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Republic of the Philippines

Commission on Higher Education
BENGUET STATE UNIVERSITY
La Trinidad, Benguet

GRADUATE SCHOOL
______________________________________________________________________________
A Comparison of the Filipino and Ifugao Languages, a term papert submitted to Dr.
Maribel Z. Palazo, Professor, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the course LE 387
(Structure of Philippine Languages ) by Julia Biligan and Anna Cris L. Gabol, Ph.D. LE students,
Summer Term,2012).

A COMPARISON OF THE FILIPINO AND IFUGAO LANGUAGES
I. Introduction
One distinctive feature of the Philippine archipelago is the richness of its varied
languages. The lands geography has been believed to be the main reason that diversifies the
tongues of the people.
This paper then attempts to make a comparison between one Philippine major
language, Filipino, and a minor language, Ifugao.
The first two parts of the paper presented the each language with their own features
and the third part is a juxtaposition of the grammatical features of both languages.

II. The Filipino Language
The Filipino orthography
The rules facing Pilipino orthography were formulated by the Philippine Institute of National
Language shortly after the Tagalog language had been proclaimed the national language shortly
after the Philippines by the then President Manuel L. Quezon. This Filipino orthography includes
rules on the spelling of foreign words commonly used in Tagalog speech and the proper use of
accents, elision, and the hyphen. Filipino spelling is perfectly phonetic, such that even the
foreign words are spelled as they are commonly pronounced. In Pilipino orthography, all the
letters are taken from the Roman alphabet; ng is considered
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Tagalog
Tagalog ( /tl/)Austronesian language spoken as a first language by a third of the
population of the Philippines and as a second language by most of the rest. It is the first
language of the Philippine region IV (CALABARZON and MIMAROPA) and of Metro Manila. Its
standardized form, commonly called Filipino, is the national language and one of two official
languages of the Philippines.
Tagalog used to be written with the Baybayin alphabet, which probably developed from the
Kawi script of Java, Bali and Sumatra, which in turn descended from the Pallava script, one of
the southern Indian scripts derived from Brahmi. Today the Baybayin alphabet is used mainly
for decorative purposes and the Latin alphabet is used to write to Tagalog.
The name Tagalog derives from tag-log, which means "resident beside the river". Little is
known of the history of the language before the arrival of the Spanish in the Philippines during
the 16th century as no earlier written materials have been found. Very little is known about the
history of the language. However, according to linguists such as Dr. David Zorc and Dr. Robert
Blust, the Tagalogs originated, along with their Central Philippine cousins, from Northeastern
Mindanao or Eastern Visayas.
The earliest known book in Tagalog is the Doctrina Cristiana (Christian Doctrine) which was
published in 1593. It was written in Spanish and Tagalog, with the Tagalog text in both Baybayin
and the Latin alphabet.
Notable features
Type of writing system: syllabic alphabet in which each consonant has an inherent vowel
/a/. Other vowels are indicated either by separate letters, or by dots - a dot over a
consonant changes the vowels to an /i/ or and /e/, while a dot under a consonant changes
the vowel to /o/ or /u/.
The inherent vowel is muted by adding a + sign beneath a consonant. This innovation was
introduced by the Spanish.
Direction of writing: left to right in horizontal lines.
History

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The Tagalog Baybayin script.
The first written record of Tagalog is in the Laguna Copperplate Inscription, written in the year
900, using fragments of the language along with Sanskrit, Malay, and Javanese. Meanwhile, the
first known book to be written in Tagalog is the Doctrina Cristiana (Christian Doctrine) of 1593.
It was written in Spanish and two transcriptions of Tagalog; one in the Baybayin script and the
other in Latin script. Throughout the 333 years of Spanish occupation, there were grammar and
dictionaries written by Spanish clergymen such as Vocabulario de la Lengua Tagala by Pedro de
San Buenaventura (Pila, Laguna, 1613), Vocabulario de la lengua tagala (1835) and Arte de la
lengua tagala y manual tagalog para la administracin de los Santos Sacramentos (1850). Poet
Francisco Baltazar (17881862) is regarded as the foremost Tagalog writer. His most notable
work is the early 19th-century Florante at Laura.
Historical changes
Tagalog differs from its Central Philippine counterparts with its treatment of the Proto-
Philippine schwa vowel *. In Bikol & Visayan, this sound merged with /u/ and [o]. In Tagalog, it
has merged with /i/. For example, Proto-Philippine *dkt (adhere, stick) is Tagalog dikt and
Visayan & Bikol dukot.
Proto-Philippine *r, *j, and *z merged with /d/ but is /l/ between vowels. Proto-Philippine
*ajan (name) and *hajk (kiss) became Tagalog ngalan and halk.
Proto-Philippine *R merged with //. *tubiR (water) and *zuRu (blood) became Tagalog tubig
and dug.
Official status
Predominantly Tagalog-speaking regions in the Philippines. The color-schemes represent the 4
dialect zones of the language: Northern, Central, Southern, and Marinduque.
Tagalog was declared the official language by the first constitution in the Philippines, the
Constitution of Biak-na-Bato in 1897.
In 1935, the Philippine constitution designated English and Spanish as official languages, but
mandated the development and adoption of a common national language based on one of the
existing native languages. After study and deliberation, the National Language Institute, a
committee composed of seven members who represented various regions in the Philippines,
chose Tagalog as the basis for the evolution and adoption of the national language of the
Philippines. President Manuel L. Quezon then, on December 30, 1937, proclaimed the selection
of the Tagalog language to be used as the basis for the evolution and adoption of the national
language of the Philippines. In 1939 President Quezon renamed the proposed Tagalog-based
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national language as wikang pambans (national language). In 1959, the language was further
renamed as "Pilipino".
The 1973 constitution designated the Tagalog-based "Pilipino", along with English, as an official
language and mandated the development and formal adoption of a common national language
to be known as Filipino. The 1987 constitution designated Filipino as the national language,
mandating that as it evolves, it shall be further developed and enriched on the basis of existing
Philippine and other languages. However, in practice, Filipino is simply Tagalog.
Article XIV, Section 7 of the 1987 Constitution of the Philippines specifies, in part:
Subject to provisions of law and as the Congress may deem appropriate, the Government shall
take steps to initiate and sustain the use of Filipino as a medium of official communication and
as language of instruction in the educational system.
The regional languages are the auxiliary official languages in the regions and shall serve as
auxiliary media of instruction therein.
In 2009, the Department of Education promulgated an order institutionalizing a system of
mother-tongue based multilingual education ("MLE"), wherein instruction is conducted
primarily in a student's mother tongue until at least grade three, with additional languages such
as Filipino and English being introduced as separate subjects no earlier than grade two. In
secondary school, Filipino and English become the primary languages of instruction, with the
learner's first language taking on an auxiliary role.
Tagalog and Filipino
In 1937, Tagalog was selected as the basis of the national language of the Philippines by the
National Language Institute. In 1939, Manuel L. Quezon named the national language "Wikang
Pambans" ("National Language"). Twenty years later, in 1959, it was renamed by then
Secretary of Education, Jos Romero, as Pilipino to give it a national rather than ethnic label and
connotation. The changing of the name did not, however, result in acceptance among non-
Tagalogs, especially Cebuanos who had not accepted the selection.
In 1971, the language issue was revived once more, and a compromise solution was worked
outa "universalist" approach to the national language, to be called Filipino rather than
Pilipino. When a new constitution was drawn up in 1987, it named Filipino as the national
language. The constitution specified that as the Filipino language evolves, it shall be further
developed and enriched on the basis of existing Philippine and other languages. However, more
than two decades after the institution of the "universalist" approach, there seems to be little if
any difference between Tagalog and Filipino.

