Theory of Multiple Intelligences

Theory of multiple intelligences
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The theory of multiple intelligences is a theory of intelligence that differentiates it into specific (primarily
sensory) "modalities", rather than seeing intelligence as dominated by a single general ability. This model
was proposed by Howard Gardner in his 1983 book Frames of Mind: The Theory of Multiple Intelligences.
Gardner articulated seven criteria for a behavior to be considered an intelligence.
[1]
These were that the
intelligences showed: potential for brain isolation by brain damage, place in evolutionary history, presence
of core operations, susceptibility to encoding (symbolic expression), a distinct developmental progression,
the existence of savants, prodigies and other exceptional people, and support from experimental
psychology and psychometric findings.
Gardner chose eight abilities that he held to meet these criteria:
[2]
musicalrhythmic, visual
spatial, verballinguistic, logicalmathematical, bodilykinesthetic, interpersonal, intrapersonal, and
naturalistic. He later suggested that existential and moral intelligence may also be worthy of
inclusion.
[3]
Although the distinction between intelligences has been set out in great detail, Gardner
opposes the idea of labeling learners to a specific intelligence. Each individual possesses a unique blend
of all the intelligences. Gardner firmly maintains that his theory of multiple intelligences should "empower
learners", not restrict them to one modality of learning.
[4]

Gardner argues intelligence is categorized into three primary or overarching categories, those of which
are formulated by the abilities. According to Gardner, intelligence is: 1) The ability to create an effective
product or offer a service that is valued in a culture, 2) a set of skills that make it possible for a person to
solve problems in life, and 3) the potential for finding or creating solutions for problems, which involves
gathering new knowledge.
[5]

Those who believe in one kind of intelligence think that all intelligence comes from a single factor. They
back up this idea with the fact that there is a high positive correlation between intelligence quotient (IQ)
and the ability to complete simple cognitive tasks and between reaction time and intelligence.
Contents
[hide]
1 Intelligence modalities
o 1.1 Musicalrhythmic and harmonic
o 1.2 Visualspatial
o 1.3 Verballinguistic
o 1.4 Logicalmathematical
o 1.5 Bodilykinesthetic
o 1.6 Interpersonal
o 1.7 Intrapersonal
o 1.8 Naturalistic
o 1.9 Existential
2 Critical reception
o 2.1 Definition of intelligence
o 2.2 Neo-Piagetian criticism
o 2.3 IQ tests
o 2.4 Lack of empirical evidence
3 Use in education
4 See also
5 References
6 Further reading
Intelligence modalities[edit]
Musicalrhythmic and harmonic[edit]
Main article: Musicality
This area has to do with sensitivity to sounds, rhythms, tones, and music. People with a high musical
intelligence normally have good pitch and may even have absolute pitch, and are able to sing, play
musical instruments, and compose music. They have sensitivity to rhythm, pitch, meter, tone, melody or
timbre.
[6][7]

Visualspatial[edit]
Main article: Spatial intelligence (psychology)
This area deals with spatial judgment and the ability to visualize with the mind's eye. Spatial ability is one
of the three factors beneath g in the hierarchical model of intelligence.
[7]

Verballinguistic[edit]
Main article: Linguistic intelligence
People with high verbal-linguistic intelligence display a facility with words and languages. They are
typically good at reading, writing, telling stories and memorizing words along with dates.
[7]
Verbal ability is
one of the most g-loaded abilities.
[8]
This type of intelligence is measured with the Verbal IQ in WAIS-III.
Logicalmathematical[edit]
Further information: Reason
This area has to do with logic, abstractions, reasoning, numbers and critical thinking.
[7]
This also has to do
with having the capacity to understand the underlying principles of some kind of causal system.
[6]
Logical
reasoning is closely linked to fluid intelligence and to general intelligence (g factor).
[9]

Bodilykinesthetic[edit]
Further information: Gross motor skill and Fine motor skill
The core elements of the bodily-kinesthetic intelligence are control of one's bodily motions and the
capacity to handle objects skillfully.
[7]
Gardner elaborates to say that this also includes a sense of timing,
a clear sense of the goal of a physical action, along with the ability to train responses.
People who have high bodily-kinesthetic intelligence should be generally good at physical activities such
as sports, dance, acting, and making things.
Gardner believes that careers that suit those with high bodily-kinesthetic intelligence
include: athletes, dancers, musicians, actors, builders, police officers, and soldiers. Although these
careers can be duplicated through virtual simulation, they will not produce the actual physical learning
that is needed in this intelligence.
[10]

Interpersonal[edit]
Main article: Social skills
This area has to do with interaction with others.
[7]
In theory, individuals who have high interpersonal
intelligence are characterized by their sensitivity to others' moods, feelings, temperaments and
motivations, and their ability to cooperate in order to work as part of a group. According to Gardner
in How Are Kids Smart: Multiple Intelligences in the Classroom, "Inter- and Intra- personal intelligence is
often misunderstood with being extroverted or liking other people..."
[11]
Those with high interpersonal
intelligence communicate effectively and empathize easily with others, and may be either leaders or
followers. They often enjoy discussion and debate.
Gardner believes that careers that suit those with high interpersonal intelligence include sales
persons, politicians, managers, teachers, counselors and social workers.
[12]

Intrapersonal[edit]
Further information: Introspection
This area has to do with introspective and self-reflective capacities. This refers to having a deep
understanding of the self; what one's strengths/ weaknesses are, what makes one unique, being able to
predict one's own reactions/emotions.
Naturalistic[edit]
This area has to do with nurturing and relating information to ones natural surroundings.
[7]
Examples
include classifying natural forms such as animal and plant species and rocks and mountain types. This
ability was clearly of value in our evolutionary past as hunters, gatherers, and farmers; it continues to be
central in such roles as botanist or chef.
[6]
This sort of ecological receptiveness is deeply rooted in a
"sensitive, ethical, and holistic understanding" of the world and its complexitiesincluding the role of
humanity within the greater ecosphere.
[13]

Existential[edit]
Further information: Spirituality
Some proponents of multiple intelligence theory proposed spiritual or religious intelligence as a possible
additional type. Gardner did not want to commit to a spiritual intelligence, but suggested that an
"existential" intelligence may be a useful construct.
[14]
The hypothesis of an existential intelligence has
been further explored by educational researchers.
[15]

Critical reception[edit]
Gardner argues that there is a wide range of cognitive abilities, but that there are only very weak
correlations among them. For example, the theory postulates that a child who learns to multiply easily is
not necessarily more intelligent than a child who has more difficulty on this task. The child who takes
more time to master multiplication may best learn to multiply through a different approach, may excel in a
field outside mathematics, or may be looking at and understanding the multiplication process at a
fundamentally deeper level. Such a fundamental understanding can result in slowness and can hide a
mathematical intelligence potentially higher than that of a child who quickly memorizes the multiplication
table despite possessing a shallower understanding of the process of multiplication.
[citation needed]
.
Intelligence tests and psychometrics have generally found high correlations between different aspects of
intelligence, rather than the low correlations which Gardner's theory predicts, supporting the prevailing
theory of general intelligence rather than multiple intelligences (MI).
[16]
The theory has been widely
criticized by mainstream psychology for its lack of empirical evidence, and its dependence on subjective
judgement.
[17]
Certain models of alternative education employ the approaches suggested by the
theory
[citation needed]
.
Definition of intelligence[edit]
One major criticism of the theory is that it is ad hoc: that Gardner is not expanding the definition of the
word "intelligence", but rather denies the existence of intelligence as traditionally understood, and instead
uses the word "intelligence" where other people have traditionally used words like "ability" and "aptitude".
This practice has been criticized by Robert J. Sternberg,
[18][19]
Eysenck,
[20]
and Scarr.
[21]
White (2006)
points out that Gardner's selection and application of criteria for his "intelligences" is subjective and
arbitrary, and that a different researcher would likely have come up with different criteria.
[22]

Defenders of MI theory argue that the traditional definition of intelligence is too narrow, and thus a
broader definition more accurately reflects the differing ways in which humans think and learn.
[23]
They
would state that the traditional interpretation of intelligence collapses under the weight of its own logic and
definition, noting that intelligence is usually defined as the cognitive or mental capacity of an individual,
which by logical necessity would include all forms of mental qualities, not just the ones most transparent
to I.Q. tests.
[citation needed]

Some criticisms arise from the fact that Gardner has not provided a test of his multiple intelligences. He
originally defined it as the ability to solve problems that have value in at least one culture, or as something
that a student is interested in. He then added a disclaimer that he has no fixed definition, and his
classification is more of an artistic judgment than fact:
Ultimately, it would certainly be desirable to have an algorithm for the selection of an intelligence, such
that any trained researcher could determine whether a candidate's intelligence met the appropriate
criteria. At present, however, it must be admitted that the selection (or rejection) of a candidate's
intelligence is reminiscent more of an artistic judgment than of a scientific assessment.
[24]

Gardner argues that by calling linguistic and logical-mathematical abilities intelligences, but not artistic,
musical, athletic, etc. abilities, the former are needlessly aggrandized. Certain critics balk at this widening
of the definition, saying that it ignores "the connotation of intelligence ... [which] has always connoted the
kind of thinking skills that makes one successful in school."
[25]

Gardner writes "I balk at the unwarranted assumption that certain human abilities can be arbitrarily
singled out as intelligence while others cannot."
[26]
Critics hold that given this statement, any interest or
ability can be redefined as "intelligence". Thus, studying intelligence becomes difficult, because it diffuses
into the broader concept of ability or talent. Gardner's addition of the naturalistic intelligence and
conceptions of the existential and moral intelligences are seen as fruits of this diffusion. Defenders of the
MI theory would argue that this is simply a recognition of the broad scope of inherent mental abilities, and
that such an exhaustive scope by nature defies a one-dimensional classification such as an IQ value.
The theory and definitions have been critiqued by Perry D. Klein as being so unclear as to
be tautologous and thus unfalsifiable. Having a high musical ability means being good at music while at
the same time being good at music is explained by having a high musical ability.
[27]

Neo-Piagetian criticism[edit]
Andreas Demetriou suggests that theories which overemphasize the autonomy of the domains are as
simplistic as the theories that overemphasize the role of general intelligence and ignore the domains. He
agrees with Gardner that there are indeed domains of intelligence that are relevantly autonomous of each
other.
[28]
Some of the domains, such as verbal, spatial, mathematical, andsocial intelligence are identified
by most lines of research in psychology. In Demetriou's theory, one of the neo-Piagetian theories of
cognitive development, Gardner is criticized for underestimating the effects exerted on the various
domains of intelligences by processes that define general processing efficiency, such as speed of
processing, executive functions, working memory, and meta-cognitive processes underlying self-
awareness and self-regulation. All of these processes are integral components of general intelligence that
regulate the functioning and development of different domains of intelligence.
[29]

The domains are to a large extent expressions of the condition of the general processes, and may vary
because of their constitutional differences but also differences in individual preferences and inclinations.
Their functioning both channels and influences the operation of the general processes.
[30][31]
Thus, one
cannot satisfactorily specify the intelligence of an individual or design effective intervention programs
unless both the general processes and the domains of interest are evaluated.
[32][33]

IQ tests[edit]
Gardner argues that IQ tests only measure linguistic and logical-mathematical abilities. He argues the
importance of assessing in an "intelligence-fair" manner. While traditional paper-and-pen examinations
favour linguistic and logical skills, there is a need for intelligence-fair measures that value the distinct
modalities of thinking and learning that uniquely define each intelligence.
[7]

Psychologist Alan S. Kaufman points out that IQ tests have measured spatial abilities for 70
years.
[34]
Modern IQ tests are greatly influenced by the Cattell-Horn-Carroll theory which incorporates a
general intelligence but also many more narrow abilities. While IQ tests do give an overall IQ score, they
now also give scores for many more narrow abilities.
[34]

Lack of empirical evidence[edit]
According to a 2006 study many of Gardner's "intelligences" correlate with the g factor, supporting the
idea of a single dominant type of intelligence. According to the study, each of the domains proposed by
Gardner involved a blend of g, of cognitive abilities other than g, and, in some cases, of non-cognitive
abilities or of personality characteristics.
[35]

Linda Gottfredson (2006) has argued that thousands of studies support the importance of intelligence
quotient (IQ) in predicting school and job performance, and numerous other life outcomes. In contrast,
empirical support for non-g intelligences is lacking or very poor. She argued that despite this the ideas of
multiple non-g intelligences are very attractive to many due to the suggestion that everyone can be smart
in some way.
[36]

A critical review of MI theory argues that there is little empirical evidence to support it:
To date there have been no published studies that offer evidence of the validity of the multiple
intelligences. In 1994 Sternberg reported finding no empirical studies. In 2000 Allix reported finding
no empirical validating studies, and at that time Gardner and Connell conceded that there was "little hard
evidence for MI theory" (2000, p. 292). In 2004 Sternberg and Grigerenko stated that there were no
validating studies for multiple intelligences, and in 2004 Gardner asserted that he would be "delighted
were such evidence to accrue",
[37]
and admitted that "MI theory has few enthusiasts among
psychometricians or others of a traditional psychological background" because they require "psychometric
or experimental evidence that allows one to prove the existence of the several intelligences."
[37][38]

The same review presents evidence to demonstrate that cognitive neuroscience research does not
support the theory of multiple intelligences:
... the human brain is unlikely to function via Gardners multiple intelligences. Taken together the
evidence for the intercorrelations of subskills of IQ measures, the evidence for a shared set of genes
associated with mathematics, reading, and g, and the evidence for shared and overlapping "what is it?"
and "where is it?" neural processing pathways, and shared neural pathways for language, music, motor
skills, and emotions suggest that it is unlikely that each of Gardners intelligences could operate "via a
different set of neural mechanisms" (1999, p. 99). Equally important, the evidence for the "what is it?" and
"where is it?" processing pathways, for Kahnemans two decision-making systems, and for adapted
cognition modules suggests that these cognitive brain specializations have evolved to address very
specific problems in our environment. Because Gardner claimed that the intelligences are innate
potentialities related to a general content area, MI theory lacks a rationale for the phylogenetic
emergence of the intelligences.
[38]

The theory of multiple intelligences has often been conflated with learning styles. Learning styles are
often cited as an example of pseudoscience because they lack empirical evidence
orfalsifiability.
[39][40]
Gardner, however, has denied that multiple intelligences are learning styles and
agrees that the idea of learning styles is incoherent and lacking in empirical evidence.
[41]

Use in education[edit]
Gardner defines an intelligence as "biopsychological potential to process information that can be
activated in a cultural setting to solve problems or create products that are of value in a
culture."
[42]
According to Gardner, there are more ways to do this than just through logical and linguistic
intelligence. Gardner believes that the purpose of schooling "should be to develop intelligences and to
help people reach vocational and avocational goals that are appropriate to their particular spectrum of
intelligences. People who are helped to do so, [he] believe[s], feel more engaged and competent and
therefore more inclined to serve society in a constructive way."
[a]

Gardner contends that IQ tests focus mostly on logical and linguistic intelligence. Upon doing well on
these tests, the chances of attending a prestigious college or university increase, which in turn creates
contributing members of society.
[43]
While many students function well in this environment, there are those
who do not. According to Helding (2009), "Standard IQ tests measure knowledge gained at a particular
moment in time, they can only provide a freeze-frame view of crystallized knowledge. They cannot assess
or predict a persons ability to learn, to assimilate new information, or to solve new
problems."
[44]
Gardner's theory argues that students will be better served by a broader vision of education,
wherein teachers use different methodologies, exercises and activities to reach all students, not just those
who excel at linguistic and logical intelligence. It challenges educators to find "ways that will work for this
student learning this topic".
[45]

James Traub's article in The New Republic notes that Gardner's system has not been accepted by most
academics in intelligence or teaching.
[46]
Gardner states that "while Multiple Intelligences theory is
consistent with much empirical evidence, it has not been subjected to strong experimental tests ... Within
the area of education, the applications of the theory are currently being examined in many projects. Our
hunches will have to be revised many times in light of actual classroom experience."
[47]

George Miller, a prominent cognitive psychologist, wrote in The New York Times Book Review that
Gardner's argument consisted of "hunch and opinion". Jerome Bruner called Gardners "intelligences" "at
best useful fictions," and Charles Murray and Richard J. Herrnstein in The Bell Curve (1994) called
Gardner's theory "uniquely devoid of psychometric or other quantitative evidence."
[48]

Thomas Armstrong argues that Waldorf education engages all of Gardner's original seven
intelligences.
[b]
In spite of its lack of general acceptance in the psychological community, Gardner's theory
has been adopted by many schools, where it is often used to underpin discussion about learning
styles,
[49]
and hundreds of books have been written about its applications in education.
[50]
Gardner himself
has said he is "uneasy" with the way his theory has been used in education.
[51]

See also[edit]
Living educational theory
Neuroscience
Neuroeducation
Learning styles
Life skills
Soft skills
Williams' Taxonomy
References[edit]
Notes
1. Jump up^ This information is based on an informal talk given on the
350th anniversary of Harvard University on 5 September 1986. Harvard
Education Review, Harvard Education Publishing Group, 1987, 57, 187
93.
2. Jump up^ "Waldorf education embodies in a truly organic sense all of
Howard Gardner's seven intelligences ... not simply an amalgam of the
seven intelligences. Many schools are currently attempting to construct
curricula based on Gardner's model simply through an additive process
(what can we add to what we have already got?). Steiner's approach,
however, was to begin with an inner vision of the child and the child's
needs and build a curriculum around that vision." Thomas Armstrong, cited
in Eric Oddleifson, Boston Public Schools As Arts-Integrated Learning
Organizations: Developing a High Standard of Culture for All
Citations
1. Jump up^ Gilman, Lynn (2012) [2008], "The Theory of Multiple
Intelligences", Indiana University, retrieved 14 November 2012
2. Jump up^ Slavin, Robert (2009) Educational Psychology, p. 117 ISBN 0-
205-59200-7
3. Jump up^ Smith, Mark K. (2002, 2008), Gardner "Howard Gardner,
multiple intelligences and education", the encyclopedia of informal
education, retrieved 22 October 2011
4. Jump up^ McKenzie, W. (2005). Multiple intelligences and instructional
technology. ISTE (International Society for Technology Education). ISBN
156484188X
5. Jump up^ Gardner, Howard (2000). Intelligence Reframed: Multiple
Intelligences for the 21st Century. Basic Books Inc. ISBN 978-0-465-
02611-1.
6. ^ Jump up to:
a

b

c
Howard Gardner's Multiple Intelligence Theory, PBS,
retrieved 9 December 2012
7. ^ Jump up to:
a

b

c

d

e

f

g

h
Gardner, H., & Hatch, T. (1989), "Multiple
intelligences go to school: Educational implications of the theory of
multiple intelligences", Educational Researcher 18 (8):
4, doi:10.3102/0013189X018008004
8. Jump up^ Wechsler, D. (1997). Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale III.
9. Jump up^ Carroll 1993
10. Jump up^ Gardner, Howard (May 1984), "Heteroglossia: A Global
Perspective", Interdisciplinary Journal of Theory of Postpedagogical
Studies
11. Jump up^ Gardner, H. (1995). How Are Kids Smart: Multiple Intelligences
in the ClassroomAdministrators' Version.ISBN 1-887943-03-X. National
Professional Resources Dr. Howard Gardner, along with teachers and
students from Fuller Elementary School in Gloucester, MA, discuss the
theory behind Multiple Intelligences and demonstrate how they have
integrated it into their classrooms and community. (41 minutes)
12. Jump up^ Gardner, Howard (2002), "Interpersonal Communication
amongst Multiple Subjects: A Study in Redundancy",Experimental
Psychology
13. Jump up^ Morris, M. (2004), "Ch. 8. The Eight One: Naturalistic
Intelligence", in Kincheloe, Joe L., Multiple Intelligences Reconsidered,
Peter Lang, pp. 159, ISBN 978-0-8204-7098-6
14. Jump up^ Gardner 2000
15. Jump up^ Tupper, K. W. (2002), "Entheogens and Existential Intelligence:
The Use of Plant Teachers as Cognitive Tools", Canadian Journal of
Education 27 (4): 499516, doi:10.2307/1602247
16. Jump up^ Geake, John (2008). "Neuromythologies in
education". Educational Research 50 (2): 123
133.doi:10.1080/00131880802082518.
17. Jump up^ Waterhouse, Lynn (2006). "WATERHOUSE MULTIPLE
INTELLIGENCES Multiple Intelligences, the Mozart Effect, and Emotional
Intelligence: A Critical Review". EDUCATIONAL PSYCHOLOGIST 41 (4):
207225.
18. Jump up^ Sternberg, R. J. (Winter 1983), "How much Gall is too much
gall? Review of Frames of Mind: The theory of multiple
intelligences", Contemporary Education Review 2 (3): 215224
19. Jump up^ Sternberg, R. J. (1991), "Death, taxes, and bad intelligence
tests", Intelligence 15 (3): 257270,doi:10.1016/0160-2896(91)90035-C
20. Jump up^ Eysenck 1994
21. Jump up^ Scarr, S. (1985), "An authors frame of mind [Review of Frames
of mind: The theory of multiple intelligences]", New Ideas in
Psychology 3 (1): 95100, doi:10.1016/0732-118X(85)90056-X
22. Jump up^ Davis et al. 2011, p. 489
23. Jump up^ Nikolova, K., & Taneva-Shopova, S. (2007), "Multiple
intelligences theory and educational practice", Annual Assesn Zlatarov
University 26 (2): 105109
24. Jump up^ Gardner 1983
25. Jump up^ Willingham, Daniel T. (2004), "Check the Facts: Reframing the
Mind", Education Next: 1924 PDF copy
26. Jump up^ Gardner, Howard (1998), "A Reply to Perry D. Klein's
'Multiplying the problems of intelligence by eight'",Canadian Journal of
Education 23 (1): 96102, doi:10.2307/1585968, JSTOR 1585790
27. Jump up^ Klein, Perry D. (1998), "A Response to Howard Gardner:
Falsifiability, Empirical Evidence, and Pedagogical Usefulness in
Educational Psychologies", Canadian Journal of Education 23 (1): 103
112,doi:10.2307/1585969
28. Jump up^ Demetriou, A.; Spanoudis, G.; Mouyi, A. (2011), Educating the
Developing Mind: Towards an Overarching Paradigm, "Educating the
Developing Mind: Towards an Overarching Paradigm", Educational
Psychology Review 23 (4): 601663, doi:10.1007/s10648-011-9178-3
29. Jump up^ Demetriou & Raftopoulos 2005, p. 68
30. Jump up^ Demetriou, A.; Efklides, A.; Platsidou, M.; Campbell, Robert L.
(1993), "The architecture and dynamics of developing mind: Experiential
structuralism as a frame for unifying cognitive developmental
theories",Monographs of the Society for Research in Child
Development 58 (234): i, doi:10.2307/1166053
31. Jump up^ Demetriou, A., Christou, C.; Spanoudis, G.; Platsidou, M.
(2002), "The development of mental processing: Efficiency, working
memory, and thinking", Monographs of the Society of Research in Child
Development 67(268)
32. Jump up^ Demetriou, A.; Kazi, S. (2006), "Self-awareness in g (with
processing efficiency and reasoning",Intelligence 34 (3): 297
317, doi:10.1016/j.intell.2005.10.002
33. Jump up^ Demetriou, Mouyi & Spanoudis 2010
34. ^ Jump up to:
a

b
Kaufman 2009
35. Jump up^ Visser, Beth A.; Ashton, Michael C.; Vernon, Philip A.
(2006), "g and the measurement of Multiple Intelligences: A response to
Gardner", Intelligence 34 (5): 507510, doi:10.1016/j.intell.2006.04.006
36. Jump up^ Gottfredson, L. S. (2006), "Social Consequences of Group
Differences in Cognitive Ability (Consequencias sociais das diferencas de
grupo em habilidade cognitiva)", in Flores-Mendoza, C. E.; Colom,
R., Introducau a psicologia das diferencas individuais, ArtMed Publishers,
pp. 433456, ISBN 8536314184
37. ^ Jump up to:
a

