13911425): A Study in Late
Byzantine Statemanship, New Brunswick 1969, 5863 (= BARKER, Manuel II).
5.5.
, ,
(. . XY) . . , , 121
(. . 14), 14 . , ,
, 52 (2005) 109134,
. 110114. .
5.6. op. cit. . . eadem, idem, , ,
. ibidem
.
5.7. : . (), . (), . (), . (/), .
(), . (), . (), . :
v., cf., n., ed. ( eds), sq., no ( ,
nos), trans., etc. .
5.8. : ./ser. , ./fasc. , ./fol. ( fols), r , /v , ./Ms ( Mss).
6.
6.1. .
.
6.2.
.
.
6.3. , . , ,
340
Editorial Norms
,
.
6.4.
,
!
6.5. , cf. .
6.6. .
EDITORIAL NORMS
AND RECOMMENDATIONS
1. General Requirements
1.1. Initial is a multidisciplinary review of medieval studies intended
for publishing contributions from all academic fields pertaining to the area of
Southeastern Europe and the Mediterranean in the Middle Ages. This includes
not only papers discussing new theoretical approaches in medieval studies or
interpreting so-called major issues, but also those focusing on narrower,
more specialized fields of research. However, with regard to the character of
the review authors should craft their material to appeal to a wider audience of
medievalists, providing the necessary context to readers who may not be so
well-versed in the particular subject. Editions and translations of medieval sources may also be submitted for publication, especially if they are an essential
component of a wider study.
1.2. By the very act of submitting a paper for publication in the Initial,
the author recognizes that the paper has not been previously or simultaneously
submitted to another periodical or collection of papers. Contributions should be
original academic works of the highest quality that have not been published before, including editions in other languages, on the internet or in altered form.
1.3. Initial publishes academic papers in Serbian (and other South Slavic languages), English, French, German, Italian, and Russian. Papers submitted in other languages may be considered for publication by decision of the
Editor-in-Chief.
1.4. Authors whose papers include illustrations should ensure reproduction rights and provide proof of that to the Editorial Board.
1.5. Initial publishes studies that receive two positive reviews in the process of blind peer review: the authors identity is not known to the reviewers,
and vice versa. The Editorial Board submits to the reviewers a version of the
341
1 (2013) 333348
Initial 1 (2013) 333348
paper with the authors name removed from the title. In order to avoid self-disclosure, authors should keep the narrative in the third person and maintain a
neutral tone of discussion.
1.6. Manuscripts are submitted in the form of computer files by email
to the following address: Initial.RMS@gmail.com.
1.7. Reviewers reports are provided to the authors, who may then modify their papers with regard to the reviewers objections or recommendations.
Authors who are not willing to accept the reviewers opinion should notify the
Editorial Board in written form, stating the reasons for disagreement. After assessing the authors arguments, the Editorial Board shall either submit the paper to additional reviewers or decide not to publish it.
1.8. Papers that have been accepted for publication are subjected to proofreading. Versions with proofreading marks are then given to the authors for
confirmation. Authors may input the corrections themselves or agree that the
Initial technical staff do that for them. If the author disagrees with any proofreading interventions, this should be clearly pointed out. Authors will not receive any other preliminary version of their papers.
1.9. Initial is open for publication of academic critiques and reviews of
all medievalist monographs, periodical publications, and individual articles, as
well as editions of medieval sources. Keeping track of academic life through
reports on various gatherings, meetings, lectures, and field research is also an
important segment of this journals profile. Since the Initial is conceived as an
intermediary between national and international medieval studies, it is recommended that works published in foreign languages should be presented in Serbian and vice versa. Naturally, the authors may submit reviews and reports in
their own language the Editorial Board and Publishing Board reserve the
right to provide a translation into Serbian if it is deemed in the interest of the
national medievalist community.
2. Text Edition
2.1. Manuscripts are submitted as Word documents, using Times New
Roman font (size 12 pt), with 1.5 line spacing and footnotes (size 10 pt, single
line spacing), an Abstract at the beginning and a Summary at the end.
2.2. Authors submit personal information (name and surname, institution of employment, its address, contact email), which is published on the first
page of the article.
Example:
Marko Markovi, Balkanoloki institut SANU, Knez Mihailova 35/IV,
Beograd, Srbija, marko.markovic@yahoo.com