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Classification
Tagalog is a Central Philippine language within the Austronesian language family. Being Malayo-
Polynesian, it is related to other Austronesian languages such as Malagasy, Javanese,
Indonesian, Malay, Tetum (of Timor), and Tao language (of Taiwan). It is closely related to the
languages spoken in the Bicol and Visayas regions such as Bikol and the Visayan group including
Hiligaynon and Cebuano.
Languages that have made significant contributions to Tagalog vocabulary are especially
Spanish and English.
Dialects
At present, no comprehensive dialectology has been done in the Tagalog-speaking regions,
though there have been descriptions in the form of dictionaries and grammars on various
Tagalog dialects. Ethnologue lists Lubang, Manila, Marinduque, Bataan, Batangas, Bulacan,
Tanay-Paete, and Tayabas as dialects of Tagalog. However, there appear to be four main
dialects of which the aforementioned are a part; Northern (exemplified by the Bulacan dialect),
Central (including Manila), Southern (exemplified by Batangas), and Marinduque.
Some example of dialectal differences are:
Many Tagalog dialects, particularly those in the south, preserve the glottal stop found
after consonants and before vowels. This has been lost in standard Tagalog. For example
standard Tagalog ngayon (now, today), sinigang (broth stew), gabi (night), matamis
(sweet), are pronounced and written ngay-on, sinig-ang, gab-i, and matam-is in other
dialects.
In Teresian-Morong Tagalog, [] is usually preferred over [d]. For example, bundk,
dagat, dingdng, and isd become bunrk, ragat, ringrng, and isr, as well as their
expression seen in some signages like "sandok sa dingdng" was changed to "sanrok sa
ringrng".
In many southern dialects, the progressive aspect infix of -um- verbs is na-. For example,
standard Tagalog kumakain (eating) is nkin in Quezon and Batangas Tagalog. This is
the butt of some jokes by other Tagalog speakers since a phrase such as nakain ka ba ng
pating is interpreted as "did a shark eat you?" by those from Manila, but means "do you
eat shark?" in the south.
Some dialects have interjections which are considered a trademark of their region. For
example, the interjection ala e! usually identifies someone from Batangas as does
hane?! in Rizal and Quezon provinces.
Perhaps the most divergent Tagalog dialects are those spoken in Marinduque. Linguist Rosa
Soberano identifies two dialects, western and eastern, with the former being closer to the
Tagalog dialects spoken in the provinces of Batangas and Quezon.
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One example is the verb conjugation paradigms. While some of the affixes are different,
Marinduque also preserves the imperative affixes, also found in Visayan and Bikol languages,
that have mostly disappeared from most Tagalog dialects by the early 20th century; they have
since merged with the infinitive.
Manileo Tagalog Marinduqueo Tagalog English
Susulat sina Maria at
Esperanza kay Juan.
Mslat da Maria at Esperanza
kay Juan.
"Maria and Esperanza will
write to Juan."
Mag-aaral siya sa Maynila. Gaaral siya sa Maynila. "He will study in Manila."
Magluto ka na! Pagluto! "Cook now!"
Kainin mo iyan. Kaina yaan. "Eat that."
Tinatawag tayo ni Tatay. Inatawag ngan kit ni Tatay. "Father is calling us."
Tinulungan ba kay ni Hilario? Atulungan ga kamo ni Hilario? "Did Hilario help you?"
Northern dialects and the central dialects are the basis for the national language.
Geographic distribution
The Tagalog homeland, or Katagalugan, covers roughly much of the central to southern parts of
the island of Luzonparticularly in Aurora, Bataan, Batangas, Bulacan, Camarines Norte, Cavite,
Laguna, Metro Manila, Nueva Ecija, Quezon, Rizal, and large parts of Zambales. Tagalog is also
spoken natively by inhabitants living on the islands, Marinduque, Mindoro, and large areas of
Palawan. It is spoken by approximately 64.3 million Filipinos, 96.4% of the household
population.
[17]
21.5 million, or 28.15% of the total Philippine population, speak it as a native
language.
Tagalog speakers are found in other parts of the Philippines as well as throughout the world,
though its use is usually limited to communication between Filipino ethnic groups. In 2010, the
US Census bureau reported (based on data collected in 2007) that in the United States it was
the fourth most-spoken language at home with almost 1.5 million speakers, behind Spanish or
Spanish Creole, French (including Patois, Cajun, Creole), and Chinese. Tagalog ranked as the
third most spoken language in metropolitan statistical areas, behind Spanish and Chinese but
ahead of French.
Accents
The Tagalog language also boasts accentations unique to some parts of Tagalog-speaking
regions. For example, in some parts of Manila: a strong pronunciation of i exists and vowel-
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switching of o and u exists so words like "gising" (to wake) is pronounced as "giseng" with a
strong 'e' and the word "tagu-taguan" (hide-and-go-seek) is pronounced as "tago-tagoan" with
a mild 'o'.
Batangas Tagalog boasts the most distinctive accent in Tagalog compared to the more
Hispanized northern accents of the language. The Batangas accent has been featured in film
and television and Filipino actor Leo Martinez speaks this accent.
Code-switching
Taglish and Englog are portmanteaus given to a mix of English and Tagalog. The amount of
English vs. Tagalog varies from the occasional use of English loan words to outright code-
switching where the language changes in mid-sentence. Such code-switching is prevalent
throughout the Philippines and in various of the languages of the Philippines other than
Tagalog.
Code Mixing also entails the use of foreign words that are Filipinized by reforming them using
Filipino rules, such as verb conjugations. Users typically use Filipino or English words, whichever
comes to mind first or whichever is easier to use.
Magshoshopping kami sa mall. Sino ba ang magdadrive sa shopping center?
"We will go shopping at the mall. Who will drive to the shopping center?"
Although it is generally looked down upon, code-switching is prevalent in all levels of society;
however, city-dwellers, the highly educated, and people born around and after World War II
are more likely to do it. Politicians as highly placed as President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo have
code-switched in interviews.
The practice is common in television, radio, and print media as well. Advertisements from
companies like Wells Fargo, Wal-Mart, Albertsons, McDonald's, and Western Union have
contained Taglish.
Phonology
Tagalog has 26 phonemes: 21 of them are consonants and 5 are vowels.

Syllable structure is
relatively simple. Each syllable contains at least a consonant and a vowel, and begins in at most
one consonant, except for borrowed words such as trak which means "truck", or tsokolate
meaning "chocolate".


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Vowels
Before appearing in the area north of Pasig river, Tagalog had three vowel phonemes: /a/, /i/,
and /u/. This was later expanded to five vowels with the introduction of words from Northern
Philippine languages like Kapampangan and Ilocano and Spanish words.
They are:
/a/ an open central unrounded vowel similar to English "stack"; in the middle of a word,
a near-open central vowel similar to RP English "cup"
// an open-mid front unrounded vowel similar to English "bed"
/i/ a close front unrounded vowel similar to English "machine"
/o/ a close-mid back rounded vowel similar to English "forty"
/u/ a close back unrounded vowel similar to English "flute"
Nevertheless pairs 'o' and 'u and 'e' and 'i' are likely to be interchanged by the people without a
very high command of the language.
Table of vowel phonemes of Tagalog
Front Central Back
Close i u
Close-Mid e o
Open-Mid () ()
Open ) a ()
/a/ is raised slightly to [] in unstressed positions and also occasionally in stressed
positions (inang bayan *in bjn])
Unstressed /i/ is usually pronounced [] as in English "bit"
At the final syllable, /i/ can be pronounced [i ~ e ~ ], as [e ~ ] is an allophone of [ ~ i] in
final syllables.
Unstressed // and /o/ can sometimes be pronounced [i ~ ~ e] and [u ~ ~ ], except in
final syllables. [o~ ~ ] and [u ~ ] were also former allophones.
// can be pronounced as a close-mid front unrounded vowel [e].
Unstressed /u/ is usually pronounced [] as in English "book"
The diphthong /a/ and the sequence /ai/ have a tendency to become [e ~ +.
The diphthong /a/ and the sequence /au/ have a tendency to become [o ~ +.
/e/ or /i/ before s-consonant clusters have a tendency to become silent.
/o/ tends to become [] in stressed positions.
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There are six main diphthongs; /ai/, /ei/, /oi/, /ui/, /au/, and /iu/.
[19][20]

Consonants
Below is a chart of Tagalog consonants. All the stops are unaspirated. The velar nasal occurs in
all positions including at the beginning of a word