b
Gardner 2004, p. 214
38. ^ Jump up to:
a

b
Waterhouse, Lynn (Fall 2006), "Multiple Intelligences, the
Mozart Effect, and Emotional Intelligence: A critical review", Educational
Psychologist 41 (4): 207225, doi:10.1207/s15326985ep4104_1
39. Jump up^ Jones 2010, p. 35.
40. Jump up^ Gottfredson, Linda, "Intelligence", New Scientist, retrieved 13
November 2012
41. Jump up^ http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/answer-
sheet/wp/2013/10/16/howard-gardner-multiple-intelligences-are-not-
learning-styles/
42. Jump up^ Gardner 2000, pp. 3334
43. Jump up^ Gardner 1993, p. 6
44. Jump up^ Helding, L. (2009), "Howard Gardner's Theory of Multiple
Intelligences", Journal of Singing 66 (2): 193199
46. Jump up^ Traub, James (1998), "Multiple intelligence disorder", The New
Republic 219 (17): 20
48. Jump up^ Eberstadt, Mary (OctoberNovember 1999), "The Schools
They Deserve" (PDF), Policy Review
49. Jump up^ Jones 2010, p. 23
50. Jump up^ Davis et al. 2011, p. 486
51. Jump up^ Revell, Phil (31 May 2005), "Each to their own", Guardian,
retrieved 15 November 2012
Bibliography
Carroll, J. B. (1993), Human Cognitive Abilities: A Survey of Factor-analytic
Studies, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0521382750
Davis, Katie; Christodoulou, Joanna; Seider, Scott; Gardner, Howard (2011),
"The Theory of Multiple Intelligences", in Sternberg, Robert J.; Kaufman,
Barry, The Cambridge Handbook of Intelligence, Cambridge University Press,
pp. 485503, ISBN 0521518067
Demetriou, Andreas; Raftopoulos, Athanassios (2005), Cognitive
Developmental Change: Theories, Models and Measurement, Cambridge
University Press, ISBN 0521825792
Demetriou, A.; Mouyi, A.; Spanoudis, G. (2010), "The development of mental
processing", in Overton, W. F., The Handbook of Life-Span Development:
Cognition, Biology and Methods, John Wiley & Sons, pp. 3655, ISBN 978-0-
470-39011-5
Eysenck, M. W., ed. (1994), The Blackwell Dictionary of Cognitive Psychology,
Blackwell Publishers, pp. 192193, ISBN 0631192573
Gardner, Howard (1993), Multiple Intelligences: The Theory in Practice, Basic
Books, ISBN 046501822X
Gardner, Howard (1983), Frames of Mind: The Theory of Multiple
Intelligences, Basic Books, ISBN 0133306143
Gardner, Howard (2000), Intelligence Reframed: Multiple Intelligences for the
21st Century, Basic Books, ISBN 978-0-465-02611-1
Gardner, H. (2004), Changing Minds: The art and science of changing our own
and other people's minds, Harvard Business School Press, ISBN 1422103293
Jones, Paul Howard (2010), Introducing Neuroeducational Research, Taylor &
Francis, ISBN 0415472008
Kaufman, Alan S. (2009), IQ Testing 101, Springer Publishing
Company, ISBN 978-0-8261-0629-2
Further reading[edit]
Kavale, Kenneth A.; Forness, Steven R. (1987), "Substance over style:
Assessing the efficacy of modality testing and teaching", Exceptional
Children 54: 228239
Klein, Perry, D. (1997), "Multiplying the problems of intelligence by
eight: A critique of Gardner's theory", Canadian Journal of
Education 22 (4): 377394, doi:10.2307/1585790
Kornhaber, Mindy (2004), "Psychometric Superiority? Check the
Facts",
Fierros, Mindy (2003), "Multiple Intelligences: Best Ideas from
Research and Practice",
Lohman, D. F. (2001), "Fluid intelligence, inductive reasoning, and
working memory: Where the theory of Multiple Intelligences falls
short" (PDF), in Colangelo, N.; Assouline, S., Talent Development IV:
Proceedings from the 1998 Henry B. & Jocelyn Wallace National
Research Symposium on talent development, Great Potential Press,
pp. 219228, ISBN 978-0-910707-39-8
Kincheloe, Joe L.; Nolan, Kathleen; Progler, Yusef; Appelbaum, Peter;
Cary, Richard; Blumenthal-Jones, Donald S.; Morris, Marla; Lemke, Jay
L.; Cannella, Gaile S.; Weil, Danny; Berry, Kathleen S. (2004),
Kincheloe, Joe L., ed., Multiple Intelligences Reconsidered,
Counterpoints v. 278, Peter Lang, ISBN 978-0-8204-7098-
6, ISSN 1058-1634, lay summary (4 September 2010)
Sempsey, James (1993), "The Pedagogical Implications Of Cognitive
Science and Howard Gardner's M.I. Theory (A Critique)",
Sternberg, R. J. (1988), The triarchic mind: A new theory of human
intelligence, Penguin Books
Waterhouse, Lynn (Fall 2006), "Inadequate Evidence for Multiple
Intelligences, Mozart Effect, and Emotional Intelligence
Theories", Educational Psychologist 41 (4): 247
255,doi:10.1207/s15326985ep4104_5
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In psychology, fluid and crystallized intelligence (respectively abbreviated Gf and Gc)
are factors of general intelligence, originally identified by Raymond Cattell.
[1]
Concepts of fluid and
crystallized intelligence were further developed by John L. Horn, the primary student of Raymond Cattell.
Fluid intelligence or fluid reasoning is the capacity to think logically and solve problems in novel
situations, independent of acquired knowledge. It is the ability to analyze novel problems, identify patterns
and relationships that underpin these problems and the extrapolation of these using logic. It is necessary
for all logical problem solving, e.g., in scientific, mathematical, and technical problem solving. Fluid
reasoning includes inductive reasoning and deductive reasoning.
Crystallized intelligence is the ability to use skills, knowledge, and experience. It does not equate to
memory, but it does rely on accessing information from long-term memory. Crystallized intelligence is
ones lifetime of intellectual achievement, as demonstrated largely through one's vocabulary and general
knowledge. This improves somewhat with age, as experiences tend to expand one's knowledge.
The terms are somewhat misleading because one is not a "crystallized" form or the other. Rather, they
are believed to be separate neural and mental systems. Crystallized intelligence is indicated by a
person's depth and breadth of general knowledge, vocabulary, and the ability to reason using words and
numbers. It is the product of educational and cultural experience in interaction with fluid intelligence.
Fluid and crystallized intelligence are thus correlated with each other, and most IQ tests attempt to
measure both varieties. For example, the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale (WAIS) measures fluid
intelligence on the performance scale and crystallized intelligence on the verbal scale. The overall IQ
score is based on a combination of these two scales.
Contents
[hide]
1 History
2 Theoretical development
o 2.1 Fluid versus crystallized
o 2.2 Factor structure
3 Measurement of fluid intelligence
4 Development and physiology
5 Improving fluid intelligence with training on working memory
6 See also
7 References
History[edit]
Fluid and crystallized intelligence were originally identified by Raymond Cattell.
[2]
Concepts of fluid and
crystallized intelligence were further developed by John L. Horn, the primary student of Raymond Cattell.
Theoretical development[edit]
Fluid and crystallized intelligence are discrete factors of general intelligence, or g.
[3]
Although formally
recognized by Cattell, the distinction was foreshadowed by Charles Spearman who originally developed
the theory of g and made a similar observation regarding the difference between eductive and
reproductive mental ability.
[citation needed]

According to Cattell, "...it is apparent that one of these powers has the 'fluid' quality of being directable
to almost any problem. By contrast, the other is invested in particular areas of crystallized skills which can
be upset individually without affecting the others."
[3]
Thus, his claim was that each type, or factor, was
independent of the other, though many authors have noted an apparent interdependence of the two.
[4]

Fluid versus crystallized[edit]
Fluid intelligence includes such abilities as pattern recognition, abstract reasoning, and problem-solving.
Evidence is consistent with the view that Gf is more affected by brain injury.
[5][6]

Deficits in fluid intelligence are found on some measures in individuals with Autism spectrum disorders,
including Asperger syndrome, whereas enhanced performance on other tasks measuring fluid intelligence
has been found in this population.
[7][8][9]

Crystallized intelligence is possibly more amenable to change as it relies on specific, acquired knowledge.
When learning new facts, someone's fund of knowledge is expanded. Vocabulary tests and the verbal
subscale of the WAIS are considered good measures of Gc. Crystallized intelligence relates to the study
of aging. Belsky claims this declines with age. In life, knowledge that is not used can be forgotten. Belsky
believes forgetting exceeds the rate at which knowledge is acquired.
[citation needed]

Not surprisingly, people with a high capacity of Gf tend to acquire more Gc knowledge and at faster rates.
The process of acquiring factual knowledge is sometimes called "cognitive investment."
[10]

Some researchers have linked the theory of fluid and crystallized intelligence to Piaget's conception of
operative intelligence and learning.
[11][12]
Fluid ability and Piaget's operative intelligence both concern
logical thinking and the education of relations. Crystallized ability and Piaget's treatment of everyday
learning reflect the impress of experience. Like fluid ability's relation to crystallized intelligence, Piaget's
operativity is considered to be prior to, and ultimately provides the foundation for, everyday learning.
Factor structure[edit]
Fluid intelligence generally correlates with measures of abstract reasoning and puzzle solving.
Crystallized intelligence correlates with abilities that depend on knowledge and experience, such as
vocabulary, general information, and analogies. Paul Kline identified a number of factors that shared a
correlation of at least r=.60 with Gf and Gc.
[13]
Factors with median loadings
[clarify]
of greater than 0.6 on Gf
included induction, visualization, quantitative reasoning, and ideational fluency. Factors with median
loadings of greater than 0.6 on Gc included verbal ability, language development, reading
comprehension, sequential reasoning, and general information. It may be suggested that tests of
intelligence may not be able to truly reflect levels of fluid intelligence. Some authors have suggested that
unless an individual was truly interested in the problem presented, the cognitive work required may not be
performed because of a lack of interest.
[14]
These authors contend that a low score on tests which are
intended to measure fluid intelligence may reflect more a lack of interest in the tasks rather than inability
to complete the tasks successfully.
Measurement of fluid intelligence[edit]
There are various measures that assess fluid intelligence. The Cattell Culture Fair IQ test, the Raven
Progressive Matrices (RPM), and the performance subscale of the WAIS are measures of Gf. The
RPM
[15]
is one of the most commonly used measures of fluid abilities. It is a non-verbal multiple choice
test. Participants have to complete a series of drawings by identifying relevant features based on the
spatial organization of an array of objects, and choosing one object that matches one or more of the
identified features.
[16]
This task assesses the ability to consider one or more relationships between mental
representations or relational reasoning. Propositional analogies and semantic decision tasks are also
used to assess relational reasoning.
[17][18]

Standardized IQ tests such as those used in psychoeducational assessment also include tests of fluid
intelligence. In the Woodcock-Johnson Tests of Cognitive Abilities,
[19]
Gf is assessed by two tests:
Concept Formation (Test 5) in the Standard Battery and Analysis Synthesis (Test 15) in the Extended
Battery. On Concept Formation tasks, the individual has to apply concepts by inferring the underlying
"rules" for solving visual puzzles that are presented in increasing levels of difficulty. Individuals at the
preschool level have to point to a shape that is different from others in a set. As the level of difficulty
increases, individuals increasingly demonstrate an understanding of what constitutes a key difference (or
the "rule") for solving puzzles involving one to one comparisons, and on later items identifying common
differences among a set of items. For more difficult items, individuals need to understand the concept of
"and" (e.g. solution must have some of this and some of that) and the concept of "or" (e.g. to be inside a
box, the item must be either this or that). The most difficult items require fluid transformations and
cognitive shifting between the various types of concept puzzles that the examinee has worked with
previously.
[20]

Concept Formation tasks assess inductive reasoning ability. In the Analysis-Synthesis test, the individual
has to learn and orally state the solutions to incomplete logic puzzles that mimic a miniature mathematics
system. The test also contains some of the features involved in using symbolic formulations in other fields
such as chemistry and logic. The individual is presented with a set of logic rules, a "key" that is used to
solve the puzzles. The individual has to determine the missing colors within each of the puzzles using the
key. Complex items present puzzles that require two or more sequential mental manipulations of the key
to derive a final solution. Increasingly difficult items involve a mix of puzzles that require fluid shifts in
deduction, logic, and inference.
[20]
Analysis Synthesis tasks assess general sequential reasoning.
In the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children-IV (WISC IV),
[21]
the Perceptual Reasoning Index contains
two subtests that assess Gf: Matrix Reasoning, which involves induction and deduction, and Picture
Concepts, which involves induction.
[22]
In the Picture Concepts task, children are presented a series of
pictures on two or three rows and asked which pictures (one from each row) belong together based on
some common characteristic. This task assesses the child's ability to discover the underlying
characteristic (e.g. rule, concept, trend, class membership) that governs a set of materials. Matrix
Reasoning also tests this ability as well as the ability to start with stated rules, premises, or conditions and
to engage in one or more steps to reach a solution to a novel problem (deduction). In the Matrix
Reasoning test, children are presented a series or sequence of pictures with one picture missing. Their
task is to choose the picture that fits the series or sequence from an array of five options. Since Matrix
Reasoning and Picture Concepts involve the use of visual stimuli and do not require expressive language,
they are considered to be non-verbal tests of Gf.
[22]

Within the corporate environment, fluid intelligence is a predictor of a person's capacity to work well in
environments characterised by complexity, uncertainty, and ambiguity. The Cognitive Process Profile
(CPP) measures a person's fluid intelligence and cognitive processes. It maps these against suitable
work environments according to Elliott Jacques Stratified Systems Theory.
Development and physiology[edit]
Fluid intelligence, like reaction time, typically peaks in young adulthood and then steadily declines. This
decline may be related to local atrophy of the brain in the right cerebellum.
[23]
Other researchers have
suggested that a lack of practice, along with age-related changes in the brain may contribute to the
decline.
[4]
Crystallized intelligence typically increases gradually, stays relatively stable across most of
adulthood, and then begins to decline after age 65.
[4]
The exact peak age of cognitive skills remains
elusive, it depends on the skill measurement as well as on the survey design. Cross-sectional data shows
typically an earlier onset of cognitive decline in comparison with longitudinal data. The former may be
confounded due to cohort effects while the latter may be biased due to prior test experiences.
[24]

Working memory capacity is closely related to fluid intelligence, and has been proposed to account for
individual differences in Gf.
[25]
Furthermore, recent research suggests that cognitive exercise can increase
working memory and also improve Gf.
Improving fluid intelligence with training on working memory[edit]
According to David Geary, Gf and Gc can be traced to two separate brain systems. Fluid intelligence
involves both the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex, the anterior cingulate cortex, and other systems related to
attention and short-term memory. Crystallized intelligence appears to be a function of brain regions that
involve the storage and usage of long-term memories, such as the hippocampus.
[26]

In a controversial study, Susanne M. Jaeggi and her colleagues at the University of Michigan, found that
healthy young adults who practiced a demanding working memory task (dual n-back) approximately 25
minutes per day for between 8 and 19 days, had statistically significant increases in their scores on a
matrix test of fluid intelligence taken before and after the training than a control group who did not do any
training at all.
[27]

A second study conducted at the University of Technology in Hangzhou, China, supports Jaeggi's results
independently. After student subjects were given a 10 day training regimen based on the dual n-back
working memory theory, the students were tested on Raven's Standard Progressive Matrices. Their
scores were found to have increased significantly.
[28]

Subsequent studies, namely by Chooi & Thompson
[29]
and Redick et al.
[30]
do not support Jaeggi's claims.
Although participants' performance on the training task improved, results from latter did not suggest any
significant improvement in the mental abilities tested, especially fluid intelligence and working memory
capacity. The meta-analytic review concluded that "memory training programs appear to produce short-
term, specific training effects that do not generalize."
[31]

See also[edit]
Outline of human intelligence
Raymond Cattell
CHC theory
General intelligence factor
Intelligence
Three stratum theory
References[edit]
1. Jump up^ Cattell, R. B. (1971). Abilities: Their structure, growth, and
action. New York: Houghton Mifflin. ISBN 0-395-04275-5.
2. Jump up^ Cattell, R. B. (1971). Abilities: Their structure, growth, and
action. New York: Houghton Mifflin. ISBN 0-395-04275-5.
[page needed]

3. ^ Jump up to:
a

b
Cattell, R. B. (1987). Intelligence: Its structure, growth,
and action. New York: Elsevier Science.
[page needed]

4. ^ Jump up to:
a

b

c
Cavanaugh, J. C.; Blanchard-Fields, F (2006). Adult
development and aging (5th ed.). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth
Publishing/Thomson Learning. ISBN 0-534-52066-9.
[page needed]

5. Jump up^ Cattell, Raymond B. (1963). "Theory of fluid and crystallized
intelligence: A critical experiment". Journal of Educational Psychology54:
122. doi:10.1037/h0046743.
6. Jump up^ Suchy, Yana; Eastvold, Angela; Whittaker, Wilson J.;
Strassberg, Donald (2007). "Validation of the Behavioral Dyscontrol Scale-
Electronic Version: Sensitivity to subtle sequelae of mild traumatic brain
injury". Brain Injury 21 (1): 69
80.doi:10.1080/02699050601149088. PMID 17364522.
7. Jump up^ Hayashi, Mika; Kato, Motoichiro; Igarashi, Kazue; Kashima,
Haruo (2008). "Superior fluid intelligence in children with Asperger's
disorder". Brain and Cognition 66 (3): 306
10.doi:10.1016/j.bandc.2007.09.008. PMID 17980944.
8. Jump up^ Soulires, Isabelle; Dawson, Michelle; Gernsbacher, Morton
Ann; Mottron, Laurent (2011). "The Level and Nature of Autistic
Intelligence II: What about Asperger Syndrome?". In Skoulakis, Efthimios
M. C.PLoS ONE 6 (9):
e25372. Bibcode:2011PLoSO...625372S.doi:10.1371/journal.pone.002537
2. PMC 3182210.PMID 21991394.
9. Jump up^ Dawson, M.; Soulieres, I.; Ann Gernsbacher, M.; Mottron, L.
(2007). "The Level and Nature of Autistic Intelligence". Psychological
Science18 (8): 65762. doi:10.1111/j.1467-
9280.2007.01954.x.PMID 17680932.
10. Jump up^ Ackerman, Phillip L. (1996). "A theory of adult intellectual
development: Process, personality, interests, and
knowledge".Intelligence 22 (2): 22757. doi:10.1016/S0160-
2896(96)90016-1.
11. Jump up^ Papalia, D.; Fitzgerald, J.; Hooper, F. H. (1971). "Piagetian
Theory and the Aging Process: Extensions and Speculations". The
International Journal of Aging and Human Development 2: 3
20.doi:10.2190/AG.2.1.b.
12. Jump up^ Schonfeld, Irvin S. (1986). "The Genevan and Cattell-Horn
conceptions of intelligence compared: Early implementation of numerical
solution aids". Developmental Psychology 22 (2): 204
12.doi:10.1037/0012-1649.22.2.204.
13. Jump up^ Kline, P. (1998). The new psychometrics: Science, psychology
and measurement. London: Routledge.
[page needed]

14. Jump up^ Messick, Samuel (1989). "Meaning and Values in Test
Validation: The Science and Ethics of Assessment". Educational
Researcher 18(2): 5
11. doi:10.3102/0013189X018002005. JSTOR 1175249.
15. Jump up^ Raven, J.; Raven, J. C.; Court, J. H. (2003) [1998]. "Section 1:
General Overview". Manual for Raven's Progressive Matrices and
Vocabulary Scales. San Antonio, TX: Harcourt Assessment.
[page needed]

16. Jump up^ Bornstein, Joel C.; Foong, Jaime Pei Pei
(2009). "MGluR1 Receptors Contribute to Non-Purinergic Slow Excitatory
Transmission to Submucosal VIP Neurons of Guinea-Pig Ileum". Frontiers
in Neuroscience 3:
46. doi:10.3389/neuro.21.001.2009.PMC 2695390. PMID 20582273.
17. Jump up^ Wright, Samantha B.; Matlen, Bryan J.; Baym, Carol L.; Ferrer,
Emilio; Bunge, Silvia A. (2007). "Neural correlates of fluid reasoning in
children and adults". Frontiers in Human Neuroscience 1:
8.doi:10.3389/neuro.09.008.2007. PMC 2525981.PMID 18958222.
18. Jump up^ Ferrer, Emilio; O'Hare, Elizabeth D.; Bunge, Silvia A.
(2009). "Fluid reasoning and the developing brain". Frontiers in
Neuroscience 3(1): 46
51. doi:10.3389/neuro.01.003.2009. PMC 2858618.PMID 19753096.
19. Jump up^ Woodcock, R. W.; McGrew, K. S.; Mather, N
(2001). Woodcock Johnson III. Itasca, IL: Riverside.
[page needed]

20. ^ Jump up to:
a

b
Schrank, F. A.; Flanagan, D. P. (2003). WJ III Clinical use
and interpretation. Scientist-practitioner perspectives. San Diego, CA:
Academic Press.
[page needed]

21. Jump up^ Wechsler, D. (2003). WISC-IV technical and interpretive
manual. San Antonio, TX: Psychological Corporation.
[page needed]

22. ^ Jump up to:
a

b
Flanagan, D. P.; Kaufman, A. S. (2004). Essentials of
WISC-IV assessment. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley.
[page needed]

23. Jump up^ Lee, Jun-Young; Lyoo, In Kyoon; Kim, Seon-Uk; Jang, Hong-
Suk; Lee, Dong-Woo; Jeon, Hong-Jin; Park, Sang-Chul; Cho, Maeng Je
(2005). "Intellect declines in healthy elderly subjects and
cerebellum".Psychiatry and Clinical Neurosciences 59 (1): 45
51.doi:10.1111/j.1440-
1819.2005.01330.x. PMID 15679539.hdl:10371/27902.
24. Jump up^ Desjardins, Richard; Warnke, Arne Jonas (2012). Ageing and
Skills. OECD Education Working Papers. doi:10.1787/5k9csvw87ckh-en.
25. Jump up^ Kyllonen, Patrick C.; Christal, Raymond E. (1990). "Reasoning
ability is (little more than) working-memory capacity?!". Intelligence 14 (4):
389433. doi:10.1016/S0160-2896(05)80012-1.
26. Jump up^ Geary, D. C. (2005). The origin of mind: Evolution of brain,
cognition, and general intelligence. Washington, DC: American
Psychological Association.
[page needed]

27. Jump up^ Jaeggi, Susanne M.; Buschkuehl, Martin; Jonides, John;
Perrig, Walter J. (2008). "Improving fluid intelligence with training on
working memory". Proceedings of the National Academy of
Sciences 105(19): 6829
33. Bibcode:2008PNAS..105.6829J.doi:10.1073/pnas.0801268105. JSTO
R 25461885.PMC 2383929. PMID 18443283.
28. Jump up^ Qiu, Feiyue; Wei, Qinqin; Zhao, Liying; Lin, Lifang (2009).
"Study on Improving Fluid Intelligence through Cognitive Training System
Based on Gabor Stimulus". 2009 First International Conference on
Information Science and Engineering. pp. 3459
62.doi:10.1109/ICISE.2009.1124. ISBN 978-1-4244-4909-5.
29. Jump up^ Chooi, Weng-Tink; Thompson, Lee A. (2012). "Working
memory training does not improve intelligence in healthy young
adults".Intelligence 40 (6): 53142. doi:10.1016/j.intell.2012.07.004.
30. Jump up^ Redick, Thomas S.; Shipstead, Zach; Harrison, Tyler L.; Hicks,
Kenny L.; Fried, David E.; Hambrick, David Z.; Kane, Michael J.; Engle,
Randall W. (2012). "No Evidence of Intelligence Improvement After
Working Memory Training: A Randomized, Placebo-Controlled
Study".Journal of Experimental Psychology:
General.doi:10.1037/a0029082. PMID 22708717.
31. Jump up^ Melby-Lervg, Monica; Hulme, Charles (2012). "Is Working
Memory Training Effective? A Meta-Analytic Review". Developmental
Psychology 49 (2): 27091. doi:10.1037/a0028228.PMID 22612437.
[hide]
V
T
E

Types
Collective
Emotional
Intellectual
Linguistic
Multiple
Social
Spatial (visuospatial)

Abilities
Traits
Constructs
Cognition
Communication
Creativity
g factor
Knowledge
Learning
Memory
Problem solving
Reasoning
Thought (abstraction)
Understanding
Visual processing

Models and theories
CattellHornCarroll theory
Multiple-intelligences theory
Three-stratum theory
Triarchic theory
PASS theory

Areas of research
Evolution of human intelligence
Heritability of IQ
Psychometrics
Intelligence and environment / health / longevity / neuroscience / race

Outline of human intelligence / thought
Categories:
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Intelligence
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Intelligence
For other uses, see Intelligence (disambiguation).
Intelligence has been defined in many different ways such as in terms of one's capacity
for logic, abstract thought, understanding, self-awareness, communication, learning, emotional
knowledge,memory, planning, creativity and problem solving.
Intelligence is most widely studied in humans, but has also been observed in animals and in
plants. Artificial intelligence is the simulation of intelligence in machines.
Within the discipline of psychology, various approaches to human intelligence have been adopted.
The psychometric approach is especially familiar to the general public, as well as being the most
researched and by far the most widely used in practical settings.
[1]