2.3. Authors from Serbia (as well as others whose legislation on academic research contains such requirements) also submit the name and ID number of the research project/program within which the paper was created, as
well as the name of the institution funding it.
342
Editorial Norms
2.4. The Abstract, given in Serbian, comes below the title and is limited
to 1000 characters (with spaces). The author may submit the abstract in the same language as the paper itself, in which case the Editorial Board and the Publishing Board take the responsibility for providing a translation into Serbian.
2.5. The Summary, given in English, comes below the title and is limited to 3000 characters (with spaces). The author may submit the summary in
the same language as the paper itself, in which case the Editorial Board and
the Publishing Board take the responsibility for providing a translation into
English.
2.6. Keywords, no more than ten, come below both the abstract and the
summary, in their respective languages.
2.7. The main text, including references, should not exceed 60000 characters (with spaces).
2.8. The main text and references are given in the same language and
script.
2.9. Pictures are submitted in electronic form, in the highest resolution
practicable (preferably in color), using one of the usual file formats ( .tiff,
.jpg, .png). Other supplements (tables, charts) are also submitted in separate
files. The desired location of every supplement within the text should be clearly indicated.
2.10. It is recommended that Old Slavonic text be typed using the font
Hram Studenica (codepage English, made available to authors by the Secretary), and Greek text using the font Times New Roman (codepage Greek).
3. Typographic Conventions
3.1. Spaces are inserted:
- following periods that are part of name initials e.g. M. MARKOVI;
- between name and number of journals e.g. Byzantion 52;
- between number and designation of units of measure e.g. 15 km,
20 kg;
- in footnotes, following its reference number e.g. 14 Text of footnote.
3.2. Footnote reference numbers come after quotation and punctuation
marks.
Examples:
- quote10 not quote10
- this case,10 not this case10,
3.3. So-called German quotation marks should be used (Alt+0132)
and (Alt+0147). There is no space after opening quotes or before closing
quotes e.g. quote. For quotes within quotes the so-called single English
quotation marks and ; e.g. the real expert for that job.
3.4. If a quote begins in mid-sentence, closing quotes come before punctuation marks. If, however, the sentence begins with quotes, closing quotes
343
1 (2013) 333348
Initial 1 (2013) 333348
come after the punctuation mark at its end, since the punctuation mark is considered an integral part of the quoted text.
3.5. Square brackets [ ] are used instead of rounded ( ), when it is necessary to open a new set of brackets within an existing set of round brackets.
3.6. Numbers are written as:
- words, if smaller than 10 e.g. The diocese had four bishoprics;
- Arabic numerals, if 10 or larger e.g. There were more than 800
dwellings;
- Arabic numerals, if designating journal volumes or page numbers
e.g. Journal 5 (2006) 39;
- Arabic numerals, even if the original journal volume is given in Roman numerals or if Roman numerals are contained in an original work title;
- Roman numerals with names of monarchs e.g. John II;
- Roman numerals and SMALL CAPS when quoting pagination that uses
Roman numerals e.g. AUTHOR, Education in the 14th Century, XLLXVI.
3.7. Dates are given according to accepted usage in each individual language, e.g. June 15, 1389; le 15 juin 1389.
3.8. Modern measurements are given using the metric system.
3.9. The hyphen (-) is used exclusively to join compound expressions
(e.g. Greco-Roman). The dash () is used in other cases, such as expressing range, relationships, etc (e.g. pages 1935, the monarch baron relationship).
3.10. Bold font style is exclusively used for the papers title and possible subtitles.
3.11. Italic font style is used for titles of monographs, journals, collections of papers, collective publications, and editions of sources.
4. Bibliographic References
4.1. Surnames of authors/editors, including editors of editions of sources, are given in SMALL CAPS, with the first letter (and the accompanying initial) in Normal caps e.g. P. PETROVI.
4.2. The title of a book referenced for the first time is written in italic in
full, followed by the place and year of publication, without a comma between
them). Pages referenced are given at the end without any accompanying abbreviation such as p. or pp.
Examples:
P. BROWN, The Cult of the Saints. Its Rise and Function in Latin Christianity, Chicago 1981, 102105.
C. TYERMAN, Gods War. A New History of the Crusades, London
20072, 102104 (second edition).
C. ERDMANN, The Origin of the Idea of Crusade (trans. M. W. BALDWIN W. GOFFART), Princeton 1977, 209234 (translated book).
If there is more than one place of publication, only the first one is given.
344
Editorial Norms
Subsequent references use the abbreviated title e.g. P. BROWN, The