/k/ between
vowels has a tendency
to become [x] as in
Spanish "Jos", whereas
in the initial position it
has a tendency to
become [kx], especially
in the Manila dialect.
Intervocalic // and /k/ tend to become [] (see preceding), as in Arabic "ghair",
especially in the Manila dialect.
// and /d/ are sometimes interchangeable as // and /d/ were once allophones in
Tagalog.
A glottal stop that occurs at the end of a word is often omitted when it is in the middle
of a sentence, especially in the Metro Manila area. The vowel it follows is then usually
lengthened. However, it is preserved in many other dialects.
/ts/ may be pronounced [t], as in English "chimney."
// can be pronounced [r].
/b/ can be pronounced []
Tones
Tone (mistakenly known as stress) is phonemic in Tagalog. Primary tones occurs on either the
last or the next-to-the-last (penultimate) syllable of a word. Vowel lengthening accompanies
primary or secondary tone except when tone occurs at the end of a word. Tone on words is
highly important, since it differentiates words with the same spellings, but with different
meanings, e.g. tay (to stand) and tayo (us; we).
Table of consonant phonemes of Tagalog
Labial Dental/
Alveolar
Postalveolar Palatal Velar Glottal
Nasal m n
Plosive p b t d k
Fricative s () h
Affricate (ts) (t) (d)
Tap
Approximant l j w
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Table of tones in Tagalog
Name Contour Diacritic Example
Malumay mid, not marked a
Malumi low, grave accent
Mabilis high, acute accent
Maragsa falling, circumflex
Mariin two tones in one word any combination -
Example:
Tagalog
Person A: Babab b?
Person B: Babab.
English
Person A: Is (it) going down?
Person B: Going down.
Grammar
Tagalog was written in an abugida, or alphasyllabary, called Baybayin prior to the Spanish
colonial period in the Philippines, in the 16th century. This particular writing system was
composed of symbols representing three vowels and 14 consonants. Belonging to the Brahmic
family of scripts, it shares similarities with the Old Kawi script of Java and is believed to be
descended from the script used by the Bugis in Sulawesi.
Although it enjoyed a relatively high level of literacy, Baybayin gradually fell into disuse in favor
of the Latin alphabet taught by the Spaniards during their rule.
There has been confusion of how to use Baybayin, which is actually an abugida, or an
alphasyllabary, rather than an alphabet. Not every letter in the Latin alphabet is represented
with one of those in the Baybayin alphasyllabary. Rather than letters being put together to
make sounds as in Western languages, Baybayin uses symbols to represent syllables.
A "kudlit" resembling an apostrophe is used above or below a symbol to change the vowel
sound after its consonant. If the kudlit is used above, the vowel is an "E" or "I" sound. If the
kudlit is used below, the vowel is an "O" or "U" sound. A special kudlit was later added by
Spanish missionaries in which a cross placed below the symbol to get rid of the vowel sound all
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together, leaving a consonant. Previously, the final vowel was just left out, leaving the reader to
use context to determine the final vowels.
Latin alphabet: Abecedario
Until the first half of the 20th century, Tagalog was widely written in a variety of ways based on
Spanish orthography consisting of 32 letters called 'ABECEDARIO':
Majuscule Minuscule Majuscule Minuscule
A a Ng ng
B b
C c g / g n

g / g
Ch ch O o
D d P p
E e Q q
F f R r
G g Rr rr
H h S s
I i T t
J j U u
K k V v
L l W w
Ll ll X x
M m Y y
N n Z z

Abakada
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When the national language was based on Tagalog, grammarian Lope K. Santos introduced a
new alphabet consisting of 20 letters called ABAKADA in school grammar books called balaril:
Majuscule Minuscule Majuscule Minuscule
A a N n
B b Ng ng
K k O o
D d P p
E e R r
G g S s
H h T t
I i U u
L l W w
M m Y y
Revised alphabet
In 1987 the department of Education, Culture and Sports issued a memo stating that the
Philippine alphabet had changed from the Pilipino-Tagalog Abakada version to a new 28-letter
alphabet to make room for loans, especially family names from Spanish and English:
Majuscule Minuscule Majuscule Minuscule
A a
B b Ng ng
C c O o
D d P p
E e Q q
F f R r
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G g S s
H h T t
I i U u
J j V v
K k W w
L l X x
M m Y y
N n Z z


ng and mga
The genitive marker ng and the plural marker mga are abbreviations that are pronounced nang
*na+ and mang *ma+. Ng, in most cases, roughly translates to "of" (ex. Siya ay kapatid ng
nanay ko. She is the sibling of my mother) while nang usually means "when" or can describe
how something is done or to what extent (equivalent to the suffix -ly in English adverbs), among
other uses. Mga (pronounced as "muh-NGA") denotes plurality as adding an s, es, or ies does in
English (ex. Iyan ang mga damit ko. (Those are my clothes)).
Nang si Hudas ay madulas.When Judas slipped.
Gumising siya nang maaga.He woke up early.
Gumalng nang todo si Juan dahil nag-ensayo siya.Juan greatly improved because he
practiced.
In the first example, nang is used in lieu of the word noong (when; Noong si Hudas ay madulas).
In the second, nang describes that the person woke up (gumising) early (maaga); gumising
nang maaga. In the third, nang described up to what extent that Juan improved (gumaling),
which is "greatly" (nang todo). In the latter two examples, the ligature na and its variants -ng
and -g may also be used (Gumising na maaga/Maagang gumising; Gumaling na todo/Todong
gumaling).
The longer nang may also have other uses, such as a ligature that joins a repeated word:
Naghintay sila nang naghintay.They kept on waiting.
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po/ho and opo/oho
The words po/ho and opo/oho are traditionally used as polite iterations of the affirmative "oo"
("yes"). It is generally used when addressing elders or superiors such as bosses or teachers.
"Po" and "opo" are specifically used to denote a high level of respect when addressing older
persons of close affinity like parents, relatives, teachers and family friends. "Ho" and "oho" are
generally used to politely address older neighbors, strangers, public officials, bosses and
nannies, and may suggest a distance in societal relationship. However, "po" and "opo" can be
used in any case in order to express an elevation of respect.
Example: "Pakitapon naman po/ho yung basura". ("Please throw away the trash.")
Used in the affirmative:
Ex: "Gutom ka na ba?" "Opo/Oho". ("Are you hungry yet?" "Yes").
Po/Ho may also be used in negation.
Ex: "Hindi ko po/ho alam 'yan."("I don't know that.")
Vocabulary and borrowed words
Tagalog vocabulary is composed mostly of words of native Austronesian origin. However it has
significant Spanish loanwords. Spanish is the language that has bequeathed the most loan
words to Tagalog. According to linguists, Spanish (5,000) has even surpassed Malay (3,500) in
terms of loan words borrowed. About 40% of everyday (informal) Tagalog conversation is
practically made up of Spanish loanwords.
Tagalog also includes loanwords from Indian (Sanskrit), Chinese (Hokkien), Japanese, Arabic,
Mexican (Nahuatl) and English. Tagalog has also been significantly influenced by other
Austronesian languages of the Philippines as well as Indonesia and Malaysia. In pre-hispanic
times, Trade Malay was widely known and spoken throughout Southeast Asia.
Due to trade with Mexico via the Manila galleon from the 16th to the 19th centuries, many
words from Nahuatl, a language spoken by Native Americans in Mexico, were introduced to
Tagalog.
English has borrowed some words from Tagalog, such as abaca, barong, balisong, boondocks,
jeepney, Manila hemp, pancit, ylang-ylang, and yaya, although the vast majority of these
borrowed words are only used in the Philippines as part of the vocabularies of Philippine
English.
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Other examples of Tagalog words used in English
Example Definition
boondocks meaning "rural" or "back country," was imported by American soldiers stationed
in the Philippines following the Spanish American War as a mispronounced
version of the Tagalog bundok, which means "mountain."
Cogon a type of grass, used for thatching. This word came from the Tagalog word kugon
(a species of tall grass).
ylang-ylang a type of flower known for its fragrance.
Abaca a type of hemp fiber made from a plant in the banana family, from abak.
Manila
hemp
a light brown cardboard material used for folders and paper usually made from
abaca hemp.
Capiz also known as window oyster, is used to make windows.
Tagalog has contributed several words to Philippine Spanish, like barangay (from

meaning barrio), the abac, cogon, palay, dalaga
Numbers
The numbers (mga bilang) in Tagalog language are of two forms. The first one, was native to
Tagalog language and the other is Tagalized version of Spanish numbers. For example, when a
person refers to the number "seven", it can be translated to Tagalog language as "pito" or
"syete" (Sp. siete).
Number Cardinal Spanish
loanword
(Original
Spanish)
Ordinal
0 zero sero (cero) -
1 isa uno (uno) una
2 dalawa
[dalaua]
dos (dos) pangalawa / ikalawa (or ikadalawa in some
informal compositions)
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3 tatlo tres (tres) pangatlo / ikatlo
4 apat kwatro
(cuatro)
pang-apat / ikaapat ("ika" and the number-word
are never hyphenated. For numbers, however, they
always are.)
5 lima singko (cinco) panlima / ikalima
6 anim sais (seis) pang-anim / ikaanim
7 pito syete (siete) pampito / ikapito
8 walo otso (ocho) pangwalo / ikawalo
9 siyam nwebe (nueve) pansiyam / ikasiyam
10 sampu [sang
puo]
dyes (diez) pansampu / ikasampu (or ikapu in some literary
compositions)
11 labing-isa onse (once) panlabing isa / pang-onse / ikalabing-isa
12 labindalawa dose (doce) panlabindalawa / pandose / ikalabindalawa
20 dalawampu bente / beinte
(veinte)
pandalawampu / ikadalawampu (or ikalawampu in
some literary compositions both formal and
informal (rarely used))
30 tatlumpu trenta / treinta
(treinta)
pantatlumpu / ikatatlumpu (or ikatlumpu in some
literary compositions both formal and informal
(rarely used))
40 apatnapu kwarenta
(cuarenta)
pang-apatnapu / ikaapatnapu
Months and days
Months and days in Tagalog language are also Tagalized form of Spanish months and days.
"Month" in Tagalog is buwan (the word moon is also buwan in Tagalog) and "day" is araw (the
word sun is also araw in Tagalog). Unlike Spanish, months and days in Tagalog are capitalized
whenever they appear in a sentence.
Month Original Spanish Tagalog (abbreviation)
Page 17 of 42