Contents
[hide]
1 History of the term
2 Definitions
3 Human intelligence
4 Animal and plant intelligence
5 Artificial intelligence
6 See also
7 References
8 Further reading
9 External links
History of the term[edit]
Main article: Nous
Intelligence derives from the Latin verb intelligere, to comprehend or perceive. A form of this
verb, intellectus, became the medieval technical term for understanding, and a translation for the Greek
philosophical term nous. This term was however strongly linked to
the metaphysical and cosmological theories of teleological scholasticism, including theories of the
immortality of the soul, and the concept of the Active Intellect (also known as the Active Intelligence). This
entire approach to the study of nature was strongly rejected by the early modern philosophers such
as Francis Bacon,Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, and David Hume, all of whom preferred the word
"understanding" in their English philosophical works.
[2][3]
Hobbes for example, in his Latin De Corpore,
used "intellectus intelligit" (translated in the English version as "the understanding understandeth") as a
typical example of a logical absurdity.
[4]
The term "intelligence" has therefore become less common in
English language philosophy, but it has later been taken up (with the scholastic theories which it now
implies) in more contemporary psychology.
Definitions[edit]
The definition of intelligence is controversial. Some groups of psychologists have suggested the following
definitions:
1. From "Mainstream Science on Intelligence" (1994), an editorial
statement by fifty-two researchers:
A very general mental capability that, among other things,
involves the ability to reason, plan, solve problems, think
abstractly, comprehend complex ideas, learn quickly and
learn from experience. It is not merely book learning, a
narrow academic skill, or test-taking smarts. Rather, it
reflects a broader and deeper capability for
comprehending our surroundings"catching on," "making
sense" of things, or "figuring out" what to do.
[5]

2. From "Intelligence: Knowns and Unknowns" (1995), a report
published by the Board of Scientific Affairs of the American
Psychological Association:
Individuals differ from one another in their ability to
understand complex ideas, to adapt effectively to the
environment, to learn from experience, to engage in
various forms of reasoning, to overcome obstacles by
taking thought. Although these individual differences can
be substantial, they are never entirely consistent: a given
person's intellectual performance will vary on different
occasions, in different domains, as judged by different
criteria. Concepts of "intelligence" are attempts to clarify
and organize this complex set of phenomena. Although
considerable clarity has been achieved in some areas, no
such conceptualization has yet answered all the important
questions, and none commands universal assent. Indeed,
when two dozen prominent theorists were recently asked
to define intelligence, they gave two dozen, somewhat
different, definitions.
[6][7]

Besides those definitions, psychology and learning researchers also have suggested definitions of
intelligence such as:
Researcher Quotation
Alfred Binet
Judgment, otherwise called "good sense," "practical sense," "initiative," the
faculty of adapting one's self to circumstances ... auto-critique.
[8]

David Wechsler
The aggregate or global capacity of the individual to act purposefully, to think
rationally, and to deal effectively with his environment.
[9]

Lloyd Humphreys
"...the resultant of the process of acquiring, storing in memory, retrieving,
combining, comparing, and using in new contexts information and conceptual
skills."
[10]

Cyril Burt Innate general cognitive ability
[11]

Howard Gardner
To my mind, a human intellectual competence must entail a set of skills
of problem solving enabling the individual to resolve genuine problems or
difficulties that he or she encounters and, when appropriate, to create an
effective product and must also entail the potential for finding or creating
problems and thereby laying the groundwork for the acquisition of new
knowledge.
[12]

Linda Gottfredson The ability to deal with cognitive complexity.
[13]

Sternberg & Salter Goal-directed adaptive behavior.
[14]

Reuven Feuerstein
The theory of Structural Cognitive Modifiability describes intelligence as "the
unique propensity of human beings to change or modify the structure of their
cognitive functioning to adapt to the changing demands of a life situation."
[15]

Charles Spearman
"...all branches of intellectual activity have in common one fundamental
function, whereas the remaining or specific elements of the activity seem in
every case to be wholly different from that in all the others."
[16]

What is considered intelligent varies with culture. For example, when asked to sort, the Kpelle
people take a functional approach. A Kpelle participant stated "the knife goes with the orange because it
cuts it." When asked how a fool would sort, they sorted linguistically, putting the knife with other
implements and the orange with other foods, which is the style considered intelligent in other cultures.
[17]

Human intelligence[edit]
Main article: Human intelligence
Human intelligence is the intellectual capacity of humans, which is characterized
by perception, consciousness, self-awareness, and volition. Through their intelligence humans possess
the cognitiveabilities to learn, form concepts, understand, and reason, including the capacities
to recognize patterns, comprehend ideas, plan, problem solve, and use language to communicate.
Intelligence enables humans to experience and think.
Animal and plant intelligence[edit]
Main articles: Animal cognition and Plant intelligence

The common chimpanzee can use tools. This chimpanzee is using a stick to get food.
Although humans have been the primary focus of intelligence researchers, scientists have also attempted
to investigate animal intelligence, or more broadly, animal cognition. These researchers are interested in
studying both mental ability in a particular species, and comparing abilities between species. They study
various measures of problem solving, as well as numerical and verbal reasoning abilities. Some
challenges in this area are defining intelligence so that it has the same meaning across species (e.g.
comparing intelligence between literate humans and illiterate animals), and alsooperationalizing a
measure that accurately compares mental ability across different species and contexts.
Wolfgang Khler's pioneering research on the intelligence of apes is a classic example of research in this
area. Stanley Coren's book, The Intelligence of Dogs
[unreliable source?]
is a notable popular book on the
topic.
[18]
(See also: Dog intelligence.) Non-human animals particularly noted and studied for their
intelligence include chimpanzees, bonobos (notably the language-using Kanzi) and other great
apes, dolphins, elephants and to some extent parrots, ratsand ravens.
Cephalopod intelligence also provides important comparative study. Cephalopods appear to exhibit
characteristics of significant intelligence, yet theirnervous systems differ radically from those of
backboned animals. Vertebrates such as mammals, birds, reptiles and fish have shown a fairly high
degree of intellect that varies according to each species. The same is true with arthropods.
It has been argued that plants should also be classified as being in some sense intelligent based on their
ability to sense the environment and adjust their morphology, physiology and phenotypeaccordingly.
[19][20]

Artificial intelligence[edit]
Main article: Artificial intelligence
Artificial intelligence (or AI) is both the intelligence of machines and the branch of computer science which
aims to create it, through "the study and design of intelligent agents"
[21]
or "rational agents", where
an intelligent agent is a system that perceives its environment and takes actions which maximize its
chances of success.
[22]
Achievements in artificial intelligence include constrained and well-defined
problems such as games, crossword-solving and optical character recognition and a few more general
problems such as autonomous cars.
[23]
General intelligence or strong AI has not yet been achieved and is
a long-term goal of AI research.
Among the traits that researchers hope machines will exhibit
are reasoning, knowledge, planning, learning, communication, perception, and the ability to move and
manipulate objects.
[21][22]
In the field of artificial intelligence there is no consensus on how closely the brain
should be simulated.
See also[edit]

Thinking portal

Logic portal

Psychology portal
Active intellect
Intelligence (journal)
Knowledge
Neuroscience and intelligence
Passive intellect
References[edit]
1. Jump up^ Neisser, U.; Boodoo, G.; Bouchard, T. J. , J.; Boykin, A. W.;
Brody, N.; Ceci, S. J.; Halpern, D. F.; Loehlin, J. C.; Perloff, R.; Sternberg,
R. J.; Urbina, S. (1996). "Intelligence: Knowns and unknowns". American
Psychologist 51 (2): 77. doi:10.1037/0003-066X.51.2.77. edit Article in
Wikipedia: Intelligence: Knowns and Unknowns
2. Jump up^ Martinich, Aloysius (1995). A Hobbes Dictionary. Blackwell.
p. 305
3. Jump up^ Nidditch, Peter. "Foreword". An Essay Concerning Human
Understanding. Oxford University Press. p. xxii
4. Jump up^ English, and Latin version.
5. Jump up^ Gottfredson, Linda S. (1997). "Mainstream Science on
Intelligence (editorial)". Intelligence 24: 1323. doi:10.1016/s0160-
2896(97)90011-8. ISSN 0160-2896.
6. Jump up^ Neisser, U.; Boodoo, G.; Bouchard Jr, T.J.; Boykin, A.W.;
Brody, N.; Ceci, S.J.; Halpern, D.F.; Loehlin, J.C.; Perloff, R.; Sternberg,
R.J.; Others, (1998). "Intelligence: Knowns and Unknowns". Annual
Progress in Child Psychiatry and Child Development 1997. ISBN 978-0-
87630-870-7. Retrieved 2008-03-18.
7. Jump up^ Neisser, Ulrich; Boodoo, Gwyneth; Bouchard, Thomas J.;
Boykin, A. Wade; Brody, Nathan; Ceci, Stephen J.; Halpern, Diane F.;
Loehlin, John C.; Perloff, Robert; Sternberg, Robert J.; Urbina, Susana
(1996)."Intelligence: Knowns and unknowns". American Psychologist 51:
77101. doi:10.1037/0003-066x.51.2.77. ISSN 0003-066X. Retrieved 22
July 2013.
8. Jump up^ Binet, Alfred (1916) [1905]. "New methods for the diagnosis of
the intellectual level of subnormals". The development of intelligence in
children: The Binet-Simon Scale. E.S. Kite (Trans.). Baltimore: Williams &
Wilkins. pp. 3790. Retrieved 10 July 2010. "originally published as
Mthodes nouvelles pour le diagnostic du niveau intellectuel des
anormaux. L'Anne Psychologique, 11, 191-244"
9. Jump up^ Wechsler, D (1944). The measurement of adult intelligence.
Baltimore: Williams & Wilkins. ISBN 0-19-502296-3. OCLC 219871557
5950992. ASIN = B000UG9J7E
10. Jump up^ Humphreys, L. G. (1979). "The construct of general
intelligence".Intelligence 3 (2): 105120. doi:10.1016/0160-
2896(79)90009-6.
11. Jump up^ Burt, C. (1931). "The Differentiation Of Intellectual Ability". The
British Journal of Educational Psychology.
12. Jump up^ Frames of mind: The theory of multiple intelligences. New
York: Basic Books. 1993. ISBN 0-465-02510-2. OCLC 221932479
27749478 32820474 56327755 9732290.
13. Jump up^ Gottfredson, L. (1998). "The General Intelligence
Factor" (pdf).Scientific American Presents 9 (4): 2429. Retrieved 2008-
03-18.
14. Jump up^ Sternberg RJ; Salter W (1982). Handbook of human
intelligence. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-
29687-0.OCLC 11226466 38083152 8170650.
15. Jump up^ Feuerstein, R., Feuerstein, S., Falik, L & Rand, Y. (1979;
2002). Dynamic assessments of cognitive modifiability. ICELP Press,
Jerusalem: Israel; Feuerstein, R. (1990). The theory of structural
modifiability. In B. Presseisen (Ed.), Learning and thinking styles:
Classroom interaction. Washington, DC: National Education Associations
16. Jump up^ Spearman, C. (1904). General intelligence objectively
determined and measured. American Journal of Psychology, 15, 201293.
(K. R-26)
17. Jump up^ Glick (1975) reported in Resnick, L. (1976). The Nature of
Intelligence. Hillsdale, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
18. Jump up^ Coren, Stanley (1995). The Intelligence of Dogs. Bantam
Books.ISBN 0-553-37452-4. OCLC 30700778.
19. Jump up^ Trewavas, Anthony (September 2005). "Green plants as
intelligent organisms". Trends in Plant Science 10 (9): 413
419.doi:10.1016/j.tplants.2005.07.005. PMID 16054860.
20. Jump up^ Trewavas, A. (2002). "Mindless mastery". Nature 415 (6874):
841.doi:10.1038/415841a. PMID 11859344. edit
21. ^ Jump up to:
a

b
Goebel, Randy; Poole, David L.; Mackworth, Alan K.
(1997).Computational intelligence: A logical approach (pdf). Oxford
[Oxfordshire]: Oxford University Press. p. 1. ISBN 0-19-510270-3.
22. ^ Jump up to:
a

b
Canny, John; Russell, Stuart J.; Norvig, Peter
(2003). Artificial intelligence: A modern approach. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.:
Prentice Hall. ISBN 0-13-790395-2. OCLC 51325314 60211434
61259102.
23. Jump up^ http://www.technologyreview.com/news/520746/data-shows-
googles-robot-cars-are-smoother-safer-drivers-than-you-or-i/
Books listed in chronological order of publication
Binet, Alfred; Simon, Th. (1916). The development of intelligence in
children: The Binet-Simon Scale. Publications of the Training School at
Vineland New Jersey Department of Research No. 11. E. S. Kite
(Trans.). Baltimore: Williams & Wilkins. Retrieved 18 July 2010.
Terman, Lewis Madison; Merrill, Maude A. (1937). Measuring
intelligence: A guide to the administration of the new revised Stanford-
Binet tests of intelligence. Riverside textbooks in education. Boston
(MA): Houghton Mifflin. OCLC 964301.
Wolman, Benjamin B., ed. (1985). Handbook of Intelligence. consulting
editors: Douglas K. Detterman, Alan S. Kaufman, Joseph D.
Matarazzo. New York (NY): Wiley. ISBN 978-0-471-89738-5.This
handbook includes chapters by Paul B. Baltes, Ann E. Boehm, Thomas
J. Bouchard, Jr., Nathan Brody, Valerie J. Cook, Roger A. Dixon,
Gerald E. Gruen, J. P. Guilford, David O. Herman, John L. Horn, Lloyd
G. Humphreys, George W. Hynd, Randy W. Kamphaus, Robert M.
Kaplan, Alan S. Kaufman, Nadeen L. Kaufman, Deirdre A. Kramer,
Roger T. Lennon, Michael Lewis, Joseph D. Matarazzo, Damian
McShane, Mary N. Meeker, Kazuo Nihira, Thomas Oakland, Ronald
Parmelee, Cecil R. Reynolds, Nancy L. Segal, Robert J. Sternberg,
Margaret Wolan Sullivan, Steven G. Vandenberg, George P. Vogler,
W. Grant Willis, Benjamin B. Wolman, James W. Soo-Sam, and Irla
Lee Zimmerman.
Bock, Gregory; Goode, Jamie; Webb, Kate, eds. (2000). The Nature of
Intelligence. Novartis Foundation Symposium 233. Chichester:
Wiley. doi:10.1002/0470870850. ISBN 978-0471494348. Retrieved 16
July 2010. Lay summary (16 May 2013).
Blakeslee, Sandra; Hawkins, Jeff (2004). On intelligence. New York:
Times Books. ISBN 0-8050-7456-2. OCLC 55510125.
Stanovich, Keith (2009). What Intelligence Tests Miss: The Psychology
of Rational Thought. New Haven (CT): Yale University
Press. ISBN 978-0-300-12385-2. Lay summary (6 November 2013).
Flynn, James R. (2009). What Is Intelligence: Beyond the Flynn
Effect (expanded paperback ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press. ISBN 978-0-521-74147-7. Lay summary (18 July 2010).
Mackintosh, N. J. (2011). IQ and Human Intelligence (second ed.).
Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-958559-5. Lay
summary (9 February 2012).
Sternberg, Robert J.; Kaufman, Scott Barry, eds. (2011). The
Cambridge Handbook of Intelligence. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press. ISBN 9780521739115. Lay summary (22 July
2013). The Cambridge Handbook includes chapters by N. J.
Mackintosh, Susana Urbina, John O. Willis, Ron Dumont, Alan S.
Kaufman, Janet E. Davidson, Iris A. Kemp, Samuel D. Mandelman,
Elena L. Grigorenko, Raymond S. Nickerson, Joseph F. Fagan, L.
Todd Rose, Kurt Fischer, Christopher Hertzog, Robert M. Hodapp,
Megan M. Griffin, Meghan M. Burke, Marisa H. Fisher, David Henry
Feldman, Martha J. Morelock, Sally M. Reis, Joseph S. Renzulli, Diane
F. Halpern, Anna S. Beninger, Carli A. Straight, Lisa A. Suzuki, Ellen L.
Short, Christina S. Lee, Christine E. Daley, Anthony J. Onwuegbuzie,
Thomas R. Zentall, Liane Gabora, Anne Russon, Richard J. Haier, Ted
Nettelbeck, Andrew R. A. Conway, Sarah Getz, Brooke Macnamara,
Pascale M. J. Engel de Abreu, David F. Lohman, Joni M. Lakin, Keith
E. Stanovich, Richard F. West, Maggie E. Toplak, Scott Barry
Kaufman, Ashok K. Goel, Jim Davies, Katie Davis, Joanna
Christodoulou, Scott Seider, Howard Gardner, Robert J. Sternberg,
John D. Mayer, Peter Salovey, David Caruso, Lillia Cherkasskiy,
Richard K. Wagner, John F. Kihlstrom, Nancy Cantor, Soon Ang, Linn
Van Dyne, Mei Ling Tan, Glenn Geher, Weihua Niu, Jillian Brass,
James R. Flynn, Susan M. Barnett, Heiner Rindermann, Wendy M.
Williams, Stephen J. Ceci, Ian J. Deary, G. David Batty, Colin
DeYoung, Richard E. Mayer, Priyanka B. Carr, Carol S. Dweck, James
C. Kaufman, Jonathan A. Plucker, Ursula M. Staudinger, Judith Glck,
Phillip L. Ackerman, and Earl Hunt.
External links[edit]

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Intelligence on In Our Time at the BBC. (listen now)
APA Task Force Examines the Knowns and Unknowns of
Intelligence - American Psychologist, February 1996
The cognitive-psychology approach vs. psychometric approach to
intelligence - American Scientist magazine
History of Influences in the Development of Intelligence Theory and
Testing - Developed by Jonathan Plucker at Indiana University
The Limits of Intelligence: The laws of physics may well prevent the
human brain from evolving into an ever more powerful thinking
machine by Douglas Fox in Scientific American, June 14, 2011.
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StanfordBinet Intelligence Scales
StanfordBinet Intelligence scales
Diagnostics
ICD-9-CM 94.01
MeSH D013195
The Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale is an individually administered intelligence test that was revised
from the original Binet-Simon Scale by Lewis M. Terman, a psychologist at Stanford University. The
Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale is now in its Fifth Edition. It is a cognitive ability and intelligence test that
is used to diagnose developmental or intellectual deficiencies in young children. The test measures five
weighted factors and consists of both verbal and nonverbal subtests. The five factors being tested are
knowledge, quantitative reasoning, visual-spatial processing, working memory, and fluid reasoning.
The development of the StanfordBinet Intelligence Scales initiated the modern field of intelligence
testing and was one of the first examples of an adaptive test. The test originated in France, then was
revised in the United States. It was initially created by the French psychologist Alfred Binet, who---
following the introduction of a law mandating universal education by the French government---undertook
to develop a method of identifying "slow" children for their placement in special education programs
(rather than removing them to asylums as "sick").
[1]
As Binet indicated, case studies might be more
detailed and helpful, but the time required to test many people would be excessive. In 1916, at Stanford
University, the psychologist Lewis Terman released a revised examination which became known as the
"StanfordBinet test".
Contents
[hide]
1 Development
o 1.1 Historical Use
2 Revisions of the Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale
o 2.1 Timeline
3 Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale: Fifth Edition
o 3.1 Reliability
o 3.2 Validity
o 3.3 Score classification
4 Present use
5 See also
6 References
7 Further reading
Development[edit]
The Stanford-Binet Intelligence scale is a modified version of the Binet-Simon Intelligence scale. The
Binet-Simon scale was created by the French psychologist Alfred Binet and his student Theodore
Simon (Fancher & Rutherford, 2012). Due to changing education laws of the time, Binet had been
requested by a government commission to come up with a way to detect children with significantly below-
average intelligence and mental retardation (Fancher & Rutherford, 2012).
To create their test, Binet and Simon first created a baseline of intelligence (Fancher & Rutherford, 2012).
A wide range of children were tested on a wide range of measures in an effort to discover a clear
indicator of intelligence (Fancher & Rutherford, 2012). Failing to find a single identifier of intelligence,
children were instead compared in each category by age (Fancher & Rutherford, 2012). The childrens
highest levels of achievement were sorted by age and common levels of achievements considered the
normal level for that age (Fancher & Rutherford, 2012). Because this testing method merely compares a
person's ability to the common ability level of others their age, the general practices of the test can easily
be transferred to test different populations, even if the measures used are changed (Fancher &
Rutherford, 2012).

