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BAR S2036

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia

Archaeopress and S Karavanic 2009

ISBN 978 1 4073 0613 1

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
List of Figures List of Plates List of Abbreviations Foreword 1. Introduction 2. Urnfield Culture Settlements in Croatia 2.1 History of research 2.2 Settlement Mackovac-Crisnjevi 2.3 Settlement Kalnik-Igrisce I 2.4 Settlement Kalnik-Igrisce II 3. Cemeteries of the Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia 3.1 History of research 3.2 Virovitica 3.3 Sirova Katalena 3.4 Moravce-Drascica 3.5 Drljanovac 3.6 Vocin 3.7 Popernjak 3.8 Mackovac 3.9 Gredani and other cemeteries of Gredani group 3.10 Zagreb-Vrapce 3.11 Zagreb-Horvati 3.12. Krupace 3.13 Trescerovac 3.14 Ozalj 3.15 VelikaGorica 3.16 Cemeteries of the Dalj group 4. Metal Industry of the Urnfield Culture in Croatia 4.1 Introduction 4.2 Bronze-casting Moulds 4.3 Hoards of the Urnfield culture in continental Croatia 4.4 Typological and Statistical Analysis of Metal Items in the Hoards 5. Conclusion 6. Literature Plates ii iv vi vii 1 3 3 4 17 32 43 43 43 44 45 47 48 51 51 51 54 55 55 56 56 57 70 73 73 77 88 105 135 141 151

LIST OF FIGURES
Fig. 1. Map showing major settlement sites of the Urnfield culture in continental Croatia Fig. 2 Part of the house floor" (SU 017) with the remains of a hearth (SU 019) Fig. 3 Clusters of pottery found in trench from 2001 at Mackovac-Crisnjevi site (photo by M. Mihaljevic) Fig. 4 Cluster of ceramic vessels in situ (trench 1998/1) at Mackovac-Crisnjevi site (photo by S. Karavanic) Fig. 5 Ground plan of hearth 1 (SU 006) at Mackovac-Crisnjevi site (drawing by M. Perkic) Fig. 6 Cross-section of hearth 1 (SU 006) at Mackovac-Crisnjevi site (drawing by M. Perkic) Fig. 7 Hearth (SU 019) at Mackovac-Crisnjevi site (photo by S. Karavanic) Fig. 8 Drawing of a hearth (SU 028) at Mackovac-Crisnjevi site (drawing by K. Jelincic) Fig. 9 Pottery types from the Mackovac-Crisnjevi settlement (after H. Kalafatic 2002 modified by M. Gregl) Fig. 10 Cadastral map of the settlement Mackovac-Crisnjevi with the position of the hoard find marked as a black point Fig. 11 Hoard Mackovac II or Mackovac-Crisnjevi (photo by M. Mihaljevic) Fig. 12 Pins and bronze sheet metal decorated by punching from trench 1/1997 at Mackovac-Crisnjevi site (drawing by K. Roncevic) Fig. 13 Bronze pin found in trench 2/2000 at Mackovac-Crisnjevi site (photo by D. Doracic) Fig. 14 Pin from the 2001 trench at Mackovac-Crisnjevi site (photo by D. Doracic) Fig. 15 Pins from the Mackovac-Crisnjevi settlement (drawing by M. Perkic) Fig. 16 A wiew of the Kalnik hill from the south, the site is marked by an arrow (photo by S. Karavanic) Fig. 17 Aerial photo of Kalnik and surrounding area (modified by A. Kudelic) Fig. 18 Ground plan of the excavated area at Kalnik-Igrisce I settlement (after Majnaric-Pandzic 1992a) Fig. 19 Table of pottery types from the Kalnik-Igrisce I site (after S. Olic's drawing, modified by M. Gregl,) Fig. 20 Table of cup and jar types at Kalnik-Igrisce I Fig. 21 Examples of vessels of type C5a from Kalnik-Igrisce I settlement Fig. 22 Bowls of B6f type from Kalnik-Igrisce I settlement (after Vrdoljak 1994) Fig. 23 Vessels from Kalnik-Igrisce I settlement (after Vrdoljak 1994) Fig. 24 Metal items from Kalnik-Igrisce I settlement (after Majnaric-Pandzic 1998a) Fig. 25 Metal items from Kalnik-Igrisce I settlement (after Majnaric-Pandzic 1998a) Fig. 26 Mould for casting bronze pins from Kalnik-Igrisce I site (photo by Z. Homen) Fig. 27 Ground plan of the Kalnik-Igrisce II site with SU 012 and SU 014 (by A. Kudelic) Fig. 28 Ground plan of Kalnik-Igrisce II site with SU 014 containing finds of pottery and grains in situ (by A. Kudelic) Fig. 29 Photograph of SU 065 showing a post hole with stones at Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement (photo by A. Kudelic) Fig. 30 Remains of carbonized wheat grains at Kalnik-Igrisce II site Fig. 31 Photo of SU 038 showing fragments of a mobile hearth at Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement (photo by A. Kudelic) Fig. 32 Map of the Urnfield culture cemetery sites in continental Croatia Fig. 33 Moravce cemetery (graves 1-6) (after Sokol 1996 modified by A. Kudelic) Fig. 34 Moravce cemetery (graves 7-10) (after Sokol 1996 modified by A. Kudelic) Fig. 35 Graves from Drljanovac cemetery ii 41 44 46 47 49 36 36 35 21 22 22 24 25 29 30 31 33 18 17 18 14 15 15 16 4 5 6 6 7 8 8 9 10 12 13

Fig. 36 Situation plan of the graves of the Virovitica and Zagreb groups at Drljanovac cemetery (after Majnaric-Pandzic 1988: 1994. modified by A. Kudelic) Fig. 37 Situation plan of Gredani cemetery (modified by A. Kudelic after Minichreiter 1982-1983) Fig. 38 Types of urns at Gredani cemetery (after Minichreiter 1984 modified by A. Kudelic) Fig. 39 Analysis of plano-convex ingots from the Pustakovec hoard Fig. 40 Analysis of plano-convex ingots from the Zagreb-Dezmanov Prolaz hoard Fig. 41 Bronze casting moulds from Sv. Petar Ludbreski site (after Simek 2004 modified by A. Kudelic) Fig. 42 Bronze casting moulds from continental Croatia Fig. 43 Bronze casting moulds from continental Croatia Fig. 44 Bronze-casting moulds from Kalnik-igrisce I settlement (after Vrdoljak 1992) Fig. 45 "Channelled stones" Fig. 46 Bronze casting moulds fragments Fig. 47 Map of the distribution of metal worker's tools at the Kalnik-Igrisce I site Fig. 48 Table showing major sites with the evidence of metal working activity in continental Croatia Fig. 49 Finds of crucibles at the sites in Croatia and Bosnia and Hercegovina Fig. 50 Bronze casting tools from continental Croatia and Bosnia and Hercegovina Fig. 51 Chisels and hammers used in bronze working in Croatia (drawing by A. Kudelic) Fig. 52 Major hoard find sites in continental Croatia Fig. 53 Hoards according to horizons Fig. 54 Graph showing the distribution of the sword finds in the hoards of the Urnfield culture in Croatia Fig. 55 Table showing the percentage of long and short spearheads according to hoards Fig. 56 A reconstruction of the Nyirtura type of shield, based on Patay 1968 Fig. 57 A reconstruction of the Veliko Nabrde helmet (after Skoberne 2001) Fig. 58 Finds of greaves from continental Croatia Fig. 59 Greaves from the hoard Poljanci IV hoard (after Miklik-Lozuk 2004; 2009) Fig. 60 Examples of pendants from hoards in Croatia Fig. 61 Belts from the hoards in continental Croatia Fig. 62 Belts of early Urnfield culture Fig. 63 Other finds of belts and belt buckles from the area of continental Croatia Fig. 64 Belt fragments from Kapelna and Slavonski Brod-Livadiceva ulica hoard Fig. 65 Map of the hoards of the Urnfield culture in northern Croatia that contain finds of belts and belt buckles Fig. 66 Vessels (buckets) of the Kurd type from Croatia Fig. 67 Metal fittings of wooden buckets from the Mackovac Crisnjevi hoard Fig. 68 A map of vessel and vessel fragment finds at the area of Urnfield culture in northern Croatia Fig. 69 Legrad hoard (after Vinski-Gasparini 1973)

50 52 53 76 76 78 80 81 82 83 84 85 85 86 87 89 95 106 110 112 117 118 120 121 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 131 132 133

hi

LIST OF PLATES
PL 1 Pottery from Mackovac-Crisnjevi settlement site PL 2 Pottery from Mackovac-Crisnjevi settlement site PL 3 Pottery from Mackovac-Crisnjevi settlement site PL 4 Pottery from Mackovac-Crisnjevi settlement site PL 5 Pottery from Mackovac-Crisnjevi settlement site PL 6 Pots from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site PL 7 Pots from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site PL 8 Pots from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site PL 9 Pots from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site PL 10 Undecorated conical bowls from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site PL 11 Undecorated conical bowls from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site PL 12 Undecorated conical bowls from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site PL 13 Undecorated S-profilcd bowls from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site PL 14 Undecorated bowls with inverted rim from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site PL 15 Undecorated bowls with inverted rim from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site PL 16 Undecorated bowls with inverted rim from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site PL 17 Undecorated bowls with inverted rim from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site PL 18 Undecorated bowls with inverted rim from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site Pl. 19 Undecorated bowls with inverted rim from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site PL 20 Fragments of undecorated and turban" shaped bowls with inverted rim from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site PL 21 Fragments of bowls with turban" shaped rim from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site PL 22 Fragments of bowls with turban" shaped rim from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site PL 23 Fragments of bowls with turban" shaped rim and facetted inverted rim from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site PL 24 Fragments of bowls and pots from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site PL 25 Fragments of pots from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site Pl. 26 Fragments of pots from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site PL 27 Fragments of bowls from Kalnik-igrisce II settlement site PL 28 Pottery fragments from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site PL 29 Base fragments from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site PL 30 Pottery fragments decorated by grooving from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site PL 31 Potteiy fragments decorated by grooving, incision, fluting and so called pseudoschnur decoration from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site PL 32 Fragments of pottery decorated with plastic ribbons and ribs from KalnikIgrisce II settlement site PL 33 Fragments of so called functional- decorativ elements from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site PL 34 Fragments of handles from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site Pl. 35 Fragments of handles from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site PL 36 Fragments of handles from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site Pl. 37 Fragments of handles with triangle cross section from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site Pl. 38 1. Bowl of fine fabric decorated with incised triangles and white incrustation 2. Bowl of fine fabric decorated with white incrustation 3. Fragment of bowl decorated with pseudoschnur decoration 4. Fragment of mobile hearth. All from Kalnik-igrisce II settlement site 175 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187 188 189 172 173 174 ] 53 154 ] 55 156 ] 5~ 158 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 167 168 169 170 171

190

iv

Pl. 39 Pottery fragments from Kalnik-Igrie II settlement site Pl. 40 Pottery fragments from Kalnik-Igrie II settlement site PL 41 Fragments of spindle whorls from Kalnik-Igrie II settlement site PI. 42 Fragments of spindle whorls and loom weights from Kalnik-Igrie II settlement site PI. 43 Fragments of loom weights from Kalnik-igrie II settlement site PI. 44 Fragments of spindle whorls and loom weights from Kalnik-igrie II settlement site PL 45 Fragments of spindle whorls and loom weights from Kalnik-igrie II settlement site PL 46 Fragments of stone tools from Kalnik-Igrie II settlement site PL 47 Fragments of stone tools from Kalnik-Igrie II settlement site PL 48 Fragments of stone tools from Kalnik-Igrie II settlement site PL 49 Fragments of stone tools from Kalnik-Igrie II settlement site PL 50 Velika Gorica cemetery: 1. grave 1/1908, 2. grave 14/1910 3-4. grave 3/1910, 5-7. grave 6/1911, 8-9. grave C/l910, 10-grave 2/1914, 11-13. grave A/1910 PL 51 Velika Gorica cemetery: grave 7/1908 PL 52 Velika Gorica cemetery: grave 1/1910 PL 53 Velika Gorica cemetery: grave 2/1910 PL 54 Velika Gorica cemetery: 1-2 grave 3/1910, 3-4 grave G/1910 PL 55 Velika Gorica cemetery: grave E/1910 PL 56 Velika Gorica cemetery: grave E/1910 PL 57 Velika Gorica cemetery: grave E/1910 PL 58 Velika Gorica cemetery: grave F/1910 PL 59 Velika Gorica cemetery: grave F/1910 PL 60 Velika Gorica cemetery: grave 1/1911 PL 61 Velika Gorica cemetery: grave 1/1911 PI. 62 Velika Gorica cemetery: grave 1/1911 PL 63 Velika Gorica cemetery: grave 4/1911 PL 64 Velika Gorica cemetery: 1. grave 3/1911, 2. grave 8/1911, 3. grave 7/1911, 4. from destroyed graves PL 65 Velika Gorica cemetery: grave 3/1914 PL 66 Velika Gorica cemetery: grave 2/1916 PL 67 Velika Gorica cemetery: grave 3/1916 PL 68 Velika Gorica cemetery: grave 3/1916 PL 69 Velika Gorica cemetery: grave 5/1916 PL 70 Velika Gorica cemetery: grave 6/1916 Pl. 71 Velika Gorica cemetery: accidental finds from destroyed graves PL 72 Velika Gorica cemetery: accidental finds from destroyed graves PL 73 Velika Gorica cemetery: accidental finds from destroyed graves PL 74 Velika Gorica cemetery: accidental finds from destroyed graves PL 75 Velika Gorica cemetery: accidental finds from destroyed graves PL 76 Velika Gorica cemetery: accidental finds from destroyed graves PL 77 Velika Gorica cemetery: accidental finds from destroyed graves PL 78 Velika Gorica cemetery: accidental finds from destroyed graves PL 79 Velika Gorica cemetery: accidental finds from destroyed graves PL 80 Velika Gorica cemetery: accidental finds from destroyed graves PL 81 Velika Gorica cemetery: accidental finds from destroyed graves

191 192 193 194 195 196 197 198 199 200 201 202 203 204 205 206 207 208 209 210 211 212 213 214 215 216 217 218 219 220 221 222 223 224 225 226 227 228 229 230 231 232 233

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
AAH- Acta Archaeologia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae Budapest AAustr- Archaeologia Austriaca, Wien AIA- Annales Instituti Archaeologici, Zagreb AP- Arheoloki pregled, Beograd, Ljubljana APA- Acta Praehistorica et Archeologica, Berlin AR- Archeologicke Rozhledy ArchKorrbl- Archologisches Korrespondenzblatt, Mainz AV- Arheoloki Vestnik, Ljubljana BAR IS- British Archaeological Reports, International Series Bericht RGK- Bericht Rmisch-Germanischen Kommission Festschrift RGZM- Festschrift Rmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz GZM- Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja u Sarajevu Izdanja HAD-a- Izdanja Hrvatskog arheolokog drutva, Zagreb JbRGZM- Jahrbuch des Rmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz MIA - Monografije Instituta za arheologiju u Zagrebu OA- Opuscula Archaeologica, Zagreb Obavijesti HAD-a- Obavijesti Hrvatskog arheolokog drutva OZ- Osjeki zbornik, Muzej Slavonije u Osijeku OxfJA- Oxford Journal of Archaeology PA- Pamatky Archaeologicke, Prague PBF- Prhistorische Bronzefunde PrillnstArh- Prilozi Instituta za arheologiju u Zagrebu PZ- Prhistorische Zeitschrift RGF- Rmisch-Germanischen Forschungen RVM- Rad Vojvoanskih muzeja, Novi Sad SlovArch- Slovenska Archaeologia, Nitra, Bratislava UPA- Universittforschungen zur Prhistorischen Archologie, Bonn VAMZ- Vjesnik Arheolokog muzeja u Zagrebu VHAD- Vjesnik Hrvatskog arheolokog drutva, Zagreb VF- Vorgeschichtliche Forschungen VMBP- Vijesti Muzeja brodskog Posavlja, Slavonski Brod WMBH-Wissenschaftliche Mitteilungen aus Bosnia und Herzegowina, Wien

vi

FOREWORD
Almost 20 years have passed since I seriously got involved in the research on the Bronze Age of Croatia. As a student at the Department of Archaeology in Zagreb I had the luck to participate in the excavations of KalnikIgrisce site under the direction of Prof. Nives Majnaric-Pandzic and her assistant Dr. Staso Forenbaher. This turned to be an important event that has defined my future scientific career. I am very grateful to professor Majnaric-Pandzic for giving me the opportunity to work on the analysis of metallurgical finds from Kalnik, especially the bronze casting moulds. I am also very grateful to Dr. Aleksandar Durman for all the help he provided while I was preparing my graduate thesis. Special thanks go to Prof. Tihomila Tezak-Gregl for her support while I was working as a young assistant at the Department of Archaeology in Zagreb. My work on the Late Bronze Age of Croatia has resulted in a PhD dissertation that I defended in autumn 2000. Since then I have been continually working on related subjects and currently I have been doing so at the Institute of Archaeology in Zagreb, where Dr. Zeljko Tomicic and Dr. Koraelija Minichreiter have provided great support at the time when I needed it most. When I first started writing this book I wanted to collect all the results on Late Bronze Age research in Croatia since the last major publication by Dr. Ksenija Vinski-Gasparini in 1973. Part of the book contains the results of my own work on the material stored in the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb, especially the Late Bronze Age cemetery at Velika Gorica. I am grateful to Mrs. Dubravka Balen-Letunic for giving me the opportunity to work on this material. Special thanks go to my young colleague Daria Loznjak-Dizdar, M.Sc., who was always willing to help me with literature and for our discussions on sometimes complicated questions related to the Bronze Age of Croatia. Special thanks go to the people that helped with technical matters, such as photos and drawings: Kresimir Roncevic, Irena Petrinec, Marta Perkic, Andreja Kudelic, and above all Miljenko Gregl. I would like to thank my colleague Dr. Ivor Jankovic for the translation of the book and Mag. Sanjin Mihelic for final proof reading and corrections of the English text. I thank also Dr. Michaela Lochner, Dr. Peter Turk and Dr. Dunja Glogovic who read the text of the book and made their remarks. To my parents I am most grateful for giving me continuous support through my studies and scientific career. Last but not least, I thank my husband Ivor and my daughter Ivana for their support and inspiration.

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Location Map

1. INTRODUCTION

Research on the Urnfield culture in Croatia is an integral part of the research on the Urnfield culture in Central Europe, especially in the Middle Danube Basin. There are many synthesis available on the Urnfield culture, one of them is on the Urnfield culture in the southern part of the Pannonian Basin, or what is today the northern part of Croatia (Vinski-Gasparini 1973). Before this seminal work was available, several papers on various aspects of this culture were published, like the ones that tried to explain the phenomenon of hoard finds (Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956). These publications in a way prepared the ground for further research on rich metal production in the southern part of the Pannonian Basin. It is important to note publications on the hoard finds published at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, such as the publication of the Sarengrad hoard (Brunsmid 1899-1900b), while the wellknown 1889 List (Popis) by Ljubic deals with individual metal items that were obtained by the National Museum in Zagreb during the 19th century. During the 19th century numerous museums' collaborators were actively collecting and listing prehistoric remains. Unfortunately, most of these items, mainly from hoards of bronze objects, are accidental finds and data on the circumstances under which they were discovered is known only from descriptions, and only for some of the finds. This is true for the hoard found at Bizovac (Puric 1895-1896:213-214), which most likely comes from an Urnfield culture settlement, based on other finds, such as pottery fragments and remains of wattle and daub. At the turn of the 19th to 20th century the most important prehistoric researcher in Bosnia and Herzegovina was Ciro Truhelka (Truhelka 1992). His work on the pile dwelling settlement at Donja Dolina (Truhelka 1904) is an important contribution to archaeological research both in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Croatia alike. Important works on the Urnfield culture in Bosnia and Herzegovina have been published in Wissenschaftlichen Mitteilungen aus Bosnien und der Herzegowina, later Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja u Sarajevu, in keeping with the principles of the Central European prehistoric science of the time. Numer; u.s h ard

finds from the region have been published in this important journal. Across the river Sava, in Croatia, works on Urnfield culture sites were published in what was then Viestnik Hrvatskog arheolokog drutva and include first analyses of the cemeteries at Krupae, Treerovac, and Velika Gorica. These finds have been collected and reevaluated by VinskiGasparini (1973). Following H. Miiller-Karpe's division (1959) she recognized 5 phases of the Urnfield culture in northern Croatia (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:22). Her work is based primarily on finds from cemeteries and hoards kept at the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb and other Croatian museums. For the first time the finds from archaeological research of cemeteries in Virovitica, Sirova Katalena, and Zagreb-Vrape were discussed. Her work also provided the first corpus of hoard finds with a complete list of items and discovery data, as well as a detailed comparative and typological analysis of the material. Only finds from settlements were not discussed in detail, as at the time settlements were poorly researched. After the publication of this work, numerous shorter publications followed (VinskiGasparini 1979-1980) in which the author described and analysed new hoard finds, or provided the results of current research on the Late Bronze Age in northern Croatia. The second larger work of synthesis was published in the Praistorija jugoslavenskih zemalja series under the title The Urnfield culture with its Groups (Vinski-Gasparini 1983). There, a summary of then known results on research of the Urnfield culture in Croatia and northern Bosnia is given. Further, new groups of the Urnfield culture are defined, such as the Virovitica, Zagreb,Velika Gorica and Dalj groups. A study on a cemetery of the early Urnfield culture at Gredani (Nova Gradika) was published at about the same time (Minichreiter 1982-1983), where the author argued for establishing a new local group. The Greani group differs from the Virovitica group primarily in the burial rite. A name of Barice-Gredani became accustomed in literature for this group of the earlier phase of the Urnfield culture in the Croatian and Bosnian Posavina region (Sava basin).

TheJJrnfieldCulture in Continental

Croatia

Separate chapters deal with the chronology of hoards, which are divided into five horizons: horizon I Peklenica, horizon II - Veliko Nabre, horizon III - Klotar Ivani, horizon IV - Miljana, and horizon V - Matijevii. As can be concluded from what has been said, horizons were named after characteristic hoards of bronze items, while in their definition the same modern typological and comparative method was used as for analyses on the Urnfield culture finds in the Middle Danube Basin. It is important to note that the analysis of Vinski-Gasparini (1983) included the material of the Urnfield culture from northern Bosnia in keeping with the concept of the series. Thus, the area of spread of this culture is defined and most important sites mentioned, relative chronological sequence was established, settlement types and lifestyle, burial customs, material culture, origins of the Urnfield culture in northern Bosnia and its relation to other contemporary neighbouring groups established, while a separate chapter was assigned to the Donja Dolina settlement, previously discussed in detail by Marie (1964). After the publication of the aforementioned syntheses (1973, 1983) no such work of synthesis was done on the Urnfield culture material in Croatian archaeology. Several publications treat particular sites, mostly hoard finds, such as Malika, Makovac-Crinjevi, and Sia-Luica (Balen-Letuni 1985; Karavani, Mihaljevi 2001; Perki, Lonjak-Dizdar 2005), and significant work is done on settlement research. The rise in the research is seen during the 1980s when the excavation of settlements in northwestern part of Croatia started at the sites such as Kalnik-Igrie (Majnari-Pandi 1992a; 1998a) and piak (Pavii 1986/1987; 1993,2001). In the Karlovac region the important hill fort settlements of Turska kosa near Topusko (ukovi 1989) and Belaj (Majnari-Pandi 1986) were excavated. Even before that, the research was done at the settlement in Novigrad na Savi (Majnari-Pandi 1993; 2000), which provided important data on the settlement of the area around Slavonski Brod, and connected in a way the hoard finds and settlement sites. Further research was done on the settlement site at Makovac-Crinjevi near Nova Gradika (Karavani et al 2002) that can be linked to the hoard find of the same name (Karavani, Mihaljevi 2001). The research on settlements provided evidence of the existence of local bronze casting activities (Vrdoljak 1992; Vrdoljak, Forenbaher 1995) and helped link some of the hoard finds with it. Settlements were researched further, and as an example of methodological developments we must mention the research on larger areas, such as that at Nova Bukovica (Kovaevi 2001), as well as the use of contemporary methodology used in natural sciences, including radiometric dating (C-14), paleobotanical analyses, petrographic analyses, and other analyses on pottery and stone items. Paleobotanical analysis

of the samples from Nova Bukovica (Sostaric 2001) gave new important data on the economy and subsistence of inhabitants of this site. Alongside research on settlement sites, cemeteries were also excavated, such as the one at Moravce near Sesvete (Sokol 1989; 1996) and Drljanovac (Majnaric-Pandzic 1988; 1994). This research was important as it included closed grave assemblages, and at Drljanovac, anthropological analysis was done (Stefancic 1988). The second larger synthesis was a chapter written by Majnaric-Pandzic on the Late Bronze Age, published in a new monograph on prehistoric art in Croatia (Dimitrijevic, Tezak-Gregl, Majnaric-Pandzic 1998). The emphasis was on artistic aspects of the Urnfield culture, although some conclusions on chronology were drawn, and some sites of the Urnfield culture were analyzed. The main aim of this book is to provide a synthesis of all published research on sites of the Urnfield culture in continental Croatia. In our organization of this book we have decided to use the basic division into settlements, cemeteries and hoards. We have concentrated on the analysis of the material culture following the typologicalcomparative method, while in the analysis of the finds from hoards a statistical method was used in order to show frequencies and distribution of certain types of items. Although the available data is scarce and includes a small number of sites that have not been excavated sufficiently, we have tried to obtain as complete a picture on the lifestyle of the people of the Urnfield culture in Croatia as we could. We have also tried to get an insight into the economic activities that were occurring in the settlements. In our chapter on the settlement finds we have concentrated on the analysis of material culture and residential structures found in the settlements at Mackovac-Crisnjevi (early Urnfield culture) and Kalnik-Igrisce I and II (early and late Urnfield culture). Chapters on metal production and the appearance of hoards are linked to the chapter on settlements, as the assumption is that the production of these items took place within the Urnfield culture settlements. A wide variety of types and forms of bronze items found in hoards of the Urnfield culture in Croatia is indicative of local production of these items, as well as of a link of this region with other areas in Pannonia and the Carpathian Basin, as well as with the whole Middle Danube circle of the Urnfield culture. Thus, a comparison with sites and finds from Austria, Slovenia, Hungary, the Czech Republic and Slovakia was necessary. We have tried to use the most important contemporary publications that deal with the issue of the Urnfield culture in Croatia and neighbouring regions, although such publications were sometimes hard to find in Croatian libraries.

2 . URNFIELD CULTURE SETTLEMENTS IN CROATIA

2.1 History of research At the time of Vinski-Gasparini's (1973) publication on the Urnfield culture in northern Croatia, data from systematic excavations of settlements was almost nonexistent. Only the finds from Novigrad na Savi, collected by Brunmid (Brunmid 1899-1900a; Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 21) during the dam construction, from Beli Manastir (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 22:1-7), Bregana (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 22:8-9), Erdut (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 22:1012), and Kiringrad (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 22:13-15) were known. Thus, at the time it was impossible to draw conclusions on settlement characteristics and structure. The emphasis was put on the chronology and cultural affiliation of items found. For example, it was assumed that the Novigrad na Savi settlement was inhabited continuously from the Br C2 to the early Ha B period (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:37). This settlement was explored again in the 1970s (Majnari-Pandi 1993; 2000). Newer research on the settlements of Urnfield culture in northern Croatia begun in the 1980s, when excavations in northwestern Croatia were carried out at the sites of Krievci-Brickyard (Homen 1982), Sv. Martin near Krievci (Homen 1989) and the Kalnik-Igrie settlement (Majnari-Pandi 1992a; 1998a). The excavations at the piak hillfort have to be noted (Pavii 1986/1987; 2001) as this research provided important data on the settlements of the late phase of the Urnfield culture at the border with today's Slovenia. South of the Croatian capital Zagreb, a research was done at the site of Staro ie-Gradie (Balen-Letuni 1996a), another settlement of the late phase of the Urnfield culture. The site of Cerine in Podravina, which dates from the beginning of the Urnfield culture was excavated at about the same time (Markovi 1986; 2003). Lately, finds from the site were partially studied by Kulenovi (2004), who has excavated the site since 2001. In the 1980s a hillfort site of Belaj (Majnari-Pandi 1986) as well as Turska kosa i ukovi 1989), were excavated, while the accidental f.r.di fire m Kiringrad were published by Balen-Letuni < 19 Durr: ;

the late 1980s rescue excavations on the Gradec hill (Gornji Grad - Upper Town) in Zagreb, at the site of the Convent of Poor Clares begun. The results of the early excavations were published by Balen-Letunic (1996a) and MajnaricPandzic (1992b), but the majority of prehistoric finds are still unpublished. Pavisic (1991; 1992; 1996) published the finds from the sites around Virovitica, such as GacisteLanici, Spisic-Bukovica and Virovitica-Antunovac. The site of Bregana Kosovac (Vrdoljak 1996) was excavated in 1996 and it became possible to establish beyond doubt that the site belonged to the late phase of the Urnfield culture. The systematic excavations of the Mackovac-Crisnjevi site in the area of Nova Gradiska in the Posavina region begun in the following year, and continued until 2003 (Karavanic et al. 2002). In the Podravina region excavations of the settlement of Nova Bukovica that begun in 1997 under the direction of Kornelija Minichreiter (Minichreiter 1997; 1999) are still in progress ( Kovacevic 2001; 2005; 2006; 2007; 2008). At first the site was determined as a Late Bronze Age cemetery, but later (Kovacevic 2001:64) it was realized that it was actually a Late Bronze Age settlement. The excavated surface is the largest one of all systematic excavations on any settlements of Urnfield culture in continental Croatia, not counting the rescue excavations. In 2000 and 2001 a survey of the Suhopolje municipality (the city of Virovitica) was carried out during which a high concentration of pottery was discovered at the SuhopoljeLajkovina site (Loznjak, Tkalcec 2001) suggesting the presence of a Late Bronze Age lowland settlement. For the first time an intensive systematic survey of the site and its western zone was done in 2001 using a coordinate grid. Loznjak-Dizdar (2005) listed all then known settlements of the cultural groups Virovitica, Barice-Gredani, Zagreb, and Belegis II in her overview of the settlement patterns in the Podravina region during the early phase of the Late Bronze Age. In the year 2006 systematic excavations of the KalnikIgrisce II settlement were renewed and continue to this day

TheJJrnfieldCulture in Continental

Croatia

Fig. 1. Map showing major settlement sites of the Urnfield culture in continental

Croatia

1. Novigrad na Savi 2. Makovac-Crinjevi 3. upanja-lajs 4.Slatina-Medinci 5. Gaite-Jasik 6. Zvonimirovo 7. Lipovac-Obre 8. SuhopoljeBjeijevina 9. Suhopolje-Lajkovina 10. Cerine VII IO. Nova Bukovica 11. Rastova Kosa (Orahovica) 12. Gradac (Poega) 13. Papuk (the top of the Papuk) 14. Pli (Velika) 15. Krievci-Ciglana 16. Kalnik-Igrie 17. Sv. Martin (Krievci) 18. piak (Bojano) 19. Bregana 20. Staro ie-Gradie 21. Kiringrad 22. Belaj 23. Turska Kosa 24. Zagreb-Gradec

(Karavani 2007b; 2008). These excavations provided us with new data on the settlement of the Kalnik area during the Late Bronze Age as well as of settlement structures of the time. As we cannot provide a detailed analysis of all excavated settlements (fig. 1), including those from the rescue excavations, as all the results are either incomplete or unpublished, we will provide a detailed analysis of the settlements excavated by the author of this book. This primarily applies to Makovac-Crinjevi, an example of a settlement from the beginning of the Urnfield culture, as well as Kalnik-Igrie I and II, with layers from the early and late phases of the Urnfield culture. 2.2 Settlement Makovac-Crinjevi The site of Makovac was first mentioned in the literature at the end of the 19th century when Luka Ili Oriovanin (1874) informed us that 30 bronze items with a total of 12 pounds in weight were found at the Klupko locality in 1869. Pieces of weapons and tools are mentioned. This hoard was later published by Vinski-Gasparini (1973: T. 73) under the name of the Makovac hoard, while we list it as the Makovac I hoard. It is dated to phase II of the Urnfield culture in northern Croatia. The hoard was given as a present to the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb before the year 1880, and no further data on the circumstances of the find exists. Some items are lost. It allegedly contained 37 bronze objects (Karavani et al. 2002:47). Three additional hoards are known from the Nova Gradika region. One comes from the site of Makovac-Crinjevi

(Karavani, Mihaljevi 2001) itself and is listed as the Makovac II or Makovac-Crinjevi hoard. The second one was found at Sie (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 95) in 1900 in a partially preserved ceramic pot in a pond south of the village. It contained 49 bronze items, and dates to phase III. The third hoard was accidentally found at Dolina na Savi (Schauer 1974) and later sold and taken to Germany. Majnari-Pandi (2000:195) considers it to be a smaller hoard of a votive character. A sword was accidentally found in 1910 at Dolina na Savi (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 6:13) near the riverbank. It is dated to the Br B2-C1 period. This points to the existence of sites from the Middle Bronze Age. The village of Makovac is situated on the left, Croatian bank of the river Sava, approximately 15 km south of Nova Gradika. The site is at the Crinjevi locality lying at the 92 m above the sea level. The village of Makovac is at the 94 m above the sea level, while the rest of the floodplain is at about 90 m above the sea level. Several localities where the remains of the Late Bronze Age pottery were found are in the vicinity, and at one site Celtic coins were found. Two sites are close by, Glaviica where the burial mounds are located, and the Late Bronze Age settlement of Babine Grede. Two tores have been found at the latter site, one twisted, made of iron, and one with incised decorations, made of bronze. A hoard containing bronze items (Schauer 1974) was found at the locality of Krevine at Babine Grede, between the villages of Makovac and Dolina na Savi. Opposite Makovac, a village of Makovac is situated on the Bosnian side of river Sava. There, another hoard containing bronze items was discovered (Fiala 1899). A well known site of Donja Dolina

Urnfield Culture Settlements in Croatia

Mackovac-Crisnjevi M 1:50

SU 17 SU 19 (hearth)

Fig. 2 Part of the house floor" (SU 017) with the remains of a hearth (SU 019) (drawing by A. Kudelic)

(Truhelka 1904; Marie 1964) is also nearby. In the vicinity of Okucani a cemetery of the early Urnfield culture was investigated at Gredani (Bajir locality) (Minichreiter 19821983; 1984), while closeby a Late Bronze Age settlement was found. At the bank of the Sava river, where the channel Veliki Strug reaches the river Sava, a pile dwelling settlement was discovered at the Suse locality. Accidental finds from this site were collected and are held at the Nova Gradiska Municipal Museum. In 1985 during ploughing at the Crisnjevi locality, a number of bronze items were found (Karavanic, Mihaljevic 2001) and given to the Nova Gradiska Municipal Museum. This discovery led to the first test excavation of the site in 1997, when 50 square meters were excavated. The excavations established the stratigraphy and cultural affiliation of the site. The settlement was provisionally dated between 13th and 11th cent. BC (Vrdoljak 1997; Vrdoljak, Mihaljevic 2000). The excavations continued in the following seasons until the year 2003 when a cemetery that can be connected to the settlement was found. It was important to excavate both sites in order to get a more complete picture of life at Crisnjevi near the village of Mackovac. A total of about 500 m 2 of settlement has been excavated so far.

Stratigraphy Three separate layers could be determined at the site of Mackovac-Crisnjevi. A surface layer (SU 001) is very dark grey coloured humus (Munsell 2.5Y 3/1). In it the remains of wattle and daub are occasionally found. This layer is disturbed to the depth of 30 to 50 cm by ploughing. Below, a dark, almost black argillaceous layer is found (SU 002). This is a cultural layer and contains a lot of daub, pottery and charcoal, deposited outside the settlement structures, or above them. The colour is very dark grey (Munsell 2.5Y 3/1). The base layer 003 contains a lot of animal bones and charcoal. Crisnjevi did not yield house floors in the proper sense, but only smaller hearths that sometimes overlay a layer of yellow stamped clay. This is seen in all the excavated trenches, and is best seen in the trench from the year 2001 when below the SU 002 a yellow clay layer about 15 cm deep and a hearth above it were found (fig. 2), as well as numerous clusters of pottery pieces and daub fragments (fig. 3) A larger group of ceramic vessels was found in trench 1/1998. (fig. 4) of which some could be reconstructed (PI. 4:1-2). Most open air hearths were found in 2002 when the excavated surface of 102 m2 yielded numerous pottery finds,

The J J r n f i e l d Culture in Continental

Croatia

Fig. 3 Clusters of pottery found in trench from 2001 at Mackovac-Crisnjevi

site (photo by M. Mihaljevic)

Fig. 4 Cluster of ceramic vessels in situ (trench 1998/1) at Mackovac-Crisnj evi site (photo by S. Karavanic) 6

Urnfield Culture Settlements in Croatia

Fig. 5 Ground plan of hearth 1 (SU 006) at Mackovac-Crisnjevi

site (drawing by M. Perkic)

animal bones, daub, and other items of ceramics (spindle whorls and weights) and stone (polishers and stone flakes). Already in the first excavation seasons in 1997 and 1998 a hearth was found (SU 006) (fig. 5), oval in layout, with two layers of clay smear 20 cm thick (fig. 6). Its western side was damaged by ploughing. Above the hearth (fig. 6) was a collapsed layer (SU 004) with numerous daub and hearth fragments, as well as the remains of a ceramic vessel (P1.4:3), a part of a bronze ingot and a clay nozzle (tuyere) (Karavanic 2006: si. 4, si. 5). Outside the hearth a cultural layer with the remains of daub, pottery, animal bones, and bronze items was found in a semicircle around the hearth, defining an area where a production of some kind (in this case possibly metallurgical) was carried out. In the year 2000 additionally two hearths were found in the excavation trench no. 1. They were made of the pottery fragments and clay surface layer 2-3 cm thick, and were partially disturbed by ploughing.

In trench 1/2001 the aforementioned hearth (SU 019) was found. It was also made of ceramic fragments (fig. 7). It was situated on a layer of yellow stamped clay that may have been partially burned, therefore suggesting several smaller open-air fireplaces. The clay layer (SU 017) could be a product of some type of levelling in order to create an area for production within the settlement (e.g. food production, pottery production, production of stone and metal objects). Very few items were found in the clay layer, mostly daub and ceramic fragments. The layer was light olive brown (Munsell 2.5Y 5/6). Similar hearths were found in the trench from 2002 year when a total of 102 square meters were excavated. Two light olive brown layers (Munsell 2.5Y 5/6) were found, presumably floors of above ground dwellings. Several hearths were found above the layers. A floor with an open air hearth (SU 025) was discovered in squares N-P 7/8. It was uncovered only partially as it spreads southwards. The second floor is spread over the whole eastern part of the excavated area and contains as much as six hearths (SU 029, 048, 055, 064, 065, 066), some of which (e.g. 029 and 048) have multiple layers of stamped clay. In the northern part of the 2002 trench a larger hearth was found (SU 028)

The J J r n f i e l d Culture in Continental

Croatia

A10

A9

A8

A7

V.'

. '

-;.'..;;

liiil

smm
o

n
11! u r n

jllllplmllll

WiMjiiBM

I ' I SU 1 ill ES H i I 3U2 SU 4 sue Pottery P77771 su 3

\r **l Wattle and Daub

Fig. 6 Cross-section of hearth 1 (SU 006) at Mackovac-Crisnjevi

site (drawing by M. Perkic)

Fig. 7 Hearth (SU 019) at Mackovac-Crisnjevi 8

site (photo by S. Karavanic)

Urnfield Culture Settlements in Croatia

Mackovac-Crisnjevi 2002. M 1:10

1 0 2 0 3 0 U 0t
Fig. 8 Drawing of a hearth (SU 028) at Mackovac-Crisnjevi site (drawing by K. Jelincic)

built on a base made of pottery7 fragments and broken stones (fig. 8). At the SU 003 level, several post holes 40-50 cm in diameter were found, most likely the remains of the above-ground houses, although it is possible that houses on piles, like those at Novigrad na Savi, were also used (Majnaric-Pandzic 1993). Several smaller refuse pits were found nearby. In 2003 an area of 96 square meters was excavated, adjacent to the 2002 trench, in order to define structures discovered during the previous season. Thus, a yellow clay floor level was unearthed in full (SU 024), as well as a hearth over it (SU 025). The floor layer was pierced through by a post hole 50 cm in diameter (Mihaljevic, Kalafatic 2004:40). Nearby, a larger pot that was partially buried in SU 003 and an additional post hole were found. All three post holes fit into the pattern of similar post holes found during the previous excavation season. Two separate dwellings could be reconstructed. As they are partially overlapping, they were not contemporary. In the second half of the excavated area, another floor layer was found (SU 085) on which several open hearths were found. One of them had several smears (Mihaljevic, Kalafatic 2004: si. 2). Three hearths were poorly preserved, but it could be determined that all were constructed from ceramic fragments smeared with

a layer of clay several centimeters thick. Several thick clusters of pottery, most likely discarded as refuse, were once again found between the floors. Pottery finds Pottery finds are the most numerous items found at the Mackovac-Crisnjevi site. So far, typological and statistic analysis of the finds was done only on the finds from the 1997 season (Kalafatic 2002). Based on this analysis, a table of types was done (fig. 9). The types of pots found at Mackovac are found on a wide area and within several cultural groups of the Urnfield culture. These are mostly pots with a rounded body and everted rim, with one or two strap handles below the rim, defined as types A3b-e (see fig. 9). One such pot with two handles and decorated with a plastic stripe with fingerprints is seen on PI. 1:7. It has analogies in a pot with a single handle from grave 8 from Vors-Papkert (Honti 1993: Abb. 1:7). At Kalnik-Igrisce I settlement, a similar pot was described as A3b type, represented by three finds, and ascribed to the earlier settlement horizon at Igrisce (Vrdoljak 1994: T. 3:2). At Oloris-Dolnji Lakos settlement such vessel type with a single or two handles is found in layer 4 (Dular et al. 2002: T. 10:11), and in pit 308 (with a somewhat more rounded body) (Dular et al. 2002: T.

TheJJrnfieldCulture in Continental

Croatia

23:3), and is most similar in shape to the pot with a single strap handle and decorated with a plastic rib, found in the ceramic items from the P-307 hearth (Dular et al. 2002: T. 27:1). Pots with facetted and everted rim of type A5a that are common at the nearby settlement of Novigrad na Savi (Majnaric-Pandzic 1993; 2002) as well as Kalnik Igrisce I are absent at Mackovac-Crisnjevi, which is understandable considering the earlier date of the pottery from Mackovac. A base part of the pot with a grape shaped" ornament was also found at Mackovac (PI. 3:4). Based on this and some other elements, Covic, in his analysis of the Laminci site, dated it to the Early Bronze Age and suggested ties with the Hatvan culture (Covic 1983:65-70, T. 1). A similar ornament is found on a fragment from Kalnik-Igrisce I (Vrdoljak 1994: T. 32:1) as well as at the Vors-Papkert cemetery (Honti 1993: Abb. 1:2). A bowl with a single handle was found at a Middle Bronze Age site of Retznei in Austrian Styria (Schrettle, Tsironi 2007: T. 2:8). Such decoration is also present at the Gelsesziget site in Transdanubia, within the Tumulus culture (Horvath 1994:226, T. 5:3). Bowls are represented by a much wider variety of forms. Several types of bowls with a rounded body and straight (B3a-b, B3e) or, in one case, everted (B3d) and horizontally 10

flattened rim are present at the site. Such conical bowls are found at Oloris (Dular et al. 2002: T. 2:9, T. 7:6), and a number of them were found in pit 309 (Dular et al. 2002:4-8,10). Some of them had a flattened rim in the shape of a letter T. A bowl of B3b type was found at Kalnik (Vrdoljak 1994: T. 23:1). Similar vessels are found at Austrian sites of the Middle and the beginning of the Late Bronze Age, e.g. at the sites of Pichling (Tiefengraber 2007: Abb. 11), and Lodersdorf (Jilg 2007: fig. 4:4-5). Mackovac yielded another variant of bowl, with a rough surface, thick walls and straight rim with a horn-like ornament (PL 3:2). Such bowls, albeit of much finer quality, are found at Kalnik (Vrdoljak 1994: T. 20:3), while such decoration is found on only one bowl from Oloris (Dular et al. 2002: T. 18:3). This type of decoration is most common in the pre-Caka and Caka cultures at the end of the Middle and beginning of the Late Bronze Age (Paulik 1966). This is therefore an element that can definitely be linked to the Carpathian region and its Middle Bronze Age milieu. It is interesting that we can see its influences as fas as Austria, where such decorative motif is found at fragments characteristic of the Retznei-Freidorf I horizon (Tiefengraber 2007: Abb. 15), which can be linked to the Maisbirbaum-Zochor horizon in Lower Austria. Rihovsky (1982:17: 42) recognizes them

UrnfieldCulture Settlements in Croatia

as an element of the Tumulus culture that is transferred to the early phase of the Urnfield culture, Blucina-Kopcany horizon. In Transdanubia these elements can be found at the sites of the early Urnfield culture and Patek dates them to between Br C and Ha C periods (Patek 1968:102). She considers them a type transferred from the Tumulus culture (Patek 1968: T. 1, T. 6). Bowls with an inverted rim come in two variants: the one with a turban shaped" rim (B3f), and the one with a facetted rim (B3g). Bowls with a turban shaped" rim appear from the middle of Ha A period, they are most common in Ha B, but also can be found in Ha C (Patek 1968:102). In Bosnia, they can be found within the so-called hillfort pottery until the end of the Early Iron Age. At Mackovac they are a rare find and appear only exceptionally in the lower layer. They are more abundant in the Nova Bukovica settlement (Kovacevic 2001: T. 3). Only several bowls with a facetted rim have been found at Mackovac, all in the uppermost ground layer (Karavanic et al. 2002:53). A biconical bowl with an everted rim is also very rare at Mackovac (type B4) and is found in the early Urnfield culture with analogies at Kalnik (Vrdoljak 1994: T. 15:1) and at the Baierdorf cemetery (Lochner 1986: T. 1; Lochncr 1991: T. 1-12). Deeper bowls with a rounded body (type B5a) (PI. 1:12,4-6, PI. 4:2,4) or with a slightly biconical body (type B5b) (PI. 1:3, PI. 4:1,3) represent more than a third of all bowls found at Mackovac (season 1997) and are the most distinctive vessel type at the site. All are fired in reducing atmosphere with either a single or with two strap handles, and a shallow groove between the body and neck. They often have nipple-like oval ornaments that are surrounded with a groove. Some bowls have a combination of nipples and incised ornaments, such as a bowl on PL 5:1. Incised decoration is commonly found on fragments from the 2002 season and can be linked to the Middle Bronze Age pottery of the Tumulus culture. Similar ornaments are found in Transdanubia, in the Balatonmagyard-Hidvgpuszta settlement of the Tumulus culture, dated to the Br C period (Horvth 1994: T. 3:1-3,6), and in the Gelsesziget settlement from the Br C period (Horvth 1994: T. 4:7, T. 6:2-6), where they sometimes have the so-called stamped decoration. An example of stamped concentric circles was found at Mackovac (PL 3:5). The most common decoration are nipples with or without a groove, and are either circular (Pl. 3:1), or oval in form (PL 1:6; Karavanic 2007c: fig. 3:1-2). The latter are quite characteristic of the Mackovac pottery and are not found at cemeteries and settlements of the Virovitica group. A fragment of a vessel rim had a nipple-like protuberance on its outside surface (Pl. 3:6). 60% of the types of nipple-like ornaments were found in SU 002 (Kalafatic 2002:18), while the other 40% come from SU 003 of trench 1/1997. No fluted fragments are found there. At Mackovac cork-likedecoration is also present (Pl. 1:8) or plastic ribs that form various compositions. Cork-like decoration is seen on as many as 12 fragments from SU 002 (Kalafatic 2002).

Most characteristic vessel type at Mackovac are bowls on a foot (PL 1:8, PL 2:14; Karavanic 2007c: fig. 2:1). They are commonly found in all cultural groups at the beginning of the Urnfield culture, and are particularly characteristic of the Virovitica and Barice-Gredani groups. At Gredani, such vessels are found in graves 4 (Minichreiter 19821983: T. 3:2), 8 (Minichreiter 1982-1983: T. 4), 11 and 14 (Minichreiter 1982-1983: T. 5), and other graves. Bowls on a foot are also found at the Drljanovac cemetery (MajnariPandi 1988; 1994). In some of the graves at Greani, miniature bowls are found as grave goods. Such vessels arc also found at the Makovac-Crinjevi setlement (Pl. 2:1-12), which nicely links grave and settlement pottery types of the Gredani group. Other ceramic items have been found at Mackovac in addition to pottery vessels, such as spindle whorls and loom weights. Spindle whorls come in a variety of forms and sizes, although most common are slightly biconical undecorated ones, rounded or spherical. Among loom weights, worthy of mention are large pyramidal weights. They were used for weaving on a vertical loom and they are a proof of weaving activities in the settlement. Metal items The most important metal find from the Makovac-Crinjevi settlement was discovered even before the excavations started. It consists of a hoard of bronze objects, discovered close to the trenches excavated in 1997 and 1998 (fig. 10). The hoard (fig. 11) was found accidentally in 1985 during field work, and published and analyzed in detail (Karavanic, Mihaljevi 2001). It dates to phase II, which is probably the time when the Crinjevi settlement ceased to exist. It is a proof of a developed metal production in the settlement, described in the chapter on metal production of the Urnfield culture in Croatia. Other metal items were found during the systematic excavations between 1997 and 2003. These are mostly various pin types, found complete or in fragments, which makes it difficult to ascertain the precise type. In 1997 a completely preserved pin with a biconical head and incised decoration on its neck (fig. 12:1) was found. After Rihovsky (1979:116-121) these are pins with a biconical head, which are, like the pins with a globular head, a form that is present for a longer period and thus not the best to base the dating on. Another such pin was found in 2001. A sewing needle with a loop was found in 1997 (fig. 12:2), also a form that was used throughout the whole Urnfied culture. The pins were found near hearth 1 (SU 006) which most likely had a function in the metal production, as suggested by the finds of a clay nozzle (tuyere) and an ingot (Karavanic 2006). The remaining metal items found nearby were discarded broken pins of undetermined types (fig. 12:3-6). In 1997 a fragment of a bronze sheet was accidentally found on the surface level, decorated with punching and with a metal

11

TheJJrnfieldCulture in Continental

Croatia

Fig. 10 Cadastral map of the settlement Mackovac-Crisnjevi

with the position of the hoardfind marked as a black point

nugget (fig. 12:7), most likely copper and possibly tin, in its middle part, which would point to bronze casting activity at the site. Tin deposits in Bosnia have been discussed by Durman (1997). The bronze sheet fragment could have been a part of the aforementioned hoard, as it was found near the trench 1/1997 together with a decorated belt or belt fitting (fig- 62:2) In the following excavation seasons other metal objects were found, most of which are pins. An important find is a large bronze pin (PI. 4:5) of about 30 cm in length. It had

a globular head (fig. 13), which was, same as the neck, decorated with incised horizontal lines. These large pins are generally dated to the end of the Middle Bronze Age and to the so-called transitional period from the Tumulus culture after Rihovsky (1961). Analogies are found in the contemporary sites such as Blucina Cezavy (Rihovsky 1961: fig. 4:16), where pins have thickened necks, like the one from the Peklenica hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 20:5). In our opinion, based on analogies with other Croatian sites, the pins were produced in local workshops. A pin that is similar to this

12

Urnfield Culture Settlements in Croatia

Fig. 11 Hoard Mackovac II or Mackovac-Crisnjevi

(photo by M. Mihaljevic)

one (fig. 13) was accidentally found in Slavonski Brod (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 19:4), the centre of an area that yielded a number of bronze hoards found in the settlements of the local Barice-Gredani group. Pins of same stylistic and chronological characteristics have been found at Ilok (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 19:1-2), Bogdanovci (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 19:3), and Sisak (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 19:10-11). The pins from Ilok and Sisak are listed on the map of the sites as well as in the chart and are included in the so-called group of pins with hatched decoration on the neck ( Nadel mit schraffiertem Feldermuster auf dem Hals) in the publication of the burial mound from Zurndorf in Austria (Helgert 1995: Abb. 9, tabelle 1), where the finds from the southern part of the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Burgenland, western Hungary, northern Croatia and Bosnia are mentioned. We can ascribe the pins from Mackovac to the same group. During the 2001 season at MackovacCrisnjevi another larger pin decorated with incisions on the neck and head was found. Incisions are somewhat deeper than usual and the decorated motif is plastic, giving the effect of twisted decoration (fig. 14). The pin is similar to that from Ilok (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 19:1; Helgert 1995: Abb. 10:12) These pins can be linked to the so called baroque-like decoration, like the ones with a poppy-shaped head

(Mohnkopfnadeln) found within the inventory of MiillerKarpe's (1959) Br D period and belong to the final phase of the Middle Bronze Age. Later occurrence of the violin bow fibulae is a sign of new times in which a change in clothing, as well as the decoration and fastening of clothes is seen. It is assumed that the pin from the burial mound at Zurndorf was used to decorate the deceased's covering (Helgert 1995:226). However, it is possible that these pins were used to decorate and fasten a cloak or shawl made of cloth or possibly fur, judging by the dimensions of the pins. In any case, they were in use for a long time, from Br C2 to Ha A1 period, and were most abundant during the Br D period in western Hungary and Burgenland (Helgert 1995:229). The rest of the pins from Mackovac are smaller in dimensions, like the so-called club-shaped pin (Keulenkopfnadel) (fig. 15:2), which was widespread during the Br D/Ha A1 periods. Recently these pins were listed and mapped by Loznjak-Dizdar (2005:28, map 4). It can be seen that these pins appear in cemeteries as well as in settlements and hoards from Croatia. Loznjak-Dizdar (2005:28) pointed out that the situation in Croatia is different than in Serbia, where pins are found mostly in hoards, while in Croatia they are more abundant in graves. On the figure 15:3 a pin with a nail-like head is shown. It can be dated to the early

13

The Urnfield Cidture in Continental Croatia

Urnfield Culture Settlements in Croatia

Fig. 13 Bronze pin found in trench 2/2000 at Mackovac-Crisnjevi

site (photo by D. Doracic)

Fig. 14 Pin from the 2001 trench at Mackovac-Crisnjevi

site (photo by D. Doracic)

phase of Br C period, with analogies in numerous sites of the Tumulus culture. One such pin was found accidentally at the Virovitica cemetery (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 10:10), which encouraged Terzan (1995) to argue that the Virovitica group begins during the Br B2/C1 period. Finally, a pin with a slightly biconical head and twisted neck was found in 2002 (fig. 15:1). It has analogies in the accidental find from Strize in central Serbia (Vasic 2003: T. 21:302). It was included within the group of pins with a globular head and twisted neck, although the head form is actually biconical. Vasic (2003:58) argues that no conclusions regarding chronology can be made based on this, but on the basis of analogies with the Cruceni find from Romania, these pins are dated to the Belegis II or Ha A1 period. At Crisnjevi a fragment of a hair ring was also found (fig. 15:4), pointing to a great variety of metal jewellery (Mihaljevic, Kalafatic 2004:41). Lithics and bone tools The lithic material consists of debitage and defined artefact types, and almost entirely (with the exception of a single item found in a refuse pit) comes from cultural layers. Raw material used is silex of various colours. The fact that some

of the pieces have cortex and the cores were found, points to in situ tool production. Blade fragments, a complete blade and cores for blade production suggest that the blade production technique was used in the Late Bronze Age (Kulenovic 1999). This is interesting if we compare it with the Hungarian Late Bronze Age settlement at Nemetbany where we have no evidence that such technique was still in use at that time (Biro 1996). Alongside stone, mammal bones were also used for tool production. Three ulnae and one cattle metatarsal bone were shaped into sharp tools with handles (most likely piercing tools) while an additional metatarsal bone of capra/ovis was ground and has a nicely pierced hole on its proximal shaft end (pers. comm. Dr. Dejana Brajkovic and Kazimir Miculinic). Economy A preliminary faunal analysis by D. Brajkovic and K. Miculinic on the material discovered in 1997 shows that domesticated animals that dominate the sample (92,8%) were cattle (domestic cattle, sheep and goat, pig), i.e. animals that could be used for various activities and economic needs. Domestic cattle is represented by all age

15

The Urnfield Cidture in Continental

Croatia

Urnfield Culture Settlements in Croatia

Fig. 16 A wiew of the Kalnik hill from the south, the site is marked by an arrow (photo by S. Karavani)

groups (from infant to old age, and fetal remains were also present) indicating that cattle was used for both work activities and food. Domesticated animals are represented by 2,2%, while the hunting activities could not be accurately measured. Remains of wild animals such as wolf and jackal were also found. Among rare animals that are not included in the class Mammalia, we have to mention remains of fish. A very large catfish was found in layer 002, and another large fish that could not be taxonomically determined in layer 003 (pers. comm. Dr. Maja Paunovic), all suggesting fishing activity. It can be argued that the remains of fish would have been more numerous if the sediment had been dry- and wet-sieved. Rarely, bird bones were found, such as the remains of two wild ducks and one pintail (pers. comm. Dr.Vesna Malez). Basic economic activities of the inhabitants of Mackovac were farming and animal husbandry, with the addition of fishing, while hunting cannot be assessed based on current data. Metal items and clay nozzle suggest developed bronze casting activity at the site (Karavanic 2006). 2.3 Settlement Kalnik-Igrisce I Kalnik-Igrisce settlement is located on the southern slopes of the Kalnik hill (fig. 16) at about 500 m above sea level. Aerial photograph (fig. 17) shows the location of the site in 17

reference to the location of the Old town Veliki Kalnik and other structures in its vicinity. At the base of Mount Kalnik a large plain with numerous contemporary settlements and villages can be seen. The excavations at Kalnik concentrated on two localities, or cadastral plots. The first systematic excavations were conducted between 1987 and 1990 at the cadastral plot no. 40, while recent research, still in progress, were conducted on the cadastral plot no. 233. owned by Croatian forest management company Hrvatske ume. The first finds from Kalnik were listed in the inventory book of the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb, and come from the Sv. Petar Orehovec municipality, located at the base of Mount Kalnik. A sickle, a spearhead, and two pins were found (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:180, T. 93:13-17) During the 1980s research on the Late Bronze Age sites in the Krievci area intensified. At the site of Ciglana (Brickyard) in Krievci a rescue excavation was carried out (Homen 1982), which resulted in the discovery of a Late Bronze Age settlement that most likely had a metallurgical workshop. In 1988 locals from the village of Sv. Martin near Krievci found a hoard containing grindstones during ploughing. Later excavations confirmed the existence of a settlement from the late phase of the Urnfield culture in Croatia (Homen 1989:15).

The J J r n f i e l d Culture in Continental

Croatia

Site Kalraik-lgrisce

WMM

Fig. 17 Aerial photo

of Kalnik

and surrounding

area (modified

by A.

Kudetic)

Fig. 18 Ground plan of the excavated area at Kalnik-Igrisce I settlement (after Majnaric-Pandzic

1992a)

18

Urnfield Culture Settlements in Croatia

The excavations at the site of Igrie on Mount Kalnik started in 1987 under the direction of Zoran Homen, archaeologist at the Krievci Municipal Museum (Homen 1988). After realizing the importance of the site, he organized a joint systematic excavation in collaboration with the Department of Archaeology at the Faculty of Phylosophy in Zagreb (Prof. Nives Majnari-Pandi). These excavations continued until 1990. Of the material found during excavations thus far a detailed analysis of pottery (Vrdoljak 1994), moulds (Vrdoljak 1992; Vrdoljak, Forenbaher 1995) and metal items (Majnari-Pandi 1992a; 1998a) has been done. Here we present an overview of the results with an emphasis on certain ceramic types that shift the beginning of the settlement on this locality to the early phase of the Urnfield culture in northern Croatia, corresponding to Br C/D period. Stratigraphy and settlement structure

The excavations at Kalnik-Igrie I (1987-1990) followed the arbitrary method, meaning that instead of following the stratigraphy, spits around 20 cm deep were dug, and the material was collected according to the relative depths and spits. The closed units, such as pits, post holes and hearth remains were documented separately. The map of the excavated area showing structures found was published at several occasions (Majnari-Pandi 1992a; 1998a; Vrdoljak, Forenbacher 1995). It reveals the remains of seven hearths made of burnt clay (fig. 18). The surface of about 100 m 2 was excavated. The best preserved were hearths 1 and 2, of which the uppper parts were constructed from burnt clay, while the base was made of pottery fragments. Hearth 2 had slightly raised ends, suggesting some type of additional construction, or border, but this cannot be proved with certainty. It is likely that these were open-air hearths, same as hearths 3 to 7. In addition to hearths 1 and 2, hearth 5 was well preserved, also with its upper part made of burnt clay, while its lower part was constructed from small pieces of limestone. Numerous fragments of casting moulds and slag were found near this hearth, suggesting that it had a role in the process of metal production. As for hearths 3, 4, 6 and 7, due to their damaged state it was hard to tell whether some were actually the remains of a single hearth, e.g. in the case of hearths marked as 6 and 4, respectively. Hearth 7 is somewhat better preserved and similar in form to hearths 1 and 2. As smaller post holes around 20 to 30 cm in diameter were found near the hearth remains, it is possible that what we are seeing are in fact remains of the house floor surfaces, as suggested previously by Prof. Nives Majnari-Pandi. However, it is important to note that no remains of wood, or significant quantities of daub that would prove the existence of house structures were discovered. The post holes form a line that connects hearths 3 and 7 and the southwestern part of the excavated surface and it may have been a part of a larger house structure. Due to relatively small excavated surface, we cannot make a clear ground plan of dwellings.