Cult of the Saints, 124127; C. TYERMAN, Gods War, 207210, C. ERDMANN, The Origin, 308311.
4.3. References for monographs published as part of a series should include the name of the series (with accompanying number) since that information is sometimes crucial for locating the book.
Example:
A. BORST, Die Katharer, Schriften der Monumenta Germaniae Historica 12, Stuttgart 1953, 4873.
4.4. Journal articles are referenced for the first time in the following
manner: authors name, full article title, full name of journal in italics, issue
number in Arabic numerals, year of publication in round brackets, page range
of whole article, quoted pages.
Examples:
J. BRUNDAGE, An Errant Crusader: Stephen of Blois, Traditio 16
(1960) 380395, p. 388.
P. CHARANIS, Aims of the Medieval Crusades and How They Were Viewed by Byzantium, Church History 21/2 (1952) 123134, pp. 128129 (journal published in more than one issue per year).
Subsequent references include authors name, abbreviated article title,
and quoted pages without p. or pp. e.g. J. BRUNDAGE, An Errant Crusader, 383385; P. CHARANIS, Aims of the Medieval Crusades, 130132.
4.5. References for different journals with the same name, as well as
those that are less known or difficult to come by include place of publication
alongside the year.
Examples:
AUTHOR, Title, Southern Herald 17 (Hastings 2010) 180192, p. 189.
AUTHOR, Title, Southern Herald 15 (Brighton 2006) 164183, p. 176.
4.6. Articles published in collections of papers are referenced for the
first time in the following manner: authors name, full article title, full name
of journal in italics, collection editor in SMALL CAPS, place and year of publication, page range of whole article, quoted pages. Subsequent references include authors name, abbreviateds article title and quoted pages.
Examples:
K. LEYSER, The Tenth Century in Byzantine-Western Relationships,
Relationships between East and West in the Middle Ages, ed. D. BAKER,
Edinburgh 1973, 2963, p. 41.
K. LEYSER, The Tenth Century, 3739.
4.7. Chapters in collective publications are referenced for the first time in
the following manner: name of publication in italics, book and volume numbers
(no comma between name of publication and book/volume numbers) editors
name in SMALL CAPS, place and year of publication, page range of whole chapter, quoted pages, authors name in round brackets (in SMALL CAPS).
345
1 (2013) 333348
Initial 1 (2013) 333348
Example:
The New Cambridge Medieval History 5, ed. D. ABULAFIA, Cambridge
1999, 164181, p. 167 (B. HAMILTON).
Subsequent references include name of publication (abbreviated if possible), book and volume numbers, quoted pages, authors name in round brackets (in SMALL CAPS).
4.8. References for source editions may take one of the following forms:
- reference for medieval narrative sources e.g. DOMENTIJAN, itije
svetoga Save, eds. LJ. JUHAS-GEORGIEVSKA T. JOVANOVI, Beograd 2001,
7880. Subsequent references contain only the name of the medieval author,
title of his work and page number;
- reference for medieval narrative sources published in a series e.g.
ALCUIN, Vita Willibrordi, ed. W. LEVISON, MGH SS rerum Merovingicarum
7, Hannover 1920, 113141. Subsequent references same as above;
- reference for medieval documents published in collections of documents e.g. Zbornik srednjovekovnih irilikih povelja i pisama Srbije, Bosne
i Dubrovnika, I , eds. V. MOIN S. IRKOVI D. SINDIK, Beograd 2011, no
6, 6162. Subsequent references contain only the abbreviated name of the collection, document number and quoted pages;
- reference for unpublished sources from archives/libraries when given
for the first time should take the following form: name of institution, archival
fund, series/subseries (where necessary), file number, leaf (preferably with
marks r (recto) for front side and v (verso) or for back):
Bibliothque nationale de France, Paris, Ms lat. 4117, fols 108v145r;
Dravni arhiv u Dubrovniku, Acta Minoris Consilii, fasc. 9, fol. 256v;
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Ms Vat. lat. 6055, fol. 151r.
The marks r, v and immediately follow page numbers (without spaces). If back side is marked with , the front side is left unmarked. Subsequent
references may leave out the name of the institution, unless the article makes
use of similarly named series from different archives. In that case, institution
names may be abbreviated.
4.9. Encyclopedia and lexicon articles are referenced thus:
P. LEBEAU, Paul of Samosata, New Catholic Encyclopedia 11 (Pau
Red), Washington D.C. 20032, 34.
N. ISAILOVI, Kujava, kraljica, Srpski biografski renik 5 (Kv
Mao), Novi Sad 2011, 415416.
4.10. References for articles from electronic publications or the internet
should contain the name of the author, article title, title of electronic publication with web address and date when it was consulted.
Examples:
P. MAGDALINO, The Byzantine Background to the First Crusade, a
pamphlet of Canadian Institute of Balkan Studies (1996), http://www.deremilitari.org/resources/articles/magdalino.htm (cons. April 9, 2008).
346
Editorial Norms
M. ANSANI, Edizione digitale di fonti diplomatiche: esperienze, modelli