Reproduction of an item from the 1908 Binet-Simon intelligence scale, showing three pairs of pictures, about which
the tested child was asked, "Which of these two faces is the prettier?" Reproduced from the article "A Practical Guide
for Administering the Binet-Simon Scale for Measuring Intelligence" by J. W. Wallace Wallin in the March 1911 issue
of the journal The Psychological Clinic (volume 5 number 1), public domain.
One of the first successful intelligence tests the Binet-Simon test quickly gained support in the
psychological community, many of which further spread it to the public (Fancher & Rutherford, 2012).
Lewis M. Terman. Terman, a psychologist at Stanford University, was one of the first to create a version
of the test for people in the United States, naming the localized version the Stanford-Binet Intelligence
Scale (Fancher & Rutherford, 2012) (Becker, 2003). Terman used the test not only to help identify
children with learning difficulties but to also find children and adults who had above average levels of
intelligence (Fancher & Rutherford, 2012). In creating his version, Terman also tested additional methods
for his Stanford revision, publishing his first official version as The Measurement of Intelligence: An
Explanation of and a Complete Guide for the Use of the Stanford Revision and Extension of the Binet-
Simon Intelligence Scale (Becker, 2003).
The original tests in the 1905 form include:
1. "Le Regard"
2. Prehension Provoked by a Tactile Stimulus
3. Prehension Provoked by a Visual Perception
4. Recognition of Food
5. Quest of Food Complicated by a Slight Mechanical Difficulty
6. Execution of Simple Commands and Imitation of Simple Gestures
7. Verbal Knowledge of Objects
8. Verbal Knowledge of Pictures
9. Naming of Designated Objects
10. Immediate Comparison of Two Lines of Unequal Lengths
11. Repetition of Three Figures
12. Comparison of Two Weights
13. Suggestibility
14. Verbal Definition of Known Objects
15. Repetition of Sentences of Fifteen Words
16. Comparison of Known Objects from Memory
17. Exercise of Memory on Pictures
18. Drawing a Design from Memory
19. Immediate Repetition of Figures
20. Resemblances of Several Known Objects Given from Memory
21. Comparison of Lengths
22. Five Weights to be Placed in Order
23. Gap in Weights
24. Exercise upon Rhymes
25. Verbal Gaps to be Filled
26. Synthesis of Three Words in One Sentence
27. Reply to an Abstract Question
28. Reversal of the Hands of a Clock
29. Paper Cutting
30. Definitions of Abstract Terms
Historical Use[edit]
One hindrance to widespread understanding of the test is its use of a variety of different measures. In an
effort to simplify the information gained from the Binet-Simon test into a more comprehensible and easier
to understand form, German psychologist William Stern created the now well known Intelligence Quotient
(IQ)(Fancher & Rutherford, 2012). By comparing the age a child scored at to their biological age, a ratio is
created to show the rate of their mental progress as IQ (Fancher & Rutherford, 2012). Terman quickly
grasped the idea for his Stanford revision with the adjustment of multiplying the ratios by 100 to make
them easier to read (Fancher & Rutherford, 2012).
Terman was also one of the main forces in spreading intelligence testing in the United States (Francher &
Rutherford, 2012)(Becker, 2003)(Leslie, 2000). Terman quickly promoted the use of the Stanford-Binet for
schools across the United States where it saw a high rate of acceptance (Leslie, 2000). Termans work
also had the attention of the U.S. government, who recruited him to apply the ideas from his Stanford-
Binet test for military recruitment near the start of World War I (Leslie, 2000)(Fancher & Rutherford 2012).
With over 1.7 million military recruits taking a version of the test and the acceptance of the test by the
government, the Stanford-Binet saw an increase in awareness and acceptance (Leslie, 2000).
Given the perceived importance of intelligence and with new ways to measure intelligence, many
influential individuals, including Terman, began promoting controversial ideas to increase the nation's
overall intelligence (Leslie, 2000). These ideas included things such as discouraging individuals with low
IQ from having children and granting important positions based on high IQ scores (Leslie, 2000). While
there was much strong opposition, many institutions proceeded to adjust student's education based on
their IQ scores, often with a heavy influence on future career possibilities (Leslie, 2000).
Revisions of the Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale[edit]
Since the first publication in 1916, there have been four additional revised editions of the Stanford-Binet
Intelligence Scale. As previously mentioned, Lewis Terman produced the first edition. Over twenty years
later, Maud Merrill was accepted into Stanfords education program just shortly before Terman became
the head of the psychology department. She completed both her masters and Ph.D. under Terman and
quickly became a colleague of his as they started the revisions of the second edition together. There were
3,200 examinees, aged one and a half to eighteen years, ranging in different geographic regions as well
as socioeconomic levels in attempts to comprise a broader normative sample (Roid & Barram, 2004).
This edition included more objectified scoring methods while placing less emphasis on recall memory and
it included a greater range of nonverbal abilities (Roid & Barram, 2004) compared to the 1916 edition.
Merrill and Terman continued to work together until his death in 1956. The revisions for the third edition
had already been well on its way by this time though and Merrill was able to publish the final revision in
1960 (Roid & Barram, 2004). The use of the deviation IQ made its first appearance in this third edition by
replacing the ratio IQ. While new features were added, there were no newly created items included in this
revision. Instead, any items from the 1937 form that showed no substantial change in difficulty from the
1930s to the 1950s were either eliminated or adjusted (Roid & Barram, 2004).
Robert Thorndike was asked to take over after Merrills retirement. With the help of Elizabeth Hagen and
Jerome Sattler, Thorndike produced the fourth edition of the Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale in 1986.
This edition covers the ages two through twenty-three and has some considerable changes compared to
its predecessors (Graham & Naglieri, 2003). This edition was the first to use the fifteen subtests with point
scales in place of using the previous age scale format. In an attempt to broaden cognitive ability, the
subtests were grouped and resulted in four area scores, which improved flexibility for administration and
interpretation (Youngstrom, Glutting, & Watkins, 2003). The fourth edition is known for assessing children
that may be referred for gifted programs. This edition includes a broad range of abilities which provides
more challenging items for those in their early adolescent years, whereas other intelligence tests of the
time did not provide difficult enough items for the older children (Laurent, Swerdlik, & Ryburn, 1992).
Gale Roid published the most recent edition of the Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale. Roid attended
Harvard University where he was a research assistant to David McClelland. McClelland is well known for
his studies on the need for achievement. While the fifth edition incorporates some of the classical
traditions of these scales, there were several significant changes made.
Timeline[edit]
April 1905: Development of Binet-Simon Test announced at a
conference in Rome
June 1905: Binet-Simon Intelligence Test introduced
1908 and 1911: New Versions of Binet-Simon Intelligence Test
1916: Stanford-Binet First Edition by Terman
1937: Second Edition by Terman and Merrill
1973: Third Edition by Merrill
1986: Fourth Edition by Thorndike, Hagen, and Sattler
2003: Fifth Edition by Roid
Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale: Fifth Edition[edit]
Just as it was used when Binet first developed the IQ test, the Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale: Fifth
Edition (SB5) is still rooted in the schooling process to assess intelligence. It continuously and efficiently
assesses all levels of ability in individuals with a broader range in age. It is also capable of measuring
multiple dimensions of abilities (Ruf, 2003).
The SB5 can be administered to individuals two through eighty-five plus years of age. There are ten
subsets included in this revision including both verbal and nonverbal domains. Five factors are also
incorporated in this scale, which are directly related to Cattell-Horn-Carroll (CHC) hierarchical model of
cognitive abilities. These factors include fluid reasoning, knowledge, quantitative reasoning, visual-spatial
processing, and working memory (Bain & Allin, 2005). Many of the familiar picture absurdities,
vocabulary, memory for sentences, and verbal absurdities still remain from the previous editions (Janzen,
Obrzut, & Marusiak, 2003) however with more modern artwork and item content for the revised fifth
edition.
For every verbal subtest that is used there is a nonverbal counterpart across all factors. These nonverbal
tasks consist of making movement responses such as pointing or assembling manipulatives (Bain & Allin,
2005). These counterparts have been included in order to address the language-reduced assessments in
multicultural societies. Depending on age and ability, administration can range from fifteen minutes to an
hour and fifteen minutes.
The fifth edition incorporated a new scoring system, which can provide a wide range of information such
as four intelligence score composites, five factor indices, and ten subtest scores. Additional scoring
information includes percentile ranks, age equivalents, and a change-sensitive score (Janzen, Obrzut, &
Marusiak, 2003). Extended IQ scores and gifted composite scores are available with the SB5 in order to
optimize the assessment for gifted programs (Ruf, 2003). In order to reduce errors and increase
diagnostic precision, scores are obtained electronically through the use of computers now.
The standardization sample for the SB5 included 4,800 participants varying in age, sex, race/ethnicity,
geographic region, and socioeconomic level (Bain & Allin, 2005).
Reliability[edit]
Several reliability tests have been performed on the SB5 including split-half reliability, standard error of
measurement, plotting of test information curves, test-retest stability, and inter-scorer agreement. On
average, the IQ scores for this scale have been found to be quite stable across time (Janzen, Obrzut, &
Marusiak, 2003). Internal consistency was tested by split-half reliability and was reported to be substantial
and comparable to other cognitive batteries (Bain & Allin, 2005). The median interscorer correlation was
found to be .90 on average (Janzen, Obrzut, & Marusiak, 2003). The SB5 has also been found to have
great precision at advanced levels of performance meaning that the test is especially useful in testing
children for giftedness (Bain & Allin, 2005). There have only been a small amount of practice effects and
familiarity of testing procedures with retest reliability, however, these have proven to be insignificant.
Readministration of the SB5 can occur in a six-month interval rather than one year due to the small mean
differences in reliability (Bain & Allin, 2005).
Validity[edit]
Content validity has been found based on the professional judgments Roid received concerning fairness
of items and item content as well as items concerning the assessment of giftedness (Bain & Allin, 2005).
With an examination of age trends, construct validity was supported along with empirical justification of a
more substantial g loading for the SB5 compared to previous editions. The potential for a variety of
comparisons, especially for within or across factors and verbal/nonverbal domains, has been appreciated
with the scores received from the SB5 (Bain & Allin, 2005).
Score classification[edit]
Main article: IQ classification
The test publisher includes suggested score classifications in the test manual.
Stanford-Binet Fifth Edition (SB5) classification
[2]

IQ Range ("deviation IQ") IQ Classification
145160 Very gifted or highly advanced
130144 Gifted or very advanced
120129 Superior
110119 High average
90109 Average
8089 Low average
7079 Borderline impaired or delayed
5569 Mildly impaired or delayed
4054 Moderately impaired or delayed
The classifications of scores used in the Fifth Edition differ from those used in earlier versions of the test.
Present use[edit]
Since the inception of the StanfordBinet, it has been revised several times. Currently, the test is in its
fifth edition, which is called the Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scales, Fifth Edition, or SB5. According to the
publisher's website, "The SB5 was normed on a stratified random sample of 4,800 individuals that
matches the 2000 U.S. Census". By administering the StanfordBinet test to large numbers of individuals
selected at random from different parts of the United States, it has been found that the scores
approximate a normal distribution. The revised edition of the Stanford-Binet over time has devised
substantial changes in the way the tests are presented. The test has improved when looking at the
introduction of a more parallel form and more demonstrative standards. For one, a non-verbal IQ
component is included in the present day tests whereas in the past, there was only a verbal component.
In fact, it now has equal balance of verbal and non-verbal content in the tests. It is also more animated
than the other tests, providing the test-takers with more colourful artwork, toys and manipulatives. This
allows the test to have a higher range in the age of the test takers. This test is very useful in assessing
the intellectual capabilities of people ranging from young children all the way to young adults. However,
the test has come under criticism for not being able to compare people of different age categories, since
each category gets a different set of tests. furthermore, very young children tend to do poorly on the test
due to the fact that they are lacking in the concentration needed to finish the test.
Current uses for the test include clinical and neuropsychological assessment, educational placement,
compensation evaluations, career assessment, adult neuropsychological treatment, forensics, and
research on aptitude. Various high-IQ societies also accept this test for admission into their ranks; for
example, the Triple Nine Society accepts a minimum qualifying score of 151 for Form L or M, 149 for
Form LM if taken in 1986 or earlier, 149 for SB-IV, and 146 for SB-V; in all cases the applicant must have
been at least 16 years old at the date of the test.
See also[edit]

Science portal
The Flynn effect
Military psychology
IQ classification
References[edit]
1. Jump up^ Nicolas, S., Andrieu, B., Croizet, J.-C., Sanitioso, R. B., &
Burman, J. T. (2013). Sick? Or slow? On the origins of intelligence as a
psychological object. Intelligence, 41(5), 699-711.
doi:10.1016/j.intell.2013.08.006 (This is anopen access article, made
freely available by Elsevier.)
2. Jump up^ Kaufman, Alan S. (2009). IQ Testing 101. New York: Springer
Publishing. p. 112. ISBN 978-0-8261-0629-2. Sattler, Jerome M.
(2008). Assessment of Children: Cognitive Foundations. La Mesa (CA):
Jerome M. Sattler, Publisher. inside back cover. ISBN 978-0-9702671-4-
6. Lay summary (28 July 2010).
Bain, S. K., & Allin, J. D. (2005). Book review: Stanford-binet intelligence scales, fifth edition. Journal of
Psychoeducational Assessment, 23, 87-95.
Becker, K. A. (2003). History of the Stanford-Binet intelligence scales: Content and
psychometrics. Retrieved from http://www.davidsongifted.org/db/Resources_id_10207.aspx
Fancher, Raymond E., & Rutherford, Alexandra. (2012). Pioneers of psychology. New York, NY: W. W.
Norton & Company, Inc.
Graham, J. & Naglieri, J. (2003). Handbook of Psychology. Hoboken, New Jersey: John Wiley & Sons,
Inc.
Janzen, H., Obrzut, J., & Marusiak, C. (2004). Test review: Roid, G. H. (2003). Stanford-binet intelligence
scales, fifth edition (sb:v). Canadian Journal of School Psychology, 19, 235-244.
Laurent, J., Swerdlik, M., & Ryburn, M. (1992). Review of validity research on the stanford-binet
intelligence scale: Fourth edition. Psychological Assessment, 4, 102-112.
Leslie, M. (2000). The vexing legacy of Lewis Terman. Retrieved
from http://alumni.stanford.edu/get/page/magazine/article/?article_id=40678
Roid, G. (n.d.). StanfordBinet Intelligence Scales, Fifth Edition
Roid, G. & Barram, R. (2004). Essentials of StanfordBinet Intelligence Scales (SB5) Assessment.
Hoboken, New Jersey: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
Roid, Kamphaus, Randy W., Martha D. Petoskey, and ANNA WALTERS Morgan. "A history of
intelligence test interpretation." Contemporary intellectual assessment: Theories, tests, and issues(1997):
3-16.
Ruf, D. L. (2003). Use of the SB5 in the Assessment of High Abilities. Itasca, IL: Riverside Publishing
Company.
Stanovich, K. E. (2009). What intelligence tests miss: The psychology of rational thought. Yale University
Press.
Youngstrom, E., Glutting, J., & Watkins, M. (2003). Stanford-binet intelligence scale: Fourth edition (sb4):
Evaluating the empirical bases for interpretations. Handbook of Psychological and Educational
Assessment: Intelligence, Aptitude, and Achievement, 2, 217-242.
Becker, K.A (2003). "History of the Stanford-Binet Intelligence scales: Content
and psychometrics.". Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scales, Fifth Edition
Assessment Service Bulletin No. 1.
Binet, Alfred; Simon, Th. (1916). The development of intelligence in children:
The BinetSimon Scale. Publications of the Training School at Vineland New
Jersey Department of Research No. 11. E. S. Kite (Trans.). Baltimore: Williams
& Wilkins. Retrieved 18 July 2010.
Brown, A. L.; French, L. A. (1979). "The Zone of Potential Development:
Implications for Intelligence Testing in the Year 2000". Intelligence 3 (3): 255
273. doi:10.1016/0160-2896(79)90021-7.
Fancher, Raymond E. (1985). The Intelligence Men: Makers of the IQ
Controversy. New York (NY): W. W. Norton. ISBN 978-0-393-95525-5.
Freides, D. (1972). "Review of StanfordBinet Intelligence Scale, Third
Revision". In Oscar Buros. Seventh Mental Measurements Yearbook. Highland
Park (NJ): Gryphon Press. pp. 772773.
Gould, Stephen Jay (1981). The Mismeasure of Man. New York (NY): W. W.
Norton. ISBN 978-0-393-31425-0. Lay summary (10 July 2010).
McNemar, Quinn (1942). The revision of the StanfordBinet Scale. Boston:
Houghton Mifflin.
Pinneau, Samuel R. (1961). Changes in Intelligence Quotient Infancy to
Maturity: New Insights from the Berkeley Growth Study with Implications for the
StanfordBinet Scales and Applications to Professional Practice. Boston:
Houghton Mifflin.
Terman, Lewis Madison; Merrill, Maude A. (1937). Measuring intelligence: A
guide to the administration of the new revised StanfordBinet tests of
intelligence. Riverside textbooks in education. Boston (MA): Houghton Mifflin.
Terman, Lewis Madison; Merrill, Maude A. (1960). StanfordBinet Intelligence
Scale: Manual for the Third Revision Form LM with Revised IQ Tables by
Samuel R. Pinneau. Boston (MA): Houghton Mifflin.
Richardson, Nancy (1992). "StanfordBinet IV, of Course!: Time Marches On!
(originally published as Which StanfordBinet for the Brightest?)". Roeper
Review 15 (1): 3234. doi:10.1080/02783199209553453.
Waddell, Deborah D. (1980). "The StanfordBinet: An Evaluation of the
Technical Data Available since the 1972 Restandardization". Journal of School
Psychology 18 (3): 203209. doi:10.1016/0022-4405(80)90060-6. Retrieved 29
June 2010.
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Emotional intelligence

This article's lead section may not adequately summarize key points
of its contents. Please consider expanding the lead to provide an
accessible overview of all important aspects of the article. (April 2012)
Emotional intelligence (EI) is the ability to monitor one's own and other people's emotions, to
discriminate between different emotions and label them appropriately, and to use emotional information to
guide thinking and behavior.
[1]
There are three models of EI. The ability model, developed by Peter
Salovey and John Mayer, focuses on the individual's ability to process emotional information and use it to
navigate the social environment.
[2]
The trait model as developed by Konstantin Vasily Petrides,
"encompasses behavioral dispositions and self perceived abilities and is measured through self
report".
[3]
The final model, the mixed model is a combination of both ability and trait EI. It defines EI as an
array of skills and characteristics that drive leadership performance, as proposed by Daniel Goleman.
[4]

Studies have shown that people with high EI have greater mental health, exemplary job performance, and
more potent leadership skills. Markers of EI and methods of developing it have become more widely
coveted in the past few decades. In addition, studies have begun to provide evidence to help characterize
the neural mechanisms of emotional intelligence.
[5][6][7]

Criticisms have centered on whether EI is a real intelligence and whether it has incremental
validity over IQ and the Big Five personality traits.
[8]

Contents
[hide]
1 History
2 Definitions
3 Ability model
o 3.1 Measurement
4 Mixed model
o 4.1 Measurement
5 Trait model
o 5.1 Measurement
6 Criticisms of theoretical foundation
o 6.1 Cannot be recognized as form of intelligence
o 6.2 Confusing skills with moral qualities
o 6.3 Has little predictive value
7 Criticisms of measurement issues
o 7.1 Ability model measures measure conformity, not ability
o 7.2 Ability model measures measure knowledge (not actual ability)
o 7.3 Ability model measures measure personality and general
intelligence
o 7.4 Self-report measures are susceptible to faking
o 7.5 Claims for predictive power are too extreme
o 7.6 NICHD pushes for consensus
8 Interactions with other phenomena
o 8.1 Bullying
o 8.2 Job performance
o 8.3 Religiosity
o 8.4 Self-esteem and drug use
9 See also
10 Further reading
11 External links
12 References
History[edit]
In 1983, Howard Gardner's Frames of Mind: The Theory of Multiple Intelligences
[9]
introduced the idea
that traditional types of intelligence, such as IQ, fail to fully explain cognitive ability. He introduced the
idea of multiple intelligences which included both interpersonal intelligence (the capacity to understand
the intentions, motivations and desires of other people) and intrapersonal intelligence (the capacity to
understand oneself, to appreciate one's feelings, fears and motivations).
[10]

The first use of the term "emotional intelligence" is usually attributed to Wayne Payne's doctoral thesis, A
Study of Emotion: Developing Emotional Intelligence from 1985.
[11][citation needed]
The first published use of
'EQ' (Emotional Quotient) seems to be by Keith Beasley in 1987 in an article in the British Mensa
magazine.
[12]
However, prior to this, the term "emotional intelligence" had appeared in Beldoch
(1964),
[13]
Leuner (1966).
[14]
Stanley Greenspan (1989) also put forward an EI model, followed by Peter
Salovey and John Mayer (1989).
[15]
The distinction between trait emotional intelligence and ability
emotional intelligence was introduced in 2000.
[16]

However, the term became widely-known with the publication of Goleman's Emotional Intelligence - Why
it can matter more than IQ
[17]
(1995). It is to this book's best-selling status that the term can attribute its
popularity.
[18][19]
Goleman has followed up with several further popular publications of a similar theme that
reinforce use of the term.
[20][21][22][23][24]
Goleman's publications are self helpbooks that are non-academic
in nature.
[25]

To date, tests measuring EI have not replaced IQ tests as a standard metric of intelligence.
Definitions[edit]
Emotional intelligence can be defined as the ability to monitor one's own and other people's emotions, to
discriminate between different emotions and label them appropriately and to use emotional information to
guide thinking and behavior.
[1]
However, substantial disagreement exists regarding the definition of EI,
with respect to both terminology and operationalizations. Currently, there are three main models of EI:
1. Ability model
2. Mixed model (usually subsumed under trait EI)
[26][27]

3. Trait model
Different models of EI have led to the development of various instruments for the assessment of the
construct. While some of these measures may overlap, most researchers agree that they tap different
constructs.
Ability model[edit]
Salovey and Mayer's conception of EI strives to define EI within the confines of the standard criteria for a
new intelligence.
[28]
Following their continuing research, their initial definition of EI was revised to "The
ability to perceive emotion, integrate emotion to facilitate thought, understand emotions and to regulate
emotions to promote personal growth." However, after pursuing further research, their definition of EI
evolved into "the capacity to reason about emotions, and of emotions, to enhance thinking. It includes the
abilities to accurately perceive emotions, to access and generate emotions so as to assist thought, to
understand emotions and emotional knowledge, and to reflectively regulate emotions so as to promote
emotional and intellectual growth."
[2]

The ability-based model views emotions as useful sources of information that help one to make sense of
and navigate the social environment.
[29][30]
The model proposes that individuals vary in their ability to
process information of an emotional nature and in their ability to relate emotional processing to a wider
cognition. This ability is seen to manifest itself in certain adaptive behaviors. The model claims that EI
includes four types of abilities:
1. Perceiving emotions the ability to detect and decipher emotions
in faces, pictures, voices, and cultural artifactsincluding the
ability to identify one's own emotions. Perceiving emotions
represents a basic aspect of emotional intelligence, as it makes all
other processing of emotional information possible.
2. Using emotions the ability to harness emotions to facilitate
various cognitive activities, such as thinking and problem solving.
The emotionally intelligent person can capitalize fully upon his or
her changing moods in order to best fit the task at hand.
3. Understanding emotions the ability to comprehend emotion
language and to appreciate complicated relationships among
emotions. For example, understanding emotions encompasses the
ability to be sensitive to slight variations between emotions, and
the ability to recognize and describe how emotions evolve over
time.
4. Managing emotions the ability to regulate emotions in both
ourselves and in others. Therefore, the emotionally intelligent
person can harness emotions, even negative ones, and manage
them to achieve intended goals.
The ability EI model has been criticized in the research for lacking face and predictive validity in the
workplace.
[31]

Measurement[edit]
The current measure of Mayer and Salovey's model of EI, the Mayer-Salovey-Caruso Emotional
Intelligence Test (MSCEIT) is based on a series of emotion-based problem-solving items.
[30][32]
Consistent
with the model's claim of EI as a type of intelligence, the test is modeled on ability-based IQ tests. By
testing a person's abilities on each of the four branches of emotional intelligence, it generates scores for
each of the branches as well as a total score.
Central to the four-branch model is the idea that EI requires attunement to social norms. Therefore, the
MSCEIT is scored in a consensus fashion, with higher scores indicating higher overlap between an
individual's answers and those provided by a worldwide sample of respondents. The MSCEIT can also be
expert-scored, so that the amount of overlap is calculated between an individual's answers and those
provided by a group of 21 emotion researchers.
[30]

Although promoted as an ability test, the MSCEIT is unlike standard IQ tests in that its items do not have
objectively correct responses. Among other challenges, the consensus scoring criterion means that it is
impossible to create items (questions) that only a minority of respondents can solve, because, by
definition, responses are deemed emotionally "intelligent" only if the majority of the sample has endorsed
them. This and other similar problems have led some cognitive ability experts to question the definition of
EI as a genuine intelligence.
[citation needed]

In a study by Fllesdal,
[33]
the MSCEIT test results of 111 business leaders were compared with how their
employees described their leader. It was found that there were no correlations between a leader's test
results and how he or she was rated by the employees, with regard to empathy, ability to motivate, and
leader effectiveness. Fllesdal also criticized the Canadian company Multi-Health Systems, which
administers the MSCEIT test. The test contains 141 questions but it was found after publishing the test
that 19 of these did not give the expected answers. This has led Multi-Health Systems to remove answers
to these 19 questions before scoring, but without stating this officially.
A study was conducted in India title 'EMOTIONAL INTELLIGENCE OF MALE ADMINISTRATORS
WORKING IN PUBLIC AND PRIVATE SECTOR', and it was found that there is a significant difference
between the emotional intelligence of administrators working in public and private sector. Private sector
administers has higher EQ scores than those in the public sector.
[34]

Mixed model[edit]
The model introduced by Daniel Goleman
[35]
focuses on EI as a wide array of competencies and skills
that drive leadership performance. Goleman's model outlines five main EI constructs (for more details see
"What Makes A Leader" by Daniel Goleman, best of Harvard Business Review 1998):
1. Self-awareness the ability to know one's emotions, strengths,
weaknesses, drives, values and goals and recognize their impact
on others while using gut feelings to guide decisions.
2. Self-regulation involves controlling or redirecting one's disruptive
emotions and impulses and adapting to changing circumstances.
3. Social skill managing relationships to move people in the desired
direction
4. Empathy - considering other people's feelings especially when
making decisions
5. Motivation - being driven to achieve for the sake of achievement.
Goleman includes a set of emotional competencies within each construct of EI. Emotional competencies
are not innate talents, but rather learned capabilities that must be worked on and can be developed to
achieve outstanding performance. Goleman posits that individuals are born with a general emotional
intelligence that determines their potential for learning emotional competencies.
[36]
Goleman's model of EI
has been criticized in the research literature as mere "pop psychology" (Mayer, Roberts, & Barsade,
2008).
Measurement[edit]
Two measurement tools are based on the Goleman model:
1. The Emotional Competency Inventory (ECI), which was created in
1999, and the Emotional and Social Competency Inventory (ESCI),
a newer edition of the ECI was developed in 2007. The Emotional
and Social Competency - University Edition (ESCI-U) is also
available. These tools developed by Goleman and Boyatzis
provide a behavioral measure of the Emotional and Social
competencies.
2. The Emotional Intelligence Appraisal, which was created in 2001
and which can be taken as a self-report or 360-degree
assessment.
[37]

Trait model[edit]
Konstantinos Vasilis Petrides ("K. V. Petrides") proposed a conceptual distinction between the ability
based model and a trait based model of EI and has been developing the latter over many years in
numerous scientific publications.
[16][38]
Trait EI is "a constellation of emotional self-perceptions located at
the lower levels of personality."
[38]
In lay terms, trait EI refers to an individual's self-perceptions of their
emotional abilities. This definition of EI encompasses behavioral dispositions and self perceived abilities
and is measured by self report, as opposed to the ability based model which refers to actual abilities,
which have proven highly resistant to scientific measurement. Trait EI should be investigated within
a personality framework.
[39]
An alternative label for the same construct is trait emotional self-efficacy.
The trait EI model is general and subsumes the Goleman model discussed above. The conceptualization
of EI as a personality trait leads to a construct that lies outside the taxonomy of human cognitive ability.
This is an important distinction in as much as it bears directly on the operationalization of the construct
and the theories and hypotheses that are formulated about it.
[16]

Measurement[edit]
There are many self-report measures of EI,
[40]
including the EQ-i, the Swinburne University Emotional
Intelligence Test (SUEIT), and the Schutte EI model. None of these assess intelligence, abilities, or skills
(as their authors often claim), but rather, they are limited measures of trait emotional intelligence.
[38]
One
of the more comprehensive and widely researched measures of this construct is the Trait Emotional
Intelligence Questionnaire (TEIQue), which was specifically designed to measure the construct
comprehensively and is available in many languages.
The TEIQue provides an operationalization for the model of Petrides and colleagues, that conceptualizes
EI in terms of personality.
[41]
The test encompasses 15 subscales organized under four factors: well-
being, self-control, emotionality, and sociability. The psychometric properties of the TEIQue were
investigated in a study on a French-speaking population, where it was reported that TEIQue scores were
globally normally distributed and reliable.
[42]