A second line of holes starts at hearth 1 and extends to the excavation squares B3 and C4 at the southern part of the trench. It is possible that houses made of wooden posts and floors of burned clay existed at these terraces, and that hearths lay between them, thus forming an area where the everyday activities, possibly related to metal production, were carried out (Majnaric-Pandzic 1992a). These structures discovered during the first excavation seasons of the Kalnik-Igrisce site were located on terraces of sorts. It is therefore possible that hearths 1 and 2 were located on a single, larger terrace, on which also hearths 3 and 7 may have been situated, while hearth 5 was located on another, lower terrace. The latter hearth was organized near a larger rock that could have been a border part of the lower terrace. So far no evidence of a wall that formed a border of terraces was found and it is more likely that the terraces were formed on the natural configuration of the terrain with naturally occuring rocks or rock formations as their border lines. Recent excavations at Kalnik (20062008) confirmed that such artificial structures existed during the late La Tene period. Pottery finds During the early 1990s a detailed analysis of the pottery finds from the Kalnik-Igrisce I locality was done. It was published in a paper by Vrdoljak (1994) and here we briefly discuss the results, as well as some new conclusions made in recent years. A total of 12959 fragments, 8305 of which were undecorated and could not be identified on the basis of form, were collected. Of the rest of fragments (4564 or 56%) a total of 336 fragments could be ascribed to a particular basic vessel form with certainty. 601 fragments were of vessel base, 492 were handle fragments, 1843 rim fragments, while 1832 fragments were decorated. After the database was created, a statistical analysis with SPSS (Statistical Package for Social Sciences) was done. Through the use of cross tables a frequency of individual variables was established, as well as average values and standard deviations for numerical values. We based our typological classification after Shepard's (1956) work, one of the first that included technological analysis in description and classification of pottery. Besides the stylistic and typological properties, she has included a technological approach through the analysis of raw material properties (clay), the technique of shaping, surface finishing, and decoration. Only through such integrated approach a ceramic type could be defined. In the descriptive analysis of pottery, basic parts of the vessel, such as rim or mouth, neck, shoulder, lower part, and the base were noted. These parts were defined on the basis of characteristic outline or contour points. The authors of the numerical code for the Moravian Painted

19

TheJJrnfieldCulture in Continental

Croatia

Ware (Podborsky at al. 1977) believe that the parts of the vessel can be recognized on the basis of the change in the curvature along the vessel profile, as it curves from the base to the rim. The advantage of this system is in the objective way of assigning parts to a particular part of the vessel, avoiding the subjective interpretation. This is especially helpful when parts are not broken at the neck, but gradually slopes into the body. In descriptive analysis we must know exactly with which part of the vessel we are dealing with in order to assess the width, height, or the decorative element. Besides these basic morphological parts, other vessel parts include the so-called secondary forms, such as handles, modified parts of the rim (e.g. spouts), legs, lids, etc. These parts were produced separately and later added to the vessel (Rye 1981:62). On handles we also find functionaldecorative forms (horn-shaped handles, loops, nipples) that are added to the vessel surface, or were formed through modification of the vessel walls. Another important problem is to determine a standardized terminology for forms and classification thereof. Several approaches can be used in order to study vessel forms, such as functional, esthetic, and taxonomic (Shepard 1956:224). Vessel's function was the first to be noted by people, as the functions tell us something about the way the vessels were used, or about the customs of the people that used it. However, the relation between shape and function is seldom unique. Sometimes different forms were used for the same purpose, and on the other hand vessels of the same form could have been used in different activities. The result of this was a highly varied and uneven terminology for description of shape. Comparison of prehistoric vessel forms with the forms of vessels in use today is the main reason that wc use terms such as pot, bowl, or cup (Shepard 1956:224). In archaeological literature we find terms such as urn, pithos, etc. that inform us about the function of a specific vessel, but tell us nothing about its form, the most important element in any comparative study. An urn can come in the form of a pot, but also in the form of a bowl. The term ' 'pithos"" is commonly used in writings on prehistory to describe a larger vessel used for food storage. Careful observation confirms that there is indeed a great variety of forms, dimensions, and decorations, not always belonging to a pithos in the strict sense of the term. Descriptive terms often have different meanings in distinct ceramic assemblages and cannot stand alone as terms for the description of the shape. Sometimes classificatory attempts and attempts in nomenclature standardization concentrated on groups of terms more than they did on the systematic study of characteristics of vessel forms. Therefore Shepard (1956) in her analysis and classification of vessel forms used a geometric principle, concentrating on proportions and vessel outline. This approach is useful in drawing, as well as in description and classification. The points that describe the outline on which our eye concentrates are noted, of which four basic, most characteristic points can be distignuished: curve end points on the base and on the

top, corner points, vertical tangent, and inflection points. It is on the basis of these points that the vessel dimensions are determined (Vrdoljak 1994:10). This was the underlying theoretical basis for our database of Kalnik pottery (excavations 1988-1990). Before the database was created, all data on pottery was divided into several basic groups that contained individual variables and values. The first group contains basic data on the site, trench and square, depth and layer where the fragment was found. The second group consists of morphological data that include description of basic properties, shape, and variant of a vessel, as well as descriptions of rim, handles and base of a vessel. The third group consists of descriptive data on decoration technique, the location of the decoration of a specific part of the vessel, and the most common decorative motifs. The fourth group consists of metric data, such as dimensions of individual vessel fragments and their thickness. The fifth group consists of technological variables such as colour of the inside and outside surfaces, finishing of the inside and outside surfaces, colour of the cross-section, firing atmosphere and pottery hardness. A total of 33 variables were determined on the basis of the aforementioned data. The number (1), site (2), trench (3), square (4), depth (5) and layer (6) belong to the basic group. In the morphological group we have defined six variables: functional form of a vessel (7), shape based on the outline (8), variant (9), rim (10), base (11), and handle (12). Within the group that describes decoration we defined the decorative technique (13), the position of the decoration (14), and decorative motifs (15). Metric variables include the rim width (16), neck width (17), shoulder width (18), and base width (19), the height of the rim or mouth (20), neck height (21), shoulder height (22), height of the lower part (23), and total vessel height (24), and finally, the wall thickness (25). Technological variables include the colour of the outside surface (26), colour of the inside surface (27), colour of the cross-section (28), firing atmosphere (29), finishing of the outside surface (30), finishing of the inside surface (31), and hardness (32). The variable 33 is for various notes. Each variable has a value range that was numerically or alphabetically coded in order to allow for data computer processing. Basic criteria for classification were vessel's functional form, shape based on the number and type of characteristic points in the vessels outline, and the variant, based on the overall dimensions, technique, and decorative motifs, as well as secondary features (e.g. foot, handle, rim modification) (Vrdoljak 1994:15). Based on all of this a table of types was obtained (fig. 19) in which we can see that the type defined as A3 are pots with a rounded body, with two end points on the base and the top, and a single vertical tangent point at the place of the widest diameter. Variants a-e are distinguished. Pots with cylindrical necks are marked as type A5 and have

20

Urnfield Culture Settlements in Croatia

Fig. 19 Table of pottery types from the Kalnik-lgrisce I site (after S. Olic s drawing, modified by M. Gregl)

an outline that has two end points at rim and base, one point marking its vertical tangent at the widest place and one point that marks the transition from the body to the neck. These vessels come in two variants, a and b. Pots with an S-profile of the body are marked as type A6 and have two points at rim and base, two points marking the vertical tangent and one point that marks the transition from body to the neck. They come in 7 variants (a-f). The functional forms of bowls at Kalnik are marked as types B2, B3, B4, B5 i B6 (fig. 19). B2 type has an outline with one point at its rim and one point that marks the vertical tangent at the widest diameter. The base is rounded making it impossible to say where it starts and ends. This type is represented with only two finds.

B3 type is a bowl with a rounded body that has two end points at its rim and base and one point that marks its vertical tangent at the widest diameter. It is represented by 5 variants (a-e). B4 type is a bowl with a biconical body that has two end points in the outline that mark the rim and one corner point at the widest diameter. Bowls with a cylindrical body are defined as B5 type, with two end points that mark the rim and the base, one point that marks the vertical tangent at the place of the widest diameter of the body and one point that is usually situated at the place where the body and neck meet. It comes in variants a-e. Bowls with an S-profiled body are represented with type

21

TheJJrnfieldCulture in Continental

Croatia

0 III

5 I I

Fig. 21 Examples of vessels of type C5a from Kalnik-lgrisce I settlement (after Vrdoljak 1994) Fig. 20 Table of cup andjar types at Kalnik-lgrisce I (after S. Olic s drawing modified by M. Gregl)

B6, which has two points at the rim and at the base, two points that mark the vertical tangent and one point that marks the body to neck transition. These vessels come in 7 variants (a-g). Cups and jars are shown in the separate table of types (fig. 20). The functional forms of cups are represented at Kalnik with CI, C5, and C6 types. CI type has two end points marking the rim and the base. Two variants, a and b, are present. C5 type are cups with a biconical body that have two end points that mark the rim and the base, one point that marks the tangent, and one corner point. These also come in two variants, a and b. Cups with S-profiled body are marked as C6 type and have two points that mark the base and the rim, two that mark the tangent, and one point of inflexion. Only jars with a cylindrical body are present and marked as D5 type. This type has two end points that mark the rim and the base, one point of the vertical tangent at the place of the widest diameter and one point where the neck turns to shoulder of the vessel.

Statistical analysis showed that the most abundant types are A5a and C5b (Vrdoljak 1994: fig. 9, fig. 11), i.e. the pot with a cylindrical body and the biconical cup. The most common bowl types are bowls with a rounded body, types B3d and B3c (Vrdoljak 1994: fig. 10). The most common decoration is faceting (558; 40,4%), followed by impressed decoration (395; 28,6%) and application (390; 28,2%), often appearing together on a single fragment. 170 fragments (12,3% of all decorated fragments) are decorated with fluting. Other decorative techniques appear much more rarely. Thus barbotine is seen on 90 fragments (6,5%), grooving on 35 (2,5%), incision on 38 (2,7%), decoration with a comb-like instrument 22 (1,6%), and modeling on 27 (2%) (Vrdoljak 1994:23, fig. 12). All the aforementioned decorative techniques and types have been analyzed separately and put in the context of the Umfield culture in the Middle Danube Basin (Vrdoljak 1994). However, the view on the early horizon of the Late Bronze Age settlement at Kalnik has somewhat changed. Here we discuss some of the types of pots, bowls and cups that can be dated to the beginning of the Urnfield culture.

22

Urnfield Culture Settlements in Croatia

One of the most significant finds are cups with a handle that does not extend over the rim, defined by Vrdoljak (1994) as C5a type (fig. 21). These are biconical cups that are the most characteristic cup type in the early Urnfield culture in the Middle Danube region. We can follow their typological and chronological development from the developed Middle Bronze Age, i.e from the Tumulus culture. Some authors note that the typologically earlier variants have the body decorated with nipple-like ornaments, the decoration not seen on later variants. This type of decoration, as well as the placement of handle at the rim, can be dated to the Br D period (Patek 1968:105). At the end of Br D, and in the Ha A1 period, the handle rises above the rim and often has a triangular cross-section. This form is defined at Kalnik-Igrisce as C5b. During the typological development, especially from the middle of the Ha A period, the biconical form of the body becomes more rounded, while the handles increasingly acquire the shape of a strap (Patek 1968:106). The oldest forms of these cups are found in the late Tumulus culture. In the Maisbirbaum pottery hoard, dated to the Middle Bronze Age Br C period, a number of cups with biconical bodies and omphalos-bases with strap handles situated at the rim, have been found (Doneus 1991: fig. 8:1-3; fig. 13:1; fig. 14:1-3; fig. 15:1-3; fig. 16:1; Neugebaurer 1994: fig. 89-90). These cups are typical for the developed Middle Danubian Tumulus culture (Doneus 1991:125,127). They are found in numerous hoards that contain pottery from the Tumulus culture in Lower Austria, such as Kronstorf (Pittioni 1954: fig. 273:3-5) and Schrattenberg (Eibner 1969: fig. 2:3-8), in Moravia at Lednica (Rihovsky 1982: T. 10:28, T. 11:2,4,7,11-13; Palatova, Salas 2002: T. 4:1-6,8,9), Kopcany (Rihovsky 1982: T. 68:4-7), Zelesice (Maresova 1965: fig. 4:6,13), the pottery hoard from Moravsky Pisek (Palatova, Salas 2002: T. 7A: 1-7,9), Stary Liskovec I and II (Palatova, Salas 2002: T. 15A: 4-12, T. 15B:l-5), as well as within the western Bohemian Tumulus culture (CujanovaJilkova 1970: fig. 3:2). This type of cups is also found in Slovenia, at the settlement at RabelcjaVas in Styria (pit 100) (Strmcnik-Gulic 1989: T. 2:1-2), an in the Dolnji Lakos settlement (Horvat-Savel 1989: T. 5:2,6; Dular et al. 2002: T. 19:9,10) (pit 309). During this transitional horizon of Br C/D period, the finds from northern Croatia are ascribed to the 1st phase of the Urnfield culture of northern Coratia, or to the Virovitica group. The most numerous finds come from the Virovitica cemetery according to which the phase was defined (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 7:3, T. 9:6, T. 10:6). The vessels have the same form as the C5a type from Kalnik, albeit with a higher foot, an element that connects them to the forms seen within the Tumulus culture. Accidental finds from Gaciste near Virovitica (Pavisic 1992: T. 5:7), burial finds from the Drljanovac cemetery near Bjelovar (Majnaric-Pandzic 1988: si. 3), and the finds from Mala Pupelica (MajnaricPandzic 1988: si. 4:1) confirm this date. Another vessel

type that can confirm the earlier date of the Kalnik-Igrie I settlement is the bowl of B6c type (fig. 19), most commonly found at the Virovitica cemetery (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 8:2,9, T. 9:3, T. 10:3,4), but also at contemporary cemeteries at Sirova Katalena (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 14:4), Mala Pupelica (Majnari-Pandi 1988: T. 2:1), and in grave 7 at Morave near Sesvete (Sokol 1989: fig. 2 and 3). These bowls are used in large numbers as urns at cemeteries under tumuli of the Gredani group at Perkovci, Vranovci, Oriovac, Slavonska Poega, Grabarje, Gornja Bukovica, and the largest one, in Greani (Minichreiter 1982-1983:7). The most similar to the one from Kalnik is a bowl from the grave 67 at Greani (Minichreiter 1982-1983: T. 17:1), which belongs to the urns of the first type according to the typology of Minichreiter (fig. 38). Analogies from Slovenia can be seen at the Dolnji Lako settlement (Horvat-avel 1989: T. 3:2). In Dular et al. (2002: Abb. 8) type S10 is the most similar one, described as a shallow bowl with an everted rim and characteristic biconical profile. They were fired in oxidizing atmosphere and can have rough or smooth surface (Dular et al. 2002:154). One of these vessels was found in pit 309 (Dular et al. 2002: Abb. 18:3). Two bowls of B6f type (fig. 22) have been found at Kalnik. These are similar in form to B6d and B6e types, but it was distinguished as a separate variant based on the characteristic decoration in the form of wide horizontal facets on the body. An almost identical vessel was found at the Slovenian settlement at Oloris-Dolnji Lako (in the hearth or kiln marked as P-308) (Dular et al. 2002: T. 25:3). Interestingly, the bowl of B6f type at Kalnik was also found at the base of a hearth and forms a closed find with it. The kiln at Oloris is located at the northwestern corner of square 308 and was partially damaged by ploughing (Dular et.al. 2002: Abb. 15-17). It comes in the form of a cluster of daub, and many daub fragments exhibited traces of wood. Dular et al. (2002:37) stated that the edges of the kiln had imprints of larger branches, while the middle of the kiln's surface had imprints of sticks. It is assumed that the kiln was domed, while the opening could have been on the southwestern side. Inside, fragments of vessels, bowls and pots, as well as pyramidal weights, have been found (Dular et.al 2002: T. 24-25). Interestingly, one such bowl of B6f type was found in grave 60 at Greani (Minichreiter 1982-1983: T. 16:grave 60:2) with a body decorated with a single, wide facet. In addition to the small vessel, another deeper bowl with a straight rim and a single handle was found which, according to Minichreiter, belongs to the urns of type three. The same type of vessel was found in grave 7 at Perkovci (Minichreiter 1982-1983: T. 21:grave 7:1). A fragment of a bowl with an everted rim in the form of small horns is similar to this type of bowl (fig. 22:2). The 23

The JJrnfield Culture in Continental

Croatia

Danubian Tumulus culture. A pot quite simiar to the one from Kalnik was found at the Freidorf am Sulmtal site (Bernhard 2007: T. 7:3). Czech and Slovak scholars use the term amphora" for this type of vessel, although in the Late Bronze Age it has no handles. Vessels for which this term is more appropriate are the smaller vessels from the Middle Bronze Age with high cylindrical or funnel-shaped necks and flat rim, which sometimes have two handles at the place where the neck meets the body, with bodies decorated with nipple-like ornaments that are surrounded by grooves. Rihovsky (1958:80) states that this type of vessel is found in a wider time range starting from the Middle Bronze Age, until the Early Iron Age, and within various cultural groups. We can look for the origin of the Velatice amphorae within the Maisbirbaum phase of the Middle Danubian group of Tumulus culture. One such amphora was found in the Maisbirbaum pottery hoard, although it was decorated with incised triangles (Neugebauer 1994: fig. 91:9). Except in the Maisbirbaum phase, the earlier examples can be seen in the incipient phase of the Mistelbach-Regelsbrunn group of the Tumulus culture, in grave 2 from Wetzleinsdorf in Lower Austria (Neugebauer 1994: fig. 81:1). Here we have a seal-headed pin (Petschaftkopfnadel) and a hole in the neck that is dated to the Br B1 period. A similar piece, dated to the same time, was found at the Franzhausen II cemetery (Neugebauer 1994: fig. 82:8,9). A characteristic form of the pot of the A3c type was found at the Velem St. Vid settlement, on the floor of house 27 (Bandi & Fekete 1984: fig. 17), dated to the Br D/Ha A1 period. However, such pots are found much earlier, during the Tumulus culture at Slovenian sites of Oloris near Dolnji Lakos (Horvat-Savel 1989: T. 1:2), and Rabelcja Vas (Strmcnik-Gulic 1989: T. 3:3). In Austrian Styria, a onehandle variant is found at the site of Retznei (Schrettle, Tsironi 2007: T. 2:8). A similar type is found at the Franzhausen Mitte cemetery, in the cremation burial 851 (Naugebauer 1994: Abb. 83:129), while a pot with two handles comes from grave 793 from the same site (Neugebauer 1994: Abb. 83:17), alongside a cup with a single handle decorated with a nipple-like ornament. Afind of the top part of a pot (Vrdoljak 1994: T. 14:1) with a straight rim and two strap handles that extend from the rim was found in the earlier horizon at Kalnik-Igrisce. The vessel has a short, funnel-shaped neck and most likely a rounded body. Analogies for this type of vessel can be seen in the finds from pit 309 at the Oloris Dolnji- Lakos settlement (Dular et al. 2002: T. 16:1-3). One vessel without handles was also found inside kiln P-307 at the same site (Dular et al. 2002: T. 26:6), and another in square 309 (Dular et al. 2002: T. 57:6). This type of pots is found in pit B at Vorwald in Austria (Schamberger 2007: T. 6:24,26).

Fig. 22 Bowls of B6f type from Kalnik-Igrisce I settlement Vrdoljak 1994)

(after

bowl had a nicely polished, reddish surface. The outward curvature of the rim above the strap handle has similarities to the bowl with a cylindrical neck from grave 3 from Balatonmagyarod-Hidvegpuszta (Horvath 1994: Abb. 13:1). This again confirms the ties of the Kalnik settlement with sites in Transdanubia. Partially inverted rim in the shape of horns" is found on another shallow bowl with very thin walls from Kalnik (Vrdoljak 1994: T. 20:3) There are other types of bowls and pots that can be ascribed to the early Urnfield culture. One of these is A5b type (fig. 19), with the basic form similar to A5a type, but much larger and possibly serving as pithos. The pot most likely had four strap handles at the neck to shoulder transition, and is similar to a pot from Brodski Stupnik, dated to the phase I of the Urnfield culture in northern Croatia (VinskiGasparini 1973:46,T. 17:11). Apot (Vrdoljak 1994: T. 13:2) is similar to the pot-amphora type found in the Tumulus culture. These pots in a way predate those of A5a type, which have cylindrical necks, but are dated to the Middle

24

Urnfield Culture Settlements in Croatia

Figure 23:1 shows a fragment of a vessel decorated with a nipple-like ornament and plastic ribs. It has direct analogies to the finds form the Vors-Papkert cemetery (Honti 1993: Abb. 1:2) where it is found alongside bowls of B6c type (Honti 1993: Abb. 1:1) and cups of C5a type (Honti 1993: Abb. 1:4). In the earlier horizon of the same site, the same smaller pots as those of A3c type from Kalnik have been found (Honti 1993: Abb. 1:5,7). This is a further confirmation of a link between Kalnik and sites in western Transdanubia. On figure 23:2 a fragment of a cylindrical neck decorated with incised hanging triangles and horizontal everted rim decorated with numerous channels, can be seen. The neck form is reminiscent of the younger phases, but the fabric of the fragment is completely different to the other pots of A5a type. It has a high concentration of calcite. The decorated horizontally everted rim is quite similar to some of the finds from Oloris (Dular et al. 2002: T. 1:1,3, T. 23:18, T. 47:6-7). Most authors (Vinski-Gasparini 1973; Rihovsky 1961) argue that the Virovitica, Zagreb, and Baierdorf-Velatice groups developed locally and argue that a continuum can be seen. This comes to the fore in Dular et al. (2002) where the term Virovitica II is introduced for the Zagreb group. However, Vinski-Gasparini (1973; 1983) argues for a strong Baierdorf-Velatice influence in the Zagreb group and in the phase II of the Urnfield culture in northern Croatia. Vinski-Gasparini (1973:24) emphasizes that the Urnfield culture of northern Croatia is based on the Middle Bronze Age cultures of the Middle Danube region. However, the Middle Bronze Age of the western group of Urnfield culture in the region between rivers Sava, Drava and Danube is poorly known, and Vinski-Gasparini (1973:38) bases her conclusion on the origins of the phase I in northern Croatia on the research of the final phases of the Middle Bronze Age and the incipient phases of the Late Bronze Age in Austria, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary. She based her comparison on the material from the excavations at the Virovitica and Sirova Katalena cemeteries, which she dated to the Br C/Br D periods. This is at the same time the approximate time of the duration of phase I of the Urnfield culture in northern Croatia (late Br C and earlier BrD; or the end of the 14th century B.C. to about year 1230 B.C.). In a more recent synthesis on the Urnfield culture in northern Croatia and its groups, Vinski-Gasparini (1983) uses the term Virovitica group, named after the aforementioned cemetery. Vinski-Gasparini (1983:552) states that this is a recently named group that was defined on the basis of the results of the excavations at the sites of Virovitica and Sirova Katalena. Interestingly, she mentions the recent excavations at the sites of Moravce and Gredani in her discussion of the distribution area of this group, assuming the Virovitica group spreads further to the south. Only later and based on the different burial rites the Gredani group was rightfully defined as a separate entity (Minichreiter 1982-1983). The eastern border of the Virovitica group according to Vinski-Gasparini is where the Belegis I group

1
.1/i <

Fig. 23 Vessels from Kalnik-Igrie I settlement (after Vrdoljak 1994)

starts (Vinski-Gasparini 1983:552), and recently LonjakDizdar (2005) lists and maps the sites of the Virovitica, Barice-Gredani, and Belegi groups reflecting the current state of the research in Croatia. In her 1983 paper, Vinski-Gasparini states that the western border of the group are the Kalnik and Medvednica mountains. Today, sites on the other side of the Kalnik mountain are also known, such as the grave from Lepoglava in the Varadin region (imek 2003). Further, traditions of the Middle Bronze Age and the Virovitica group are also seen at the Kalnik settlement. However, we have to acknowledge that besides the obvious influences of the Virovitica group, close ties with the early Urnfield culture from western Transdanubia are apparent in ceramic styles at Kalnik , especially with the group near Lake Balaton. Ties with Transdanubia are also apparent in later Ha A and Ha B periods, (especially with the Velem Szentvid settlement). Vinski-Gasparini (1973; 1983), like other authors that at 25

TheJJrnfieldCulture in Continental Croatia

around that time study the origins of the Urnfield culture and its first phase (as well as the Virovitica group), argued for and developed a theory of the independent local development from the cultures of the Middle Bronze Age. This is best seen on the Moravian material, as shown by J. Rihovsky (1961; 1963). His investigations are of great importance for research on the Urnfield culture in northern Croatia, as they provided a wide variety of types and forms of both grave and settlement pottery finds. Based on the typological development of pottery, but also of metal objects, Rihovsky (1961) recognized a separate horizon at Blucina, which he called a mixed cultural horizon in an attempt to decipher the origins of the Urnfield culture in the Middle Danube region. As the whole Middle Danube region was a single cultural entity during the time of the Tumulus culture, Rihovsky argued for similar unity in later times and suggested a single name of the Middle Danubian Urnfield culture for all cultures of the area during the Late Bronze Age. Common forms of the developed Tumulus culture alongside the forms that indicate the Urnfield culture clearly show a cultural continuity in this region. As the site of Cezavy-Blucina is located at the southern border of the Lausitz region, Lausitz types were expected to appear, although they are present in small quantities. Rihovsky (1961) thus provided a truly strong argument for the theory of local development of the Urnfield culture and disproved the older theory about the migration of the Lausitz culture strongly argued for by Pittioni (1954). In 1963 Rihovsky developed an elaborate division of the Velatice culture and within this framework he included all the published finds from Lower Austria, Burgenland, northwestern Hungary and southwestern Slovakia. First, he gave a summary of the known results of excavations and a review of the older publications in which the theory of migration of the bearers of the Lausitz group southwards is argued for. However, in contrast to Austrian research which continued in the same direction, in Moravia it was already realized at the time that some of the forms cannot be ascribed to the Lausitz group. In contrast with what was argued in his 1961 publication, Rihovsky (1963) recognized a separate transitional horizon between the Tumulus culture and the Velatice culture and dated it to the Br C/D period, i.e. somewhat earlier than the Br D period of southern Germany. In it he did not recognize any significant changes going on that could be ascribed to Holste's horizon of foreign groups, but saw it as a time in which the forms of the developed Tumulus culture are found alongside later forms, although at the time the Urnfield culture did not yet exist. This is seen in both pottery and metal objects. A similarity in the burial practices in the beginning of the Velatice group with the rites of the Tumulus culture at Slovakian sites such as Ockov and Caka also suggest continuity (Paulik 1962; Tocik, Paulik 1960). In Austria, this horizon is much harder to define. The only finds that could be seen as supporting this are those from Leobersdorf (Berg 1957) and Herzogenburg (Pittioni 1954; Neugebauer 1994). This would correspond to the Pre-Caka horizon in Slovakia, or the Pre-Velatice horizon of the Caka type (Paulik 1963). Koszegi (1960) tried to

argue that the Tumulus culture existed in Hungary until the Ha A1 period, which was subsequently supported by Patek (1968) and other Hungarian authors, who emphasized the importance of the Ha A period during which the elements that resulted in the formation of the Val group started to appear. A definite division of the Velatice group was done by Rihovsky (1979), recognizing several phases: the incipient or Blucina-Kopcany phase, older, or Baierdorf-Velatice phase, developed, or Velatice-Okov, and younger, or Oblekovice phase. He also used this division in his 1982 paper. This was the basis on which Vinski-Gasparini (1973; 1983) based her conclusions on the origins of the Virovitica and Zagreb groups. However, unlike in the Virovitica group, where continuity with the Middle Bronze Age is seen, there are disagreements among authors regarding the origins of the Zagreb group. At several occasions Vinski-Gasparini (1983:557) stated that the beginning of the Zagreb group is clearly marked by the expansion of the Baierdorf horizon, especially its younger, Grossmugl phase, which corresponds with the Ha A1 period (Muller-Karpe 1959:101,103).This penetration happened near the end of the Br D period, when a cultural group with new elements formed on the Virovitica substrate. According to Vinski-Gasparini (1983:567) the term Baierdorf-Velatice is used for culturally similar manifestations, while the chronology needs to be revised. Although Vinski-Gasparini (1983:570) used the terms such as intrusion and expansion, she continued to emphasize the importance of continuity, especially for the early phase of the Zagreb group, when the assimilation of elements of the Virovitica and Baierdorf-Velatice groups was taking place. She saw this as a result of cultural, but also ethnic movements from the edges of the eastern Alpine region, or the upper part of the Middle Danube region to the south and southeast. This is best documented at Kalnik-Igrie. However, before we get into the arguments for this, we need to look back to the sites that have both elements of the Virovitica and the Zagreb group. One such site is Drljanovac, discussed by Vinski-Gasparini (1983:570) as a site of the early phase of the Zagreb group, in which urns with fluted body and cylindrical neck, as well as shallow bowls with tunnel-like handles, reminiscent of those from the Baierdorf cemetery, but also forms with elements of the Virovitica group (grave 4), and those of the Ha A1 period, are found. This way of thinking was further argued in detail in her publications of the Drljanovac material by MajnariPandi (1988; 1994) who argued (1994:52) that graves 5, 6, 11-13 are of the Virovitica group, graves 2, 3 and 8 of the Zagreb group, while in grave 4 elements of both groups are seen. In her paper Majnari-Pandi (1988) argued for mixing of elements of both groups in grave 2. Although the cemetery at Drljanovac is commonly ascribed to the Zagreb group in the literature (Vinski-Gasparini 1983), Majnari-Pandi (1994:45) emphasized that most of the graves are of the Virovitica group, as shown by the burial rites typical of that group. One of the arguments is that there

26

Urnfield Culture Settlements in Croatia

are no bowls on foot and smaller bowls alongside urns in the graves of the Zagreb group. Dular et al. (2002) argue for the duration of the Virovitica group into the Ha A l period, and introduce the terms Virovitica I and Virovitica II group. In a monograph on the Oloris Dolnji Lako settlement (Dular et al. 2002) an overview of the material of similar groups from the neighbouring regions, including Croatia has been done. Here, conclusions on the duration of the Virovitica group are drawn. Dular et al. (2002:205) see the beginnings of the Virovitica group during the Br C period, and its ending during the middle of the Ha Al period. Vinski-Gasparini (1973), on the other hand, placed the ending of the group at the end of the Br D period and connected this with the penetration of the Baierdorf-Velatice group. Dular et al. (2002:205) note that within the Virovitica group certain elements that are characteristic for the phase II are seen, such as club-shaped pin (Keulenkopfnadel), and the pin with a flattened fluted head, typical for the hoards of phase II in northern Croatia (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 10:11,15). Analyses of the material from graves at Drljanovac are used as an argument for the duration of the Virovitica group into the Ha A period. Dular et al. (2002:205) recognize two chronological phases: an early, Virovitica group phase, and a late phase in which fluted vessels are found. Fluted decoration on pottery is also recognized by Turk (1996:118) who argues that it alone cannot be a proof of the intrusion of the Baierdorf-Velatice group. Dular et al. (2002:205, si. 40:5-7) note grave 2 at the Zagreb-Vrape cemetery for the elements of both Virovitica and Zagreb groups. An interesting amphora-like vessel, decorated with wide, sloping fluting on the entire body surface is also found. However, all the conclusions based on the appearance of fluting or facetting on vessels of the Virovitica group can be linked to the changes that are happening at the time, although they are more apparent and reach their peak within the changes during the end of Br D and in the Ha A l periods. We believe that at that time certain changes in the style of decoration of pottery and metal items can be seen. Analysis of pottery finds from KalnikIgrie I clearly showed this (Vrdoljak 1994). Typological classification and statistical analysis confirmed that besides the aforementioned elements of the Virovitica group, and the Transdanubian elements of the Br C and D periods, at Kalnik-Igrie I there is a domination of the types of vessels and decorative elements that are characteristic of the Ha A l period. These are first and foremost cups of the C5b type, characteristic of the Velatice culture and found in the urn grave Velatice I (Rihovsky 1958), dated on the basis of the sword of the Lipovka type into the Ha A l period. These cups represent 74,6% of all cups at Kalnik, and on a surface of mere 100 square meters, 47 such cups were found. A technological analysis of pottery showed that they had a fine fabric, polished surface and thin walls. It can be said that this pottery is reflecting its metal counterparts. A proof of this is seen in one ceramic bucket that MajnariPandi (1992a: T. 3) links to the bucket of the Kurd type,

made of metal. We can clearly see that the handles imitate their metal counterparts, and even the holes, reminiscent of rivets, are seen. Early Ha A l period is a time when a domination of metal items is seen, both in hoards, as well as in local workshops in settlements. One such workshop existed at Kalnik (Majnaric-Pandzic 1992a; Vrdoljak 1992; Vrdoljak, Forenbaher 1995), with links with centres in western Transdanubia, Moravia and Lower Austria. That Kalnik had links with the sites of Velem Szent Vid and Cezavy-Blucina can be seen in both pottery elements and metal objects. Another vessel type that is characteristic for the Ha A period is a pot of the A5a type (a pot with a cylindrical neck and horizontally everted and faceted rim). 29 such pots have been found, or 30,2% of all pots (Vrdoljak 1994:16, si. 9). Most (15) have a horizontally everted rim and straight base. Only two have undecorated strap handles, one on each side of the pot, in addition to functional and decorative forms. The colour is dark grey or black while firing was done in reduced atmosphere. The surface was burnished with hardness 4 (hard pottery). Most common decoration is faceting on rim, fluted decoration, and in only one case, incised decoration on the base pan of a vessel. The case with bowls is similar. The most common bowl is of the B3d type (80 bowls, or 52 % of a total number ow bowls, or 60,2 % of the bowls of type 3). Most of the bowls are decorated with faceting on rim and shoulder, then fluting, grooving, while on only one bowl we see decoration with a comb-like object (Vrdoljak 1994:18, si. 10). Bowls have thin walls and are mostly black or dark grey. Other types of decorations are also present. Statistical analysis at Kalnik showed that most of the ceramic bowls were decorated with faceting (Vrdoljak 1994: si. 12). If we compare the results with other settlements in the region, particularly with the results of statistical and typological analysis of the Oloris material, significant differences are seen. Although they do not discuss percentages, Dular et al. (2002:159, si. 11) note that fluted decoration and faceting are very rare while the most common decoration is application, which comes in several variants and in different compositions (Dular et al. 2002:155). It can be seen that some of the pottery types at Kalnik point to the beginnings of settlement during the time of the Virovitica group, but most of the finds, both of metal and pottery, reflect the Ha A period and the Zagreb group. The results of absolute dating of Kalnik settlement are in agreement with the Virovitica group (Z-2161:2980-+70 b.p., or 1307-1062 BC; Z-2163:289+-90 b.p. NS 1251-921 BC, l a ; Srdoc et al. 1992, 158-159). The rest of the dates from the seasons 1988-1990 are somewhat younger (Z-2162; 2650+-60 b.p.; 832-794 BC; Z-2160; 2540+-60 b.p.; 797539 BC).

27

TheJJrnfieldCulture in Continental Croatia

Certain decorative elements point to the Ha B period, and are shown in a publication by Vrdoljak (1994:T.34). No change in stratigraphic sequence could be seen, therefore the appearance of these types is most likely due to erosion from another place. One such locality was discovered during the 2006-2008 seasons of the excavations at Kalnik. Metal items Several groups of bronze objects have been found at Kalnik. As noted, some have been given to the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb as accidental finds, and published by Vinski-Gasparini (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 93:13-16). Objects include a sickle, spear head, and two pins, all dated to the phase III, or the Ha A2 period, based on the pins with a bulb-shaped head (Kolbenkopfnadel) (VinskiGasparini 1973:136). It is unclear whether these finds were found in a grave, hoard, or settlement due to the lack of information on the circumstances of discovery. The sickle (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 93:13) is a typical form found in the early phase of the Urnfield culture, a functional form that changed very little over time, and most variants are determined on the basis of decorative elements. It is often found in hoards and settlements and proves there was a developed farming activity in the Kalnik region (Karavani 2005b:6). Some have suggested that farming was mostly done by women, therefore it is possible that the pins were also a part of the women's attire. The pins are quite long and used for decoration and binding of lighter pieces of clothing. They were decorated with incision using special tools after casting. It is possible that iron tools were used in this phase of production (Bouzek 1978). Bouzek (1978) was able to show the use of bronze or iron tools for decoration of pins. Harding (2000:227) agrees that iron tools were used during periods Ha A2 and B1. An accidental find of the spearhead from the Kalnik region (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 93:15) is a typical example of the so-called flame-shaped spearhead that is characteristic of the early Urnfield culture. The second group of bronze objects was found during the construction works in the area of the so-called Wilhelm's house (fig. 25:13,15-16). Two pins were found, one of them with a fluted head (fig. 25:13). This pin has analogies in hoard finds of the Urnfield culture from the Posavina region around Slavonski Brod, such as at the Poljanci I hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 48:13). A similar pin comes from the Ciglana (Brickyard) site in Krievci (Homen 1982: T. 2:1). A sickle was found during the works on the Old Town at Kalnik (Majnari-Pandi 1992a: T. 4:3). It is similar to the one at the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb. The front part of the blade is broken, and no special decoration is seen. The same site yielded a necklace decorated with incisions (Majnari-Pandi 1992a: T. 3:1).

Majnari-Pandi (1992a: T. 4:2) published the find of a flame-shaped spearhead from the unknown locality at Kalnik. It is similar to the one from the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb that is dated to the Ha A period. Such spearheads are commonly found in hoards of the second phase, such as Budinina (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 77:21). The third group of metal objects from Kalnik-Igrie I was found during systematic excavations between 1987 and 1990 (Majnari-Pandi 1992a). All of the bronze items found during the systematic excavations of the Igrie site were discovered near open hearths. Seven such hearths, three of which were intact, were found during the three excavations seasons. Near the hearth 5 (fig. 18 ) several mould fragments and remnants of slag were found. We have discussed moulds in detail in the chapter on metal production. The majority of metal objects consists of pins and needles (Majnari-Pandi 1992a:59). These are mostly undecorated and have an elongated eye (fig. 24:5,9; fig. 25:3,5,16). Novotna (1980:166-168) notes several different variants of such pins, based on technological characteristics, that are dependant on the material for which they were used, e.g. the type of cloth, hide, or fur. These types of pins are almost impossible to date without the archaeological context (Majnari-Pandi 1992a:59). The pins from Kalnik belong to the second group of sewing pins that have either oval or rhomboidal eye situated far from the pin top. The pin (fig. 24:9) is strongly curved, either intentionaly, or as a result of accidental damage. Novotna (1980) considers this group of simple pins as an older one. Such pins are commonly found at settlements of the Velatice and Chotin groups, and sometimes in female graves. This type of pin is neither geographically nor culturally limited (Majnari-Pandi 1992a:59). Such pins are found in settlements, as in the case of Makovac-Crinjevi (fig. 12:2). At Kalnik most pins are found in fragments that could not be securely dated or ascribed to a certain type (fig. 24:11-14; fig. 25:7-8). Majnari-Pandi (1992a: 5 9) assumes that some of the finds (fig. 24:6-7) may have belonged to club-shaped pins, the most common type at Igrie (fig. 24:1,2,8; fig. 25:4,15). This type of pins was discussed by Novotna (1980). She recognized two variants, a decorated and non-decorated one, although some authors do not recognize them as a separate type but believe that they are a result of the fixing of the pins with damaged heads. Majnari-Pandi (1992a:59) does not accept such explanation, and rightly so. She points out that the simplicity of their manufacture could have made them quite affordable and thus resulting in their widespread use. They are commonly found at graves in Slovakia (Novotna 1980), and Serbia (Vasi 2003), while in Croatia they mostly come from hoards. This, though, could be a result of the fact that not many graves of the early Urnfield culture in Croatia have been excavated. It is assumed that in Panonnia and the Carpathian Basin there were some regional variants that most likely depend on the

28

Urnfield Culture Settlements

in

Croatia

Fig. 24 Metal items fi-om Kalnik-Igrisce I settlement (after Majnaric-Pandzic

1998a)

29

The Urnfield Cidture in Continental

Croatia

Urnfield Culture Settlements in Croatia

state of research of certain types of sites. It appears that pin shapes and type of decoration have no chronological value, as there are numerous closed finds in which different types of club-shaped pins are found (Majnari-Pandi 1992a:60). This type of pin is common at the Transdanubian settlement ofVelemszentvid (Rihovsky 1983: T. 13), which is another element that connects this site with Kalnik. The second type of pin that was found at Kalnik Igrie during 1987-1990 excavations is the one with a flattened spherical head (fig. 24:3) with its analogies in the find from the Bonjaci hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 30A:13) on which smaller flutings are present at the base of the head, as well as with the finds from Gornja Vrba (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 51:19) and Brodski Varo (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 52:33-34). We, however, believe these pins are somewhat different, based on the channeling below the head. Majnari-Pandi (1992a:60) acknowledges analogies with pins from Veliko Nabre and Poljanci I hoards, but these pins are of the type with proper fluted heads that differ from the one from Kalnik, which is much simpler in decoration and head form. The pin from Kalnik looks like an unfinished pin of the flattened head type that is typical for the hoards of the earlier phase of the Urnfield culture in southern Pannonia. An interesting form of the pin is that with a flattened biconical head and knots on the neck (fig. 24:4) for which it was noted to be of the so called type with the Czech prominence (Majnari-Pandi 1992a:60), in which the head is cast separately and later added to the body of the pin. The pin from Kalnik was cast in one piece and is smaller than those from Germany. Majnari-Pandi (1992a: 60-61) searches for its analogies in the Pannonian Danube region. Rihovsky (1979) recognizes four variants of these pins, and the one from Kalnik would fit into the Platenice type. Rihovsky (1979) dates them to the Bluina and Hrubice horizons, or to the beginnings of the Urnfield culture. Similar pins with knots on the neck have been found at the Donja Dolina settlement (Mari 1964: T. 1:67) one at the settlement at Greda, and another one as an accidental grave find. Both are dated to between 1200 and 800 BC. No analogies are found at the Urnfield sites in Croatia. At Kalnik, a pin with a biconical head was also found (fig. 25:6) a type that is quite widespread:' Majnari-Pandi (fig. 25:12-14) lists pins that were previously published by Homen (1987) after the excavation at Igrie. Among the types found we must mention the Velemszentvid type (fig. 25:12). It is a type that Rihovsky (1983:20) defines as Knotennadeln, easily recognized by the knots on the neck that come in the biconical or rounded variant. In western Hungary only the Velemszentvid type is found. This type, unlike the pins found in Moravia and southeastern Alpine region where only knots are decorated, has also decorated zones between the knots. Rihovsky (1983:20) recognizes several variants of the Velemszentvid type, based on the head form: a variant with a small platelike head, a variant with a biconical head, and one with a thickened, club-shaped head. The pin from Kalnik is most

similar to the variant with a biconical head, found at the Velemszentvid settlement, possibly in a hoard (Rihovsky 1983: T. 7:102). Majnaric-Pandzic (1992a:61) writes that the pin from Kalnik has a somewhat rounder head and the first knot, while the second knot is more emphasized and richly profilated. At the Slovenian site of Dobova near Brezice, a pin was found in grave 90 (Stare 1975: T. 16:11). The pin is of the variant with a plate-like head and knots with modest decoration. In the same grave, a bowl with a thickened and inverted and faceted rim, a deeper bowl, and a vessel with a hole, were found. Based on this bowl with faceted rim, the grave can be dated to the earlier phase of the Urnfield culture, although Dular (1978) argues that it belongs to the early phase of the Velika Gorica group. The pins from Dobova and Kalnik complete our knowledge on the distribution of these types of pins in southern Pannonia. At a pile-dwelling settlement at Donja Dolina (Marie 1964) numerous pins have been found, one of which could be of the Velemszentvid type. This pin is most similar to the pins of the first variant with a plate-like head, like the one from Dobova. Marie (1964: T. 3:3) published it as part of the finds from the earlier settlement at Greda" and dated it to between 1100 and 800 BC. A mould used for casting this type of pin has also been published (Marie 1964: T. 3:10), very similar to the mould from Kalnik (fig. 26) that could have been used for casting of pins with knots on the neck of the Velemszentvid type. The pin from Donja Dolina is most similar to the pins from the settlement and the hoard at Velemszentvid (Rihovsky 1983: T. 7:96-97), once more confirming the ties of the southern Pannonia with the area of Transdanubia, but also

Fig. 26 Mouldfor

casting bronze pins from Kalnik-Igrisce I site (photo by Z. Homen)

TheJJrnfieldCulture in Continental

Croatia

leaving open the possibility that the pins were produced in a local workshop under the influence of Transdanubian workshops. Majnaric-Pandzic (1992a:62) recognizes these ties in the find of a pin of the Myslechovice type in the Hrustovaca cave in northern Bosnia. During the excavations in 1987 (Homen 1987:63) a pin with a small vase-shaped head was found (fig. 25:14). It had a massive body, decorated with incised lines. This is a widespread type of pin, quite characteristic for the Late Bronze Age, and there are numerous publications that deal with its origins. Mostly it is assumed that the ones with larger heads are from the earlier, and those with smaller heads from the later Urnfield culture. However, Rihovsky (1983:17) argues that both types were in use during the whole Late Bronze Age. Among other bronze objects found during the first systematic excavations at Igrisce were two fibulae fragments, most likely of the violin bow type. Based on a very fragmented spiral part of the fibula (fig. 24:18), Majnaric-Pandzic (1992a) argues that it could have belonged to a fibula with a figure-of-eight ending of the bow, with analogies in the fibula from the Pricac hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 71:14). The second, even more fragmented part belongs to the type with a twisted bow (fig. 24:20). Violin-bow fibulae and variants thereof were discussed in detail by Vinski-Gasparini (1973). She believes all the variants appear simultaneously and within the phase II of the Urnfield culture in northern Croatia. Among the jewellery items from Kalnik are sockets made of folded bronze sheet (the so-called tutuli) (fig. 24:19) several of which were found, and are quite numerous in hoards from the Late Bronze Age. Mozsolics (1985:73-74) believes they were used as covering for cloth fringes or on stripes used for fastening clothes. These objects were also found in the graves from the Middle Bronze Age, especially within the Tumulus culture in southern Bavaria (Riegerau) (WelsWeyrauch 1991: T. 51 :C), in a burial mound at Trischlberg (Wels-Weyrauch 1991: T. 59:F). Alongside these, small hemispherical buttons with a loop made of bronze sheet have also been found (fig. 24:21-22,28). These buttons could be sewn on clothing and are also found in graves of the Middle Bronze Age Tumulus culture. In Croatia, they are found in hoards of the phase II, such as Brodski Varos (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 57:13,14,18-20) Some were sewn to the clothing through the holes on the button surface, while others had a loop on its interior surface. A bead was also found (fig. 25:9) with analogies in the finds from the Brodski Varos hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 56:43-44). Also of interest is an object similar in shape to belt buckles, although it was published as a metal fitting (fig. 24:26). This adds to our knowledge on the attire and jewellery of the inhabitants of the Kalnik-Igrisce I settlement during the Br D to the end of the Ha A period. 32

A well preserved dagger was found at Igrisce (fig. 25:1) for which no analogies could be found and is regarded as a product of local workshop at Kalnik (Majnaric-Pandzic 1992a:63). During the 1987 excavations an arrowhead in the shape of a swallow's tail was also found (fig. 25:11). One such arrow head was found in the Sica-Lucica hoard (Perkic, Loznjak-Dizdar 2005: T. 2:14). It is commonly assumed that bow and arrow predate the use of spear but both weapons are in use during the Late Bronze Age (although spearheads are much more common). Osgood and Monks (2001: fig.4.3) mention a skeleton, more precisely a vertebral part with a metal arrow head imbedded in it found at the site of the Tumulus culture at Klings in Germany. These authors (Osgood, Monks 2001:73) argue that this would have caused a paralysis but was not fatal and therefore argue that additional injuries were the cause of death. Similar violent death is assumed for people whose skeletal remains have been found in a trench at Cezavy Blucina settlement, where parts of damaged bronze, stone, and bone arrowheads were found. A skeleton of a man was found above the trench and a bronze arrowhead nearby, pointing to a possible cause of death. Osgood and Monks (2001:77) conclude that arrows could still be an important part of the weapon inventory and could have been used in hunting, but also for killing people. The situation in Croatia could have been similar. 2.4 Settlement Kalnik-Igrisce II In the year 2006 systematic excavations of the prehistoric site at Kalnik-Igrisce were renewed, this time at another position, on the cadastral plot no. 233. The excavations revealed a multilayered site with finds from the Roman, Celtic, and Late Bronze Age periods. On an excavated surface of about 60 square meters hearths, storage pits, post holes and wooden architecture of a house that can be dated on the basis of pottery to Ha B period, have been found. Ceramic vessels, weights and spindle whorls, grinding stones and stone polishers, as well as several fragmented bronze objects have been found. The importance of paleobotanical analyses that are in progress needs to be mentioned. Stratigraphy Stratigraphic units 003 and 007 are ascribed to the Late Bronze Age and are cultural layers that accumulated around hearths or above them. Stratigraphic unit 003 is a layer of somewhat lighter colour and contains more clay, bigger and smaller stones, colour after Munsell is 10 YR 3/3 dark brown. In it, Bronze Age pottery was found. The layer is somewhat damaged in places by trenches from the Roman and La Tene periods. There, fragments of Late Bronze Age pottery, as well as fragments of stone tools (flakes, polishers, and axes), spindle whorls and loom weights have been discovered. Below this one, another layer from the Late Bronze Age, defined as SU 007 was found. It is a clay layer with smaller and larger stones that contains fragments

Urnfield Culture Settlements in Croatia

Fig. 27 Ground plan of the Kalnik-Igrisce II site with SU 012 and SU 014 (by A. Kudelic)

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TheJJrnfieldCulture in Continental

Croatia

of pottery, mostly of pots and bowls, grindstones, polishing stones, spindle whorls, weights, as well as fragments of a mobile hearth. The colour after Munsell is 7.5 YR 3/2 dark brown. This layer is associated with SU 006 and SU 009, which were interpreted as hearths (fig. 27). Both layers (SU 003 and 007) contain smaller or larger lime stones that got there by erosion or from pluvial sediments from the upper slopes of Kalnik. Layer 008 is situated below the layer 007 and on this layer hearths and post holes have been found. It is somewhat lighter in colour and consists of clay, colour after Munsell is 5YR 4/2 dark reddish gray. It most likely formed through deposition of sediments above the layer that contains charcoal and ceramic vessels. Below SU 008 is layer 010 that lies directly above the sterile layer and contains clay and smaller stones. Its colour after Munsell is 2.5Y 4/4 olive brown. Stratigraphic unit 011 (yellowish sandy sediment containing remains of carbonized grains) was also defined. We believe that this stratigraphic unit could have been a sort of working surface used for food preparation. Close to it a pit containing pottery was found (SU 013, 015). It was most likely a storage pit, and it was found at the edge of the house surface. Stratigraphic units 049, 054, 055 and 014 (fig. 27) all contain a mixture of charcoal and soot that extends along the entire eastern part of the excavated trench and it was partially covered by a thin layer of smaller stones and pottery fragments. This layer is defined as SU 012, and could have formed as a result of some natural, geological process, for example deposited by water, or as a result of human activities, such as leveling of the ground. Stratigraphic unit 012 is at the same depth as the aforementioned hearths (SU 006 and 009), as well as with the cluster of pottery finds above which larger fragments of the portable hearth (SU 038) (fig. 31) were found. When the charcoal layer was removed, in the southern end of the excavated surface, a hearth made of burned clay was found (SU 057) with a basis of yellowish sand-like dirt (SU 058) (fig. 28) Near the edge of the hearth, the remains of a wooden beam were found, and remains of another wooden beam were found near the eastern profile of the excavated trench. Based on this, we can conclude that the house was constructed from wooden posts and beams. This is supported by finds of post holes in SU 008. Most of these holes (SU 061, 063, 066, 068) were about 30 cm in diameter, while near their edges larger stones were found, most likely in order to better secure the posts (fig. 29). Figures 27 and 28 clearly show that the post holes extend in the NE-SW direction. Some of these holes were found on the upper terrace (SU 052, 048, 044), although this terrace was only partially preserved as a dry stone wall from the La Tene period cut through it in east to west direction. It was filled with La Tene pottery fragments. Based on this we concluded that the Late Bronze Age inhabitants 34

used the natural configuration of the terrain to organize their structures, houses, and hearths, while later, La Tene and Roman people, built stone walls. In the centre of our excavation trench two larger rocks were found alongside which everyday activities took place, judging by a high concentration of pottery and paleobotanical finds. At some places clusters of carbonized grains and fruit were found, (fig. 30) It can be concluded that during the excavation seasons 2006-2008 a part of the Late Bronze Age settlement where food production took place, was discovered. Food was stored and prepared in various types of vessels that were put on hearths or stored in storage pits. A larger quantity of carbonized wood most likely represents remains of a wooden house structure. Future research of this part of settlement might result in the discovery of the whole house that apparently extended to the east of our trench. Potter}' finds The most common ceramic vessel types are seen on PI. 6-40. Of functional types, fragments of pots were found in layers between or above houses and hearths, or as fillings of storage pits. Pots are quite large, and the most common are pots decorated with the ribbons with finger impressions, as seen in reconstructions on PL 6:1,5; PI. 8:1-2. Most had everted rim and large, rounded body. Pot on PL 6:4 had somewhat finer fabric and polished surface, while pots on PI. 6:2-3 were of medium quality fabric and had only partially polished surfaces. Most pots had coarse fabric and black fire clouds (PL 6:1). Often, they have no handles or had functional-decorative forms, as seen on a fragment on PL 7:4. As most pots were quite large, it is assumed they were used for storage, most likely of grains. One of the largest pots is shown on PL 8:1. It was 45 cm in diameter, and was found in a storage pit (SU 013). A large pot with a funnel shaped neck of 40 cm in diameter, shown on PL 9:1, was found in the same pit. These pots were used for food storage (pithoi). A pot similar to the one on PL 8:1 was found in layer 1 at the Brinjeva Gora site in Slovenia (Oman 1981: T. 2:1). It can be linked to the find from grave 2 from the Mindelheim cemetery, dated to Ha A2 (Oman 1981:149). However, it is hard to date these types of pots precisely. They are also found in layer 2 at Brinjeva Gora (Oman 1981: T. 14:1) dated by Oman (1981:150) to Ha A period, based on fragments of S-profile pots decorated with wide fluting (Oman 1981: T. 7:9,11) that have analogies in finds of the Ha A2 period from Switzerland (Oman 1981:150). However, the profile form suggests somewhat younger period, most likely Ha B period. Pots with a rounded body and everted rim are found at Slovenian cemeteries of the late phase of the Urnfield culture, for example in grave 94 from Ruse (Miiller-Karpe 1959: T. 111F:3), which was located in the part of the site where graves from Ha B1 and B2 periods are found (Oman 1981:148). A similar pot was

Urnfield Culture Settlements in Croatia

The J J r n f i e l d Culture

in Continental

Croatia

Kalinik - Igrisce 2008. SONDA1 SU 065

Fig. 29 Photograph

ofSU 065 showing a post hole with stones at Kalnik-Igrisce

II settlement

(photo by A. Kudelic)

Fig. 30 Remains of carbonized wheat grains at Kalnik-Igrisce

II site (photograph

by A.

Kudelic)

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Urnfield Culture Settlements in Croatia

found in grave 166 at Ruse (Miiller-Karpe 1959: T. 114M). Similar pithoi-pots have been found at Dobova in graves 164 (Stare 1975: T. 23:7), 269 (Stare 1975: T. 39:5), 276 (Stare 1975: T. 39:6), and 315 (Stare 1975: T. 46:6, T. 47:2). Dular (1978) dates grave 164 to the second combination group, characterized by the appearance of pins with a bulbshaped head, to Ha A2 period (Dular 1978:37-38). Such pins are also found in graves 55 (Pahic 1972: T. 13:3) and 61 (Pahic 1972: T. 13:4) from Podbrezje. In Croatia, the aforementioned pots in the function of urns have been found at the cemeterics in Krupace and Trescerovac (VinskiGasparini 1973). Inside them, remains of cremation burials and smaller vessels were usually found. They are also found at the Spicak settlement near Bojacno (Pavisic 1986/1987: T. 5; Pavisic 2001: T. 1). Oman (1981:144) recognizes three basic forms of pithoi. The first type is either oval, or rounded in form, the second type has a conical neck, while the third type has cylindrical or funnel-shaped neck. To the first type we can ascribe pots from Kalnik, seen on PI. 6, PI. 7, PI. 8:1-2. Larger pots of the third type after Oman (1981) were also found at Kalnik (PL 8:3, PL 9; PL 39:3). Most were undecorated and their fabric was of medium or coarse quality. Surface was partly polished in most cases. These are in fact classic variants of the pots with S-shaped profiles that had two points on the base and rim, one inflection point at the place where neck and shoulder meet, and one tangent point at the place of the widest diameter. We can conclude that they are of the A6, or more precisely A6f and A6g variants of pots from Kalnik (fig. 19). A pithos decorated with a ribbon with finger impressions on the lower part of the body was found during the earlier excavations at Kalnik-Igrisce (Vrdoljak 1994: T. 6:2). A bowl decorated with a ribbon with finger impressions on the lower part of the body was found in grave 111 at Dobova (Stare 1975: T. 19:2). As a twisted necklace was also found in the grave, we can assume it was from Ha B period, like the graves from Velika Gorica. Although most of the pots can be dated to the later phase of the Urnfield culture, some fragments, such as those of pots with everted and faceted rim (Pl. 39:1,5), suggest an earlier date. The fragments can be linked to pottery forms found at Kalnik-Igrisce I. A fragment of a bowl with horn-like decoration on the rim was also found in the upper layer SU 002 (PL 39:4), as well as a fragment with nipple-like decoration (PL 39:6). These fragments suggest that elements of periods Br C and D were also present at Igrisce. However, they are sporadic and do not change the dating of pottery from this part of the site. The second functional vessel form found during the 20062008 excavations is a bowl. It comes in several types and variants. The first type is B2 (conical bowl) that has two end points on the rim and on the bottom, as seen on PL 12. These are mostly bowls with straight rims, red-brown colour and of coarse fabric. Most are shallow and of a larger diameter

(between 20 and 40 cm, see PL 12:3). They are functionally similar to contemporary plates. Such bowls were also found during earlier excavations at Kalnik and were defined as types B3a and B3b (fig. 19). They were included within the category of bowls with rounded body (based on the slightly inverted rims) although these two types most likely are simple conical bowls. They were not numerous and only 6% of all bowls are of this type (Vrdoljak 1994:17-18). These are similar to the bowls found during the 2006-2008 excavations, as both had larger rim diameter (14 to 20 cm), and walls 0,3 to 0,6 cm thick. Bowls found at Kalnik-Igrisce II (PL 12) had walls that were as much as 1 cm thick, and the thickness was greater toward the bottom of the vessel. Such bowls are also found at settlements of the early Urnfield culture, e.g. at Mackovac - Crisnjevi (Karavanic et al 2002: si. 4) where they are defined as types B3a, b, and e. These also had coarse fabric. Long duration of the conical type of bowls is most likely a reflection of their function (food preparation for a larger number of people). They were used as storage for grains and quite likely for mash that was produced from grains. Similar bowls were found as grave goods in graves 15 (Stare 1975: T. 8:2), 57 (Stare 1975: T. 13:1), and 138-139 (Stare 1975: T. 22:1) at Dobova, and a variant with a hole in the middle had a function of an urn in grave 90 (Stare 1975: T. 16:14), where it was found alongside a pin of the Velemszentvid type that allows dating of the grave to the Ha A period. However, Dular (1978) assigns it to the 3rd combination group that can be dated on the basis of the so-called pile-dwelling pins to Ha B1 period (Dular 1978:38). At Velika Gorica, urns with a hole in the middle are also found in graves from the Ha B1 period. Lately, a typological analysis of pottery finds from the Stillfried settlement in Lower Austria was done (Hellerschmid 2006), in which conical bowls are considered as separate types A to C (Hellerschmid 2006: T. 1-3), and dated to a wider timeframe, from the Urnfield culture to the Early Iron Age. The second type of bowls is B3 with two end points on the rim and on the bottom and one vertical tangent point at the place of widest diameter. It comes in several types that can be distinguished based on the rim shape and decoration. Type B3 is the most common type of bowls at Kalnik-Igrisce II and comes in the form of an undecorated simple deep bowl with an inverted rim (PL 10-11). Unlike the conical bowl of B2 type, this type had somewhat finer fabric (from medium quality fabric to fine fabric). Most of the outside surface is polished and dark grey or black in color, suggesting reducing firing atmosphere (Pl. 1520). Thickness of walls varies from 0.5 to 1 cm, which is different from bowls from Kalnik-Igrisce I, characterized by finer fabric and thinner walls. What characterizes this type of bowl is a larger quantity of fragments that have decorated rims and shoulders. Most are decorated by cross fluting, or have the so-called turban" shaped rim (Pl. 20:3,4,6,8: Pl. 21; PL 24:1-2). Sometimes fluting is vertical, as seen on fragments on PL 22 and PL 23:1, but restricted to the shoulder and rim of vessels. Facetting is also present, but

37

TheJJrnfieldCulture in Continental

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not as common as fluting (PI. 23:2-7). It is also restricted to the shoulder and rim. Such fragments have somewhat thinner walls and finer fabric (PI. 23:3). The best preserved bowl is shown on PI. 23:3. It is of a B3d type as defined on the material from Kalnik-Igrie I (Vrdoljak 1994: T. 16:1-3). In the first excavations of the site this type of bowl represented 52% of all bowls, or 60.2% of bowls of type 3 (Vrdoljak 1994:18). Rim diameter is from 16 to 32 cm, and wall thickness from 0.2 cm to 0.9 cm. Most were dark grey or black, although red and brown are also present. The firing atmosphere is mostly reducing and in small amount incomplete oxidizing atmosphere. Bowls from KalnikIgrie II also are of medium and fine quality and have polished surfaces, although not as fine and thin as those from earlier excavations. One of the finest bowls as far as quality of production is concerned (Vrdoljak 1994: T. 16:1) was reconstructed from fragments found at the base of hearth 2 and had wide facets on the shoulder. It was used to date the hearth to the Ha A period. B3d type at Kalnik-Igrie I (fig. 19) included the bowls decorated by fluting and grooving. At Hungarian sites this type of bowl is defined as type VII after Patek (1968: T. 6:28,29). A bowl with a faceted shoulder and loop on the lower part of the body was found in grave 6 at Oblekovice and dates to the earlier phase of the cemetery (Rihovsky 1968: T. 38:2). During the middle of Ha A oblique fluting or turban-shaped ornament" appears on the shoulder of the bowls with an inverted rim. This type of decoration is most common during Ha B, but also seen in Ha C period (Patek 1968:102). In northwestern Croatia bowls with a turban-shaped" rim are also found at the site of KrievciCiglana (Homen 1982: T. 1:1), Sv. Martin near Krievci (Homen 1988: T. 2:4), in a grave from Martijanec in which a club-shaped pin was also found (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 25:6), suggesting an earlier date. Fragments with such decoration are also present at Kiringrad (Balen-Letuni 1987: T. 1:1,2). No such vessels were found in Velika Gorica graves, but are found in significant numbers at the Dalj cemetery (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 117:4,11, T. 121:2, T. 123:2, T. 124:2). Analogies are found at the Ormo settlement (Lamut 1989: T. 2:4, T. 7:12, T. 8:4, T. 16:4, T. 20:10), and at piak (Pavii 1993: T. 5:7,8, T. 8:6) which was ascribed to the Rue group. They are abundant at Staro ie-Gradie (Balen-Letuni 1996a: fig. 6:4, fig. 8:2). At the settlement at Brinjeva Gora in Slovenia, bowls with the turban" ornament are found in almost all stratigraphic layers (Oman 1981). Analogies to B3 type of vessels from Kalnik are found in the so called calottebowls with inverted rims (types D and E) from the Stillfried settlement (Hellerschmid 2006: T. 4-6) and are mostly dated to the middle and late phases of the Urnfield culture to the Hallstatt period (Hellerschmid 2006:134). Bowl of type G has a faceted rim and dates to the phase I at Stillfried (Hellerschmid 2006:139) which is contemporaneous with the Ha A2 period. Type H at Stillfried dates from phase II to phase III/s and is analogous to bowls with a turban"shaped rim from Kalnik.