January Enero Enero (Ene.)
February Febrero Pebrero (Peb.)
March Marzo Marso (Mar.)
April Abril Abril (Abr.)
May Mayo Mayo (Mayo)
June Junio Hunyo (Hun.)
July Julio Hulyo (Hul.)
August Agosto Agosto (Ago.)
September Septiembre Setyembre (Set.)
October Octubre Oktubre (Okt.)
November Noviembre Nobyembre (Nob.)
December Diciembre Disyembre (Dis.)
Day Original Spanish Tagalog
Monday Lunes Lunes
Tuesday Martes Martes
Wednesday Mircoles Miyerkules / Myerkules
Thursday Jueves Huwebes / Hwebes
Friday Viernes Biyernes / Byernes
Saturday Sbado Sabado
Sunday Domingo Linggo
Tagalog phonology
This article deals with current phonology and phonetics as well as with historical developments
of the phonology of the Tagalog language, including variants.
Page 18 of 42

Tagalog has allophones, so it is important here to distinguish phonemes (written in slashes / /)
and corresponding allophones (written in brackets [ ]).
Consonants
Table of consonant phonemes of Tagalog
Labial Dental/
Alveolar
Post-
alveolar
Palatal Velar Glottal
Nasal m n
Plosive p b t d k
Fricative s h
Affricate ts t d
Tap
Approximant l j w
Phoneme Spelling Distribution and quality of allophones
Plosives
/p/ "p" (pul)
/b/ "b" (bughaw)
/t/ "t" (tao) When followed by /j/ may be pronounced
[t], particularly by but not limited to
speakers in urban areas.
/d/ "d" (dilw) When followed by /j/ may be pronounced
[d], particularly by but not limited to
speakers in urban areas. [] and [d] are in free
variation for some speakers if /d/ is at the
word-initial and word-final positions and
attached by prefixes and suffixes with vowels
touching /d/ as they once were allophones,
but this is only applied to native words.
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/k/ "k" (kamy) /k/ has a tendency to become [kx] word-
initially. Intervocalic /k/ tends to become [x],
as in bakit or takot.
// "g" (gulay). Intervocalic // tends to become [], as in
sige.
// "-" (mag-uwi), normally not written
when appearing at the end of a word
(gal) or between vowels (buang)
A glottal stop that occurs at the end of a
word is often elided when it is in the middle
of a sentence, especially by speakers of the
Metro Manila area. The vowel it follows is
then usually lengthened. However, it is
preserved in many other dialects. In the
diacrtical system used in Tagalog, it is
denoted by the circumflex accent called the
"pakupy".

Page 20 of 42

Fricatives
/s/ "s" (sanga) When followed by /j/, it is often pronounced
[], particularly by but not limited to speakers
in urban areas.
// "sy" (sya)(form of siya) May be pronounced [s], especially by but not
limited to speakers in rural areas.
/h/ "h" (hawak) Sometimes elided in rapid speech.
Affricates
/t/ "ts" (tsokolate)"ty"(tyan)(a form of
tiyan(stomach))
May be pronounced [ts], especially by but
not limited to speakers in rural areas.
/d/ "dy" (dyan)(a form of diyan(there)) May be pronounced [dz], especially by but
not limited to speakers in rural areas. In
some speakers in urban areas it is
pronounced [], but not limited to urban
areas.
/ts/ "zz" ("pizza")"ts" tatsulok May be pronounced [t], especially by but not
limited to speakers in rural areas and in some
urban areas.
Nasals
/m/ "m" (mat)
/n/ "n" (nais)
// "ny" (anyo) May be pronounced [ni], especially by rural
speakers.
// "ng" (ngit) Assimilates to [m] before /b/ and /p/
(pampasigla) and to [n] before "d", "l", "s",
and "t" (pandiw), some people pronounce
// as a geminate consonant *+ like in
angono.
Laterals
Page 21 of 42

/l/ "l" (larawan)
Rhotics
// "r" (sarp, kuryente) See corresponding entry for /d/.May be
pronounced [] or [r], particularly by but not
limited to speakers in urban areas.
Vowels and semivowels
Table of vowel phonemes of Tagalog
Front Central Back
Close i u
Near-close ()
Close-Mid e o
Open-Mid () ()
Open a ()



Phoneme Spelling Allophones
Vowels
/a/ "a" /a/ is raised slightly to [] in unstressed positions
and also occasionally in stressed positions (inang
bayan *in bjn]).
The diphthong /a/ and the sequence /ai/ have a
tendency to become *e ~ +.
The diphthong /a/ and the sequence /au/ have
a tendency to become *o ~ +.

// "e" in any position, "i"
in final syllables
// can sometimes be pronounced [i ~ ~ e], or
sometimes diphtongized to [ai].

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(except for English
loanwords)
/i/ "i" Unstressed /i/ is usually pronounced [].
In final syllables, /i/ can be pronounced * ~ i ~ e ~
+, as *e ~ + was formerly an allophone of * ~ i+.
/i/ before s-consonant clusters has a tendency to
be dropped, as in isports [sports] and istasyon
*staon+.
See also /j/ below.

/o/ "o" /o/ can sometimes be pronounced [u ~ ~ ]. [o~
~ ] and [u ~ ] were also former allophones, or
sometimes diphtongized to [au]. Morphs into [u]
before "mb" and "mp" (Bagumbayan, kumbento).

/u/ "u" Unstressed /u/ is usually pronounced [].
Semivowels and/or Semiconsonants
/j/ "y" (yugt)
/w/ "w" (waks)
Tone
Table of tones in Tagalog
Name Contour Diacritic Example
Malumay mid, not marked a
Malumi low, grave accent
Mabilis high, acute accent
Maragsa falling, circumflex
Mariin two tones in one word any combination -
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Tone (mistakenly known as stress) is phonemic in Tagalog. Primary tone occurs on either
the last or the next-to-the-last (penultimate) syllable of a word. Vowel lengthening
accompanies primary or secondary tone except when stress occurs at the end of a word.
Tones on words is very important, they differentiate words with the same spelling, but
with different meanings, e.g. tay (to stand) and tyo (us; we).
Unstressed ti, di, and si become *t+, *d+, *+ before a, u, e, and o.

III. The Ifugao Language
Location: Ifugao Province, Luzon Island, Philippines.
The province has 10 municipalities: Banaue, Hunguan, Kiangan, Lagaue, Lamut, Mayotao, Potia,
and the new towns of Aguinaldo, Hingyan, and Tinoc. Ifugao is the primary language spoken in
the area and Ilokano as second language.