The researchers also found TEIQue scores were unrelated to nonverbal reasoning (Raven's matrices),
which they interpreted as support for the personality trait view of EI (as opposed to a form of intelligence).
As expected, TEIQue scores were positively related to some of the Big Five personality
traits (extraversion, agreeableness, openness, conscientiousness) as well as inversely related to others
(alexithymia, neuroticism). A number of quantitative genetic studies have been carried out within the trait
EI model, which have revealed significant genetic effects and heritabilities for all trait EI scores.
[43]
Two
recent studies (one a meta-analysis) involving direct comparisons of multiple EI tests yielded very
favorable results for the TEIQue.
[27][44]

Criticisms of theoretical foundation[edit]
Cannot be recognized as form of intelligence[edit]
Goleman's early work has been criticized for assuming from the beginning that EI is a type of intelligence.
Eysenck (2000)
[45]
writes that Goleman's description of EI contains unsubstantiated assumptions about
intelligence in general, and that it even runs contrary to what researchers have come to expect when
studying types of intelligence:
"[Goleman] exemplifies more clearly than most the fundamental absurdity of the tendency to class almost
any type of behaviour as an 'intelligence'... If these five 'abilities' define 'emotional intelligence', we would
expect some evidence that they are highly correlated; Goleman admits that they might be quite
uncorrelated, and in any case if we cannot measure them, how do we know they are related? So the
whole theory is built on quicksand: there is no sound scientific basis."
Similarly, Locke (2005)
[46]
claims that the concept of EI is in itself a misinterpretation of the intelligence
construct, and he offers an alternative interpretation: it is not another form or type of intelligence, but
intelligencethe ability to grasp abstractionsapplied to a particular life domain: emotions. He suggests
the concept should be re-labeled and referred to as a skill.
The essence of this criticism is that scientific inquiry depends on valid and consistent construct utilization,
and that before the introduction of the term EI, psychologists had established theoretical distinctions
between factors such as abilities and achievements, skills and habits, attitudes and values, and
personality traits and emotional states.
[47]
Thus, some scholars believe that the term EImerges and
conflates such accepted concepts and definitions.
Confusing skills with moral qualities[edit]
Adam Grant warned of the common but mistaken perception of EI as a desirable moral quality rather than
a skill, Grant asserting that a well-developed EI is not only an instrumental tool for accomplishing goals,
but has a dark side as a weapon for manipulating others by robbing them of their capacity to reason.
[48]

Has little predictive value[edit]
Landy (2005)
[49]
claimed that the few incremental validity studies conducted on EI have shown that it adds
little or nothing to the explanation or prediction of some common outcomes (most notably academic and
work success). Landy suggested that the reason why some studies have found a small increase
in predictive validity is a methodological fallacy, namely, that alternative explanations have not been
completely considered:
"EI is compared and contrasted with a measure of abstract intelligence but not with a personality
measure, or with a personality measure but not with a measure of academic intelligence." Landy (2005)
Similarly, other researchers have raised concerns about the extent to which self-report EI
measures correlate with established personality dimensions. Generally, self-report EI measures and
personality measures have been said to converge because they both purport to measure personality
traits.
[38]
Specifically, there appear to be two dimensions of the Big Five that stand out as most related to
self-report EI neuroticism and extroversion. In particular, neuroticism has been said to relate to negative
emotionality and anxiety. Intuitively, individuals scoring high on neuroticism are likely to score low on self-
report EI measures.
The interpretations of the correlations between EI questionnaires and personality have been varied. The
prominent view in the scientific literature is the Trait EI view, which re-interprets EI as a collection of
personality traits.
[50][51][52]

Criticisms of measurement issues[edit]
Ability model measures measure conformity, not ability[edit]
One criticism of the works of Mayer and Salovey comes from a study by Roberts et al. (2001),
[53]
which
suggests that the EI, as measured by the MSCEIT, may only be measuring conformity. This argument is
rooted in the MSCEIT's use of consensus-based assessment, and in the fact that scores on the MSCEIT
are negatively distributed (meaning that its scores differentiate between people with low EI better than
people with high EI).
Ability model measures measure knowledge (not actual ability)[edit]
Further criticism has been leveled by Brody (2004),
[54]
who claimed that unlike tests of cognitive ability,
the MSCEIT "tests knowledge of emotions but not necessarily the ability to perform tasks that are related
to the knowledge that is assessed". The main argument is that even though someone knows how he
should behave in an emotionally laden situation, it doesn't necessarily follow that the person could
actually carry out the reported behavior.
Ability model measures measure personality and general intelligence[edit]
New research is surfacing that suggests that ability EI measures might be measuring personality in
addition to general intelligence. These studies examined the multivariate effects of personality and
intelligence on EI and also corrected estimates for measurement error (which is often not done in some
validation studies). For example, a study by Schulte, Ree, Carretta (2004),
[55]
showed that general
intelligence (measured with the Wonderlic Personnel Test), agreeableness (measured by the NEO-PI), as
well as gender had a multiple R of .81 with the MSCEIT. This result has been replicated by Fiori and
Antonakis (2011),;
[56]
they found a multiple R of .76 using Cattells Culture Fair intelligence test and the
Big Five Inventory (BFI); significant covariates were intelligence (standardized beta = .39), agreeableness
(standardized beta = .54), and openness (standardized beta = .46). Antonakis and Dietz (2011a),
[57]
who
investigated the Ability Emotional Intelligence Measure found similar results (Multiple R = .69), with
significant predictors being intelligence, standardized beta = .69 (using the Swaps Test and a Wechsler
scales subtest, the 40-item General Knowledge Task) and empathy, standardized beta = .26 (using the
Questionnaire Measure of Empathic Tendency)--see also Antonakis and Dietz (2011b),
[58]
who show how
including or excluding important controls variables can fundamentally change resultsthus, it is important
to always include important controls like personality and intelligence when examining the predictive
validity of ability and trait EI models.
Self-report measures are susceptible to faking[edit]
More formally termed socially desirable responding (SDR), faking good is defined as a response pattern
in which test-takers systematically represent themselves with an excessive positive bias (Paulhus, 2002).
This bias has long been known to contaminate responses on personality inventories (Holtgraves, 2004;
McFarland & Ryan, 2000; Peebles & Moore, 1998; Nichols & Greene, 1997; Zerbe & Paulhus, 1987),
acting as a mediator of the relationships between self-report measures (Nichols & Greene, 1997;
Gangster et al., 1983).
[full citation needed]

It has been suggested that responding in a desirable way is a response set, which is a situational and
temporary response pattern (Pauls & Crost, 2004; Paulhus, 1991). This is contrasted with a response
style, which is a more long-term trait-like quality. Considering the contexts some self-report EI inventories
are used in (e.g., employment settings), the problems of response sets in high-stakes scenarios become
clear (Paulhus & Reid, 2001).
There are a few methods to prevent socially desirable responding on behavior inventories. Some
researchers believe it is necessary to warn test-takers not to fake good before taking a personality test
(e.g., McFarland, 2003). Some inventories use validity scales in order to determine the likelihood or
consistency of the responses across all items.
Claims for predictive power are too extreme[edit]
Landy
[49]
distinguishes between the "commercial wing" and "the academic wing" of the EI movement,
basing this distinction on the alleged predictive power of EI as seen by the two currents. According to
Landy, the former makes expansive claims on the applied value of EI, while the latter is trying to warn
users against these claims. As an example, Goleman (1998) asserts that "the most effective leaders are
alike in one crucial way: they all have a high degree of what has come to be known as emotional
intelligence. ...emotional intelligence is the sine qua non of leadership". In contrast, Mayer (1999) cautions
"the popular literature's implicationthat highly emotionally intelligent people possess an unqualified
advantage in lifeappears overly enthusiastic at present and unsubstantiated by reasonable scientific
standards." Landy further reinforces this argument by noting that the data upon which these claims are
based are held in "proprietary databases", which means they are unavailable to independent researchers
for reanalysis, replication, or verification.
[49]
Thus, the credibility of the findings cannot be substantiated in
a scientific way, unless those datasets are made public and available for independent analysis.
In an academic exchange, Antonakis and Ashkanasy/Dasborough mostly agreed that researchers testing
whether EI matters for leadership have not done so using robust research designs; therefore, currently
there is no strong evidence showing that EI predicts leadership outcomes when accounting for personality
and IQ.
[59]
Antonakis argued that EI might not be needed for leadership effectiveness (he referred to this
as the "curse of emotion" phenomenon, because leaders who are too sensitive to their and others'
emotional states might have difficulty making decisions that would result in emotional labor for the leader
or followers). A recently published meta-analysis seems to support the Antonakis position: In fact, Harms
and Cred found that overall (and using data free from problems of common source and common
methods), EI measures correlated only = 0.11 with measures of transformational
leadership.
[60]
Interestingly, ability-measures of EI fared worst (i.e., = 0.04); the WLEIS (Wong-Law
measure) did a bit better ( = 0.08), and the Bar-On
[61]
measure better still ( = 0.18). However, the
validity of these estimates does not include the effects of IQ or the big five personality, which correlate
both with EI measures and leadership.
[62]
In a subsequent paper analyzing the impact of EI on both job
performance and leadership, Harms and Cred
[63]
found that the meta-analytic validity estimates for EI
dropped to zero when Big Five traits and IQ were controlled for. Joseph and Newman
[64]
meta-analytically
showed the same result for Ability EI, but further demonstrated that self-reported and Trait EI measures
retain a small amount of predictive validity for job performance after controlling Big Five traits and IQ.
Newman, Joseph, and MacCann
[65]
contend that the greater predictive validity of Trait EI measures is due
to their inclusion of content related to achievement motivation, self efficacy, and self-rated performance.
NICHD pushes for consensus[edit]
The National Institute of Child Health and Human Development has recognised that because there are
divisions about the topic of emotional intelligence, the mental health community needs to agree on some
guidelines to describe good mental health and positive mental living conditions. In their section, "Positive
Psychology and the Concept of Health," they explain. "Currently there are six competing models of
positive health, which are based on concepts such as being above normal, character strengths and core
virtues, developmental maturity, social-emotional intelligence, subjective well-being, and resilience. But
these concepts define health in philosophical rather than empirical terms. Dr. [Lawrence] Becker
suggested the need for a consensus on the concept of positive psychological health..."
[66]

Interactions with other phenomena[edit]
Bullying[edit]
Main article: Bullying and emotional intelligence
Bullying is abusive social interaction between peers which can include aggression, harassment,
and violence. Bullying is typically repetitive and enacted by those who are in a position of power over the
victim. A growing body of research illustrates a significant relationship between bullying and emotional
intelligence. Emotional intelligence (EI) is a set of abilities related to the understanding, use and
management of emotion as it relates to one's self and others. Mayer et al., (2008) defines the dimensions
of overall EI as: "accurately perceiving emotion, using emotions to facilitate thought, understanding
emotion, and managing emotion".
[67]
The concept combines emotional and intellectual
processes.
[68]
Lower emotional intelligence appears to be related to involvement in bullying, as the bully
and/or the victim of bullying. EI seems to play an important role in both bullying behavior
and victimization in bullying; given that EI is illustrated to be malleable, EI education could greatly improve
bullying prevention and intervention initiatives.
[69]

Job performance[edit]
Main article: Job performance and emotional intelligence
Research of EI and job performance shows mixed results: a positive relation has been found in some of
the studies, in others there was no relation or an inconsistent one. This led researchers Cote and Miners
(2006)
[70]
to offer a compensatory model between EI and IQ, that posits that the association between EI
and job performance becomes more positive as cognitive intelligence decreases, an idea first proposed in
the context of academic performance (Petrides, Frederickson, & Furnham, 2004). The results of the
former study supported the compensatory model: employees with low IQ get higher task performance and
organizational citizenship behavior directed at the organization, the higher their EI.
A meta-analytic review by Joseph and Newman
[64]
also revealed that both Ability EI and Trait EI tend to
predict job performance much better in jobs that require a high degree of emotional labor(where
'emotional labor' was defined as jobs that require the effective display of positive emotion). In contrast, EI
shows little relationship to job performance in jobs that do not require emotional labor. In other words,
emotional intelligence tends to predict job performance for emotional jobs only.
A more recent study suggests that EI is not necessarily a universally positive trait.
[71]
They found a
negative correlation between EI and managerial work demands; while under low levels of managerial
work demands, they found a negative relationship between EI and teamwork effectiveness. An
explanation for this may suggest gender differences in EI, as women tend to score higher levels than
men.
[64]
This furthers the idea that job context plays a role in the relationships between EI, teamwork
effectiveness, and job performance.
Another interesting find was discussed in a study that assessed a possible link between EI and
entrepreneurial behaviors and success.
[72]
In accordance with much of the other findings regarding EI and
job performance, they found that levels of EI only predicted a small amount of entrepreneurial behavior.
Religiosity[edit]
Main article: Religiosity and emotional intelligence
A small 2004 study by Ellen Paek empirically examined the extent to which religiosity, operationalized
as religious orientation and religious behaviour, is related to the controversial
[46][47][73]
idea of emotional
intelligence (EI). The study examined the extent to which religious orientation and behavior were related
to self-reported (EI) in 148 church attending adult Christians.
[74]
(non-religious individuals were not part of
the study). The study found that the individuals' self-reported religious orientation was positively
correlated with their perceiving themselves to have greater EI. While the number of religious group
activities was positively associated with perceived EI, number of years of church attendance was
unrelated. Significant positive correlations were also found between level of religious commitment and
perceived EI. Thus, the Christian volunteers were more likely to consider themselves emotionally
intelligent if they spent more time in group activities and had more commitment to their beliefs.
Tischler, Biberman and McKeage warn that there is still ambiguity in the above concepts. In their 2002
article, entitled Linking emotional intelligence, spirituality and workplace performance: Definitions, models
and ideas for research, they reviewed literature on both EI and various aspect of spirituality. They found
that both EI and spirituality appear to lead to similar attitudes, behaviors and skills, and that there often
seems to be confusion, intersection and linking between the two constructs.
[75]

Self-esteem and drug use[edit]
A 2012 study cross examined emotional intelligence, self-esteem, and marijuana dependence.
[76]
Out of a
sample of 200, 100 of which were dependent on cannabis and the other 100 emotionally healthy, the
dependent group scored exceptionally low on EI when compared to the control group. They also found
that the dependent group also scored low on self-esteem when compared to the control.
Another study in 2010 examined whether or not low levels of EI had a relationship with the degree
of drug and alcohol addiction.
[77]
In the assessment of 103 residents in a drug rehabilitation center, they
examined their EI along with other psychosocial factors in a one-month interval of treatment. They found
that participants' EI scores improved as their levels of addiction lessened as part of their treatment.
Test 1: In each of the following choose from a scale of 1-5 which of these statements you most agree
with or is most applicable to yourself. Choose 5 for most agree=most applicable, down to 1 for least
agree=least applicable.
1. Loud noise aggravates me.
2. When I get little aches and pains, I often worry that it could be
something more serious.
3. Sometimes I cannot get to sleep as I have too much on my mind.
4. I find it difficult to switch off completely and totally relax.
5. I sometimes get angry with myself if I make a mistake or do not do
something to the standard I have set myself.
Test 2 :Answer each question or statement by choosing which one of the three alternative responses
given is most applicable to you.
1 Do you prefer to work alone, or as part of a team?
a) No strong preference.
b) Alone.
c) As part of a team.
2 -What is your ideal way of celebrating your birthday?
a) Going out for a meal with a few family or friends.
b) I prefer my birthday to be just like any other normal day.
c) A surprise party with lots of family and friends.
3- How quickly do you become bored and restless when performing
routine tasks?
a) Fairly quickly.
b) Not very quickly, as I am able to apply my mind to, and
concentrate on, the task in hand.
c) Extremely quickly.
4- How easily do you make friends?
a) Fairly easily.
b) Not easily.
c) Very easily.
5- Would you describe yourself as a leader or a follower?
a) A bit of both, depending on the situation or circumstances.
b) Generally a follower.
c) Generally a leader.
Test 3: In each of the following, choose from a scale of 1^5 which of these statements you most agree
with or is most applicable to yourself.
Choose 5 for most agree=most applicable, down to 1 for least agree=least applicable.
1. When one door closes another one always opens.
2. In life, there is an ideal partner for everyone.
3. I always look forward to the future with high expectations.
4. If at first you dont succeed, you should try, try and try again.
5. Ultimately, good will always triumph over evil.
Test 4 :Answer each question or statement by choosing which one of the three alternative responses
given is most applicable to you.
1- How much do you feel in control of your own life?
a) Only partly in control.
b) Very much.
c) Not very much.
2- How often do you worry about living up to the standards of others?
a) Occasionally.
b) Never.
c) More than occasionally
3-How much confidence do you have in your own decisions?
a) Fairly confident.
b) A great deal.
c) More hopeful than confident that I have made the right decision.
4- Do you believe in the power of positive thinking?
a) Maybe.
b) Yes.
c) It is not something I have ever thought about.
5- How often do you feel sad or depressed about your personal
circumstances?
a) Occasionally.
b) Rarely or never.
c) More than occasionally.
Test 5: In each of the following choose from a scale of 1-5 which of these statements you most agree
with or is most applicable to yourself.
Choose 5 for most agree=most applicable, down to 1 for least agree=least applicable.
1. I admire people who are prepared to admit they were wrong.
2. If someone does me a bad turn I dont waste time thinking of
revenge.
3. My heart rules my head more than my head rules my heart.
4. On occasions my eyes have filled up with tears when watching a
movie (happy or sad).
5. I have never found it difficult to forgive and forget.
See also[edit]
Anabel Jensen
Claude Steiner
Emotional Intelligence 2.0
Emotional literacy
Joshua Freedman
Life skills
Marc Brackett
Outline of human intelligence
People skills
Positive psychology
Psychological mindedness
Six Seconds
Social emotional learning
Soft skills
The Emotional Intelligence Appraisal
Goleman, Daniel (1996). Emotional Intelligence: Why It Can Matter
More Than IQ. Bantam Books. ISBN 978-0-553-38371-3.
Mrs Manju Mahananda, Shanta Badaik, Nalini Joshi and Swarima
Mishra (2013). "EMOTIONAL INTELLIGENCE OF MALE
ADMINISTRATORS WORKING IN PUBLIC AND PRIVATE
SECTOR".International Journal of Trends in Economics Management &
Technology (IJTEMT) 02 (05).
Groups:
Consortium for Research on Emotional Intelligence in
Organizations Non-profit research consortium on EI in the
Workplace.
Trait emotional intelligence University College London, academic
research program.
Articles:
Overview on Social-Emotional Learning, Edutopia
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Psychology(Emerald Group Publishing Limited) 17 (3):
203.doi:10.1108/02683940210423114. ISSN 0268-3946. Retrieved 2008-
10-18.
76. Jump up^ Nehra, D. K.; Sharma, Mushtaq, Sharma, Sharma, Nehra (July
2012). "Emotional intelligence and self esteem in cannabis
abusers.". Journal of the Indian Academy of Applied Psychology 38 (2):
385393.
77. Jump up^ Brown, Chiu; Chiu, Edmond; Neill, Lloyd; Tobin, Juliet; Reid,
John (16 Jan 2012). "Is low emotional intelligence a primary causal factor
in drug and alcohol addiction?". Australian Academic Press (Bowen Hills,
QLD, Australia): 91101.
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Diagnostics
ICD-9-CM 94.01
MeSH D014888
The Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale (WAIS) is a test designed to measure intelligence in adults and
older adolescents.
[1]
It is currently in its fourth edition (WAIS-IV). The original WAIS (Form I) was
published in February 1955 by David Wechsler, as a revision of the Wechsler-Bellevue Intelligence Scale
that had been released in 1939.
[2]
The fourth edition of the test (WAIS-IV) was released in 2008
by Pearson.
Contents
[hide]
1 History
2 Wechsler-Bellevue Intelligence Scale
o 2.1 The Point Scale Concept
o 2.2 The Non-Verbal Performance Scale
3 WAIS
4 WAIS-R
5 WAIS-III
o 5.1 Verbal IQ (VIQ)
o 5.2 Performance IQ (PIQ)
6 WAIS-IV
o 6.1 Indices and scales
o 6.2 Subtests
o 6.3 Standardization
7 Other test variants and uses
8 References
9 Further reading
10 External links
History[edit]
Wechsler's scale is founded on his definition of intelligence, which he defined as "... the global capacity of
a person to act purposefully, to think rationally, and to deal effectively with his environment."
[3]
He
believed that intelligence was made up of specific elements that could be isolated, defined, and
subsequently measured. However, these individual elements were not entirely independent, but were all
interrelated. His argument, in other words, is that general intelligence is composed of various specific and
interrelated functions or elements that can be individually measured.
[4]

This theory differed greatly from the Binet scale which, in Wechsler's day, was generally considered the
supreme authority with regard to intelligence testing. A drastically revised new version of the Binet scale,
released in 1937, received a great deal of criticism from David Wechsler (after whom the original
Wechsler-Bellevue Intelligence scale and the modern Weschler Adult Intelligence Scale IV are named).
[4]

Wechsler was a very influential advocate for the concept of non-
intellective factors, and he felt that the 1937 Binet scale did not do a
good job of incorporating these factors into the scale (non-intellective
factors are variables that contribute to the overall score in intelligence,
but are not made up of intelligence-related items. These include things
such as lack of confidence, fear of failure, attitudes, etc.).
Wechsler did not agree with the idea of a single score that the Binet
test gave.
[4]

Wechsler argued that the Binet scale items were not valid for adult test-
takers because the items were chosen specifically for use with
children.
[4]

The "Binet scale's emphasis on speed, with timed tasks scattered
throughout the scale, tended to unduly handicap older adults."
[4]

Wechsler believed that "mental age norms clearly did not apply to
adults."
[4]

Wechsler criticized the then existing Binet scale because it did not
consider that intellectual performance could deteriorate as a person
grew older."
[4]

[check quotation syntax]
These many criticisms of the 1937 Binet test gave rise to the Wechsler-Bellevue scale
that was released in 1939. While this scale has been revised many times (resulting in the present day
WAIS-IV), many of the original concepts Wechsler argued for have become standards in psychological
testing, including the point-scale concept and the performance-scale concept.
[4]

Wechsler-Bellevue Intelligence Scale[edit]
The Wechsler-Bellevue tests were innovative in the 1930s because they:
1. gathered tasks created for nonclinical purposes for administration
as a "clinical test battery",
[5]

2. used the point scale concept instead of the age scale, and
3. included a non-verbal performance scale.
The Point Scale Concept[edit]
In the Binet scales (prior to the 1986 version) items were grouped according to age level. Each of these
age levels were composed of a group of tasks that could be passed by two-thirds to three-quarters of the
individuals in that level. This meant that items were not arranged according to content. Additionally, an
individual taking a Binet test would only receive credit if a certain amount of the tasks were completed.
This meant that falling short just one task required for the credit resulted in no credit at all (for example, if
passing three out of four tasks was required to receive credit, then passing two yielded no credit).
[4]

The point scale concept drastically changed the way testing was done by assigning credits or points to
each item. This had two large effects. First, this allowed items to be grouped according to content.
Second, participants were able to receive a set amount of points or credits for each item passed.
[6]
The
result was a test that could be made up of different content areas (or subtests) with both an overall score
and a score for each content area. In turn, this allowed for an analysis to be made of an individual's ability
in a variety of content areas (as opposed to one general score).
[4]

The Non-Verbal Performance Scale[edit]
The non-verbal performance scale was also a critical difference from the Binet scale. Since the "early
Binet scale had been persistently and consistently criticized for its emphasis on language and verbal
skills,"
[4]
Wechsler made an entire scale that allowed the measurement of nonverbal intelligence. This
became known as a performance scale. Essentially, this scale required a subject to do something (such
as "copying symbols or point to a missing detail"
[4]
) rather than just answer questions. This was an
important development as it attempted to overcome biases that were caused by "language, culture, and
education."
[4]
Further, this scale also provided an opportunity to observe a different type of behavior
because something physical was required. Clinicians were able to observe how a participant reacted to
the "longer interval of sustained effort, concentration, and attention" that the performance tasks
required.
[4]

While the Wechsler-Bellevue scale was the first to effectively use the performance scale (meaning that (1)
there was a "possibility of directly comparing an individual's verbal and nonverbal intelligence",
[4]
and (2)
that "the results of both scales were expressed in comparable units"
[4]
), the idea had been around for a
while. The Binet scale did have performance tasks (although they were geared towards children) and
there were entire tests that were considered supplements or alternatives (an example of such a
performance test is the Leiter International Performance Scale).
[4]

WAIS[edit]

This section
requires expansionwith: WAIS vs.
WAIS-R above.(December 2009)
The WAIS was initially created as a revision of the Wechsler-Bellevue Intelligence Scale (WBIS), which
was a battery of tests published by Wechsler in 1939. The WBIS was composed of subtests that could be
found in various other intelligence tests of the time, such as Robert Yerkes' army testing program and
the Binet-Simon scale. The WAIS was first released in February 1955 by David Wechsler. Because the
Wechsler tests included non-verbal items (known as performance scales) as well as verbal items for all
test-takers, and because the 1960 form of Lewis Terman's Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scales was less
carefully developed than previous versions, Form I of the WAIS surpassed the Stanford-Binet tests in
popularity by the 1960s.
[2]