The third type is a biconical bowl that has two end points at the bottom and rim, one point at the place of the widest diameter, and one inflection point where the shoulder turns to neck. Only a few such bowls were found at KalnikIgrisce II (PI. 13:2; PI. 27:6-7), either with a straight, or, more commonly, everted rim. Most bowls are rather small, almost cup-like, as seen on PI. 13:2 and PI. 27:6. Some probably had a single strap handle (PL 27:7). Rim diameter was between 5 and 10 cm, and wall thickness varied from 0.5 cm at the bottom to almost 1 cm at the greatest diameter. We can include these bowls into the group of fine pottery as they had nicely polished surface and were reddish-brown in colour. At Kalnik-Igrisce I two biconical bowls were found that belong to a separate type. The rim diameter was 18 cm and thickness of walls 0.4 cm. They were red and fired in incomplete oxidizing atmosphere, which was also the case with some newly discovered biconical bowls from Kalnik. One such bowl was found in layer 2 at Brinjeva gora (Oman 1981: T. 12:5), and one in grave 210 at Dobova (Stare 1975: T. 30:12). Similar bowl was found in grave 17 at Podbrezje (Pahic 1972: T. 4:8), while none were found at the Ruse cemetery. The fourth type (B6) is a bowl with S-profile that has two end points on the rim and on the bottom, one inflection point at the neck/shoulder border and one vertical tangent point at the place of the widest diameter. These bowls (PL 13:1,3-4; PL 27:1,3,5) are mostly brown in colour with occasional black spots as a result of burning on a hearth, and had highly polished surfaces. A variant of this type of bowls is seen in two bowls with rounded bodies and cylindrical or funnel-shaped necks (PL 27:3,4). These bowls are analogous to the B5 type at Kalnik-Igrisce I, that have one point at the neck/body transition, one point marking the vertical tangent at the widest diameter, and two end points at the rim. The ones found at Kalnik-Igrisce II shown here are most similar to the variants B5a and B5b from KalnikIgrisce I. Bowls of the B6 type are most similar to the one of B6e type from earlier excavations. Several vessels of this type were found during new excavations and similar ones have been discovered at other late Urnfield sites in the region. Interestingly, they are not abundant at the site of Brinjeva Gora where they are present only in layer 2 (Oman 1981: T. 12:7). At Ormoz (Lamut 1989: T. 6:15,16) this type of bowl was found near house 4, dated to the Ormoz I period, or Ha B1 and Ha B2 periods (Lamut 1989:236). Decoration techniques used on Late Bronze Age pottery from northwestern Croatia have been analyzed by Vrdoljak (1994:12-13, si. 3) who recognizes 9 different techniques: faceting, fluting, grooving, incision, decoration with a comb-like instrument, impressed decoration, application, modeling, and the so-called barbotine". There is an artificial division between shaping" and decoration" in archaeological literature. Techniques of shaping are related to vessel production, and as such define its esthetic character. However, a growing opinion is that the shape and

38

Urnfield Culture Settlements in Croatia

decoration cannot be separated, but are the integral parts of the process of vessel production (Rye 1981:89). Faceting is a technique in which a sharp, straight instrument is used in order to produce narrow strips of straight surface that are aligned at an angle, either before drying or during polishing of the vessel. Fluting is a process of production of shallow and wide, mostly oblique strips on an already partially dried surface of a vessel. In contrast to the similar technique of fluting, grooving is a process in which narrow but deeper stripes are produced on vessel surface, using a blunt instrument that is sharply angled, or parallel to the vessel surface. During incising a sharp instrument is used at a sharp angle to the vessel surface and under constant pressure. Aesthetic effects depend on the size and shape of a blade, the amount and time of pressure, as well as on the dryness of clay (Rye 1981:90). Decoration with a comb-like instrument is similar to incision, but here an instrument that resembles a comb that produces multiple parallel lines, is used. Impression is a technique in which finger prints, nail prints, or imprints of some instrument are impressed onto the vessel surface. It is commonly used in combination with application a technique in which plastic parts, such as stripes, handles, and other decorative forms, are added to the vessel surface. Modeling is a technique in which vessel walls are used in order to shape certain decorative elements, such as nipples or horn-like handles. Barbotine is a term used in Croatian publications on prehistory for a decorative technique in which a layer of watered-down clay is smeared on the vessel surface from the bottom to the rim using fingers and thus leaving vertical traces that some authors call fluted barbotine" (Dimitrijevic 1969). Of the decorative techniques used on vessels found at Kalnik-Igrisce II (2006-2008) cross and oblique fluting are the most common, then grooving, incision, pseudoribbon decoration, impressed decoration, application, and modeling. Grooving is most commonly found on the neck/ shoulder transition, for instance on smaller bowls (PI. 27:3,4) or on larger pots with funnel-shaped necks (PI. 30:1,3). Other fragments decorated with grooving cannot be morphologically determined, but we can assume that they were parts of larger pots on which horizontal grooves were found (PI. 28:5-8, PI. 30:1-3, PI. 31:1-2). Thus, fluting is most common on bowls, while oblique fluting on vessel bodies, typical for the earlier phase of the Urnfield culture,

is not present. Grooving appears on various types of pots with cylindrical, or funnel-shaped necks, and only rarely on smaller vessels (PI. 31:3-4,6-7), most likely cups or smaller bowls. A nice example of grooving on fine pottery is seen on a thin wall fragment of a small bowl (PI. 39:2). Decoration is also present on vessel necks and bodies. A similar composition and technique was used on a fragment on PI. 39:7, possibly from a bowl. Analogies for these types of decoration are found at Stillfried, described as fluting and grooving (Hellerschmid 2006:266, T. 3) and dated to a wider time-span, from the Urnfield culture to the Early Iron Age. Incision and pseudo-ribbon decoration (pseudoschnur) are mostly found on smaller vessels made of fine fabric. Rows of incised lines are found on vessel necks (PL 30:45) or in a combination with hanging triangles at neck-toshoulder transition, most likely on pots (PL 30:6; PL 40:6), and is also found on amphorae, on the body below the handle (PL 40:2). Deep incision forming a zigzag motif was found on the neck of a bowl (PL 38:2; PL 40:4). Incised decoration is closely tied to white incrustation, such as seen on some pottery from Kalnik, e.g. on a bowl with fine fabric decorated with hanging triangles, found at the bottom of a house, in a layer of soot (SU 014), as well as on a fragment of a bowl with markedly black and polished surface (Pl. 38:1-2). Incrustation is typical of the Rue group in Slovenia and found at the site of Brinjeva Gora (Oman 1981: T. 59, T. 61-63) on cups and bowls from layers 4 and 5. Oman (1981:151) connects these finds to those from graves in the Slovenian Podravina region, such as Rue and Podbreje (Miiller-Karpe 1959: T. 109:F1, T. 114:13; Pahi 1972: T. 14:9, T. 26:10, T.27:3, T.30:3, T.35:10,11), and assumes that the same local workshop was responsible for their production (Oman 1981:151). Incrustations are seen on a fragment from piak in the Hrvatsko Zagoije region (Pavii 1986/1987: T. 2:3; Pavii 2001: T. 8:3). Alongside piak, Kalnik-Igrie II is the only site of the Rue group in Croatia, although some elements are seen on the material from Gradec in Zagreb (Balen-Letuni 1996a: fig. 1:5, fig. 3:4, fig. 4:4). A detailed analysis of shapes and decorations of the Rue group is seen in renar (2006), who recognized several techniques of decoration: incision, impressed decoration, incision in a combination with impressed decoration, application, impression with application. Based on his table of decorative motifs (renar 2006:133) it can be observed that the incised lines often come in combination with hanging triangles, and mostly on amphorae, while the ribbon-like ornament is seen on bowls (renar 2006: T. 2:B1). The same author provides a chronology and analogies for some of the forms and decorative techniques. For instance, motif I, done by incisions, and can be seen on an amphora found in grave 73 at Pobreje (Pahi 1972: T. 15:1), dated to Ha B l . A combination of hanging triangles and incised or grooved lines is common on amphorae, as seen on an amphora from grave 5 at Pobreje (Pahi 1972: T. 1:8), but this motif also appears on vessels of finer fabric, as observed on a find from Kalnik (PL 38:1).

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Pseudo-ribbon ornament (pseudoschnur ornament) is defined as motif IX by renar (2006:136) and is characteristic decoration on smaller bowls and cups. Several fragments have been found at Kalnik (PL 31:5,8-11; PL 40:3,7)). renar (2006:140) argues that such decoration is characteristic for pottery from graves at Rue I, phases Ha B2 and Ha B3, and parallels can be seen in a biconical amphora from grave 35 at Pobreje (Pahi 1972: T. 8:5), dated on the basis of a spectacle fibula with a figure-of-eight loop to Ha B1 period. Similar motif is seen on another fragment of the vessel body, most likely of a rounded amphora (PL 40:3) as well as on some vessels from Velika Gorica (PL 64:4, PL 79:5). What we consider to be grooving on pots and amphorae, renar (2006:133) calls motifs I to III. Chronologically, these motifs appear in all periods of Ha B, and motif II is found on vessels from graves of periods Ha B1 and B2 (renar 2006:139). Alongside the aforementioned techniques of decoration, at Kalnik application often comes in combination with impression in the form of plastic ribbons with finger prints (PL 32:1-4), sometimes with functional-decorative elements such as handles (PL 32:5) that are occasionally separately modeled (PL 33:1,3-9). On some fragments, most likely of larger pots, modeled ribs can be found (PL 32:6-8). A separate group consists of various handles of which simple strap handles are the most common (PL 34:1,3, PL 35:2,5-12, PL 36:1-3,5), but ones with a triangular crosssection are also found (PL 36:4,7,9,10, PL 37). Two are oval in cross-section (PL 35:2-3). Handles with a triangular cross-section are found in greater numbers at the Brinjeva Gora settlement, thus allowing their classification based on cross-section (Pahi 1981: si. 30). Analogies are found at Dobova, Ljubljana, Vranje, and Krina Gora. Handles with a triangular cross-section are mostly larger and with rough fabric, and it is assumed that they were parts of larger pots. Some might have been handles of baking lid, the socalled peka ". Two knee-shaped handles have also been found (PL 34:5,6), similar to those on a cup fragment from the first site at Kalnik-Igrie I (Vrdoljak 1994: T. 33:3). A distinct variant of handles are functionally-decorative modeled types, found mostly on pots with coarse fabric. These cannot be more precisely dated within the Urnfield culture. Based on it all, it can be concluded that the pottery finds from Kalnik-Igrie II belong to the Ha B period, and to the late phase of the Urnfield culture with analogies to the Rue group in Slovenia, especially to the finds from the hill settlement at Brinjeva Gora (Pahi 1981; Oman 1981) They are also directly linked to the finds from the hill fort settlement at piak in the Hrvatsko Zagoije region (Pavii 1986/1987; Pavii 1993; Pavii 2001). The rest of the finds found at this part of the Igrie site are weights and spindle whorls used during textile production. A total of 19 loom weights and fragments have been found. 40

Larger and smaller pyramid weights have been found (PL 42:5-7; PL 43:1-4), as well as weights in the form of a wheel, or rounded ones (PL 41:9; PL 43:3; PL 44:4; PL 45:1,6). These were used to hang threads onto the vertical loom. Weights are found throughout the entire Late Bronze Age and at almost all sites, and thus also at Spicak (Pavisic 1986/1987: T. 9:1). They have been found in large quantities at Bregana-Kosovac (Vrdoljak 1996: T. 3) along with large quantities of spindle whorls of different sizes and forms (Vrdoljak 1996: T. 2). Weights and vertical looms are rarely found in situ, such as at the site Gars-Thunau in Austria. Schierer (1987) published these finds and provided a complete reconstruction of the vertical loom and suggested the functional use for various weights. Those in the form of a rounded plaque with a hole (Schierer 1987: Abb. 4-6) and those in the form of a ring (Schierer 1987: Abb. 4:1, Abb. 5:1) were most likely used for tightening of middle threads on a vertical loom. The same author (Schierer 1987:38) suggests that the remnants of vertical loom could only have survived in the case of sudden destruction events, such as during fires, when they were quickly covered up by debris, or in cases when the settlement was abandoned in a hurry. Two closed finds of weights in the so-called Weaver houses at the Austrian site of Stillfried (objects no. 121 and 572/573) (Hellerschmid 2006: T. 18:1, T. 46:2) have been found. These types of items are more commonly found scattered on the whole excavated surface, such as at Kalnik, making it impossible to exclude a secondary use of these objects (Schierer 1987:38). Analogies for spindle whorls, weights, and clay rings are found in some of the graves of the late phase of the Urnfield culture at Velika Gorica. Clay rings have been found in grave A/10 (PL 50:11-13), and 11 of them were found in a rich, probably double burial 1/1911 (PL 62) in which a spindle whorl was also found. Spindle whorls are found in grave F/1910 (PL 58:8-11) that might belong to a female, based on grave goods. Spindle whorls and a smaller pyramidal weight were also found in grave 3/1914 (PL 65:2-4). Spindle whorls (PL 71:23-24; PL 81:17), as well as a smaller pyramidal weight (PL 81:9,9a), were also found outside graves. Some are so small that could have been used as decorations on clothing. Recently Primas (2007) analyzed spindle whorls from graves. In skeletal grave 1 from Wiesbaden-Erbenhaim (period Ha A2) (Primas 2007:303, Abb. 1) a spindle whorl was found alongside a sword, knife and a razor. It was found lying near the left foot of the skeleton. There are no indications that it was a double-burial. There are numerous similarities in the structure of grave goods from this burial and those from grave 1/1911 at Velika Gorica. There, a sword, spear, axe, numerous clay rings, and a spindle whorl were found, suggesting a double-burial. There is not enough data on the circumstances of the find, nor on the sex of the individual buried there (it is a cremation grave), but based on the sword, it was a warrior's grave. Primas (2007:303-304, Abb.2) states that spindle whorls are more common grave finds after the Ha A2 period. She also presents a map of

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Urnfield Culture Settlements in Croatia

Kalnik-Igrie 08 SONDA2 SU 038 08.07.2008.

Fig. 31 Photo of SU 038 showing fragments of a mobile hearth at Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement (photo by A. Kudelic)

distribution of graves with spindle whorls. To these, we should add graves from Velika Gorica. Primas (2007:306307) discusses spindle whorls as female grave goods, citing analogies from Italy, where numerous spindle whorls and spools were found in young women's graves (the so-called weaver sets") at the site of Osteria dell' Osa. In graves of older women, spindles and spindle whorls were often found lying near heads of deceased. In some areas, spindle whorls are found together with metal jewellery, such as with two pins, suggesting female sex. It can be concluded that most of spindle whorls come from female graves, suggesting the weaving activity at settlements such as Kalnik-Igrisce II, was done by females. Fragments of a mobile hearth were also found at Kalnik (PI. 27:8; PI. 44:8; PI. 38:4). A similar find comes from the settlement at Bregana-Kosovac (Vrdoljak 1996: T. 1) where it was found alongside Late Bronze Age pottery. Preliminary excavations at this site were done in 1996, when a total of 35 square meters were explored. The aim of the research was to determine the stratigraphic sequence and time frame of settlement occupation. Prehistoric cultural layer was found immediately below the humus layer, at a relative depth of between 0.2 to 0.6 m, in a layer of light

brown clay containing remains of daub, burnt wood, animal bones and pottery fragments, or remains of discarded items used in households. Wattle and daub, as well as the remains of burned wooden planks and hearths were there, although could not be proved with certainty by these excavations of limited scope. Most certainly, fire destroyed them, a common fate of settlements of that time. The in situ find of a mobile hearth shows an aspect of settlement occupation. The rest of the mobile hearth fragments were found all over the excavated surface. Such mobile hearths were also found at the early Urnfield culture site of Ciglana in Krievci (Homen 1982: T. 1:8), at the site of the late phase of the Urnfield culture and Early Iron Age at Sv. Petar Ludbreki (Vinski-Gasparini 1983: T. 23:8), while a fragment of a grid was discovered during salvage excavations at the site of Gradec in Zagreb (Majnari-Pandi 1992b: fig. 1). It is important to note that the remains of a mobile hearth from Kalnik-Igrie II (PI. 38:4) were found mostly in SU 007, scattered over the entire surface. One cluster was found on a pebble bedding marked as SU 038 (fig. 31), which stratigraphically succeeds the layers that contain charcoal, wooden beams, and hearths of burned clay. We can assume that during a later phase the mobile hearths took over the

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role of classic hearths made of burned and hard-packed clay. A bowl or a pot was placed on them, while the fire was set below, or, alternatively, they were placed on an open hearth. The rest of the objects found during the 2006-2008 excavation consist of stone finds. An important discovery is three smaller flat axes (PI. 46:5; PI. 47:4-5), proving that stone tools were still in use, and, judging by the find of a stone flake, were produced in situ. Axes come from Late Bronze Age layers. One was found in layer SU 003 (PI. 46:5), and two in layer SU 007 (PI. 47:4-5). The presence of these three axes is certainly no coincidence. These axes were indeed most likely produced by the inhabitants of the Late Bronze Age settlement at Kalnik and used instead of their metal counterparts. They are quite small: the first one (PI. 46:5) was 5 cm in length, while the other one (PI. 47:5) was merely 3.5 cm long. The third one was broken, and the fragment length was 4 cm (PI. 47:4). Axes are of the flat type with a trapezoidal blade form, most similar to the types E and F after Lubsina-Tusek (1993: T. 2) from northwestern Slovenia. They are also found at Croatian sites, and lately were found at a Neolithic settlement at Galovo (Tezak-Gregl 2007). This publication also brings a division of polished tools into adzes, chisels, and axes, although the author draws attention to the lack of a standardized typology for polished stone tools (Tezak-Gregl 2007:160). It is emphasized that production of polished tools is an elaborate process. First periods are the same as for the production of chipped lithics where the raw material is shaped by hitting, breaking and removing of flakes. After this period, the object is ground using sand stone and grinders made of other types of abrasive rocks, and additionally polished with polishers made of fine-grained sandstone or wet cloth containing sand grains (Karavanic I., Balen 2003:48-51). The axe (PI. 46:5) is similar to the one from Galovo PNL (Tezak-Gregl 2007: kat.N 8, 170), a smaller axe of trapezoidal form with a slightly curved blade, oval in cross-section, which was attributed to the type of axes with a wider distal end (type 1/1 after Antonovic) The second axe is quite small and has no analogies at Galovo. It is finely polished and has a straight-cut trapezoidal blade of 3.5 cm in width (PI .47:5) The first axe is quite damaged and has a blade about 4.5 cm wide. It is (PI. 46:5) most similar to the type F2 of the chronology of tools from Slovenia (Lubsina-Tusek 1993: T. 2). Most stone tools were pebbles, most likely polishers (PL 46:1-4; PL 47:1-3; PL 48:2,3,5,6; PL 49:1,2,5). They come in various sizes, and all show traces of use, at least on one side (marks from hitting and polishing). Draganits (1994) states that such objects were used for polishing pottery. Such tools have been found together with ceramic vessels in a hoard containing pottery of the Urnfield culture at the site of Drosing in Lower Austria. Most were made

of light brown quartzite, while some were made of light sandstone of finer quality. One was made of a volcanic rock (Draganits 1994:115-116). As these items were found alongside partially polished pottery the explanation offered by Draganits (1994:119) seemed a likely one, especially as such items were found in other pottery hoards in the region, e.g. at Maisbirbaum. According to Draganits (1994:119) in all cases local pebbles were used. Draganits (1994:120) also brings us a division of these stone tools into five groups: 1. Stone polishers of a roughly triangular outline; 2. polishers in the form of a spindle whorl; 3. polishers with long and thin outlines; 4. polishers with oval or ellipsoid outlines; 5. polishers with a rectangular outline. Most tools from Kalnik had elipsoid outlines and can be ascribed to the group 4 after Draganits (1994). Division after the sites in Austria (Draganits 1994: Abb. 3) showed the dominance of groups 3 and 4, probably because these forms resemble natural forms most. Of other stone items found, we must mention the grindstones found at SU 007, and used for grinding grain. Paleobotanical analyses by Renata Sostaric (The Institute of Botany, Department of Biology of the Faculty of Science in Zagreb) confirm that cereals were prepared in this part of the settlement. A preliminary analysis of samples from Kalnik-Igrisce confirms the presence of wild apples, oak acorn, various pulses (broad bean and lentil seeds), various types of wheat ( Triticum dicoccum, Triticum aestivum and probably Triticum monococcum), barley, and most likely millet. Similar paleobotanical analysis of samples from the Late Bronze Age pits from the Nova Bukovica settlement (Sostaric 2001) confirmed that in the pit SU 030 183 seeds of broad beans ( Vicia faba) were found, while in SU 032 and 033 11 fragmentary oak acorn were found. As most acorns were carbonized, a more precise determination was not possible (Sostaric 2001:79). Sostaric (2001:80) assumes that they belonged to some species of durmast oak (Querqus petraea) and common oak ( Querqus robur). Broad bean finds suggest agricultural activities, both at Nova Bukovica and Kalnik, which was additionally confirmed for Kalnik by finds of various types of wheat. On the other hand, the presence of oak acorn (Sostaric 2001:80) suggests that at both settlements gathering was practiced. This is further supported with finds of wild apples at Kalnik. At both sites large pots (pithoi), in which grains were stored, were found. Based on all this, we can conclude that the Kalnik Igrisce II site was a part of a Late Bronze Age settlement that dates to the late phase of the Urnfield culture, periods Ha B1 to B3. It is also a part of a settlement different from that at Kalnik Igrisce I (excavations 1988-1990) where bronze casting activities were more prominent, while at Kalnik Igrisce II activities such as food preparation and weaving were more common.

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3 . CEMETERIES OF THE URNFIELD CULTURE IN CONTINENTAL CROATIA

3.1 History of research The Urnfield culture in Croatia is represented by the grave finds from the entire time span of this culture. It is unfortunate that most of these sites were not systematically excavated, therefore some of the sites lack closed grave finds. To the earliest phase of the Urnfield culture belong three cemeteries unearthed during rescue excavations. These are Virovitica, Sirova Katalena (Vinski-Gasparini 1973) and Gredani (Minichreiter 1982-1983). The Morave cemetery near Sesvete is the only one that has been systematically excavated (Sokol 1989; Sokol 1996). Surveying and collecting after ploughing yielded material from destroyed graves that established the existence of cemeteries from the early phase of the Urnfield culture at Drljanovac and Mala Pupelica sites near Bjelovar (Majnari-Pandi 1988; 1994). Recent salvage excavations established the existence of burials in urns at Voin (Lonjak 2003) as well as at Popernjak near upanja (Marijan 2005a; 2005b). This can be linked to the research at cemetery near the Makovac-Crinjevi settlement (Mihaljevi, Kalafati 2006; Mihaljevi, Kalafati 2007), which can also be ascribed to the Barice-Gredani group. Simek (2003) analyzed an urn grave of the Virovitica group that was found by accident near Ludbreg, and believes it belongs to a larger cemetery. To the Zagreb group belong the graves found at the Zagreb-Vrape cemetery (VinskiGasparini 1973; 1983) as well as those from Drljanovac (Majnari-Pandi 1988; 1994). Cemeteries from ZagrebHorvati, Velika Gorica, Krupae, Treerovac and Ozalj belong to the late phase of the Urnfield culture. A separate group consists of the cemeteries from the eastern part of Croatian Danube Basin: Batina, Dalj, Vukovar-Lijeva Bara and Sarengrad: As those were recently published (MetznerNebelsick 2002), we are merely listing them here.

3.2 Virovitica A large urn-cemetery was found at the "Valent Gazdek" site in the town of Virovitica during the exploitation of raw materials used in brick making, thus slowly being devastated since 1910. In 1967 a rescue excavation of the site yielded 6 urn graves. Based on the large space that was destroyed prior to the excavation, Vinski-Gasparini (1973:37) argues for a much larger cemetery. Unfortunately, the site of systematic excavations is located at the south end of the brickwork, and is in fact the periphery of the cemetery with only few graves. Thus only 6 graves are mentioned at a relatively vast space (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:37). Gravel (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 7:1-4) included an urn (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 7:2), a lid (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 7:4) and a small bowl on a foot (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 7:3). In grave 2 (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 8:1-7) an urn was also present (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 8:1), closed by a lid (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 8:2). The grave also included 5 additional vessels: two pots, one pot with two strap handles and a rounded body (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 8:3), another pot with two tunnel-shaped handles (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 8:4), and three bowls. Of these, one a bowl on a foot with a single strap handle (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 8:5). Other two bowls had a single handle each that did not extend over the rim (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 8:6,7). In grave 3 an urn was found (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 8:8) closed by a lid (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 8:9), in addition to another vessel, a bowl with a strap handle (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 8:10). In grave 4 an urn with tunnel-shaped handles (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 7:6), a bowl on a higher foot with a

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Fig. 32 Map of the Urnfield culture cemetery sites in continental Croatia 1. Virovitica 2. Sirova Katalena 3. Morave 4. Drljanovac 5. Mala Pupelica 6. Voin 7. Popernjak S.Makovac-Crinjevi 9. Greani 10. PerkovciDobrevo 11. Slavonska Poega-Bajer 12. Grabarje (Slavonska Poega) 13. Vranovci (Slavonski Brod) 14. Oriovac (Slavonski Brod) 15. Nova Bukovica (Podravska Slatina) 16. Ludbreg 17. Zagreb-Vrape 18. Zagreb-Hoi-vati 19. Velika Gorica 20. Krupae 21. Treerovac 22. Ozalj 23. Batina 24. Dalj 25. Vukovar-Lijeva Bara 26. Sarengrad

single strap handle (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 7:7) and two smaller bowls with a single strap handle (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 7:8,9) were found. From grave 5 comes an urn (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 9:2) that was covered with a bowl with a flaring rim (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 9:3). Additional two bowls with strap handles that do not extend over the rim were found (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 9:4,5), as well as a bowl on a high foot (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 9:6), and an additional smaller bowl with a strap handle (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 9:7). In grave 6 two vessels were discovered: a vessel with a rounded body and cylinder-shaped neck and a strap handle (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 9:8), and a vessel on a high foot (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 9:9). 3.3 Sirova Katalena The cemetery in the village of Sirova Katalena (urevac) was excavated in 1966. According to Vinski-Gasparini (1973:44), it originally spread over a wider area that was

subsequently destroyed during ploughing. Eleven graves were excavated, of which graves 1-4, 10 and 11 were published (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 12-16). In grave 1 a deeper vessel decorated with lugs that had a function as an urn (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 14:1), as well as an additional bowl with a wider rim, most likely a lid (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 14:2) were found. There were no other finds in this grave. Grave 2 yielded more material. An urn in the form of a deeper pot with two strap handles was found in the grave pit (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 14:3). The urn was closed with another vessel with a wider rim (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 14:4). Additional four ceramic vessels were found: a bowl with a slightly biconical body (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 14:5), a higher pot with a rounded body (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 14:6), a pot on a high foot (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 14:8) and another pot with an elevated foot (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 14:7). In the grave 3 an urn and additional three ceramic vessels

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were found. The deeper vessel with a higher neck, rounded body and two strap handles most likely served as an urn, while the other vessels were additional grave goods. These include a shallow bowl on a higher foot with two handles (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 15:2), a bowl with a higher neck and rounded body (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 15:3), and a pot with a rounded body (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 15:4). Grave 4 consisted of an urn (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 15:6) covered with a bowl (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 15:7). Additional grave objccts includc another deeper bowl with a rounded body and one strap handle (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 15:8) and a pot with two strap handles (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 15:9). Graves 5 and 9 are still unpublished. Grave 10 had a single urn in the form of a deeper bowl with a higher ncck and rounded body ornamented by lugs (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 16:1). No other objects were found in this grave. In the grave 11 an urn in the shape of a pot was found that had an S-shaped profile and two strap handles (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 16:2). Grave goods included a smaller pot with two strap handles (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 16:3) and another small pot with an S-shaped profile (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 16:4). 3.4 Moravce-Drascica In the village of Moravce, north of Sesvete near Zagreb, an urn cemetery was excaveted between 1981 and 1982 (Sokol 1989; 1996). The site was discovered during the excavations of a larger building complex from the Roman times when the urns were found beneath the building's walls. During the two seasons 10 graves were unearthed, and according to Sokol (1996:29) and based on the enlarged area of excavation, it is unlikely that it contained any more burials. This number of graves is comparable to other known Urnfield culture cemeteries in northern Croatia. All except 3 graves were found undisturbed in situ (Sokol 1996:29). In grave 1 an urn (fig. 33:3) as well as two smaller bowls were found, of which the smaller one was found upsidelown in the grave pit (fig. 33:1). The second vessel (fig. 33:2) is ajar or a deeper bowl with a handle that is triangular in its cross section. This vessel was not fully preserved. in grave 2 three vessels were found. One had a function of an urn (fig. 33:2). The lid of this urn was a larger piece of a wider bowl (Sokol 1996: si. 6:1). One of the vessels vas found lying upside-down in the grave (fig. 33:1). The fourth vessel was a smaller bowl with its inside and outside surface black and polished. It had a single handle and four olid lugs on the upper half of the surface (Sokol 1996:30).

Grave 3 is a 120 cm deep pit that was subsequently damaged (Sokol 1996: si. 1:3). In the grave three vessels were found, all covered with the ashes that were later put inside the grave pit (Sokol 1996:30). The urn was a half of a larger vessel with a single handle and a plastic ornament with fingerprints (fig. 33:6). A smaller bowl with lugs was also present (fig. 33:2). The second bowl was positioned upside-down and most likely had a high foot (fig. 33:8). In the grave 4 three complete vessels were found. The urn was covered by a partially worked stone tablet (fig. 33:9), while in the area surrounding the pit some pebbles were found (Sokol 1996:30-31, si. 1:4). The urn had a rounded body and a high neck of the S-shaped profile and two strap handles (fig. 33:10). Grave 5 contained two vessels, one inside the other. According to Sokol (1996:32) a larger part of the base of the vessel served as an urn (Sokol 1996: si. 10:2). The smaller of the two vessels, a j a r with a strap handle, had a nipple or lug ornament on the body (fig. 33:19). Around the mouth of the grave pit, this grave also had a layer of small and larger pebbles (Sokol 1996: si. 2:5). Grave 6 also contained two vessels. The urn had four handles of a triangular cross-section (fig. 33:21). The second bowl had a somewhat higher base and four tonguelike elongations on the rim (fig. 33:22). A smaller stone lid is also mentioned as a part of this grave (Sokol 1996: si. 16:1). In grave 7 five vessels were found: an urn (fig. 34:2), a ceramic lid with two handles and a partially preserved rim (fig. 34:1), a smaller jar with a damaged handle and nipple ornaments bounded by a groove (fig. 34:4), a jar with a ribbed handle and nipple ornaments (fig. 34:5), a ceramic fragment that served asalid(fig. 34:3). Sokol(1996: si.14) brings a reconstruction of this burial that best exemplifies the whole burial ritual of laying down the urn and lid (bowl), as well as other ceramic grave goods. Three vessels were found in grave 8. The urn had two handles and two tongue-like protuberances at the base of the body (fig. 34:8). The second vessel also had tongue -shaped handles (fig. 34:3). The third bowl, ornamented by nipple like protuberances, had a cylindrical neck and a single handle (fig. 34:6). This grave pit too had floor of pebbles in its base, while larger flat stones surrounded the pit's rim. Sokol (1996:33) points to the possibility of a burial chamber, or more precisely, stone chest, like the ones seen in somewhat younger cemeteries of the Zagreb group, for example the Zagreb-Vrapce cemetery (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 23:9). Grave 9 was very damaged and contained three vessels: an urn (fig. 34:13), a bowl with a cylindrical neck with one handle (fig. 34:11), and a pot with a slightly curved body without any handles or ornaments (fig. 34:12). 45

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Grave 10 was situated near the grave 9 and a pit from the Roman period (Sokol 1996: si. 3:10) and was the most damaged grave of all. Vessels were found in fragments that after careful reconstruction could be restored as two objects: an urn (fig. 34:9), and a bowl with a cylindrical neck (fig. 34:10). The grave pits were 1 to 1.5 m deep and about 60 cm in diameter. The first object to be put into them was the urn with the cremated bones. Sokol (1996:33) states that grave 7, the one with an undamaged urn, contained the bones that

were most likely pulverized and washed before they were laid in the urn. He deduced this from the lack of ashes, and as an analogy the Drljanovac cemetery is cited (MajnaricPandzic 1988:16-17). Graves did not contain any metal objects. Some pebbles and smaller rocks were found in graves 1,2,4,5-6,8,10. After the urn was laid in the grave, larger or smaller vessels were added as grave goods. In five of the excavated graves those were laid upside-down. In grave 7, they were put on the lid of the urn itself (Sokol 1996: si.14). The final step was to put the ashes in the grave.

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Grave 7

Grave 8

Grave 9
CD

Fig. 34 Morave cemetery (graves 7-10) (after Sokol 1996 modified by A. Kudeli) Unlike in parts of the Drljanovac and Mala Pupeliea cemeteries, at Moravce the younger forms were not found (Sokol 1996:36). 3.5 Drljanovac The cemetery at Drljanovac near Bjelovar has been discussed in archaeological literature several times (VinskiGasparini 1983; Majnaric-Pandzic 1988; 1994). According to Vinski-Gasparini (1983:575-576,580, si. 35:9) graves 2 and 3 from the site belong to the phase II. Recently Dular 47 et al. discussed the site (2002:197, si. 37) stating that the important aspect of this cemetery is that it belongs to two different developmental periods. According to him, it can be ascribed to the Virovitica group (Dular 2002:197). A more detailed description of the Drljanovac cemetery is given by Majnari-Pandi (1988; 1994) stating that 13 graves have been excavated. All come from the Rakitovac locality (fig. 36). Graves were destroyed by ploughing, while the museum technician uro Jakekovi managed to save and excavate graves 1-3, and 9-10 and grave a, while N. Majnari-Pandi did the same for graves 4-8, 11-13.

TheJJrnfieldCulture in Continental Croatia

At the base of the pit of the destroyed grave 1, the remains of an urn containing burnt bones were found. On its top was a base part of another vessel, also containing burnt bones. It can be assumed that the grave once contained two urns (Majnaric-Pandzic 1988:12). An urn covered with a lid was found in grave 2 (fig. 35:1). An urn with an oblique fluted belly and another bowl with inverted rim with small handles and were found in grave 3 (fig. 35:2). Grave 4 contained an urn with a cylindrical neck that was closed with a conical bowl on a foot (fig. 35:7), while the grave goods included a biconical bowl with a single handle (fig. 35:8), a spindle whorl and a miniature vessel of irregular shape. The urn contained a fragment of a bronze necklace, a part of a pin, and a piece of bronze rich in lead content (Majnaric-Pandzic 1988: T. 2:2-3; Dular et al. 2002: si. 37:2-3). Based on the objects found in the pit, Majnaric-Pandzic (1994:50-51) believes it was a female burial. Grave 5 contained a larger urn covered with a conical bowl (fig. 35:14), as well as a biconical bowl on a foot (fig. 35:11), a smaller pot on a foot (fig. 35:13), and a cup with a single handle as additional grave goods (fig. 35:12) (Majnaric-Pandzic 1988: T. 3:1-4; Dular et al. 2002: si. 37:4-7). Grave 6 included a biconical urn with a shorter neck and handles, which was covered with another bowl on a foot (fig. 35:9). Another small biconical bowl on a foot was also present (fig. 35:10). In grave 7, an urn in the form of a higher vessel with a short cylindrical neck and its upper part partially damaged by ploughing, was found. Grave goods included a ceramic bowl on a foot (fig. 35:16), a larger biconical bowl with a cylindrical neck, strap handle and nipple-like protuberances on its body (fig. 35:17), and a smaller conical bowl with a faceted rim and handle (fig. 35:15). Burnt bones were analyzed by M. Stefancic (1988), and according to her belonged to a female of about 160 cm in height, while the cremation ritual included a shorter period of exposure to fire that ended abruptly as someone poured water on the body (Majnaric-Pandzic 1994:50). In the partially damaged grave 8 the upper part of an urn and a bowl that served as a lid were found (fig. 35:25). Three bronze objects were also present: a small decorative plate (fig. 35:22), a fragment of a strap bracelet (fig. 35:23) and a piece of metal, probably from a belt fitting (fig. 35:24). This grave grave was interpreted as belonging to a female (Majnaric-Pandzic 1994:51). Finds from grave 9 were reported by Duro Jaksekovic. It included an urn and a cup with a handle (Majnaric-Pandzic 1988:14). All that remainded from grave 10 was the information on its location. The grave marked as a is questionable, as only the remains of burnt bones and an additional bowl were found. An urn with a short cylindrical neck with burnt bones and ashes was found in grave 11 (fig. 35:4). The urn was closed with another biconical bowl on a foot that served as its lid (fig. 35:3). A fragment of a larger pot was also found (fig.

35:5), as well as a fragment of a pithos-like bowl, located between the urn and the grave wall (fig. 35:6). The damaged grave 12 also included an urn and an additional bowl (it is uncertain whether this bowl had a foot) that served as a lid (fig. 35:20). Grave goods in this grave included a shallow bowl on a foot (fig. 35:21), a deeper bowl (fig. 35:18) and a fragment from a foot of a vessel (fig. 35:19). A larger fragment of a light red vessel was also found in the grave. Grave 13 was very damaged and only a lower part of an urn survived (fig. 35:28) along with two cups with strap handles that do not extend over the rim (fig. 35:26-27). Besides these graves found at Drljanovac, similar graves were discovered at Mala Pupelica, Orlovac and Severin near the town of Bjelovar. Four graves were found at Mala Pupelica by Duro Jaksekovic. The finds include an urn that was covered with another bowl (Majnaric-Pandzic 1988: T. 2:1), and several bowls and cups decorated with faceting and fluting (Majnaric-Pandzic 1988: si. 4-5) All these finds point to the existence of the forms typical of the period II of the Urnfield culture in northern Croatia. Dating of the graves from Drljanovac was done on the basis of typological characteristics of ceramics and metal objects. It can be said that graves 5-6 and 11-13 are from the period I or the Virovitica group, while graves 2-3 and 8 can be ascribed to the phase II, or the Zagreb group (MajnaricPandzic 1988:52). In grave 4 typological elements of both periods were ascertained (fig. 36). 3.6 Vocin During the archaeological work on the renovation of the Baroque and Gothic church of Visitation of the Blessed Virgin Mary in Vocin, two graves belonging to the early Urnfield culture were found in trench 1 in the western part of the sanctuary (Loznjak 2003:33). Grave 1 was partially damaged by a later, medieval burial. In the preserved part, the grave pit was funnel shaped in form, and in the deeper part of the pit a bowl containing the burnt remains was found. The pot was covered with a bowl (Loznjak 2003: T. 1:3). Additional fragments of a bowl, and another bowl on a foot were found in the grave (Loznjak 2003: T. 2:1-2). The grave belonged to a woman of between 30 to 50 years of age (Loznjak 2003:34). Grave 2 was found at the northern base of the triumphal arch. The burial pit was unevenly shaped and about 10 cm deep. In its deeper part, a bowl that served as an urn was found (Loznjak 2003: T. 3:1) containing the burnt bone fragments which were too small for an anthropological analysis (Loznjak 2003: si. 5-6). Additional fragments of a bowl were found in the grave (Loznjak 2003: T. 3:2).

48

Cemeteries

of the T J r n f i e l d Culture in Continental

Croatia

Fig. 35 Graves from Drljanovac cemetery (after Majnaric-Pandzic

1988, 1994 modified by A. Kudelic)

49

The J J r n f i e l d Culture

in Continental

Croatia

Fig. 36 Situation plan of the graves of the Virovitica and Zagreb groups at Drljanovac modified by A. Kudeli)

cemetery (after Majnari-Pandi

1988; 1994.

50

Cemeteries of theTJrnfieldCulture in Continental Croatia

3.7 Popernjak During the preparation works for the construction of the Zagreb-Lipovac highway, a salvage excavation on the site of Popernjak (cadastral unit Bonjaci) was carried out in 2004. The site is situated on an elevated position and consisted of a settlement in its western, and a cemetery in its eastern part. The site has been known since 1958 when small-scale excavations on the Gaia Stan site were done under the direction of K. Vinski-Gasparini (Marijan 2005b:37). The first grave was unearthed in March 2004, and additional 31 graves were found in August 2004. Graves are all quite shallow and consequently were quite damaged by ploughing. The results of the anthropological analysis show that 15 graves contained the remains of women, 9 of men, and 5 juvenile remains. In three graves no human skeletal material was found (Marijan 200b5:39). Marijan (2005b:39) states that fractures were quite common in the sample consisting of 32 individuals. In one case fetal remains were also found, as well as cremated mouse remains. Grave goods were not numerous, and are mostly from female and juvenile burials (e.g. objects made of metal and bone). A bronze pin was found in grave 1, fragments of three bronze pins and three small bronze rings in grave 3, a fragment of a bronze object in grave 4, a fragment of an object made of bronze as well as three fragments of a bone object were found in grave 14. Grave 15 had a fragment of a bronze pin, grave 20 a fragment of a cast bronze bracelet, grave 21 had a fragment of a bronze pin, while in the grave 25 the head of a bronze pin was found. Marijan (2005b:39) states that the female burial 5, as well as male burial 17 contained a nicely worked and decorated bone fragment each. By far the richest burial is the juvenile burial 24. In it four bronze bracelets with incised decorations, two smaller bronze plaques and a club-shaped pin were found. Marijan (2005b) believes the Popernjak cemetery belongs to the Barice-Gredani group and based on the metal finds and their analogies to the rich hoard finds from the Posavina region, dates it to the period II of the Urnfield culture. 3.8 Makovac During the 2003 excavations at the Crinjevi settlement, a cemetery that belonged to the settlement was found by chance (Mihaljevi, Kalafati 2004). It is located about 200 meters from the Otrovi locality, and we can thank its discovery to ploughing. Altogether 7 graves were excavated that year (Mihaljevi, Kalafati 2004:42-43). The excavations continued in 2005 when 18 additional graves were found. In all cases the graves had the same burial rites. Burnt bones were cleaned and put in a vessel that was buried upside down. In seven graves, an additional wider vessel with an inverted rim was present (Mihaljevi, Kalafati 2006:48). Some had a loop under the rim, other had a strap handle. Some vessels had a horizontally faceted rim which most likely dates it to the Br D/Ha A1 period.

In six graves a bowl with a flaring rim and a strap handle under the rim was found. This is the most common urn form within the Barice-Gredani group. In two graves, the urn was a deeper bowl with four strap handles situated near the rim, while in two graves the urn was a deeper bowl with a single handle. One grave was too damaged to determine the urn form (Mihaljevic, Kalafatic 2006:48). The graves did not contain any metal objects. The graves are dated between 14th and 12th century BC (Mihaljevic, Kalafatic 2006:49). The excavations of this Bronze Age cemetery continued in 2006 (Mihaljevic, Kalafatic 2007). A total of 75 m2 was excavated and 12 cremation burials were found. Grave 19 was quite shallow and the remains were covered with a vessel with a flaring rim. Close to it, grave 20 was found. The burial pit was filled with darker sediment, and a bowl with a flaring rim was found, covered by a fragmented pot with a rounded body. Additional 10 graves were found (up to grave 30). Mihaljevic and Kalafatic (2007:68-69) single out grave 22, which contained two urns in the form of bowls under which the human bones were found. The cemetery and the settlement form a single unit and provide us with a potential to understand the Bronze Age period of the Posavina region. 3.9 Gredani and other cemeteries of Gredani group A large cremation burial site with 71 burials was found at the Bajir site in Gredani. (fig. 37). It was excavated between 1974 and 1975. The cemetery is located on an elevated position. Its upper part was damaged resulting in destruction of 19 graves (Minichreiter 19821983:9). Most graves were found at a depth of about 1 m from the surface. Cremated remains were put on the base of the pit and then covered with a vessel (urn) of various shapes. Above those, fragments of vessels were added as burial goods. A total of 69 urns and 122 burial goods were found at Gredani (Minichreiter 1982-1983:10). As no anthropological analysis was done, the author assumes that some graves were those of juveniles solely on the basis of the urn size (graves 32, 51, 56, 61) (Minichreiter 1982-1983). Minichreiter (1984: si. 3-5) carried out a typological analysis of the urns, vessels on foot, bowls, cups, and jars. She lists several types of urns (fig. 38): type 1 (Minichreiter 1984: si. 3) is basically a bowl with a flaring rim and one to four strap handles, type 2 (Minichreiter 1984: si. 4:1-3) is a bowl with a inverted rim and a strap handle below the rim. Type 3 is similar to type 2 in form, being a bowl with a rounded body and its upper part ending in a straight line (Minichreiter 1984: si. 4:4-5). Vessels that represent most common grave goods are various forms of bowls on foot with a single strap handle (Minichreiter 1984: si. 5:1-6). To the second group, Minichreiter (fig. 38) ascribes biconical bowls with a single strap handle that does not extend over the rim. In the third group, she includes jars or smaller pots (Minichreiter 1984:

51

TheJJrnfieldCulture in Continental

Croatia

D
2 E
51

2
49 54 14 21 15 23 19 4

69 70 71

6B 44 40
6 5

6
7

47

4A
S.

20
10 W 28 26

6 6

2? 34 *

33 3J

6 2 60 6 k

r6
3

25

L
J_ C D E M 1:200 S
1982-1983)

Fig. 37 Situation plan of Greani cemetery (modified by A. Kudeli after Minichreiter

sl. 5:10-14:). Minichreiter (1984:96-97) acknowledges that the jars were most damaged by fire and too fragmented to be reconstructed properly. Miniature vessels were found in 6 graves at Greani (Minichreiter 1984: sl. 4:6-12). Perkovci-Dobrevo During 1966, the Museum of Brodsko Posavlje excavated a part of the burial site at the Dobrevo locality in Perkovci, about 27 km west of Slavonski Brod. The preliminary excavations of a 4x4 m trench resulted in a discovery of 13 graves. Metal objects are very rare in graves belonging to the Greani group. None were found at the Greani, Slavonska Poega, Grabarje and Oriovac cemeteries, while at Perkovci 11 bronze objects were found in 5 grave pits (Minichreiter 1984:99). Interestingly, in graves 8,2 and 5 at Greani, pins with a club-shaped head (Keulenkopfnadel), a pin with a bulb-shaped head (grave no. 9) and a sewing

needle (grave 12) (Minichreiter 1984: sl. 5-15) were found. These finds prove the existence of the Greani type of cemeteries into the Ha A1 period , as they contain both newer, as well as the elements of earlier Br C i D periods. Slavonska Poega-Bajer

A cremation burial necropolis was found by chance in 1976 at the Ciglana (Brickyard) site in the northern part of the town of Slavonska Poega. Two test trenches were excavated and 6 cremation burials were discovered, of which only three units could be reconstructed (Minichreiter 1982-1983: T. 19:1-5). Urns were of the type 1, and only few fragments were found, most likely of bowls on foot and a smaller bowl (Minichreiter 1982-1983: T. 19:2-3).

52

Cemeteries of the TJrnfield Culture in Continental

Croatia

FIRST TYPE URNS

SECOND TYPE URNS

THIRD TYPE URNS

O)

SMALL BOWL

A ?

FOOT VESSELS

MINIATURE VESSELS

sjy

Fig. 38 Types of urns at Greani cemetery (after Minichreiter 1984 modified by A. Kudeli)

Grabarje (Slavonska

Poega)

Vranovci (Slavonski Brod) This was actually the first cemetery of the Gredani group to be discovered. It was found in 1950 in the Vranovci village, about 5 km east of Slavonski Brod. In the middle of the burial mound, at a depth of about 1 m from the surface, vessels were found lying upside-down, with the remains

Grabarje is the second burial site discovered at the Ciglana locality. Three graves were discovered during the 1980 salvage excavation by the Museum of Poeka Kotlina (Minichreiter 1982-1983:68).

53

TheXJrnfieldCulture in Continental

Croatia

of burned bones placed beneath them (Minichreiter 19821983:66). Oriovac (Slavonski Brod) This cemetery was discovered in 1960 during the digging od basements of private houses. Archaeologists from the Museum of Brodsko Posavlje were able to save only 11 grave assemblages (Minichreiter 1982-1983: T: 19:6-8; T. 20:1-5), but it is supposed that 20-30 additional graves were found later during construction (Minichreiter 19821983:63). Nova Bukovica (Podravska Slatina)

During survey of the Sjenjak locality, the remnants of fire with fragments of pottery and burned bones were discovered. The pottery is characteristic of the Gredani group. Another cemetery is mentioned to exist at Aleksandrovac. The characteristic burial rite at all the cemeteries of the Gredani group is cremation of the deceased, after which the bone remains are put at the bottom of the burial pit. Bones were then covered by a vessel (urn) base up. Even though this is a quite unique burial rite, Minichreiter (1984:102103) describes the differences in individual burials in detail. For instance, there are examples of burials without any grave goods in which the pit was filled with burnt remains from the pyre or with clay; there are also burials with grave goods that were also sometimes burnt, and later broken above the burial pit. In some graves both human remains as well as grave goods show traces of burning, so it can be assumed that the burial rites sometimes included cremation of the deceased together with various objects that later served as grave goods (Minichreiter 1984:102). Interestingly, at the Perkovci site all metal objects found were found alongside human remains below the urn, so one can assume that the objects were on or near the deceased during the process of cremation. 3.10 Zagreb-Vrapce Much like at other burial sites of the second phase of the Urnfield culture in northern Croatia, only 5 graves are preserved at this site (Vinski-Gasparini 1973; 1983). The cemetery is discussed in the chapter on the Zagreb group and cemeteries of the second phase. An urn in the form of a bowl with a rounded body and a fluted motif on the body and the base of the neck was found in grave 1. It had a single strap handle. Three bronze objects were also found in the grave: a double-sided razor, tweezers and a pin, all pointing to a male burial (Vinski-Gasparini 1983: T. 87:14). In grave 2 two vessels were found and a single bronze object: a hair ring (Vinski-Gasparini 1983: T. 87:5-7). One of these vessels is a pot with a rounded body with two handles and a cylindrical neck. Based on the nipple-like protuberance on the body it could tentatively be assigned to

a somewhat earlier horizon. The second vessel, an amphora with a handle on each side of the vessel is interesting as it had wide oblique fluting on the body that is very characteristic for the Ha A1 phase. The form of the vessel is also pointing to the earlier phases and is reminiscent of the forms of the late phase of the Tumulus culture of Transdanubia and south-western Slovakia. This is also supported by the wide fluting, which is quite characteristic for the pottery of the aka group in Slovakia. A pot with a rounded body and without any characteristics that could help in the determination and dating, was found in graves 3 and 4. Grave 5 contained an urn and several other ceramic goods, and exhibited certain features of earlier components which subsequently, under the influence from Transdanubia, Lower Austria and south-western Slovakia, transformed into the Zagreb group. First of all, there is an amphora with a cylindrical neck and the horizontally everted rim and two strap handles. The form of the vessel is also based on the forms seen in the later phase of the Tumulus culture of the Middle Danube Basin. It is similar to a vessel (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 24:7; 1983: T. 88:6) that exhibits some younger-phase characteristics and has a shorter body and funnel-shaped neck. There is also a fragment of a vessel with facets on the belly (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 24:8), which definitely points to Ha A1 and the Zagreb group. Analogies are found in the ceramics from the Kalnik-Igrie 1 settlement (Vrdoljak 1994). A particularity of the ZagrebVrape cemetery is the placement of the urns into stone cists (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 23:9). Vinski-Gasparini (1973:69) is linking this burial rite to the cemeteries at Baierdorf, Gemeinlebarn and Illmitz. Specifically, she is emphasizing similarities with the sites in Burgenland.. The ceramic repertory found at the cemetery sites of the early phase of the Urnfield culture is very limited in forms. For the Virovitica group, deeper bowls, often with cylindrical necks and nipple-like protuberances or plastic ribs, are quite characteristic. Tunnel-shaped handles are situated on the body of the urn. These vessels were covered with bowls with flaring rims as well as those with an inverted rim, which mostly had a strap handle just below the rim. Grave goods of both, Virovitica and Gredani groups, include smaller bowls with a single strap handle, cups, jars, smaller pots, and, as the most reliable indicator of the ceramic expression at the end of the Middle and the beginning of the Late Bronze Age, vessels on foot. It can be seen that the most dominant forms in the Gredani cemetery are bowls with a flaring rim, which were used as a lid that was put on the urn, but also as urns that covered the burned remains. Often, the vessels are quite big. This type of a vessel appears at other cemeteries in a balanced proportion. Other bowl types are also most abundant at the Gredani cemetery, followed by the cemeteries in Morave and Virovitica. Jars with a single handle are most abundant at Gredani, while Morave is characterized by a large number of pots, of which in Gredani there are none. Morave is also the site that yielded the largest number of cups with a strap handle that does not extend over the rim. All this points to

54

Cemeteries of theTJrnfieldCulture in Continental

Croatia

a certain distinction in the typological characteristics of the urns and grave goods between the cemeteries of the Gredani and Virovitica groups. 3.11 Zagreb-Horvati At the Horvati site in the southern part of Zagreb near the river Sava, urn graves were discovered during the works in 1912 (Richthofen 1940: Abb. 1-12). Grave associations did not survive, while the finds were analyzed by Vinski-Gasparini (1973) and ascribed to the phase III, or Ha A2. Richthofen (1940) was the first one to analyze finds from graves at Horvati and dated it to a wider period between Br D to Ha B, in the attempt to show that the Lausitz culture was a widespread phenomenon of Illyrian affiliation (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:134). At the time when Vinski-Gasparini did her synthesis, papers on the Velatice culture of Moravia have already been published (Rihovsky 1958; 1961), allowing comparisons with the material found in that area. Analogies for the ums (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 93:1,3) are found in the vessels from cremation burial I from Velatice (Rihovsky 1958). However, these are not the true biconical vessels but rather ones with slightly S-shaped profiles, that can be specifically observed on one of them (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 93; 1983: T. 88:10). Two urns (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 93:2,4) are linked to the younger elements, and dated on the basis of the analogy with the Urnfield culture of northern Tyrol into the Ha A2 (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:134). The most reliable basis for dating of the finds into Ha A2 are metal objects. Bracelet with a triangular cross-section (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 93:5) is abundant in the hoards of the second phase, and is also present in the grave found at Martijanec (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 25:8,9). Vinski-Gasparini emphasizes the differences between this grave find and the finds from Moravia, where an intermediate phase Ha A2/B1 can be seen at the cemetery sites of the Klentnice type. According to Vinski-Gasparini (1973:134) the Zagreb-Horvati graves belong to Ha A2 only and represents the link between the earlier and later phases of the Urnfield culture. VinskiGasparini (1973:135) finds analogies to the urns from this site in the finds from other cemeteries of the late phase of the Urnfield culture: Krupace, Trescerovac and Velika Gorica. Therefore, a sole presence of the bracelets with the triangular cross-section cannot be used as the argument against dating of the site to the late phase. Such bracelets are naturally not found in the hoards of the late phase, but are present in Dobova in grave B (Stare 1975: T. 1:B57), and grave 6 (Stare 1975: T. 5:6). However, the latter grave also contains a vessel that is very similar to a typical Velatice type, a cup with a high handle (Stare 1975: T. 5:3). Therefore this grave may well be dated to somewhat younger phase II. One complete bracelet and fragments of another bracelet with a triangular cross-section were found in grave 140 at Dobova (Stare 1975: T. 22:6-7). Four bracelets were found in the very rich grave 289 (Stare 1975: T. 40:3-6), two bracelets were found in the grave 305 (Stare 1975: T. 44:6-7), and in grave 409 also two bracelets (Stare

1975: T: 57:12-13). We can see the analogies for the urn from Horvati in the finds from grave 56 at Dobova (Stare 1975: T. 12:9,11). The latter is the most similar to the urn from Horvati (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 93:2). Urns dated to the earlier phase from Horvati (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 93:1,3) can also be compared to the ones found at Dobova (Stare 1975: T. 58:4, T. 69:232, T. 70:265). Pottery style and close proximity to the river Sava point to the conclusion that the grave site of Horvati belonged to the same cultural circle as the cemeteries from Velika Gorica and Dobova. 3.12. Krupace In December 1897, working in the field, a local farmer found 12 vessels of different sizes at the depth of about 0,40 m at a site called Raticak in Krupace near Krasic (Brunsmid 1898:137). As the graves themselves were destroyed, only the information remained that some of the larger vessels were covered by another vessel, turned upside-down, while inside them, lying on a pile of ashes, another pot containing burnt bones and some bronze objects and covered by another bowl was situated. Brunsmid (1898:137) states that under a larger piece of burned soil, a smaller pot containing burned bones was found. Alongside, there was a necklace, two bracelet fragments, and a coil of bronze wire, most likely the remains of a spectacle fibula. Only a single urn was reconstructed (Brunsmid 1898: T. 1: si. 1-2; VinskiGasparini 1973:T. 100:1). It belonged to an S-profiled bowl/pot about 49 cm in height and 14 cm in diameter, with a flat base 14 cm in diameter,. The diameter of the rim was 36 cm. The urn was found covered by a bowl of 12,3 cm in height, 33 cm in diameter (Brunsmid 1898: T.l: si.2, si.5; Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 100:3). The inverted rim was 25 cm in diameter, while the diameter at its base was 11,3 cm. The thickness of its sides was approximately 0,8 cm. Interestingly, inside it was another, smaller urn (Brunsmid 1898: T. 1: sl.5, sl.2; Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 100:2) containing only the burnt bones. This vessel was 11,3 cm in height, and 14 cm in diameter at its mouth, while the diameter of the base was 6 cm, and its largest (body) diameter was 47 cm. This urn was covered by a cup of 5,4 cm in height, with a strap handle of about 3,8 cm in height and 2,2 cm in width. Diameter at its uppermost end was 10,5 cm, narrowing towards the base to about 3 cm in diameter (Brunsmid 1898:138, T. 1:6; Vinski-Gasparini 1973:T. 100:7). Most likely, it had a so-called Omphalos base. Judging from the finds, it was most likely a double burial. According to Brunsmid (1898:139) there was another larger urn, similar to the aforementioned one (Brunsmid 1898: T. 1: si. 1), but it was not preserved. In it, in its upper part, a smaller urn of about 8 cm in height, and diameter at the rim of about 11 cm, was found. The diameter at the base was 5,5 cm, while its widest diameter (body) was 35,5 cm. It contained the cremated bones and a pin with a vase-shaped head ( Vasenkopfnadel') for which analogies can be found at the Velemszentvid settlement (Rihovsky 1983:50, T.

55

TheXJrnfieldCulture in Continental Croatia

25:626,627) and which are dated on the basis of the grave finds from Hadersdorf am Kamp (Stegmann-Rajtar 1992: Abb. 14:4,8) to the late phase of the Urnfield culture. Other bronze objects were found near a smaller urn containing cremated remains (Brunsmid 1898: T. 1:7-9,11; VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 100:10-13). A twisted tore with spiral ends, about 1 cm thick, was also found (Brunsmid 1898: T. 1:7). It had a round cross-section, while its ends were rectangular in section. The necklace was broken before it was put into the ground, and as it also bears the traces of burning, it was possible that it had been cremated with the deceased. A large number of such necklaces were found in grave 3/1916 from Velika Gorica (Karavanic 2000: T. 19:2-6). A similar necklace comes from the Matijevici hoard found near Dvor na Uni (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 129:7; Vinski-Gasparini 1983: T. 96:3), dated to phase 5. That hoard exhibits Balkan elements such as a shorter flange-hilted sword (Vinski-Gasparini 1983: T. 96:1). Another necklace, or possibly a bracelet, was found in the Krupace grave (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 100:12). Brunsmid (1898: T. 1:11) published a fragment of rolled wire which he assumes was a part of a spectacle fibula. The same author (Brunsmid 1898:140) mentions two vessels and two bronze objects found without context. One vessel was most likely an urn (Brunsmid 1898: T. 1:13; Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 100:5). It was about 7,2 cm in height, with a rim of about 10,4 cm in diameter, while its base diameter was 5,3 cm, and the widest diameter about 36,5 cm. The second vessel was an urn with a curved but slightly flattened body (Brunsmid 1898: T. 1:3; VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 100:6). It was 10,6 cm in height, 15 cm in diameter, while its base was 6 cm in width. 3.13 Trescerovac Sime Ljubic quotes the museum's memoirs of 1867 when he states that a farmer accidentally found some bronze objects and urns on the land belonging to Dr. Ante Jordan in the village of Trescerovac near Ozalj (Karlovac) (Ljubic 1885:66). Responding to Jordan's invitation, Ljubic went to the site located in the field bounded by the river Kupa on its northeastern side in 1879 (Ljubic 1885: T. VI). He excavated the site and found 46 urns (Ljubic 1885:68). The urns were not found in a neat row, but scattered around, much like at the grave site at Ruse. They were found at the depth of between 50 cm to 1 m. Most had been covered: in four cases the lid was a sandstone slab, while other had an upside-down bowl on top of them. As in the case of the urns from Krupace, these urns too contained a smaller urn in the inside, with a small bowl beneath the latter (Ljubic 1885:68). Based on this Ljubic concludes that a total of 130 vessels was found. Ljubic (1885:68-69) states that one of the crucial reasons for the bad condition of the finds, especially larger vessels, was the humidity of the soil. Only 14 vessels, 7 smaller urns and 7 bowls survived. Most graves were probably double, or multiple, burials, as smaller urns containing human remains and ashes were

found inside larger ones (Ljubic 1885:69). Bronze objects were also found: a damaged pin, double bronze wires, and a fragment of spiral wire, possibly a part of a spectacle fibula (Ljubic 1885: T. VI: si. 31:8,6). Spindle whorls, like the ones from Velika Gorica, were also found (Ljubic 1885: T. VI:32,33). Our knowledge on the burial rites is completed by the findings of cremation sites close to the cemeteries, and in some cases, at the site where the urns were found. Characteristic types of urns found at Trescerovac include the rounded vessels with a high, funnel-shaped neck (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 101:4-5,7,11,13) and decoration in the form of incised zig-zags or hanging triangles. An interesting find is a small bowl on a foot (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 101:1) with a decoration both on its foot and the body. The aforementioned motif in decoration links these finds to the finds from other cemeteries of the Ha B period, such as Ruse and Dobova. 3.14 Ozalj Discussing the finds from Trescerovac, Ljubic (1885) mentions the existence of cemeteries at the Poljicih site near Ozalj (Karlovac). During his test excavations he found four urns that were completely destroyed. Allegedly, Ljubic excavated there on another occasion and concluded that the finds come from a burial mound (Ljubic 1889:158, T. 33:255). In the introduction of her paper on the graves from Ozalj, Balen-Letunic (1981:11) is citing this information, concerning the graves found between 1970 and 1973 in Ozalj. In the same article, a description of the grave from Zamarija near Zumberacka Kupcina can be found. The objects from this grave were presented as a gift to the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb. Grave 1 from Ozalj was found in a funnel-shaped burial pit, in which the urn containing the remains of cremated bones and ashes was found (Balen-Letunic 1981: T. 1:1). In the burial pit of the same form, the urn from grave 2 was found (Balen-Letunic 1981: T. 1:3). At the base of the urn, the remains of ashes as well as a fragment of a vessel were found (Balen-Letunic 1981: T. 1:2). It is possible that the fragment belonged to a vessel that served as a lid of the urn. Grave 3 contained an urn (Balen-Letunic 1981:4) with remains of burnt bones and a bowl with a strap handle (Balen-Letunic 1981: T. 1:5). The construction of grave 4 was somewhat more elaborate, as it had a larger stone slab that was placed onto the pit containing the urn. The urn was partially surrounded by stones of irregular shape (Balen-Letunic 1981: T. 1:6). At the base of the urn, a fragment of another vessel was found (Balen-Letunic 1981: T. 1:7). A stone slab also covered the burial pit of grave 5. In the pit, an urn partially enclosed by stones was found (BalenLetunic 1981: T. 2:4). It was covered by another bowl with 56

Cemeteries of theTJrnfieldCulture in Continental Croatia

an inverted rim (Balen-Letunic 1981: T. 2:3). In its base, the remains of cremated bones, as well as other objects were found: a spindle whorl (Balen-Letunic 1981: T. 2:1) and a piece of bronze wire circular in cross-section (BalenLetunic 1981: T. 2:2). Based on the spindle whorl, the grave could be of a female. Similar grave goods were found at Velika Gorica. Grave 6 is exhibiting some of the characteristisc of the Trescerovac cemetery. The urn was found partially enclosed in the pit surrounded by stones (Balen-Letunic 1981: T. 2:5). The urn wras covered by a bowl with an inverted rim (Balen-Letunic 1981: T. 2:6). In it, another bowl with a rounded body and funnel-shaped neck, was found (Balen-Letunic 1981: T. 2:7). Its shoulder was decorated with incised triangles, while below the rim there was a continuous zig-zag motif. The burial pit of grave 7 was covered by stone slabs, while at the base of the pit the remains of cremated bones belonging to a juvenile, some ashes, and other objects were found. Near the pit was another bowl (Balen-Letunic 1981: T. 2:11). The burial pit of grave 8 was partially surrounded by stones that contained an urn (Balen-Letunic 1981: T. 3:1) containing the cremated remains and another bowl (BalenLetunic 1981: T. 3:4). Inside the urn a part of a bronze pin was found (Balen-Letunic 1981: T. 3:2), as well as a knife sheath made of bone (Balen-Letunic 1981: T. 3:3). In grave 9, an urn was found inside the pit, containing the cremated bones and ashes (Balen-Letunic 1981: T. 3:6). Similar to the graves from Ozalj is a grave found at Zamarija (Balen-Letunic 1981: T. 4:1-2). It was also covered by a stone slab and contained an urn inside which another bowl was found. This bowl, most likely, did not serve as the urn's lid. Most of the vessels found are urns that are mostly undecorated and have the S-profile of the body and are very similar to the urn found at Krupace (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 100:1). It is interesting that at cemeteries around Karlovac the types of urns that are common to Velika Gorica, were not found at all. Urns from Krupace and Ozalj have analogies to the ones from Ljubljana SAZU graves 74 (Pus 1971: T. 2:1) and 85 (Pus 1971: T. 4:5). The pit of grave 85 from Ljubljana SAZU was also funnel-shaped. In it, an urn containing the cremated bones, closed by another bowl with an inverted rim, was found (Pus 1971: T. 53). Another similarity to the cemetery from Ljubljana is in the grave goods such as spindle whorls and loom weights. These objects were found in the rich grave 92 at Ljubljana SAZU (Pus 1971: T. 7:7-16, T. 53). Based on the analogies with grave 9 from Dobova and grave 68 from Pobrezje, Balen-Letunic (1981:16) dates the finds to the Ha B1 phase, but cautions that such finds may appear later, as in the grave

155 from the Rue cemetery, which contains the material of the Ha B3 phase according to Miiller-Karpe (1959: T. 114A). At Ozalj, bowls with an inverted rim, sometimes decorated, are found, either as grave goods, or lids of urns (BalenLetuni 1981: T. 1:7; T. 2:11; T. 3:4). Most common decorations are grooving, found on vessel rims and with analogies in the finds from the Treerovac cemetery (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 101:8-9). The same decoration is found on vessels from the elevated settlements of Belaj (Majnari-Pandil986), Kiringrad (Balen-Letuni 1987: T. 1:3) as well as from the site of Staro ie-Gradie (BalenLetuni 1996a: T. 2-3,5). Balen-Letuni (1981:16) links the find of a bowl or larger cup decorated with a zig-zag motif to the finds from the Rue cemetery, which were recently typologically studied by renar (2006). According to this author, this motif comes in the form of a zig-zag horizontal line (renar 2006: Abb. 31:3). Another such bowl with a handle was found in grave 76 at Pobreje, and dated based on the presence of a pin of the so-called Pile-dwellings type to Ha B1. A find specific to the Ozalj cemetery are vessels with a funnel-shaped neck decorated with incised triangles (Balen-Letuni 1981: T. 2:7). These are the most common vessel type in Treerovac (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 101:4-5,7). Balen-Letuni (1981:17) dates the Ozalj graves to the Ha B1 and B2 period, or 10th and 9th centuries BC. 3.15 Velika Gorica This cemetery has been in the archaeological literature for a while, beginning from the first report by Hoffiler (1909) where finds from 20 graves from the Visoki Brijeg locality, discovered in 1908, have been described and analysed. The site was discovered during the pebble quarrying on the parcel no. 380/2 owned by a businessman Nikola Hribar, located near the local hospital (Hoffiller 1909:120). On that occasion, finds from cremation burials, as well as from later, medieval inhumations, have been found. At first, Hoffiller explored 3 cremation graves, in the spring of the same year he unearthed additional 9 urn graves, while the following autumn and winter several additional um graves were found (Hoffiller 1909:121). It is mentioned that urn graves were also found on the cadastral plot no. 543 (Hoffiller 1909: si.7). The urns were in the forms of smaller vessels, on rare occasion covered by another smaller vessel, while the cremated bones were not always inside the urn, but nearby. Objects made of metal were also located near the urn (Hoffiller 1909:122). As in the case of the finds from Krupace and Treerovac, it was not possible to preserve all the urns, due to the bad quality of pottery production, as well as the humidity of the soil. By the end of 1908, 15 cremation graves in urns and 5 inhumations were discovered (Hoffiller 1909:124). The information from the Museum's archives 1 informs us that during 1909, and under the direction of the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb, 16
1 V. Vejvoda, Prethistorijsko nalazite Velika Gorica (Achives of the Arheological Museum in Zagreb).