BACKGROUND
Ifugao was formerly a part of the old Mountain Province. It was created as an independent
province on June 18, 1966 by virtue of Republic Act No. 4695, otherwise known as the "Division
Law of Mountain Province". Under this law, Mountain Province was divided into four (4)
provinces namely: Benguet, Ifugao, Kalinga-Apayao and Mountain Province.
The total population of Ifugao as of May 2010 was 191,078 and a growth rate of 1.31 from 1990
to 2010.
As of 2010, Ifugao's total land area is 2,506.3 square kilometers. A total of 27,083 hectares are
classified as alienable and disposable, and 224,695 hectares are forest lan
Origin
The origin of the word Ifugao comes from the term Ipugo, which means "from the hill".
According to their mythology, their name is derived from Ipugo which refers to the rice grain
given to them by their God, Matungulan. Also, others say that the name comes from the word
"I-pugaw" which loosely translates to "inhabitants of the earth." Neighboring people refer to
the Ifugao people as Kiangianl. Today, the people who inhabit this province refer to themselves
as the Ifugao, although the area contains people who are not.
The Ifugao people inhabit the most rugged and mountainous part of the country high in the
central Cordillera mountains covering about 1942.5 sqkm of the territory. Their nieghbors to
Page 24 of 42

the north are the Bontoc, West are the Kankanaeys and Ibaloy, east are the Gaddang, and the
south are the Ikalahan and Iwak.
Traditional Ifugao Knowledge
The Ifugaos are among the ethnic groups living in northern Luzon, particularly in the Cordillera
region. Culture and language variations subdivide this group into three parts: the Tuwali (found
primarily in the communities of Kiangan and Lagawe), the Ayangan (found primarily in the
communities of Banaue, Hingyon, and Hungduan), and the Henanga (found in the communities
of Mayoyao and Aguinaldo). Despite being labeled a fifth-class municipality, the province of
Ifugao is endowed with rich vegetation. Mount Amuyao (approximately 2,780 feet above sea
level) and Mount Polis, which are among the 10 highest Philippine mountain peaks, are found in
Ifugao. The Ifugaos trace their ancestry to two legendary figures: Pfukhan and Gwikhan. Known
as legendary ancestors, their names are normally invoked during rituals. The Ifugaos have long
depended on wet rice farming and have developed a profound rice farming tradition.
The Ifugao culture inhabits an area of roughly about 1942.5 sgkm in the central Cordillera
Northern Luzon. The culture resides in the most rugged and mountainous parts of the
Philippines, which is high in the Gran Cordillera Central in northern Luzon. The Gran Cordillera
Central of Northern Luzon is consumed with a wide variety of natural areas. According to
Fowler, "The Gran Cordillera Central of Northern Luzon is a jumbled mass of lofty peaks and
plummeting ravines, of small fecund valleys cleaved by rainfed, boulder-strewn rivers, and of
silent, mist-shrouded, moss-veiled forests wherein orchids in their deathlike beauty unfold like
torpid butterflies." The mountainous peaks rise from 1,000 to 5,000 meters and are drained by
the waters of the Magat River. According to Siangho, "Their neighbors to the north are the
Bontco; to the east Gaddang; to the west Kankanay and Ibaloy; and to the south the Ikalaham
and Iwak." It is believed the Ifugao were likely inhabitants of the nearby fertile plains, which is
greatly opposite of their current dwelling. It is also believed that they were driven out of these
plains by Malaysians because of their superior weapons. This is why they currently reside in the
mountain side.
In the past, ap-aphochan chi pitakhuwan was a phrase that captured a desired way of living in
the Henanga community. Local people normally desire an abundance of resources and a
healthy physical and mental condition. This way of living is manifested by good harvests of
palay and other crops, especially those that are planted in swidden farms; healthy chickens and
pigs, which are highly sought during rituals; an abundant water supply; favorable weather; and
a house and well-placed environment in which to live. This perspective can also be drawn from
the way Ifugaos talk of their past life experiences and also in the eight volumes of Mayawyaw
Ritual by Father Francis Lambrecth. Such desires were normally cultivated in the mindsets of
Page 25 of 42

children while they were shown practical examples of living and ways of generating wisdom
and skills by traditional priests, arbiters, and their parents. In fact, parents would direct their
children to be exemplar individuals in the community as well as in the neighbouring villages.
Children were encouraged to know generations of their ancestors and to learn ritual myths,
invocations, and technical skills. The Henanga considered it prestigious to trace ones ancestry
to a lineage of the mun-alon (arbiters), munpfuni (priests), mun-apfua-ab (skilled in invocation
of the ancestors), montapeng (skilled in stone riprapping), and mompakhad (skilled in
traditional house structure). Children looked up to these experts as they grew in a community
where kinship was highly valued.
Population within Ifugao society in the twentieth century has varied anywhere from 60,000 to
over 100,000. According to Malone, "Population density in some areas approaches 400 per
square mile." The only architectural structures noted for this group of people are the houses in
which they reside and their extensive rice patties that extend from halfway up the mountain
side all the way down to the bottom of the valley.
The Ifugao people live in hamlets. These are like tiny communities that are located alongside
the mountain near an owner's rice patty. There are approximately 8 to 12 houses per hamlet.
There are also buildings for the unmarried, which is discussed later in this assignment.
The houses of the Ifugao people are very small. The typical household consists of the nuclear
family. A nuclear family is a family consisting of only a mother, father and their children. Once a
child becomes a teenager and he or she is old enough to take care of his or herself, they go in
live in either boy or girl homes. Typically the Ifugao house sits on four sturdy posts, with no
windows. According to Fowler, "Inside there is an open earth and stone fireplace for cooking
and floor mats for sleeping and sitting. Family paraphernalia, such as baskets, bowls, clothing,
skills (human and animal), and magic items, are hung from the walls or stacked on carved
shelves. Although Ifugao houses vary little from this basic configuration, houses of nobility
often feature differences, such as massive Hagabi lounging benches, decorated attic beams,
kingposts and doorjambs carved with human effigies, and ornate exterior frezies portraying
pigs, carabao and other animals."
The adults and their smaller children (one's who cannot take care of themselves) live together
while children who can maintain their own lifestyle live in different houses. When the
teenagers reach the age where they become interested in the opposite sex, the male teenagers
leave their house during the day to meet females in other houses. From this intermingling,
couples eventually form. Soon after a girl becomes pregnant, the couple will wed. After
marriage, the couple will either build their own home, live in a home of someone who has died
Page 26 of 42

without kids, or live in a home left by one of their parents. After they settle in to their house, it
is the mom's duty to take care of the child and the dad's duty to provide for the family.
People in the Ifugao culture live a very basic lifestyle to make a living. The usual lifestyle
consists of agriculture and hunting, with anthropologists characterizing the adaptive strategy as
agriculturists. According to Malone, "Ifugao subsidence is derived principally from agriculture
(84 percent) with an additional ten percent derived from the raising of aquatic fauna, such as
minnows and snails, in flooded rice fields. The remaining six percent of subsistence involve
fishing (fish, eels, frogs, snails and water clams); hunting (deer, wild buffalo, wild pigs, civet
cats, wild cat, python, iguana, cobra, and fruitbat); and gathering of insects (locusts, crickets,
and ants) as well as large variety of wild plants." As we can see, the main duties are tending to
the rice patties. The men are usually the ones that participate in the hunting and fishing. When
the men hunt after wild deer and pig, they usually use hunting dogs to assist them. The dogs
are not raised to eventually eat (like some nearby cultures); the Ifugao people respect and
admire dogs.
Political System
The Ifugao political system is better characterized as a sociopolitical organization. According to
the article, Ifugao - Sociopolitical Organization, "Traditionally, social differentiation has been
based on wealth, measured in terms of rice land, water buffalo and slaves. The wealthy
aristocrats are known as kadangyan. The possession of hagabi, a large hardwood bench, occurs
their status symbolically. The Ifugao have little by way of a formal political system; there are no
chiefs or councils. There are, however, approximately 150 districts (himputona'an ), each
comprised of several hamlets; in the center of each district is a defining ritual rice field
(putona'an ), the owner (tomona' ) of which makes all agricultural decisions for the district."
Government is poorly established among the Ifugao's. According to Malone, "The functions of
government are (or were) accomplished by the operation of collective kinship obligations,
including the threat of blood feud, together with common understanding of the adat or custom
law given the people by ancestor heroes, in particular the inviolability of personal and property
rights."
Men earn respect according to their rice patties. The bigger their patty is, the higher the status
they have in the community. Also, within the Ifugao community, there is a "rice chief". The rice
chief is one of the leading priests and the people respect him for religious authority, but he
does not have ultimate authority over the Ifugao people. For the most part, people are "on
their own" when it comes to government control.