testuali, priorit, Reti Medievali Rivista 7/2 (2006), http://www.dssg.uni
fi.it/_RM/rivista/forum/Ansani.htm (cons. November 20, 2008).
5. Abbreviations
5.1. In principle, names of periodicals are not to be abbreviated. However, if the author frequently cites articles from a periodical with a lengthy name, an abbreviation may be defined in the first footnote where that periodical
is referenced. Abbreviations that have become commonplace for certain publications are preferred.
Examples:
10
A. FAILLER, Pachymeriana nova, Revue des tudes byzantines (=
REB) 49 (1991) 171195, pp. 180184; C. M. BRAND, The Turkish Element
in Byzantium (11th12th Centuries), Dumbarton Oaks Papers (= DOP) 43
(1989) 125, p. 18.
14
. MALAMUT, Les reines de Milutin, Byzantinische Zeitschrift (= BZ)
93 (2000) 490507, p. 500.
5.2. The following abbreviations for series of source editions may be
used without explanations: BHG, BHL and BHO (Bibliotheca hagiographica
Graeca, Latina and Orientalis); CCCM and CCSL (Corpus Christianorum,
continuatio mediaevalis and series Latina); CFHB (Corpus fontium historiae
Byzantinae); CSHB (Corpus scriptorum historiae Byzantinae); MGH (Monumenta Germaniae historica) and its various subseries; MHH (Monumenta
Hungariae historica); MHJSM (Monumenta historico-juridica Slavorum Meridionalium); MSHSM (Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum Meridionalium); PG, PL and PO (Patrologia Graeca, Latina and Orientalis);
( ). Names of other collections should
be given in full when referenced for the first time. Both abbreviated and full
variants are given in regular font style.
5.3. Authors may submit a list of abbreviations for more frequently cited works at the end of the article, bearing in mind that this list is counted in
the 60000 character quota allowed per article. It is left to the authors to decide
which references will be listed (e.g. those appearing four or more times).
5.4. For frequently referenced works, it is sufficient to define an abbreviation when first cited.
Examples:
3
D. ANGELOV, Imperial Ideology and Political Thought in Byzantium,
12041330, Cambridge 2007, 3739 (= ANGELOV, Imperial Ideology).
6
J. W BARKER, Manuel II Palaeologus (13911425): A Study in Late
Byzantine Statemanship, New Brunswick 1969, 5863 (= BARKER, Manuel II).
5.5. If deemed necessary, the reader may be directed to the first citation
by adding (see footnote XY) to the abbreviated reference e.g. I. BURNS,
The Catalan Company, 767 (see footnote 14), where footnote 14 reads: I.
347
1 (2013) 333348
Initial 1 (2013) 333348
BURNS, The Catalan Company and the European Powers (13051311), Speculum 29/4 (1954) 751771, pp. 760763. This is especially recommended if the
first and latter references are far apart.
5.6. Use of op. cit. should be avoided. Terms such as eadem, idem, are to
be used when works by the same author are cited next to each other. Ibidem and
such are to be used for successive references to one work within the same footnote or when referring to the work cited in the previous footnote on the condition that the previous footnote does not contain references to other works.
5.7. Critical apparatus may include the following Latin abbreviations:
v. (see), cf. (confer), n. (note), ed/eds. (editor/s), sq. (and following), no (number, plural: nos), trans. (translation), etc. Authors should try to maintain uniform criteria for the use of these abbreviations throughout the article.
5.8. The following abbreviations are used for archival codes: ser. for series, fasc. for books or files, fol. for leaf (plural fols), r for front side, or v for
back side, Ms for manuscript (plural Mss).
6. Varia
6.1. The author is responsible for providing correct references. Therefore,
the critical apparatus should be checked before the manuscript is submitted.
6.2. Notes should be succinct and limited to providing support for statements in the main text. In book reviews they should be avoided.
6.3. Notes and references are intended to make it easier for the reader to
follow the text. It is therefore better to be precise than concise when in doubt, it is better to provide more information than less.
6.4. One frequent mistake is leaving the comma after an italicized title
in italics it should be in regular font style!
6.5. The meaning of cf. is confer, compare, and should not be used in
cases when see or see also is the correct term.
6.6. Authors are kindly asked to take the above recommendations into
consideration.
348
.
1 (2013)
,
cnss.cams@gmail.com