57

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graves were found, and that additional 14 graves were discovered the following year. In 1910 Tkalcic found 7 graves, and in 1916 additional 6. During 1910, 1911, 1914, and 1924 the Museum recieved additional finds from the Velika Gorica cemetery as a gift from the owner of the land. A total of 67 graves were excavated, mostly cremation burials of prehistoric age, although there are some from the Roman period, as well as 6 inhumations of medieval period. In 1924 Hoffiler published a paper on the prehistoric urns from the site (Hoffiller 1924). The finds from Velika Gorica were also published in the series under the title Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum (Hoffiller 1938). The first catalogue of the chosen grave assemblages from the Velika Gorica cemetery was published by R Stare (1957a), while K. Vinski-Gasparini (1973) included the finds in her synthetic work, but chose not to do a detailed analysis of the finds from the late period of the Urnfield culture, as they were already published previously. K. Vinski-Gasparini (1973) limited her analysis to closed grave assemblages from the 1908, 1911, and 1916 excavations. In our work, we have chosen to carry out a detailed analysis of the complete inventory from the site that is housed in the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb. Graves were analyzed according to their description in the inventory books, and an attempt was made to reconstruct the previously unreconstructed grave assemblages. Our analysis also added new objects to the grave assemblages published previously by Hoffiller (1909) and Vinski-Gasparini (1973).2 Catalogue of the finds

3. Grave 3/1908. Hoffiler (1909:124, fig. 9:3) mentions a bowl of about 9 cm in height which contained two or three burnt bones. This object is not catalogued in the inventory book of the AMZ. 4. Grave 4/1908. Hoffiler (1909:125, fig. 9:4) mentions a bowl with a circular hole of about 10 cm in height. Near the urn, a spectacle fibula was found. This object is not catalogued in the inventory book of the AMZ. 5. Grave 5/1908. A bronze tore, broken in three pieces, and made of twisted wire of a rectangular cross-section. Inv.no. 7617. The object did not survive. Hoffiler (1909:125) mentions an urn containing burnt bone fragments that was surrounded by a number of bronze objects. Hoffiller (1909: fig. 8:2) published a twisted bronze necklace, and mentions additional three to four bracelets made of bronze, decorated with incisions (Hoffiller 1909: fig. 10:1). 6. Grave 6/1908

1. Grave 1/1908. Bronze pin with a bulb-shaped head. AMZ Inv.no.7616 (PI. 50:1). Length: 6,8 cm; head diameter: diameter: 1,1cm. 0,85 cm; body Hoffiller (1909:125) states that the remains of cloth covering could be observed on the socketed axe and concludes that the rest of the items found were most likely also wrapped in cloth. He mentions the remains of bracelets made of very thin bronze sheet and decorated by punching (Hoffiller 1909: fig. 8:6). Drilled holes served to attach the bronze sheet to the underlining by strings. A piece of an iron bar of unknown purpose was also found in this grave (Hoffiller 1909:126). 1. A bronze knife with a ring ending. Inv.no. AMZ 7620. (PI. 51:1) Length: 27,1 cm, greatest width of the blade: 2,1 cm. 2. A bronze socketed axe, decorated by characteristic hanging V motif. Inv.no. AMZ 7622. (PI. 52:2).
2

Hoffiller (1909:125) mentions a smaller pot with a single handle of about 7 cm in height. 7. Grave 7/1908.

The pin was previously published by Hoffiler (1909: fig. 8:3; fig. 10:2). An additional urn that did not survive is mentioned (Hoffiler 1909:124). 2. Grave 2/1908. Hoffiler (1909:122) mentions an urn with thick walls that was surrounded by remains of cremated bones. This object is not catalogued in the inventory book of the AMZ.

After this step, the matierial was drawn by Marta Perki. I take this opportunity to express my sincere thanks to her. I would also like to thank Mrs. Dubravka Balen-Letuni for her permission to work on this material.

Length: 11 cm; width at the transition from the socket to

58

Cemeteries of theTJrnfieldCulture in Continental

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the blade is 3 cm: blade width: 4,4cm; mouth width 3,5 cm; height: 1,4 cm. 3. A bronze ring 4,4 cm in diameter. Inv.no. 7618 AMZ. (PI. 52:3). 4. A bronze ring 4,3 cm in diameter. Inv.no. 7618 AMZ (PI. 52:4). 5. A bronze ring 5,2 cm in diameter. Inv.no. 7618 AMZ (PI. 52:5). 6. A bronze ring, damaged. Inv.no. 7618 AMZ (PI. 52:6). 7. to 14. Bronze rivets. 8 pieces. Inv.no. 7623 AMZ. (PI. 52:7-14.) Height: 1,7 cm; diameter: 2,4 cm.

A number of finds discovered in 1909 were found by mr. Hribar at the site of the cemetery and were presented as a gift to the National Museum in Zagreb in March 1910. In March 1910, 14 additional graves were discovered at the same site, some without grave goods, while in others various objects were found: 13. Grave 1/1910 That grave had a rounded, brown-gray urn with a hole. It contained burnt bones. Inv.no. 6816 (Hoffiller 1924: T. 1:16; 1938: T. 95:4; Klemenc 1938:83). Three fragments of a burnt spear point are mentioned Inv.no. 7651 AMZ, and a pin with a biconical head Inv.no. 7652 AMZ, a pin with a massive rounded head Inv.no. 7653 AMZ and a long, irregular shaped whetstone Inv.no. 7654. 14. Grave 2/1910.

15. A bronze pin with a wave line decoration. Pile-dwellings type. Inv.no. 7621 AMZ. (PI. 52:15). 16. Ring-like ending of knife or razor grip. Not in the inventory book of the AMZ. (PI. 52:16). 17. An urn (PI. 52:17).

1. A bronze knife. Inv.no. 7658 AMZ. (PI. 53:1). Length: 14 cm, blade: 1,8 cm. 2. A bronze knife. Not in the inventory book. (PI. 53:2). Length: 12,1 cm, blade: 1,6 cm.

8. Grave 8/1908 Hoffiller (1909:126) states that this grave was dug up in the past, but that the items were thrown together in a pile. The following items are mentioned: a bronze wire pendant, a part of a fibula of unclear Italian form, a piece of a spiral wire (Hoffiller 1909: si .8:7), parts of a necklace. A spindle whorl has been found in the grave. 9. Grave 9/1908 Hoffiler (1909:126) states that fragments of two vessels were found in this grave: an urn with thick walls, and a bowl with thinnner walls. 10. Grave 10/1908 Length: 8,2 cm, blade: 1,6 cm. Hoffiller (1909:126) states that in this grave a very small bowl, about 5 cm in height, was found. There were no cremated remains found. 11. Grave 11/1908. Hoffiller (1909:126, fig. 9:2) states that a cup with a high handle was found in this grave. Inside the cup, two spiral hair rings made of bronze wire were found. 12. Grave 14/1908 Hoffiller (1909:127) mentions a smaller bowl of about 6 cm in height. This grave could also be from prehistoric period. 59 8. A bronze ring made of thin bronze sheet. Not in the inventory book. (PI. 53:8). 9. Bronze fibula bow. Inv.no. 7662 AMZ. (PI. 53:9,9a). 10. An urn (PI. 53:10; Hoffiller 1924:8, T.l:13; 1938: T. 95:9; Klemenc 1938:83). Height: 14,8 cm, width: 14,9 cm, diameter of the opening: 12,2 cm, base diameter: 8 cm 15. Grave 3/1910. 1. A bronze pin with a twisted neck. Inv.no. 7660 AMZ. (PL 54:2). Length: 15,4 cm, neck diameter: 0,8 cm, head 3. A half of the spectacle fibula. Inv.no. 7659 AMZ. (PI. 53:7). Length: 5,5 cm. 4. A razor. Not in the inventory book. (PI. 53:4). Length: 10,2 cm, blade width: 4 cm. 5. Apiece of bronze sheet. Inv.no. 7663 AMZ. (PI. 53:5). 6. Apiece of bronze sheet. Inv.no. 7663 AMZ. (PI. 53:6). 7. Half of a knife blade. Not in the inventory book. (PI. 53:3).

TheXJrnfieldCulture in Continental

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diameter: 0,7 cm, diameter of the lower part of the body: 0.4 cm. 2. An urn. Inv. no. 6811. (PI. 54:1; Hoffiller 1924: T. 1:9; 1938: T. 95:11). Height: 13,7 cm, width: 18,4 cm, diameter at the opening: 14,5 cm, base diameter: 9,1 cm. 16. Grave 7/1910 A dark-grey pot of 6,5 cm in height with a single hole on one side. Most likely an urn. Inv.no. 6804 (Hoffiller 1909: T. 1:5; 1938: T. 95:4) 17. Grave 8/1910

3. Several fragments of bronze wire, most likely hair rings. Inv.no. 7672. AMZ (PI. 50:12,12a). 4. A piece of spectacle fibula. Not in the inventory book. (PL 50:10). 23. Grave E/1910. Klemenc (1938:85) mentions two biconical beads. Inv.no. 7673. Items did not survive. A bracelet made of bronze wire, round in cross-section,. Inv.no. 7674, 12 fragments of a necklace, one with a spiral ending, Inv.no. 7675 were also found. 24. Grave F/1910.

A bowl made of dark-grey clay with a single hole in its middle part. Inv.no. 6807 (Hoffiller 1924: T. 1:1; 1938: T. 95:7). 18. Grave 11/1910. A bowl made of dark-grey clay with a single hole in its middle part (Hoffiller 1924: T. 1:12; 1938: T. 95:3). 19. Grave 13/1910. 1.-2. Two rings made of bronze wire. Hair rings. Inv.no. 7685. AMZ (PI. 50:3-4). 20. Grave 14/1910. 1. A piece of bronze wire. Inv.no. 7684 AMZ (PI. 50:2). Length: 0,6 cm. In Autumn 1910, prof. V. Tkalcic discovered 7 additional graves at the site: 21. Grave A/1910. 1. Four pyramidal loom weights . Inv.no. 7666 AMZ. Items did not survive. 2. A clay ring. Inv. no. 7667 AMZ. (PI. 50:11,11a). 3. A clay ring. Inv.no. 7668 AMZ. (PI. 50:12,12a). 4. Biconical spindle whorl. Inv.no. 7669 AMZ. (PI. 50:13,13a) 22. Grave C/1910. 1. Pyramidal loom-weight. Inv.no. 7670 AMZ. Item did not survive. 2. A clay ring, irregular in shape. Inv.br. 7671 AMZ. Item did not survive.

1. A necklace made of bronze wire, about 0,3 cm in diameter, with spiral ending. Inv.no. 7676 AMZ. (PL 58:1). 2. Hair ring of thin wire. Not in the inventory book. (PL 58:2,2a). 3. Salta leoni. Not in the inventory book (Pl. 58:3). 4. A bracelet decorated with incised of parallel lines. Not in the inventory book (PL 58:4). 5. Decorative plate of bronze sheet with a band of punctations. Inv. no. 7678 AMZ (PL 58:5). 6. Fragment of a vessel rim of brown colour. Not in the inventory book (PL 58:6). 7. Decorative plate of bronze sheet. Inv.no. 7679 AMZ (PL 58:7). 8. Biconical spindle whorl. Inv.no. 7681 AMZ. (PI. 58:8,8a). 9. Biconical spindle whorl. Inv.no. 7682 AMZ (PL 58:9, 9a). 10.-11. Two biconical spindle whorls. Inv. no. 7683 AMZ (PL 58:10-11, 10a-11 a). 12.-22. Fragments of braceletes with incised parallel lines (PL 59:1-11, la-9a). 25. Grave G/1910 1. Upper part of a pin made of rounded bronze wire, with a twisted body. Inv.no.7684 AMZ. Length 9 cm, diameter of upper body 0,3 cm, lower body 0,2 cm (PL 54:4). 2. Urn Inv.no. (PL 54:3). Height 19,8 cm, width 22,6 cm, diameter of base 9,5 cm, diameter of mouth opening 13,6 cm. In January 1911 the following graves were discovered: 60

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26. Grave 1/1911. 1. Antenna terminal sword decorated by series of incised parallel lines and wave lines on the blade. Inv.no. 7687 AMZ (PI.60:1). Length 53 cm, lower part 36,75 cm, width of a blade 5,1 cm.
2. A spear head decorated with incised wave line and series of parallel horizontal lines. Inv.no. 7689. A M Z (PI. 60:2,2a). Length 24,4 cm.

4. An urn. Inv. no. 6812 (PL 63:4). 29. Grave 6/1911. 1. Fragment of twisted wire, probably part of a necklace. Not in the inventory book (PL 50:5). 2. Fragment of thin, twisted wire, probably hair ring (PL 50:6). 3. Fragment of spiral wire, probably part of spectacle fibula (PL 50:7). 30. Grave 7/1911 1. An urn with a hole. Not in the inventory book (Pl. 64:3) 31. Grave 8/1911. 1 . An urn. Not in the inventory book (PL 64:2). 32. Grave 11/1911 1. Urn reddish-grey colour with two handles. Inv.no. 6815 (Hoffiller 1938: T. 96:3). In the spring of 1914 the rest of the finds from Velika Gorica came in the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb. 33. Grave 1/1914. 1. A spectacle fibula. Inv.no. 7712-7713. 2. A bronze pin with a loop. Not in the inventory book. 34. Grave 2/1914. 1. A hair ring of bronze wire. Inv.no. 7715 A M Z (PL 50:13,13a). 35. Grave 3/1914. 1. Fragment of a base and walls of reddish-brown vessel. Inv.no. 7716 (PL 65:1). 2. Pyramidal loom weight. Inv.no. 7717 (PL 65:4,4a). 3. Biconical spindle whorl. Inv.no. 7718 (PL 65:2,2a). 4. Biconical spindle whorl. Inv.no. 7719 (PL 65:3,3a). 5. Spindle whorl. Inv.no. 7720 (PI 65:5,5a). 6.-9. Four bracelet fragments. Not preserved. Inv.no. 7721.

3. A socket. Inv.no. 7688 AMZ (PL 60:3,3a). 4. Antenna terminal knife. Inv.no. 7697. A M Z (PL 61:1, la). Length 31,3 cm, width of a blade 2,4 cm i length of a hilt 5,8 cm. 5. Flange hilted knife. Inv.no. 7698 A M Z (PL 61:2,2a). Length 15,5 cm, width of a blade 2,4 cm i length of a hilt 5,8 cm. 6. A pin. Inv.no. 7694 AMZ (PL 61:3). 7. A pin head. Inv.no. 7694 AMZ (PL 61:4). 8.. A pin with a decorated bulb-shaped head. Inv.no. 7693 AMZ (PL 61:5). 9. A pin with a rounded ribbed head. Inv.no.7694 A M Z (PL 61:6). 10. Asocketed axe. Inv.no. 7690 AMZ (PL 61:7,7a). Length 11,7 cm, width at the transition to a blade 2,9 cm, width of a blade 6,2 cm, diameter of mouth opening 2,8 x 2,2 cm, mouth width 3,6 cm, socket length a 4,2 cm, blade length 5,7 cm. 11. A semilunar razor. Inv.no.7692 AMZ (PL 61:8). Length 14 cm, hilt length 5,3 cm. 12.-22. Clay rings. Diameter 5,5 cm, thickness 2,5 cm Inv. no. 7695 AMZ (PL 62: 1-11). 23. Biconical spindle whorl. Inv.no. 7696 AMZ (PL 62:12) 27. Grave 3/1911 1. An urn with a hole. Not in the inventory book (PL 64:1). 28. Grave 4/1911 1. Knife broken into 4 pieces, decorated in fir tree branch motif. Inv. no. 7699 AMZ (PL 63:1,1a). 2. Passementerie style fibula. Inv. no. 7700-7701 A M Z (PL 63:3). 3. A hair ring. Not in the inventory book (PL 63:2,2a). 61

In March 1916 prof. V. Tkalcic has discovered 6 graves:

The Urnfield Culture in Continental

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36. Grave 1/1916. 1. Smaller spectacle fibula, damaged in fire. Inv.no. 7712 AMZ (Klemenc 1938:88). 37. Gave 2/1916. 1. Fragment of undecorated bowl with inverted rim. Not in the inventory book (PI. 66:1). 2. Fragment of funnel shaped vessel neck. Not in the inventory book (PI. 66:2). 3. Upper part of a pot with rounded body. Not in the inventory book (PI. 66:3). 4. Fragment of lower part of a vessel body. Not in the inventory book (PI. 66:4). 5. Fragment of lower part of a vessel body. Not in the inventory book (PI. 66:5). Klemenc (1938.88) mentions one more hair ring of bronze wire. Inv.no. 7715. 38. Grave 3/1916. 1. Bronze bracelet with D cross section. Diameter 0,8 cm. Inv.no.7722 (PI. 67:1). 2.-5. Fragments of bracelets. Inv.no. 7722 (PI. 67:2-5). 6. Bronze bracelet. Inv.no. 7722 (PL 67:6). 7. Bronze bracelet. Inv.no 7722 (Pl. 67:7). 8. Spectacle fibula. Inv.no. 7725 (Pl. 67:8).

19. Twisted tore. Inv.no. 7723 (Pl. 68:5). 20. Twisted tore. Inv.no. 7723 (PL 68:6). Klemenc (1938:88) lists one more base part of reddish-grey vessel. Inv.no. 7716. 39. Grave 4/1916 Klemenc (1938:89) mentions two fragments of spectacle fibula Inv.no. 7729. 40. Grave 5/1916. 1. Fragment of a base and walls of vessel. Not in the inventory book (PL 69:1). 2. Fragment of a vessel rim. Not in the inventory book (Pl. 69:2). 3. Vessel base fragment. Not in the inventory book (PL 69:3). 41. Grave 6/1916. 1. Pot of funnel shaped neck with two handles.. Not in the inventory book (PL 70:1). 2. Fragment of lower part of a vessel body. Not in the inventory book (PL 70:2). 3. Fragment of hair ring. Not in the inventory book (PL 70:3). 4. Fragment of hair ring. Not in the inventory book (PL 70:4). Accidental finds

9. Half of spectacle fibula. Inv.no. 7726 (PL 67:9). 1. Body of a bronze pin. Inv.no. 7705 (PL 71:1). 10. Fragment of harp type fibula (PL 67:10). 2. Body of a bronze pin. Inv.no.. 7711 (PL 71:2). 11. Hair ring. Inv.no. 7724 (PL 67:11). 3. Fragment of spectacle fibula. Inv.no. 7704 (PL 71:3). 12. Hair ring. Inv.no. 7724 (PL 67:12). 4. Fragment of spectacle fibula. Inv.no. 7740 (PL 71:4). 13. Fragment of hair ring. Inv.no. 7724 (PL 67:13). 14. Fragment of hair ring. Inv.no. 7724 (PL 67:14). 15. Fragment of a knife. Undecorated. Length 16 cm. Inv. no. 7728 (PL 68:1). 16. Twisted tore. Inv.no. 7723 (PL 68:2). 17. Twisted tore. Inv.no. 7723 (PL 68:3). 8. Bronze ring. Not in the inventory book (PL 71:8). 18. Twisted tore. Inv.no. 7723 (Pl. 68:4). 5. Fragment of spectacle fibula. Not in the inventory book (PL 71:5). 6. Fragment of spectacle fibula. Inv.no. 7640-7650 (PL 71:6). 7. Fragment of spectacle fibula. Not in the inventory book (PL 71:7).

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9. Fragment of spectacle fibula. Not in the inventory book (PI. 71:9). 10.-13. Fragments of bronze bracelets. Inv.no. 7707 (PI. 71:10-13). 14.-22. Fragments of bronze bracelets. Not in the inventory book (PI. 71:14-22). 23. Bronze ring. Inv. no. 7705 (PI. 71:23). 24. Spindle whorl. Inv.no. 7702 (PI. 71:24,24a). 25. Spindle whorl. Inv.no. 7703 (PI. 71:25,25a). 26. Decorative plate.. Inv.no. 7706 (PL 71:26). 27. Decorative plate. Inv.no. 7706 (PL 71:27). 28. Bronze bracelet. Inv.no. 7749 (PL 72:1) 29. Bronze bracelet. Inv.no. 7749 (PL 72:2). 30. Bronze bracelet. Inv.no. 7749 (PL 72:3). 31. Bronze bracelet. Not in the inventory book (PL 72:4). 32. Bronze bracelet. Not in the inventory book (PL 72:5). 33. Bronze bracelet. Not in the inventory book (PL 72:6). 34. Fragment of bronze bracelet. Not in the inventory book (PL 72:7). 35. Fragment of bronze bracelet. Not in the inventory book (PL 72:8). 36. Fragment of bronze bracelet. Not in the inventory book (PL 72:9). 37. Fragment of bronze bracelet. Not in the inventory book (PL 72:10). 38. Fragment of bronze bracelet. Not in the inventory book (PL 72:11). 39. Fragment of bronze bracelet. Not in the inventory book (PL 72:12). 40. Fragment of bronze bracelet. Not in the inventory book (PL 72:13). 41. Bronze bracelet decorated with series of incised lines and a fir tree branch motif. Inv.no. 7747 (PL 73:1,1a). 42. Bronze bracelet. Undecorated. Inv.no. 7643 (PL 73:2).

43. Bronze bracelet decorated with series of incised lines and a fir tree branch motif. Inv.no. 7747 (PL 73:3). 44. Bronze bracelet decorated with series of incised lines and a fir tree branch motif. Inv.no. 7742 (PL 73:4) 45. Bronze bracelet decorated with series of incised lines and a fir tree branch motif. Inv.no. 7742 (Pl. 73:5). 46. Bronze bracelet decorated with series of incised lines and a fir tree branch motif. Inv.no. 7742 (PL 73:6). 47. Bronze bracelet decorated with series of incised lines and a fir tree branch motif. Inv.no. 7742 (PL 73:7) 48. Bronze bracelet decorated with series of incised lines and a fir tree branch motif. Inv.no. 7747 (PL 73:8). 49. Bronze bracelet decorated with series of incised lines and a fir tree branch motif. Inv.no. 7747 (PL 73:8). 50. Bronze bracelet. Inv.no. 7642 (PL 73:10). 51. Bronze bracelet. Not in the inventory book (PL 73:11). 52. Bronze bracelet. Not in the inventory book (PL 73:12). 53. Twisted tore. Not in the inventory book (PL 74:1). 54. Spectacle fibula. Not in the inventory book (PL 74:2). 55. Half of spectacle fibula. Not in the inventory book (PL 74:3). 56. Spiral folded bronze wire. Maybe part of harp type fibula. Not in the inventory book (PL 74:4). 57. Hair ring. Not in the inventory book (PL 74:5, 5a). 58. Half of spectacle fibula. Not in the inventory book (PL 74:6). 59. Chain. Not in the inventory book (PL 74:7). 60. Bronze bracelet decorated with series of incised lines and a fir tree branch motif. Inv.no. 7743 (PL 75:1,1a). 61. Bronze bracelet decorated with series of incised lines and a fir tree branch motif. Inv.no. 7743 (PL 75:2). 62. Bronze bracelet decorated with series of incised lines and a fir tree branch motif. Inv.no. 7743 (PI. 75:3). 63. Bronze bracelet decorated with series of incised lines and a fir tree branch motif. Inv.no. 7743 (Pl. 75:4). 64. Fragment of a twisted tore. Not in the inventory book (PL 75:5). 63

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65. Hair ring. Inv.no. 7640.-7650 (PI. 75: 6,6a). 66. Fragment of a bronze wire. Inv.no. 7640-7650 (PI. 75:7). 67. Part of pin body. Not in the inventory book (PI. 75:8). 68. Bronze wire. Not in the inventory book (PI. 75:9). 69. Bronze wire. Not in the inventory book (PI. 75:10). 70. Fragment of a twisted tore. Not in the inventory book (PI. 75:11). 71. Fragment of a twisted tore. Not in the inventory book (PI. 75:12). 72. Fragment of a twisted tore. Not in the inventory book (PI. 75:13). 73. Bronze knife. Not in the inventory book (PI. 76:1). 74. Bronze knife. Not in the inventory book (PI. 76:2). 75. Fragment of bronze item. Not in the inventory book (PI. 76:3,3a). 76. Fragment of a bronze wire. Not in the inventory book (PI. 76:4). 77. Fragment of a bronze wire, probably ring. Not in the inventory book (PI. 76:5). 78. Fragment of a bronze wire, probably ring. Not in the inventory book (PI. 76:6). 79. Fragment of a bronze wire, probably ring.. Not in the inventory book (PI. 76:7). 80. Fragment of a bronze wire, probably ring. Not in the inventory book (PI. 76:8). 81. Fragment of a bronze wire. Not in the inventory book (PI. 76:9). 82. Fragment of a twisted tore. Not in the inventory book (PI. 76:10). 83. Fragment of a bronze wire, probably bracelet. Not in the inventory book (PI. 76:11). 84. Fragment of a bronze wire, probably bracelet. Not in the inventory book (PI. 76:12). 85. Fragment of a bronze wire. Not in the inventory book (PI. 76:13).

86. Fragment of a bronze wire. Not in the inventory book (PI. 76:14). 87. Fragment of a bronze wire. Not in the inventory book (PI. 76:15). 88. Fragment of a bronze wire. Not in the inventory book (PI. 76:16). 89. Fragment of a bronze wire. Not in the inventory book (PI. 76:17). 90. Fragment of a twisted tore. Not in the inventory book (PI. 76:18). 91. Fragment of a bronze wire. Not in the inventory book (PI. 76:19). 92. Fragment of iron. Not in the inventory book (PI. 76:20). 93. Bronze ring. Not in the inventory book (PI. 76:21). 94. Bronze ring. Not in the inventory book (PI. 76:22). 95. Fragment of a twisted tore. Not in the inventory book (PI. 77:1). 96. Fragment of a twisted tore. Not in the inventory book (PI. 77:2). 97. Fragment of a twisted tore. Not in the inventory book (PI. 77:3). 98. Fragment of a twisted tore. Not in the inventory book (PI. 77:4). 99. Fragment of a twisted tore. Not in the inventory book (PL 77:5). 100. Fragment of a twisted tore. Not in the inventory book (PL 77:6). 101. Fragment of a twisted tore. Not in the inventory book (Pl. 77:7). 102. Fragment of a twisted tore. Not in the inventory book (PL 77:8). 103. Fragment of a twisted tore. Not in the inventory book (Pl. 77:9). 104. Fragment of bronze necklace. Not in the inventory book (PL 77:10). 105. Fragment of a bronze wire. Not in the inventory book (PL 77:11).

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106. Fragment of twisted wire, probably necklace. Not in the inventory book (PL 77:12). 107. Fragment of bronze necklace. Not in the inventory book (PL 77:13). 108. Fragment of bronze necklace. Not in the inventory book (PL 77:14). 109. Pot with funnel shaped neck with two strap handles. Not in the inventory book (PL 78:1). 110. Cup (PL 78:2). 111. Bigger part of a bowl with everted rim (PL 79:1). 112. Fragment of pot with everted rim and funnel shaped neck (PL 79:2). 113. Pot with S profiled body (Pl. 79:3). 114. Lower part of vessel with pseudo ribbon ornament on the shoulder (PL 79:4). 115. Bowl with inverted rim with two loops on the shoulder (PL 80:1). 116. Lower part of a vessel with rounded body (PL 80:2). 117. Urn with a hole (PL 80:3). 118. Spindle whorl decorated with plastic ribs. Inv.no. 7650 (PL 81:1,1a). 119. Rounded spindle whorl. Inv.no. 7698 (PL 81:2, 2a). 120. Rounded spindle whorl. Inv.no. 7698 (PL 81:3,3a). 121. Rounded spindle whorl. Inv.no. 7698 (PL 81:4,4a). 122. Spindle whorl Not in the inventory book (Pl. 81:5,5a). 123. Spindle whorl. Inv.no. 7648 (PL 81:6,6a). 124. Spindle whorl. Inv.no. 7649 (PL 81:7,7a). 125. Stone. Inv.br. 8415, Inv.no. 8415 (PL 81:8,8a). 126. Pyramidal loom weight decorated with series of punctations. Not in the inventory book (PL 81:9,9a) The structure of grave goods at Velika Gorica We have defined 21 variables that represent different types of bronze items at the Velika Gorica cemetery. These are: 1. pin 2. necklace 65

3. bracelet 4. bronze ring 5. hair ring 6. spectacle fibula 7. bow fibula 8. fibula of passementerie style ( Posamenterie Fibel) 9. bead 10. decorative plate 11. razor 12. sword 13. spear 14. knife 15. socketed axe 16. weight 17. spindle whorl 18. ceramic vessel 19. rivets 20. whetstone 21. Other items Altogether, 296 grave good objects were found at the Velika Gorica cemetery. It has to be noted that in this analysis all items were included, not just the ones for which the grave affiliation is known. This can present somewhat of a methodological problem and further enlarges the item list. Another methodological problem is the fragmented state of some types of objects. If certain fragments could not be physically attached to another, we decided to ascribe them to different items of the same type. Most common of these are bracelets (type 3), followed by necklaces (type 2). The most abundant grave good type are bracelets (a total of 96 bracelets were found in closed grave assemblages). The second most abundant are ceramic vessels (type 18), and necklaces (type 2). Both items are represented by 32 finds. It has to be noted that some graves contained a single vessel, broken in pieces, and could represent an urn containing the remains of cremation. The other possibility is that it represented a vessel that was put into the grave as a grave good and not as an urn. Most common types of grave goods are cups and bowls, while pots, especially those with a hole, were used as urns. After these, the most abundant finds are spectacle fibulae (type 6) of which 20 have been found, albeit mostly in fragments. Of other common types 18 spindle whorls (type 17) have been found at the cemetery, 16 hair rings with interlace decoration (type 5), and 14 weights (type 16). 12 bronze rings (type 4) and 10 knives were also found. Other finds vary in their abundance from 1 to 8 pieces. The richest of the Velika Gorica graves is E/1910 grave containing over 30 finds. However, in this number we include various fragments that could not be reconstructed accurately (except in rare cases), making this number larger than it in reality was. A similar situation is seen in the case of grave F/1910 with over 20 finds. Somewhat more realistic situation is observed in graves 7/1908, 1/1911, and

TheXJrnfieldCulture in Continental Croatia

3/1916 as those contain a smaller number of fragments. Therefore, these three latter should be considered the richest of the Velika Gorica graves. In them, grave goods are mostly bronze tools and weapons, and some decorative items. Somewhat less, but still quite rich in goods (between 5 and 10) are graves 3/1914, 1/1910, A/1910, 5/1908, and 2/1910, while in other graves less than 5 objects have been found. Karavanic (2000) has analyzed the structure of grave goods from Velika Gorica and a similar cemetery at Dobova. At Dobova, (Karavanic 2000: si.4) the most abundant items are ceramic vessels, of which about 500 were found, followed by hair rings with interlace decoration, pins, and bracelets. Compared to these, the rest of the item types come in small quantities, about 10 per item. The two sites are most similar according to the number of bracelets found, while some types that are found at Velika Gorica, such as passementerie fibula (Posamenterie Fibel) and razors, are not found at Dobova at all (Karavanic 2000:42). A comparison of the cumulative curves of Dobova and Velika Gorica items clearly show differences in percentages of various types of items. A significant rise is seen in the Velika Gorica necklaces, while the next rise appears for the bracelets and again for the spectacle fibulae (Karavanic 2000:43) Cumulative curve for the Dobova material (Karavanic 2000: si.6) is moderately rising to the spindle whorls except for the hair decorations, which are somewhat more abundant compared to other types of items. The most abundant are ceramic vessels as it is seen in the drastic rise of the values on the curve. This is at the same time the biggest difference between the two cemeteries. Unlike Dobova, at Velika Gorica necklaces, bracelets and spectacle fibulae are markedly more abundant. Terzan (1999: fig. 9a,b) published a graphic comparison of the cemeteries from Slovenia: Dobova, Ruse and Podbrezje according to metal objects, graves containing ceramic items, and graves without grave goods. It can be seen that at Pobrezje and Ruse a similar number of graves containing metal objects has been discovered, while Dobova has less graves with metal objects. Graves with ceramics are most common at Pobrezje, Dobova comes second, while at Ruse these are less frequent. Dobova has most graves that contain no grave goods, and that makes it different from Velika Gorica which has lots of grave goods. Ceramic items The most caracteristic finds of the Velika Gorica cemetery are the urns themselves. These come in several varieties. Mostly they come in the form of a vessel with a single hole in its middle part. This is, except for the cemeteries at Dobova (Stare 1975) and Tolmin (Svoljsak, Pogacnik 2001; 2002), a unique characteristic of this site compared to other sites in the southeastern Alpine region. This type of urn is found in graves 2/1910, 3/1910, G/1910,4/1911, and 7/1911. Vinski-Gasparini (1973:155) points to analogies with younger forms seen in the Baierdorf-Velatice culture

and some of the Dobova urns, and at the same time points to the find of a rounded bowl from Zagreb Vrapce in which she sees the origins of the Velika Gorica type of urns (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 25:1). She is also pointing to a link with the finds from the Virovitica site (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 9:9,14:5). These urns with a hole were previously discussed by Hoffiller (1924:3) who at first argued that the holes had a practical purpose. This is unlikely as the vessels would fall apart if hanged. He has published all 14 vessels with holes as well as two additional ones that were too damaged to tell whether they had holes or not (Hoffiller 1924: T. 1). As Hoffiller (1924:4) states, the most abundant form of these urns is a rounded vessel with a straight base. This basic form comes in several varieties, some vessels being more flat, others narrower and higher, while those that are widest at the rim are also found. One urn in particular is important as far as its dimensions and form (Hoffiller 1909: T. 1:10) as it has a sligthly biconical part in the middle. The form is reminiscent of certain forms of the younger period of the Velatice culture. One urn had a reconstructed rim. Urns are quite diverse as far as size, ranging from 8,2 to 19 cm in height. Wall thickness varies from 0,5 to 1 cm. Holes are mostly round, in some cases slightly oval in form, with a diameter of 1,8 to 2,8 cm. Holes are located about 2 cm below the rim, and in some urns even lower, as in the case of the largest urn in which the hole is located about 9 cm below the rim (Hoffiller 1909: T. 1:10). Hoffiller (1909:7) compares the urns from Velika Gorica to the urns in the shape of a house (Hausurnen), a form that makes its appearance at the end of the Late Bronze Age and can be found at Early Iron Age sites of Italy and Germany (Hoffiller 1909: si.3). He calls them shrunken urns in the shape of a house that, according to him, have been used to bury poor people in a primitive way. This is an oversimplistic view and is in contrast to the situation found at Velika Gorica where numerous quite rich graves have been discovered. Analogies with this type of urn can be seen at Dobova (Stare 1975) for example in grave 13 from that site (Stare 1975: T. 7:2). In grave 16 at Dobova a variant of this type appears that has a half-opening at the rim of the vessel (Stare 1975: T. 8:5). Likewise, in grave 29, a variant of a bowl with a straight rim and a hole in the middle was found (Stare 1975: T. 9:18). Dobova grave 77 (Stare 1975: T. 15:10-12) is dated on the basis of a pin of the Pile-dwelling type into Ha B1, as is the urn with a hole in the middle. An interesting find comes from grave 90 from Dobova (Stare 1975: T. 16:11-14) in which a pin of the Velemszentvid type was found. This type is also found at the Kalnik-Igrisce I site (fig. 25:12) and can be dated to the earlier phase of the Urnfield culture. Although Dular (1978) dates this grave to the earlier phase of the Velika Gorica group, based on the find of a bowl with an inverted faceted rim, somewhat earlier date might be considered (Stare 1975: T. 16:12). This could also mean that the urns with holes are somewhat older. Another finds of urns with the holes come from the cemetery of Tolmin, grave 13

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(Svoljak, Poganik 2001: T. 2:7), grave 43 (Svoljak, Poganik 2001: T. 9:8) and grave 215 (Svoljak, Poganik 2001: T. 38:9). Svoljak, Poganik (2002:82) find parallels at the cemetery of Dobova and cite F. Stare's opinion that these holes had cult significance.Vessels with two handles (amforae) are also found at Velika Gorica (PI. 70:1, PI. 78:1; PI- 79:3). This type of vessel is found in almost all groups of the younger phase of the Urnfield culture, for instance, in several graves at Dobova: grave 5 (Stare 1975: T. 5:13), grave 7 (Stare 1975: T. 7:11), grave 119 (Stare 1975: T. 20:4), etc. On PI. 79:4 a deeper bowl with an S-profile, decorated with fluting on the belly can be seen. It has analogies with the finds from Zagreb-Horvati (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 93:2), once more confirming the dating of this site to the late phase of the Urnfield culture. At Velika Gorica, a vessel decorated with the so-called pseudoschnur ornament is also found (PI. 79:5) Analogies can be seen at Rue and in the finds from grave 35 from Pobreje (Pahi 1972: T. 8:5). A similar ornament is seen at PI. 64:4 with direct analogies to the vessel found in grave 8/1993 from the Rue II site (renar 2006: T. 2B:1, 146) dated to Ha B3 phase. This type of decoration would confirm that the Velika Gorica group lasts into the Ha B3 period and prove the link between the region of the upper Sava river and the region near the Drava river. Vinski-Gasparini (1973:155) argued that this vessel should be dated to Ha B1 period and the earliest phase of the Rue group. Plate 78:2-3 shows two cups found at the Velika Gorica cemetery. The first one has a slightly biconical body form and a high handle, while the other has a rounded body and a strap handle that exceeds the rim of the vessel. Analogies are found at the Dobova cemetery: Cup PI. 78:2 has analogies to the finds from grave 11 (Stare 1975: T. 6:13), grave 77 in which a pin of the Pile-dwelling type has been found (Stare 1975: T. 15:11), allowing its dating to Ha B1 period. A cup (PI. 78:3) has analogies in grave 247 at Dobova (Stare 1975: T. 34:13) and represents a form characteristic of the late phase of the Urnfield culture. Metal items In spite of the unclear circumstances of the discovery, the metal objects from Velika Gorica cemetery are important and numerous. The main difference from the Dobova and Rue sites is seen in the grave of the warrior 1/1911 which contained a sword, spear, two knives, razor, three pins, 11 clay rings and a spindle whorl (Karavani 2000: T. 11-13). The most important of these is the antenna terminal sword of the Klentnice type (PI. 60:1). This type is found in grave 63 at Klentnice (Rihovsky 1965 T. 18:adfg). Recently, Harding (1995:63-64, T. 26:207) dated this type of sword into the developed phase of Ha B period, based on the brief analysis of the items associated with it. In her first synthetic work Vinski-Gasparini (1973:155-156) argues that this is in fact a double burial. She assigns the sword to the Lipovka type of the flange-hilted sword (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:156) and dates it to the Ha B1 period, thus making it one of the

oldest finds of the antenna terminal sword. A semilunar razor with a twisted grip ending in a ring with two small horns, was also found in the grave (PI. 61:8). Another razor of the same type was found in grave 2/1910 (PI. 53:4). Stare (1957b:205) recognizes two types of such razors: one type with a characteristic hunch on the back that is found at sites in Slovenia, and the second type without a hunch found at the sites in Bosnia and Dalmatia. In the same paper (Stare 1957b:207-209) a first detailed analysis of grave 1/1911 from Velika Gorica can be found. Stare (1957b:207-209) dates this grave to the Ha B period and argues for a need of a detailed analysis of the finds from the younger phase of the Urnfield culture. He based his chronology and dating of these razors on the finds from the Grapska hoard from Bosnia in which a semilunar razor without a hunch is found, as well as on the finds from grave I from Tesanj, and the find of a mould for casting of the semilunar razor and socketed axe from Donja Dolina, dated to the Ha B period (Stare 1957b:213-214). Based on this, Stare (1957b:214) argues that the earliest appearance of the semilunar razor in former Yugoslavia (as seen in the finds from grave 1/1911 and the Grapska hoard), is in the incipient phase of the younger period of the Urnfield culture, in which elements of Ha A can be still seen. Therefore, he dates them into the Ha B1 period. He also argues that this type of razors has its origin within the southwestern Pannonian basin, from where they spread north, to the middle Danube region and southwards, into Italy. Recently, Weber (1996) discussed the razors from southeastern Europe, and calls this type of razors the Oblekovice type, thus arguing for Danubian region as the place where they first appear. In this type he includes the razors from Brinjeva Gora grave 12 (Weber 1996:236, T. 50:550) and grave 53 (Weber 1996:,T51:558), urn grave Cq/2 17 from Skocjan (Weber 1996:T. 50:551), finds from the Maribor cremation cemetery (Weber 1996:T. 50:552), grave 127 from Sopron (Weber 1996:T. 50:553), grave 11 from Ljubljana (Weber 1996:T. 50:556), finds from Aszod (Weber 1996:T. 50:557), two razors found at Pobrezje (Weber 1996:T. 51:559-560), grave 31 from Ruse (Weber 1996:T. 51:561), as well as finds from Benedikt v Slovenskih Goricah (Weber 1996:T. 51:562). Weber (1996:T. 50:554-555) published the Velika Gorica grave finds and connected them to the Italian finds (Weber 1996:235). Another probable razor of this type comes from grave 7/1908 from Velika Gorica, although only the annular ending survived (PI. 51:16). A total of three razors were found as grave goods in this rather small sample, most likely from male graves. In the so-called double burial 1/1911,11 weights and a spindle whorl were found, which could lead to the conclusion that a woman, possibly a weaver, was also buried there. Besides the razor and the sword, a spear was also found in grave 1/1911 (PI. 60:2). On the lower part of the socket there was an ornament in the form of horizontal lines and wave lines above them (PI.60:2,2a). A similarly decorated spear, with a much shorter blade, was published by Rihovsky (1996: T. 3:21) found at the Pritluky site. This

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spear was found in the settlement and ascribed to a spear point group with a smooth blade and socket-type B for which Rihovsky (1996:31) does not find clear chronological supports. Somewhat more similar, both chronologically and in style is the spear from the Klentnice fortified settlement (Rihovsky 1996: T. 20:222) ascribed to the so-called zweiflgelige Tllenspitze mit glattem Blatt und glatter Tlle-Grundform B group. Again, Rihovsky (1996:91) does not make any claims on the dating of this find. It is certain that these spears belong to the younger phase of the Urnfield culture, as the decorative motif is quite similar to the one found on the sword of the Klentnice type. It can be assumed that both the sword and the spear from Velika Gorica were made in the same workshop. Richly decorated metal ending for a wooden spear presumably belongs to the same workshop (PL 60:3). Velika Gorica spears are similar (both in form and decoration) to the ones found at Napajedl (Rihovsky 1996: T. 8:64) where the decoration is linked to the motifs found on the so-called Pile-dwelling type pins and that can be dated to the beginning of the younger phase of the Urnfield culture (Rihovsky 1996:54). This would fit nicely to the overall date for the grave 1/1911 to the Ha B1 period. Similar spears, although without decoration, are found in the Miljana hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 112:3,4). But the most similar type of spear has been found on the territory of Makarska (Adriatic coast) and that is the find from Podace (Tomasovic 2003: si. 1). The author rightly connected this find with the find from grave 1/1911 at Velika Gorica, the find from the settlement at Donja Dolina and an accidental find from Prozor (Lika) (Tomasovic 2003:167; si. 2). An antenna terminal knife (PL 61:1,1a), decorated with a wave pattern, was also found in grave 1/1911. It was a part of the equipment of the warrior buried in the grave and is directly connected, both chronologically and stylistically, with the sword and spear. A flange-hilted knife (PL 61:2,2a) , similar to those of the Oblekovice type was also found in the grave (Rihovsky 1972: T. 20:227; T. 21:228-230), although the latter was tang-hilted ( G r i f f a n g e l m e s s e r j . Another similar knife was found in the Beravci hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973; T. 108:22-23,25) dated to the phase IV of the Urnfield culture of the northern Croatia. In this double burial of grave 1/1911, a socketed axe was also found (PL 61:7). It is of the pseudowinged axe type with a wide trapezoidal blade form, a type that is also seen in the Beravci hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 108:1012). An axe, decorated in a similar manner as the one from Velika Gorica was discovered in the Vinicki II hoard from Slovakia (Novotn 1970) dated to the Rohod period (Npvotn 1970:91). A similar axe was found in grave 7/1908 (PL 51:2,2a) in which a knife with an annular ending (PL 51:1,1a) and part of a razor (PL 51:16) were also found, thus making it likely that the grave was also of a warrior. The knife was of the Seeboden type (Rihovsky 1972:44, T. 14:144-146) dated 68

on the basis of the Seeboden find that contains a bronze bucket and a cheek-piece from a horse bit to the end of the younger period of the Urnfield culture (Miiller-Karpe 1959:130,169). This date does not fit the assemblage from Velika Gorica, which is dated to Ha B1 period on the basis of the finds of the pin of the pile-dwelling type. At Dobova, this type of knife is found in grave 171, which also contains an urn with a hole in the middle (Stare 1975: T. 24:13). Plate 52 shows the inventory of grave 1/1910, most likely of a male warrior, with a single spear heavily damaged by fire, a whetstone, two pins (one of the pile-dwelling type) and fragments of a spectacle fibula. Similar to this grave is the male burial from grave 2/1910 (PL 53) with a razor of the Oblekovice type and fragments of three knives. Knives are quite fragmented but one of them can be recognized as a flange-hilted knife (PL 53:1), with parallels in the knife from grave 1/1911 (PL 61:2) for which we argued similarities to the knives from the Beravci hoard. Additional two such knives were found outside closed grave assemblages (PL 76:1-2) making a clear connection between finds from graves and hoards. It could also be an additional argument for production of flange-hilted knives in local workshops. Male grave 4/1911 is of particular interest. It contained a bronze knife, part of the hair decoration, and a fibula. The knife was of the Hadersdorf type (Rihovsky 1972: T. 22), decorated with a wave-line motif (PL 63:1,1a), that are dated to the beginning of the Podoli phase, based on the finds from Klentnice (Rihovsky 1972: T. 21:238). The grave contains two items that would better fit in a female burial: a part of the hair decorative item (PL 63:2,2a), and a part of passementerie fibula (Posamenterie Fibel) (PL 63:3). Such fibulae are found in grave 32 (Pahic 1972: T. 7:17), and grave 127 (Pahic 1972: T. 27:7) from Pobrezje. Hair decorations are described in detail by Stare (1960) in his analysis of grave 108 from Dobova. According to him (Stare 1960:82), this grave can be dated to Ha B period, based on the find of a spectacle fibula, belt buckle, and hair decoration, and a late variant of the violin-bow fibula. Based on the finds from closed grave assemblages found at Ljubljana SAZU double burial 39, Stare (1960:85) dates the grave to the Ha B2 period. Hair decorations and hair rings with interlace decoration are considered very important inventories of female burials of the Ha B period of the Urnfield culture in Slovenia (Stare 1960:85). Listing the finds from Ruse, Pobrezje, Zgornja Hajdina, Radvanje, Duplice and Mokronog, he also emphasizes the similarity of the finds from Velika Gorica to those from Dobova (Stare 1975: T. 10:4, T. 11:6,49, T. 16:17, T. 21:127, T. 22:4, T. 24:1,2). Stare (1960:85) distinguishes two types, based on the form of interlace decoration. One type has proper interlace decoration (Stare 1960: si. 8:5), while in the other type the wire is folded into knots (Stare 1960: si. 9:4). Although Stare (1960:86) ascribed the finds from Velika Gorica to the second type,

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(Svoljak, Poganik 2001: T. 2:7), grave 43 (Svoljak, Poganik 2001: T. 9:8) and grave 215 (Svoljak, Poganik 2001: T. 38:9). Svoljak, Poganik (2002:82) find parallels at the cemetery of Dobova and cite F. Stare's opinion that these holes had cult significance.Vessels with two handles (amforae) are also found at Velika Gorica (PI. 70:1, PI. 78:1; PI- 79:3). This type of vessel is found in almost all groups of the younger phase of the Urnfield culture, for instance, in several graves at Dobova: grave 5 (Stare 1975: T. 5:13), grave 7 (Stare 1975: T. 7:11), grave 119 (Stare 1975: T. 20:4), etc. On PI. 79:4 a deeper bowl with an S-profile, decorated with fluting on the belly can be seen. It has analogies with the finds from Zagreb-Horvati (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 93:2), once more confirming the dating of this site to the late phase of the Urnfield culture. At Velika Gorica, a vessel decorated with the so-called pseudoschnur ornament is also found (PL 79:5) Analogies can be seen at Rue and in the finds from grave 35 from Pobreje (Pahi 1972: T. 8:5). A similar ornament is seen at PL 64:4 with direct analogies to the vessel found in grave 8/1993 from the Rue II site (renar 2006: T. 2B:1, 146) dated to Ha B3 phase. This type of decoration would confirm that the Velika Gorica group lasts into the Ha B3 period and prove the link between the region of the upper Sava river and the region near the Drava river. Vinski-Gasparini (1973:155) argued that this vessel should be dated to Ha B1 period and the earliest phase of the Rue group. Plate 78:2-3 shows two cups found at the Velika Gorica cemetery. The first one has a slightly biconical body form and a high handle, while the other has a rounded body and a strap handle that exceeds the rim of the vessel. Analogies are found at the Dobova cemetery: Cup PL 78:2 has analogies to the finds from grave 11 (Stare 1975: T. 6:13), grave 77 in which a pin of the Pile-dwelling type has been found (Stare 1975: T. 15:11), allowing its dating to Ha B1 period. A cup (PL 78:3) has analogies in grave 247 at Dobova (Stare 1975: T. 34:13) and represents a form characteristic of the late phase of the Urnfield culture. Metal items In spite of the unclear circumstances of the discovery, the metal objects from Velika Gorica cemetery are important and numerous. The main difference from the Dobova and Rue sites is seen in the grave of the warrior 1/1911 which contained a sword, spear, two knives, razor, three pins, 11 clay rings and a spindle whorl (Karavani 2000: T. 11-13). The most important of these is the antenna terminal sword of the Klentnice type (Pl. 60:1). This type is found in grave 63 at Klentnice (Rihovsky 1965 T. 18:adfg). Recently, Harding (1995:63-64, T. 26:207) dated this type of sword into the developed phase of Ha B period, based on the brief analysis of the items associated with it. In her first synthetic work Vinski-Gasparini (1973:155-156) argues that this is in fact a double burial. She assigns the sword to the Lipovka type of the flange-hilted sword (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:156) and dates it to the Ha B1 period, thus making it one of the

oldest finds of the antenna terminal sword. A semilunar razor with a twisted grip ending in a ring with two small horns, was also found in the grave (PL 61:8). Another razor of the same type was found in grave 2/1910 (PL 53:4). Stare (1957b:205) recognizes two types of such razors: one type with a characteristic hunch on the back that is found at sites in Slovenia, and the second type without a hunch found at the sites in Bosnia and Dalmatia. In the same paper (Stare 1957b:207-209) a first detailed analysis of grave 1/1911 from Velika Gorica can be found. Stare (1957b:207-209) dates this grave to the Ha B period and argues for a need of a detailed analysis of the finds from the younger phase of the Urnfield culture. He based his chronology and dating of these razors on the finds from the Grapska hoard from Bosnia in which a semilunar razor without a hunch is found, as well as on the finds from grave I from Tesanj, and the find of a mould for casting of the semilunar razor and socketed axe from Donja Dolina, dated to the Ha B period (Stare 1957b:213-214). Based on this, Stare (1957b:214) argues that the earliest appearance of the semilunar razor in former Yugoslavia (as seen in the finds from grave 1/1911 and the Grapska hoard), is in the incipient phase of the younger period of the Urnfield culture, in which elements of Ha A can be still seen. Therefore, he dates them into the Ha B1 period. He also argues that this type of razors has its origin within the southwestern Pannonian basin, from where they spread north, to the middle Danube region and southwards, into Italy. Recently, Weber (1996) discussed the razors from southeastern Europe, and calls this type of razors the Oblekovice type, thus arguing for Danubian region as the place where they first appear. In this type he includes the razors from Brinjeva Gora grave 12 (Weber 1996:236, T. 50:550) and grave 53 (Weber 1996:,T51:558), urn grave Cq/2 17 from Skocjan (Weber 1996:T. 50:551), finds from the Maribor cremation cemetery (Weber 1996:T. 50:552), grave 127 from Sopron (Weber 1996:T. 50:553), grave 11 from Ljubljana (Weber 1996:T. 50:556), finds from Aszod (Weber 1996:T. 50:557), two razors found at Pobrezje (Weber 1996:T. 51:559-560), grave 31 from Ruse (Weber 1996:T. 51:561), as well as finds from Benedikt v Slovenskih Goricah (Weber 1996:T. 51:562). Weber (1996:T. 50:554-555) published the Velika Gorica grave finds and connected them to the Italian finds (Weber 1996:235). Another probable razor of this type comes from grave 7/1908 from Velika Gorica, although only the annular ending survived (PL 51:16). A total of three razors were found as grave goods in this rather small sample, most likely from male graves. In the so-called double burial 1/1911,11 weights and a spindle whorl were found, which could lead to the conclusion that a woman, possibly a weaver, was also buried there. Besides the razor and the sword, a spear was also found in grave 1/1911 (Pl. 60:2). On the lower part of the socket there was an ornament in the form of horizontal lines and wave lines above them (P1.60:2,2a). A similarly decorated spear, with a much shorter blade, was published by Rihovsky (1996: T. 3:21) found at the Pritluky site. This

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spear was found in the settlement and ascribed to a spear point group with a smooth blade and socket-type B for which Rihovsky (1996:31) does not find clear chronological supports. Somewhat more similar, both chronologically and in style is the spear from the Klentnice fortified settlement (Rihovsky 1996: T. 20:222) ascribed to the so-called zweiflgelige Tllenspitze mit glattem Blatt und glatter Tlle-Grundform B group. Again, Rihovsky (1996:91) does not make any claims on the dating of this find. It is certain that these spears belong to the younger phase of the Urnfield culture, as the decorative motif is quite similar to the one found on the sword of the Klentnice type. It can be assumed that both the sword and the spear from Velika Gorica were made in the same workshop. Richly decorated metal ending for a wooden spear presumably belongs to the same workshop (PL 60:3). Velika Gorica spears are similar (both in form and decoration) to the ones found at Napajedl (Rihovsky 1996: T. 8:64) where the decoration is linked to the motifs found on the so-called Pile-dwelling type pins and that can be dated to the beginning of the younger phase of the Urnfield culture (Rihovsky 1996:54). This would fit nicely to the overall date for the grave 1/1911 to the Ha B1 period. Similar spears, although without decoration, are found in the Miljana hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 112:3,4). But the most similar type of spear has been found on the territory of Makarska (Adriatic coast) and that is the find from Podace (Tomasovic 2003: si. 1). The author rightly connected this find with the find from grave 1/1911 at Velika Gorica, the find from the settlement at Donja Dohna and an accidental find from Prozor (Lika) (Tomasovic 2003:167; si. 2). An antenna terminal knife (PL 61:1,1a), decorated with a wave pattern, was also found in grave 1/1911. It was a part of the equipment of the warrior buried in the grave and is directly connected, both chronologically and stylistically, with the sword and spear. A flange-hilted knife (PL 61:2,2a) , similar to those of the Oblekovice type was also found in the grave (Rihovsky 1972: T. 20:227; T. 21:228-230), although the latter was tang-hilted ( G r i f f a n g e l m e s s e r j . Another similar knife was found in the Beravci hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973; T. 108:22-23,25) dated to the phase IV of the Urnfield culture of the northern Croatia. In this double burial of grave 1/1911, a socketed axe was also found (PL 61:7). It is of the pseudowinged axe type with a wide trapezoidal blade form, a type that is also seen in the Beravci hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 108:1012). An axe, decorated in a similar manner as the one from Velika Gorica was discovered in the Vinicki II hoard from Slovakia (Novotn 1970) dated to the Rohod period (Novotn 1970:91). A similar axe was found in grave 7/1908 (PL 51:2,2a) in which a knife with an annular ending (PL 51:1,1a) and part of a razor (PL 51:16) were also found, thus making it likely that the grave was also of a warrior. The knife was of the Seeboden type (Rihovsky 1972:44, T. 14:144-146) dated 68

on the basis of the Seeboden find that contains a bronze bucket and a cheek-piece from a horse bit to the end of the younger period of the Urnfield culture (Miiller-Karpe 1959:130,169). This date does not fit the assemblage from Velika Gorica, which is dated to Ha B1 period on the basis of the finds of the pin of the pile-dwelling type. At Dobova, this type of knife is found in grave 171, which also contains an urn with a hole in the middle (Stare 1975: T. 24:13). Plate 52 shows the inventory of grave 1/1910, most likely of a male warrior, with a single spear heavily damaged by fire, a whetstone, two pins (one of the pile-dwelling type) and fragments of a spectacle fibula. Similar to this grave is the male burial from grave 2/1910 (PL 53) with a razor of the Oblekovice type and fragments of three knives. Knives are quite fragmented but one of them can be recognized as a flange-hilted knife (PL 53:1), with parallels in the knife from grave 1/1911 (PL 61:2) for which we argued similarities to the knives from the Beravci hoard. Additional two such knives were found outside closed grave assemblages (PL 76:1-2) making a clear connection between finds from graves and hoards. It could also be an additional argument for production of flange-hilted knives in local workshops. Male grave 4/1911 is of particular interest. It contained a bronze knife, part of the hair decoration, and a fibula. The knife was of the Hadersdorf type (Rihovsky 1972: T. 22), decorated with a wave-line motif (PL 63:1,1a), that are dated to the beginning of the Podoli phase, based on the finds from Klentnice (Rihovsky 1972: T. 21:238). The grave contains two items that would better fit in a female burial: a part of the hair decorative item (PL 63:2,2a), and a part of passementerie fibula (Posamenterie Fibel) (PL 63:3). Such fibulae are found in grave 32 (Pahic 1972: T. 7:17), and grave 127 (Pahic 1972: T. 27:7) from Pobrezje. Hair decorations are described in detail by Stare (1960) in his analysis of grave 108 from Dobova. According to him (Stare 1960:82), this grave can be dated to Ha B period, based on the find of a spectacle fibula, belt buckle, and hair decoration, and a late variant of the violin-bow fibula. Based on the finds from closed grave assemblages found at Ljubljana SAZU double burial 39, Stare (1960:85) dates the grave to the Ha B2 period. Hair decorations and hair rings with interlace decoration are considered very important inventories of female burials of the Ha B period of the Urnfield culture in Slovenia (Stare 1960:85). Listing the finds from Ruse, Pobrezje, Zgornja Hajdina, Radvanje, Duplice and Mokronog, he also emphasizes the similarity of the finds from Velika Gorica to those from Dobova (Stare 1975: T. 10:4, T. 11:6,49, T. 16:17, T. 21:127, T. 22:4, T. 24:1,2). Stare (1960:85) distinguishes two types, based on the form of interlace decoration. One type has proper interlace decoration (Stare 1960: si. 8:5), while in the other type the wire is folded into knots (Stare 1960: si. 9:4). Although Stare (1960:86) ascribed the finds from Velika Gorica to the second type,

Cemeteries of theTJrnfieldCulture in Continental Croatia

in truth both types are present at the site. In grave C/1910 a hair decoration of the second type was found (PI. 50:12), while in grave 2/1914 one belonging to the first type is present (PI. 50:13). In grave 3/1916 a hair decoration of the second type was found (PI. 67:11), while that from grave 6/1916 (PI. 70:3-4) cannot be assigned to a particular type due to the poor state of preservation. Stare (1960:87) links these hair decorations, especially the ones of the second type, to the so-called passementerie style, and based on the finds known at that time, concludes that the river Sava in Slovenia was the westernmost limit of this decorative style. However, this type of hair decoration is found in some of the hoard finds, for example in the Bingula-Divo hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 86:18,19). Therefore, Stare (1960) dates it to the Ha A2 period. These decorations are are also found in the Brodski Varo hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 57;55,56), and the Makovac or Makovac I hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 73:27). Such items are characteristic of female burials (in the sense of grave goods, not in the anthropological character of graves) like those at Velika Gorica, for which characteristic grave goods are a large number of necklaces, bracelets, fragments of fibulae, as well as numerous spindle whorls, clay and pyramidal weights that are put in female graves alongside cremated remains. This primarily applies to the rich grave E/1910 (PI. 55-57), grave F/1910 (PI. 58), and grave 3/1916 (PI. 67). In grave E/1910 (PI. 55-57) all metal objects were preserved in fragmented state. A total of 61 fragments belonging to different objects were found. Fragments of hair decoration were also found (PI. 55:2,2a,3,3a) but it is unclear which type they belonged to. Fragments of 6 twisted tores were found (PI. 55:35,36; PI. 56:1,7-9). As fragments of such necklaces were found in the remains of damaged and destroyed graves, it can be deduced that this item was one of the most common grave goods at the Velika Gorica cemetery. Necklaces of this type appear in the hoards of the II period of the Urnfield culture, such as Otok-Privlaka (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 28:48), Poljanci I (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 49:6), Brodski Varo (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 59:11), Pricac (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 71:24,33,37), and the Makovac hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 73:28). A fragment is also found in the Ivanec Bistranski hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 113:10), while two fragments come from the Kamena Gorica hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 126B:10,11). A complete one was found in the Matijevii hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 129:7). Twisted necklaces are abundant at the' Dobova and Pobreje cemeteries. They also appear, but less frequently, at Rue and Hajdina (Mtiller-Karpe 1959: T. 108-116). In this grave 3/1910 from Velika Gorica, fragments of spectacle fibulae are also present (PI. 56:16; PI. 57:1,2), as well as one large, complete fibula of this type (PI. 57:6). Judging by the fragment on PI 57:7, a larger passementerie fibula, similar to the ones found at Pobreje, was found. Such fibula was also found in grave 4/1911 (PI. 63:3), in addition to a hair decoration and a knife, thus making it unclear whether it was a female grave only. In grave F/1910 a hair ornament of indeterminable type was

found (PI. 58:2,2a), as well as an undecorated necklace with spiral endings (PL 58:1), and a bracelet decorated with incised lines divided into metopae (PL 58:5,5a). These are quite common in the graves at Velika Gorica, but are absent altogether at the Dobova cemetery. At Pobreje they are present but either without decoration, or decorated with somewhat different motifs from those at Velika Gorica (Pahi 1972: T. 9:5,6). This type of decoration is found in the bracelets from destroyed graves (PL 73:1-8), again pointing to a link between Velika Gorica and Pobreje. This type of bracelets could be considered a particularity of the Velika Gorica cemetery, as they come in great number, even in the destroyed graves. In grave F/1910 two plaques that could be fixed on clothes and made of bronze sheet were found (PL 58:6,7). In the grave spindle whorls were found, of which the two smaller ones (PL 58:8,9) could belong to the jewellery of the female buried in the grave. Spindle whorls were also found in grave 3/1914 (PL 65:2,2a,3,3a, 5,5a), alongside a small weight (PL 65:4), again pointing to a female burial. Judging by the finds from destroyed graves, spindle whorls were also quite common at Velika Gorica (PL 81:1-7). A decorated weight of pyramidal form was discovered among items from destroyed graves (PL 81:9). A part of the neck of a vessel with an inverted rim was also found (PL 81:12). In grave 3/1916 numerous metal objects were found, while the um did not survive. Fragments of undecorated bracelets made of folded bronze sheet (PL 67:1-7), a hair decoration of type 2 according to Stare (1960), a smaller spectacle fibula and a fragment of a second one (PL 67:8,9) were found in the grave. A wire fragment was also found (PL 67:10) that is reminiscent of a fragment of a harp fibula, like the one from grave 89 at Rue dated to Ha B2 period (Mtiller-Karpe 1959: T. 111C: 1). The grave also contained 4 twisted tores (PL 68:2-6) and a small damaged knife (PL 68:1). The significance of the Velika Gorica cemetery lies in the find of a warrior's grave, which also makes it unique compared to the graves found at Dobova, Rue, and Ljubljana, where such graves were not discovered (Teran 1995: Abb. 12-15). There, most abundant are finds such as jewellery and toiletries. Teran (1995:337) recognizes this change and states that instead of rich hoards, urn grave sites such as Rue and Ljubljana appear in Slovenia. She connects this change to the change in religious views, which means that in the time of Ha A to Ha B boundary (according to Mtiller-Karpe) important changes in cult and religion of the Urnfield culture can be observed in Slovenia. Similar situation is seen in continental Croatia where during the Ha B period a small number of hoards appear, but also those of the so-called Balkan-type are found (e.g. Gajina Peina and Matijevii). The situation is reverse in the Balkan region, where a great number of hoards appear. It is clear that the workshops are moving southwards of the Sava and Kupa rivers. Kristiansen (2000:75) sees the appearance of prestigious items in graves as formation of new elites whose members are to be buried in larger burial mounds.