Page 27 of 42

Marriage and Family
According to Malone, "Each sibling group is the center of an exogamous, bilateral kindred.:
Essentially, this is descent traced and kinship groups assigned through both male and female
lines with marriages being "outbred" instead of "inbred" relationships between families.
Basically, people don't marry within their family, but outside of it.
The adults and small children all live together. When the child comes "of age", which is basically
a teenager, they move out of their parents house and live on their own in a second house with
other kids their age of the same sex. When the men begin to search for wives, they leave their
houses during the day and the women stay in their homes to greet and welcome men. They
start in a very cool and calm atmosphere, such as jokes and casual talk, but eventually
relationships form. After a girl becomes pregnant, they will wed. At this point the couple will
either build their house or inhabit a house left by their parents or someone who has passed
away without children. When they are settled in, the mother's duty is to care for the child while
the father hunts for food for the family.
Marriage within the Ifugao culture is quite simple. The normal form of marriage in the Ifugao
society is monogamy. Monogamy is being married to only one person at a time. Although
monogamy is widely practiced, polygyny is practiced occasionally by the wealthy. Even thought
the definition of polygyny is that either male or female may have multiple spouses, it is mainly
the males that have multiple wives. In these situations, the first wife has higher authority and
status than her co-wives.
According to Malone, "Marriages are alliances between kindreds. First cousin marriages are
forbidden in practice and theory, but marriages to more distant cousins can take place." These
marriages can take place with a payment of fines in livestock.
The men are able to choose their wives within this culture. There are no established or set
marriages for the Ifugao people. When the men are interested in marriage, they begin meeting
other women in their society. When they begin their relationship, it is a very casual
environment. Eventually it become serious, and after the woman is pregnant, the man and wife
get married. They will then move into their own place together to begin their family.
This seems pretty similar to the American marriage system on the fact that we look for and
choose our own mate. Some people get married before they are pregnant while others get
pregnant before they are married (although some people may never marry). I think this is
definitely a culture I could be a part of, in the sake of their marriage system that is.
Society
Page 28 of 42

Ifugao society is much separated. Men and women live apart unless they are married and/or
brother and sister, but even at a certain age of childhood; they go and live on their own, away
from their parents. Men are the ones who hold political power, or lack thereof, in the Ifugao
culture. Usually, the only "powerful" people in this society are men who are respected because
of their wealth. The division of labor is set between the genders as well. Since this a very
simplistic culture, the women tend to the children and house work while the men tend to the
fields of rice and hunting food for the family.
Another note that women are not as "powerful" or highly touted as men is the fact that, in the
case that polygyny does exist, it is with multiple wives and usually not multiple husbands. This
form of marriage is very rare and only among the elite and rich people in the culture.
Religion and Beliefs
Religion is an essential part of the Ifugao culture and is significant in every phase of life. Their
religion provides a means by with the unknown can be approached and understood. Ifugao
religion is a very complex structure based on ancestor worship, animism, and magical power.
According to Fowler "The Ifugao pantheon consists of innumerable spiritual entities that
represent natural elements, forces and phenomena in addition to ancestral and metaphysical
beings. The trust and confidence that the Ifugao have in these beings allow them to face what is
often a complex and frightening world with a great deal of confidence and understanding. They
believe that the gods and other beings are approachable and can be influenced by the proper
rites and behavior to intercede on behalf of an individual or the entire community. Generally
the gods are viewed as generous and benign beings who enjoy feasting, drinking wine and
chewing betel nut, as do the Ifugao themselves. However, the gods are quick to anger and if
ignored or treated badly can quickly become ill-tempered, demanding tyrants capable of
causing misfortune and injury."
The Ifugao people have created ceremonies to honor and respect their deities, although some
are rarely acknowledged or called upon. Others, who control daily life, such as agriculture and
health, are constantly worshipped and called upon. The greatest importance to the Ifugao are
rice or agricultural deities which have the power to ensure bountiful crops and actually increase
the amount of rice already in storage.
Literature
Although the Ifugao have no knowledge in writing, they were capable of creating a literature
that matches with some of the country's finest in epic and folk tale. Their literature is passed
orally. Their riddles serve to entertain the group as well as educate the young. One such
example of an Ifugao riddle is, according to Siangio: "Dapa-om ke nan balena ya mubuttikan
Page 29 of 42

nan kumbale." This translates to: "Touch the house and the owner runs about." The answer is
spider.
When the Ifugao gather together, they use proverbs to give advice to the young. These
proverbs are used to stress points. The ones who have gone to formal school begin their
lectures before large meetings or gatherings with proverbs. Here are a few Ifugao proverbs
according to Sianghio:
"Hay mahlu ya adi maagangan :: The industrious will never go hungry. Hay "uya-uy" di
puntupong hi kinadangyan di ohan tago. :: The feast is the yardstick of a person's wealth. Hay
itanum mo, ya hidiyeh aniyom :: What you have planted is what you will reap."
Ifugao myths usually are about hero ancestors, gods and other supernatural beings. They story
lines usually have these heroes facing problems that they are currently facing. This allows the
Ifugao people to provide hope and comfort to their homes. When these stories are recited,
they are usually in barked-out, terse phrases followed by the tulud, which means "pushing".
The tulud aims to bring the magical powers that stand behind the myth. At the end, the clincher
kalidi is chanted and the narrarator enumerates the benefits which should be obtained from
the myth. The myths are usually concluded with the phrase, "because thou art being mythed."
They have myths that cover common cultural stories such as: creation of the world, creation of
man, great battles and epic struggles. They also have stories that cover other worldly known
events, such as the "great flood" or "Noah's Arc" to the Bible. According to Sianghio, "Other
Ifugao legends that have been recorded include, "The Legend of the Ambuwaya Lake"; "The
Origin of the Pitpit or The Bird of Omen"; "Why the Dead Come Back no More"; and "How
Lagawe Got Its Name"."
Other such important tales are the magical stories, called abuwab. These tales are believed to
possess mystical powers. According to Siangho, "Examples are the "poho-phod" and "chiloh
tales", which are usually told in death and sickness rituals. The abuwab is usually about the
legendary husband and wife, Bugan and Wigan."
Also, Siangho says, "The Ifugao epics are chanted romances telling of the origins of the people,
the life and adventure of the Ifugao heroes, the valor of men and the beauty of women, as well
as ancient customs and traditions."
Ifugao Learning System
According to the article posted by Enkiwe (2010) on Cultural Survival, the influence of the
western world on Philippine educational system enabled some indigenous communities have
managed to maintain aspects of their cultures, including their learning systems. Indigenous
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children at an early age are taught livelihood skills, including those in which they can develop
expertise. Beginning at 10 years of age, Ifugao children learn skills such as paot (woodcarving),
apfor (weaving), topeng (stone riprapping), and uman (genealogy mapping). Among the
Mangyans, ambahan are taught by the elders to the children. During community occasions or
informal family gatherings, the young learn the village norms and mores, their family histories
and genealogies, and local literature and oral traditions. The learning systems are embedded in
highly defined oral traditions and livelihood activities. Thus, learning becomes relevant as it is
made part of the daily activities where needs, entertainment, and cultural enrichment are
addressed.
This however was challenged by Siaka Kroma, an expert in indigenous learning systems, posits
that formal schooling can undermine indigenous knowledge in three ways. First, it fails to put
forward indigenous knowledge as worthwhile subject matter for the learning process. Second,
it limits the exposure of children to the local knowledge of their communities. Third, it creates
attitudes in children that militate against the acquisition of local knowledge. Curricula must be
enriched to consider that indigenous knowledge and learning systems play a critical role in the
advancement of the lives of indigenous peoples.
In her 2002 book on the integration of knowledge systems, African educator Catherine Odora-
Hoppers explains, Indigenous Knowledge Systems enable us to move the frontiers of discourse
and understanding of the sciences as a whole and to open new moral and cognitive spaces
within which constructive dialogue and engagement for sustainable development and collective
emancipation can begin. In the process of changing the content of the curricula and
educational system, an integrated research projectwhich may be drawn from classroom-
based research, teacher training, collaborative projects of various institutions, and the active
participation of indigenous peoplescan forward the role of education as emancipatory for
indigenous peoples.
In this modern age, if we are to look for a viable approach for indigenous pedagogy and
learning systems, we need to ensure that it is consistent with indigenous peoples needs and
worldviews and considerate of their adaptation to socio-cultural change. Obviously there is an
enormous gap between the perceptions of the government education sector and those of
indigenous peoples. This is somehow affirmed by the lack of resources for anyone who would
want to learn the culture of an indigenous group. It is probably because the government does
not support the said advocacy or not one of its priority.
Realistically speaking, it is very much evident for members of the aforementioned groups who
have gone through the formal Western educational system that they can hardly trace their
ethnic identity. Even at the tertiary-level, indigenous students know little about their culture
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and history. No tertiary level curriculum in the Philippines offers a general course on indigenous
culture and history. Some teachers try to integrate local knowledge in the curriculum but many
of them are handicapped by the lack of knowledge and teaching strategies.
Resources used in this study are basically online resources and a couple of printed materials. As
much as the researchers would want to conduct a more thorough analysis and validity test,
time does not warrant them to do so, thus the content of this paper is subject for validation
though the writers did their best to compile and tabulate information gathered accurately
which became their basis for analysis.
The Language
The language name of the Ifugao people is Ifugao. The language family proceeds like this:
Austronesian Malayo-Polynesian, Northern Luzon South-Central, Cordilleran Central,
Cordilleran Nuclear, and then Cordilleran Ifugao. Therefore, the language family of the Ifugao
language is Malayo-Polynesian.
There are Four divergent dialects of the Ifugao language: Amganad, Batad, Mayoyao, Tuwali,
each with distinct varieties: Amganad: Burnay Ifugao, Banaue Ifugao; Batad: Ayangan Ifugao,
Batad Ifugao, Ducligan Ifugao; Tuwali: Apao Ifugao, Hungduan Ifugao, and Lagawe Ifugao.
As stated by "The Ifugao - native people," "The Ifugao have a language that changes from
village to village. Dialect and change of pronunciation can make it a real challenge to maintain a
conversation between neighboring villagers. However, an official language dictionary has been
produced."
Data from this sketch reflect BATAD IFUGAO and are extracted from Newell and Poligon (1993).