WAIS-R[edit]
The WAIS-R, a revised form of the WAIS, was released in 1981 and consisted of six verbal and five
performance subtests. The verbal tests were: Information, Comprehension, Arithmetic, Digit Span,
Similarities, and Vocabulary. The Performance subtests were: Picture Arrangement, Picture Completion,
Block Design, Object Assembly, and Digit Symbol. A verbal IQ, performance IQ and full scale IQ were
obtained.
[7]

This revised edition did not provide new validity data, but used the data from the original WAIS; however
new norms were provided, carefully stratified.
[7]

WAIS-III[edit]

The WAIS-III, a subsequent revision of the WAIS and the WAIS-R, was released in 1997. It provided
scores for Verbal IQ, Performance IQ, and Full Scale IQ, along with four secondary indices (Verbal
Comprehension, Working Memory, Perceptual Organization, and Processing Speed).
Verbal IQ (VIQ)[edit]
Included seven tests and provided two subindexes; verbal comprehension and working memory.
The Verbal Comprehension Index (VCI) included the following tests:
Information
Similarities
Vocabulary
The Working Memory Index (WMI) included:
Arithmetic
Digit Span
Letter-Number Sequencing and Comprehension are not included in these indices, but are used as
substitutions for spoiled subtests within the WMI and VCI, respectively
Performance IQ (PIQ)[edit]
Included six tests and it also provided two subindexes; perceptual organization and processing speed.
The Perceptual Organization Index (POI) included:
Block Design
Matrix Reasoning
Picture Completion
The Processing Speed Index (PSI) included:
Digit Symbol-Coding
Symbol Search
Two tests; Picture Arrangement and Object Assembly were not included in the indexes. Object Assembly
is not included in the PIQ.
WAIS-IV[edit]
The current version of the test, the WAIS-IV, which was released in 2008, is composed of 10 core
subtests and five supplemental subtests, with the 10 core subtests comprising the Full Scale IQ. With the
new WAIS-IV, the verbal/performance subscales from previous versions were removed and replaced by
the index scores. The General Ability Index (GAI) was included, which consists of the Similarities,
Vocabulary and Information subtests from the Verbal Comprehension Index and the Block Design, Matrix
Reasoning and Visual Puzzles subtests from the Perceptual Reasoning Index. The GAI is clinically useful
because it can be used as a measure of cognitive abilities that are less vulnerable to impairments of
processing and working memory.
Indices and scales[edit]
There are four index scores representing major components of intelligence:
Verbal Comprehension Index (VCI)
Perceptual Reasoning Index (PRI)
Working Memory Index (WMI)
Processing Speed Index (PSI)
Two broad scores are also generated, which can be used to summarize general intellectual abilities:
Full Scale IQ (FSIQ), based on the total combined performance of the
VCI, PRI, WMI, and PSI
General Ability Index (GAI), based only on the six subtests that the VCI
and PRI comprise.
Subtests[edit]
Verbal
Comprehension
Core Proposed abilities measured
Similarities X Abstract verbal reasoning
Vocabulary X
The degree to which one has learned, been able to comprehend and
verbally express vocabulary
Information X Degree of general information acquired from culture
(Comprehension) Ability to deal with abstract social conventions, rules and expressions
Perceptual
Reasoning
Core Proposed abilities measured
Block Design X Spatial perception, visual abstract processing, and problem solving
Matrix Reasoning X
Nonverbal abstract problem solving, inductive reasoning, spatial
reasoning
Visual Puzzles X Spatial reasoning
(Picture
Completion)
Ability to quickly perceive visual details
(Figure Weights) Quantitative and analogical reasoning
Working Memory Core Proposed abilities measured
Digit span X Attention, concentration, mental control
Arithmetic X Concentration while manipulating mental mathematical problems
(Letter-Number
Sequencing)
Attention, concentration, mental control
Processing Speed Core Proposed abilities measured
Symbol Search X Visual perception/analysis, scanning speed
Coding X
Visual-motor coordination, motor and mental speed, visual working
memory
(Cancellation) Visual-perceptual speed
Standardization[edit]
The WAIS-IV was standardized on a sample of 2,200 people in the United States ranging in age from 16
to 90.
[8]
An extension of the standardization has been conducted with 688 Canadians in the same age
range.
Other test variants and uses[edit]
The WAIS-IV measure is appropriate for use with individuals aged 1690 years. For individuals under 16
years, the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children (WISC, 616 years) and the Wechsler Preschool and
Primary Scale of Intelligence (WPPSI, 27 years, 3 months) are used.
A short, four-subtest version of the WAIS-III battery has been released, allowing clinicians to form a
validated estimate of verbal, performance and full scale IQ in a shorter amount of time. The Wechsler
Abbreviated Scale of Intelligence (WASI) uses vocabulary, similarities, block design and matrix reasoning
subtests similar to those of the WAIS to provide an estimate of full scale IQ in approximately 30 minutes.
Intelligence tests may also be utilized in populations with psychiatric illness or brain injury, in order to
assess level of cognitive functioning, though some regard this use as controversial. Rehabilitation
psychologists and neuropsychologists use the WAIS-IV and other neuropsychological tests to assess
how the brain is functioning after injury. Specific subtests provide information on a specific cognitive
function. For example, digit span may be used to get a sense of attentional difficulties. Others employ
the WAIS-R NI (Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale-Revised as a Neuropsychological Instrument), another
measure published by Harcourt. Each subtest score is tallied and calculated with respect to neurotypical
or brain-injury norms. As the WAIS is developed for the average, non-injured individual, separate norms
were developed for appropriate comparison among similar functioning individuals.
Today, various high-IQ societies accept this test for membership in their ranks; for example, the Triple
Nine Society accepts a minimum score of 146 on any WAIS scale.
[9]

References[edit]

This article uses bare URLs for citations, which may be threatened
by link rot. Please consider adding full citations so that the article
remains verifiable. Several templates are available to assist in
formatting. (August 2014)
1. Jump up^ Kaufman, Alan S.; Lichtenberger, Elizabeth (2006). Assessing
Adolescent and Adult Intelligence (3rd ed.). Hoboken (NJ): Wiley.
p. 3. ISBN 978-0-471-73553-3. Lay summary (22 August 2010).
2. ^ Jump up to:
a

b
Kaufman, Alan S.; Lichtenberger, Elizabeth
(2006). Assessing Adolescent and Adult Intelligence (3rd ed.). Hoboken
(NJ): Wiley. p. 7. ISBN 978-0-471-73553-3. Lay summary (22 August
2010).
3. Jump up^ Wechsler, David (1939). The Measurement of Adult
Intelligence. Baltimore (MD): Williams & Witkins. p. 229.
4. ^ Jump up to:
a

b

c

d

e

f

g

h

i

j

k

l

m

n

o

p

q
Kaplan, R. M., & Saccuzzo, D.
P.(2010).Psychological Testing: Principles, Applications, & Issues, Eighth
Edition.Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, Cengage learning
5. Jump up^ Kaufman, Alan S.; Lichtenberger, Elizabeth (2006). Assessing
Adolescent and Adult Intelligence (3rd ed.). Hoboken (NJ): Wiley.
p. 6. ISBN 978-0-471-73553-3. Lay summary (22 August 2010).
6. Jump up^ Kaplan, R. M. & Saccuzzo, D. P. (2009). "Psychological
testing: Principles, applications, and issues" (7th ed.). Belmont, CA:
Wadsworth
7. ^ Jump up to:
a

b
"Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale--Revised". Retrieved
2009-03-31.
8. Jump up^ "WAIS-IV press release". Pearson. 2008-08-28. Retrieved
2012-03-20.
9. Jump up^ http://www.triplenine.org/main/admission.asp
[bare URL]

Matarazzo, Joseph D. (1972). Wechsler's Measurement and Appraisal
of Adult Intelligence (fifth and enlarged ed.). Baltimore (MD): Williams &
Witkins. Lay summary (4 June 2013).
Wechsler, David (1939). The Measurement of Adult Intelligence.
Baltimore (MD): Williams & Witkins.
Wechsler, David (1958). The Measurement and Appraisal of Adult
Intelligence (fourth ed.). Baltimore (MD): Williams & Witkins. Retrieved
4 June 2013.
Weiss, Lawrence G.; Saklofske, Donald H.; Coalson, Diane; Raiford,
Susan, eds. (2010). WAIS-IV Clinical Use and Interpretation: Scientist-
Practitioner Perspectives. Practical Resources for the Mental Health
Professional. Alan S. Kaufman (Foreword). Amsterdam: Academic
Press. ISBN 978-0-12-375035-8. Lay summary (16 August 2010). This
practitioner's handbook includes chapters by Diane L. Coalson, Susan
Engi Raiford, Donald H. Saklofske, Lawrence G. Weiss, Hsinyi Chen,
Jossette G. Harris, James A. Holdnack, Xiaobin Zhou, Jianjun Zhu,
Jacques Gregoire, Munro Cullum, Glenn Larrabee, Gerald Goldstein,
Timothy A. Salthouse, and Lisa W. Drozdick.
FAQ/Finding Information About Psychological Tests (American
Psychological Association)
Classics in the History of Psychology
Beyond the Flynn Effect
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Hermann Ebbinghaus
Hermann Ebbinghaus

Hermann Ebbinghaus
Born
January 24, 1850
Barmen, Germany
Died
February 26, 1909 (age 59)
Halle, Germany
Citizenship
German
Fields
Psychology
Institutions
University of Berlin, University of Breslau, University
of Halle
Known for
Serial position effect
Influences
Gustav Fechner
Influenced
Lev Vygotsky, Lewis M Terman,Charlotte
Buhler, William Stern
Hermann Ebbinghaus (January 24, 1850 February 26, 1909) was a German psychologist who
pioneered the experimental study of memory, and is known for his discovery of the forgetting curve and
the spacing effect. He was also the first person to describe the learning curve.
[1]
He was the father of the
eminent neo-Kantian philosopher Julius Ebbinghaus.
Contents
[hide]
1 Early life
2 Professional career
3 Research on memory
4 Limitations to memory research
5 Contributions to memory
6 Other contributions
7 Discourse on the nature of psychology
8 Influences
9 Selected publications
10 References
11 External links
Early life[edit]
Ebbinghaus was born in Barmen, Germany, the son of a wealthy Lutheran merchant, Carl Ebbinghaus.
Little is known about his infancy except that he was brought up in the Lutheran faith and was a pupil at
the town Gymnasium. At the age of 17 (1867), he began attending the University of Bonn, where he had
planned to study history and philology. However, during his time there he developed an interest
in philosophy. In 1870, his studies were interrupted when he served with the Prussian Army in
the Franco-Prussian War. Following this short stint in the military, Ebbinghaus finished his dissertation
onEduard von Hartmanns Philosophie des Unbewussten (Philosophy of the Unconscious), and received
his doctorate on August 16, 1873, when he was 23 years old. During the next three years, he moved
around, spending time at Halle and Berlin.
Professional career[edit]
After acquiring his PhD, Ebbinghaus moved around England and France, tutoring students to support
himself. In England, he may have taught in two small schools in the South of the country (Gorfein, 1885).
In London, in a used bookstore, he came across Gustav Fechner's book Elemente der Psychophysik
(Elements of Psychophysics), which spurred him to conduct his famous memory experiments. After
beginning his studies at the University of Berlin, he founded the 3rd psychological testing lab in Germany
(3rd to Wilhelm Wundt and G.E. Muller).
[2]
He began his memory studies here in 1879. In 1885, the same
year that he published his monumental work, Memory: A Contribution to Experimental Psychology,
[3]
he
was made a professor at the University of Berlin, most likely in recognition of this publication. In 1890,
along with Arthur Konig, he founded the Psychological journal Zeitschrift fr Physiologie und Psychologie
der Sinnesorgane (The Psychology and Physiology of the Sense Organs).
In 1894, he was passed over for promotion to head of philosophy department at Berlin, most likely due to
his lack of publications. Instead, Carl Stumpf received the promotion. As a result of this, Ebbinghaus left
to join the University of Breslau (now Wrocaw, Poland), in a chair left open by Theodor Lipps (who took
over Stumpf's position when he moved to Berlin).
[2]
While in Breslau, he worked on a commission that
studied how children's mental ability declined during the school day. While the specifics on how these
mental abilities were measured have been lost, the successes achieved by the commission laid the
groundwork for future intelligence testing.
[4]:207
At Breslau, he again founded a psychological testing
laboratory.
In 1902, Ebbinghaus published his next piece of writing entitled Die Grundzuge der
Psychologie (Fundamentals of Psychology). It was an instant success and continued to be long after his
death. In 1904, he moved to the Halle where he spent the last few years of his life. His last published
work, Abriss der Psychologie (Outline of Psychology) was published six years later, in 1908. This, too,
continued to be a success, being re-released in eight different editions.
[4]:208
Shortly after this publication,
on February 26, 1909,
[2]
Ebbinghaus died from pneumonia at the age of 59.
Research on memory[edit]
Ebbinghaus was determined to show that higher mental processes could actually be studied
using experimentation, which was in opposition in the popular held thought of the time. To control for
most potentially confounding variables, Ebbinghaus wanted to use simple acoustic encoding
and maintenance rehearsal for which a list of words could have been used. As learning would be affected
by prior knowledge and understanding, he needed something that could be easily memorized but which
had no prior cognitive associations. Easily formable associations with regular words would interfere with
his results, so he used items that would later be called nonsense syllables (also known as the CVC
trigram). A nonsense syllable is a consonant-vowel-consonant combination, where the consonant does
not repeat and the syllable does not have prior meaning. BOL (sounds like Ball) and DOT (already a
word) would then not be allowed. However, syllables such as DAX, BOK, and YAT would all be
acceptable (though Ebbinghaus left no examples) . After eliminating the meaning-laden syllables,
Ebbinghaus ended up with 2,300 resultant syllables.
[3]
Once he had created his collection of syllables, he
would pull out a number of random syllables from a box and then write them down in a notebook. Then, to
the regular sound of a metronome, and with the same voiceinflection, he would read out the syllables,
and attempt to recall them at the end of the procedure. One investigation alone required 15,000
recitations.
It was later determined that humans impose meaning even on nonsense syllables to make them more
meaningful. The nonsense syllable PED (which is the first three letters of the word pedal) turns out to be
less nonsensical than a syllable such as KOJ; the syllables are said to differ in association value.
[5]
It
appears that Ebbinghaus recognized this, and only referred to the strings of syllables as nonsense in
that the syllables might be less likely to have a specific meaning and he should make no attempt to make
associations with them for easier retrieval.
[3]

Limitations to memory research[edit]
There are several limitations to his work on memory. The most important one was that Ebbinghaus was
the only subject in his study. This limited the studys generalizability to the population. Although he
attempted to regulate his daily routine to maintain more control over his results, his decision to avoid the
use of participants sacrificed the external validity of the study despite soundinternal validity. In addition,
although he tried to account for his personal influences, there is an inherent bias when someone serves
as researcher as well as participant. Also, Ebbinghaus' memory research halted research in other, more
complex matters of memory such as semantic and procedural memory and mnemonics.
[6]

Contributions to memory[edit]
In 1885, he published his groundbreaking ber das Gedchtnis ("On Memory", later translated to English
as Memory. A Contribution to Experimental Psychology) in which he described experiments he conducted
on himself to describe the processes of learning and forgetting.
Ebbinghaus made several findings that are still relevant and supported to this day. First, arguably his
most famous finding, the forgetting curve. The forgetting curve describes the exponential loss of
information that one has learned.
[7]
The sharpest decline occurs in the first twenty minutes and the decay
is significant through the first hour. The curve levels off after about one day.

A typical representation of theforgetting curve
The learning curve described by Ebbinghaus refers to how fast one learns information. The sharpest
increase occurs after the first try and then gradually evens out, meaning that less and less new
information is retained after each repetition. Like the forgetting curve, the learning curve is exponential.
Ebbinghaus had also documented the serial position effect, which describes how the position of an item
affects recall. The two main concepts in the serial position effect are recency and primacy. The recency
effect describes the increased recall of the most recent information because it is still in the short-term
memory. The primacy effect better memory of the first items in a list due to increased rehearsal and
commitment to long-term memory.
Another important discovery is that of savings. This refers to the amount of information retained in
the subconscious even after this information cannot be consciously accessed. Ebbinghaus would
memorize a list of items until perfect recall and then would not access the list until he could no longer
recall any of its items. He then would relearn the list, and compare the new learning curve to the learning
curve of his previous memorization of the list. The second list was generally memorized faster, and this
difference between the two learning curves is what Ebbinghaus called savings. Ebbinghaus also
described the difference between involuntary and voluntary memory, the former occurring with apparent
spontaneity and without any act of the will and the latter being brought into consciousness by an
exertion of the will.
Prior to Ebbinghaus, most contributions to the study of memory were undertaken by philosophers and
centered on observational description and speculation. For example, Immanuel Kant used pure
description to discuss recognition and its components and Sir Francis Bacon claimed that the simple
observation of the rote recollection of a previously learned list was no use to the art of memory. This
dichotomy between descriptive and experimental study of memory would resonate later in Ebbinghauss
life, particularly in his public argument with former colleague Wilhelm Dilthey. However, more than a
century before Ebbinghaus, Johann Andreas Segner invented the Segner-wheel to see the length of
after-images by seeing how fast a wheel with a hot coal attached had to move for the red ember circle
from the coal to appear complete. (see iconic memory)
Ebbinghauss effect on memory research was almost immediate. With very few works published on
memory in the previous two millennia, Ebbinghauss works spurred memory research in the United
States in the 1890s, with 32 papers published in 1894 alone. This research was coupled with the growing
development of mechanized mnemometers, or devices that aided in the recording and study of memory.
The reaction to his work in his day was mostly positive. Noted psychologist William James called the
studies heroic and said that they were the single most brilliant investigation in the history of
psychology. Edward B. Titchener also mentioned that the studies were the greatest undertaking in the
topic of memory since Aristotle.
Other contributions[edit]
Ebbinghaus can also be credited with pioneering sentence completion exercises, which he developed in
studying the abilities of schoolchildren. It was these same exercises that Alfred Binet had borrowed and
incorporated into the Binet-Simon intelligence scale. Sentence completion had since then also been used
extensively in memory research, especially in tapping into measures ofimplicit memory, and also has
been used in psychotherapy as a tool to help tap into the motivations and drives of the patient. He had
also influenced Charlotte Buhler, who along with Lev Vygotskyand others went on to
study language meaning and society.

The Ebbinghaus Illusion. Note that the orange circles appear of different sizes, even though equal.
Ebbinghaus is also credited with discovering an optical illusion now known after its discoverer
the Ebbinghaus illusion, which is an illusion of relative size perception. In the best-known version of this
illusion, two circles of identical size are placed near to each other and one is surrounded by large circles
while the other is surrounded by small circles; the first central circle then appears smaller than the second
central circle. This illusion is now used extensively in research incognitive psychology, to find out more
about the various perception pathways in our brain.
Ebbinghaus is also largely credited with drafting the first standard research report. In his paper on
memory, Ebbinghaus arranged his research into four sections: the introduction, the methods, the results,
and a discussion section. This clarity and organization of this format was so impressive to contemporaries
that it has now become standard in the discipline and all research reports follow the same standards laid
out by Ebbinghaus.
Unlike notable contemporaries like Titchener and James, Ebbinghaus did not promote any specific school
of psychology nor was he known for extensive lifetime research, having only done three works. He had
never attempted to bestow upon himself the title of the pioneer of experimental psychology, did not seek
to have any disciples, and left the exploitation of the new field to others.
Discourse on the nature of psychology[edit]
In addition to pioneering experimental psychology, Ebbinghaus was also a strong defender of this
direction of the new science, as is illustrated by his public dispute with University of Berlin
colleague,Wilhelm Dilthey. Shortly after Ebbinghaus left Berlin in 1893, Dilthey published a paper extolling
the virtues of descriptive psychology, and condemning experimental psychology as boring, claiming that
the mind was too complex, and that introspection was the desired method of studying the mind. The
debate at the time had been primarily whether psychology should aim to explain or understand the mind
and whether it belonged to the natural or human sciences. Many had seen Diltheys work as an outright
attack on experimental psychology, Ebbinghaus included, and he responded to Dilthey with a personal
letter and also a long scathing public article. Amongst his counterarguments against Dilthey he mentioned
that it is inevitable for psychology to do hypotheticalwork and that the kind of psychology that Dilthey was
attacking was the one that existed before Ebbinghauss experimental revolution. Charlotte
Buhler echoed his words some forty years later, stating that people like Ebbinghaus "buried the old
psychology in the 1890s". Ebbinghaus explained his scathing review by saying that he could not believe
that Dilthey was advocating the status quoof structuralists like Wilhelm Wundt and Titchener and
attempting to stifle psychologys progress.
Some contemporary texts still describe Ebbinghaus as a philosopher rather than a psychologist and he
had also spent his life as a professor of philosophy. However, Ebbinghaus himself would probably
describe himself as a psychologist considering that he fought to have psychology viewed as a separate
discipline from philosophy.
Influences[edit]
There has been some speculation as to what influenced Ebbinghaus in his undertakings. None of his
professors seem to have influenced him, nor are there suggestions that his colleagues affected him. Von
Hartmanns work, on which Ebbinghaus based his doctorate, did suggest that higher mental processes
were hidden from view, which may have spurred Ebbinghaus to attempt to prove otherwise. The one
influence that has always been cited as having inspired Ebbinghaus was Gustav Fechner's Elements of
Psychophysics, a book which he purchased second-hand in England. It is said that the meticulous
mathematical procedures impressed Ebbinghaus so much that he wanted to do for psychology what
Fechner had done for psychophysics. This inspiration is also evident in that Ebbinghaus dedicated his
second work Principles of Psychology to Fechner, signing it I owe everything to you.
[4]:206

Selected publications[edit]
Ebbinghaus, H. (1885). Memory: A contribution to experimental
psychology. New York: Dover.
Ebbinghaus, H. (1902). Grundzge der Psychologie. Leipzig: Veit &
Co.
Ebbinghaus, H. (1908). Psychology: An elementary textbook. New
York: Arno Press.
References[edit]
1. Jump up^ Wozniak, R. H. (1999). Introduction to memory: Hermann
Ebbinghaus (1885/1913). Classics in the history of psychology
2. ^ Jump up to:
a

b

c
Hermann Ebbinghaus. (1968). Retrieved from
International Enclyclopedia of the Social
Sciences:http://www.encyclopedia.com/topic/Hermann_Ebbinghaus.aspx
3. ^ Jump up to:
a

b

c
Ebbinghaus, H. (1913).. (H. Ruger, & C. Bussenius,
Trans.) New York, NY: Teachers College.
4. ^ Jump up to:
a

b

c
Thorne, B. M.; Henley, T. B. (2001). Connections in the
history and systems of psychology (2nd ed.). New York: Houghton
Mifflin. ISBN 0-618-04535-X.
5. Jump up^ Glaze, J. A. (1928). The association value of non-sense
syllables. Pedagogical Seminary and Journal of Genetic Psychology, 35,
255-269.
6. Jump up^ Thorne, B., Henley, T. (2005). Hermann Ebbinghaus in
Connections in the History and Systems of Psychology (3rd Edition ed.,
pp. 211-216). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Cengage Learning.
7. Jump up^ T.L. Brink (2008) Psychology: A Student Friendly Approach.
"Unit 7: Memory." pp. 126 [1]

related to: Hermann
Ebbinghaus
Introduction to Memory. by Robert H. Wozniak
Hermann Ebbinghaus at the Human Intelligence website
Short biography, bibliography, and links on digitized sources in
the Virtual Laboratory of the Max Planck Institute for the History of
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Memory
For other uses, see Memory (disambiguation).