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Croatia

The grave of warrior 1/1911 from Velika Goriea and grave 63 from Klentnice are the forerunners of the new socioeconomic relationships that are to reach their peak during the Ha C period 3.16 Cemeteries of the Dalj group Here we bring a summary of the cemeteries of the Dalj group, recently published in detail by Metzner-Nebelsick in her synthetic work (2002). Vinski-Gasparini (1973; 1983) brings an overview of research and an analysis of the material culture and burial customs at these sites. Her discussion on the relative chronology of the Dalj group is also of great importance (Vinski-Gasparini 1983:605609), as she argues for its continuity from the Ha B period (cca. 1000 B.C.) to the 3rd century B.C. She refers to these cemeteries as Danubian cemeteries that emerged after the expansion of the Val group to this region and considers them as a part of the eastern group of the area between rivers Sava, Drava and Danube. She connects them to the Val group, as well as Stillfried and Podol groups. At the same time, she recognizes (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:159) that the time span of the Danubian cemeteries in eastern Croatia is somewhat different, as they do not disappear with the intrusion of the Thraco-Cimmerian influences, but last as a separate regional entity until the La Tene period. She also notes that only a small number of cemeteries have been excavated (Vinski-Gasparini 1983:603). A large cemetery at Batina is mostly destroyed, and the finds from the site are kept in museums abroad. Lately the material has been studied by Metzner-Nebelsick (2002:198, T. 1-47). The same author (Metzner-Nebelsick 2002:595) brings us the overview of the research at Batina (Kiskoszeg), in the Beli Manastir municipality, and lists the information from the Naturhistorisches Museum Wien, followed by a complete inventory list and description of all published finds from the site. Regarding the burial practices (Metzner-Nebelsick 2002:198), as in the case of the Dalj cemetery, very little can be said on the grave construction and structure of grave goods. Based on the analysis of new finds from the Early Iron Age period, it can be said that during this period metal objects are not too numerous and the same holds true for smaller objects. Social stratification is assumed for the Batina site, on the basis of grave goods. The cemetery at the Dalj mountain, at the site of Busija near Dalj was ecavated by Hoffiller (1938) in the early 20th century, but no complete grave assemblages survived. However, Metzner-Nebelsick (2002:649) informs us that the archaeological material from Dalj was sent to the Naturhistorisches Museum in Wien at several occasions between 1904 and 1912. There were no shipments between 1909 and 1911 when V. Hoffiller (1938) led the excavations. Items held at the Wien museum are listed as the Daljer Weingebirge (the Dalj mountain), while the name of the site (Busija) is not mentioned. A catalogue of finds and a description of the published material from Dalj were

compiled by Metzner-Nebelsick (2002:650-678). The Dalj graves are mostly cremations, but inhumations were also present (Vinski-Gasparini 1983:603). Pottery from Dalj is assigned to various periods (horizon I to V) (MetznerNebelsick (2002). A large cemetery at Vukovar-Lijeva Bara was systematically excavated between 1951 and 1953. During excavations, 101 cremations and 7 inhumations were discovered (Vinski 1955;1959). In his first excavation report, Vinski (1955:236) rightly dates the urns from the site into a period between Ha B and Ha C, and argues for a link to the cemeteries at Dalj and Batina. Vinski-Gasparini (1973: T. 121-125) published the finds from graves 16, 17, 39, 42, 65, 67, 75, 80, 89, 202, 210 and 269. The Vukovar cemetery can be dated to the period between Ha B to Ha C period, which contrasts it to Batina and Dalj, which last for a longer period of time. Recently, in her synthetic review of prehistoric grave sites in the Vukovar region, Balen-Letunic (1996b) stated that at Gradac Jankovic locality, where previously both Late Bronze- Iron Age and early Medieval (Bijelo Brdo culture) cemeteries were found, the remnants of two settlements were also discovered. The settlements dating to the Bronze Age and La Tene period, as well as prehistoric cemetery, were destroyed by inhumations from the Medieval period. The site where the Kostolac culture settlement of the Copper Age once was, later served as a burial ground for the Dalj group. A total of 101 graves were discovered there. Balen-Letunic (1996b:32) describes the burial practices at the Vukovar cremation cemetery and argues that the urns containing cremated remains, and sometimes metal objects (parts of attire components) and decorative objects that show traces of burning, were all put together into the circular grave pit. Close to the urns, grave goods in form of 1 to 11 ceramic vessels were situated. Somewhat more detailed description of burial practices is given by Metzner-Nebelsick (2002:195-196). According to her, grave pits were in general circular in form, reaching up to 1,80 m in diameter, as in the case of grave 63 which is by far the richest one in pottery and contains 20 vessels (Metzner-Nebelsick 2002:Abb.92). No stone or wood construction was found in the graves. Like in Vinski's first report (1955:238), she also states that at six places remains of burning were found, which could be linked to the burial practices. Vinski (1959:102) also mentions burning places of rounded layout in which animal bones were found. Graves without pottery were rare and only 13 such graves were found. Metal objects show damage from fire, leading to the conclusion that they were burned together with the deceased (Metzner-Nebelsick 2002:196). Balen-Letunic (1996b) gives us a brief overview of the stylistic characteristics of pottery, among which Basarabi style is also recognized. Typological table of the pottery from the site is given by Metzner-Nebelsick (2002: Abb. 79). She assigns the pottery found in graves 17 and 67 to the horizon I, that from the graves 80 and 16 to the horizon II, while the finds from graves 28 and 63 are assigned to

70

Cemeteries of theTJrnfieldCulture in Continental Croatia

the horizon III. Horizon I is equal to the earlier phase of the late Urnfield culture or the early Ha B period (Metzner Nebelsick 2002:169), horizon II is equal to the Late Urnfield culture, for example that of the Ruse group of Slovenia and is considered contemporary to the period of consolidation of stylistic forms of the Dalj group. In the finds from the Ilia horizon, forms characteristic of the Early

Iron Age of the Baranja and eastern Slavonia first appear (Metzner-Nebelsick 2002: Abb. 74). The remaining sites where similar material was found include the Removo locality near Sarengrad (VinskiGasparini 1973:T.114) and an accidental discovery from Sotin (Metzner-Nebelsick 2002: T. 108).

71

4 . METAL INDUSTRY OF THE URNFIELD CULTURE IN CROATIA

4.1 Introduction Some authors (Harding 1998:309) see the Late Bronze Age as a time of revolutionary change in many aspects of life, including the production of metals. This is reflected in a more abundant serial production of various types of products. Finds from settlements, cemeteries and hoards inform us of the widespread distribution of raw material and trade in finished goods. This is anteceded by the extensive exploitation of raw material sources in Europe. There are numerous studies that inform us on the ore deposits in Central Europe and the Carpathian Basin (Tylecote 1976; Pernicka et al 1993; Craddock 1995; Krause 2003). An interesting overview of the rise of metallurgy is given by Krause (2003: fig. 236) where he recognizes an additional earlier period in which native copper is used. Techniques used include hitting, hammering, and polishing. The second phase is the so-called initial phase in which people get to know the new raw materials, and native copper is heated and processed by melting and cold and hot hammering. The third phase is the experimental phase in which the early metallurgy of oxide copper ores is developed. This phase is followed by developed metallurgy that includes the processing of sulphide copper ores. The final phase includes the development of intense metallurgy of various types of ores in order to obtain different metals, and arsenic and tin bronze is produced. The characteristic of this phase is the distribution and transportation of raw materials, which begins even before the Late Bronze Age in which it reaches its rise. Copper deposits are found in various parts of the Balkans (Bulgaria, Serbia, Albania), in the Carpathians (Transylvania, Slovakia), southeastern Alps (Austria), central Europe (Harz and Erzgebirge), and western Europe (France, Spain, Britain, and Ireland). Results of investigations provide us with the data on the location of deposits, mines and places where the ore was processed. On these locations the remnants of smelting furnaces, as well as items used in metallurgy and casting were found. 73

For the region of southeastern Alps of high significance are the copper deposits and mines in Austria. These deposits are scattered for about 450 km in length, between Unterinntal, through Salzachtal and Pongau including Mitterberg, to the Paltental and "Eisenerz" in the Alpine region of Styria (Krause 2003:36). The second ore-rich region, also potentially interesting for comparison, is Slovakia. This region, along with German Ore Mountains and Alps, is one of the most important mining areas in central Europe. This was realized by V. G. Childe who considered the ore-rich Carpathians as the most important basis for the development of the Bronze Age cultures in the Carpathian Basin (Krause 2003:41). Mining activity in Slovakia is documented as early as the 10th century, and mentioned by Agricola in the 16th century (Schalk 2002:265). Systematic inquiery into the archaeometallurgy in the northern part of the Carpathian Basin has its roots in the 1950s when Novotna emphasized the strong connections between the exploitation of copper ore and sites where the Eneolithic copper axes have been found in Slovakia (Schalk 2002:256). Important for the study of early metallurgy in northern Hungary and Slovakia were the numerous analyses done by Schubert, Sangmeister, Junghans, and Schroder in the 1960s, while at the same time Colin Renfrew emphasized the importance of eastern Slovakia as one of the main centers of the rise and development of the independent metallurgy in southeastern Europe (Schalk 2002:266). There are several sites in Slovakia where copper was exploited in prehistory. These are Spania Dolina, Spanie Pole, Slovinsky, and Stara Bistrica (Furmanek, Vladar 2002:259). There are also indications that tin in the form of cassiterite was obtained from smaller alluvial deposits. In Slovakia, these are Zips Gemer ore-rich region, Niske Tatre, and

TheXJrnfieldCulture in Continental

Croatia

Povazsky Inovec (Furmanek, Vladar 2002:259). This excludes the posibility that tin was imported to Slovakia from the neighbouring ore-rich regions in Germany and the Czech republic (Furmanek 1987:49). Southern Alps and the Balkan region are also rich in copper and tin (Krause 2003:42). The most famous are Rudna Glava in Serbia and Ai Bunar in southern Bulgaria. In recent times, the relationship between these two mines, as well as their relation to other such sites (e.g. Majdanpek) has been studied (Krause 2003:42; Pernicka et al. 1993). Pernicka and colleagues (1993:3: table 1) studied about 89 Eneolithic and Early Bronze Age copper artefacts from central and eastern Serbia, one lead pearl from OstrikovacDjula, 13 malachite samples from the Early Vinca settlement of Selevac, and two samples from the Late Vinca settlement of Medvednjak. These samples cover a vast time range, spanning from the early Eneolithic to the Early Bronze Age, that is, from the first half of the 5th millenium BC to the 3rd millenium BC. The research goal was to explain the role of the prehistoric mine at Rudna Glava in the production of copper artefacts in the Central Balkan region. The analyses provided interesting results showing that not a single artefact can be linked to ore from Rudna Glava (Pernicka et al. 1993:37). Furthermore, it was shown that the malachite samples from the Selevac settlement, although contemporary to the earliest mining shafts at Rudna Glava, do not come from this mine. Somewhat younger finds from the period of Bodrogkeresztur/Bubanj Hum I culture from the Zlotska Pecina cave can be linked to the Majdanpek mines, 20 kilometers from Rudna Glava (Pernicka et al. 1993:38). All this points to the existence of other mines in that region at about 5000 BC. It is assumed that the deposits of tin were exploited during the Early Bronze Age in Serbia (McGeehan-Liritzis, Taylor 1987; Durman 1997). Deposits were situated at the mountains Cer, Bukulja and Srebrenica. These veins are Tertiary deposits (McGeehan-Liritizis, Taylor 1987:289). However, the most important deposits are of alluvial cassiterite that were most important for the Early Bronze Age inhabitants and were most likely abundant enough to be exported to other regions, including the Aegean (McGeehan-Liritizis, Taylor 1987:290). These results also provide the basis of the argument for the deposits of tin in northern Bosnia, based on the geological similarities of mountain massifs (Durman 1997). Although this research is not based on the field work results, it is very important for the study of rich Bronze Age industry of the Urnfield culture in northern Croatia and northern Bosnia. The least data is available for the earliest phases of the metallurgical process that includes ore deposits, processing 74

of the raw material, and its distribution to the workshop centers of the Urnfield culture. Somewhat more data is available through research in Trident, south and northern Tirol (Trampuz-Orel 1999:413). This research were aimed at discovering the traces of Bronze Age mining and smelting of the copper ore, and also included experimental approach. In Slovenia, significant results were obtained in determination of technological processes that include smelting of metals, alloy production and casting (TrampuzOrel 1996; 1999). Research has shown that the structure of the copper alloys in Slovenian Late Bronze Age hoards depended on the technological skills of ancient craftsmen, as well as on the various sources of the copper ores (Trampuz-Orel 1999:415). For the period of the 12th and 11 th centuries BC (Ha A period) the appearance of various types of copper alloy with tin is characteristic, meaning that the craftsmen carefully determined the type of alloy according to type and function of the final product. The least amount of tin was added for the sickles, while the alloys containing more tin were used for the production of weapons (swords, spears) and tools (axes) (TrampuzOrel 1999:415). It is important to say that Trampuz-Orel (1999:417) emphasizes the importance of the Carpathian region and assumes that in the last two centuries of the 2nd millenium BC the inhabitants of Slovenia belonged to the economic, and perhaps also the political sphere of the Carpathian region. The area of southern Pannonia, including the sites in Croatia, could perhaps show a different picture, considering the proximity of the Bosnian deposits. Unfortunately, the research on bronze artefact analysis is yet unpublished 1. The area near the river Sava could also show a different picture, based on the typological characteristics of the finds, although certain artefacts clearly show link to the Carphatian area. Interestingly, the research by N. Trampuz-Orel shows no link to the Austrian Alps, which are the nearest source of copper in the region. The aforementioned research has shown a significant change in technology and raw material use at the turn of the 2nd to 1st millenium BC (Ha A2/B1) (Trampuz-Orel 1999:417). During the 1st millenium it is quite characteristic for copper and bronze alloys to have a certain percentage of lead, although lead never appears in the pure form, but as a second component of the copper alloy, or the third component of the alloy of copper and tin. It is also present in ingots and finished products. It is at that time that a new type of raw material in the form of ingots casted in moulds appears (Trampuz-Orel 1999:418). In contrast to the simple plano-convex ingots, cast ingots indicated a new type of metal. The copper of this period contained a higher amount of impurities, especially antimony, indicating the use of sulphide ore, mostly of the Fahlerz type. Geological and metallurgical researches have shown that at this period the use of tetrahedrite deposits, as well as deposits containing cobalt and nickel was possible. Such deposits are found in Austrian Alps and central Italy. Further, the analysis of the types of artefacts in their distribution is pointing to
1 This was the topic of a BA thesis at the Department of archaeology at the University of Ljubljana

Metal Industry of the Urnfield Culture in Croatia

the area west of Slovenia (central Italy and Switzerland). According to Trampuz-Orel (1999:419) Slovenia's position has changed in the 1st millenium BC. That was due to the development of a different copper and iron technology at the turn of 11th to 10th century BC. As for the Slovenian copper deposits, Terzan (1983:51; Abb.l) believes them to be located in the Pohorje Mountains. Based on the metallogenic map of the Pohorje region, Terzan cites copper, lead and zinc deposits in the southern Pohorje and Kozjak regions. Based on Pahic's discovery of slag at three sites, Terzan (1983:58) connects the earliest processing of copper with the time of the Lasinja and Retz Gajary Copper Age cultures. During the Early and Middle Bronze Age there were no major changes in settlement patterns in the Pohoije region and the settlement on Brinjeva Gora is still dominant. Only during the Late Bronze Age this pattern is changing and larger cemeteries of the Urnfield culture appear in the northern part of Pohorje, near the Drava river. These, in turn, provide a basis for the rise of the Ruse group (Terzan 1983:61). It is a time when mining reaches its peak in the eastern Alpine region and in Salzburg and Tirol. At the same time, as shown by the sites in Lower Austria, smaller deposits are also in use and at this time we can also see the beginnings of the use of lead and iron ore. The proof for the mining activity in the Pohorje region is found in an accidental discovery of a hammer and an axe from Hudinje (Vitanje) (Terzan 1983: Abb. 9:6,7). Interestingly, these were discovered close to the lead and zinc deposits near Rakovac (Terzan 1983:62). Terzan (1983:62) points to the similarities between this hammer and the finds from Mitterberg in Austria (Mayer 1977:223, Nr.1328), as well as with the Uioara de Sus hoard from Transylvania (Holste 1951: T. 45:8). Interestingly, she argues that the mark on the winged axe is either a mark of the manufacturer, or, alternatively, of the owner of the axe. A similar winged axe, bearing a circular mark, was found in a stone quarry near the Mislinja valley (Terzan 1983: si. 10:14) and is dated to BrD to HaAl period. Terzan (1983:63-65) argues for the more intensive production of metals in the Pohorje region during the Late Bronze Age and supports this claim with the finds of hoards, especially the one from Hocko Pohorje (Terzan 1983: Abb. 10). She believes the hoard belongs to a bronze-casting workshop as it included the remnants of slag, raw material, semi-manufactured products, and scrap metal, as well as finished products. Based on this, one can assume that the Pohorje region in the Late Bronze Age had all the basic characteristics of the metal production of the Late Bronze Age of the southeastern Alpine region. There are three published analyses of the metal composition that were done on the finds from the today's Republic of Croatia, the hoard from Miljana (Smodic 1956; Drfler et al. 1969), Pustakovec (Riederer 1999) and Zagreb-Dezmanov Prolaz (Glogovic, Miko 2000). The hoard from Miljana (Smodic 1956; Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 112; 1983: T. 95) for some of the authors (Drfler et al 1969) was of great

importance because it provided an answer to the question of lead exploitation in the eastern Alpine region during the time span of the Urnfield culture. After an analysis of its content it was concluded that it contained also 25 plano-convex ingots (Drfler et al 1969:69). Ingot no. 1 (Drfler et al 1969: T. 1:1,2) was of great interest because it could give answers regarding the exploitation and use of lead. The same authors (Drfler et al 1969:69-70) list descriptions and dimensions of all other ingots. Most of them, except ingots no. 21, 24, 25 (Drfler et al 1969: T. 8:22; T. 9:25,26) are plano-convex ingots. Due to the rought surface of the ingots Drfler et al. (1969:70-71) assumes that the ingots were cast in a container with a rough surface. It is possible that it was a pit dug in the soil with the stones on its sides. In the cross-section of the ingot no. 1 it is visible that the metal core was surrounded by a bronze mantle. A macroscopic investigation did not determine whether it was tin (Z. Vinski and A. Smodic) or lead. To answer this question, a spectroanalysis of ingot no. 1 has been done by H. Neuninger (Drfler et al 1969: Tabelle 1 und 2). At the same time drill probes have been done ( Bohrproben ) of ingots no. 2-7 (Drfler et al 1969:Tabelle 3). The analysis of the metal core has shown a high content of lead (80-90%), with the silver and antimony values ranging between 1 and 5%. Copper with a similar or higher content was a suprise (Drfler et al 1969:72). The authors conclude that the metal mantle ore has its origin in the deposits in northern Tyrol like the hoard from Judendorf-Strassengel in Styria (Drfler et al 1969:72). They also assume that the metal workers first made a pit in the soil and put in it the material from the mantle, resulting in the form of a hollow cone or conus. After that the casting lead has also been put in it, as well as the copper cover. Authors (Drfler et al 1969:73) mention that the copper and lead have different melting points (Cu at 1082 and Pb 327 grades). Of their special interest was the answer to the origin of lead from the plano-convex ingot no. 1 from the Miljana hoard . It was important to trace the deposits of lead that was exploited during the period Ha B. The possibility of accidental cast product has been excluded (Drfler et al 1969:77). According to the geographical position of Miljana, it is assumed that the southern deposits could have played a role, like Offberg bei Fresen (Bresovo). The probes have been done at Graz Technische Hochscule from the deposits near Graz. Probes have also been taken from Litija and Marija Rijeka in Slovenia. All the samples have been analysed spectroscopically by Neuninger (Drfler et al 1969:78, tabelle 4). According to the obtained results it is concluded that the lead had come from the area of Offberg or from Litija (Slovenija). The latter was given precedence with the argument that graves 31 and 16 from tumulus V in Magdalenska Gora, southeast from Ljubljana, contained horse protomes made of lead. The hoard from Pustakovec is dated to the phase II of the 75

TheXJrnfieldCulture in Continental

Croatia

Sample 1. rV d 5050 2. IV d 5050 3. IV d 5050 4. IV d 5050 5. IV d 5050 6. IV d 5050 7. IV d 5050

Inv.no
Kat.Nr. 48 Kat.Nr. 49 Kat. Nr. 50 Kat. Nr. 52 Kat. Nr. 51 Kat. Nr. 53 Kat. Nr. 47

Cu
93.62 99.00 86.54 98.45 95.01 95.18 90.08

Sn
0.47 0.27 0.35 0.43 0.68 4.13 6.98

Pb
<0.025 <0.025 <0.025 0.28 0.08 0.12 0.22

Zn
0.013 0.006 0.021 0.144 0.012 0.023 0.018

Fe
2.66 0.14

Ni
0.97 0.49 0.37 0.05 0.32

Ag
0.02 0.02 0.03 0.07 0.03 0.16 0.04

Sb
<0.02 <0.02 <0.02 0.03 0.24 <0.02 0.17

As
<0.10 <0.10 <0.10 <0.10 3.22 <0.10 0.55

Bi
<0.025 <0.025 <0.025 <0.025 <0.025 <0.025 <0.025

Co
0.04 0.07 0.08 0.03 0.06

Au
<0.01 <0.01 <0.01 <0.01 <0.01 <0.01 <0.01

Cd
<0.001 <0.001 <0.001 <0.001 <0.001 <0.001 <0.001

11.0

0.51 0.35 0.37 0.01 1.57 0.30

0.01
0.07

Fig. 39 Analysis ofplano-convex

ingots from the Pustakovec hoard (table modified after Riederer 1999)

Umfield culture (Hansel 1999; Glogovic 2000). It included seven bronze plano-convex ingots on which the analysis of the atomic absorption was carricd out (fig. 39). The analysis showed that none of the seven samples were pure copper ore, but made of melted metal which contained different trace elements. Riederer (1999:93) explains this with the high percentage of tin, while the copper ore itself contains no tin. Five of the samples contained a small percentage of tin, two of which are bronze alloys. Some of the plano-convex ingots contain a significant amount of iron, while the sample no. 5 also contained zinc (Riederer 1999:93). In the sample no. 2 silver, arsenic and antimony are present, all these being high in percentage in the Alpine copper deposits of the Fahlerz type. Sample no. 4 is distinguished from the sample no.2 in its high content of tin, lead and zinc that points to the reuse and melting of the old metal. Riederer (1999:94) mentions that the presence of zinc as an integral part of copper alloy was still not common during the Umfield culture. The sample also has a high iron content, however whether this is a result of intentional iron melting or the impurities in the ingots, is uncertain. The content of nickel is low. Sample no. 5 had a high content of antimony and arsenic, again pointing to the Fahlerz type of copper deposits, while the 0,68 % of tin pointed to the reuse of the old metal. The concentration of nickel is similar to other samples, while the content of silver is very low. The antimony content is moderately high, and the high content (3,2%) of arsenic is typical of this type of ore. In the samples 1 and 3 an extremely high percent of iron is seen which Riederer (1999:94) explains as the impurity in the plano-convex ingots used for smelting. Samples 6 and 7 have 4 and 7% of tin respectively and are bronze alloy. Sample no. 6 contained nickel, antimony, arsenic, bismuth and cobalt in smaller percentages, as did the sample no. 4. The percentage of silver was quite high. Conversely, the ingot no. 7 had an unusual percentage of antimony, arsenic,

nickel and cobalt, and also a high iron content (Riederer 1999:95). The analysis of the two plano-convex ingots was done on the hoard from Dezmanov Prolaz (Glogovic, Miko 2000: si. 2). Ingot no. 8056 weights 223 dag and ingot no. 8055 158 dag (Glogovic, Miko 2000:90). The analyses included Atomic Absorption Spectrometry (AAS), Inductively Coupled Plasma Atomic Emission Spectrometry (1CP-AES) and the Instrumental Neutron Activation (INAA). All these methods allow the analyses of similar groups of elements and have somewhat different low limits, depending on the type of material analyzed. The results of chemical analysis of the hoard from Dezmanov Prolaz have been obtained through the Instrumental Neutron Activation Analyses (INAA) (Glogovic, Miko 2000:90). Lead isotope analyses were carried out through the Inductively Coupled Plasma Mass Spectrometry (ICIMS) and Termal Ionization Mass Spectrometry (TIMS). Based on the high iron content (6,92%) in the sample no. 8056 (fig. 40), the authors (Glogovic, Miko 2000:90) argue for the advanced production technique. However, bearing in mind the finds from Pustakovec (Riederer 1999:94), it could also be explained by the impurities in the copper, as well as with the melting of iron. The sample no. 8055 has a higher concentration of silver, bismuth and tin. The 0,027% of tin is close to the middle values (0,03%) seen in the planoconvex ingots of the Late Bronze Age (HaA) in Slovenia. The content of lead is very low (fig. 40). In both samples the prevailing trace elements are arsenic and nickel, while the antimony component is minor. Based on the comparison with analyses on the material from Slovenian sites Glogovic and Miko (2000:91) attribute the Dezmanov Prolaz hoard to the second group (Trampuz-Orel 1999:204). The presence of silver is also characteristic of the Alpine copper deposits.

Sample Cu Mn P /Element Inv.br.8055 99.3 <0.001 0.006 Inv.br.8056 92.6 <0.005 0.002
Fig. 40 Analysis ofplano-convex

Si

Fe

Ni
0.037 0.18

Al

Pb

Sb
<0.005 0.05

Sn
0.027 0.009

Zn 0.002
0.005

Ag
0.028

Bi
0.009 <0.003

As
0.149 0.207

Sum 99.6
99.99

0.018 0.035 0.004 6.92

0.012 0.005 <0.005 0.05

0.001

ingots from the Zagreb-Dezmanov Prolaz hoard (table modified after Glogovic, Miko 2000)

76

Metal Industry of the Urnfield Culture in Croatia

4.2 Bronze-casting Moulds Moulds are the most abundant finds that point to the existence of bronze-casting activities in settlements of the Urnfield culture. During the Late Bronze Age, the bipartite casting moulds for serial casting of single type of items are most common, while some of the moulds could be used for casting several types of objects at once. Because of developed casting activity, a larger number of items of various function and shape could be made. Moulds were made of different material, mostly of stone as it is the most heat resistant material, but also of clay, and rarely, metal. The most commonly used stone was sandstone as it is easy to form. Moulds from Kalnik (fig. 44) were made of light gray porous tuff (Vrdoljak 1992:76; Vrdoljak, Forenbaher 1995). Moulds made of metal were carefully produced from a different type of metal than the one used in casting. No such mould was found in Croatia. A special kind of moulds are the ones made of clay that is carefully prepared (Simek 1990). Inspired by the discovery of moulds at the site of Sv. Petar Ludbreski (Simek 1979; 1996; 2004; Wanzek 1989: T. 35-36, T. 37:1-2), Simek (1990) described the production of clay moulds in detail. The endurance of the clay moulds during casting is not nearly as good as in moulds made of stone, therefore the number of clay mould finds is much lower (Simek 1990:94). These moulds were also much more easily damaged and deformed during the process of mould production as well as during casting. Simek (1990:94) argues that the metal worker, having the experience of a potter and metal caster, was himself responsible for the best mixture of clay, sand, and water. Analyses done at the Faculty of Mining, Geology and Petroleum Engineering in Zagreb show that the sand was later added to the clay mixture in the case of clay moulds from Sv. Petar Ludbreski. It is the sand that determines the basic characteristics of the mould: plasticity, hardness, heat endurance, and permeability needed for gas expansion (Simek 1990:94). The sand reduces shaping characteristics, enhances the drying, gives better resistance to breaking and increases permeability, needed for gas expansion during the process of casting. In contemporary casting process, the uniform grains of sand, up to 0,75 mm in diameter are used (Simek 1990:95). The heat endurance and thermic stability of the mould depend on the amount of sand added to the clay mixture, as well as its mineral and chemical components. The higher the sand content and the more uniform the sand grains are, the permeability is greater. Simek (1990:95) points out that none of the moulds from Sv. Petar Ludbreski had channels for gas and air expulsion. The moulds were made of porous material. According to Simek (1990:95), the metallurgist was also a potter, but it is possible that another person was involved in the making of the mould, a potter that would cooperate with the person who was casting the metal objects. In the experiment, the clay mould was made of clay, sand, water, and graphite. Wooden frame and string were used to build a model of the mould halves. A 60% to 40% ratio of clay and sand was used. Graphite dust was used to coat the mould surface to

avoid gluing (Simek 1990:96). Wooden, bronze, or ceramic objects could be used as a model for the production of bipartite moulds. In the case of Sv. Petar Ludbreski, a metal spearhead was used (Simek 1990: si. 3). After the model was impressed into clay, another mixture of clay was used as a lid, after which marks were carved on both sides of the mould (Simek 1990: si. 7). In addition, moulds could have small holes, diagonally positioned, in order to fit the wooden or metal nails (Simek 1990:97). After the upper and lower parts were separated, the drying phase followed in which the mould half, containing a small percentage of sand, shrank by about 15%. It also broke at several places, while the mould made of a mixture of clay and sand survived intact (Simek 1990:97). After the drying and the final treatment, the firing phase followed. Moulds were fired in full length and on both sides, which suggests that they were fired prior to casting (Simek 1990:98). The moulds from Sv. Petar Ludbreski and the bronzecasting workshop are dated to the end of the Late Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age (Ha B3/Ha C) (Simek 1979:115; Simek 1996; Simek 2004). Recently, the finds from Sv. Petar Ludbreski were ascribed to the Martijanec-Kaptol group, based on the pottery finds (Simek 2004). The find from Sv. Petar Ludbreski-Staro Groblje is the largest find of metal objects, moulds, and clay nozzles (tuyeres) from Croatia, and therefore of special interest. Although it was, as noted, ascribed to the MartijanecKaptol group, it is still deeply rooted in the bronze-casting tradition of the end phase of the Late Bronze Age. The first larger excavations of the site were conducted in 1960 under the direction of the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb. During the 1976 season, pits with archaeological material could be observed. Some artefacts have been collected by museum collaborator Andrija Siber, who initiated the urgent excavation of a 2x2 m trench. A partially damaged pit, about 110 cm deep, was found, containing extraordinary finds: complete moulds and mould fragments for multiple and single use, cores for casting hollow objects, a fragment of a clay nozzle (tuyere) (fig. 50:1), as well as fragments of coarse pottery and wattle and daub (Simek 1979:108). Excavations continued in 1977 and 1978 when pit 1 was completely excavated (1976). It contained moulds, as well as structure 11, the remnants of a smelting furnace (Simek 1979:109, T. 2:1,2). All items were used in the production of metal weapons and tools and were found at the bottom of pit 1, at a depth between 90 and 110 cm. Three clay moulds with the negative of the object to be cast on one side only, were found. These were used for casting socketed axes with a loop (fig. 42:10,12-13). Additionally, there were two clay lids for single part moulds, or, alternatively, these were parts of unfinished two-piece moulds (Simek 2004: cat. 1.12, 1.13). The first lid was most likely unused, as it shows no trace of heat damage. The second lid was somewhat damaged therefore making it hard to assess its original function. There were 8 cores made of clay used for casting of hollow objects (fig. 50:3-10).

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Metal Industry of the Urnfield Culture in Croatia

Analogies are found at other sites. One such partial core was found at Kalnik-Igrie (Vrdoljak 1992:77: number 2), while the best examples from the Urnfield culture of the southern Panonian Basin come from the Pivnica hillfort in northern Bosnia (Benac 1966/1967: T. 1:3), Ripa (eravica 1993: T. 46:673-674), the ungar hillfort (eravica 1993: T. 46:675-679), Kekia Glavica (eravica 1993:680), Bjelaj (eravica 1993: T. 46:681), and Zecovi (eravica 1993: T. 46:682). Majority come from the Varvara hillfort (eravica 1993: T. 47:683-692). The Boljani hoard is of particular interest as it contained three anvils (fig. 50:14-16) as well as several cores for casting hollow objects (fig. 50:17-21). Several moulds for multiple casting made of sandstone were also found at Sv. Petar. One of these moulds was used for casting of socketed axes on one side, and for casting of bronze bars on its other side (fig. 41:6-9). Axes had two loops and a trapezoidal blade and have analogies in the Beravci hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 108:1-6). Each side of the mould had markers for precise fitting on the sides (imek 1979:111; imek 2004: kat. 1.3). Besides for casting of axes, the moulds from Sv. Petar Ludbreki were used for casting spear points (fig. 41:4-5). One part of the mould had four holes of unknown function (fig. 41:4), while the other part had one hole. Most likely this was an attempt to better secure the two parts of the mould. Moulds show evidence of casting. One of these moulds was used for casting of chisels, arrow points and a knife (fig. 41:10-13). It too had markings for precize fitting of two parts of the mould. Another mould was used for casting socketed axes with a loop (fig. 42:4). A mould for casting socketed axe (fig. 42:2) is interesting as it was used for the production of axes which have a horizontally thickened blade that is separated from the socket and can be dated to the late phase of the Urnfield culture. Another mould for casting chisels was found (fig. 41:14). Knives and pointed chisels were also made (fig. 41:1-3). Two moulds are of special interest, as, according to imek (fig. 43:23), were used for casting bronze hammers or punches for fine decoration of bronze sheet metal, suggesting that at Sv. Petar Ludbreki a workshop where fine and prestigious items of local precious metal work were produced, also existed. Judging by the items that were cast in these moulds, it can be said that this workshop was active at the end of the Late Bronze Age and still within the Bronze Age metallurgical complex. Sv. Petar Ludbreki is also important for its finds of the moulds for single use. Four moulds used for casting of horse harnesses strap joints of the Thraco-Cimmerian type were also found (fig. 43:7) in which the lost wax technique was used, as was in the case of moulds for casting of the bronze rings (fig. 43:6). These finds straighten the argument that at the end of the Late Bronze Age the influence from the eastern steppes resulted in the production of the accessories of the Thraco-Cimmerian type in local settlements. imek (1979:111) argues that at Sv. Petar Ludbreki a workshop

with a furnace existed in structure 11, located about 7 metres west of pit 1 in which the moulds were found. The remnants of the upper part of the furnace, slag, fragments of coarse pottery, as well as traces of ashes and charcoal were found (Simek 1979:111, T. 2:1,2). Another settlement that had developed casting production was Kalnik-Igrisce, dated between Br D/Ha A1 and Ha B period (Majnaric-Pandzic 1992; Vrdoljak 1992; Vrdoljak, Forenbacher 1995). Although no furnace was found at this site, various traces of casting were found near the remains of seven hearths made of burned clay. These include the remnants of moulds, the so-called "chanelled stone", slag, as well as finished or broken bronze items. A piece of a bipartite mould for casting of socketed axes was also found (fig. 44:1). A part of the runner cup and the carved negative of the loop of a socketed axe and three carved lines below the rim were preserved. On the other part of the mould an attempt to carve a negative of a flat object can be seen, therefore suggesting this mould was also used for simultaneous casting of several items (Vrdoljak 1992:77). The mould was made of porous light-grey tuff and shows traces of use2. The second mould was most likely used in the production of smaller chisels and had a nicely polished surface (fig. 44:6). On figure 44:7 a part of a stone mould that could be used for casting of sickles can be seen, while the partial stone mould on figure 44:4 might have been used to cast knives. The mould on figure 44:3 was made of phyllite and was used for casting of axes. Most other moulds found were too fragmentary to determine their use with accuracy. A mould that was found during the 1987 season was used for casting of a larger number of pins (fig. 26; fig. 43:4). A similar mould comes from the Velemszentvid site (Miske 1908: T. 24:11, T. 25:5). During the excavations of the Kalnik-Igrisce site, a part of the stone core for casting of hollow objects showing the traces of heat damage was discovered (Vrdoljak 1992:77). Based on the preserved mould fragments and comparisons to other sites, a bipartite mould from Kalnik-Igrisce was reconstructed. Mould halves were rectangular in cross-section and from 5,5 to 2,5 cm in width. All surfaces were cut in a straight line and grinded (as shown by the horizontal and vertical lines). Although none of them had any of the functional parts preserved (such as runner cup, holes for cores or gas channels), there is no doubt that these were the parts of the moulds from Kalnik. Among the items of metallurgical character we must also include the "chanelled stones", and the leftovers of slag. A "channelled stone" (fig. 45:1) is an object made of circular and polished dark-grey stone that has a 2 cm wide channel in its middle.
2

Ptrographie analysis has been done in the mineralogical-petrographic Department of the Croatian Natural Museum by Dr. M. Crnjakovie.

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10 cm

Fig. 42 Bronze casting moulds from continental

Croatia

1. akovec (after Vidovi 1989) 2. Sv. Petar Ludbreki (after imek 2004) 3. Novigrad na Savi (after Majnari-Pandi 1993) 4. Sv. Petar Ludbreki (after imek 2004) 5.-6. Lova (after Vinski-Gasparini 1973) 7. Vinkovci (after Dizdar 1999) 8. Vinkovci (after Dizdar 1999) 9. Kiringrad (BalenLetuni 1987) 10. Sv. Petar Ludbreki (after Simek 2004) 11. Vinkovci (after Dizdar 1999) 12.-13. Sv. Petar Ludbreki (after imek 2004) (ali modified by A. Kudeli)

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Metal Industry of the Urnfield Culture in Croatia

10 cm

Fig. 43 Bronze casting moulds from continental Croatia 1. Osijek (after Simic 1996-1999) 2. Sv. Petar Ludbreski (after Simek 2004) 3. Sv. Petar Ludbreski (after Simek 2004) 4. Kalnik-Igrisce I (after Karavanic 2005b) 5. Vwkovci (after Dizdar 1999) 6. Sv. Petar Ludbreski (after Simek 2004) 7. Sv. Petar Ludbreski (after Simek 1979; 2004) 8. Krizevci-Cigiana (after Homen 1982) (ail modified by Andreja Kudelic)

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Metal Industry of the Urnfield Culture in Croatia

at Kalnik-Igrie I and although it was not analyzed, it is clear that it contains copper minerals (Vrdoljak 1992:79). At the site of Ciglana in the town of Krievci near Kalnik, a settlement was discovered in which traces of casting activity were found (Homen 1982). As in the case of Kalnik, numerous bronze items were found, especially considering the excavated surface. Ten pins and a chisel were found (Homen 1982:21-22, T. 2). A great amount of slag was found, as well as a partial sand stone mould for casting sickles (fig. 43:8). In the Posavina region, a Late Bronze Age settlement at Novigrad na Savi was excavated (Majnari-Pandi 1993; 2000). In the remnants of a house (House A) a pin with a club-shaped head (Keulenkopfnadel) was found, while nearby a sandstone mould for casting of socketed axes was discovered (fig. 42:3/ A bipartite mould made of sandstone used for casting of socketed axes, chisels, and decorative appliques was published earlier by Brunmid (fig. 46:la-c). The excavations at the Makovac-Crinjevi site in Croatian Posavina (Karavani et al. 2002) confirmed the existence of metallurgical activities in this region. The primary proof of this is the chance find of the hoard published earlier as the Makovac hoard, although the name of MakovacCrinjevi, or alternatively Makovac II, would be more appropriate (Karavani,Mihaljevi 2001). It contained various bronze objects as well as parts of the plano-convex ingots and a hammer-shaped ingot. During the excavations, a hearth was also discovered (Karavani 2006: SI. 1-2), near which a partial bronze ingot of about 150 g was discovered (Karavani 2006: si. 5). A clay nozzle (tuyere) was also discovered (Karavani 2006: si .4). These finds, together with a partial casting mould (Karavani 2006: T. 2:1) strongly suggest that the casting activity was done in this part of the settlement, most likely close to the hearth. Finds of tuyeres are rare in this region. A nice one comes from the site of Sv. Petar Ludbreki (fig. 50:1) and it is similar to the tuyere found at the Velemszentvid settlement in Hungary (Miske 1908: T. 21:4), where smaller tuyeres were also found (Miske 1908: T. 21:6). Koledin (2004:79) uses the term "technical ceramics" in order to describe the aforementioned objects, as well as for finds such as furnaces, hearths, moulds, and vessels used in the process of ore smelting. Blowers are already found within the Cucuteni culture, while in the area of former Yugoslavia they first appear within the Vuedol culture (Koledin 2004:81). The find from Makovac-Crinjevi is most similar to those from the hillfort Zecovi near Prijedor (eravica 1993: T. 47:694696; Koledin 2004: si. 5). Sala (1985: fig. 2:3-8) gives an overview of the finds of ceramic tuyeres from Moravia and provides the illustration of two spoons that could have been used in casting, both from the Cezavy-Blucina settlement (Sala 1985: fig. 2:1-2). The tuyere from the MakovacCrinjevi site was used in making and blowing of the fire.

Fig. 45

"Channelledstones"
Blucina-Cezavy 1899-1900a)

1. Kalnik-Igrisce (after Vrdoljak, Forenbacher 1995) 2. (after Solas 1995) 3. Novigrad na Savi (after Brunsmid (all modified by A. Kudelic)

Its upper surface is flattened, most likely as a result of repeated hitting. Similar objects were found in northern Europe where the Lausitz culture was present, as well as the Late Bronze Age settlements of Switzerland (Horst 1986:82-91). Based on their context, the finds can be dated to the Ha A-Ha B period. In order to decipher their function, ethnological analogies were used. Several uses were suggested: a mace, a stone for breaking bones or nuts, while others suggested it was of some use in the process of metal working. The later function is supported by a number of similar finds from closed contexts. Most were found alongside casting moulds, e.g. at the Czech site of Spicak, where a house was unearthed in which a mould and a "channelled stone" with two double cross channelling was found. (Smrz 1979:31-32). Another such stone was found in hoard 11 from the Cezavy Blucina site in Moravia (fig. 45:2). Most of the channelled stones only have one channel, although there are some with multiple channels. Stones vary in diameter from 2-23 cm, and in height from 1-13 cm. The stone from Kalnik belongs to the middle-size group that ranges from 3 to 14 cm in diameter and from 3 to 11 cm in height, as it is about 10 cm in diameter and 6 cm high. A similar stone was found at Novigrad na Savi (fig. 45:3). A great amount of slag was found near hearth 5 (fig. 47)

83

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in Continental

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M
Fig. 46 Bronze casting moulds fragments 1. Novigrad na Savi (after Biimsmid 1899-1900a) 2.-8a,b. Varvara (after Curcic 1902) 9. Mikleuska (after Wanzek 1989)

1/2

84

Metal

Industry

of the Urnfield

Culture

in

Croatia

c
V m 11
' .i

^ # O

hearth mould slag chanelled stone

&

mm W m

^
IN MOULDS Pendants Pins

i r ^
v _
tools at the Kalnik-Igrisce I site Arrowhead Spearhead Crucible Tuyeres Cores

( *

Fig. 47 Map of the distribution

of metal worker's

OBJECTS Undefined Hammers Chisels Sickles

CAST Knives

Furnaces

a 35

Hearths

Axes

KalnikIgrie KrievciBrickyard akovec Mikleuka Novigrad Sveti Petar Ludbreki Vinkovci OsijekStanica MakovacCrinjevi Lova Kiringrad

Fig. 48 Table showing

major sites with the evidence

of metal working

activity

in continental

Croatia

Slag

TheXJrnfieldCulture in Continental

Croatia

As no remnants of clay lip surrounding hearth 1 were found, it most likely did not have any structure above it, excluding the existence of furnaces at the site. The assumption is that the coppcr was melted in crucibles. Today we have more elaborate and precise methods of determining whether a hearth was used in metal working. For example, the Instrumental Neutron Activation Analysis (Bartelheim et al. 2002:58) on a hearth from the site of Brixlegg (Bartelheim ct al. 2002) clearly showed that the hearth was not used in metallurgical activities, although a substantial concentration of slag was found nearby. A piece of bronze sheet metal with punched decoration, with a lump of copper and most likely tin in its middle, was found at the surface close to the excavation trench at the Crisnjevi settlement (Karavanic 2006: si. 6). During the archaeological excavations at the Marie hillfort in Mikleuska, a piece of a clay mould for casting socketed axes was found (fig. 46:9). Likewise, a stone mould for casting the same type of axes was found during rescue excavations in the centre of the Cakovec town (fig. 42:1 ). The claim that the mould was made for single use is not supported. At Vinkovci, eastern Slavonia, moulds from the Vatina-Belegis phase of the Slavonia-Syrmia Vatina culture have been found (15/14 century B.C.): 1. a clay mould for casting of the battle axe of the Hungarian type (fig. 42:11) 2. two pieces of a bipartite mould for casting of cordate pendants (Dizdar 1999:kat. 119) 3. a piece of a clay mould for casting of bronze pendants (fig. 43:5/ Analogies to the latter can be seen in the find from the Thunau am Kamp site in Austria, where a mould for casting of rings was discovered (Lochner 2004: T. 2:11). It is possible that the mould from Vinkovci belongs to the Late Bronze Age. Other moulds are from the Belegis II culture and date to the 12th century B.C. Such is a clay mould for casting of socketed axes (fig. 42:8). It is assumed that it was used for casting of winged axes with the wings in the middle (Lappenbeil). On the second mould for casting of winged axes (fig. 42:7/ lower parts of the fan-like blade can be seen according to which the mould can be tentatively dated to the late phase of the Urnfield culture. During the 1989 excavations at the Duga Ulica 27 site in Vinkovci, a smaller vessel with thick walls that were covered in bronze was discovered. Thus it is likely that it served as a crucible (Dizdar 1999: kat. 123). A similar small vessel was found in Novigrad (fig. 49:5). However, both of these vessels have thinner walls and are smaller than those found at Bosnian sites such as Varvara (fig. 49:3), Ripac (fig. 49:2) and Sanski Most (fig. 49:1). In the Osijek region a part of a stone mould of unknown purpose was found (fig. 43:1). Lovas yielded two pieces of the mould for casting socketed axes (fig. 42:5-6/ while another mould for casting the same type of objects was found at the Kiringrad hillfort (fig. 42:9/ A half of a stone mould was found at Radovin near Zadar (Batovic 1968:58,61,71, T. 21; Wanzek 1989:199 Nr.37).

M 1/3

3
M 1/2

of crucibles at the sites in Croatia and Bosnia and Hercegovina 1. Sanski Most (after eravica 1993) 2. Ripa (after eravica 1993) 3. Velika Gradina Varvara (after eravica 1993) 4. Varvara (after ari 1902) 5. Novigrad na Savi (after Brunmid 1899-1900a)

Fig. 49 Finds

Besides the moulds, at settlements and in hoards other objects that were used in the metallurgy have been found. These include various tools used in processing and decoration of metal objects, such as sharp point chisels, hammers and small hammers, and various items that had a chisel-like blade for which Mayer (1977: T. 86) uses the term Gerte mit Meisselschneide. The latter objects are found in settlements, but are much more abundant in hoards (fig. 51). They have been found at the Kalnik-Igrie I settlement (Majnari-Pandi 1992a: T. 1:10-11,15,23,27;. One such small chisscl was found at the Ciglana site in Krievci (Homen 1982). Similar objects have been found in hoards belonging to bronze casting workers, and are most abundant in the Brodski Varo hoard (fig. 51:1-7, 37-38). Two hammers used in decoration of objects also come from the same hoard ( Tllenhammer) (fig. 51:37-38). Small chissels were also found in the Podcrkavlje-Slavonski Brod hoard (fig. 51:28-31), four were found in the Priac hoard (fig. 51:8-11), one in the Makovac hoard (fig51:32-33), and one in the Podrute hoard (fig. 51:17-18). At Moravian sites Bluina and Krepice such chisscls were found alongside moulds (Sala 1995:570, Abb. 2:1-8,12). A pointed chisel was found in the Donja Bebrina hoard (fig51:19-20) as well as in the Nijemci hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 107B:1). A similar object comes from Poljanci I (fig. 51:12) and Poljanci II hoards (Bulat 1973-1975: 86

Metal Industry of the Urnfield Culture in Croatia

Fig. 50 Bronze casting tools from continental Croatia and Bosnia and Hercegovina
' Clay nozzle from Sv. Petar Ludbreki (after imek 1996; 2004) 2. Clay core from Kameni Vrh (after imek 1996) 3.-10. Clay cores from Sv. Petar Ludbreki (after imek 1996; 2004) 11-12 Slavonski Brod - Livadieva ulica hoard (after Mikiv 1982) 13. Veliko Nabre (after Vinski-Gasparini 1973) 14. -16. Anvils from the Boljani hoard (after eravica 1993; Konig 2004) 17.-18. Cores from Boljani (after eravica 1993; Konig 2004) 19.-21. Cores from Boljani (after Konig 2004)

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T. 5:7). Such chisel was also discovered in the Posavina region, in the Dolina na Savi hoard (Schauer 1974: Abb. 4:7). An interesting object, quite similar in form to the sharp point chisels from the Slavonski Brod-Livadieva ulica hoard (Mikiv 1982: T. 3:3) was found alongside metal cores (Gusskerne) used for casting hollow objects. Sala notes the same type of objects in the Bluina hoard (Sala 1995: Abb. 2:11). Wanzek (1989: T. 14) gives us the drawings of cores used in the casting of socketed axes, including the one from Veliko Nabre (fig. 50:13). Besides chisels, saws with two blades were used for cutting bronze sheet metal (Teran 2003:188). Hansen lists them (1994:150, Abb. 82), and notes that majority are found in hoards from Transylvania, southeastern Transdanubia, and Syrmia. Teran published a description of a double-bladed saw from Slavonia or Syrmia (2003: si. 1) and reconstructed it with a wooden handle. She also believes that such saws were used for the cutting of bronze sheet metal (Teran 2003:188). Saws are found in hoards of the early Urnfield culture from northern Croatia: Otok-Privlaka (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 29:16-17), Bizovac (Vinski-Gasparini 1973; T. 35:7-8), Veliko Nabre (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 46:2324), Brodski Varo (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 53:28, T. 54:22-30; Clausing 2004: Abb. 56:421-431), Topliica I (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 76:33), Budinina (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 78:18-19), and most likely Podrute (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 81B:20). In the recently published Sia hoard (Perki, LonjakDizdar 2005: T. 2:31-32) two fragments of saws are found. Nice example of saw comes from the recently published hoard Poljanci Donje Polje (Miklik-Lozuk 2009: si. 12). Saws are also present in the Kuite (Konig 2004: T. 2:22-25) and Boljani (Konig 2004: T. 18:50) hoards from Bosnia and Herzegovina. Besides aforementioned finds from chance discoveries, hoards, and settlements, graves are a valuable finds that inform us on the metal production in central Europe. These most likely are grave goods from graves of itinerant bronze-founders that travelled between settlements thus spreading their ideas, skills, as well as stylistic and esthetic views. It is possible that a single craftsman was responsible for supplying of several villages from a single region of the Urnfield culture. One such find comes from the Speyerdorf site in the Pfalz region (Sperber 2000). In earlier publications it was assumed that the grave was not found complete, as two razors were found in it, while the metal ingots were considered an item of the rich members of the society, so-called " Schwerttrageradlers ". However, recent studies showed that one of the items that was previously interpreted as a bronze raw material with a high proportion of tin, is actually an anvil that shows traces of use. This made it possible to attribute this grave to a craftsman skilled in processing and production of metal artefacts. Suprising

is the presence of two razors, however Sperber believes that one of them found its way there by chance and was cremated with the deceased, while the other one belongs to other metal objects and ceramic vessels that were put in the pit as grave goods. Similar finds come from Steinkirchen (Muller-Karpe 1969), and Funen (Randsborg 1984). A small hammer or a punch-like object was found in the grave from Steinkirchen, but has been interpreted as an anvil with 3 channels on one side. The process of production started with this anvil being placed into a wooden crate after a metal sheet was put on top of it, and the inner surface of the sheet was hammered. According to Muller-Karpe (1969) hammers and anvils are found in the Prestavlky (Miiller-Karpe 1980, T. 407A:25) and Stockheim hoards (Muller-Karpe 1980, T. 418D:24). An interesting grave was discovered at Hesselager in the Funen region (Randsborg 1984). In it, stone tools used in fine finishing and polishing of metal objects were found. Randsborg (1984:188) in his short discussion of social structure of the Bronze Age of Denmark argues that graves containing such items did not belong to the leading members of the society. The graves of the social elite had gold and prestigious items in their graves, while the bronze casting crasftsmen belonged to a middle class. 4.3 Hoards of the Urnfield culture in continental Croatia History of research Vinski-Gasparini (1983:647) states that the area between rivers Sava and Drava, areas of Banija and Kordun, and Bosnian Posavina (especially the southern part of the Pannonian Basin) are the richest in Urnfield culture hoards in all former Yugoslavia. The first finds were published in the 19th century. Ljubic (1889) was the first to catalogue the finds from hoards held at the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb. At the same time, hoards from northern Bosnia were published. These include the Sumetac (Truhelka 1893:35, si. 1-14), Peringrad (Fiala 1894:329, si. 1-8, T. 1; Dragicevic 1897:479, si. 1-3), and Mackovac Bosanski (Fiala 1899: 141, T. 6) hoards. Brunsmid mentions the hoards from Croatia (1897:163), and publishes the one from Sarengrad (1899-1900b). Between World War I and World War II, the emphasis was put on typology and cataloguetype of publications of prehistoric pottery, resulting in the "Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum " series that includes three volumes on the material from the former Yugoslavia. A larger synthesis on the hoard finds from southeastern Europe had to wait until the end of the World War II, when Merhart's successor Holste made a tour of the museums of southeastern Europe and managed to make a list and detailed drawings of hundreds of bronze items. Unfortunately, his untimely death came before the completition of his work, so the meeting in Marburg under the leadership of his successor Dehn, published a number of his lists and drawings of the southeastern European hoard finds, but these did not include dates of the finds (Vinski, Vinski-

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12 5 11

17 13 14 15 16 18 19 ^ 20

(J

21

22

r
IJ
a
VI
26 24 27 29 30
31

r
32 33

34

35

36

37

38

Fig. 51 Chisels and hammers used in bronze working in Croatia (drawing by A. Kudeli)
1-7. Brodski Varo (after Vinski-Gasparini 1973) 8.-11. Priac (after Vinski-Gasparini 1973) 12. Poljanci I (after Vinski-Gasparini 1973) 13.-16. Brodski Varo (after Vinski-Gasparini 1973) t7.-18. Podrute (after Vinski-Gasparini 1973) 19.-20. Donja Bebrina (after Vinski-Gasparini 1973) 21.22. Budinina (after Vinski-Gasparini 1973) 23.-26. Bingula Divo (after Vinski-Gasparini 1973) 27. Gornji Slatinik (after Vinski-Gasparini 1973) 28.-31. Podcrkavtje-Slavonski Brod (after Vinski-Gasparini 1973) 32.-33. Makovac (after Vinski-Gasparini 1973) 34.-35. Slavonski Brod RGZM (Clausing2004) 36. Pustakovec (after A. Hansel 1999) 37.-38. Brodski Varo (after Vinski-Gasparini 1973)

TheXJrnfieldCulture in Continental Croatia

Gasparini 1956:58). Holste (1951) describes the finds from thirteen hoards from Croatia and Vojvodina region of Syrmia that are stored in the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb. Milojcic discussed the finds from several hoards found in Croatia at the international congress in Zurich, but the analyses were never published (Vinski, VinskiGasparini 1956:59). Draga Garasanin (1954) published all the material from hoards that is stored in the National Museum in Belgrade, including the three hoards found in the Vojvodina part of Syrmia. Vinski and Vinski-Gasparini (1956:59) emphasize the importance of this publication for comparative analyses. They also emphasize the importance of publications such as that of Foltiny (1955), as well as Hampel's revision and new typological classification that is based on the material from Hungary and did not include finds from the Croatian hoards. Publication of Hungarian finds is important for a comparison with hoards from the region between Sava and Drava rivers. At the same time, the authors (Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:59) recognize that Foltiny represents Pittioni's Viennese school and did not use Reinecke's chonology of Hungary, but rather his central European (Bavarian) chronology. He also used a somewhat modified chronological nomenclature for the Urnfield culture (Foltiny 1955: 125). Motivated by the work on the periodization of the central European Bronze Age, Vinski and Vinski-Gasparini published the first small scale work of synthesis on hoards from Croatia and western Synnia (1956) listing a catalogue od items from hoards (Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956: 8090) as well as their geographical distribution. This is also the first attempt of establishing a framework for Croatian hoards, a framework which was somewhat changed after the publication of Muller-Karpe's synthesis on the Urnfield culture (1959). The first major work of synthesis (VinskiGasparini 1973) brings a detailed periodization of the Urnfield culture in northern Croatia, mainly established on the basis of finds from hoards, but also included material from graves and settlements known at the time. VinskiGasparini (1973) created a five-period (horizon) division, based on her statistical method of analysis. Of a total of 62 hoards of the Urnfield culture from Croatia, she assigns only one to the period I, 28 are assigned to the period II, 7 to period III, 8 to period IV, and 12 to the period V (VinskiGasparini 1973:77-78). The most detailed analysis is that of the hoards of the period II as those are most numerous. In this period, most abundant are the hoards of the Slavonian-Syrmian group (18 in total) (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:78). The importance of the sites near the river Sava, especially around Slavonski Brod, is clearly seen in the abundance of finds. Vinski-Gasparini (1973) analyzes the finds from hoards in great detail, noting their stylistic and typological characteristics in an attempt to search for centres of production of certain objects, or types of objects, within or outside Croatia. She recognizes that all the hoards of the period II are found in northern Croatia, an area connected to the Middle Danube region through river systems. The only hoard of the period II that belongs to the

Balkan group comes from Marina near Trogir (VinskiGasparini 1973:77). The Balkan group is richer in hoards that belong to the Ha B period. Following the 1973 synthesis, a complicated task of publications of Bronze Age finds and groups from all former Yugoslavia was undertaken as a part of a large publication on Yugoslav Prehistory, volume IV (Praistorija jugoslavenskih zemalja) in which chapters on the Urnfield culture in Croatia are also included (Vinski-Gasparini 1983). In it, a new division into separate groups first appears: the Virovitica, Zagreb, and Velika Gorica and Dalj groups, as well as separate horizons named after typical find sites: horizon I - Peklenica, horizon II Veliko Nabrde, horizon III - Klotar Ivani, horizon I V Miljana, horizon V - Matijevii (Vinski-Gasparini 1983:652-667). Vinski-Gasparini (1983: 651) notes that the number of the Urnfield culture hoards from the area between rivers Sava and Drava is now 48, additional 5 are found in the region south of the river Sava, near the rivers Kupa, Korana, and Una, while additional 15 come from northern Bosnia. Again, she recognizes three separate groups: Slavonia and Baranja group with 33 find sites, a group of the Podravina, Meimurje and Zagorje regions with 15 sites, and a Balkan group south of the Sava and Kupa rivers that spreads to the mountain region of Balkan (Banovina, Kordun, and northern Bosnia) with 20 find sites (Vinski-Gasparini 1983:651). Following this synthesis, several publications describing individual hoards (e.g. Malika or Makovac hoards) (Balen-Letuni 1985; Karavani, Mihaljevi 2001; Perki, Lonjak-Dizdar 2005) follow, and no new larger synthesis was done by any of Croatian scholars. The only exception is the newly published book about the hoards from the region of Slavonski Brod-Poljanci (Miklik-Lozuk 2009) However, there is a revival of interest in the Croatian hoard finds among foreign scholars, and Hansen (1994) analyzed the finds from several Croatian sites in his work on the hoards of the earlier period of the Urnfield culture between the Rhone and the Carpathian Basin area. He divides the objects into three basic groups: weapons, razors, and bronze vessels, followed by items such as tools, decorative objects and objects of symbolic value. A catalogue of sites from Croatia, Slovenia and Yugoslavia is of particular value (Hansen 1994:560-575). In it he also includes a list of certain hoards from Bosnia, such as the umetac hoard (Hansen 1994:572 Nr. 282). A year after this publication, a larger paper by Teran (1995) discussing the state of research on the Urnfield culture in former Yugoslavia is published. She (Teran 1995: si. 7-9) brings a detailed map of sites where the hoards of the earlier and later phases of the Urnfield culture are found in former Yugoslavia, and an additional map of the hoard finds from Slovenia. A catalogue of the Croatian hoards is also included (Teran 1995: Fundortliste 2, 364-366). Teran (1995:333-338) links these finds from the former Yugoslavia to the region of southern Pannonia, noting (Teran 1995:333) that the spread of the hoards during the early and middle phases of the Urnfield culture is reflecting the area of spread of the Urnfield culture between Br D and Ha A2/B1 phases.