PHONOLOGY
Consonants:
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a b k d e g h i l m n ng o p t u w y
Voiceless stops: p, t (alveolar), k (back velar), (glottal/pharyngeal)
Voiced stops: b, d, g
Nasals: m, n, ng (velar)
Oral Sonorants: w, l, y
Fricative: h (pharyngeal); s only occurs in borrowed words
Allophonic Variation:
Voiced stops have syllable-initial variants consisting of a voceless stop + a fricative release: b >
p+velar fricative; d > t+palatal spiral release (like English sh); g > aspirated released g.

Lateral sonorant l has three variants. L = alveolar flap preceding front vowels i and e; at the end
of syllables, it is a retroflexed vocoid like English r with the tongue position the same as the
preceding vowel; elsewhere it is pronounced like an alveolar lateral.
H is pronounced as a pharyngeal fricative at the end of words or at the end of a reduplicated
syllable, e.g. maluh will pass by
Vowels:


Front Central Back
Hi i E (schwa) u
Low e a o
* Dialects Bayninan and Gohang only have a 5-vowel system, without E
Vowel length (written here as vowel + underscore) is phonemic, e.g. gumilit crowd each other
vs. gumi_lit stips rice grains. Length, when it occurs, is on the penultimate vowel of a closed
syllable, it may shift one syllable with suffixation, but not enclitics.
Morphophonemic Rules:
Affixes ending in N.
N > m / _ [labials b, p, m], e.g. muN- + buhug = mumbuhug
N > ng / _ [velarsg, k, ng, or w], e.g. hiN + gamal = hinggamal
> n / _ *d, h, n, t, y, + vowel+, e.g. hi- + titlu = hintitlu
N > l / _ [l, n], e.g. iN- + luwag = inluwag or illuwag
Page 33 of 42

Stem vowel loss (happens most commonly with o)
banoh + -um- = bumnoh; bogah + ma- = mabgah; tupig + i- = itpig.
Lowering of affix vowel with stem vowel drop
i + aban = eban; bohat + -iN- = benhat; lotop + i- = eltop.
Influence of stem vowel on vowel of prefix or infix:
Stem vowels e or o may cause the affix i to become e or u to become o:
deggop + i- = edeggop
elah + -um- = omelah
Affix umi-. Vowel i of umi- lowers to e with stem vowel drop. The resultant stem vowel e then
lowers the first vowel of the affix u to become o:
alo + umi- = omelo; goday + umi- = omegday
Suffix influence on stem vowels. Stem vowels a and o are affected with suffixation of an or
on. With an a stem vowel becomes a, and with on, a stem vowel becomes o.
algaw + -on = algawon or algowon
banong + -on = banngon or bonngon
okak + -an = akakan
gu_oy + -an = gua_yan
Stem vowels e and o. Stem vowels e and o of closed syllables become i and u when the closed
syllables become open with suffixation. The vowel i or u occurring in open syllables is
lengthened:
a_.en + -an = a.i_.han
ag.leh _ -on = ag.li_.hon
The following examples is lifted from the primer used by the then DECS in teaching the Ifugao
people how to read and write using the unified Ifugao alphabet which minimizes the dialect
distinctive sound in Ifugao province. This therefore enabled the readers to easily transfer their
reading skills to their Philippine languages.
Spelling Variation in Pronunciation Meaning
Balat Pfalat,pfwalat,pxalat Banana
Dapan Chapan Foot
Danum Chanum Water
Gahilang Kahilang Corn
Gadiw Kachiw Fish
Dool Choo,choor Many
Walao gwalo Eight
Page 34 of 42

Wada Gwacha There is
Wangwang Gwanggwang River
Buwaya Fugwagja Crocodile
hiya hidja He/she
The mark indicates a stop in the voice which is very important in the Ifugao dialects
poto - stomach
poto - my stomach
ahu - dog
ahu - smoke

GRAMMAR SKETCH
Four major parts of speech: nouns, verbs, adjectives, adverbs. Nouns occur as the head of a
phrase following a determiner, many occur as simple roots, but can also be derived from verbs.
Verbs are inflected for tense (nonpast of past), and in the case of stative verbs, future vs.
present state, and derive to reflect role relationships. Adjectives are not inflected for tense.

Adverbs can modify verbs or sentences. Unlike nouns, adjectives, and verbs, adverbs do not
occur as predicates.
Determiners: (reflect role relationships of nouns)
Common noun determiners: ah, hay, di (-y after vowel); hi (-h after vowel), han, hinan (-h nan
after vowel), hanan, nan.
Personal noun determiners: hi (-h after vowel), da, ay (-n after vowel), ay da (-n da after vowel).
Deictics(contextual meaning):
Nonplural: tun, heten (-h ten after vowel), nen; din henen (-h nen after vowel), den, han tun,
heden (-h den after vowel), hitun (-h tun after vowel), han din, ten, hidin (-h din after vowel).
Demonstrative Pronouns


Set 1 Set 2 Set 3 (to that far..)
that far one hede de ede
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that near one hene ne ene
this one hete te ete
those far ones ha_di, dade dade ay dade
those near ones ha_na, dane dane ay dane
these ones ha_tu, date date ay date

Pronouns

Full Genitive Topic
1s hain -u, - -a
2s hea, daa -mu, -m -a
3s hiya -na 0 unmarked
1dual (you and I) dita -ta -ta
1 exclusive dami -mi ami
1 inclusive dituu tuu tuu
2p dayu -yu ayu
3p dida -da -da
Verb Classes

Nonpast/Past Tense Affix Role Affix Resultant Affix
Nongenitive (Actor)
m-/n- paN- (agent) maN-/naN-
m-/n- puN- (agent) muN-/nuN-
0/-iN- -um- (actor) -um-/-inum-/-imm-
m-/n- a- (patient) ma-/na-
m-/n- i- (theme) mi-/ni-
m-/n- a-an (loc ref) ma-an/na-an
m-/n- i-an (beneficiary) mi-an/ni-an
Genitive (NonActor)
0/n-
paN- 2, puN- 2
(instrument)
paN-/naN-, puN-
/nuN-
0/-iN- -on (patient) -on/-iN-
0/-iN- i- (theme) i-/-iN-
0/-iN- -an (loc ref) -an/-iN-an
0/n-
paN- 3, puN-
(manner)
paN-/naN-, puN-,
nuN-
Negation. Negative optionally occurs before the verbs and agrees with the tense of the verb as
either past or nonpast, e.g. agguy didnt vs. adi wont.
Lexical Substitution
Use of some words is forbidden (pa_wa) in the evening. The Ifugao believe verbalizing such
words may cause the speaker of hearer to dream about the referent being mentioned, which
Page 36 of 42

may result in terrible consequences:

Word avoided at night Substitute Word Nature of Dream What Dream Portends
apuy fire danum water burning mountain rice will not develop
ba_buy pig allama crab killing a pig
child will die; size of
pig = age of child
batu stone dapu_lin - -
goday landslide lonah landslide slides into ravine
family member will
die; crop failure
la_man wild pig ba_ngul wild pig killing wild pig child will die
nuwang carabao dappug
carabao lying down
grazing grass
will have arthritis in
old age; rats eat
growing rice
pa_guy growing rice gu_lun spear grass weeding growing rice
rats will eat growing
rice
pu_ul torch area la_ah torch an area burning mountain rice will not develop
uma make upland
field
balahban slash and
burn
making upland field
rice will be harvested
by rats
Likewise, some words cannot be vocalized far from home, especially on trails leading from the
village or in forests and upland fields. Speakers who utter these words can be punished by
worker spirits (ba_gawah) who inflect sickness:

Words Avoided Substitute Words
ga_yang crow, puti_aw falcon hamuti bird
ga_ad forest pineapple plant hubit pineapple plant
la_man wild pig, ba_buy pig manu chicken
______________________________________
IV. COMPARISON AND CONTRAST
A. Ortography
Filipino spelling is perfectly phonetic, such that even the foreign words are spelled as
they are commonly pronounced. In Filipino orthography, all the letters are taken from
the Roman alphabet; ng is considered

The Ifugao also write their language according to a more or less fixed spelling system
based on pronunciation, but they fail to be consistent in their spelling, not only because
of the dialectical variations. Not all individuals of the same group pronounce all the
words all exactly in the same manner and that even an individual may occasionally
Page 37 of 42

pronounce certain words or classes of words in a way different from his ordinary
manner of speaking. As stated earlier, The Ifugao has a language that that changes
from village to village.