. ,

Lenka Blechov-elebi (Istorijski institut Univerziteta Crne Gore,
Podgorica), ( , ),
Borislav Grgin (Filozofski fakultet Sveuilita u Zagrebu), Gbor Klaniczay
(Central European University / Collegium Budapest), Esad Kurtovi
(Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta u Sarajevu), ( ),
( ),
( , .
), Paola Pinelli (Facolt di Economia, Universit degli
Studi di Firenze), ( ,
), (
), (
), ( , ),
( ), Georg
Vogeler (Zentrum fr Informationsmodellierung in den
Geisteswissenschaften, Karl-Franzens Universitt, Graz)

Initial.RMS@gmail.com

Grafos internacional,
500
CIP -
,
93 / 94
: = Initial : A
Review of Medieval Studies / = editor-in-chief
; = publishing editor . .
- 2013, . 1- . - : ,
2013- ( : Grafos internacional). - 24 cm
ISSN 2334-8003= ()
COBISS.SR-ID 198315276
.
.
INITIAL. A REVIEW OF MEDIEVAL STUDIES disclaims responsibility
for statements, either of fact or opinion, made by contributors.
2013

Centre for Advanced Medieval Studies 2013
All rights reserved

Sprache

Willkommen bei Scribd!

Inicijal 1 (2013)

Hochgeladen von

Dokumentinformationen

Beschreibung:

Copyright

Verfügbare Formate

Dieses Dokument teilen

Dokument teilen oder einbetten

Freigabeoptionen

Stufen Sie dieses Dokument als nützlich ein?

Sind diese Inhalte unangemessen?