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Typical for the hoards of southern part of the Pannonian Basin, including the hoards from the area between rivers Sava and Drava, is a presence of a significant amount of jewellery (Terzan 1995:334). Terzan is also emphasizing the importance of Vinski-Gasparini's (1973) work and key role of her chronology for the establishing a chronology of the hoards from former Yugoslavia, and also accepts the thesis that a larger number of hoards appear during the Ha A1 phase while their number decreases in the late phase of the Urnfield culture. Although acknowledging that this is seen in other areas, such as Hungary, she too lacks explanation for it.Vinski-Gasparini (1973:80) gives us the following chronological framework for the hoards: finds from the period I are very rare and only Peklenica hoard can be ascribed to it. During the period II of the late Br D and early Ha A periods majority of hoards that are richest in items appear, while their number decreases in the period III. This trend of decrease continues to the end of the late phase of the Urnfield culture. According to Vinski-Gasparini (1973:80) the situation is reverse in the Adriatic-Balkan region where the metal working intensifies in the late phase of the Urnfield culture. Terzan (1995:333) acknowledges a quite small number of cemeteries for such rich metalworking that is reflected in hoard finds, but we believe the reason for this discrepancy can be explained by the state of research. Recent research shows a larger number of settlements from the early phase and the appearance of hoards within the settlements of the Br C and D phases. Based on the finds from Slovenia, Terzan (1995:337) concludes that there is an increase in cemetery finds at a time of transfer from the early to late Urnfield culture and believes this reflects a change in religious views. She belongs to a group of authors that argue for large scale changes within the Urnfield culture of Slovenia (Terzan 1995:337-338) at the turn from Ha A to Ha B period (according to Muller- Karpe). Hoards from Slovenia are also discussed by Turk (1996). In the preface of his work, Turk (1996:89) lists all previous chronologies for hoard finds of the central Europe, adding his own interpretations. This work is important for the Croatian finds, as he also discusses finds from neighbouring countries, including Croatian hoard finds, offering novel insights and dates. He includes a detailed list and description of hoards and classifies them according to the type and number of items, ascribing each hoard to a specific period. According to his scheme, none of the hoards from Croatia should be included within the period I, and Peklenica hoard should be seen as apart of the period II finds (Turk 1996:108). One of the items he based his conclusion on is the fiange-hilted sword of the Tenja type (Turk 1996:111). Turk (1996: 111) argues that the larger pins with a poppy-shaped head (Mohnkopfnadel) are not particularly useful for dating of the finds, as they appear quite rarely, and pins with a globular head and wide neck with horizontal incisions can be dated to a wider timeframe. He acknowledges that this hoard, with its find of a pin with a poppy-shaped head is quite unique for these parts, as this type of pin is present in the regions north and east of Croatia. To the same period

he ascribes the hoards from Struga, Donja Poljana, Podrute, Budinina, Topliica I, Zagreb-Demanov Prolaz, Klotar Ivani, Sisak, Malika, and Lisine. To the period III, the hoards from Belica, Miljana, Ivanec Bistranski, Javornik, Krnjak, as well as Baredine in Istria are dated (Turk 1996:113). Turk (1996:114) sees this period as partly contemporaneous with the phase II, and in full with the phase IV of the Urnfield culture in Croatia. To his final period (period IV) he ascribes the hoard from Legrad in northwestern Croatia (Turk 1996:115), while acknowledging that the hoards from Kamena Gorica, Matijevii, Gajina Peina, and Vranjkova Peina have elements of both central and western Balkan region (reflected in attire components), as well as of the earlier horizon (reflected in the finds of weapons and tools). He believes these are contemporaneous with the period V of the Urnfield culture in northern Croatia. In his work on the Bronze to Iron Age transition in Central Europe, Pare (1999:354) argues that the hoards from the Carpathian Basin and northern Balkans had a special place as they appear even after the end of the Urnfield culture of the northern Alpine region. He recognizes three periods or horizons ( D epotfunds tufe IV- VI), based on the chronology of Vinski-Gasparini, but adds additional period to the last phase of the Urnfield culture (Hoard period or horizon VI). In his list of hoards from former Yugoslavia according to periods, he also lists the Croatian finds. To the period IV he ascribes hoards from Brtonegalj or, more accurately, Brtonigla, Cavtat, Ivanec Bistranski, and Kapelna. To the period V, he ascribes the hoards from Ciglenik, Gajina Peina, Kamena Gorica, Krnjak, and Matijevii (Pare 1999:356), while to the final period (period VI) the Primoten and Vranjkova Peina hoards are ascribed (Pare 1999:357). There is very little published on these two latter hoards that also belong to the Balkan circle of hoards. Other hoards that can be ascribed to the period VI come from the Balkan region of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Single items from hoards are listed in publications on swords (Harding 1995), and axes from the former Yugoslavia (eravica 1993), while the hoards from the region around Slavonski Brod are discussed by Clausing (2004) and recently by Miklik-Lozuk (2004; 2009). Chronology The first attempt to date and establish a chronology of the hoards of the Late Bronze Age / the Urnfield culture of Croatia is seen in the work by Vinski and Vinski-Gasparini (1956) where authors do not use Reinecke's "Hungarian" chronology, but the one established for Bavaria and Austria (Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:65). One should bear in mind that at that time Muller-Karpe's seminal work (1959) on the chronology of the central European Urnfield culture was not yet published. The authors (Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:65) emphasize the heterogeneity of hoards in which a longer duration of types is observed (i.e. retardation and anticipation), and a mixture of it, thus

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making it impossible to date precisely. In this work, based on typological differences of individual artefacts, a more precise classification was done showing that in the Urnfield culture hoards in Croatia, but also from other regions in former Yugoslavia, the object types of Ha A and Ha B appear within a single hoard or find. A similar situation is seen for the material of phases Ha B and Ha C. Sometimes dating was based on the typologically youngest find only. In a paper on the hoards from Serbia, D. Garasanin (1954) provides us with only provisional dating. The chronology by Vinski and Vinski-Gasparini (1956:65) is based on the hoard finds and distinguishes four phases, based on Reinecke's periods Ha A and Ha B: 1. Early phase Ha A corresponds to the Ha A l , 2. Late phase Ha A corresponds to the Ha A2, 3. early phase Ha B corresponds to the Ha B l , 4. Late phase Ha B corresponds to the Ha B2 period. Authors (Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:66) based their chronology on two basic criteria: typological and quantitative. They also argue that dating a find on the basis of the youngest item present is metodologically unreliable, as hoards show a mixture of types and intrusion of forms. Further, according to them, the hoards may be buried at a time when the youngest object was made, but other items may have been used before and during the time when a certain collection of bronze items was collected. Therefore, Vinski and Vinski-Gasparini (1956) clearly state their methodological questions and problems that the prehistoric research of the time is faced with, but also emphasizing the importance of Miiller-Karpe's book (1959) in the solution to these problems. Later, it will become clear that this book also pinpointed a new set of problems. The aforementioned four phases include the most of then known hoards of the Urnfield culture from Croatia and Vojvodina region of Syrmia. Vinski and Vinski-Gasparini (1956:65-66) ascribe hoards to individual phases. Typical for hoards of the Ha A l phase is the material of the Ha A, whether without any elements, or with some rare elements of the older period Br D, or showing a tradition of the Br C period. According to Vinski and Vinski-Gasparini (1956) hoards of this phase are Toplicica I, Otok-Privlaka, Javornik, Markusica, and Peklenica. Hoards of the Ha A2 phase also include material of the Ha A period, with rare elements of older phases, but more or less frequent elements of the younger periods, and certain elements of the Ha B period. Hoards of this phase are Beravci, Podcrkavlje, Slavonski Brod, Brodski Varos, Sice, etc. Hoards of the Ha B1 period contain the characteristic material of the Ha B, with certain elements of the Ha A period and are represented by the hoards such as Kamena Gorica, Ivanec Bistranski, and Sitno. The hoards of the Ha B2 period contain the material of the Ha B, without any elements of the Ha A, but showing elements that point to the turn to Ha C. Hoards that belong to this phase are Sarengrad, Adasevci and Dreznik I (Gajina Pecina near Dreznik). As a special characteristic of the hoards from the area between the rivers Sava, Drava and Danube, Vinski and Vinski-Gasparini (1956:68) note the presence of the socalled hoards of the Ha A2 complex. They emphasize that these hoards do not always show the same characteristics,

and the end of the Ha Al and the beginning of the Ha A2 phase is not always easy to establish. It is important to note that the authors regard the phase 2 (late Ha A period or Ha A2) as the richest one in hoard finds (in it they include a total of 40 hoards (Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:69). They also conclude that none of the Croatian hoards of the early phase of the Urnfield culture can be ascribed to the Br D period (Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:70), although certain elements of this period can be recognized in one of the hoards, alongside elements of the Ha Al phase. They also note the statistically most abundant material of the phase Ha A2, and the least abundant material of the phase Ha Bl. Vinski and Vinski-Gasparini (1956:70) agree with the theory which sees hoards as a reflection of uncertain times, wars, and movements of people and their classification accounts for several waves of disturbance, starting soon after the year 1250 BC (phase Ha Al), and reaching their peak somewhat later, during the Ha A2 phase, roughly during the 12th and the first half of the 11th century B.C. According to them, during the Ha B1 phase these disturbances are lessening at the beginning of the 10th century B.C. only to start again in the 9th and 8th centuries B.C. In her monograph on the Urnfield culture in northern Croatia, Vinski-Gasparini (1973) continues her work on the classification and chronology of the hoards, now tightly connected to the periodisation of the Urnfield culture itself. She recognizes five phases and synchronizes them with periods of Miiller-Karpe (1959). According to her (VinskiGasparini 1973:22) these arc: 1. phase I - late Br C and early part of the Br D period - end of the 14th century to the year 1230 BC 2. phase II - later Br D and Ha A l period, year 1230 until year 1100 BC 3. phase III - Ha A2 period, 1100-1000 BC 4. phase IV - Ha B1 and partially Ha B2 period, 1000-850 BC 5. phase V - partially Ha B2 and most of the Ha B3 period, 850-750/700 BC Unlike in the first classification of Vinski and VinskiGasparini (1956), the period richest in hoard finds is not the Ha A2 period, but rather the Br D/Ha A l , or phase II (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:79-80). The criteria on which the dating of the individual hoards is based is described in more details, especially the typological and statistical criterion or model, meaning that: . ..the percentage of new types of items compared to the old ones is an important factor for a more precise dating and typological differentiation ..." (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:79). The typological and statistical principles on which material is ascribed to a certain period are also emphasized. Thus, the hoards are dated to the time when the items contained in it were produced, or used, and not to the time in which they were buried (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:80). A loose chronology of the hoards from the area north and south of the Sava river was, according to VinskiGasparini (1973:80), a result of mechanical application of

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the modified periods that Reinecke developed for the central Europe and of the disregard for the local developments and unique characteristics. Vinski-Gasparini (1973:109) also analyzed and dated individual types of items from the hoards found in northern Croatia on the basis of comparison with chronologically soundly defined finds, mostly from graves, of central Europe, as such finds were rare even in the Transdanubian region. The meaning of the hoards Vinski-Gasparini (1983:650) believes that the function of hoards was in fact multiple. Like most scholars, she too recognizes two types of hoards: sacral and profane. Sacral are of a votive or cult nature, and often consist of only one, sometimes two or three types of objects, that sometimes show traces of burning. Profane hoards include those of the bronze founders, possibly of itinerant craftsmen, or, most often, are hoards that represent valuable material goods that were stored. According to Vinski-Gasparini (1983:650), we should not exclude a possibility that danger was one of the reasons for the deposition of the hoards, as shown by examples from the Roman period and the Middle Ages. A characteristic of hoards from the southern Pannonian region (especially the region between rivers Sava and Drava and the area south of the Sava river, including northern Bosnia) is (Vinski-Gasparini 1983:650) that they include broken bronze pieces and we should include them into the mixed hoard group. Those hoards are not of cult meaning, but are a sort of hidden treasure. Vinski-Gasparini (1983:650) is right in saying that because the circumstances of their discovery are unknown it is impossible to be sure whether these are indeed hoards of bronze founders. At the time when her synthetic work on the Urnfield culture and hoards was done, no results on settlement research was available. Therefore, she uses the example of a hoard discovered at the Jakovo-Ekonomija Sava settlement (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:78) in eastern Syrmia. The hoard was analyzed by Tasic (1962). However, Vinski-Gasparini (1973:78) states that on all sites of the Slavonski Brod region, where hoards were discovered, pieces of pottery with profiles typical for the early phase of the Urnfield culture were found. Research of settlements was intensified only within the last decade which allowed to make a connection between most of the hoards of the southern Pannonia and settlements of the early Urnfield culture, such as Mackovac-Crisnjevi (Karavanic, Mihaljevic 2001; Karavanic et al 2002). According to Vinski-Gasparini (1973:78) hoards might have been buried within settlements and used as material goods, or means of payment. Most of the hoards of the phase II, however, contain pieces of broken bronze as well as raw, unprocessed bronze, pointing to some sort of casting activity. For a more complete picture we need moulds and other objects that would point to the metal working activity in settlements. We talked about it in more detail in our analysis of the Mackovac-Crisnjevi hoard (Karavanic, Mihaljevic 2001) and other finds that point to metal working activities in the Mackovac-Crisnjevi settlement (Karavanic 2006). In sum,

Vinski-Gasparini (1973; 1983) emphasized the profane character of hoards of the southern Pannonia and Croatian Posavina. Clausing (2004) writes on the meaning of hoards, including the ones from the Slavonski Brod area. He starts from theoretical models that try to explain the phenomenon of deposition of such large quantities of metal objects throughout Europe. In this, he concentrates on two models: one that assigns nomothetic meaning to these hoards and sees them as expressions of purely religious character; and the other model that sees them as purely profane in character. The later is strongly argued against by Hansel (1997:13) who points that a large number of hoards cannot be a coincidence, and does not come from dangerous times, but also from the times of continual development of prosperous civilizations. Hansel (1997:13) does not recognize a horizon of catastrophes that would be marked by hoards. Breaks are seen in finds such as graves and settlements, but those do not contain hoards nor items that are common in hoards. Hansel (1997:14) acknowledges the possibility that some of the hoards of the travelling traders had a more profane character, but points out that this would also mean that these traders were quite unlucky, and why this would all hapen within the Bronze Age also has to be explained. According to him, some of the hoards might have belonged to bronze founders, but this does not explain why would these founders leave such large quantities of the precious metals. Hansel (1997:15) believes that founders themselves often made sacrifices to gods, as they were involved in a hard and dangerous activities and owned metals, thus needing extra help from deities. He also mentions the Greek god-blacksmith Hephestus. Clausing (2004:142) informs us that the topic of the 1984 meeting of the German Archaeological Society were hoard finds, resulting in a great number of published works on this topic in the following year, some of which tried to explain the meaning of hoards (Mandera 1985; Pauli 1985; Torbriigge 1985). Torbriigge (1985) was quite critical of previous attempts to explain the reasons for deposition of bronze items. According to him, most older work, but some new publications as well, were of a purely antiquarian character, as they often have only a single page on the explanation of the reasons for hoard deposition. He is especially critical of Menke's 1976 habilitation thesis in which the whole phenomenon of hoards is considered mainly cult in character, as profane character could not be clearly seen (Torbriigge 1985:17). He argues that even though there are much more finds, this did not increase the attempts to explain their nature mainly because the same criterion in which he distinguishes between the common customs of depositing from the accidental episodes. Therefore, according to Torbriigge (1985:18) there is even more dichotomy between profane and non-profane hoards. According to Torbriigge (1985:19), such a wide scale of human activity cannot be easily explained and classified, and often there is a connection among the profane and ritual in a number of practical and spiritual aspects. This is

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precisely what Hansel had in mind when he talked about the participation of master craftsmen in sacrificial rituals. Mandera (1985:187) brings us an overview of the earlier German writings, which mostly saw hoards as votive or sacrificial gifts to gods. This is especially aimed at hoards found in water, swamps, wells, but also caves, cliffs and abysses. Authors that support this explanation are Kubach, Hundt, Torbrtigge, Zimmermann, Driehaus and Schauer (Mandera 1985:187). We are still unclear on the hoards from the earlier phase of the Urnfield culture, and whether they represent votive sacrifices or buried treasures. Mandera (1985:187, 190) is especially interested in hoards of the Late Urnfield culture of Ha B3 period and suggests a model in which hoards are mainly gifts to gods in some sort of sacred places and later, due to political reasons, were buried not to be taken out of the ground again (because they were either forgotten, or for some other reason). In this, he combines the sacral and profane character of hoards. Unlike Mandera, Wegner sees this secondary deposition of hoards not as a result of wars and dangerous times, but as a change in cult practices (Mandera 1985:187). Mandera, based on publications by Stein and von Brunn, recognizes the socalled "catastrophic horizons", in which hoards are more numerous in certain areas. These horizons are, according to him, not localized, but can be observed in wider regions. It is likely that both causes played a role. Hansen (1994) is another author that argues for votive explanation of hoards, especially of those from the older phase of the Urnfield culture and sees this as one of the structural marks of the Bronze Age society (Hansen 1994:371). The most important question that Hansen asks is: why were these bronze items used for something that was not their primary function? He believes we can get an answer to this question through analogies from ethnology and ancient writings, but also thrugh the use of social models (Hansen 1994:371). Hansen believes that the bronze objects are quite exclusive and bases his research on: 1. The so-called production of prestigious objects, and 2. Certain aspects of sacrificial activity or of votive finds. Hansen uses a quote from Reinecke (Hansen 1994:372, Anm.5) where he argues that there is no way that people would lose such large quantities of metals were they not faced with a grave danger, thus arguing against voluntary deposition of such items (although it can be linked to prevention against danger). Nebelsick (1997) also argues that the reason why these bronze items were broken is ritual breaking, and not a result of the activity of bronze founders. On the other hand, A. Mozsolics (1985b) collected all melted and later assembled pieces from hoards of the Carpathian Basin and Hungary and was able to prove that they were secondarily used for bronze-casting activity. Her work was a basis for Clausing's analysis of the Slavonski Brod (RGZM) hoard (2004:153) in which he used such objects to argue that the hoard belonged to a bronze founder. Interestingly, he also draws parallels with certain non-industrial societies in which founders and

blacksmiths also serve in religious ceremonies, and argues that there is no reason why Bronze Age casters could not have done the same and buried their treasures as a part of some religious ceremony (Clausing 2004:149). In this, Clausing is very close to Hansel's explanation (1997:15). Hansen (1994:387) argues that the broken pieces (the socalled Brucherzcharakter) were not very useful as votive offerings, but acknowledges that many of the ancient Greece's votive offerings were also broken and damaged. Hansen (1994:387-388) also states that hoards contained already used items (most often weapons, tools, jewellery, and attire components), but also ones that still bear traces of casting. The latter, according to Hansen, were not necessarily meant to be reused in casting, but could have also been a gift to gods, for which he again draws parallels to the examples from ancient Greece (Hansen 1994:388). List of hoards 1.APATOVAC (Breianci, Mikai) (fig. 52) Town/Municipality: Krievci Circumstances of the discovery: Found during land ploughing for a vineyard in 1930. A copper bucket with a hoard of about 15 kg was found at the depth of about 50 cm. Four items survived. The hoard was found by a local farmer and given to a school teacher. Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb Literature: Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:80, br. 2; Markovi 1982:61,73, si. 2:3; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:660; Hansen 1994:560 Nr. 3; Teran 1995:365 Nr. 42; Turk 1996:100. no. 38; Glogovi 2000:103-104 br. 1, si. 1. Date: phase III 2. BATINA Town/Municipality: Batina Circumstances of the discovery: Hoard (uncertain), cca 17 bronze pieces, mostly horse harness. Held by: Naturhistorisches museum Wien Literature: Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:88 Date: phase V 3.BELICA-Ciglana (Brick factory)

Town/Municipality: akovec Circumstances of the discovery: The hoard was found by two workmen in 1964 in the vicinity of the brick factory during the preparative work before the clay quarrying. It 94

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Fig. 52 Major hoard find sites in continental

Croatia

is said to have been found at a depth of about 60 cm. The vessel that contained the material was destroyed and not all objects that were in it were collected. Some were lost and some were later acquired by the Museum of Meimurje in akovec. It contains a total of 69 items of which 65 were drawn. Held by: Museum of Meimurje in akovec Literature: Vinski-Gasparini 1973:141; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:660; Vidovi 1989:455-456, T. 4-13; Hansen 1994:560 Nr. 9; Teran 1995:364 Nr. 32; Turk 1996:100, no. 42; Glogovi 2000:104 br. 2 Date: phase III 4.BERAVCI Town/Municipality: Slavonski Brod/Vrpolje Circumstances of the discovery: An accidental find. Unearthed in 1899 at a meadow about 4 km north of the village, at a depth of 0,30 m. It was found during the tearing down of an oak tree, in a ceramic vessel that did not survive. !t contained 235 bronze items.

Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb Literature: Holste 1951:4, T. 1-2; Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:80 br. 6; Vinski-Gasparini 1973:T. 108-109; VinskiGasparini 1983:662; Hansen 1994:560, Nr. 15; Harding 1995:41, Nr. 102-103, 92 Nr. 380, T. 15:102-103, T. 41: 380; Hansen 1994:560 Nr. 15; Terzan 1995:365 Nr. 73; Clausing 2004:154 Nr.l Date: phase IV 5. BIZOVAC Town/Municipality: Osijek/Bizovac Circumstances of the discovery: An accidental find, found in 1895 during ploughing of the "Lepodrevci" field alongside the road to Osijek. The ceramic vessel that contained the 333 bronze items did not survive. At a place where it was discovered the traces of burning could be observed, which could point to the existence of a casting workshop (VinskiGasparini 1973:178). Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb, Museum of Slavonia in Osijek

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Literature: Aberg 1935:39, 54, fig. 63:8,9, fig. 64:4-5; Holste 1951:4, T: 3, T. 4:1-17; Merhart 1952:29, 69; Peroni 1956:72,89, T. 1:22; Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:1 br. 10; Vinski-Gasparini 1968:3, T. 1:1; T. 2; Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 35-43; Vinski-Gasparini 1983: 654; Hansen 1994:560 Nr. 19; Teran 1995:365 Nr. 66 Date: phase II 6. BONJACI Town/Municipality: upanja/Bonjaci Circumstances of the discovery: Unknown. The hoard was acquired in 1933 with a major part destroyed, as well as a slab made of goldspiral wire, that was allegedly found in the hoard. Bronze items that were a part of the Basler (Sombor) collection come from this hoard, their whereabouts now not known. The rest of the hoard contains 24 bronze pieces. Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb Literature: Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:81 br. 11; VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 30A; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:654; Hansen 1994:561 Nr. 31; Teran 1995:365 Nr. 74 Date: phase II 7. BRODSKI VARO

Circumstances of the discovery: An accidental find. The hoard was discovered during ploughing of the field "Ribar" at a depth of 1,5 m. It contained 220 bronze items. Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb Literature: Vinski-Gasparini 1973:103,178, T. 77-81A; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:654; Hansen 1994:562 Nr. 42; Terzan 1995:364 Nr. 36; Turk 1996:101, no. 81; Glogovii 2000:104 br. 3 Date: phase II 9. CIGLENIK Town/Municipality: Slavonski Brod/Luzani Circumstances of the discovery: An accidental find. The hoard was found in 1884 in a vineyard near the river Orljava. The hoard was mostly destroyed and only 3 bronze pieces survived. Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb Literature: Ljubic 1889:75, T. 10:42; Vinski, VinskiGasparini 1956:82 br. 14: Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 126A; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:665; Terzan 1995:370 Nr. 8; Clausing 2004:154 Nr. 4 Date: phase V

Town/Municipality: Slavonski Brod/Brodski Varo 10. DALJ Circumstances of the discovery: An accidental find discovered in 1959 during the clearing of a vineyard, in three separate piles situated about 2-3 m from each other, at a depth of 0,50 m in a dark and partially burned dirt, which would, according to Vinski-Gasparini (1973:178), point to a bronze-casting workshop. A part of the hoard is missing. The hoard is large and contained over 800 bronze items (more than 1000, according to Vinski-Gasparini 1973:78). Plano-convex ingots were 27,50 kg in weight and parts of bronze items were about 1,15 kg in weight (Vinski, VinskiGasparini 1956:82). Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb and Museum of Brodsko Posavlje in Slavonski Brod. Literature: Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:82 br. 12; Vinski-Gasparini 1973:178,212, T. 52-65; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:654; Hansen 1994:561 Nr. 41; Teran 1995:365 Nr. 55; Clausing 2004:154, Abb. 46-58A Date: phase II 8. BUDININA Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb Town/Municipality: Krapina/Konjina Literature: Ljubic 1889:84, T. 12:58-59; Holste 1951:8, T. 96 (Kraljevac)

Town/Municipality: Dalj Circumstances of the discovery: A hoard of 14 bronze items mostly horse harness. Unpublished. Held by: Museum of Slavonia Osijek Literatura: Metzner-Nebelsick 1994; Simic 1996:38; Simic 2004:67,264, cat. 7 Date: phase V 11. DON J A BEBRINA Town/Municipality: Slavonski Brod Circumstances of the discovery: An accidental find. The hoard was found in 1882 near the river Sava. Later analyses showed that the Samac hoard that Ljubic writes on is in fact from Donja Bebrina. Part of the hoard is missing, 19 bronze pieces survived.

Metal Industry of the Urnfield Culture in Croatia

15:1-18; Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:82 br. 18; VinskiGasparini 1973:179,213, T. 94; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:660; Hansen 1994:563 Nr. 65; Teran 1995:365 Nr. 56; Clausing 2004:154 Nr. 5. Date: phase III 12. DOLINA NA SA VI Town/Municipality: Nova Gradika/Vrbje Circumstances of the discovery: It was most likely discovered during the field work at the Krevina locality near the village of Dolina. Year of the discovery unknown. Held by: Prhistorische Staatssammlung Mnchen. Literature: Schauer 1974; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:654; Hansen 1994:562 Nr. 64; Teran 1995:365 Nr. 50 Date: phase II 13. DOLJANI Town/Municipality: Gospi Circumstances of discovery: Unknown Literature: Vinski-Gasparini 1973:141; Drechsler-Bii 1983:375, 378; Turk 1996:102, no. 97. Date: phase III 14. DONJA POLJANA- Pilie, Krvarina

hoard was found in 1953 in a cave near the river Korana. The cave is known as the Korana or Dreznik cave. It contains 13 bronze items. Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb Literature: Holste 1951:7, T. 10:1-12; Vinski, VinskiGasparini 1956:83 br. 21; Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T.128; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:665; Terzan 1995:370 Nr. 5; Turk 1996:102, no. 95 Date: phase V 16. GORNJA VRBA Town/Municipality: Slavonski Brod Circumstances of the discovery: An accidental find. The hoard was discovered in 1896 during roadwork at the edge of the road near the end of a village. The hoard consists of 83 bronze items that were found in a ceramic vessel. Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb Literature: Holste 1951:9, T. 16:1-33; Vinski, VinskiGasparini 1956:83 br. 23; Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 5051; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:654; Hansen 1994:564 Nr. 81; Terzan 1995:365 Nr. 56; Clausing 2004:154 Nr. 6 Date: phase II 17. GORNJISLATINIK

Town/Municipality: Slavonski Brod Circumstances of the discovery: An accidental find. The hoard was discovered in 1920. Circumstances of the discovery unknown. It contained 133 bronze items. Held by: Museum of Brodsko Posavlje Literature: Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:83 br. 24; VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 69-70; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:654; Hansen 1994:564 Nr. 85; Terzan 1995: 365 Nr. 53 ; Clausing 2004:154 Nr. 7 Date: phase II 18. ILOK Town/Municipality: Ilok

Town/Municipality: Varadinske Toplice Circumstances of the discovery: The site is located about 6 km east of Varadinske Toplice, north of the village, on the slopes of Mount Toplika Gora that descend southwards to the river Bednja. The hoard was found in 1940 during the field work on a vineyard. The hoard is mostly separated, 4 bronze pieces survived. Held by: Varadinske Toplice Homeland Museum Literature: Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:83 br. 19: VinskiGasparini 1973:179, T. 82B; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:654; Hansen 1994:563 Nr. 67; Teran 1995:364 Nr. 34; Turk 1996:100, no. 39; Glogovi 2000:104 br. 4 Date: phase II 15. GAJINA PEINA near Dreinik Town/Municipality: Slunj Circumstances of the discovery: An accidental find. The 97

Circumstances of the discovery: The hoard was discovered in August 1960 during a construction work in the basement of a house in Dunavska street no. 8. It contained 22 bronze items in a clay vessel. Held by: Ilok Municipal Museum

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Literature: Majnaric-Pandzic 1966/1968; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:666; Terzan 1995:370 Nr. 10; Metzner-Nebelsick 2002:61 Date: phase V (after Vinski-Gasparini 1973), phase VI (after Metzner-Nebelsick 2002) 19. IVANEC BISTRANSKI

Date: phase V 22. KAPELNA

Town/Municipality: Donji Miholjac Circumstances of the discovery: An accidental find of a hoard discovered in 1966 during the digging of a channel on the "Sredanci" field, south of the Kapelna village. The hoard consists of 44 bronze items found in a ceramic vessel that did not survive. Held by: Museum of Slavonia in Osijek. Literature: Bulat 1967:9, T. 1-8; Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 110-111; I. Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975:96-98, T. 32-33:Nr 387390; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:662; Teran 1995:365 Nr. 64 Date: phase IV

Town/Municipality: Zapresic Circumstances of the discovery: An accidental find. The hoard was found in 1955 during the irrigation works on a Krapina river at the "Lug" site at a depth of 0,70 m. It contained 49 bronze items found in a ceramic vessel of which only several pieces survived. Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb Literature: Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:81 br. 9; Vinski-Gasparini 1973:180, T. 113:1-23; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:662; Terzan 1995:365 Nr 39; Turk 1996:101, no. 87; Glogovic 2000:104 br. 5 Date: phase IV 20. JAVORNIK

23. KLOTAR

IVANI-Ciglana

Town/Municipality: Ivani Grad/ Klotar Ivani Circumstances of the discovery: An accidental find. The hoard consists of a total of 277 bronze items found in a ceramic vessel during the digging of a pipeline in 1967. Partially destroyed and separated. Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb

Town/Municipality: Dvor na Uni Circumstances of the discovery: An accidental find. Circumstances unknown. Discovered in 1906. It contained 27 bronze pieces. Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb Literature: Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:84 br. 27; VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 98-99; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:660; Hansen 1994:565 Nr. 112; Terzan 1995:365 Nr. 48 Date: phase III 21. KAMENA GORICA

Literature: Vinski-Gasparini 1973:181, T. 96; VinskiGasparini 1983:660, T. 94; Hansen 1994:566 Nr. 127; Teran 1995: 365 Nr. 43; Turk 1996:102, no. 90; Glogovic 2000:106 br. 7 Date: phase III 24. KRNJAK

Town/Municipality: Karlovac Circumstances of discovery: Unknown Held by: Karlovac Municipal Museum Literature: ukovi 1986: si. 2 Date: phase IV 25. LEGRAD

Town/Municipality: Novi Marof Circumstances of the discovery: An accidental find discovered by local shepherds in 1873 in a rocky terrain. It contained 10 bronze items. The find site was described as hillside terrain on the southeastern slopes of Ivanscica, surrounded by the Lojnica and Ivanscak creeks. Held by: Naturhistorisches Museum Wien Literature: Holste 1951:26, T. 49:28-35; Vinski, VinskiGasparini 1956:84 br. 28; Vinski-Gasparini 1973:180, T. 126B; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:665; Terzan 1995:370 Nr. 4; Turk 1996:101, no. 80; Glogovic 2000:104-105 br. 6.

Town/Municipality: Koprivnica/Delekovac Circumstances of the discovery: unknown. The find site is a plain by the mouth of Mura into Drava. It contains 31 bronze objects.

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Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb Literature: Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:84 br. 30; VinskiGasparini 1973:181, T. 127; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:666; Hansen 1994:566 Nr. 136; Terzan 1995:370 Nr. 3; Turk 1996:100, no. 36; Glogovic 2000:106 br. 8 Date: phase V 26. LISINE Town/Municipality: Karlovac/Krstinja Circumstances of the discovery: An accidental find. Discovered in 1936 during ploughing. It contained 102 bronze items. Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb Literature: Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:84 br. 31; VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 97; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:660; Hansen 1994:566 Nr. 146; Terzan 1995:365 Nr. 46; Turk 1996:102, no. 102 Date: phase III 27. LONDICA Town/Municipality: Kutjevo

29. MACKOVAC - MACKOVAC II - MACKOVACCRISNJEVI Town/Municipality: Nova Gradiska/Vrbje Circumstances of the discovery: An accidental find. Discovered in 1985 during ploughing on the field owned by mr. Slavko Josipovic. Held by: Nova Gradiska Municipal Museum Literature: Karavanic, Mihaljevic 2001 Date: phase II 30. MALICKA Town/Municipality: Vrginmost Circumstances of the discovery: the hoard was found in 1968 at a field owned by Miladin Sapic and bought by the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb for their Prehistoric collection. It contains 124 items. Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb Literature: Balen-Letunic 1985; Hansen 1994:567 Nr. 162; Terzan 1995:365 Nr. 47; Turk 1996:102, no. 101 Date: phase II

Circumstances of the discovery: An accidental find discovered in 1895 during railroad works. Partially lost. It contains 11 bronze items. Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb Literature: Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:84 br. 32; Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 74B; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:654; Hansen 1994:566 Nr. 151; Terzan 1995:365 Nr. 62 Date: phase II 28. MACKOVAC Town/Municipality: Nova Gradiska/Vrbje Find circumstances: accidental find with no data available. Found at the site of Klupko. Contains 37 bronze items. Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb Literature: Ljubic 1889:76, T. 11:45-49; Holste 1951:6, T. 9:1-28; Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:85 br. 34; VinskiGasparini 1973:T. 73; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:654; Hansen 1994:566 Nr. 154; Terzan 1995:365 Nr. 49 Date: phase II

31.

MARKUSICA

Town/Municipality: Vinkovci/Markusica Circumstances of the discovery: Found during the works on a field in 1891 in a ceramic vessel that did not survive. It contains 11 bronze items (4 complete bracelets and 7 bracelet fragments). Held by: Naturhistorisches Museum Wien Literature: Holste 1951:8, T. 14:21-23,25; Vinski, VinskiGasparini 1956:85 br. 35; Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 30B; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:654; Hansen 1994:567 Nr. 172; Terzan 1995:365 Nr. 70 Date: phase II 32. MATIJEVICI Town/Municipality: Dvor na Uni Circumstances of the discovery: Found in 1958 in a stone quarry on the Kulsko Brdo hill near Matijevici. Contains 13 bronze pieces. Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb 99

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Literature: Marie 1964:30, prilog 4, br. 9; Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 129; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:665, T. 96; Teran 1995:370 Nr. 7; Turk 1996:102, no. 92 Date: phase V 33. MILJANA Town/Municipality: Klanjec/Zagorska Sela (Brezova Ravna) Circumstances of the discovery: Found in 1895 during field works. It was found lying close to the surface on a slope of the Brezova Ravna hill. Traces of burned darkened soil indicate a casting workshop. Contains 48 bronze pieces. Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb Literatura: Smodi 1956; Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:85 br. 36; Dorfler et al 1969; Vinski-Gasparini 1973:182, T. 112; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:662,664; Teran 1995:365 Nr. 38; Turk 1996:101, no. 84; Glogovi 2000:106 br. 10 Date: phase IV 34. NIJEMCI Town/Municipality: Vinkovci/Nijemci Circumstances of the discovery: No detailed data exists. Partially destroyed. Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb. Literature: Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:85 br. 37; VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 107B. Vinski-Gasparini 1983:662; Hansen 1994:568 Nr. 190; Teran 1995:365 Nr. 72 Date: phase IV 35. OTOK-PRIVLAKA

36.

PEKLENICA-Rudnik

Town/Municipality: Mursko Sredie/Vratiinec Circumstances of the discovery: According to one account, the hoard was found in a coal mine near the Mura river. According to the other account, it was found during the cleaning of the surface before the coal mining. Survey of the area was done for the Registry and showed the existence of a settlement, mostly destroyed. Therefore the hoard was inside a prehistoric settlement. It was discovered in 1925. Now scattered between the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb, akovec Municipal Museum, while some of the items are in the Varadin Municipal Museum. Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb and akovec Municipal Museum. Some finds are held in the Varadin Municipal Museum. Literature: Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:86 br. 41; VinskiGasparini 1973:183,217, T. 20; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:652654; Vidovi 1989:453; Hansen 1994:569 Nr. 214; Teran 1995:364 Nr. 31; Turk 1996:100, no.43; Glogovi 2000:106 br. 11 Date: phase I 37. PODCRKAVLJE-SLAVONSKI Town/Municipality: Slavonski Brod Circumstances of the discovery: Allegedly two hoards that came to the Museum as a mixed unit. Found in 1862 in Podcrkavlje at the "Dvorita" site, and in Slavonski Brod, at the site of Bili. Brought to the Museum in 1868. Treated as a single find in previous publications. Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb Literature: Ljubi 1889:79, T. 11:50-57; Holste 1951:6, T. 7-8; Peroni 1956:75,88,90; Vinski, Vinski, Gasparini 1956:86 br. 42; Vinski-Gasparini 1973:T. 66-68; VinskiGasparini 1983:654; Hansen 1994:569 Nr. 220; Harding 1995; Teran 1995:365 Nr 61; Weber 1996:216 Nr. 472, 221 Nr 501, T. 46:472, T. 48:501; Clausing 2004:154 Nr. 11, Abb. 6IB, Abb. 62B-64A Date: phase II BROD

Town/Municipality: Vinkovci/Privlaka Circumstances of the discovery: An accidental find during the construction of the road between the Otok and Privlaka villages in 1897. Contains 276 bronze pieces. Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb

38. PODRUTE Literature: Holste 1951: T. 5-6; Peroni 1956; Vinski, VinskiGasparini 1956:85 br. 49; Patay 1968; Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 27-29; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:654; Hansen 1994:569 Nr. 205; Teran 1995:365 Nr. 71 Date: phase II Town/Municipality: Novi Marof Circumstances of the discovery: Found during railroad construction in 1886. Found in a ceramic vessel that did not survive. Contains 30 bronze pieces. Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb 100

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Literature: Ljubic 1889:62; Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:86 br. 43; Vinski-Gasparini 1968: T. 1:2, T. 3:1-19; Vinski-Gasparini 1973:183, T. 81B; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:654; Hansen 1994:570 Nr. 221; Terzan 1995:364 Nr. 35; Turk 1996:100, no.40; Glogovic 2000:106 br. 12 Date: phase II

42. POLJANCI IV Town/Municipality: Slavonski Brod Circumstances of the discovery: Found in 1991 while digging a trench during the war. Hekd by: Museum of Brodsko Posavlje in Slavonski Brod

39. POLJANCII Literatura: Miklik-Lozuk 2004; 2009:38-42. Town/Municipality: Slavonski Brod Date: phase II Circumstances of the discovery: Found during field work. Contains 150 bronze pieces. Held by: Museum of Brodsko Posavlje in Slavonski Brod Literature: Vinski-Gasparini 1973:183,218, T. 48-49; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:654; Hansen 1994:570 Nr. 223; Harding 1995; Terzan 1995:365 Nr. 60; Weber 1996: 219 Nr. 484, 221 Nr. 503, 223 Nr. 513, T. 47:484, T. 48:503,513; Clausing 2004:154 Nr. 12, Abb. 64, Abb. 65B Date: phase I 40. POLJANCI II Town/Municipality: Slavonski Brod Circumstances of the discovery: Found in 1965 at another position, also during field work. Contains 200 bronze pieces. Held by: Museum of Slavonia in Osijek Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb Literature: Vinski-Gasparini 1973:183,218, T. 90:1516; Bulat 1973-1975: T. 1-16; si. 1-3; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:654; Hansen 1994:570 Nr. 224, T. 25-35; Harding 1995:31 Nr. 58, 34 Nr. 69, 47 Nr. 141, 157-158, 92 Nr. 374-375, 92 Nr. 389, 94 Nr. 412-416, T. 9:58, T. 10:69, T. 18:141, T. 19:157-158, T. 41:374-375, 389, T. 43:412-416; Terzan 1995:365 Nr. 60; Weber 1996:215 Nr. 462,464, 216 Nr. 469,220 Nr. 493,223 Nr. 518, T. 45:462, T. 46:464,469, T. 47:493, T. 49:518; Clausing 2004:154 Nr. 13, Abb. 6670A Date: phase II Town/Municipality: Koprivnica/Novigrad Podravski 41. POLJANCI III Town/Municipality: Slavonski Brod Held at: Museum of Brodsko Posavlje Held by: Koprivnica Municipal Museum Literature: Harding 1995:90 Nr. 340, T. 39:340; Clausing 2004: 156 Nr. 14, Abb. 76B; Miklik-Lozuk 2009:31-37. Date: phase II 101 Literature: Kulenovi, Alekovi 2003 Date: phase II Circumstances of the discovery: 5 bronze items found together during the survey in 1999 at the Poljane locality, 2 km from the Delovi settlement. Literature: Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:67,69,86 br. 45; Vinski-Gasparini 1973:183,218, T. 71-72; ; KilianDirlmeier 1975:90 Nr. 376, T. 31:367; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:654; Hansen 1994:570 Nr. 230; Harding 1995:43 Nr. 119, T. 16:119; Teran 1995:365 Nr. 52; Clausing 2004:156 Nr. 15, Abb. 70B-72A. Date: phase II 45. POLJANE 43. POLJANCI DONJE POLJE

Town/Municipality: Slavonski Brod Circumstances of discovery: Part of the hoard found at village Poljanci and was given to Museum of Brodsko Posavlje in 1963 as a gift. Literature: Miklik-Lozuk 2009:26-30 Date: phase II 44. PRIA C Town/Municipality: Slavonski Brod/ Luani Circumstances of the discovery: Found on the bank of the Sava river, at the "Poloj" locality, cca 1920. Found in a ceramic vessel that did not survive. Contains 150 bronze pieces.

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46. PUNITOVCI Town/Municipality: akovo Circumstances of the discovery: Found in 1971 during ploughing of the Cerik-Rudine field, near the Punitovci village. Allegedly found in a ceramic vessel that broke during unearthing and was subsequently lost. Held by: akovo Municipal Museum Literature: Vinski-Gasparini 1979-1980; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:654; Hansen 1994:571 Nr. 235; Teran 1995:365 Nr. 69 Date: phase II 47. PUSTAKOVEC

49.

SELCIPETRIJEVACKI

Town/Municipality: Valpovo Circumstances of the discovery: Found at the "Travnjak" locality during digging in 1896. Contains 14 bronze pieces. Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb Literature: Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:87 br. 50; VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 107A; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:662; Hansen 1994:571 Nr. 252; Terzan 1995:365 Nr. 65 Date: phase IV 50. SICA-LUCICA

Town/Municipality: Karlovac/Barilovic Circumstances of the discovery: A part of the hoard found during the pebble quarrying in the 1950s, while the rest was collected when the test pits were made in 2000 at the "Jugotov Do" plateau. It was established that no undisturbed finds or cultural layers exist (Perkic, Loznjak-Dizdar 2005: 44). The hoard contained a total of 287 items, of which 261 were catalogued. Held by: Karlovac Municipal Museum Literature: Perkic, Loznjak-Dizdar 2005 Date: phase II 51. SICE Town/Municipality: Nova Gradiska/Vrbje Circumstances of the discovery: Found in a pond in 1900 in a ceramic vessel that was only partially preserved. Contained 49 bronze pieces. Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb

Town/Municipality: Koprivnica/Koprivniki Ivanec Circumstances of the discovery: In 1969 Museum fr Vor- und Frhgeschichte in Berlin bought a collection of 49 bronze items from a private collector. The owner was Dr. Gnter Wippel who obtained the items from a Croatian schoolteacher who found the hoard in the Pustakovec village. The exact location of the find unknown. Allegedly, a farmer from the Pustakovec village found the items during ploughing in 1961. During the next year, he and schoolteacher Josip Kovai dug a hole about 50 to 60 cm deep at the same place and found the rest of the items. No ceramic fragments were found. Held by: Museum fur Vor- und Frhgeschichte Berlin Literature: Hansen 1994:571 Nr. 237; B. Hansel 1997:174176; A. Hnsel 1999; Glogovi 2000:106 br. 13 Date: phase II 48. RAINOVCI

Town/Municipality: Gunja Circumstances of the discovery: Found in 1900 at the "Letun" site, where the Gunjica creek reaches the Sava river. Partially destroyed. Contains 51 bronze pieces. Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb Literature: Ljubi 1889:163; Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:87 br. 49; Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 30 B; VinskiGasparini 1983:654; Hansen 1994:571 Nr. 238; Teran 1995:365 Nr. 75 Date: phase II Literature: Holste 1951:7, T. 9:29-38; Vinski, VinskiGasparini 1956:87 br. 51; Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 95; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:660; Hansen 1994:571 Nr. 255; Terzan 1995:365 Nr. 51 Date: phase III 52. SISAK Town/Municipality: Sisak Circumstances of the discovery: no data on the circumstances of the find exist. Most likely discovered cca 1880. Partially destroyed. Contains 4 bronze pieces.

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Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb Literature: Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:87 br. 52; Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 74C; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:654; Hansen 1994:572 Nr. 260; Teran 1995:365 Nr. 44; Turk 1996:102, no. 91 Date: phase II 53. SLAVONSKI BROD

Literature: Clausing 2004 Date: phase II 56. STARO TOPOLJEI

Town/Municipality: Slavonski Brod/Donji Andrijevci Circumstances of the discovery: Discovered around 1956. Contains 50 bronze pieces. Held by: Museum of Brodsko Posavlje in Slavonski Brod Literature: Vinski-Gasparini 1973:185,219, T. 90:4; VinskiGasparini 1983:654; Hansen 1994:572 Nr. 276; Harding 1995:39 Nr. 91, 49 Nr. 169, T. 13:91, T. 20:169; Terzan 1995:365 Nr. 59; Clausing 2004:156 Nr. 20, Abb. 76A Date: phase II Literature: Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:88 br. 56 (published as Slavonski Brod II); Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 106 C; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:662; Hansen 1994:572 Nr. 266 Date: phase IV 54. SLA VONSKI BRODILIVADIEVA ULICA SLA VONSKI BROD 57. STRUGA Town/Municipality: Ludbreg/Sveti Durd Circumstances of the discovery: The village is located about 6 km northeast of Ludbreg in the Drava plain that is intercrossed with mild natural uplifts. The exact location unknown. Discovered most likely in 1931. Partially destroyed. Contains 17 bronze pieces. Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb Circumstances of the discovery: Found in 1968 during the construction works on the foundations for a house in Livadieva street. Allegedly found in a metal vessel that did not survive. Later sold to the "Otpad" company in Slavonski Brod as scrap metal by a Roma. Later bought by the Museum of Brodsko Posavlje. 150 bronze items survived. Held by: Museum of Brodsko Posavlje Literature: Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975:107 Nr. 428, T. 4445:428, 108 Nr. 435, T. 44:435; Mikiv 1982; Hansen 1994:572 Nr. 265; Harding 1995:29 Nr. 47, 50 Nr. 176, 66 Nr. 223, T. 8:47, T. 21:176, T. 28:223, 61B-64A; Clausing 2004:156 Nr. 18, Abb. 72, Abb. 75B Date: phase II 55. SLA VONSKI BROD II - SLA VONSKI BROD HORTRGZM Town/Municipality: Slavonski Brod Circumstances of discovery: Unknown. It contains 260 bronze items. Held by: Rmisch Germanisches Zentralmuseum Mainz LiteratureVinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:88 br. 59; VinskiGasparini 1973:185, T. 74D, Vinski-Gasparini 1983:654; Hansen 1994:572 Nr. 281; Terzan 1995:364 Nr. 33; Turk 1996:100, no. 37; Glogovic 2000:106-107 br. 14 Date: phase II 58. SARENGRAD

Town/Municipality: Slavonski Brod Circumstances of the discovery: Found during the digging of foundations for a hospital in 1916. Mostly destroyed. Contains 8 bronze pieces. Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb

Town/Municipality: Slavonski Brod

Town/Municipality: Ilok/Sarengrad Circumstances of the discovery: Found at the "Bascine" locality during the works on a vineyard in 1987. Found in a ceramic vessel. Contains 91 bronze and 6 iron pieces. Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb Literature: Brunsmid 1899-1900b, T. 2-3; Vinski, VinskiGasparini 1956:88 br. 61; Z. Vinski-K. Vinski-Gasparini 1962: T.l-2; Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 130B-131; VinskiGasparini 1983:666-667; Terzan 1995:370 Nr. 9; MetznerNebelsick 2002:59,61, Abb. 13 Date: phase V (after Vinski-Gasparini 1973), phase VI (after Metzner-Nebelsick 2002)

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59. TEN J A Town/Municipality: Osijek/Tenja Circumstances of the discovery: Found in 1877 during field work. Contains 82 bronze pieces. Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb and Museum of Slavonia in Osijek. Literature: Ljubic 1889: T. 12:60-70; Holste 1951:8, T. 13, T. 14:1-18; Peroni 1956, T. 1:23-24; Vinski, VinskiGasparini 1956:89 br.62; Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 31-34; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:654; Hansen 1994:573 Nr. 289; Terzan 1995:365 Nr. 67 Date: phase II

Date: phase II 62. VELIKO NABRDE

Town/Municipality: Osijek/Drenje Circumstances of the discovery: Found in 1922 during field work. Contains 224 bronze pieces. Held by: Archaeological MuseumZagreb Literature: Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:89 br. 65; VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 44-47; Vinski-Gasparini 1983: 654, T. 93; Hansen 1994:574 Nr. 315; Terzan 1995:365 Nr. 68 Date: phase II 63. VRANJKOVA PECINA or DREZNIKII

60.

TOPLICICAI Town/Municipality: Karlovac/ Dreznik or Rakovica

Town/Municipality: Krapina/Budinscina (Vinski Vrh, Pokojec) Circumstances of the discovery: Found in 1886 at Vini Vrh, inside a ceramic vessel that did not survive. The site is located 2,5 km west of a gorge that intersects the Ivanscica mountain thus being a link from north to south, near the villages Gotalovec and Toplicica. Contains 50 bronze pieces. Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb Literature: Ljubic 1889: T. 8:9-15; Vinski, VinskiGasparini 1956:89 br. 63; Vinski-Gasparini 1973:186, T. 76; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:654; Hansen 1994:573 Nr. 298; Terzan 1995:364 Nr. 37; Turk 1996:101, no. 82; Glogovic 2000:109 br. 15 Date: phase II 61. TOPLICICA II Town/Municipality: Krapina/Budinscina

Circumstances of the discovery: Hoard mostly destroyed, 6 bronze items survived. Interconnected rings made of spiral wire, saltaleoni, a small spearhead and smaller socketed axes, similar to those from the Adasevci and Matijevici hoards from the Ha B2 period. Literature: Ljubic 1889:70, T. 9:29; Vinski, VinskiGasparini 1956:83 br. 22; Vinski-Gasparini 1973:165; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:665; Cuckovic 1986:9; Terzan 1995:370 Nr. 6; Turk 1996:102, no. 96 Date: phase V (after Vinski-Gasparini 1973) or phase VI ( after Pare 1999) 64. ZAGREB-DEZMANOVPROLAZ

Town/Municipality: Zagreb Circumstances of the discovery: found during construction of a house at Dezmanov Prolaz 6 in 1949. Mostly destroyed, only 8 pieces survived. Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb Circumstances of the discovery: Found in 1913 at the Nemski Gradec locality, near the stone quarry, about 1,5 km from the Toplicica village. The locality is on the steep slopes of the Ivanscica mountain, approximately 1 km west from the site where the Toplicica I hoard was found. Partially destroyed. Contains 10 bronze pieces. Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb Literature: Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:89 br. 64; VinskiGasparini 1973:186, T. 75B; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:654; Hansen 1994:573 Nr. 299; Terzan 1995:364 Nr. 37; Turk 1996:101, no. 83, Glogovic 2000:109 br. 16 Literature:Vinski, Vinski-Gasparini 1956:89 br. 68; VinskiGasparini 1973:187, T. 74A; Vinski-Gasparini 1983:654; Radovcic, Skoberne 1989:18; Hansen 1994:575 Nr. 341; Terzan 1995:365 Nr 41; Turk 1996:101, no. 88; Glogovic 2000: 109; Glogovic, Miko 2000. Date: phase II 65. ZAGREB-MEDVEDGRAD

Town/Municipality: Zagreb Circumstances of the discovery: found by alpinists in 1959 104

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near the remains of a Medieval castle at the Medvednica mountain (at a height of 583m). Partially lost, 26 items preserved. Held by: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb Literature: Vinski-Gasparini 1973:187, T. 75A; VinskiGasparini 1983:654; Hansen 1994:575 Nr. 342; Terzan 1995:365 Nr40; Turk 1996:102, no. 89; Glogovic 2000:106 br. 9 Date: phase II 4.4 Typological and Statistical Analysis of Metal Items in the Hoards Hoards containing bronze items are without a doubt the best evidence of the characteristics of metal production in the southern Pannonian region. In her synthesis on the Urnfield culture of northern Croatia, Vinski-Gasparini (1973:79) makes one of her aims (besides typological and chronological classification) defining of regional characteristics and specifics of metal workshop centres in the area. The aim of this analysis of the metal items from hoards is to note the existence of regional traits, but also of influence of and trade with other centres of production in the neighbouring regions. We have organized metal objects from the hoards of northern Croatia into several functional groups, as follows: tools, weapons, jewellery, attire components, toiletries, vessels, horse harnesses, and other objects. Based on this division, we have shown the hoard structure consisting of the following variables, or types of items: 1. sword 2. axe 3. spear 4. dagger 5. sickle 6. knife 7. chisel 8. saw 9. fibula 10. bracelet 11. necklace 12. pin
13. p e n d a n t

To all of the aforementioned variables its frequency was ascribed according to a hoard and a hoard horizon (after Vinski-Gasparini 1973). Thus we were able to obtain data on the abundance of each type of item according to a hoard and a hoard horizon. It is important to note that we used previously published data. Therefore, the real picture of hoard structures and items is probably somewhat different. For example, according to Vinski-Gasparini (1973:90) the hoard from Brodski Varos had over 1000 bronze pieces, most of them are 90% damaged or preserved in parts (scrap metal). It also included a lot of amorphous lumps and raw materials in the form of plano-convex ingots. It is assumed that it actually represents more than one hoard belonging to bronze founders that were later grouped together. In any case, this hoard shows a rich and diverse production of metal objects in Croatia around the river Sava. Some of the hoards from our list were also not previously published in whole and therefore will not be analysed here. Through the use of statistical analysis we obtained data on the number of hoards in each horizon which we give here as a graph (fig. 53). Based on the statistical analysis it can be seen that the horizon II is the richest in the number of hoards (a total of 38 hoards with bronze items), horizons IV and V have 8 hoards each, 6 can be ascribed to the horizon III and only one to the horizon I. Analysis of the percentage of variables (types of items) has shown that: most are sickles (N=584) found in 61 hoard, followed by axes (N=366). The most abundant items after aforementioned axes are bracelets (N=216), bronze sheet metal (N=141), spearpoints (N = 130), and swords (N=125). Horse harnesses and bronze raw material is found in 61 hoard (represented by 98 items), followed by pendants (N=97). Pendants are represented in large quantity within jewellery and attire components, as do the aforementioned bracelets. Also present are ornamented plates (N= 74), daggers (N=59), pins (N=53), knives (N=51), and chisels (N= 49). 43 fibulae, 34 saws, 29 necklacess, and 27 razors were also found, followed closely in abundance by defensive armour items (N=25), bronze vessels (N = 23), and belts (N=15). Other 166 items belong to objects that could not be identified. The analysis has shown that certain types of objects, such as sickles and axes appear in great numbers, which is characteristic for the hoards of the Urnfield culture in Croatia, as well as in the neighbouring areas such as Slovenia (Terzan et al. 1996). Number of various decorative items and attire components is also quite large, especially of pendants, bracelets, fibulae, necklaces, and belts, proving Terzan (1995:334) right in her suggestion that hoards from Croatia are characterized by a high number of decorative items and attire components. There is also a great abundance of bronze sheet metal parts that were parts of defensive armour, bronze vessels, and other items. These objects are in close connection to items such as saws used

14. belt 15. razor 16. metal vessel 17. defensive armour 18. horse harnesses 19. ornamented plates 20. bronze sheet metal 21. plano-convex or bar ingots 22. other items 105

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for cutting (Teran 2003), and chisels that were used for cutting and decorating objects of bronze metalwork. As for weapons, there is a similar number of swords (N=125) and spearheads (N=130) that were used as offensive weapons. There are also a great number of razors that mostly belong to the earlier phase of the Urnfield culture, while in the late phase of this culture in Croatia, those are mostly found in graves, e.g at Velika Gorica. Characteristic of the phase II are bigger hoards containing items of mixed character, such as those from the region around Slavonski Brod in which various items, mostly broken, are found. These include the hoards from Brodski Varo, Slavonski Brod-Livadieva Ulica, Slavonski Brod RGZM, Poljanci I, II and IV, Dolina na Savi, Veliko Nabre, etc. Outside this (Posavina) region a newly published hoard from Sia-Luica has been found. During the late phase of the Urnfield culture, smaller hoards of mixed character appear: Beravci, Kapelna, Klotar Ivani, Ivanec Bistranski, Miljana, etc. At the end of the Urnfield culture hoards with a single item type appear (mostly horse harness): hoards Legrad, arengrad. Swords Swords represent the most important weapons that appear between periods Br D to Ha B3. In his studies of weaponry, Harding (1995; 2000; 2007) analyses the Croatian finds, as well as finds from other regions of former Yugoslavia. According to him (Harding 2007:71), sword, alongside spear, is the most abundant weapon type found from the beginning of the Late Bronze Age. It overtook the role that bow and arrow once had, although these too are still used in battles of the Late Bronze Age period. Daggers and battle axes also appear, albeit rarely, and Harding (2007:71) suggests that wooden clubs were also in use. According to Schauer (1971:1) a transition from long dagger to short sword was slow in pace. The lower length limit for a sword is 25 cm. However, Harding (1995:5) tells us about colonel D.H. Gordon's suggestion of criteria for dagger and sword classification. According to him, a dagger is up to 35,5 cm in length, a longer dagger is between 35,5 and 51 cm in length, a short sword is 51 to71 cm in length, while the long sword is longer than 71 cm. Based on this classification, Harding (2007:71) uses the 30 cm length limit to classify daggers, and sees this change taking place in Europe at about 1700 BC. This is a time of transition between Br A2/Br B1 periods. It is generally thought that the sword blades lengthen during the Middle Bronze Age. This development is shown clearly by Schauer (1971). Around the year 1500 BC a functional sword is developed in full (Harding 2007:76). It has to be noted that the whole length of a sword, including the handle and not just the blade length, is important for its classification. According to Harding (1995:6), a sword is a weapon of over 30 cm in length (handle included), but the blade lenght must not be less than 25 cm. Thus defined, some

30.00

TJ 20 0

(A

5 0 1
10,00

0.00

I I

III

I V

Horizon

Fig. S3 Hoards according to horizons

daggers with overal length of 40 cm have been classified as short swords (Harding 2007:74). A second classificatory criterion is the way how the handle, made of organic material, is hilted to a metal plate (the so-called platehilted swords or Griffplattenschwert), flange (the so-called flange-hilted swords ( Griffzungenschwert ) or thorn or tang (Griffangelschwert). The way the handle was connected to the blade also changed. Only rivets were not enough, but the so-called cast over technique or berfangguss (Harding 2007:76) was also sometimes used, in which a handle was cast together with the blade. Interestingly, some authors do not believe these swords were functionally sound, especially those from the Late Bronze Age, due to their small handles and generally small dimensions (Harding 2007:76). Other authors (Kristiansen 2002:320) believe that those swords have been ideally ballanced. As for the solid-hilted swords, Harding (1995:67) believes that the area of former Yugoslavia (including Croatia) is the southernmost border of production of such swords, as they were neither produced nor used in battle in the region south of the Danube and Sava rivers. Most of these swords are concentrated in the area north of Croatia. Harding (1995:67) lists 18 swords found in Slovenia, 5 from the Adriatic region, while most others were found between the rivers Sava, Drava, and Danube. Based on this, Harding (1995:67) concludes that the production centres for these swords were outside former Yugoslavia, and that only some of the types were produced in local workshops. In her review of Harding's book, Majnaric-Pandzic (1998b: 119) is justifying Harding's (1995) defining of numerous regional types of swords and naming according to localities, which she considers a welcome alternative to signatures in letters and numbers. The only drawback is (Majnaric-Pandzic 1998b: 119) the lack of clear criteria for such nomenclature, "...Es wre ntzlich gewesen, wenn im Eingfhrungsteil des Buches die Prinzipien klargestellt worden wren, nach denen die Typen und ihre Varianten bestimmt worden sind... ". According to Harding (1995:6768) a very small number of sword fragments can be

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" ascribed to the type of solid-hilted sword, concluding that this type was less abundant than the flange-hilted sword, or, alternatively, that more care was taken of solid-hilted swords that were not just thrown to scrap with other items. The reason for more abundant use of the flange-hilted swords was in the simplicity of their production, as noted by Harding (2007:106), but also in the fact that this type of sword was more likely to be damaged, as it was hafted by rivets. The Riegsee type was the most abundant type of the solid-hilted sword at the beginning of the Late Bronze Age, but in time a regional diversification is seen. Solidhilted swords were also often found unused or only slightly used and could have been a part of the prestigious warrior equipment that signified a certain social status and position (Harding 1995:68; Harding 2000:281). In his earlier study, Harding (1995:6) argues that there is no great difference between solid-hilted and flange-hilted swords, as the second type often had richly ornamented handles made of organic materials. This is supported by the find of a sword plate in Dukovac (Harding 1995: T. l:Nr.9). Harding (1995:19-20, Nr.21-22) uses the examples of the flangehilted swords from Gornja Vrba (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 50:4) and Budinina (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 77:3). Together with the ones from Privina Glava in Vojvodina and Donji Kamengrad in Bosnia (Harding 1995:Nr. 19-20) Harding (1995:20) dates them into the period II. However, as these swords look more like the type with a tang hilt, it is more likely that they should be dated to an earlier time, possibly Br D period of Miiller-Karpe (1959). According to Harding (1995:Nr. 18) a fragment of a sword from the Budinina hoard is also of the sword with a tang-hilt type (Griffangelschwerter), although this is uncertain as most of the sword is missing.

Budinscina hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 54:2; Harding 1995: T. 7:45). Harding (1995:30) distinguishes the Tenja type, which, according to him, matches the Sprockhoff la type in which he includes the swords from the Tenja hoard (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 31:1; Harding 1995: T. 8:49), the sword from the Gornja Vrba hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 50:1; Harding 1995: T. 8:50) as well as that from Batina (Harding 1995: T. 8:52). A sword from the Peklenica hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 20:3; Vidovic 1988-1989: T. 1:3) is ascribed to the Zlebic variant of the Tenja type. To the Vrhnika variant belong the swords from Trilj (Harding 1995: T. 9:56, 56A;Glogovic 1995-96: T. 1:15). However, in our oppinion, a more accurate name would be the Cetina type, as the Cetina region had strong connections to the southern Pannonian area (Glogovic 1995-1996). Harding (1995:32) rightly acknowledges that these finds show local characteristics that have very little in common with the weapon developments in the region south of the river Sava and in the Balkan region. Perhaps a terminology that reflects ties with southern Pannonia would be more appropriate. In a gravel pit near Koprivnica (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 26:1; Markovic 1982, T. 8:2) a sword of the Koprivnica variant has been found which Vinski-Gasparini (1973) ascribed to the Aranyos type. The same variant is seen in the Poljanci II hoard (Bulat 1973-75, T. 1:20). A flange-hilted sword of the Annenheim type after Schauer (1971) was found in the Peklenica hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 20:1; Vidovic 1988-1989, T. 1:1). This type of sword should, according to Schauer (1971:128), be dated to the late period of the Tumulus culture, and is the earliest type of the flange-hilted sword to appear in the eastern part of central Europe. Its long and slender blade shows a tie with the Middle Bronze Age. An interesting type is the Marina type (Harding 1995:33), which was criticized by some authors (Majnaric-Pandzic 1998b). To this type belong the swords from the Bizovac hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 35:1; Harding 1995: T. 10:65), the Marina hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 49:8; Harding 1995: T. 10:67), and from Rumin (Harding 1995: T. 11:73; Glogovic 1995-1996: T. 2:4). Majnaric-Pandzic (1998b:120) argues that the term Marina is not the best one to use for the flange-hilted swords. Five such swords have been found in southern Pannonian region and continental Croatia, and two in northern Bosnia - regions that have geographic and cultural ties to the aforementioned region, while only one such sword was found in the Adriatic region (here we must also include one found in the Cetinska Krajina region, another region south of the Sava river). As an alternative, Majnaric-Pandzic (1998b: 120) suggests the term Poljanci type, which would, based on the current state of research on hoard finds of the region, be a much better term for a sword that was made in local southern Pannonian workshops.