This implies that the Filipino orthography does not entirely fit the Ifugao language.
For example:
The Ifugao term chum for water possess the ch- which is not present in the Filipino
alphabet as well as the j fuwj for crocodile.
The natives orthography of what we call standard Ifugao is inconsistent only in three
instances:
1. The duplication of consonants in the middle of the words
2. The affixation or noaffixation of enclitics; and
3. The usage or nonusage of the mark to designate the glottal catch.

B. Phonology
Filipino and Ifugao phonemes can be distinguished through the following
considerations:
a. The Ifugao language is consist of 5 vowel phonemes while the Filipino
language has 10 vowel phonemes

Table of vowel phonemes for Ifugao
Table of vowel phonemes of Tagalog

Front Central Back

Hi i E (schwa) u
Close Front Central Back
Low e a o
Close-
Mid
i u

Open-Mid e o

Open () a ()


I

Page 38 of 42

b. The consonant phoneme s is not present in the Ifugao language except
for borrowed words.
c. Vowel length in Ifugao language is phonemic
Example: gumi_lit-means stips rice grains
gumilit-means to crowd each other
d. The presence of the ( ) glottal/pharyngeal stop which is very important
in the Ifugao language. (note in the given examples towards the end) as
compared also to tones in Filipino (commonly known as stress) wherein
it differentiates words with the same spelling.

C. MORPHOLOGY

In Ifugao Morphology
N > m / _ [labials b, p, m], e.g. muN- + buhug = mumbuhug
N > ng / _ [velarsg, k, ng, or w], e.g. hiN + gamal = hinggamal
> n / _ *d, h, n, t, y, + vowel+, e.g. hi- + titlu = hintitlu
N > l / _ [l, n], e.g. iN- + luwag = inluwag or illuwag
Stem vowel loss (happens most commonly with o)
banoh + -um- = bumnoh; bogah + ma- = mabgah; tupig + i- = itpig.
Lowering of affix vowel with stem vowel drop
i + aban = eban; bohat + -iN- = benhat; lotop + i- = eltop.
Influence of stem vowel on vowel of prefix or infix:
Stem vowels e or o may cause the affix i to become e or u to become o:
deggop + i- = edeggop
elah + -um- = omelah
Affix umi-. Vowel i of umi- lowers to e with stem vowel drop. The resultant stem vowel e then
lowers the first vowel of the affix u to become o:
alo + umi- = omelo; goday + umi- = omegday
Suffix influence on stem vowels. Stem vowels a and o are affected with suffixation of an or
on. With an a stem vowel becomes a, and with on, a stem vowel becomes o.
algaw + -on = algawon or algowon
banong + -on = banngon or bonngon
okak + -an = akakan
gu_oy + -an = gua_yan
Page 39 of 42

D. CODE SWITCHING
As code switching in FILIPINO is also prevalent, the Ifugao also claim that:

With the ongoing globalization scenario, many words from other
languages such as English, Tagalog, and Ilocano are now mixed with the
Tuwali language. This is especially true for majority of the younger
generation Tuwali speakers. Furthermore, parents now tend to speak in
English or use mixed English and Tuwali words when talking to their
kids. For this reason, children imitate the language of their parents.
Another recent trend is the increasing use of Tagalog by the youth in
their daily informal conversations.
E. SYNTAX
Like in Filipino, the natural order of a sentence in Ifugao is that the verb comes
first before the noun

For example:
Umuya ' hi abungyu.-Pupunta ako sa bahay niyo

Also see the following examples:

PAMAMASYAL


IFUGAO FILIPINO
1.Ngay nalpugwam?-
2. Hay umayam?-
3. Umuya' h i d i .
4. Umuya ' hi abungyu.
5. Mahhuna'.
6. Umanamuta'.
7. Umuy ta'u a t .-

Saan ka galing?
Saan ka pupunta?
Pupunta ako doon .
Pupunta ako sa bahay niyo.
Mauna na ako
Uuwi na ako.
Tayo na

PAKIKIPAG-USAP SA KAIBIGAN


IFUGAO FILIPINO
1. Maphod hinuy imboloymu ya .
2. Maphod di bobloyyu.
3. Maphd hitu ti rni 'id ha a 'ali
4 . Nanginnila'an munhaang.
5 . Mapolhat nan inihda ta'u ya nan inan ta 'u.
1. Ang ganda namn ng anak mo.Napakalusog pa .
2. Magandang tirhan ang inyong lugar.
3. Gusto ko rito, tahimik na lugar.
4. Mahusay kang magluto.
5 . Napakasarap ng pagkaing iyon.
Page 40 of 42

6. Nala'ing'an muninglis.
7. Mabalin ta la' latuon da 'a?
8. Pohdo" an inilaon nan hapit yu.
9, Maphod ta inatmu.
6. Mahusay kang magsalita ng Ingles.
7 . Maaari ba kitang kunan ng larawan?
8. Nais konq matutunan ang iyong salita.
9. Salamat po.


IFUGAO FILIPINO
1. Munhinanga' ya na 'uwawa ' .
2 . Mangan ta ' u.
3 . Mangan ta'u ya adifa bumain.
4. Maphd, ya mumpa ' it.
5 . Puniya'anmu.
6. Ammuna ti nabhugat.
7. Uminuma' ni' hi danum.
1. Ako ay nagugutom a t nauuhaw.
2 . Kumain na tayo.
3 . Kurnain kayong mabuti: huwag
k ayong rnah i h iya.
4 . Masarap at maanqhanganghang
anq pagkaing ito.
5 . Kumuha pa kayo.
6 . Ayaw ko na, busog na ako.
7 . Pahingi nga po ng inumin



OTHER TRANSLATIONS FROM IFUGAO TO FILIPINO

THE LORDS PRAYER
IFUGAO TAGALOG
Jos Ama an gawwa ad langit,
he-a adni chi daydayawon chi tatakhu.
He-a adni chi mun-ap-apo ay chami.
Hindi adni penhod mu chi aton mi heto lota
an amat ay ni khun cha aton hina ad langit.
Ichat mu khu hay anun mi ad
ugwani an arkhaw.
Ja pakawanom an amin chi
pfahor mi, amat khu ay ni
pammakawan mi hay hana
pfimmahor ay chami.
Ja i-achawwim ay chami
han atopngan an achi ami
pa-ahchor, ta achi chami
apfakon ay Satanas.


Ama namin, sumasalangit ka
Sambahin ang ngalan mo.
Mapasaamin ang kaharian mo.
Sundin ang loob mo,
Dito sa lup, gaya nang sa langit.
Bigyan Mo kami ngayon ng aming kakanin
sa araw-araw,
At patawarin Mo kami sa
aming mga sala,Para nang
pagpapatawad namin,
Sa nagkakasala sa amin
At huwag mo kaming ipahintulot sa tukso,
At iadya mo kami sa lahat ng masama..
Sapagkat sa Inyo ang kaharin, at ang kapangyarihan,
At ang kaluwalhatian, ngayon, at magpakailanman.




Page 41 of 42

MGA BILANG
IFUGAO FILIPINO
oh a
duwa
tulu
opat
1 ema
onom
p i t u
wa lu
h iyam
h impulu
duwampLlu
tu lumpulu
napat
na lema
na nom
napitu
nawalu
nahiyam
h inggahot
h inli bu
isa
dalawa
tatlo
apat
lima
an im
p i to
wa lo
s iyam
sampu
dalawampu
ta tlumpu
apa tnapu
1 i mampu
animnapu
pi tampu
walumpu
s iyamnapu
isang daan
isang libo























Page 42 of 42


REFERENCES:

Grammatical and Phonetical Comments on Ifugao Ortography by Francis
Lambrecht, C.I.C.M

Hay Manhum An Bahaon: Summer Institute of Linguistics,1984

http:sil.og/asia/Philippines/lit/ifb

http:www:hawaiii-edu/eneid/combined files/A59.2005.Tgalog and Philippine
languages.pdf

Purvis, Norman E and Patricia A Purvis; NAN OPAT HI NUBINO'OB ON AN HAPIT.
Sumer Institute of Linguistics, -Inc. 1982 Philippines