Beschreibung:

Copyright:

Verfügbare Formate

Inicijal 1 (2013)

Hochgeladen von

Beschreibung:

Copyright:

Verfügbare Formate

Verwandte Titel

1

CENTRE FOR ADVANCED MEDIEVAL STUDIES

. P. SEELE, Philosophie der Epochenschwelle: Augustin zwischen Antike

. A. AVGUSTIN, Ispovijesti (prev. S. HOSU), Zagreb 1987, 148149.

ivotinja se naime ne bi kretala teei za neim ili izbjegavajui neto ako

. P. SEELE, Philosophie der Epochenschwelle, 147.

. SV. AUGUSTIN, Trojstvo (prev. M. MANDAC), Split 2009, 621.

[Mi smo] ...pokuali napetost uma uzdignuti da shvatimo onu najodliniju i

Mutatis mutandis , . . A. AUGUSTINE, On Christian Doctrine, 1213.

. A. AUGUSTIN, Ispovijesti, 144.

. A. AUGUSTIN, Ispovijesti, 262263.

: (2936) De administrando imperio,

De administrando imperio ( DAI), 2936

O. A. W. DILKE, Cartography in Byzantine Empire, 271272.

DAI 1, 160, . 1015; 2, 5960.

P. SKOK, Kako bizantinski pisci, 186.

DAI 1, 124, . 5558; 2, 14.

DAI 1, 144, . 95106; 2, 34.

DAI 1, 156, . 8385; 2, 54.

DAI 1, 138, .285295; 2, 2426.

TYPOLOGY AND SEMANTICS OF CRYPTOGRAMS

Abstract: As a matter of academic convention, combinations of Greek,

Entering the new millennium gave rise to the self-confidence that

Initial. A Review of Medieval Studies 1 (2013) 4975

E. Moutafov, Typology and Semantics of Cryptograms and Acrolexa

Initial. A Review of Medieval Studies 1 (2013) 4975

E. Moutafov, Typology and Semantics of Cryptograms and Acrolexa

Initial. A Review of Medieval Studies 1 (2013) 4975

E. Moutafov, Typology and Semantics of Cryptograms and Acrolexa

Initial. A Review of Medieval Studies 1 (2013) 4975

G. BABI, Les croix cryptogrammes, 113.

E. Moutafov, Typology and Semantics of Cryptograms and Acrolexa

Initial. A Review of Medieval Studies 1 (2013) 4975

E. Moutafov, Typology and Semantics of Cryptograms and Acrolexa

The cross often appears on weights of the Byzantine period, as an official

Initial. A Review of Medieval Studies 1 (2013) 4975

. . , , 1996, ilustrations ns 100,

E. Moutafov, Typology and Semantics of Cryptograms and Acrolexa

, 1997, 388, . 9.52.

Initial. A Review of Medieval Studies 1 (2013) 4975

The content of the acrostics forming the authors name see . ,

E. Moutafov, Typology and Semantics of Cryptograms and Acrolexa

C. WALTER, The Apotropaic Function of the Victorius Cross, 193215.

Initial. A Review of Medieval Studies 1 (2013) 4975

E. Moutafov, Typology and Semantics of Cryptograms and Acrolexa

Initial. A Review of Medieval Studies 1 (2013) 4975

E. Moutafov, Typology and Semantics of Cryptograms and Acrolexa

Initial. A Review of Medieval Studies 1 (2013) 4975

E. Moutafov, Typology and Semantics of Cryptograms and Acrolexa

. . , - , . . 4.3, 1929, 134.

Initial. A Review of Medieval Studies 1 (2013) 4975

E. Moutafov, Typology and Semantics of Cryptograms and Acrolexa

Initial. A Review of Medieval Studies 1 (2013) 4975

E. Moutafov, Typology and Semantics of Cryptograms and Acrolexa

Initial. A Review of Medieval Studies 1 (2013) 4975

E. Moutafov, Typology and Semantics of Cryptograms and Acrolexa

Stfan, v H(ri)s(t)a B(og)a vrn kral vsh Ra{kih zm()l i

, . 54, 195198, . 196, 9.