In his study of swords from former Yugoslavia, Harding (1995) also included the finds from Croatia for which he created and named new types and variants. In a large group of most common flange-hilted swords several types can be differentiated: a flange-hilted sword with wide shoulders of which one example can be found in the Brodski Varo hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 54:4; Harding 1995: T. 6:Nr.37), and another one was found near Tuzla in northern Bosnia (Harding 1995: T 6:36; Konig 2004:29). The latter is, according to Konig (2004:29), similar to the long dagger found in Lava (Konig 2004: T. 20:A1), but it is more likely that both are short swords. The find from Brodski Varo is represented only by a small fragment, making it ! hard to define precisely. As for the one found at Pri draici (Harding 1995: T: 6:36), we believe it is a somewhat longer sword than those from Joeva and Arilje (Harding 1995: T. 6:33,38), and more similar to the Middle Bronze Age swords with a hilt plate. Aranyos type is represented by the Brza Palanka variant as I seen in the find from Peklenica, possibly a part of a hoard find (Vidovi 1988-1989: T. 2:3; Harding 1995: T. 7:42), while the Buzija variant is represented by the find from the

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Harding (1995:35) accepts Schauer's (1971) Reutlingen type that corresponds with the Cowen's (1956) Nenzingen or Sprockhofflia type. A sword of this type was discovered at Donji Miholjac (Harding 1995: T. 11:77) previously published by Kemenczei (1988: T. 47:416) as the sword from "Dolnia Micina", while another one was found in the Veliko Nabrde hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 93:2; Harding 1995: T. 13:86). Harding (1995:38-44) recognizes several variants of the Reutlingen type, as follows: Pekel, Staro Topolje, Genf, Jarun, Konjusa, and the Londica variants. To the Reutlingen type he also ascribes a number of fragmented sword finds. Among different variants we should also include swords from Croatian hoards. A sword from the Slavonski Brod RGZM hoard is of the Staro Topolje variant (Harding 1995: T. 13:90; Clausing 2004: Abb. 1:1), as is the one from the Staro Topolje hoard, also from the Slavonski Brod region (Harding 1995: T. 13:91). A fragment of the sword from the Dolina na Savi hoard (Schauer 1974: Abb. 1:6) according to Harding (1995:39, T. 13:94), also belongs to this variant. Most of the swords are obviously named after the sites in Croatian Posavina, and it is to be assumed that this region had developed centres of production of swords of this type. A detailed list of the Reutlingen type of sword according to the country of discovery is given by Clausing (2004:51-61). Harding uses, after Schauer's terminology (1971), the term Genf for this variant of swords and includes in it the swords from the Croatian hoards of Brodski Varos (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 55:1; Harding 1995: T. 14:95), and PodcrkavljeSlavonski Brod (Vinski-Gasparini 1973 T. 67:11; Harding 1995: T. 14:96). The sword found at Jarun in Zagreb belongs to this variant (Harding 1995:T. 14:98; BalenLetunic 1996a: si.9). It was discovered by accident during the construction works at a depth of about 6,5 m, alongside wooden posts and pieces of broken pottery (Balen-Letunic 1996a: bilj. 22), which might point to a settlement. In the Beravci hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 108:18; Harding 1995: T. 15:102) another sword of the same variant was found. In the Londica hoard, a sword of the Londica variant was found (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 74:B2; Harding 1995: T. 15:104). A number of sword fragments have been ascribed to the Reutlingen type, including a sword from the Brodski Varos hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 56:2-3,6; Harding 1995: T. 15:106-108), the sword from Otok-Privlaka (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 27:2,9; Harding 1995: T. 15:115-116), Poljanci I (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 48:3; Harding 1995: T. 16:118), Pricac (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 72:1; Harding 1995: T. 16:119), Slavonski Brod RGZM hoard (Harding 1995: T. 16:121; Clausing 2004: Abb. 1:2), Veliko Nabrde (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 45:35; Harding 1995: T. 16:125-127), Podcrkavlje-Slavonski Brod (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 67:9; Harding 1995: T. 17:131) and Budinscina (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 77:2; Harding 1995: T. 17:129). Harding (1995) recognizes some more variants of the flange-hilted sword in which he also includes Croatian finds. Thus a sword from the Brodski Varos hoard (Vinski-

Gasparini 1973: T. 54:1) is ascribed to the Mihovo type that differs from the Reutlingen type only by its leaf-shaped blade (Harding 1995: T. 17:132). One such sword was found in the Budinscina hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 77:1; Harding 1995: T. 17:136). A sword of the Medine type was found in another geographical region, at Medine near Sinj (Harding 1995: T. 18:138; Glogovic 1995-1996: T. 1:2), and is characterized by the blade of a willow leaf shape, which Glogovic (1995-1996:10) links to the swords from hoards such as Veliko Nabrde (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 45:1), Brodski Varos (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 55:1), and Podcrkavlje-Slavonski Brod (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 67:11) all ascribed to the Genf variant of the Reutlingen type. Of particular importance for this area are the types of swords such as those from Novigrad, Slavonski Brod, and Brodski Varos (Harding 1995). Previously, the term "Slavonian type" was used for this type of sword, used by Cowen (1956) in his discussion of the sword from Sutz in Switzerland, arguing it first arose in Austria and Hungary. In his notes, Cowen ascribed it to the so-called "eastern Alpine type" (Harding 1995:46). However, in his lecture held at the meeting in Rome in 1962, he uses the term "Slavonian type", which he also uses at the Belgrade congress in 1971. The sword from Sutz has been analysed by Schauer (1971:191), who included it into the so-called "Middle Danubian group of swords" (" Mitteldonauldndische Griffzungenschwerter") in which he recognizes the Slavonian type as a separate entity in which he includes the sword from Mannersdorf in Lower Austria. VinskiGasparini (1973) lists a total of 5 swords of the "Slavonian type" found in the material from the following hoards: Otok-Privlaka (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 27:9), Veliko Nabrde (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 45:1), Brodski Varos (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 55:1), Podcrkavlje-Slavonski Brod (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:T.67:9), and Londica (VinskiGasparini 1973:T.74B:2). Harding (1995:46) decided not to use Cowen's terminology and instead of "Slavonian type" uses the term "Novigrad type", because the sword from Novigrad is the only complete example of this type of sword, and it was found in the region of its origin. The term Novigrad might also be linked to the excavations of the settlement in Novigrad by Majnaric-Pandzic (1993; 2000) which, together with the previously published research by Brunsmid (1899-1900a) proved the existence of a local bronze-casting workshop that could have produced this type of sword. This type of sword has no parallels (Harding 1995:46), although the swords of the Donji Petrovci variant of the Sttzling type are said to have a similar blade form. The sword of the Novigrad type from the Novigrad site (Harding 1995: T. 18:139) is 51,6 cm in length. The find from Poljanci-hoard II from the same geographical area represents another find of the same type of sword (Bulat 1973-1975: T. 1:3; Harding 1995: T. 18:141). I n t h e G o r n j i Slatinik hoard from the vicinity of Slavonski Brod (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 69:1; Harding 1995: T. 18:42) a fragment of a blade with a shoulder and remains of four rivets were

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found. Blade fragments that belong to the Novigrad type of sword have been found in the Brodski Varos hoard, of which one was published by Vinski-Gasparini (1973: T. 54:11), while the other two were later published by Harding (1995: T. 19:146-147). Such fragments have also been discovered in the following hoards: Budinscina (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 77:7; Harding 1995: T. 19:148), Otok-Privlaka (Harding 1995: T. 19:154), PodcrkavljeSlavonski Brod (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 67:12; Harding 1995: T. 19:155), Poljanci II (Bulat 1973-1975: T. 1:10,12; Harding 1995: T. 19:157-158), Slavonski Brod RGZM (Harding 1995: T. 19:163; Clausing 2004: Abb. 1:3), and Veliko Nabrde (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 45:7,10; Harding 1995: T. 19:165-166). Harding (1995:48) recognizes an additional type of flange-hilted sword named after the one found in the Slavonski Brod RGZM hoard (Harding 1995: T. 20:167; Clausing 2004: Abb. 1:4). It is characterized by a rounded shoulder and engraved decoration on the edge of the flange. The sword from Slavonski Brod is 9,3 cm long and had four preserved rivets. The sword from Staro Topolje is of the same type (Harding 1995: T. 20:169) and had rounded shoulders, although no rivets were preserved. A sword of the Sttzling type found in river Kupa near Sisak (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 26:11; Harding 1995: T. 20:172) was 76,8 cm long. In the Slavonski-Brod Livadiceva ulica 7 hoard (Miskiv 1982: T. 6:1; Harding 1995: T. 21:176) a sword of the Donji Petrovci variant was found. Examples of this type of sword come from the sites in Austria, Hungary, and Romania (Harding 1995:50). A second variant of the Sttzling type is the Vrana variant, named after the site of Vrana near Biograd (Harding 1995: T. 21:179). Interestingly, rivets on this sword were made of iron. Based on this, Harding (1995:52) argued that the sword from Vrana is somewhat younger than the rest of the swords of this variant. However, research has shown (Lszlo 1977) that iron was sometimes used already in the Urnfield culture period. Another sword with iron rivets on the tang was discovered at the site of Sivec (Prilep) (Harding 1995: T. 22:189), dated on the basis of comparison with Greek sites into the 10th century B.C (Harding 1995:55).Two interesting examples of fragmentary sword handles come from the Brodski Varos (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 54:5; Harding 1995: T. 22:181) and PodcrkavljeSlavonski Brod hoards (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 67:8; Harding 1995: T. 22:182), respectively. As no similar finds are known in other regions, it is believed that they were made in local Danubian workshops (Harding 1995:52), and were named the Brodski Varos type. Swords of the Krsko type were discovered in the Budinscina (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 77:5; Harding 1995: T: 22:184) and Otok-Privlaka hoards (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 27:10; Harding 1995: T. 22:186). Another variant of this type of sword is the Lisine variant, named after the Lisine hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 97:5; Harding 1995: T. 22:187) and dated to horizon III of Vinski-Gasparini (1973). The sword found in the Otok-Privlaka hoard is an example of a solid-hilted sword (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 27:1; 109

Harding 1995:74 Nr. 236, T. 30:236) of the Schwaig type (Mller-Karpe 1961:14, T:10,3). It has a handle with decoration in the form of three ribs that were additionally carved, which is typical of the so-called Dreiwulstscherter type of sword. According to Mller-Karpe (1961:15) the Schwaig type sword from the Otok-Privlaka hoard is most similar to the one from the Cachtice hoard in western Slovakia (Mller-Karpe 1961: T. 10:3,9), which he dates on the basis of decoration that is different than that on the somewhat younger swords decorated with three ribs, as well as on the basis of other closed finds, to Ha A l period (Mller-Karpe 1961:16-17). It is found mostly in the eastern Alpine region and the Czech Republic. In the Punitovci hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1979-1980: T. 1:1; Harding 1995:74 Nr.235, T. 30:235), a sword similar to the one from Otok-Privlaka has been found. Outside Croatia, a similar sword was found in the Bingula-Divos hoard in Syrmia (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 84:1; Harding 1995:74 Nr 237, T. 30:237). In sum, all three known swords of this type are from eastern Croatia and Syrmia. Another solid-hilted sword was discovered as a part of the Budinscina hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 77:10). According to Vinski-Gasparini (1973:103-104) it is a variant of the Schwaig or Erlach type (Mller-Karpe 1961: T. 4:1-10). Instead of three ribs on the handle, the sword from Budinscina has only one such rib in the middle, while the upper and lower ones are only slightly expressed. The hilt is in the shape of a hanging triangle, a rare occurrence and more characteristic of the swords of the Ha B period. Based on the analogies with the sword from the Otok-Privlaka hoard, and decoration in the form of concentric circles, the sword from Budinscina is dated to Ha A l period. It may represent a local variant produced in a local, northern Croatian workshop. According to Harding (1995:73 Nr. 234) the sword represents a special form of the sword with three ribs, the so-called Dreiwidstschwerter and cannot be included in any of Mller-Karpe's (1961) variants of such type of swords. The only sword of the Erlach type in Croatia comes from the Punitovci hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1979-1980; Harding 1995:75 Nr. 238, T. 30:238). Another one was found at Kovin in the Banat region (Harding 1995:75, T. 30:239). These swords are somewhat more distant examples of the Erlach type that mostly appear in Upper Bavaria and western part of Austria, thus testifying about contacts of this region with the aforementioned areas during the older phase of the Urnfield culture. Swords of the same type were discovered at Austrian sites such as Mining (Krmer 1985: T. 10:55), Altheim (Krmer 1985: T. 10:56), and Hallstatt (Krmer 1985: T. 10:57). A sword of the Hgl type (Mller-Karpe 1961: 28) was found atMiljana (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 112:1; Harding 1995:76,T. 31:241). It can be dated to Ha A period, although Vinski-Gasparini dates the hoard itself to phase IV. The sword from Miljana is the southernmost example of this

TheXJrnfieldCulture in Continental

Croatia

Hoards Fig. 54 Graph showing the distribution of the swordfinds in the hoards of the Urnfield culture in Croatia

type of sword. It is usually found in the area spreading from Upper Bavaria to Hungary and Slovakia. It needs to be said that, as far as the early Urnfield culture in continental Croatia, swords are mostly found in hoards, and rarely appear in graves. Statistical analysis showed that swords are found in hoards in 125 cases, and the largest number were found in the Brodski Varos hoard (22), Poljanci II (14), and Veliko Nabrde (12) (fig. 54). Finally, during the early phase of the Urnfield culture in continental Croatia, swords are more commonly found in hoards, while in later phases they also appear in rich graves, such as in grave 1/1911 from Velika Gorica. This, of course, is a situation in the continental Croatia, and need not be valid for other regions, for example the area north from the Alps (Clausing 2005). Spearheads Spears are found from the end of the Early Bronze Age, when they had a wooden shaft, and may be a sort of substitute for a dagger in order to keep distance from the opponent (Harding 2000:281). Some spears were thrown to

shorter distances or were used to hit the enemy, while others were thrown to greater distances. It is also possible that some spears were used while horse riding, but this is hard to prove. Harding (2000:281) assumes that the shorter ones were used for throwing (javelin), and bases this assumption on the fact the use of lances would result in the loss of larger quantities of bronze. Lances appear in central Europe only from the Late Bronze Age, while they are present in the Nordic countries from the Early Bronze Age. There is no proof for the use of chariots in warfare in central Europe (Harding 2000:283). Harding also states (2000:283) that shorter spears are more abundant and assumes they were used for throwing at distances of about 60 m. These appear in numerous hoards in central Europe, and also as accidental and grave finds. There are also moulds for their casting. The same is true for the spears of the Urnfield culture in Croatia (fig. 55). A smaller spear was found in the Otok-Privlaka hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 27:26) that was, according to Harding (2000:283) used for throwing. However, in this, as well as in many other hoards, larger, flame-shaped spearheads, are present (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 27:24-26, 29-31). In fact, in this hoard the flame-shaped spearheads outnumber the smaller ones. Vinski-Gasparini (1973:81) believes the difference reflects chronology and

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she does not go into their functional qualities or hunting or warfare characteristics. In the Tenja hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:83, T. 31-34) 17 spearheads were found (fig. 55), 10 of which are flameshaped (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 31:9-17, T. 32:5). One spearpoint has a decoration on the socket (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 32:5), a rather simple decoration reminiscent of the decoration found on jewellery of the phase II. Other spearheads are smaller and not decorated (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 32:7-13). Ten flame-shaped spearheads are found in the Bizovac hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:T. 37:1214,17-23). A partial socket of a spearhead (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 37:14) has decorations in the shape of carved parallel lines on its lower part, and most likely also is a part of a flame-shaped spearhead, as smaller spearheads are usually not decorated. Spears are, alongside sickles and axes, the most common item in hoards of northern Croatia, and probably used not only for warfare, but also in hunting. In the Veliko Nabrde hoard only fragments of four spears were found (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T .46:1718,25-26) most likely of flame-shaped spearheads. Four such fragments, most likely of the same type of spearheads of large dimensions, were found in the Poljanci I hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 50:7-8,16-17). One of the largest hoards, the one from Brodski Varos, contains a large number of complete and fragmented spearheads. Mostly, these are larger, flame-shaped spearheads (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 60:5-7,9,11-14,17-21, T. 61:20-21,23-24). Altogether, 17 spearheads were found in the hoard. Four spearheads were found in the Podcrkavlje-Slavonski Brod hoard, one smaller (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 67:14), while fragments of the other three most likely belong to larger, flame-shaped spearheads (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 67:15,22-23). In the Pricac hoard three spearheads were discovered, one small (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 72:5), and two bigger ones (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 72:4,6). Only one fragment, most likely of a larger, flame-shaped spearhead, was found in the Mackovac hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 73:9). In the Zagreb-Dezmanov Prolaz hoard a fragment of a spearhead was found (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 74A:1). The same was true for the Londica (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 74B:1) and Sisak (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 74C:4) hoards. Although quite rich in numerous types of items, the Toplicica I hoard contained only one spearhead (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 76:14). In contrast, in the Budinscina hoard, which is also a part of the western group of hoards, 9 spearheads (complete or in fragments) have been found, mostly flame-shaped (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 77:12,1825). All of the aforementioned hoards are from the phase II that is characterized by larger, profiled flame-shaped spearheads. During phase III unprofilated spearheads also appear, as seen in the finds from Donja Bebrina, the only phase III hoard from the region near the river Sava around Slavonski Brod. In it, 7 spearheads were found, 5 of which are bigger and profiled (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 94:1-5), while 2 are unprofiled (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 94:6-7). There is an interesting, unprofiled spearhead

(Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 94:7) decorated with a zig-zag motif on the lower part of the socket. This motif can be linked to the ones seen on pottery of the Ha B period in the Middle Danubian region and western Balkans. Konig (2004: T. 81 Karte) publishes a map of the sites with the spearheads with the ornamented socket from Bosnia and Herzegovina, Slovenia, Croatia, Serbia, and Hungary. This included the spears from hoards at Budinina, Brodski Varo, Poljanci II, Otok-Privlaka, Rrnjak, Bizovac, and Tenja. Lonjak-Dizdar (2005:Karta 3) published a map of the sites with spearheads decorated with a fir-tree branch motif. Such spearheads have been found in Otok-Privlaka (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 27:24,30-31), Poljanci II (Bulat 1975 T. 3:2-3; Hansen 1994: T. 27:5,6,10), Brodski Varo (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 60:5,10,12), Budinina (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 77:19,22), and Krnjak hoards (ukovi 1989: si. 2:4). A fragment of the lower part of a socket was also found in the Bonjaci hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 30A:5). This motif (Lonjak-Dizdar 2005:29) was used from the Middle Bronze Age and is very common during the entire Urnfield culture. The Lisine hoard is dated to the phase III and includes three, mostly damaged, spearheads (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 97:10-12). In the Javornik hoard only a single larger spearhead was found (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 98:7), while in the Nijemci hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 107B:3) a larger profiled or flame-shaped spearhead was found. Three spearheads were found in the Beravci hoard, two smaller ones (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 108:30,32), and a larger, unprofiled, one (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 108:19). A small spearhead was found in the Kapelna hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 110:16). Two larger spearheads, one profiled and flame-shaped (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 112:3), the other unprofiled (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 112:4) were found in the Miljana hoard. Axes Axes are one of the most common finds in the hoards from the Late Bronze Age in Croatia. Our analysis of the previously published finds showed that a total of 336 axes are reported, closely following the sickles in the abundance. One of the works of synthesis on axes (eravica 1993) analysed the Croatian finds, but only included the finds from Dalmatia and Novigrad na Savi, the region bordering with Bosnia and Herzegovina. Many of the axes found in the Urnfield culture hoards of continental Croatia have not been analyzed in detail. Here we present an inventory of the finds according to hoards, as well as their typological characteristics, chronology, and cultural determination. One of the oldest axes from the Urnfield culture in north Croatia is a fragment from the Budinina hoard (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 78:20) of the Transylvanian type that is found within the area of the Otomani culture of the Middle Bronze Age (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:103). Most other finds are of socketed axes, whether decorated or non-decorated variants, dated on the basis of the blade form and width. A fragment of an axe blade was found in the Peklenica

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Hoard Otok-Privlaka Tenja Bizovac Poljanci I Poljanci II Poljanci I V Priac Veliko N a b r e B r o d s k i Varo PodcrkavljeSlavonski Brod Slavonski B r o d L i v a d i e v a ulica Slavonski Brod Hort R G Z M Priac Makovac MakovacCrinjevi Punitovci Sia-Luica Krnjak Zagreb-Demanov prolaz Lonica Sisak Topliica I Budinina Donja Bebrina Lisine Javornik Nijemci Beravci Kapelna Miljana Belica Bonjaci D o l i n a na Savi G o r n j a Vrba Ivanec Bistranski Kamena Gorica Krnjak Lonica Matijevii Podrute Punitovci Sisak Sarengrad Pustakovec Sum

Phase after Gasparini II 11 II II 11 II II II II

\ inski1973.

Lance 6 10 10 4 5 1 2 4 17 3 3 2 2 1 1 2 5 1 1 1 1 1 9 7 3 1 1 1 0 2 1 1 1 4 0 0 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 123 |

Javelin 1 7 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 3 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 22

Arrow 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

head

Sum 7 17 10 4 6 1 3 4 17 4 3 2 5 1 1 3

II II
II II 11 II

II II III II II
II 11

1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1

6 1 1 1 1 1 9 7 3 1 1 3

II III III III III III III IV II II


II

1
2 1 1 1 4 1 1 1 1 1 3 2 1 1 1 146

II IV V IV II V
II

II II V
II

Fig. 55 Table showing the percentage of long and short spearheads according to hoards

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Metal Industry of the Urnfield Culture in Croatia

hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 20:11) along with another socketed axe decorated with rows of plastic ribs on its middle part below the rim of the mouth. Vinski-Gasparini (1973:54) dates this find to the phase I on the basis of other finds in the hoard. Axes of similar form and decoration (on which hanging ornaments are also found alongside plastic ribs) are found at Slovakian sites (Novotna 1970: T. 33:584-587). In the Otok-Privlaka hoard, dated to the Br D period, a socketed axe with an oval-faceted blade was found (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 27:16), alongside axes of the so-called "Transylvanian" or "Eastern" type (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 27:17-19). A similar find comes from the Bizovac hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 37:8), as well as from the Jarak I hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 83:3). However, such types are not seen in the hoards of the late period of the Urnfield culture in northern Croatia. Axes are most common in hoards of the phase II after VinskiGasparini (1973). These are socketed axes decorated with a hanging "V" ornament that is characteristic of the Ha A1 period. Such axes are found in hoards such as Otok-Privlaka (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 27:4,8,11,20,23), Bosnjaci (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 30:1), Tenja (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 31:6-8), and Bizovac (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 36:1-18, T. 37:1-5,15). In the Bizovac hoard, alongside the "V" ornament, some axes have a decoration in the form of a circle (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 37:1-2). In the Veliko Nabrde hoard, a wide variety of this type of axe has been found (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 46:1-8), while only one socketed axe, small in size and decorated with the aforementioned hanging "V" ornament, has been found in the Poljanci I hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 49:1). Three such axes come from the Gornja Vrba hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 50:9-11), and additional 6 from the Brodski Varos hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 61:1-6). Alongside socketed axes, in hoards of the late phase of the Urnfield culture winged axes, a type that is characteristic for the Middle Bronze Age, also appear. In hoards of the late phase of the Urnfield culture the blade of the axes is trapezoidal form and wider, while the hanging "V" decoration now has fringe-like extensions, as seen in the Beravci and Kapelna hoards (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 108, T. 110). Sickles Sickles are, alongside axes, the most common item found in the hoards of the southern part of Pannonia. A total of 584 have been found in the hoards of continental Croatia, and in the Bizovac hoard alone, 66 have been found. In spite of this, no detailed analysis nor synthesis on sickles from Croatian hoards has been done so far. Somewhat more detailed analyses can be found in Vinski-Gasparini's (1973) work on the Urnfield culture, while Schauer's thoughts (1974:114-115) on the character and function of different ornaments found on sickles can be found in his publication of the Dolina na Savi hoard, where he points out that of 42 sickles found, none have the same shape. It is assumed that (Schauer 1974:114) a single model in wax was made, on

the basis of which all other models were made, differing in small details from the first one. Models were made on the clay base, as this structure can be seen on the inside surface of one of the sickles from the Dolina na Savi hoard. Cutting surface of sickles also show traces of forging. In this hoard, a newly cast but broken sickle was found, with decorative ribs of poor workmanship (Schauer 1974: Abb. 5:3,6). Schauer (1974:115) argues that these decorations on sickles are actually a mark of the owner for whom the sickles were made, a sort of brand. In the Prhistorische Bronzefunde series, several regional studies on sickles were published. Of these, Vasic's (1994) study is the most important for us, as it is done on the material that is geographically and culturally closest to these parts. Lately, Wanzek (2002) analyzed marks on sickles from southeastern Europe, acknowledging that sickles, alongside axes and bracelets, are the most abundant find in the hoards of southeastern Europe, appearing from the Uriu or Opalyi and Aranyos periods, until Ha A l period when they appear in thousands, dominated by the Uioara type. The oldest ones come from Feudvar and the Kosziderpadls II hoard. In that region, sickles are most abundant in Transylvania, northeastern Hungary, southern Pannonia (including Slavonia), and eastern part of Austria. Based on published works (Wanzek 2002), it can be concluded that the decoration on sickles in fact serves several purposes. It helps in the process of casting and hafting, it has a decorative value, may represent a mark of specific value, and can be a mark of the owner or the workshop where it was made. Vasic (1994) believes that these ribs on the tang are a functional element that helps in hafting of the handle, but does not exclude the possibility they were also decorative. Vasic (1995) published sickle finds from Serbia, Macedonia, Vojvodina, and Kosovo and divided them into types Uioara 1 to Uioara 8 after Petrescu-Dimbovita (1978). Wanzek (2002) separates several main types of design and marks them as basic groups A-E. He also made a table of hoards in which more than 10 examples of design combinations appear. It can be seen that such hoards are mainly found in the southern part of Pannonia, and in Slavonian Posavina. He mentions Croatian hoards such as Brodski Varos and Tenja in which 17 combinations of designs are found, Poljanci II, Budinscina, and Veliko Nabrde with 11 examples, and Podcrkavlje-Slavonski Brod with 12. This points to the local production of sickles in Croatian Posavina, because patterns and their combinations are always the same. So far, no moulds for sickle casting were found that would clearly show local production. Sickles had a wide use in farming and their abundance also tells us something about demography, as each harvester had one. On the other hand, this type of object was frequently damaged in use and had to be produced often enough. Based on the sickle finds from Slavonian Posavina, we can argue for a developed farming activity and large population density in the region.

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A typological analysis of some sickle finds from Croatian hoards was done by Pavlin (1997) in which the author analyses the so-called flange-hilted sickles with a Y-motif. He lists different variants from variant a to variant o (Pavlin 1997: Abb. 1). Besides typological characteristics of each variant he brings also a list of hoards with sickle finds. Variant a is characterised by a sickle defined in literature as type Uioara 2. To this variant belong the sickles from the following hoards in Croatia: Belica, Bizovac, Brodski Varo, Budinina, Lisine, Otok-Privlaka, PodcrkavljeSlavonski Brod, Poljanci II, Slavonski Brod-Livadieva ulica, Topliica I, Topliica II and Veliko Nabre. It is possible that one fragment of a sickle from the hoard Dolina na Savi belongs also to this type and variant a. To the variant b belongs the sickle from the Poljanci II hoard. The sickle fragment from the Topliica II hoard belongs to variant e. To the variant i (Pavlin 1997: Abb. l:i) belongs the fragment of a sickle from the Otok-Privlaka hoard and the sickles from Brodski Varo and Slavonski-Brod Livadieva ulica belong to variant j . Two whole sickles from the Bizovac hoard are ascribed to variant n. For the sickles of variants b-d Pavlin (1997:35) uses the terms and nomenclature of Petrescu-Dimbovita (1978) and connects them with variant Uioara 2a. Sickles of variants f-h are similar to variant Uioara 2, variant e and J to variant Uioara 4, variants i and k-n to type Uioara 1 and variant o is similar to type Uioara 5. Some of the sickles of variants b-d and k-o are dated to the Uioara period, but most could be dated to the Suseni period (Pavlin 1997:36). Knives The greatest number of knives (15) was found in the Brodski Varo hoard that is dated to the early phase of the Urnfield culture, followed by the Beravci hoard dated to the late phase of the same culture, in which 8 knives were found. In the Bonjaci hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 30A:20) a blade and part of a handle that is reminiscent of the Malhostovice type was found (Rihovsky 1972: T. 8:89-91,93-94). These knives are contemporary with the Baierdorf type, and found in the area to the south, Hungary, Romania, Italy and the Aegean, and to the west in the Czech Republic and in the area of the Lausitz culture (Rihovsky 1972:31). In the Veliko Nabre (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 46:13) and Poljanci I hoards (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 48:8) blades of knives that could not be ascribed to any type with certainity have been found. More knife fragments come from the Brodski Varo hoard, in which Daice (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 55:9) and Hradec types appear (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 55:12, T. 56:28). A similar knife was found in the Podcrkavlje-Slavonski Brod hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 67:26). Knives of the Hradec type are found in Moravia and Carinthia. An important find that helped in dating of this type of knife was the Augsdorf hoard, which

is dated to the early Urnfield culture (Rihovsky 1972:34) A characteristic of this type of knives is that the blade and the lower part of the handle form a single line. According to Rihovsky (1972:36), knives of the Dasice type appear during the Velaticc I period and are represented by finds from the Hamry hoard and grave 2 from Grossmugl. Somewhat earlier are the finds from Baierdorf, and Drslavice II hoard, both dated to the Baierdorf period that is contemporary with the Br D period. This type of knife is found in Moravia, Lower Austria and Burgenland, but also in Hungary, Transylvania, the Czech Republic, Upper Austria, and Bavaria (Rihovsky 1972:36). In the Jarak I hoard, a knife similar to those of the Hradec type was found, while in the Donja Bebrina hoard, a knife of the Baierdorf type was found (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 94:15). There are two distinct types of Baierdorf knives (Rihovsky 1972:24-29). flic variant A in which the blade is similar to the one of the Riegsec knives. Rihovsky (1972:26) argues for affinities with the knives of the Peschiera type and time frame of the Riegsee period in Germany. Closed finds in grave3 at Baierdorf and grave 6 at Vosendorf date knives of the A variant of the Baierdorf type to a time frame from Br D and the Riegsee period to Velatice I period of Ha A (Rihovsky 1972:26). The B variant is differentiated from the aforementioned one in that it has a sharp and pointed, dagger-like end of the blade (Rihovsky 1972:27). This variant too can be dated to the Baierdorf period in the eastern Alps. Variant A is also found in northern Moravia, in the area of the Lausitz culture, more to the east in Slovakia and Romania, in Upper Austria, Tyrol, southern Germany, the Czech Repubic, and central Germany. The knife from the Donja Bebrina hoard represents a southern example of this type of knife and shows connections between the Posavina region around Slavonski Brod and southeastern Alpine region. In the Londica hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 74B:6) a knife of a quite similar type to the one from Brodski Varos hoard was found (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 56:21). According to Vinski-Gasparini (1973:100) such knives are not characteristic of the hoards from the area between rivers Sava, Drava and Danube, and are seen in the Drassburg hoard from Burgenland (Rihovsky 1972: T. 38A:4). The knife is of an undefined type (Rihovsky 1972: T. 28:287A). As much as 8 fragments of knives of mostly younger types, such as the Klentnice type with a tang hilt, have been found in the Beravci hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 108:24). These, according to Rihovsky (1972:50-51), can be dated on the basis of the finds from two urn graves from Klentnice. Thus, grave 105 is dated to the late, Podoli phase of the Middle Danubian Urnfield culture that can be connected to the Klentnice II period. The youngest knife of the Klentnice type is found in the Romand hoard from western Hungary, alongside an antenna terminal sword. This type of knives is found in Moravia, southern Germany, and western Hungary. Rihovsky (1972:51) also mentions the finds from the former Yugoslavia, which include the ones from Croatia. The

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knife from the Beravci hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 108:27) is quite similar to the knife from grave 63 from Klentnice (Rihovsky 1972: T. 43A:4) that is ascribed to the Bismantova type. In the Kapelna hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 110:2a,b) a decorated flange-hilted knife and blade with a form that is similar to that of the Klentnice type was found, although it has a tang instead of thorn, which is a local characteristic of the knives of hoards of the late Urnfield culture in northern Croatia. Recently, the knives from the Urnfield culture in Croatia have been analyzed by Glogovi (2002), who gives a review of all the published finds from the hoards, graves and single finds. She mentions (2002:215, T. 1:13-14) two finds from the settlements Novigrad na Savi and Pogorie (Oreje Donje). One of the accidentally found knives is that from the site Sljunara (Koprivnica), also published by Glogovi (Glogovi, Miko 2001). The authors (Glogovi, Miko 2001:28) emphasized that the knife resembled mostly the Hadersdorf type knife from the Klentnice cemetery, grave 71, or a WienLeoporsdorf knife from Krepice. Considering the dating of the knife from Sljunara the earliest possible date would be the beginning of the 10th century BC (Glogovi, Miko 2001:28). The metal composition of the knife has been analyzed by ICP-AES (Inductively Coupled Plasma Atomic Emission Spectrometry Analysis) (Glogovi, Miko 2001). Razors The greatest number of razors (7) have been found in the Brodski Varo and Poljanci II hoards, while 5 were found in the Otok-Privlaka hoard. Recently, Weber (1996) analyzed and mapped razors from southeastern Europe, including finds from Croatia. In the Brodski Varo hoard (Weber 1996:198, T. 43:422,423) two razors of the type of double-sided razors with a deeply notched blade ( Zweischneidigisches Rassiermesser mit tiefangeschnittenem Blati) of the Vatin variant are found. This variant got its name after a find from the urn grave from Vatin (Weber 1996:197: T. 43:418), ascribed to the Vatin group, although more likely it should be ascribed to the Belegi I culture, based on the find of an urn with a ribbon-like decoration. Double-sided razors of the Radzovce type (Weber 1996:207) have been found in the Topliica I (Weber 1996:209, T. 45:452) and Otok-Privlaka hoards (Weber 1996: T. 45:453) with the blades in the form of the doublesided axe (labris). Most of the razors of this type come from southern Slovakia and the northeastern mountainous region of Hungary where the Piliny and Kyjatice cultures are spread. These are dated to the period between the end of the Middle Bronze Age until the early Urnfield culture. In Croatian hoards razors of the double-sided Grossmugl type were also found. One such razor, of the Mixnitz variant, was found in Poljanci II (Bulat 1973-1974: T. 16:21; Weber 1996:215, T. 46:464,469), Brodski Varo (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 55:15, T. 56:18; Weber 1996: T. 46:465-467), and Podcrkavlje-Slavonski Brod hoards (Weber 1996: T.

46:472). Razors of the Mesic variant of the Grossmugl type have been found in Brodski Varos (Weber 1996: T. 46:477, T. 47:489, T. 48:504), Poljanci I (Weber 1996: T. 47:484), Poljanci II (Weber 1996: T .47:493), Podcrkavlje-Slavonski Brod (Weber 1996: T. 48:501), and Poljanci Donje Polje (Weber 1996: T. 48:503) hoards. To the Grossmugl type Weber ascribes two razors from Brodski Varos (Weber 1996: T. 48:508,511), and one from the Otok-Privlaka hoard (Weber 1996: T. 48:506). Fragments of razors of the Grossmugl type are found in Brodski Varos (Weber 1996: T. 48:514-515), Otok-Privlaka (Weber 1996: T. 49:516-517), and Poljanci II (Weber 1996: T. 49:518) hoards. One of the razors of the Grossmugl type has been found in the Pustakovec hoard (Hansel 1999: Abb. 6:5). This type of razors is spread over a wide area, from southern Germany, Austria, Slovakia, northern Hungary, Transdanubia, Croatia and northern Serbia, to the Mures region. Weber (1996:226) rightfully acknowledges a high concentration of finds of this type of razor in hoards of the earlier phase of the Urnfield culture in the area between Sava, Drava and Danube rivers. Therefore the existence of a local workshop for this type of items is very likely. Unlike in the earlier phase of the Urnfield culture in northern Croatia, when razors are found mostly in hoards, during the late phase of the Urnfield culture razors are found in graves, as shown by the finds from male and warrior graves from the Velika Gorica cemetery. In hoards of this period, no toileteries are found. Rather, this type of items now represents grave goods. Shield The basic part of the defensive armour is a shield. Most commonly found are shield fragments made of bronze, although most shields were made of wood (Harding 2000:285). Harding (2000:283) states that the isolated finds of bronze buttons and discs could have been parts of wooden shields. A C-14 date was published for the wooden mould for the production of leather shields found at the site of Kilmahamogue, Co. Antrim, (1950-1450 cal BC) (Harding 2000:283; Osgood et al. 2000:25). Osgood et al. (2000:25) inform us of a dangerous experiment performed by the archaeologist John Coles in order to show that the leather shields were more efficient than their metal counterparts. In his experiment, the metal shield broke in two places when hit by a sword. Therefore, a conclusion can be made that metal shields were more a show off than of practical use in warfare (Osgood et al. 2000:25). A similar conclusion was made by Uckelman on the basis of his experiment (2005:178-179), which confirmed that the metal on shields of the Herzogenburg type was too thin to provide protection against blows, and had no protective leather coating which would provide such protection. Harding (2007:79) lists a total of about 90 shields from Europe (made of leather, wood, or bronze) based on recently published analyses. Shields made of organic materials were used in the early Bronze Age in a widespread area, from Italy in south, to Scandinavia in the north, Crete and Cyprus to the east, and Iberian Peninsula to

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The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia \ the west. In Osgood et al. (2000:25) a list of wooden shields from the Annandale and Cloonlara sites in Ireland, dated to the 8th cent. BC can be found. A leather shield was found at Clonbrin (Ireland) (Osgood et al. 2000:25, Fig. 2.10). It was 50 cm in diameter and 5-6 cm thick. It is assumed that a rich warrior's grave from the CI grave mound at Milavce in the Czech Republic also contained a fragment of a wooden shield (Kytlicova 1986:306). The same author recognizes similarities with the find of a wooden shield from grave 40 at Kourion Kaloriziki in Cyprus (Kytlicova 1986:307). Most authors agree that both shields made of organic material and ones from metal were used, and the organic ones probably were more abundant. Osgood et al. (2000:26) state that the shields made of metal were solidly built, and although most were too flimsy for use, some of them were used in battle. On a shield of the Nipperwiese type found at Long Wittenham, damage from the use in battle can be seen (Osgood et al 2000: Fig. 2.11). The same is true for the shield from the Plzen-Jikalka hoard (Kytlicova 1986: Abb. 8-10). Both show holes from weapons, most likely from a sword impact. Harding (2007:121, footnote 17) believes that the battle-related damage is present on a shield from the Barry Beg site, now displayed in the Ulster Museum in Belfast. However, the thickness of some of the metal shields makes their practical use in battle dubious at best. Uckelmann (2004-2005; 2005) believes that metal shields did have some practical use, although they could not stand a severe sword impact. In the hoard Otok-Privlaka near Vinkovci, 4 shield fragments were found (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:81-82, T. 28:1-4). The hoard includes finds of weapons, tools, jewellery, and toiletries, and is dated to the last decades of the 13th and to the 12th century B.C. or to the Br D and Ha A l periods (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:82). Bronze sheet metal is destroyed and folded, but distinct decoration and embosses can be seen, typical of the rare group of circular shields of the Nyirtura type (fig. 56). An identical find, in a much better state of preservation, comes from the Nyirtura hoard (Patay 1968:241, T. 31a,b; Mozsolics 1985a:27, T. 204:7) in eastern Hungary, and provides us with a good example of the appearance of the earliest European metal shields. It was calotte-shaped in the middle, surrounded by three concentric circles made of punched ribs, between which are rows of embosses (fig.56). A rivet survived, informing us on the way the wooden or leather coating was attached to the rest of the shield (Patay 1968:241; Mozsolics 1985a:27). The exact dimensions of the shield are hard to assess, as Well as the exact number of punched ribs, or circles that formed the ornament. According to some assessments, the shields were between 40 and 50 cm in diameter, but could be larger, to between 60 and 70 cm in diameter (Patay 1968:244; Mozsolics 1985a:28). A reconstruction of a round Bronze Age shield from the 116 Nyirtura hoard was done based on the remains of the bronze sheet metal (fig. 56). The reconstructed shield was 60-62 cm in diameter (Patay 1968:243). Mozsolics (1985a:28) argues that shields could be smaller (52-54 cm) or larger (68-70cm). The shield from the Keszohidegkut hoard belongs to the same type of shields (Patay 1968: Abb. 1:2-3; Mozsolics 1985a: T: 35:32), and dates to the same time as the shields from the Nyirtura and Otok-Privlaka hoards (Mozsolics 1985a:28). Several additional fragments of the thicker bronze sheet metal have been found in the Bodrogkeresztur (Patay 1968: Abb. 1:1) and Szentgalosker (Patay 1968: 245; Mozsolics 1985a: 28, T. 115:7) hoards, but it is uncertain if those finds are parts of shields. A similar fragment was found at Budinscina, which K. Vinski-Gasparini tentatively ascribed to a shield, based on the technique with which the motif was made (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 79:14). The fragments are dated to a somewhat later time of Ha Al/ Ha A2 period (Patay 1968:246), but considering the diverse character of the items in the hoard, they could be dated to a somewhat younger period and it is impossible to disprove it was not contemporary to the shield from Nyirtura. Therefore, the shield from Otok-Privlaka is contemporary to the shields from the Hungarian hoards, allowing dating of the oldest central European shields to the 13"' and 12th centuries BC (Vinski- Gasparini 1973: 82; Muller-Karpe 1980: 233). Helmets A helmet is a head covering made of metal or leather that has a protective role against blows and injuries. In the region between rivers Sava and Drava and Danube, conical, bell-shaped helmets with a thorn on the top are found, but also cap helmets of a local variant with a starshaped motif. Schauer (2003a:207) recognizes two variants of the cap helmets: 1. helmets with decoration of plastic ribs in the form of a star, and, 2. helmets with decoration in the form of plastic ribs and lugs. Similar cap helmets were found in the hoards from Croatia. A local particularity is seen in decoration or differences in motifs (Clausing 2003a:207). Several smaller concentric circles ("eyes"), in combination with a star-like motif on the upper part of the helmet, can be observed. Most important are two bronze sheet metal fragments, which are parts of a cap helmet with a star-shaped motif that have been found in the Veliko Nabrde hoard (VinskiGasparini 1973:85, T. 44:5; Skoberne 2001:21; Clausing 2003a:208).

Metal Industry of the Urnfield Culture in Croatia 57:52) mentions an item that could be a knob from the top of a bell-shaped helmet. A fragment of a circular plaque made of sheet bronze was found in the Poljanci II hoard, previously published as a part of a lid, decorated with garlands and concentric circles (Bulat 1973-1975:28). 30 years later it was established that it is actually a helmet fragment, and the garlands are actually a star-like motif (Clausing 2003a:210; Abb. 8:10). Inside of the star, another circle made of punched dots can be observed. This new reconstruction represents a helmet of a new and interesting variant (Kudelic 2007:11) In the recent study on the hoards from Bosnia and Herzegovina by Kning (2004) a number of fragments that are usually published as fragments of cap helmets are listed among the decorated phalerae (Knig 2004:List 15; Maps T. 91). A find from the Boljanic hoard is also mentioned (Knig 2004: T. 19:74) that could also be a part of a helmet, thus connecting this hoard and other hoards of the region between the Sava and Drava rivers. Other finds from the Croatian hoards, as well as those from Bosnia and Herzegovina are listed and wrongly attributed (Knig 2004: Liste 15).
Fig. 56 A reconstruction of the Nyirtura Patay 1968 type of shield, based on

This is not the only example of helmets with such decoration. Ksenija Vinski-Gasparini drew attention to a fragment from Augsdorf in Carinthia, dated by Miiller Karpe into Ha A1 period, along with the whole hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:86). A fragment of the helmet rim with four punched ribs and holes for rivets was found in the Veliko Nabrde hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 44:2; Clausing 2003a: Abb. 8:8). It might have been a part of a helmet of the same type, although it is possible that the helmet did not have the star-like decoration. In the Nagyveika hoard from Hungary, 3 smaller fragments with the same motif were found (Clausing 2003a: Abb. 8:1-3). Another such fragment was found at Privina Glava in the Danube region in Serbia. Based on the ornament, it can be ascribed to the cap helmets with star-shaped and concentric circular decorations (Clausing 2003a:215; Abb. 8:4). i The fact that the majority of helmets of this type are found in the Croatian Posavina allows us to draw some conclusions. Besides in the Veliko Nabrde hoard that is located more closely to the Danube river these helmets are found in 3 other localities in the region near Slavonski Brod. In the Brodski Varos hoard, both the remains of a helmet, and greaves have been found (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:97, T. 57:5; Clausing 2003a:210, Abb. 8:6). The "eye-like" embossed decorations, as well as dots can be observed on the fragment. The hoard is dated to the Br D and Ha A1 periods, or to the period II of the Urnfield culture (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:97). Vinski-Gasparini (1973:95, T.

Fragments that could be parts of cap helmets are also found in the Slavonski Brod hoard, but no star-shaped decoration was preserved (Clausing 2004:132, Abb. 40:130). Only the ridge ribbons in the form of 3 punched slender ribs, as well as concentric circles are seen on both fragments. The manner of production, time period, and motif, connect these fragments with the aforementioned finds (Clausing 2004:132). Sheet metal fragments of helmets come from other hoards of the II phase of the Urnfield culture and belong to the helmet rims. On these, punched ribs and groups of rivets for hafting of the lining made of leather or cloth can be seen. Although the lining is almost never preserved, one fragment with leather remnants did survive. It is a small fragment of a bronze sheet from the Poljanci IV hoard (Miklik-Lozuk 2004:32, T. 8:5). The piece is folded and a fragment of organic material (most likely leather) is attached to one side of the fragment. This organic material testifies that it was a part of the utilitary item, most likely a helmet, although of which type remains a mystery. In the nearby hoard from Poljanci I, a fragment of a lower part of a helmet with three parallel ribs below which rivet holes can be observed, was found (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:87, T. 48:31; Clausing 2003a:210, Abb. 8:9). In the Debeli Vrh hoard from Slovenia, dated to the Ha A l period, a similar helmet fragment was found (Cerce and Sinkovec 1996:168, T. 66:79;152:18). On a somewhat larger fragment two ribbons with 3 and 4 ribs, respectively, can be observed. Most likely, it is a cap helmet, but because

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The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia \ of a poor state of the fragments, this cannot be concluded with certainty. The appearance of this type of helmet with a star-shaped motif is shown on a reconstruction (fig. 57) based on the find from the Veliko Nabre hoard (koberne 2001:21). Schauer (1988:189; Abb. 3) cites two helmets from Batina (wrongly locating it in Vojvodina, instead of Croatia). He informs us that the finds came to the RomischeGermanischen Zentralmuseum in Mainz together with cheek-pieces, bronze rings, and pendants. He also informs us that the circumstances of the discovery are unknown. Based on the available publications, Schauer (1988:189) believes the finds are older than those from Hajduboszormeny, which are dated to the Rohod-Szentes period, or the Ha B1 period. He does not give an answer to the question whether the finds from Batina should be dated to the end of the Urnfield culture or to the early phase of the Early Iron Age. In association to this find we must mention what is most likely a button from the top of a helmet found in the Brodski Varo hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:95, T. 57:52). A similar item, most likely the top of a helmet, was found in the Makovac-Crinjevi hoard (Karavani, Mihaljevi 2001: T. 6:4). Cheek plates Cheek plates, like neck protection, were a part of the helmet, attached to the rim of a helmet. Like helmets, these also had lining made of leather or cloth (Clausing 2003a:212). As there are very little finds of cheek plates made of bronze, it can be deducted that most were made of organic materials (Kudeli 2007:22). In the Podcrkavlje hoard near Slavonski Brod, an interesting fragment of a bronze sheet metal, decorated with punched ornament in the form of three concentric circles with a cross in the middle, was found (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 66:37a). Aband made of several plastic ribs can be seen on the rim. It is unclear whether the fragment was a part of the cheek plate, or helmet's crest, but cheek plate is more likely. This is the only such item found in the Croatian hoards. Corslets Corslet is a protective part for the upper body, mostly chest. First corslets were made of leather, while the first metal ones date to the Bronze Age. In the Bizovac hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 35:13) a bronze sheet fragment with three punched ribs at its borders and closely situated rivet holes, is found, that is, according to some authors, a part of the corslet (Mozsolics 1985a:26). Ksenija Vinski-Gasparini identified it as a part of a helmet, but helmets usually have holes spread wider apart from each other (Kudeli 2007:32). Schauer (1982b:342; Abb. 8), on the basis of the find of two phalerae from the Beravci hoard,

Fig. 57 A reconstruction of the Veliko Nabre helmet (after koberne 2001)

gives a reconstruction of the so-called Kompositpanzer. A pair of phalerae would be an ornament on the chest of the corslet (Schauer 1982b:342). Greaves Greaves are a part of the defensive armour of the warrior. Most are made of leather and their main purpose is to protect the front part of lower legs. The first examples of metal greaves in Europe come from Greece, in the grave from Dendra that is dated to the 15th century BC (Clausing 2003b: 184; Schauer 1982a: 108). In central Europe they first apppear in the 13Ih century BC, and their greatest density is seen in the area between the rivers Sava and Drava, and the Middle Danube region. Even though only a rather small number of these finds were discovered, and mostly seen in the form of bronze sheet fragments, in most cases it is possible to reconstruct their appearance. In 1957 G. von Merhart published a paper on the greaves from the Late Bronze Age, but he did not talk about finds from Croatia. The most recent overview of finds is seen in Clausing (2003b). All examples from the area between the Sava and Drava rivers come from hoards of the early phase of the Urnfield culture. Not a single one is completely preserved, but it is possible to reconstruct and date them based on their fragments and on the basis of other finds in the hoards. These greaves belong to the youngest greaves with integrated wire loops. Two types are found in the hoards from the area between the Sava and Drava rivers, the main difference being in the ornament: 1. Greaves with punched wheel motif; 2. Greaves with punched stylized bird head motif. Three hoards that contain fragments of greaves are found in the Croatian Posavina region, all with the wheel motif.

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Metal Industry of the Urnfield Culture in Croatia

An additional example comes from the Bosnian Posavina. Some of the motifs are similar to the motifs found on the belts from the Slavonski Brod-Livadiceva ulica hoard (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975: T. 44/45,428; Miskiv 1982: T. 7:7-8), suggesting they were made in the same workshop. Fragments of a similar greave are found in the rich hoard from Veliko Nabrde near Osijek, where seven fragments most likely of a single greave have been found. VinskiGasparini offers two possible reconstructions for the find. According to one (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 44:1) it was a type with three rows made of two rings each. An alternative reconstruction suggests it had three wheels in the middle on the greave (fig. 58:3). Based on the other finds in the hoard, it can be dated to the horizon II of hoards of the Urnfield culture in north Croatia. This attribution is confirmed by the finds from Hungary, Austria, and Italy (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:86). Two hoards in which the same type of greaves was found come from the area near Slavonski Brod, the Slavonski Brod-Podcrkavlje (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 66-68), and Slavonski Brod RGZM hoards, published by Clausing (2004). Both belong to the same circle of workshops from the Brodsko Posavlje region, and can be dated to the horizon II of hoards of the Urnfield culture (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:96). Atypical wheel motif can be recognized on sheet metal fragments (Clausing 2003b: Abb. 1:5). One of the finds has a preserved loop (Clausing 2003b: 153). During the analysis an important detail which tells us about technological proces and the way it was made is registered. On the back side of one of the fragments, traces of hammering can be seen, while on others the front surface was polished in the superoinferior direction, making it easier to orient the fragments (Clausing 2003b:63). Clausing (2003b: 153) suggested a reconstruction of the 11 fragments found, but notes that they could also have been parts of several greaves. The fragments are very thin and damaged, and the reconstructed greave was 28 cm in length and 22 wide in its widest part (fig. 58:2). In the same hoard two pieces wich could not be ascribed to the exact type of object with certainty, decorated with punched wheel motif, were found (Clausing 2003b: Abb. 24:1-2). On the first one, three concentric circles with a cross inside, can be seen. Slightly convex form of the fragments makes it unlikely it was a part of a greave. It also has to be noted that so far no greaves were found on which the decoration is made of uneven number of punched concentric circles (Clausing 2003b: 183). Clausing (2003b: 183, Abb. 24:3) published a fragment of the cheek plate from the Podcrkavlje-Slavonski Brod hoard (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 66:37) with the same decorative motif. At the Donje Polje site in the Poljanci village, another hoard, named Poljanci IV was found (Miklik-Lozuk 2004; 2009). Here too, parts of the defensive armour were found, dated to the horizon II of hoards of the Urnfield culture

(Miklik-Lozuk 2004:29). A greave with integrated wire loop was made of very thin bronze sheet metal, and was found folded and damaged (fig. 59). Nevertheless, this is the most preserved example of greaves from the area between the Sava and Drava rivers (MiklikLozuk 2004: T. 10-11; 2009: si. 17). The length of the folded greave is approximately 17,5 cm, and its width 13,3 cm. The bronze sheet is 0,03-0,05 mm thick (Miklik-Lozuk 2004:32). These dimensions refer not to the whole greave but to the fragments found. In the Bosanska Posavina region, south of Slavonski Brod, close to the Boljanic village a hoard with two fragments of bronze sheet was found (Clausing 2003b: 153, Abb. 1:1; Konig 2004: T. 15:17). Based on the decoration, it can be deducted they were parts of a greave. Analogies for the finds from Posavina are found in northern Italy (Clausing 2003b: 155), but by far the greatest concentration of the finds is seen in Pannonia. Clausing (2003b: Abb. 1:8-9, Abb. 2:1-2) published the finds from the Nadap and Nagyveika hoards in Hungary. One of the most beautiful examples of early European greaves comes from the Rinyaszentkiraly hoard (Mozsolics 1985a: T. 98). This is the only known example of the punched motif of water birds (Merhart 1956/1957:101, Abb. 2:2; Clausing 2003b: 151, Abb. 2:3). A pair of birds is seen above two wheels, and another pair below. The finds are dated to the Kurd horizon in Transdanubia (VinskiGasparini 1973:85,86; Mozsolics 1985a: 27), while Schauer dates them to the Ha A2 period (Schauer 1982:113). Somewhat closer example of this kind of motif on a defensive weapon from the end of the 13th and the early 12th century BC is found in a region farther up the river Sava, in Slovenia. A fragment of bronze sheet metal decorated with punched dots that form two concentric circles and a bulb in the middle are found in the Cermozisce hoard (Cerce i Sinkovec 1996: 146, T. 49:89). An ellipsoid oval plaque decorated with punched ornament in the form of a cross, made of thin bronze sheet, is found in the Poljanci II hoard. The ornament perhaps imitates the wheel motif. It measures 7x5 cm, and allegedly represents a miniature greave (Bulat 1973-1975:28, T. 15; Hansen 1994: T. 35:5). An identical object was found in the Esztergom hoard (Mozsolics 1985a: 116, T. 137:1). The basic difference between the two groups of greaves is in the decorative motif. The shape and the way it was made, as well as the time frame is the same for both groups, but in the second group the motif is in the form of a stylized bird head. An interesting fragment of bronze sheet was found in the Poljanci I hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T .48:19; Clausing 2003b: Abb. 3:8; Miklik-Lozuk 2009: si 3). An entirely 119

The Urnfield

Culture

in Continental

Croatia \

Fig. 58 Finds of greaves from continental Croatia 1. Klotar Ivani (after Vinski-Gasparini 1973) 2. Slavonski Brod (RGZM) (after Clausing 2004) 3. Veliko Nabre (after Vinski-Gasparini 1983) 4. Poljanci I (after Vinski-Gasparini 1973)

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Metal Industry of the Urnfield Culture in Croatia 1 preserved decorative ornament, made of punched dots that form a stylized bird's head with a bead (resembling an eye) in its middle, can be seeen on the fragment. Based on the rest of the finds from the hoard, this greave can be dated to the HaAl period (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:87; Miklik-Lozuk 2009:25). To the same group of greaves belongs a fragment from the Brodski Varo hoard. Ksenija Vinski-Gasparini recognized this bronze sheet fragment with folded edges through which a wire was pulled through, as a lower part of a greave with integrated wire loops (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:92, T. 57:9), and also Clausing agreed with her and published the fragment (Clausing 2003b: Abb. 3:7). Geographically closer finds of this type of greaves are found at the Esztergom-Szentgyorgymezo (Clausing 2003b: Abb. 3:9) and Nadap (Clausing 2003b: Abb. 3:10) sites in Hungary. Based on the map of distribution (Clausing 2003b: Abb.4) it can be noted that the concentration of the finds of greaves with a motif of stylized bird's heads is different from the one of greaves with decoration in the form of a wheel. Several examples are found in northern Italy, meaning this was possibly the most common type in southern Europe. A younger type of greaves comes from the Klotar Ivani hoard and can be dated to the phase III (fig. 58:1). It can be linked to the greaves from Kurim in Moravia, dated to the Ha A1 and Ha A2 periods (Merhart 1956/57: T .2). As the ornament and its forming are very similar, it is assumed that both were made in the same workshop. The greaves are decorated with punched dots and lugs ( Punkt-Buckel Verzierung), which is similar to the decoration found on vessels of the Hajduboszormeny type and bowls of the Kirkendrup type from the late Ha A and early Ha B periods. According to Vinski-Gasparini (1973:139) this is an argument to date the Klotar Ivani hoard into the phase III of the Urnfield culture in northern Croatia. The finds of fragments of helmets, shields and greaves in the hoards of the phase II in northern Croatia (damaged and discarded items) points to the massive arming in the time of Br D and H a A l periods. Vinski-Gasparini (1973:112) argues that these are the warriors that in the first wave of the Aegean Migrations took part in the attack on the eastern Mediterranean area at the end of the 13th and during the 12th centuries BC. She believes the starting point of these movements lay precisely in the area between the rivers Sava and Drava and the Transdanubian region, where these parts of the warriors equipment are found. Fibulae Already Terzan (1995:334) noted that the hoards from northern Croatia have a high component of jewellery compared to the hoards from other parts of former 121
Fig. 59 Greaves from the hoard Poljanci IV hoard (after MiklikLozuk 2004; 2009)

Z T S S

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia \ Yugoslavia. This is a regional characteristic also noted by Vinski-Gasparini (1973), especially in her analysis of the hoards of the Slavonski Brod area that are very rich in jewellery. Violin-bow fibulae are analyzed in great detail by VinskiGasparini (1973), and before her Stare (1960) mentioned the finds of this type of fibula from former Yugoslavia in his analysis of grave 108 at Dobova. Stare (1960) was the first to classify fibulae into two categories: fibulae with a foot in the form of a channel; and fibulae with a spiral foot. To the first group he ascribes two variants: fibulae with a bow that is parallel to the pin, and a second variant that has a high foot. The second group he also divided into different variants: one with a bow that is paralel to the pin, one with an oval bow, and the variant with a bow that has a figure-of-eight decoration (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:113). Stare (1960) was able to show that the fibula with the oval bow is younger than the one with a straight bow. Vinski-Gasparini (1973:117) argues that the fibula from grave 108 at Dobova is more similar to the bow fibula with a spiral disc on the leg, therefore making a link to the fibula from grave 2/1910 at Velika Gorica. In her analysis, Vinski-Gasparini discussed a total of 41 fibulae from former Yugoslavia. She assumes that the production centre was in the Posavina region in Slavonia, where the largest number of hoards with fibulae have been found. As much as 10 fibulae were found in the Brodski Varos hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 90:5,11,13; T. 91:1-2; T. 92:4,2-12), a fibula with a straight bow was found in the Podcrkavlje-Slavonski Brod hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 90:7), 4 fibulae come from the Poljanci I hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:T. 90:3, T. 92:1,5-6), two from Poljanci II hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 90:15-16), one from Staro Topolje (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 90:4), three from the Pricac hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 90:12, T. 92:2,8), one comes from Veliko Nabrde (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T.90:6), another one from the Jarak I hoard (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 90:9), one from Mackovac (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 91:4), another one from the Toplicica I hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 91:11) and two from the Podrute hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 91:8, T. 92:11). Besides workshops in the Slavonian Posavina, during the early Ha A period, fibulae were produced in workshops in Hungary, western Slovakia, and Moravia (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:115). Lately, fibulae have been found at the site of Mala Gora in northwestern Croatia (Pavisic 2003). Three violin-bow fibulae were published (Pavisic 2003: Fig. 2, T: 1:1,3,5) all with a low horizontal smooth bow and a channel-like foot. Other finds from the Hrvatsko Zagorje area were also analyzed, such as the fibulae from Zlatar (Pavisic 2003: T. 1:4), Podrute (Pavisic 2003: T. 1:2,8), Spicak (Pavisic 2003: T. 1:6), and Toplicica I (Pavisic 2003: T.l:7). A detailed analysis of the fibulae finds from the Croatian coast, therefore a region outside the main area of the Urnfield culture, is given by Glogovic (2003). Although 122 finds of typical fibulae forms of the Balkan and Illyrian regions are presented, types that show a link to the Urnfield culture of the continental Croatia are also listed, such as a fibula with a violin bow from Podumci (Glogovi 2003: T. 1:1), the finds from the Split region (Glogovi 2003: T. 1:2,4), Nin (Glogovi 2003: T. 1:3), and Solin (Glogovi 2003: T. 1:5). Pins Earliest pin types found in the hoards of the Urnfield culture in continental Croatia come from the Peklenica hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 20). Quite characteristic are large pins with poppy heads ( Mohnkopfnadel) (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 20:6-9). In the same book, a detailed analysis of the Peklenica hoard and the pins of this type is given. These pins can be grouped into three related, but separate geographic groups (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:55). A third group of pins comes from the region between the rivers Sava, Drava, and Danube and the area south of the river Sava as far as the Glasinac region, and is characterized by its large dimensions and plastic "baroque" decoration. This type of pin is seen in hoards of the phase II that show strong tradition of the Br D period, such as the Brodski Varo (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 52:36, T. 53:3,10), Zagreb-Demanov Prolaz (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 74:6), and Bonjaci (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 30:18,19) hoards. In the Peklenica hoard, a pin with a globular head and thickened and ribbed neck has been found. Analogies to this find are seen in the hoards of the Blucina-Cezavy settlement in Moravia (Rihovsky 1961: fig. 1:1, fig. 4:16). According to Vinski-Gasparini (1973:54) this is the basis for the argument of the existence of a link between the Virovitica group and the Blucina-Cezavy horizon of Moravia that is dated to the transitional, mixed horizon between the Tumulus culture and the Urnfield culture. Similar pins are found in the central Balkans (Vasi 2003: T. 19-20) where we can date them to the period Br C/D, judging by the find from grave 58 at Belegi (Vasi 2003:55). Pins with a flattened, chanelled head are a typical product of the workshops of the Posavina region near Slavonski Brod (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:94), and are found in the OtokPrivlaka (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 28:25), Bonjaci (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 30:13,17), Veliko Nabrde (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 44:15,16), Poljanci I (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 48:13; Miklik-Lozuk 2009:83, no.150), Poljanci II (Hansen 1994: T. 32:19), Gornja Vrba (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 51:19), and Brodski Varo (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 52:30,31,33,34) hoards. A typical item of the Urnfield culture hoards are also pins with a hat-like head that Vasi (2003:49-50) defines as the Petervasara type, according to the find from the hoard of the same name from northeastern Hungary. In southern Pannonia (Croatia), this type of pin is found in the Otok-Privlaka (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 28:27a,b,28), and Brodski Varo (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 52:42) hoards. The most famous one is a richly decorated pin from the Svilo hoard in Syrmia (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 85:21; Vasi 2003:

Metal Industry of the Urnfield Culture in Croatia

T. 18:259). Vasi (2003:50) dates them into the horizon II of hoards, which is in agreement with the Croatian finds. A pin with a large head in the form of a vase ( Vasenkopfnadel) was found in the Poljanci II hoard (Hansen 1994: T. 32:17), quite similar to pins found at the Velemszentvid settlement in Hungary (Rihovsky 1983: T. 23:562). According to Rihovsky (1983:50) pins with a head in the form of a vase can be either small or of larger dimensions and both types are found during the whole duration of the Urnfield culture in southeastern Alpine region. Pendants Hoards from the Urnfield culture in Croatia contain numerous finds of pendants, which, with a total of 97 finds are the most numerous jewellery item in hoards. The oldest pendants come in the form of spectacle pendants (Brillenspiralen). According to Wels-Weyrauch (1991:69) these pendants are made of various materials and can be dated in a timeframe from the Copper Age to the Early Iron Age. They come as decorated and non-decorated variants, made of wire that was decorated prior to folding into the spiral form. Most finds in the Urnfield culture hoards from Croatia are of the non-decorated variant, such as in the Otok-Privlaka (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 28:30), Veliko Nabrde (Vinski-Gasparini 1973 T. 44:12-14), and Poljanci I (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 49:16) hoards. The latter find is complete and has direct analogies with the finds from Bavaria (Wels-Weyrauch 1991: T. 19:575-594), some of which can be dated to the beginning of the Bronze Age, as in the case of the finds from Straubing, or to the end of the Middle Bronze and the beginning of the Late Bronze Age, as in the case of the finds of the Riegsee group. These are mostly pendants with a twisted bow. A decorated spectacle pendant was found in the Bonjaci hoard (fig. 60:2) with direct analogies with pendants of the Bessunger Wald variant from Bavaria (Wels-Weyrauch 1991: T. 20:611616). All of the decorated pendants can be dated to the time of late Tumulus culture (Wels-Weyrauch 1991:77). In the rich hoard from Brodski Varo fragments of such pendants were found (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 52:10-17). One fragment was found in the Podcrkavlje-Slavonski Brod hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 66:24), two in the Priac hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 71:11-12) and another one in the Budinina hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 79:9). Three fragments of an undecorated pendant were found in the Bingula-Divo hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 86:23-25). This kind of pendant is not present in hoards from the late phase of the Urnfield culture. Based on the reconstruction of skeletal graves from grave mound at Machtlwies and Dietldorf (Wels-Weyrauch 1991: T. 65B,C) these pendants were attached to a belt. Unlike this type of pendants that are still within the tradition of the Tumulus culture, in hoards from Croatia pendants that are typical of the Urnfield culture appear. The largest number of pendants are found in the Brodski Varo hoard where a variant of the wheel-shaped pendant ( Radanhanger ) is present (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 53:7, T. 56:34-35). A

similar pendant was found in the Veliko Nabre (fig. 60:1), as well as in the Bingula Divo hoards (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 86:13). This type of pendant is also incised on the idol from Klievac (Kossack 1954: T.3:4), where they were suspended from a belt (fig. 60:3). They are also found on the pectoral from the Gaj hoard near Kovin (Kossack 1954: Abb.l), and their abundance is seen in northeastern and northern Hungary. Very interesting is a pendant in the form of the hourglass with a model of a water bird on the top (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 53:12), this being a common motif in the Urnfield culture of the central Danube region. In hoards from northern Croatia, anthropomorphic pendants are also common, like those from Brodski Varo (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 56:37-38) and Priac (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 71:4). All those from Brodski Varo date to the H a A l period (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:95), except for those that are found on the Klievac idol. Pendants in the form of a lancet (Lanzettanhnger) are present in the Brodski Varo (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 56:52-53) and Priac (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 71:3,5) hoards, and are hung on the fibula from Svilo (fig. 60:4). One such pendant was found in the Poljanci IV hoard (Miklik-Lozuk 2004: T .8:1; 2009:106, no.248). In southern Bavaria, this type of pendant is found in urn graves (WelsWeyrauch 1991: T. 28:690-700). In the Brodski Varo hoard, smaller, trumpet- and bell-shaped pendants that may have been hung on a belt or fibulae also appear. The greatest number of pendants were found in the Brodski Varo hoard (40), followed by the finds from Priac (11), Veliko Nabre (8), and Poljanci I (7) hoards. It can be seen that the most pendant-rich hoards are found in the Croatian Posavina. Interestingly, wheel-shaped pendants (Radanhnger) that are so typical for the Urnfield culture, are totally absent in the hoards from Posavina. These are present in the hoard from Ivanec Bistranski (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 113:1516), and are of the type described in several publications by Kossack (1954: T. 16:1-20). In Bavaria the pendants that are most similar to those from the Ivanec Bistranski hoard are of the scheme G (Wels-Weyrauch 1991: Abb. 4), found mostly in graves. They were worn on the chest or around the waist and more rarely, on the head (WelsWeyrauch 1991:53). In the same region these pendants were in use from the late Tumulus culture to the late phase of the Urnfield culture, although they are most abundant during the Gggenhofen and Riegsee periods, or the Br C and D periods (Wels-Weyrauch 1991:54). Belts In the hoards of the Urnfield culture in northern Croatia, fragments of belts that were part of the attire, and according to some authors, reflect the social status or the identity of the owner (Hansen 1994:236), were also found. I. KilianDirlmeier's study (1975) established the starting point for the analysis of belts. In it, all then known belts and belt buckles from Croatian hoards were published. Here we bring a review of the recently published belts.