Overview of the forms and functions of memory in the sciences
Neuropsychology
Topics[show]
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In psychology, memory is the process in which information is encoded, stored, and retrieved. Encoding
allows information that is from the outside world to reach our senses in the forms of chemical and physical
stimuli. In this first stage we must change the information so that we may put the memory into the
encoding process. Storage is the second memory stage or process. This entails that we maintain
information over periods of time. Finally the third process is the retrieval of information that we have
stored. We must locate it and return it to our consciousness. Some retrieval attempts may be effortless
due to the type of information.
From an information processing perspective there are three main stages in the formation and retrieval of
memory:
Encoding or registration: receiving, processing and combining of received information
Storage: creation of a permanent record of the encoded information
Retrieval, recall or recollection: calling back the stored information in response to some cue for use in
a process or activity
The loss of memory is described as forgetfulness or, as a medical disorder, amnesia.
Contents
[hide]
1 Sensory memory
2 Short-term memory
3 Long-term memory
4 Models
o 4.1 Atkinson-Shiffrin model
o 4.2 Working memory
5 Types of memory
o 5.1 Classification by information type
5.1.1 Declarative memory
5.1.2 Procedural memory
o 5.2 Classification by temporal direction
6 Techniques used to study memory
o 6.1 Techniques used to assess infants memory
o 6.2 Techniques used to assess older children and adults' memory
7 Memory failures
8 Physiology
9 Cognitive neuroscience of memory
10 Genetics
11 Memory in infancy
12 Memory and aging
13 Effects of physical exercise on memory
14 Disorders
15 Factors that influence memory
o 15.1 Influence of odors and emotions
o 15.2 Interference from previous knowledge
16 Memory and stress
17 Memory construction and manipulation
18 Improving memory
o 18.1 Levels of processing
o 18.2 Methods to optimize memorization
19 See also
20 References
21 External links
Sensory memory[edit]
Main article: Sensory memory
Sensory memory holds sensory information for less than one second after an item is perceived. The
ability to look at an item and remember what it looked like with just a split second of observation, or
memorization, is the example of sensory memory. It is out of cognitive control and is an automatic
response. With very short presentations, participants often report that they seem to "see" more than they
can actually report. The first experiments exploring this form of sensory memory were conducted
by George Sperling (1963)
[1]
using the "partial report paradigm". Subjects were presented with a grid of 12
letters, arranged into three rows of four. After a brief presentation, subjects were then played either a
high, medium or low tone, cuing them which of the rows to report. Based on these partial report
experiments, Sperling was able to show that the capacity of sensory memory was approximately 12
items, but that it degraded very quickly (within a few hundred milliseconds). Because this form of memory
degrades so quickly, participants would see the display but be unable to report all of the items (12 in the
"whole report" procedure) before they decayed. This type of memory cannot be prolonged via rehearsal.
Three types of sensory memories exist. Iconic memory is a fast decaying store of visual information; a
type of sensory memory that briefly stores an image which has been perceived for a small
duration. Echoic memory is a fast decaying store of auditory information, another type of sensory memory
that briefly stores sounds that have been perceived for short durations.
[2]
Haptic memory is a type of
sensory memory that represents a database for touch stimuli.
Short-term memory[edit]
Main article: Short-term memory
Short-term memory allows recall for a period of several seconds to a minute without rehearsal. Its
capacity is also very limited: George A. Miller (1956), when working at Bell Laboratories, conducted
experiments showing that the store of short-term memory was 72 items (the title of his famous paper,
"The magical number 72"). Modern estimates of the capacity of short-term memory are lower, typically of
the order of 45 items;
[3]
however, memory capacity can be increased through a process
called chunking.
[4]
For example, in recalling a ten-digit telephone number, a person could chunk the digits
into three groups: first, the area code (such as 123), then a three-digit chunk (456) and lastly a four-digit
chunk (7890). This method of remembering telephone numbers is far more effective than attempting to
remember a string of 10 digits; this is because we are able to chunk the information into meaningful
groups of numbers. This may be reflected in some countries in the tendency to display telephone
numbers as several chunks of two to four numbers.
Short-term memory is believed to rely mostly on an acoustic code for storing information, and to a lesser
extent a visual code. Conrad (1964)
[5]
found that test subjects had more difficulty recalling collections of
letters that were acoustically similar (e.g. E, P, D). Confusion with recalling acoustically similar letters
rather than visually similar letters implies that the letters were encoded acoustically. Conrad's (1964)
study, however, deals with the encoding of written text; thus, while memory of written language may rely
on acoustic components, generalisations to all forms of memory cannot be made.
Long-term memory[edit]

Olin Levi Warner,Memory (1896). Library of Congress Thomas Jefferson Building, Washington, D.C.
Main article: Long-term memory
The storage in sensory memory and short-term memory generally has a strictly limited capacity and
duration, which means that information is not retained indefinitely. By contrast, long-term memory can
store much larger quantities of information for potentially unlimited duration (sometimes a whole life
span). Its capacity is immeasurably large. For example, given a random seven-digit number we may
remember it for only a few seconds before forgetting, suggesting it was stored in our short-term memory.
On the other hand, we can remember telephone numbers for many years through repetition; this
information is said to be stored in long-term memory.
While short-term memory encodes information acoustically, long-term memory encodes it semantically:
Baddeley (1966)
[6]
discovered that, after 20 minutes, test subjects had the most difficulty recalling a
collection of words that had similar meanings (e.g. big, large, great, huge) long-term. Another part of long-
term memory is episodic memory, "which attempts to capture information such as 'what', 'when' and
'where'".
[7]
With episodic memory, individuals are able to recall specific events such as birthday parties
and weddings.
Short-term memory is supported by transient patterns of neuronal communication, dependent on regions
of the frontal lobe (especially dorsolateral prefrontal cortex) and the parietal lobe. Long-term memory, on
the other hand, is maintained by more stable and permanent changes in neural connections widely
spread throughout the brain. The hippocampus is essential (for learning new information) to the
consolidation of information from short-term to long-term memory, although it does not seem to store
information itself. Without the hippocampus, new memories are unable to be stored into long-term
memory, as learned from patient Henry Molaison after removal of both his hippocampi,
[8]
and there will be
a very short attention span. Furthermore, it may be involved in changing neural connections for a period
of three months or more after the initial learning. One of the primary functions of sleep is thought to be the
improvement of the consolidation of information, as several studies have demonstrated that memory
depends on getting sufficient sleep between training and test.
[9]
Additionally, data obtained from
neuroimaging studies have shown activation patterns in the sleeping brain that mirror those recorded
during the learning of tasks from the previous day,
[9]
suggesting that new memories may be solidified
through such rehearsal.
Research has suggested that long-term memory storage in humans may be maintained by DNA
methylation,
[10]
or prions.
[11]

Models[edit]
Models of memory provide abstract representations of how memory is believed to work. Below are
several models proposed over the years by various psychologists. Controversy is involved as to whether
several memory structures exist.
Atkinson-Shiffrin model[edit]

See also: Memory consolidation
The multi-store model (also known as Atkinson-Shiffrin memory model) was first described in 1968
by Atkinson and Shiffrin.
The multi-store model has been criticised for being too simplistic. For instance, long-term memory is
believed to be actually made up of multiple subcomponents, such as episodic and procedural memory. It
also proposes that rehearsal is the only mechanism by which information eventually reaches long-term
storage, but evidence shows us capable of remembering things without rehearsal.
The model also shows all the memory stores as being a single unit whereas research into this shows
differently. For example, short-term memory can be broken up into different units such as visual
information and acoustic information. In a study by Zlonoga and Gerber (1986), patient 'KF' demonstrated
certain deviations from the Atkinson-Shiffrin model. Patient KF was brain damaged, displaying difficulties
regarding short term memory. Recognition of sounds such as spoken numbers, letters, words and easily
identifiable noises (such as doorbells and cats meowing) were all impacted. Interestingly, visual short
term memory was unaffected, suggesting a dichotomy between visual and audial memory.
[12]

Working memory[edit]

The working memory model
Main article: Working memory
In 1974 Baddeley and Hitch proposed a "working memory model" that replaced the general concept of
short term memory with an active maintenance of information in the short term storage. In this model,
working memory consists of three basic stores: the central executive, the phonological loop and the
visuo-spatial sketchpad. In 2000 this model was expanded with the multimodal episodic buffer
(Baddeley's model of working memory).
[13]

The central executive essentially acts as an attention sensory store. It channels information to the three
component processes: the phonological loop, the visuo-spatial sketchpad, and the episodic buffer.
The phonological loop stores auditory information by silently rehearsing sounds or words in a continuous
loop: the articulatory process (for example the repetition of a telephone number over and over again). A
short list of data is easier to remember.
The visuospatial sketchpad stores visual and spatial information. It is engaged when performing spatial
tasks (such as judging distances) or visual ones (such as counting the windows on a house or imagining
images).
The episodic buffer is dedicated to linking information across domains to form integrated units of visual,
spatial, and verbal information and chronological ordering (e.g., the memory of a story or a movie scene).
The episodic buffer is also assumed to have links to long-term memory and semantical meaning.
The working memory model explains many practical observations, such as why it is easier to do two
different tasks (one verbal and one visual) than two similar tasks (e.g., two visual), and the
aforementioned word-length effect. However, the concept of a central executive as noted here has been
criticised as inadequate and vague.
[citation needed]
Working memory is also the premise for what allows us to
do everyday activities involving thought. It is the section of memory where we carry out thought processes
and use them to learn and reason about topics.
[13]

Types of memory[edit]
Researchers distinguish between recognition and recall memory. Recognition memory tasks require
individuals to indicate whether they have encountered a stimulus (such as a picture or a word) before.
Recall memory tasks require participants to retrieve previously learned information. For example,
individuals might be asked to produce a series of actions they have seen before or to say a list of words
they have heard before.
Classification by information type[edit]
Topographic memory involves the ability to orient oneself in space, to recognize and follow an itinerary,
or to recognize familiar places.
[14]
Getting lost when traveling alone is an example of the failure of
topographic memory.
[15]

Flashbulb memories are clear episodic memories of unique and highly emotional events.
[16]
People
remembering where they were or what they were doing when they first heard the news of President
Kennedys assassination
[17]
or of 9/11 are examples of flashbulb memories.
Anderson (1976)
[18]
divides long-term memory into declarative (explicit) and procedural
(implicit) memories.
Declarative memory[edit]
Main article: Declarative memory
Declarative memory requires conscious recall, in that some conscious process must call back the
information. It is sometimes called explicit memory, since it consists of information that is explicitly stored
and retrieved.
Declarative memory can be further sub-divided into semantic memory, concerning facts taken
independent of context; and episodic memory, concerning information specific to a particular context,
such as a time and place. Semantic memory allows the encoding of abstract knowledge about the world,
such as "Paris is the capital of France". Episodic memory, on the other hand, is used for more personal
memories, such as the sensations, emotions, and personal associations of a particular place or
time. Autobiographical memory - memory for particular events within one's own life - is generally viewed
as either equivalent to, or a subset of, episodic memory. Visual memory is part of memory preserving
some characteristics of our senses pertaining to visual experience. One is able to place in memory
information that resembles objects, places, animals or people in sort of a mental image. Visual memory
can result in priming and it is assumed some kind of perceptual representational system underlies this
phenomenon.
[citation needed]

Procedural memory[edit]
In contrast, procedural memory (or implicit memory) is not based on the conscious recall of information,
but on implicit learning. Procedural memory is primarily employed in learning motor skills and should be
considered a subset of implicit memory. It is revealed when one does better in a given task due only to
repetition - no new explicit memories have been formed, but one is unconsciouslyaccessing aspects of
those previous experiences. Procedural memory involved in motor learning depends on
the cerebellum and basal ganglia.
A characteristic of procedural memory is the things remembered are automatically translated into actions,
and thus sometimes difficult to describe. Some examples of procedural memory include the ability to ride
a bike or tie shoelaces.
[19]

Classification by temporal direction[edit]
Another major way to distinguish different memory functions is whether the content to be remembered is
in the past, retrospective memory, or in the future, prospective memory. Thus, retrospective memory as a
category includes semantic, episodic and autobiographical memory. In contrast, prospective memory is
memory for future intentions, or remembering to remember (Winograd, 1988). Prospective memory can
be further broken down into event- and time-based prospective remembering. Time-based prospective
memories are triggered by a time-cue, such as going to the doctor (action) at 4pm (cue). Event-based
prospective memories are intentions triggered by cues, such as remembering to post a letter (action) after
seeing a mailbox (cue). Cues do not need to be related to the action (as the mailbox/letter example), and
lists, sticky-notes, knotted handkerchiefs, or string around the finger all exemplify cues that people use as
strategies to enhance prospective memory.
Techniques used to study memory[edit]
Techniques used to assess infants memory[edit]
Infants do not have the language ability to report on their memories and so verbal reports cannot be used
to assess very young childrens memory. Throughout the years, however, researchers have adapted and
developed a number of measures for assessing both infants recognition memory and their recall
memory. Habituation and operant conditioning techniques have been used to assess infants recognition
memory and the deferred and elicited imitation techniques have been used to assess infants recall
memory.
Techniques used to assess infants recognition memory include the following:
Visual paired comparison procedure (relies on habituation): infants are first presented with pairs
of visual stimuli, such as two black-and-white photos of human faces, for a fixed amount of time;
then, after being familiarized with the two photos, they are presented with the "familiar" photo and a
new photo. The time spent looking at each photo is recorded. Looking longer at the new photo
indicates that they remember the "familiar" one. Studies using this procedure have found that 5- to 6-
month-olds can retain information for as long as fourteen days.
[20]

Operant conditioning technique: infants are placed in a crib and a ribbon that is connected to a
mobile overhead is tied to one of their feet. Infants notice that when they kick their foot the mobile
moves the rate of kicking increases dramatically within minutes. Studies using this technique have
revealed that infants memory substantially improves over the first 18-months. Whereas 2- to 3-
month-olds can retain an operant response (such as activating the mobile by kicking their foot) for a
week, 6-month-olds can retain it for two weeks, and 18-month-olds can retain a similar operant
response for as long as 13 weeks.
[21][22][23]

Techniques used to assess infants recall memory include the following:
Deferred imitation technique: an experimenter shows infants a unique sequence of actions (such
as using a stick to push a button on a box) and then, after a delay, asks the infants to imitate the
actions. Studies using deferred imitation have shown that 14-month-olds memories for the sequence
of actions can last for as long as four months.
[24]

Elicited imitation technique: is very similar to the deferred imitation technique; the difference is that
infants are allowed to imitate the actions before the delay. Studies using the elicited imitation
technique have shown that 20-month-olds can recall the action sequences twelve months later.
[25][26]

Techniques used to assess older children and adults' memory[edit]
Researchers use a variety of tasks to assess older children and adults' memory. Some examples are:
Paired associate learning - when one learns to associate one specific word with another. For
example when given a word such as "safe" one must learn to say another specific word, such as
"green". This is stimulus and response.
[27][28]

Free recall - during this task a subject would be asked to study a list of words and then later they will
be asked to recall or write down as many words that they can remember.
[29]
Earlier items are affected
by retroactive interference (RI), which means the longer the list, the greater the interference, and the
less likelihood that they are recalled. On the other hand, items that have been presented lastly suffer
little RI, but suffer a great deal from proactive interference (PI), which means the longer the delay in
recall, the more likely that the items will be lost.
[30]

Recognition - subjects are asked to remember a list of words or pictures, after which point they are
asked to identify the previously presented words or pictures from among a list of alternatives that
were not presented in the original list.
[31]

Detection paradigm - Individuals are shown a number of objects and color samples during a certain
period of time. They are then tested on their visual ability to remember as much as they can by
looking at testers and pointing out whether the testers are similar to the sample, or if any change is
present.
Memory failures[edit]
Transience - memories degrade with the passing of time. This occurs in the storage stage of
memory, after the information has been stored and before it is retrieved. This can happen in sensory,
short-term, and long-term storage. It follows a general pattern where the information is rapidly
forgotten during the first couple of days or years, followed by small losses in later days or years.
Absentmindedness - Memory failure due to the lack of attention. Attention plays a key role in storing
information into long-term memory; without proper attention, the information might not be stored,
making it impossible to be retrieved later.
Physiology[edit]
Brain areas involved in the neuroanatomy of memory such as the hippocampus, the amygdala,
the striatum, or the mammillary bodies are thought to be involved in specific types of memory. For
example, the hippocampus is believed to be involved in spatial learning and declarative learning, while
the amygdala is thought to be involved in emotional memory.
[32]
Damage to certain areas in patients and
animal models and subsequent memory deficits is a primary source of information. However, rather than
implicating a specific area, it could be that damage to adjacent areas, or to a pathway traveling through
the area is actually responsible for the observed deficit. Further, it is not sufficient to describe memory,
and its counterpart, learning, as solely dependent on specific brain regions. Learning and memory are
attributed to changes in neuronal synapses, thought to be mediated by long-term potentiation and long-
term depression.
In general, the more emotionally charged an event or experience is, the better it is remembered; this
phenomenon is known as the memory enhancement effect. Patients with amygdala damage, however,
do not show a memory enhancement effect.
[33][34]

Hebb distinguished between short-term and long-term memory. He postulated that any memory that
stayed in short-term storage for a long enough time would be consolidated into a long-term memory.
Later research showed this to be false. Research has shown that direct injections
of cortisol or epinephrine help the storage of recent experiences. This is also true for stimulation of the
amygdala. This proves that excitement enhances memory by the stimulation of hormones that affect the
amygdala. Excessive or prolonged stress (with prolonged cortisol) may hurt memory storage. Patients
with amygdalar damage are no more likely to remember emotionally charged words than nonemotionally
charged ones. The hippocampus is important for explicit memory. The hippocampus is also important for
memory consolidation. The hippocampus receives input from different parts of the cortex and sends its
output out to different parts of the brain also. The input comes from secondary and tertiary sensory areas
that have processed the information a lot already. Hippocampal damage may also cause memory
loss and problems with memory storage.
[35]

Cognitive neuroscience of memory[edit]
Cognitive neuroscientists consider memory as the retention, reactivation, and reconstruction of the
experience-independent internal representation. The term of internal representation implies that such
definition of memory contains two components: the expression of memory at the behavioral or conscious
level, and the underpinning physical neural changes (Dudai 2007). The latter component is also
called engram or memory traces (Semon 1904). Some neuroscientists and psychologists mistakenly
equate the concept of engram and memory, broadly conceiving all persisting after-effects of experiences
as memory; others argue against this notion that memory does not exist until it is revealed in behavior or
thought (Moscovitch 2007).
One question that is crucial in cognitive neuroscience is how information and mental experiences are
coded and represented in the brain. Scientists have gained much knowledge about the neuronal codes
from the studies of plasticity, but most of such research has been focused on simple learning in simple
neuronal circuits; it is considerably less clear about the neuronal changes involved in more complex
examples of memory, particularly declarative memory that requires the storage of facts and events (Byrne
2007).
Encoding. Encoding of working memory involves the spiking of individual neurons induced by
sensory input, which persists even after the sensory input disappears (Jensen and Lisman 2005;
Fransen et al. 2002). Encoding of episodic memory involves persistent changes in molecular
structures that alter synaptic transmission between neurons. Examples of such structural changes
include long-term potentiation (LTP) or spike-timing-dependent plasticity (STDP). The persistent
spiking in working memory can enhance the synaptic and cellular changes in the encoding of
episodic memory (Jensen and Lisman 2005).
Working memory. Recent functional imaging studies detected working memory signals in both medial
temporal lobe (MTL), a brain area strongly associated with long-term memory, and prefrontal
cortex (Ranganath et al. 2005), suggesting a strong relationship between working memory and long-
term memory. However, the substantially more working memory signals seen in the prefrontal lobe
suggest that this area play a more important role in working memory than MTL (Suzuki 2007).
Consolidation and reconsolidation. Short-term memory (STM) is temporary and subject to disruption,
while long-term memory (LTM), once consolidated, is persistent and stable. Consolidation of STM
into LTM at the molecular level presumably involves two processes: synaptic consolidation and
system consolidation. The former involves a protein synthesis process in the medial temporal lobe
(MTL), whereas the latter transforms the MTL-dependent memory into an MTL-independent memory
over months to years (Ledoux 2007). In recent years, such traditional consolidation dogma has been
re-evaluated as a result of the studies on reconsolidation. These studies showed that prevention
after retrieval affects subsequent retrieval of the memory (Sara 2000). New studies have shown that
post-retrieval treatment with protein synthesis inhibitors and many other compounds can lead to an
amnestic state (Nadel et al. 2000b; Alberini 2005; Dudai 2006). These findings on reconsolidation fit
with the behavioral evidence that retrieved memory is not a carbon copy of the initial experiences,
and memories are updated during retrieval.
Genetics[edit]
Study of the genetics of human memory is in its infancy. A notable initial success was the association
of APOE with memory dysfunction in Alzheimer's Disease. The search for genes associated with normally
varying memory continues. One of the first candidates for normal variation in memory is the
gene KIBRA,
[36]
which appears to be associated with the rate at which material is forgotten over a delay
period.
Memory in infancy[edit]
For the inability of adults to retrieve early memories, see Childhood amnesia.
Up until the middle of the 1980s it was assumed that infants could not encode, retain, and retrieve
information.
[37]
A growing body of research now indicates that infants as young as 6-months can recall
information after a 24-hour delay.
[38]
Furthermore, research has revealed that as infants grow older they
can store information for longer periods of time; 6-month-olds can recall information after a 24-hour
period, 9-month-olds after up to five weeks, and 20-month-olds after as long as twelve months.
[39]
In
addition, studies have shown that with age, infants can store information faster. Whereas 14-month-olds
can recall a three-step sequence after being exposed to it once, 6-month-olds need approximately six
exposures in order to be able to remember it.
[24][38]

It should be noted that although 6-month-olds can recall information over the short-term, they have
difficulty recalling the temporal order of information. It is only by 9 months of age that infants can recall
the actions of a two-step sequence in the correct temporal order - that is, recalling step 1 and then step
2.
[40][41]
In other words, when asked to imitate a two-step action sequence (such as putting a toy car in the
base and pushing in the plunger to make the toy roll to the other end), 9-month-olds tend to imitate the
actions of the sequence in the correct order (step 1 and then step 2). Younger infants (6-month-olds) can
only recall one step of a two-step sequence.
[38]
Researchers have suggested that these age differences
are probably due to the fact that the dentate gyrus of the hippocampus and the frontal components of the
neural network are not fully developed at the age of 6-months.
[25][42][43]

Memory and aging[edit]
Main article: Memory and aging
One of the key concerns of older adults is the experience of memory loss, especially as it is one of the
hallmark symptoms of Alzheimer's disease. However, memory loss is qualitatively different in
normal aging from the kind of memory loss associated with a diagnosis of Alzheimer's (Budson & Price,
2005). Research has revealed that individuals performance on memory tasks that rely on frontal regions
declines with age. Older adults tend to exhibit deficits on tasks that involve knowing the temporal order in
which they learned information;
[44]
source memory tasks that require them to remember the specific
circumstances or context in which they learned information;
[45]
and prospective memory tasks that involve
remembering to perform an act at a future time. Older adults can manage their problems with prospective
memory by using appointment books, for example.
Effects of physical exercise on memory[edit]
Main article: Effects of physical exercise on memory
Physical exercise, particularly continuous aerobic exercises such as running, cycling and swimming, has
many cognitive benefits and effects on the brain. Influences on the brain include increases in
neurotransmitter levels, improved oxygen and nutrient delivery, and increased neurogenesis in the
hippocampus. The effects of exercise on memory have important implications for improving children's
academic performance, maintaining mental abilities in old age, and the prevention and potential cure of
neurological diseases.
Disorders[edit]
Main article: Memory disorder
Much of the current knowledge of memory has come from studying memory disorders, particularly
amnesia. Loss of memory is known as amnesia. Amnesia can result from extensive damage to: (a) the
regions of the medial temporal lobe, such as the hippocampus, dentate gyrus, subiculum, amygdala, the
parahippocampal, entorhinal, and perirhinal cortices
[46]
or the (b) midline diencephalic region, specifically
the dorsomedial nucleus of the thalamus and the mammillary bodies of the hypothalamus.
[47]
There are
many sorts of amnesia, and by studying their different forms, it has become possible to observe apparent
defects in individual sub-systems of the brain's memory systems, and thus hypothesize their function in
the normally working brain. Other neurological disorders such asAlzheimer's disease and Parkinson's
disease
[48]
can also affect memory and cognition. Hyperthymesia, or hyperthymesic syndrome, is a
disorder that affects an individual's autobiographical memory, essentially meaning that they cannot forget
small details that otherwise would not be stored.
[49]
Korsakoff's syndrome, also known as Korsakoff's
psychosis, amnesic-confabulatory syndrome, is an organic brain disease that adversely affects memory.
While not a disorder, a common temporary failure of word retrieval from memory is the tip-of-the-
tongue phenomenon. Sufferers of Anomic aphasia (also called Nominal aphasia or Anomia), however, do
experience the tip-of-the-tongue phenomenon on an ongoing basis due to damage to the frontal and
parietal lobes of the brain.
Factors that influence memory[edit]
Influence of odors and emotions[edit]
In March 2007 German researchers found they could use odors to re-activate new memories in the brains
of people while they slept and the volunteers remembered better later.
[50]
Emotion can have a powerful
impact on memory. Numerous studies have shown that the most vivid autobiographical memories tend to
be of emotional events, which are likely to be recalled more often and with more clarity and detail than
neutral events.
[51]