123

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia \ A characteristic form of the early Urnfield culture belt is decorated by punching ( Gepunztes Dekor). Decorative technique and motifs are, according to I. Kilian-Dirlmeier (1975:107), the most important characteristics of this type of belt. Examples of this type of belt come from Croatian sites, such as Slavonski Brod-Livadiceva Ulica 7 hoard (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975: T. 44/45,428); Miskiv 1982: T. 7:7-8). The belt (fig. 61:1) was found in a vessel, alongside items such as weapons, tools, and jewellery (Miskiv 1982). One published and analysed item from the Mackovac hoard (fig. 67:2) should be mentioned in connection to the aforementioned finds. It is a piece of bronze sheet, described as a part of the bronze fitting for the wooden buckets (Karavanic, Mihaljevic 2001:11,13-14). However, it was noted that the item had a secondary use. In its final form it was probably made from fragments of different decorated bronze sheet metal items that are decorated in a similar manner to the belts from the early phase of the Urnfield culture. It is therefore likely that at Mackovac several belts with different decorative motifs were present. The find from Mackovac (fig. 67:2) points to the connections of the Nova Gradiska and Slavonski Brod regions during the early phase of the Urnfield culture. Interestingly, craftsmen used the pieces of a rare and prestigious part of the attire that is rarely preserved in order to use it for making of another item. It is very unlikely that the decoration was made in later times, on top of the embosses. Decorative motifs on this belt are matching those on the belt fragment from the hoard Slavonski BrodLivadiceva ulica (fig. 64:3), and partially to the one on the large and complete belt (fig. 61:1). Such belts were also found in the Drslavice-hoards I and 11/1963 as published by Kilian-Dirlmeier (1975: T .44,429, T. 43:430-431, T. 44:433-434,437-438, T. 45:440-441,443444, T. 46:452-453,456, T. 47:446,448-450,T. 46:455,457). Similar belts were found in Hungary, Banat, and in greatest number, in Transylvania. We must also mention the newly published finds from the Polesovice hoard in Moravia (Salas 1997: T. 24:601-614,841, T. 25:615-621). On two belts from this hoard hooks used for hafting of the belt to the organic underlining are preserved (Salas 1997: T. 4:614, T. 25:620). One of these belts is undecorated (Salas 1997: T. 25:620) and Salas (1997:42) believes it to be unfinished. Another such unfinished belt comes from the Otok-Privlaka hoard (fig. 63:2). It had a hafting hook on one end. A similar one was found in the Jarak I hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 83:17). Based on the finds from Mackovac, both decorated and undecorated broken fragments were used. Most finds of decorated belts, similar to those from Slavonski Brod, come from Romanian hoards such as Cehalut I (PetrescuDimbovita 1978: T. 25A,35-36), Baleni (PetrescuDimbovita 1978: T 53,83-86), Band (Petrescu-Dimbovita 1978, T 80B,22-23), Caransebes (Petrescu-Dimbovita 1978: T. 87,50-62, T. 88,63-67), Dipa (Petrescu-Dimbovita 1978: T. 98A.170), Giula (Petrescu-Dimbovita 1978: T. 103 A,67), Guterita II (Petrescu-Dumbovita 1978: T. 117,323328), Pecica II (Petrescu-Dimbovita 1978: T. 126,41-42) and Rabagani (Petrescu-Dumbovita: T. 13IB,22-23), i n which two unfinished belt fragments were found. Fragments of belts were also found in the Suseni (Petrescu-Dimbovita 1978: T. 138,71-77), palnaca II (Petrescu-Dimbovita 1978: T. 153), and the well-known Uioara de Sus hoard (PetrescuDimbovita 1978: T. 200,1070-1073, T. 201,1074-1095). In a Hungarian hoard from Vajdacska (Kemenczei 1982, T. 1-6; Mozsolics 1985a, 210-211, T. 205-207) alongside other bronze items, two bronze belt fragments were found (Kemenczei 1982, Abb. 1, T. 5; Mozsolics 1985a, T. 207,12), one of which (Kemenczei 1982, Abb. 1, T. 5; Mozsolics 1985a, T. 207,1) is decorated by a wheel motif. This type of belts are concentrated in northeastern Hungary, Transylvania, and Banat. From these Carpathian regions they spread to the north, northwest and west, and are found as single pieces at the sites in Carpathian Ukraine, Hungarian Pannonia, and Slavonia. They are also present in the Czech Republic, Poland, and central Germany (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975: T. 54-55). As far as dating, most authors agree their duration is short and restricted to the beginning of the Urnfield culture. Kemenczei (1982) dates the Transylvanian finds to the Uriu-Opalyi period. This is justified if we bear in mind the composition and decorative motives that are similar to those on items from the Middle Bronze Age in the Carpathian Basin. On a belt of the Sieding-Szeged type from the site of Szeged (an isolated find) (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975: T. 40/41:405) a flowing spiral motif, characteristic of belts of the early Urnfield culture can be seen, making this find a link between the Middle and Late Bronze Age belt types (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975:103). In the Mackovac-Crisnjevi hoard (Karavanic, Mihaljevic 2001: T. 6:1) most likely another belt fragment was present decorated with incised wave pattern that is reminiscent of the Sieding-Szeged type of the Middle Bronze Age belts. Similar finds come from the Hungarian hoards, such as Esztergom (Mozsolics 1985a: T. 137:7,11). Horror vacui is quite characteristic for the belts of the early Urnfield culture and it could be a reflection of the motives on textiles and weaved items, therefore enriching the already quite rich ornament variety of attire items in the earliest phases of the Urnfield culture. Some authors link these motives found on Middle Bronze Age items with those on pottery of the same age (David 2002:71). Similar tendency is seen on belts of the Riegsee type, on which the surface is covered by a motif of flowing spirals, also seen on sword hilts of the Riegsee type in the beginning of the Urnfield culture. The appearance of this motif of stylized nipple-like protuberances on bronze items in Slavonska Posavina can perhaps be linked to the ceramics of the Virovitica and Barice-Gredani groups. At the Mackovac-Crisnjevi site, a small metal fitting was accidentally found close to the archaeological trench, and 124

Metal Industry of the Urnfield Culture in Croatia

1. Veliko Nabre (after Vmski-Gasparini

Fig. 60 Examples of pendants from hoards in Croatia 1983 2. Bonjaci (after Vinski-Gasparini 1973) 3. Idol from Klievac (after Kossack 1954) 4. fibula (Posamenterie Fibel) from Svilo (after Vinski-Gasparini 1973)

Passementerie

125

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia

Fig. 61 Belts from the hoards in continental

Croatia

\. Slavonski Brod-Livadieva Ulica (after Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975) 2. Budinina (after Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975) 3. Dolina na Savi (after Schauer 1974)

could have been a part of a hoard (Karavanic, Mihaljevic 2001). Its decoration (fig. 62:2 ) and motifs are closest to those of the belts with the so-called embossed decoration (Getriebenes Dekor) recognized by Kilian-Dirlmeier (1975:112-115). The exact use of these bronze sheet fragments is uncertain (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975:113) as they lack the hooks for closing of the belt, with the exception of the belt from the Budinscina hoard on which a single hook is preserved (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975: T. 46/47:460; Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 79:19). This belt, or belt fitting, is made of thin bronze sheet and it is assumed it was fixed on a textile undelining. However, no holes for hafting were found. Another similar bronze sheet fragment was found in the Otok-Privlaka hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 29:22), and another one in the Budinscina hoard, although this had somewhat simple decoration (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 79:20; Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975: T. 48/49:469). Unlike the first belt that had a decoration of tiny dots that separate the surface into several zones filled with punched concentric circles, the second belt had only four crosses on its entire surface. The belt from the Bingula-Divos hoard (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 86:7,17; Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975: T. 49:470) is similar to the one from Budinscina (fig. 61:2), but was not decorated with punched dots. A model for the motives seen on the belt from the Budinscina hoard 126

might be in the belt from Livadiceva Ulica on which sunlike, or possibly floral motif is seen, most certainly an influence from the Carpathian Basin and with prototypes on the Middle Bronze Age items (David 2002). Similar composition and motifs are seen on other belt fragments, such as those from Apagy (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975: T. 44:436), Novi Becej (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975: T. 45:439), and Drslavice (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975: T. 45:440-441). Here too, a motif of a concentric circle that could have symbolized sun (sun cult), but executed in a different manner, with another technique, is present. The most similar to the find of Mackovac (fig. 62\2) is a belt from the Kek hoard (fig. 62:1). Another belt, an undecorated one, has been found in the Kek hoard (Mozsolics 1985a: T. 192:29). Judgind by the shape it could be of the same type as that from Slavonski Brod. The metal fitting or belt from the Mackovac-Crisnjevi hoard is decorated on its front side with motifs made of punched dots. At the ends, vertical lines of dots that mark the border of the decorated area can be seen, while at the ends of the fragment, two holes on each side are present, which most likely used to haft it to the underlining made of cloth. Belts from Mackovac lack larger nipple-like protuberances (Buckeln) such are seen on the belt from the Veliko Nabrde hoard (fig. 63:1). Nipple-like decoration is also present on a belt from Fiad-Ker Puszta (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975: T. 48/49:472).

Metal Industry of the Urnfield Culture in Croatia

Fig. 62 Belts of early Urnfield culture l.Kek (after Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975) 2. Mackovac-Crisnjevi (after Karavanic

2007a)

In sum, in the Mackovac-Crisnjevi settlement three different types of belts are present. One was decorated by punching or hammered dots (fig. 62:2). Fragments of the other one were used later to make some other object (fig. 67:2), while the third (Karavanic, Mihaljevic 2001: T. 6:1) belongs to an earlier belt type. It is assumed that the second belt came to the settlement along with the raw material from the eastern part of the Carpathian Basin, or as a finished product that was later damaged. Both belts have motifs that are also seen in earlier times, such as a time when the HajdusamsonApa style was present in the eastern part ot the Carpathian Basin: spirals, sun-discs, stylized nipple decoration, or a motif of the hourglass. The Croatian Posavina region in the southern part of the Pannonian basin was also a part of the trade network and networks of the exchange of ideas and technological and artistic skills in the time of the late Middle and the beginning of the Late Bronze Age. Close to Mackovac, the hoard at Dolina na Savi was found and in it a fragment of a thin bronze sheet with punched decorations and holes for hafting of organic underlining (fig. 61:3/ This fragment could be a part of a belt, and the motif is reminiscent of the fitting or belt from the MackovacCrisnjevi hoard (fig. 62:2). In the same hoard a fragment of a belt buckle was found (fig. 63:3) and decoration in the form of the plastic ribs that is similar to the one on the belt buckle from the Pricac hoard. 127

A bronze sheet fragment with holes for rivets was found in the Poljanci II hoard (Hansen 1994: T. 32:1). It is similar to the belt fragment from the Mackovac-Crisnjevi hoard (Karavanic, Mihaljevic 2001: T. 6:1) and therefore it could be a part of a belt too. An item from the Pricac hoard (fig. 63:4) was published by Kilian-Dirlmeier (1975:90, T. 31:376) as a belt buckle, but it is possible that it was a part of horse harness or sword pendant. It had a rivet on its inside, most likely for hafting to the leather underlining. In the Sica-Lucica hoard (Perkic,Loznjak-Dizdar (2005: T. 10:163,180) a belt fragment similar to the one from the Otok-Privlaka hoard, as well as belt buckles with analogies in hoards from Hungary, were found (Perkic, LoznjakDizdar 2005:72). As far as the late variants of belts and belt buckles, we must mention the find from the Kapelna hoard (fig. 64:1-2, 4-5) defined as a separate type of belt. Finds of this richly decorated belt type are found in the wide geographic region, from northern Croatia, Moravia (Uvalno) (KilianDirlmeier 1975: T. 4:392), western Hungary (Jobbahaza hoard) (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975: T. 32:391) to Provence in France, at Plan d' Aups (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975: T.3 5:393), and Ascros (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975: T. 35:394). In

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia \

Fig. 63 Other finds of belts and belt buckles from the area of continental Croatia 1. Veliko Nabre (after Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975) 2. Otok-Privlaka (after Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975) 3. Dolina na Savi (after Schauer 1974) 4. Priac (after Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975)

128

Fig. 64 Belt fragments from Kapelna and Slavonski Brod-Livadieva ulica hoard 1-2,4-5. Kapelna hoard (after Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975) 3. Slavonski Brod-Livadieva ulica (after Mikiv 1982)

129

Urnfield Culture i" Continental

the Kapelna hoard, richly decorated bracelets also were found (Vinski-Gasparini 1973 T. 111:5-12), similar to those from the Ivanec Bistranski hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 113:19-21) that are dated on the basis of finds from the Herrenbaumgarten hoard into the Ha B2 period (MiillerKarpe 1959: T. 142A). The Kapelna hoard dates from the Ha B1 period and the phase IV of the Urnfield culture in northern Croatia (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:167). Vessels Many hoards contain bronze sheet fragments of vessels with punched decorations. An example is a smaller bowl from the Podcrkavlje-Slavonski Brod hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 66:41) that dates to the early phase of the Urnfield culture in northern Croatia (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:97), and can be linked to the oldest bronze vessels of the eastern Alpine circle, such as those of the Baierdorf group from the Gusen cemetery in Lower Austria. A fragment of a bronze vessel or bucket of the Kurd type was found in the Bizovac hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 35,10a,b,c). This bucket survived only in fragments

of vessel's body and neck (fig. 66:1), as shown after restoration. According to Vinski-Gasparini's reconstruction (1968: T. 2) the bucket of the Kurd type from Bizovac was about 30 cm in height (fig. 66:3). A bucket of the same type was also found in the Podrute hoard (fig. 66:2), where only a fragment of the bronze sheet from the lower part of vessel's body is preserved. Thus the bucket could not be reconstructed, although Vinski-Gasparini (1968:5) argues it was even bigger than that from Bizovac, based on the thickness of bronze sheet metal. Rivets were also bigger, reaching 2 mm in diameter. Vinski-Gasparini (1968) gives us a review of publications on buckets and situlae and acknowledges Merhart's novel view on origins of situlae from Italy and the eastern Alpine region (Vinski-Gasparini 1968:2). Merhart (1952) argued that the oldest buckets of the Kurd type come from western Pannonia, or western Transdanubia and belong to the early phase of the Urnfield culture. This area is the starting point for the later Italian and Alpine Hallstatt circle. In this type of bucket we must also include several finds from former Yugoslavia, such as those from the phase II

130

Metal Industry of the Urnfield Culture in Croatia

Fig. 67 Metal fittings of wooden Crisnjevi

buckets from hoard

the

Mackovac

Fig. 66 Vessels (buckets) of the Kurd type from Croatia 1. Bizovac (after Vinski-Gasparini 1968) 2. Podrute (after VinskiGasparini 1968) 3. A reconstruction of the Bizovac bucket (after Vinski-Gasparini 1968)

hoard of Privina glava in Syrmia (Garasanin 1954: T. 14:7), and the Lukavac-Bokavic hoard from northern Bosnia, dated to the end of the Ha A2 period (phase III), (Konig 2004: T. 37-49). This enlarges the collection of the oldest finds of the buckets of the Kurd type in the Pannonian 131

Danube Basin and locates their origin to the southwestern part of Pannonia (Vinski-Gasparini 1968: fig. 1; VinskiGasparini 1973:84). Recently, Knig published the finds from the Bokavic hoard (2004:184-191, T. 37-49), in which he lists and describes all the finds from the hoard. According to Knig (2004:120, T. 48:253,254) two fragments can be attributed to the buckets of the Hajdubszrmeny type. Decorated bronze strap handles (Knig 2004:122, T. 48:260,261) could have been parts of smaller metal cups of the Jenisovice-Kirkendrup type, or even of the Fuchsstadt type, but it is more likely that they were parts of a bucket of the Kurd type, as rightfully noted previously by VinskiGasparini (1968:11). According to her, other fragments could also have been parts of this type of bucket, e.g those previously published by Knig (2004:190, T. 48:264) as two bronze sheet fragments hafted with rivets, and not attributed to any specific type of vessel. Fragments of a rim made of bronze sheet and decorated with incised ornaments are believed to be parts of a smaller cauldron with cross-shaped handles (Knig 2004: T. 48:257,258), a notion supported by Vinski-Gasparini (1968:10). A fragment similar to those from the Bokavic-Lukavac hoard were found in the Romanian hoards such as Cornesti (Petrescu-Dimbovita 1978: T. 230:42), Moigrad I (Petrescu-Dimbovita 1978: T. 234:1-3), Singeorgiu de Padure I (Petrescu-Dimbovita

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia \

Fig. 68 A map of vessel and vessel fragment finds at the area of Urnfield cidture in northern Croatia 1. Bizovac 2. Podrute 3. Budinina 4. Veliko Nabre 5. Brodski Varo 6. Poljanci II 7. Podcrkavlje-Slavonski Brod 8. Makovac-Crinjevi IV10. Sia-Luica 11. Slavonski Brod RGZM12. Malika 13. Kalnik-Igrie 14. Hlebine (Gabajeva Greda)

9. Poljanci

1978: T. 262:10), Burn (Petrescu-Dimbovita 1978: T. 256A:3), and Sincraieni I (Petrescu-Dimbovita 1978: T. 241B:4). In the Bradut hoard (Petrescu-Dimbovita 1978: T: 227A:3-4) there were two smaller cauldrons, one of which is decorated with incised ornament at the rim and punched ornament on the vessel's body. A fragment of a twisted handle from the Bokavic hoard (Knig 2004: T. 48:259) might have been a part of a cauldron. Authors agree that Lukavac and Bokavic hoards belong to the Ha A2 period, based on a find of a bow fibula (Knig 2004: T. 43:126). An accidental find of a cauldron from Podravina was recently published by Loznjak-Dizdar (2007). It was found in the Gabajeva Greda gravel pit (Hlebine municipality), and based on similarities with the handle from the Slavonski Brod RGZM hoard (Clausing 2004:104: Abb. 29:83), it is dated to the Ha A l period. In the hoard from Slavonski Brod, kept at the Rmisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum in Mainz, a bronze cup, quite similar to the one from the Tamsi hoard (Clausing 2004:95) was found. An interesting clay imitation of a bucket of the Kurd type was found at the Kalnik-Igrisce site (Majnaric-Pandzic 1992a:64, T. 3). Majnaric-Pandzic (1992a:64) sees this as a proof that at Kalnik, more sophisticated items of bronze metalwork were made, a model of which is clearly seen in details and overall form (especially the form of handles and

the way they were hafted to the vessel's body, and the row of holes on the shoulder). Buckets of the Kurd type were analyzed in detail by Merhart (1952) who argued that their chronology can be made based on their size, where older ones are smaller in size. Patay (1982:317) argues that on the basis of published finds it is possible to differentiate distinct groups, such as the Kurd group, as exemplified by the find from the hoard of the same name (Mozsolics 1985a: T. 22). Buckets of this group were 19-21 cm in height, with bodies made from two bronze sheet parts (Patay 1982:317). As the oldest group Patay sees the Hosszupalyi group, which includes finds from the Hosszupalyi site (Mozsolics 1985a: T. 190:5), as well as the find from Bakonszeg (Patay 1982: Abb. 1). In Patay's opinion the bearers of the Gava group produced these vessels, and that these vessels were not made under the influence of the Urnfield culture of the Middle Danube Basin (Patay 1982:320). Two additional finds of such vessels come from the Piispokladany site. The larger one is similar to the aforementioned ones, while the other is very small and according to Patay (1982:318) could represent an intermediate link between the Kurd and Hosszupalyi groups. Based on the geographic distribution of finds of buckets of the Kurd type, Patay (1982:318-319) argues that the distribution is partially overlapping with the finds of the Hajduboszormeny group and therefore both groups

132

Metal Industry of the Urnfield Culture in Croatia

could have been produced in the same workshops. Patay (1982:319) lists additional two fragments of buckets from the Bodrogzsadany and Zbince sites, but as they cannot be attributed to a specific group, does not go into detailed description. Based on the grave, as well as hoard finds, Patay (1982:320) assumes that the buckets of the Kurd

type were produced during the Ha A1 period and were used during the Ha A2 period. Patay (1982:321) further argues that both of the aforementioned gropus of buckets of the Kurd type were made in different workshops. The second type of vessels that appear in the hoards are

133

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia \ wooden buckets, of which metal fittings remain preserved. Similarly decorated bronze sheet fragments were found in the Budinscina (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 79:16), Veliko Nabrde (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T .44:4), Brodski Varos (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 57:2,6), Poljanci II (Bulat 19731975: T. 16:1-10), and Mackovac-II or Mackovac-Crisnjevi (fig. 67) hoards. Clausing (1996:427-428) gives a detailed list of hoards in which such bronze sheet fragments were found, all of which he dates to the early Urnfield culture. A metal vessel is mentioned in the publication of the Malicka hoard (Balen-Letunic 1985:40, T. 2:3) in reference to the vessel from the Gusterita hoard in Romania (Petrescu-Dimbovita 1978: T. 114:229), and the Merlara hoard from northern Italy (Muller-Karpe 1959: T. 83:7), which is dated to the Ha A1 period. A similar fragment of a bronze vessel was found in the Poljanci IV-Donje Polje hoard (Miklik-Lozuk 2004: T. 9:3; 2009:108, no.259), and additional fragments conic from the Sica-Lucica hoard (Perkic,Loznjak-Dizdar 2005: T. 10:161) with closest analogies to the bucket of the Kurd type from Bizovac. Horse harness Horse harness includes the following items: cheek-pieces (psalia), horse bits, strap joints, and pendants. The so-called Thraco-Cimmerian horse harness is typical for the hoards of the phase V, but finds of horse harness are also present in hoards of the earlier phases, recently mapped in detail by Perkic and Loznjak-Dizdar (2005: map 4). According to Perkic and Loznjak-Dizdar (2005:80) strap joints with a cross-like decoration in the middle are found in the SicaLucica (Perkic, Loznjak-Dizdar 2005: T. 9:158), OtokPrivlaka (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 28:18-19), Brodski Varos (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 57:46), Poljanci II (Bulat 1975: T. XIII:31-34), Mackovac (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 73:12), and Malicka (Balen-Letunic 1985: T. 2:7) hoards. Recently Miklik-Lozuk (2009: si. 11) published one more strap joint from the Poljanci I hoard. Perkic and LoznjakDizdar (2005:80) argue that such strap joints are in use for a long time, to the Ha B period, when similar types are found that according to Metzner-Nebelsick have no connection to the earlier finds of the early phase of the Urnfield culture. Majnaric-Pandzic (1968:34), however, leaves this possibility open. The earliest finds of metal psalia so far found in Croatia come from the Pricac hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 72:10), ascribed to the Bugelknebel group after Hiittel (1981: T. 20:219), although these from Pricac are more bow-like in form (Hiittel 1981:148). They were most likely made in a local workshop of the Pannonian Basin. Other finds of psalia come from the Romanian hoards such as Lozna Mare (Hiittel 1981:148, T. 21:220-223) and Ungureni II (Hiittel 1981:147, T. 20:218), which can be dated to the Uriu or Jungbronzezeit I period. Somewhat younger examples come from the area to the west, such as Reallon and Hochstadt (Hiittel 1981:149), dated to the later Urnfield culture. The find from the Pricac hoard represents a link between the two aforementioned groups of psalia, but its origin must be sought in the southern part of the Pannonian basin. A possible unfinished psalia come from the Brodski Varos hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 59:47) in the Slavonski Brod region. In it, a nail with a flattened head was also found (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T.57:53), quite similar to the ones from the Mengen II grave (Hiittel 1981: T.31), as well as an item in the form of a nail with two heads, an item that is also found in more abundance in the Legrad hoard (fig. 69). It is also found in the Poljanci I hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T .49:17; Miklik-Lozuk 2009:76, no.115), as well as in the somewhat younger hoard from Miljana (VinskiGasparini 1973: T. 112:10). A nail with a flattened head was also found in the Otok-Privlaka hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T.29:15). Miklik-Lozuk (2009:24) leaves open the possibility that these nails could be a part of a wheel. Vinski-Gasparini (1973:99) mentions a find of the middle part of horse bits from the Velika Gorica cemetery, dated to the earlier phase of the Ha B period. Legrad (fig. 69) and Sarengrad (Brunsmid 1899-1900b; Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 130B, T. 131) hoards date to the phase V and the end of the Late Bronze Age. Lately the hoard From Sarengrad is dated to phase VI (MetznerNebelsick 2002). The youngest hoard is that from Sarengrad. In both hoards horse harness of the Thraco-Cimmerian type was found, analysed by Metzner-Nebelsick (1994; 2002). She also published the find from Batina (Metzner-Nebelsick 2002: T. 36-38), which included 42 items of horse harness of the Thraco-Cimmerian type.

134

5 . CONCLUSION

The main aim of this book is to analyze three types of Late Bronze Age finds from continental Croatia: settlements, cemeteries and hoards. Bronze items from hoards are also linked to the problem of metal working and process of ore and raw material processing, as well as production of finished bronze products. Therefore, distribution of ore deposits, processing of ores and their distribution to the place of final production were treated in separate chapters. We have also summarized the available published results of analyses of bronze raw materials, the so-called planoconvex ingots from the hoards of Miljana (Drfler et al 1969), Zagreb-Dezmanov Prolaz (Glogovic, Miko 2000), and Pustakovec (Riederer 1999). The results showed that the ingots had a high iron component. This is especially true for the Pustakovec hoard. Several other analyses have been done on hoard finds, but are yet unpublished. These analyses are of great importance, as they could help in determining the source of raw material for the production of bronze objects from Croatia. The only published analysis of metal finds are those from Torcec (Glogovic, Miko 2001). Most finds on which we base our understanding of bronze casting activities are moulds. Moulds are a relatively common find in Croatia, especially if we take into account the state of research on the Urnfield culture and its settlements. Most of these moulds are either accidental finds, or were found in settlements (fig. 48). None come from graves or hoards. Moulds are bipartite, and most were made of sandstone or clay. We must mention the find of a bronze-casting workshop at Sv. Petar Ludbreski, recently dated (Simek 2004) to the beginning of the Early Iron Age, although we believe that the items that were cast in them are within the milieu of the Urnfield culture. An important example of a tuyere or clay nozzle (fig. 50:1) with analogies at the Velemszentvid settelement in Hungary, was also found there. Moulds, but also remains of slag, the so-called chanelled stones (fig. 45), clay nozzles and various tools like chisels (fig. 51) and saws used in production of bronze items were found in settlements. We bring an overview of

the finds of smaller chisels (fig. 51) and punches mostly from hoards, and some from settlements. These finds inform us on the developed local production of metal objects at the sites of the Urnfield culture in Croatia. This is supported by finds such as prestigious weapons, especially defensive armour, as well as of jewellery and attire items. Some of the earlier helmets, such as those with a star-shaped motif (for example helmet from Veliko Nabre hoard) (fig. 57), and those with decoration in the shape of concentric circles, were made in local workshops. Some of the items are assumed to be imports from other regions, such as the Carpathian Basin, where most of the biggest hoards have been found. Other items, such as certain pin types (e.g. pins with a chanelled and flattened head), and pendants from hoards such as Brodski Varo, Priac, and Veliko Nabre in the Posavina region, are of local production. Some of these pendant types have roots in the Middle Bronze Age of southern Pannonia, as documented by a wheel-shaped pendant on the belt of the idol from Klievac (fig. 60:3). Technique and decoration on the belt from Slavonski Brod-Livadieva Ulica (fig. 61:1) is similar to that seen on belts from rich hoards in Transylvania (Petrescu-Dimbovita 1978), as well as in the Vajdacska hoard from Hungary (Kemenczei 1982), and might have been imported from there. However, in the Makovac hoard (Makovac-Crinjevi) a bronze sheet metal was found, which belonged to the bronze fitting of a wooden bucket (fig. 67:2). It was decorated with embosses, although it had originally been decorated with punched decoration, quite like that on the belt from Slavonski Brod as well as some other belts, and only later this piece was used in vessel production. It is unclear why would this rare attire item, which could have come to the region as a result of trade with Transylvania, be used for such a purpose. A second possibility is that the bronze sheet was brought in pieces as a raw material for production of other items. Perhaps due to the abundance of these types of finds in the Carpathian basin they were regularly reused as a raw material. In any case, the

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The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia \ combination of various decorations on a single bronze sheet is interesting and allows for different conclusions. Special chapters are dealing with the hoard finds, their chronology and periodisation and also the meaning of their deposition. Vinski-Gasparini (1983:650) believes that the function of hoards was in fact multiple. Like most scholars, she too recognizes two types of hoards: sacral and profane. Sacral are of a votive or cult nature, and often consist of only one, sometimes two or three types of objects, that sometimes show traces of burning. Profane hoards include those of the bronze founders, possibly of itinerant craftsmen, or, most often, are hoards that represent valuable material goods that were stored. According to Vinski-Gasparini (1983:650), we should not exclude a possibility that danger was one of the reasons for the deposition of the hoards, as shown by examples from the Roman period and the Middle Ages. A characteristic of hoards from the southern Pannonian region (especially the region between rivers Sava and Drava and the area south of the Sava river, including northern Bosnia) is (Vinski-Gasparini 1983:650) that they include broken bronze pieces and we should include them into the mixed hoard group. Those hoards are not of cult meaning, but are a sort of hidden treasure. Vinski-Gasparini (1983:650) is right in saying that because the circumstances of their discovery are unknown it is impossible to be sure whether these are indeed hoards of bronze founders. At the time when her synthetic work on the Urnfield culture and hoards was done, no results on settlement research was available. Therefore, she uses the example of a hoard discovered at the Jakovo-Ekonomija Sava settlement (Vinski-Gasparini 1973:78) in eastern Syrmia. The hoard was analyzed by Tasic (1962). However, Vinski-Gasparini (1973:78) states that on all sites of the Slavonski Brod region, where hoards were discovered, pieces of pottery with profiles typical for the early phase of the Urnfield culture were found. Research of settlements was intensified only within the last decade which allowed to make a connection between most of the hoards of the southern Pannonia and settlements of the early Urnfield culture, such as Mackovac-Crisnjevi (Karavanic, Mihaljevic 2001; Karavanic et al 2002). According to Vinski-Gasparini (1973:78) hoards might have been buried within settlements and used as material goods, or means of payment. Most of the hoards of the phase II, however, contain pieces of broken bronze as well as raw, unprocessed bronze, pointing to some sort of casting activity. For a more complete picture we need moulds and other objects that would point to the metal working activity in settlements. We talked about it in more detail in our analysis of the Mackovac-Crisnjevi hoard (Karavanic, Mihaljevic 2001) and other finds that point to metal working activities in the Mackovac-Crisnjevi settlement (Karavanic 2006). In sum, Vinski-Gasparini (1973; 1983) emphasized the profane character of hoards of the southern Pannonia and Croatian Posavina. Clausing (2004) writes on the meaning of hoards, including the ones from the Slavonski Brod area. He starts from theoretical models that try to explain the phenomenon of deposition of such large quantities of metal objects throughout Europe. In this, he concentrates on two models: one that assigns nomothetic meaning to these hoards and sees them as expressions of purely religious character; and the other model that sees them as purely profane in character. The later is strongly argued against by Hansel (1997:13) who points that a large number of hoards cannot be a coincidence, and does not come from dangerous times, but also from the times of continual development of prosperous civilizations. Hansel (1997:13) does not recognize a horizon of catastrophes that would be marked by hoards. Breaks are seen in finds such as graves and settlements, but those do not contain hoards nor items that are common in hoards. Hansel (1997:14) acknowledges the possibility that some of the hoards of the travelling traders had a more profane character, but points out that this would also mean that these traders were quite unlucky, and why this would all hapen within the Bronze Age also has to be explained. According to him, some of the hoards might have belonged to bronze founders, but this does not explain why would these founders leave such large quantities of the precious metals. Hansel (1997:15) believes that founders themselves often made sacrifices to gods, as they were involved in a hard and dangerous activities and owned metals, thus needing extra help from deities. He also mentions the Greek god-blacksmith Hephestus. Clausing (2004:142) informs us that the topic of the 1984 meeting of the German Archaeological Society were hoard finds, resulting in a great number of published works on this topic in the following year, some of which tried to explain the meaning of hoards (Mandera 1985; Pauli 1985; Torbrugge 1985). Torbriigge (1985) was quite critical of previous attempts to explain the reasons for deposition of bronze items. According to him, most older work, but some new publications as well, were of a purely antiquarian character, as they often have only a single page on the explanation of the reasons for hoard deposition. He is especially critical of Menke's 1976 habilitation thesis in which the whole phenomenon of hoards is considered mainly cult in character, as profane character could not be clearly seen (Torbrugge 1985:17). He argues that even though there are much more finds, this did not increase the attempts to explain their nature mainly because the same criterion in which he distinguishes between the common customs of depositing from the accidental episodes. Therefore, according to Torbrugge (1985:18) there is even more dichotomy between profane and non-profane hoards. According to Torbrugge (1985:19), such a wide scale of human activity cannot be easily explained and classified, and often there is a connection among the profane and ritual in a number of practical and spiritual aspects. This is precisely what Hansel had in mind when he talked about the participation of master craftsmen in sacrificial rituals. Mandera (1985:187) brings us an overview of the earlier German writings, which mostly saw hoards as votive or sacrificial gifts to gods. This is especially aimed at hoards found in water, swamps, wells, but also caves, cliffs and abysses. Authors that support this explanation are Kubach,

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M 1|

Conclusion

Hundt, Torbriigge, Zimmermann, Driehaus and Schauer .(Mandera 1985:187). We are still unclear on the hoards ; from the earlier phase of the Urnfield culture, and whether s they represent votive sacrifices or buried treasures. Mandera (1985:187, 190) is especially interested in hoards of the Late Urnfield culture of Ha B3 period and suggests a model in which hoards are mainly gifts to gods in some sort of sacred places and later, due to political reasons, were buried not to be taken out of the ground again (because they were either forgotten, or for some other reason). In this, he combines the sacral and profane character of hoards. Unlike Mandera, Wegner sees this secondary deposition of hoards not as a result of wars and dangerous times, but as a change in cult practices (Mandera 1985:187). Mandera, based on publications by Stein and von Brunn (1968), recognizes the so-called catastrophic horizons, in which hoards are more numerous in certain areas. These horizons are, according to him, not localized, but can be observed in wider regions. It is likely that both causes played a role. Hansen (1994) is another author that argues for votive explanation of hoards, especially of those from the older phase of the Urnfield culture and sees this as one of the structural marks of the Bronze Age society (Hansen 1994:371). The most important question that Hansen asks is: why were these bronze items used for something that was not their primary function? He believes we can get an answer to this question through analogies from ethnology and ancient writings, but also thrugh the use of social models (Hansen 1994:371). Hansen believes that the bronze objects are quite exclusive and bases his research on: 1. The so-called production of prestigious objects, and 2. Certain aspects of sacrificial activity or of votive finds. Hansen uses a quote from Reinecke (Hansen 1994:372, Anm.5) where he argues that there is no way that people would lose such large quantities of metals were they not faced with a grave danger, thus arguing against voluntary deposition of such items (although it can be linked to prevention against danger). Nebelsick (1997) also argues that the reason why these bronze items were broken is ritual breaking, and not a result of the activity of bronze founders. On the other hand, A. Mozsolics (1985b) collected all melted and later assembled pieces from hoards of the Carpathian Basin and Hungary and was able to prove that they were secondarily used for bronze-casting activity. Her work was a basis for Clausing's analysis of the Slavonski Brod (RGZM) hoard (2004:153) in which he used such objects to argue that the hoard belonged to a bronze founder. Interestingly, he also draws parallels with certain non-industrial societies in which founders and blacksmiths also serve in religious ceremonies, and argues that there is no reason why Bronze Age casters could not have done the same and buried their treasures as a part of some religious ceremony (Clausing 2004:149). In this, Clausing is very close to Hansel's explanation (1997:15). Hansen (1994:387) argues that the broken pieces (the socalled Brucherzcharakter) were not very useful as votive

offerings, but acknowledges that many of the ancient Greece's votive offerings were also broken and damaged. Hansen (1994:387-388) also states that hoards contained already used items (most often weapons, tools, jewellery, and attire components), but also ones that still bear traces of casting. The latter, according to Hansen, were not necessarily meant to be reused in casting, but could have also been a gift to gods, for which he again draws parallels to the examples from ancient Greece (Hansen 1994:388). It is noticeable from the list and the analysis of the hoard finds that after Vinski-Gasparini's publication (1973) the number of hoards increased, and that those found by chance still prevail. Only the Mackovac-Crisnjevi hoard was found within an early Urnfield culture settlement (Karavanie, Mihaljevic 2001; Karavanie 2006). Important publications of hoards from the Slavonski Brod region, such as Slavonski Brod RGZM (Clausing 2004), and Poljanci hoards (MiklikLozuk 2004; 2009) add to our knowledge on the hoard finds from this region and show a priority of the hoards from the Posavina region in their variety and number of bronze items. A statistical analysis showed differences in number of hoards according to horizons after Vinski-Gasparini (1973; 1983), and it can be seen that most hoards are from horizon II, or the Veliko Nabrde horizon (fig. 53), represented by 38 hoards of bronze items, followed by phase IV - Miljana, and phase V - Matijevici, represented by 8 hoards each. There are 6 hoards from the phase III-Klostar Ivanic, while only one is from phase I-Peklenica. The structure of hoards was defined on the basis of individual variables that represent bronze item types. On the basis of the so-called cross-tables it was possible to define the item distribution according to individual hoards. For example, Bizovac and Brodski Varos hoards contain the largest number of swords (fig. 54). The analysis of the abundance of certain item types gave us the following results: the most common items are sickles (a total of 584 sickles were found in 61 hoards) followed by axes of which 336 were found. A total of 216 bracelets were found, 141 fragments of bronze sheet, 130 spearheads, and 125 swords. Horse harness and bronze ingots are present in 98 cases and within 61 hoards. Pendants are a common part of the attire (like the aforementioned bracelets) and 97 of them were found. 74 ornamented plates, 59 daggers, 53 pins, 51 knives, 49 chissels, 43 fibulae, and 34 saws have been found, as well as 29 necklacess, and 27 razors. Defensive armour is present in 25 cases. 23 bronze vessels, and 15 belts have also been found. Other 166 bronze items found could not be identified and ascribed to a certain type. The analysis showed dominance of certain types of items, such as sickles and axes. This is common for hoards of the Urnfield culture in Croatia, as well as in other neighbouring regions, e.g. in Slovenia (Terzan et al. 1996). Various attire components and jewellery items, such as pendants, bracelets, and fibulae, are also quite common, as noted previously as a characteristic of Croatian hoards by Terzan ( 1995:334). Bronze sheet fragments that were parts of defensive armour, vessels, or other items, are also quite numerous. We can link a significant number of

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The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia \ saws to them, as saws were most likely used to cut bronze (Teran 2003), while chisels were used to cut and decorate bronze items. About the same number of swords (125) and spears (130) has been found, both being offensive weapons. Razors are also numerous and mostly belong to the earlier phase of the Urnfield culture, while during the later phase they appear in graves of the Urnfield culture, e.g. at Velika Gorica. As we have stated previously, settlements were poorly known at the time of Vinski-Gasparini's (1973) synthetic publication. Only Novigrad na Savi, Bregana, Kiringrad, Erdut, and Beli Manastir were known at the time. Following the publication of Vinski-Gasparini (1973), more emphasis was put on settlements. The excavations at Novigrad na Savi by Majnari-Pandi led to the discovery of various structures, houses, and floors, as well as pottery and metal items (Majnari-Pandi 1993; 2000). The rise of the research of settlements can be seen during the 1980s when most of the known sites, such as Turska Kosa (ukovi 1989), piak (Pavii 1986/1987), and Kalnik-Igrie (Majnari-Pandi 1992a; 1998a) were excavated. The Krievci region is very interesting, as several settlements were excavated there, including Kalnik-Igrie I and II, Krievci-Ciglana (Homen 1982), and Sv. Martin village (Homen 1989). Research of these sites provided a basis for understanding of settlements of the Zagreb group in northwestern Croatia and confirmed Vinski-Gasparini's thesis on the importance of the influences of BaierdorfVelatice group. The most important results that stem from the research of settlements are certain chronological and cultural (cultural-historic) conclusions. Data on the size, character, and settlement structures are not that significant, as the excavated surface is in most cases very small. We must note the finds of 7 hearths made of burnt clay found at a surface of about 100 square meters at Kalnik-Igrie I (fig. 18). It is assumed that in this part of the Kalnik settlement bronze casting activities were done, as supported by a number of metal worker's items (Vrdoljak 1992; Vrdoljak, Forenbaher 1995). The excavations of the second part of the Kalnik settlement, Kalnik-Igrie II, begun in 2006 (Karavani 2007b; 2008). It belongs to the late phase of the Urnfield culture with dominant characteristics of the Rue group, such as fine pottery decorated with hanging triangles, zigzag motifs, or white incrustation (PI. 38:1-2). In this part of the settlement, a house with a hearth (fig. 28), remains of wooden posts and post holes (fig. 29) was found. On the floor of the house a lot of pottery was found, mostly pots and larger bowls with inverted rims, as well as fine bowls decorated with incrustation and the so-called pseudoschnur ornament (PL 38:3). Important finds also include the remains of carbonized grains, mostly wheat, broad bean, and wild apples (fig. 30). Paleobotanical analysis was done by Dr. Renata otari (The Institute of Botany, Department of Biology of the Faculty of Science in Zagreb). Based on all this it can be concluded that this part of the Kalnik settlement was used for food preparation and related activities. Weaving was also done in this part of the settlement, judging by the finds of spindle whorls and loom weights (PL 41-44). Analogies for these finds were found at the Nova Bukovica settlement (Kovacevic 2001). Paleobotanical analysis of the finds from that site was also done by Sostaric (2001). Finds that can be ascribed to the Ruse group have also been discovered at the Spicak settlement (Pavisic 1986/1987; 1993; 2001). Therefore, we have very little data on the structures within settlements, but based on what we have it can be concluded that most of the activities at the Late Bronze Age settlements were done around the open-air hearths. Houses made of wooden posts and beams, like those at Kalnik-Igrisce II, were discovered, some of which could also have had stone constructions. At some settlements larger pits were discovered. Some were used as storage pits, while some were refuse pits, like the one found at Nova Bukovica (Kovacevic 2001). A storage pit located at the edge of a house dwelling that contained numerous pot and bowl fragments (PL 8-9) was also found at Kalnik-Igrisce II (SU 013, 015) (fig. 27-28). A large quantity of carbonized grains and broad beans was found near it, suggesting pithoi were used to store them. Data on cemeteries of all phases of the Urnfield culture exists. Publications from the end of the 19th century describe the finds from cemeteries at Krupace and Trescerovac, as well from Velika Gorica, published in detail by Hoffiler (1909). All these belong to the late phase of the Urnfield culture, while those from the earlier phase, such as Virovitica and Sirova Katalena, and Zagreb-Vrapce were excavated in the 1960s. Recently excavations of cemeteries at Moravce near Sesvete (Sokol 1989; 1996), and Drljanovac (Majnaric-Pandzic 1988; 1994) was carried out. Both belong to the Virovitica group, in which the finds from Vocin (Loznjak 2003) should also be included. Numerous graves from Gredani (Minichreiter 1982-1983), as well as graves from Mackovac (Mihaljevic, Kalafatic 2006; Mihaljevic, Kalafatic 2007), and Popemjak (Marijan 2005a, 2005b) belong to the Barice-Gredani group. Cemeteries from eastern Slavonia and Baranja, such as Vukovar Lijeva Bara, Dalj, Sarengrad, and Batina (Metzner-Nebelsick 2002) belong to a distinct Dalj group. A characteristic feature of the Virovitica group is that the cremated remains were put in an urn that was covered by another bowl, while various bowls, cups, and jars were used as grave goods. The Barice-Gredani group had similar burial practices, although in this group the cremated remains were not put into the urn, but into a hole in the ground and covered by a larger bowl. Most of burial goods consist of pottery, although at some Slavonian sites, e.g. at Perkovci, metal objects are also present. At Drljanovac, graves of the Virovitica and Zagreb groups are found (fig. 36). Within the graves of the Zagreb group metal objects are quite common (fig. 35). Metal objects are also found in graves at ZagrebVrapce (Vinski-Gasparini 1973; 1983). However, by far the largest amount of metal items is found in the graves of the late phase of the Urnfield culture, for example, at Velika Gorica. At this cemetery, we have defined 21 variables that

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represent different types of classes of bronze objects used as grave goods. These are: 1-pin, 2-necklace, 3-bracelet, 4-bronze ring, 5-hair decoration, 6-spectacle fibula, 7-bow fibula, 8-passementerie fibula, 9-bead, 10-decorative plate, 11-razor, 12-sword, 13-spear, 14-knife, 15-socketed axe, 16-weight, 17-spindie whorl, 18-ceramic vessel, 19-rivets, 20-whetstone, 21-other items. Altogether 296 items used as grave goods were found at Velika Gorica cemetery. It has to be noted that we included items from destroyed graves for which an attribution to a specific grave is not known. This represents a methodological problem and enlarges the total number of items. The second problem is a fragmentary state of certain types of items. We have dccided to ascribe all fragments that could not be connected to another during reconstruction to a separate item of a certain type of find. This has been most common with bracelets (type 3), and necklaces (type 2). The result is that bracelets are the most common find inclosed grave finds (N=96). Ceramic vessels (type 18) are also common (N=32), as well as necklaces (type2) (N=32). In some graves fragments could belong to a single vessel that was used as an urn. Alternatively, the fragments could be of another vessel that served as a grave good. The most common are cups and bowls, while pots, especially those with a hole, were used as urns. Spectacle fibulae (type 6), (N=20) are also common, and most are found in fragmentary state. Also common are spindle whorls (type 17) (N=18), hair rings with interlace decoration (type 5) (N=16), and weights (type 16) (N=14). 12 bronze rings (type 4) and 10 knives have been found. The rest of the item types were found in lesser numbers, mostly between 8 to a single item. Based on the style and form of pottery, the cemetery at Zagreb-Horvati belongs to the younger Urnfield culture as do the aforementioned cemeteries at Velika Gorica, Krupace, and Trescerovac. Thus, we have established a thesis that there was a certain discontinuity between the earlier and the later phase of the Urnfield culture in continental Croatia. This is in contrast with Vinski-Gasparini (1973) who insists on a continuous development of the Urnfield culture, adding another phase to it: phase III or

the hoard horizon - Klotar Ivani. In the latter hoard a pair of greaves (fig. 58:1) was found with analogies to the ones from Kurim, dated by Merhart (1956-1957) to the younger phase of the Urnfield culture. It is true that these greaves have a decoration that is quite distinct from the decoration seen on those from Poljanci IV (fig. 59). The greaves from Poljanci and those from Klotar Ivani are the most complete examples of greaves from continental Croatia. The hoard from Klotar Ivani is not similar in its structure to other hoards of the early phase of the Urnfield culture, which are characterized by a larger number of various types of items that can come as half-finished products, or scrap metal. Most of these hoards belong to a group of hoards of mixed character, while during the younger phase of the Urnfield culture hoards that contain smaller number of same types of objects, are common. The appearance of hoards that contain horse harness of the Thraco-Cimmerian type (Legrad, Sarengrad, Ilok) is characteristic for the end of the Late Bronze Age. It is important to note that in some hoards from the younger phase of the Urnfield culture items from the so-called Balkan circle (e.g. short sword from the Matijevii hoard) appear, while more metal items are found in graves, e.g. the grave 1/1911 at Velika Gorica, in which warrior's equipment was found. This tendency is seen until the end of the Urnfield culture, and as the end of the Velika Gorica group the appearance of the sword of the Morigen type, like the one found at Draganii (most likely from a destroyed burial mound), is taken. However, some of the vessel types at the Velika Gorica cemetery, like those decorated with the so-called pseudoschmir ornament (PI. 79:5), have analogies in graves from the Ha B3 period at Rue (renar 2006). It can be said that the Urnfield culture in continental Croatia lasts from the period Br D to the Ha B3 period. As the absolute dates are not too numerous, we can provisionally date it between 1300 BC to around year 800 BC. Between year 950/920 and 800 B.C. according to Pare, a switch between the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron age took place over a wider region from the Black Sea to Central Italy (Pare 1999:429). The beginning of the Early Iron Age should be placed in the 1st half of 8th century BC, when we are dating the hoard from arengrad and some graves from the Vukovar Lijeva Bara cemetery (LonjakDizdar 2004:26).

6 . LITERATURE
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i u vojvoanskom podruju Srijema, OA 1, Zagreb, 57109. Vinski Z., Vinski-Gasparini K. 1962, O utjecajima istono-alpske haltatske kulture i balkanske ilirske na slavonsko-srijemsko Podunavlje, Arheoloki radovi i rasprave 2, Zagreb, 263-293. Vinski-Gasparini K. 1968, Najstarija bronana vedra jugoslavenskog Podunavlja, VAMZ 3.s. III, Zagreb 1968, 1-27. Vinski-Gasparini K. 1973, Kultura polja sa arama u sjevernoj Hrvatskoj, Zadar 1973: Radovi Filozofskog fakulteta. Vinski-Gasparini K. 1979-1980, Ostava kasnog bronanog doba iz Punitovaca kod akova, VAMZ 3.s. XII/XIII, Zagreb, 87-103. Vinski-Gasparini K. 1983, Kultura polja sa arama sa svojim grupama, in: Praistorija jugoslavenskih zemalja. Bronzano doba. Vol. IV(Alojz Benac ed.), Sarajevo, 547667. Vrdoljak S. 1992, Nalazi kalupa s lokaliteta Kalnik-Igrie kao primjer metalurke djelatnosti u sjeverozapadnoj Hrvatskoj, OA 16, Zagreb, 75-87. Vrdoljak S. 1994, Tipoloka klasifikacija kasnobronanodobne keramike iz naselja Kalnik-Igrie (SZ Hrvatska) OA 18, Zagreb, 7-83.

Vrdoljak S. 1996, Prapovijesno naselje na Kosovcu kod Bregane (Samobor), OA20, Zagreb, 179-184. Vrdoljak S. 1997, Pokusno sondiranje nalazita MakovacCrianj, Obavijesti HAD-a XXIX/3, Zagreb, 61-64. Vrdoljak S. & Forenbaher S. 1995, Bronze-casting and organization of production at Kalnik-Igrie (Croatia), Antiquity 69, London, 577-82. Vrdoljak S. & Mihaljevi M. 2000, Istraivanje prapovijesnog naselja Makovac-Crianj (1997-1998), Obavijesti HAD-a XXXII/1, Zagreb 2000, 38-43. eravica Z. 1993, xte und Beile aus Dalmatien und andere Teilen Kroatiens, Montenegro, Bosnien und Herzegowina, PBF IX/18, Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag. Wanzek B. 1989, Die Gumodel fr Tllenbeile im sdstlichen Europa, UPA 2, Bonn: Rudolf Habelt GMBH. Wanzek B. 2002, Zur Syntax der Muster auf Griffzungensicheln im bronzezeitlichen Sdosteuropa, in EA-online, Feb, (www.archaeology.ro/bwan.htm) Weber C. 1996, Die Rasiermesser in Sdosteuropa, PBF VIII/5, Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag. Wels-Weyrauch U. 1991, Die Anhnger in Sdbayern, PBF XI-5, Stuttgart:Franz Steiner Verlag.

149

PLATES

Plates

10

PI. 1 Pottery from Mackovac-Crisnjevi settlement site 153

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia \

154

Plates

PI. 1 Pottery from Mackovac-Crisnjevi settlement site

155

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia \

156

Plates

PI. 1 Pottery from Mackovac-Crisnjevi settlement site

157

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia \

PI. 6 Pots from Kalnik-Igrisce

II settlement

site

158

Plates

PI. 7 Pots from Kalnik-Igrisce

II settlement

site

159

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia \

PI. 8 Pots from Kalnik-Igrisce

II settlement

site

160

Plates

161

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia \

PI. 10 Undecorated

conical

bowls from Kalnik-Igrisce

II settlement

site

162

Plates

PI. 11 Undecorated conical bowls from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site

163

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia \

PI. 12 Undecorated conical bowls from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site

164

Plates

165

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia \

PI. 14 Undecorated bowls with inverted rim from Kaltiik-Igrisce II settlement site

166

Plates

167

The Urnfield Culture in Continental

Croatia \

PL 16 Undecorated bowls with inverted rim from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site

168

Plates

PI. 17 Undecorated

bowls with inverted

rim from Kalnik-Igrisce

II settlement

site

169

The Urnfield Culture in Continental

Croatia \

PL 18 Undecorated bowls with inverted rim from Kalnik-Igrisce

II settlement site

170

Plates

0 0 ) 2 3 4 5

PL 19 Undecorated bowls with inverted rim from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site

171

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia \

PI. 20 Fragments of undecorated and turban " shaped bowls with inverted run from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site

172

Plates

PI. 21 Fragments of bowls with turban " shaped rim from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site

173

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia \

PI. 22 Fragments

of bowls with turban " shaped

rim from Kalnik-Igrisce

II settlement

site

174

Plates

175

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia \

PL 24 Fragments

of bowls and pots from Kalnik-Igrisce

II settlement

site

176

177

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia \

1 i

2 1

3 i

5 ' 0 1 2 3 4 5

PI. 26 Fragments

ofpots

from Kalnik-Igrisce

II settlement

site

178

Plates

PI. 2 7 Fragments

of bowls from Kalnik-igrisce

II settlement

site

179

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia \

PI. 28 Pottery fragments from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site

180

Plates

Pl. 29 Base fragments

from Kalnik-Igrisce

II settlement

site

181

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia \

182

Plates

Pl. 31 Pottery fragments decorated by grooving, incision, fluting and so called pseudoschnur decoration from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site

183

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia \

PI. 32 Fragments

ofpottery

decorated

with plastic

ribbons

and ribs from Kalnik-Igrisce

II settlement

site

184

Plates

PL 33 Fragments of so calledfunctional- decorativ elements from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site

185

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia \

PL 34 Fragments of handles from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site

186

Plates

187

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia \

3 2 3 4 5

!
? 1 2 3 4 S

S I

mW
s> i* V

PL 36 Fragments

of handles from Kalnik-Igrisce

II settlement

site

188

Plates

PI. 37 Fragments of handles with triangle cross section from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site

189

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia \

PI. 38 1. Bowl offinefabric decorated with incised triangles and white incrustation 2. Bowl offine fabric decorated with white incrustation 3. Fragment of bowl decorated with pseudoschnur decoration 4. Fragment of mobile hearth. All from Kalnik-igrisce II settlement site 190

Plates

Pl. 39 Pottery fragments from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site 191

The Urnfield Culture in Continental

Croatia

PI. 40 Pottery fragments from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site

192

Plates

PL 41 Fragments of spindle whorls from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site

193

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia \

PI. 42 Fragments of spindle whorls and loom weights from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site 194

Plates

195

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia \

PI. 44 Fragments

of spindle

whorls

and loom weights from Kalnik-igrisce

II settlement

site

196

Plates

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia \

198

Plates

PI. 49 Fragments of stone tools from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site

199

The Urnfield Culture in Continental

Croatia

PI. 48 Fragments of stone tools from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site

200

Plates

PI. 49 Fragments of stone tools from Kalnik-Igrisce II settlement site

201

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia \

202

Plates

PI. 51 Velika Gorica cemetery: grave 7/1908

203

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia \

204

Plates

205

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia \

206

207

The Urnfield Culture in Continental

Croatia

Pi. 56 Velika Gorica cemetery: grave E/1910

208

Pl. 57 Velika Gorica cemetery: grave E/1910

709

The Urnfield Culture in Continental

Croatia

PI. 58 Velika Gorica cemetery: grave F/1910 71 n

Plates

Pl. 59 Velika Gorica cemetery: grave 4/1911

The Urnfield Culture in Continental

Croatia

PI. 60 Velika Gorica cemetery: grave 3/1916

Plates

Pl. 61 Velika Gorica cemetery: grave 4/1911

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia

PI. 62 Velika Gorica cemetery: grave 3/1916

Plates

Pl. 63 Velika Gorica cemetery: grave 4/1911

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia

PI. 64 Velika Gorica cemetery: 1. grave 3/1911, 2. grave 8/1911, 3. grave 7/1911, 4. from destroyed graves

Plates

Pl. 65 Velika Gorica cemetery: grave 3/1914

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia

PI. 66 Velika Gorica cemetery: grave 3/1916

Plates

- O

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia

PI. 68 Velika Gorica cemetery: grave 3/1916

Pl. 69 Velika Gorica cemetery: grave 5/1916

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia

PI. 70 Velika Gorica cemetery: grave 3/1916

Plates

PI. 71 Velika Gorica cemetery: accidental finds from destroyed graves

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia

PI. 72 Velika Gorica cemetery: accidentalfindsfrom destroyed graves

Plates

1a

3_"0

c
If.1 !i
1 <KS

W * J-T'LI

M^iii:- ,f ';'.- 1 .II U-//77J

.if

L L P J ! !

f\
i

a
(7777<7i
Ui-.y^

3 : 0

D:O

PI. 73 Velika Gorica cemetery: accidentalfindsfrom destroyed graves

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia

PI. 74 Velika Gorica cemetery: accidentalfinds from destroyed graves

Plates

JJM[T

IT7 lllllll,
1a

MIL

"TTIhTi

7a

PI. 75 Velika Gorica cemetery: accidentalfindsfrom destroyed graves

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia

PI. 76 Velika Gorica cemetery: accidental finds from destroyed graves

Plates

PI. 77 Velika Gorica cemetery: accidentalfindsfrom destroyed graves

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia

Plates

PI. 79 Velika Gorica cemetery: accidental finds from destroyed graves

The Urnfield Culture in Continental Croatia

PI. 80 Velika Gorica cemetery: accidentalfinds from destroyed graves

Plates

PI. 81 Velika Gorica cemetery: accidentalfindsfrom destroyed graves