The part of the brain that is critical in creating the feeling of emotion is the amygdala, which allows for
stress hormones to strengthen neuron communication.
[52]
The chemicals cortisone and adrenaline are
released in the brain when the amygdala is activated by positive or negative excitement. The most
effective way to activate the amygdala is fear, because fear is an instinctive, protective mechanism which
comes on strong making it memorable. Sometimes the feeling can be overwhelming. This is when a
memory can be hazy yet vivid, or haunting with perfect clarity. This discovery led to the development of a
drug to help treat posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD).
[53]
When someone is in a heightened emotional
state, the events causing it become strong and ground in the memory, sometimes disrupting daily life for
years.
[54]

An experiment done with rats helped create the drug for treating this issue. Dr. Kerry Ressler at Emory
University, used tones and shocks to test an existing drug called cycloserine (an anti-tuberculosis drug).
Rats would hear a tone and receive a mild shock, training them to fear the tone. Then the drug was given
to one set of rats, and the tests were done again. The rats that did not receive the drug froze in fear.
When the tone was heard, the rats given the drug ignored the tone and continued on.
[55]
The drug can
effectively allow for new receptor connections between neurons and relaxing of the amygdala when it
comes to fear, allowing patients to have a chance of recovery from PTSD.
Dr. Barbara Rothbaum at Emory University conducts experimental treatments for PTSD using the
knowledge that exactly the same neurons are active when remembering an event as when it was created.
Her administration of the drug cycloserine is intended to help patients foster new connections between
neurons, providing a window to lessen former traumatic connections. Rothbaum decided to use the drug
in a therapy session that utilizes virtual reality to give PTSD suffers a second chance. Once the events
that have caused the PTSD are identified, the process can begin. The surroundings of the events are
recreated in a virtual reality helmet (for instance, in a combat vehicle in the desert).
[56]
This would help to
recall the target memories in a safe environment, and activate the neurons without activating the fear
response from the amygdala. When the dicyclomine is in the patient's system and the same neurons are
active that were active during the event, the patient can now have a chance to re-form neural
connections, with less chemicals present from the amygdala. This does not erase the memory, but rather
lessens the strength of it, giving some relief so that people suffering from PTSD can try to move on and
live their lives.
Recall is linked with emotion. If pain, joy, excitement, or any other strong emotion is present during an
event, the neurons active during this event produce strong connections with each other. When this event
is remembered or recalled in the future, the neurons will more easily and speedily make the same
connections. The strength and longevity of memories is directly related to the amount of emotion felt
during the event of their creation.
[57]

Interference from previous knowledge[edit]
At the Center for Cognitive Science at Ohio State University, researchers have found that memory
accuracy of adults is hurt by the fact that they know more, and have more experience than children, and
tend to apply all this knowledge when learning new information. The findings appeared in the August
2004 edition of the journal Psychological Science.
Interference can hamper memorization and retrieval. There is retroactive interference, when learning new
information makes it harder to recall old information
[58]
and proactive interference, where prior learning
disrupts recall of new information. Although interference can lead to forgetting, it is important to keep in
mind that there are situations when old information can facilitate learning of new information. Knowing
Latin, for instance, can help an individual learn a related language such as French this phenomenon is
known as positive transfer.
[59]

Memory and stress[edit]
Stress has a significant effect on memory formation and learning. In response to stressful situations, the
brain releases hormones and neurotransmitters (ex. glucocorticoids and catecholamines) which affect
memory encoding processes in the hippocampus. Behavioural research on animals shows that chronic
stress produces adrenal hormones which impact the hippocampal structure in the brains of rats.
[60]
An
experimental study by German cognitive psychologists L. Schwabe and O. Wolf demonstrates how
learning under stress also decreases memory recall in humans.
[61]
In this study, 48 healthy female and
male university students participated in either a stress test or a control group. Those randomly assigned
to the stress test group had a hand immersed in ice cold water (the reputable SECPT or Socially
Evaluated Cold Pressor Test) for up to three minutes, while being monitored and videotaped. Both the
stress and control groups were then presented with 32 words to memorize. Twenty-four hours later, both
groups were tested to see how many words they could remember (free recall) as well as how many they
could recognize from a larger list of words (recognition performance). The results showed a clear
impairment of memory performance in the stress test group, who recalled 30% fewer words than the
control group. The researchers suggest that stress experienced during learning distracts people by
diverting their attention during the memory encoding process.
However, memory performance can be enhanced when material is linked to the learning context, even
when learning occurs under stress. A separate study by cognitive psychologists Schwabe and Wolf
shows that when retention testing is done in a context similar to or congruent with the original learning
task (i.e., in the same room), memory impairment and the detrimental effects of stress on learning can be
attenuated.
[62]
Seventy-two healthy female and male university students, randomly assigned to the
SECPT stress test or to a control group, were asked to remember the locations of 15 pairs of picture
cards a computerized version of the card game "Concentration" or "Memory". The room in which the
experiment took place was infused with the scent of vanilla, as odour is a strong cue for memory.
Retention testing took place the following day, either in the same room with the vanilla scent again
present, or in a different room without the fragrance. The memory performance of subjects who
experienced stress during the object-location task decreased significantly when they were tested in an
unfamiliar room without the vanilla scent (an incongruent context); however, the memory performance of
stressed subjects showed no impairment when they were tested in the original room with the vanilla scent
(a congruent context). All participants in the experiment, both stressed and unstressed, performed faster
when the learning and retrieval contexts were similar.
[63]

This research on the effects of stress on memory may have practical implications for education, for
eyewitness testimony and for psychotherapy: students may perform better when tested in their regular
classroom rather than an exam room, eyewitnesses may recall details better at the scene of an event
than in a courtroom, and persons suffering from post-traumatic stress may improve when helped to
situate their memories of a traumatic event in an appropriate context.
Memory construction and manipulation[edit]
Although people often think that memory operates like recording equipment, it is not the case. The
molecular mechanisms underlying the induction and maintenance of memory are very dynamic and
comprise distinct phases covering a time window from seconds to even a lifetime.
[64]
In fact, research has
revealed that our memories are constructed. People can construct their memories when they encode
them and/or when they recall them. To illustrate, consider a classic study conducted by Elizabeth Loftus
and John Palmer (1974)
[65]
in which people were instructed to watch a film of a traffic accident and then
asked about what they saw. The researchers found that the people who were asked, "How fast were the
cars going when they smashed into each other?" gave higher estimates than those who were asked,
"How fast were the cars going when they hit each other?" Furthermore, when asked a week later whether
they have seen broken glass in the film, those who had been asked the question with smashed were
twice more likely to report that they have seen broken glass than those who had been asked the question
with hit. There was no broken glass depicted in the film. Thus, the wording of the questions distorted
viewers memories of the event. Importantly, the wording of the question led people to construct different
memories of the event those who were asked the question with smashed recalled a more serious car
accident than they had actually seen. The findings of this experiment were replicated around the world,
and researchers consistently demonstrated that when people were provided with misleading information
they tended to misremember, a phenomenon known as the misinformation effect.
[66]

Interestingly, research has revealed that asking individuals to repeatedly imagine actions that they have
never performed or events that they have never experienced could result in false memories. For instance,
Goff and Roediger
[67]
(1998) asked participants to imagine that they performed an act (e.g., break a
toothpick) and then later asked them whether they had done such a thing. Findings revealed that those
participants who repeatedly imagined performing such an act were more likely to think that they had
actually performed that act during the first session of the experiment. Similarly, Garry and her colleagues
(1996)
[68]
asked college students to report how certain they were that they experienced a number of
events as children (e.g., broke a window with their hand) and then two weeks later asked them to imagine
four of those events. The researchers found that one-fourth of the students asked to imagine the four
events reported that they had actually experienced such events as children. That is, when asked to
imagine the events they were more confident that they experienced the events.
Research reported in 2013 revealed that it is possible to artificially stimulate prior memories and artificiall y
implant false memories in mice. Using optogenetics, a team of RIKEN-MIT scientists caused the mice to
incorrectly associate a benign environment with a prior unpleasant experience from different
surroundings. Some scientists believe that the study may have implications in studying false memory
formation in humans, and in treating PTSD and schizophrenia.
[69]

Improving memory[edit]
Main article: Improving memory
A UCLA research study published in the June 2006 issue of the American Journal of Geriatric Psychiatry
found that people can improve cognitive function and brain efficiency through simple lifestyle changes
such as incorporating memory exercises, healthy eating, physical fitness and stress reduction into their
daily lives. This study examined 17 subjects, (average age 53) with normal memory performance. Eight
subjects were asked to follow a "brain healthy" diet, relaxation, physical, and mental exercise (brain
teasers and verbal memory training techniques). After 14 days, they showed greater word fluency (not
memory) compared to their baseline performance. No long term follow up was conducted, it is therefore
unclear if this intervention has lasting effects on memory.
[70]

There are a loosely associated group of mnemonic principles and techniques that can be used to vastly
improve memory known as the Art of memory.
The International Longevity Center released in 2001 a report
[71]
which includes in pages 1416
recommendations for keeping the mind in good functionality until advanced age. Some of the
recommendations are to stay intellectually active through learning, training or reading, to keep physically
active so to promote blood circulation to the brain, to socialize, to reduce stress, to keep sleep time
regular, to avoid depression or emotional instability and to observe good nutrition.
Levels of processing[edit]
Main article: Levels-of-processing effect
Craik and Lockhart (1972) proposed that it is the method and depth of processing that affects how an
experience is stored in memory, rather than rehearsal.
Organization - Mandler (1967) gave participants a pack of word cards and asked them to sort them
into any number of piles using any system of categorisation they liked. When they were later asked to
recall as many of the words as they could, those who used more categories remembered more
words. This study suggested that the organization of memory is one of its central aspects (Mandler,
2011).
Distinctiveness - Eysenck and Eysenck (1980) asked participants to say words in a distinctive way,
e.g. spell the words out loud. Such participants recalled the words better than those who simply read
them off a list.
Effort - Tyler et al. (1979) had participants solve a series of anagrams, some easy (FAHTER) and
some difficult (HREFAT). The participants recalled the difficult anagrams better, presumably because
they put more effort into them.
Elaboration - Palmere et al. (1983) gave participants descriptive paragraphs of a fictitious African
nation. There were some short paragraphs and some with extra sentences elaborating the main idea.
Recall was higher for the ideas in the elaborated paragraphs.
Methods to optimize memorization[edit]
Memorization is a method of learning that allows an individual to recall information verbatim. Rote
learning is the method most often used. Methods of memorizing things have been the subject of much
discussion over the years with some writers, such as Cosmos Rossellius using visual alphabets.
The spacing effect shows that an individual is more likely to remember a list of items when rehearsal is
spaced over an extended period of time. In contrast to this is cramming: an intensive memorization in a
short period of time. Also relevant is the Zeigarnik effect which states that people remember uncompleted
or interrupted tasks better than completed ones. The so-called Method of loci uses spatial memory to
memorize non-spatial information.
[72]

See also[edit]
Intermediate-term memory
Politics of memory
Method of loci
Mnemonic major system
Adaptive memory
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54. Jump up^ Jeffrys, MD,, Matt. "Clinician's Guide to Medications for PTSD". United States Department of
Veterans Affairs. Retrieved 15 December 2013.
55. Jump up^ Siegelheim, Matt. "Researchers Discover Biological Pathway Linked to PTSD".
abcnews.go.com. Retrieved 15 December 2013.
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News. Retrieved 15 December 2013.
57. Jump up^ Heuer, Friderike; Reisberg, Daniel (1 September 1990). "Vivid memories of emotional events:
The accuracy of remembered minutiae". Memory & Cognition (Springer-Verlag) 18 (5): 496
506.doi:10.3758/BF03198482. ISSN 0090-502X. Retrieved 15 December 2012.
58. Jump up^ Underwood BJ (1957). "Interference and forgetting". Psychological Review 64: 49
60. doi:10.1037/h0044616.
59. Jump up^ Perkins DN, Salomon G (1992). "Transfer of learning". In Postlethwaite, T. Neville; Husn,
Torsten. International Encyclopedia of Education (2 ed.) (Oxford: Pergamon). ISBN 0-08-041046-
4.OCLC 749308019.
60. Jump up^ Conrad, C.D. (2010). A critical review of chronic stress effects on spatial learning and
memory. Progress in Neuro-Psychopharmacology & Biological Psychiatry, 34(5), 742-
755.doi:10.1016/j.pnpbp.2009.11.003
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formation". Neurobiology of Learning and Memory 93 (2): 183188. doi:10.1016/j.nlm.2009.09.009.
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environments prevent memory retrieval impairment following stress". Affective & Behavioral
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memory". Learning and Memory 16 (2): 110113.doi:10.1101/lm.1257509.
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72. Jump up^ Henrik Olsson, Leo Poom and Anne Treisman Proceedings of the National Academy of
Sciences of the United States of America , Vol. 102, No. 24 (Jun. 14, 2005), pp. 8776-8780

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Top-down and bottom-up design
"Top-down" redirects here. For other uses, see Top-down (disambiguation).
"Bottom up" redirects here. For other uses, see Bottom-up (disambiguation).

[hide]This article has multiple issues. Please help improve it or discuss these issues on the talk page.
This article possibly contains original research. (December 2010)
This article needs additional citations for verification. (December 2010)

Top-down and bottom-up are both strategies of information processing and knowledge ordering, used in
a variety of fields including software, humanistic and scientific theories (see systemics), and management
and organization. In practice, they can be seen as a style of thinking and teaching.
A top-down approach (also known as stepwise design and in some cases used as a synonym
of decomposition) is essentially the breaking down of a system to gain insight into its compositional sub-
systems. In a top-down approach an overview of the system is formulated, specifying but not detailing
any first-level subsystems. Each subsystem is then refined in yet greater detail, sometimes in many
additional subsystem levels, until the entire specification is reduced to base elements. A top-down model
is often specified with the assistance of "black boxes", these make it easier to manipulate. However, black
boxes may fail to elucidate elementary mechanisms or be detailed enough to realistically validate the
model. Top down approach starts with the big picture. It breaks down from there into smaller segments.
[1]

A bottom-up approach is the piecing together of systems to give rise to more complex systems, thus
making the original systems sub-systems of the emergent system. Bottom-up processing is a type
of information processing based on incoming data from the environment to form a perception. Information
enters the eyes in one direction (input), and is then turned into an image by the brain that can be
interpreted and recognized as a perception (output). In a bottom-up approach the individual base
elements of the system are first specified in great detail. These elements are then linked together to form
larger subsystems, which then in turn are linked, sometimes in many levels, until a complete top-level
system is formed. This strategy often resembles a "seed" model, whereby the beginnings are small but
eventually grow in complexity and completeness. However, "organic strategies" may result in a tangle of
elements and subsystems, developed in isolation and subject to local optimization as opposed to meeting
a global purpose.
Contents
[hide]
1 Product design and development
2 Computer science
o 2.1 Software development
o 2.2 Programming
o 2.3 Parsing
3 Nanotechnology
4 Neuroscience and psychology
5 Management and organization
o 5.1 State organization
o 5.2 Public health
6 Architecture
7 Ecology
8 See also
9 Notes
10 References
11 External links
Product design and development[edit]
Main article: New product development
During the design and development of new products, designers and engineers rely on both a bottom-up
and top-down approach. The bottom-up approach is being utilized when off-the-shelf or existing
components are selected and integrated into the product. An example would include selecting a particular
fastener, such as a bolt, and designing the receiving components such that the fastener will fit properly. In
a top-down approach, a custom fastener would be designed such that it would fit properly in the receiving
components.
[2]
For perspective, for a product with more restrictive requirements (such as weight,
geometry, safety, environment, etc.), such as a space-suit, a more top-down approach is taken and
almost everything is custom designed. However, when it's more important to minimize cost and increase
component availability, such as with manufacturing equipment, a more bottom-up approach would be
taken, and as many off-the-shelf components (bolts, gears, bearings, etc.) would be selected as possible.
In the latter case, the receiving housings would be designed around the selected components.
Computer science[edit]
Software development[edit]
Part of this section is from the Perl Design Patterns Book.
In the software development process, the top-down and bottom-
up approaches play a key role.
Top-down approaches emphasize planning and a complete
understanding of the system. It is inherent that no coding can begin
until a sufficient level of detail has been reached in the design of at
least some part of the system. Top-down approaches are implemented
by attaching the stubs in place of the module. This, however, delays
testing of the ultimate functional units of a system until significant
design is complete. Bottom-up emphasizes coding and early testing,
which can begin as soon as the first module has been specified. This
approach, however, runs the risk that modules may be coded without
having a clear idea of how they link to other parts of the system, and
that such linking may not be as easy as first thought. Re-usability of
code is one of the main benefits of the bottom-up approach.
[3]

Top-down design was promoted in the 1970s
by IBM researchers Harlan Mills and Niklaus Wirth. Mills
developed structured programming concepts for practical use and
tested them in a 1969 project to automate the New York Times morgue
index. The engineering and management success of this project led to
the spread of the top-down approach through IBM and the rest of the
computer industry. Among other achievements, Niklaus Wirth, the
developer of Pascal programming language, wrote the influential
paper Program Development by Stepwise Refinement. Since Niklaus
Wirth went on to develop languages such
as Modula and Oberon (where one could define a module before
knowing about the entire program specification), one can infer that top
down programming was not strictly what he promoted. Top-down
methods were favored in software engineering until the late
1980s,
[3]
and object-oriented programming assisted in demonstrating
the idea that both aspects of top-down and bottom-up programming
could be utilized.
Modern software design approaches usually combine both top-down
and bottom-up approaches. Although an understanding of the complete
system is usually considered necessary for good design, leading
theoretically to a top-down approach, most software projects attempt to
make use of existing code to some degree. Pre-existing modules give
designs a bottom-up flavor. Some design approaches also use an
approach where a partially functional system is designed and coded to
completion, and this system is then expanded to fulfill all the
requirements for the project
Programming[edit]

Building blocks are an example of bottom-up design because the parts are first
created and then assembled without regard to how the parts will work in the
assembly.
Top-down is a programming style, the mainstay of traditional
procedural languages, in which design begins by specifying complex
pieces and then dividing them into successively smaller pieces. The
technique for writing a program using topdown methods is to write a
main procedure that names all the major functions it will need. Later,
the programming team looks at the requirements of each of those
functions and the process is repeated. These compartmentalized sub-
routines eventually will perform actions so simple they can be easily
and concisely coded. When all the various sub-routines have been
coded the program is ready for testing. By defining how the application
comes together at a high level, lower level work can be self-contained.
By defining how the lower level abstractions are expected to integrate
into higher level ones, interfaces become clearly defined.
In a bottom-up approach, the individual base elements of the system
are first specified in great detail. These elements are then linked
together to form larger subsystems, which then in turn are linked,
sometimes in many levels, until a complete top-level system is formed.
This strategy often resembles a "seed" model, whereby the beginnings
are small, but eventually grow in complexity and completeness. Object-
oriented programming (OOP) is a paradigm that uses "objects" to
design applications and computer programs. In mechanical engineering
with software programs such as Pro/ENGINEER, Solidworks, and
Autodesk Inventor users can design products as pieces not part of the
whole and later add those pieces together to form assemblies like
building with LEGO. Engineers call this piece part design.
This bottom-up approach has one weakness. Good intuition is
necessary to decide the functionality that is to be provided by the
module. If a system is to be built from existing system, this approach is
more suitable as it starts from some existing modules.
Parsing[edit]
Parsing is the process of analyzing an input sequence (such as that
read from a file or a keyboard) in order to determine its grammatical
structure. This method is used in the analysis of both natural
languages and computer languages, as in a compiler.
Bottom-up parsing is a strategy for analyzing unknown data
relationships that attempts to identify the most fundamental units first,
and then to infer higher-order structures from them. Top-down parsers,
on the other hand, hypothesize general parse tree structures and then
consider whether the known fundamental structures are compatible
with the hypothesis. See Top-down parsing andBottom-up parsing.
Nanotechnology[edit]
Main article: Nanotechnology
Top-down and bottom-up are two approaches for the manufacture of
products. These terms were first applied to the field of nanotechnology
by the Foresight Institute in 1989 in order to distinguish between
molecular manufacturing (to mass-produce large atomically precise
objects) and conventional manufacturing (which can mass-produce
large objects that are not atomically precise). Bottom-up approaches
seek to have smaller (usually molecular) components built up into more
complex assemblies, while top-down approaches seek to create
nanoscale devices by using larger, externally controlled ones to direct
their assembly.
The top-down approach often uses the traditional workshop or
microfabrication methods where externally controlled tools are used to
cut, mill, and shape materials into the desired shape and
order.Micropatterning techniques, such as photolithography and inkjet
printing belong to this category.
Bottom-up approaches, in contrast, use the chemical properties of
single molecules to cause single-molecule components to (a) self-
organize or self-assemble into some useful conformation, or (b) rely on
positional assembly. These approaches utilize the concepts
of molecular self-assembly and/or molecular recognition. See
also Supramolecular chemistry. Such bottom-up approaches should,
broadly speaking, be able to produce devices in parallel and much
cheaper than top-down methods, but could potentially be overwhelmed
as the size and complexity of the desired assembly increases.
Neuroscience and psychology[edit]

An example of top-down processing: Even though the second letter in each
word is ambiguous, top-down processing allows for easy disambiguation
based on the context.
These terms are also employed in neuroscience, cognitive
neuroscience and cognitive psychology to discuss the flow of
information in processing.
[4]
Typically sensoryinput is considered
"down", and higher cognitive processes, which have more information
from other sources, are considered "up". A bottom-up process is
characterized by an absence of higher level direction in sensory
processing, whereas a top-down process is characterized by a high
level of direction of sensory processing by more cognition, such as
goals or targets (Beiderman, 19).
[3]

According to Psychology notes written by Dr. Charles Ramskov, a
Psychology professor at De Anza College, Rock, Neiser, and Gregory
claim that top-down approach involves perception that is an active and
constructive process.
[5]
Additionally, it is an approach not directly given
by stimulus input, but is the result of stimulus, internal hypotheses, and
expectation interactions. According to Theoretical Synthesis, "when a
stimulus is presented short and clarity is uncertain that gives a vague
stimulus, perception becomes a top-down approach."
[6]

Conversely, Psychology defines bottom-up processing as an approach
wherein there is a progression from the individual elements to the
whole. According to Ramskov, one proponent of bottom-up approach,
Gibson, claims that it is a process that includes visual perception that
needs information available from proximal stimulus produced by the
distal stimulus.
[7]
Theoretical Synthesis also claims that bottom-up
processing occurs "when a stimulus is presented long and clearly
enough."
[6]

Cognitively speaking, certain cognitive processes, such as fast
reactions or quick visual identification, are considered bottom-up
processes because they rely primarily on sensory information, whereas
processes such as motor control and directed attention are considered
top-down because they are goal directed. Neurologically speaking,
some areas of the brain, such as area V1 mostly have bottom-up
connections.
[6]
Other areas, such as the fusiform gyrus have inputs
from higher brain areas and are considered to have top-down
influence.
[8]

The study of visual attention provides an example. If your attention is
drawn to a flower in a field, it may be because the color or shape of the
flower are visually salient. The information that caused you to attend to
the flower came to you in a bottom-up fashionyour attention was not
contingent upon knowledge of the flower; the outside stimulus was
sufficient on its own. Contrast this situation with one in which you are
looking for a flower. You have a representation of what you are looking
for. When you see the object you are looking for, it is salient. This is an
example of the use of top-down information.
In cognitive terms, two thinking approaches are distinguished. "Top-
down" (or "big chunk") is stereotypically the visionary, or the person
who sees the larger picture and overview. Such people focus on the big
picture and from that derive the details to support it. "Bottom-up" (or
"small chunk") cognition is akin to focusing on the detail primarily,
rather than the landscape. The expression "seeing the wood for the
trees" references the two styles of cognition.
[9]

Management and organization[edit]
In management and organizational arenas, the terms "top-down" and
"bottom-up" are used to indicate how decisions are made.
A "top-down" approach is one where an executive, decision maker, or
other person or body makes a decision. This approach is disseminated
under their authority to lower levels in the hierarchy, who are, to a
greater or lesser extent, bound by them. For example, a structure in
which decisions either are approved by a manager, or approved by his
or her authorized representatives based on the manager's prior
guidelines, is top-down management.
A "bottom-up" approach is one that works from the grassrootsfrom a
large number of people working together, causing a decision to arise
from their joint involvement. A decision by a number of activists,
students, or victims of some incident to take action is a "bottom-up"
decision. Positive aspects of top-down approaches include their
efficiency and superb overview of higher levels. Also, external effects
can be internalized. On the negative side, if reforms are perceived to
be imposed from above, it can be difficult for lower levels to accept
them (e.g. Bresser Pereira, Maravall, and Przeworski 1993). Evidence
suggests this to be true regardless of the content of reforms (e.g.
Dubois 2002). A bottom-up approach allows for more experimentation
and a better feeling for what is needed at the bottom.
State organization[edit]
Both approaches can be found in the organization of states, this
involving political decisions.
In bottom-up organized organizations, e.g. ministries and their
subordinate entities, decisions are prepared by experts in their fields,
which define, out of their expertise, the policy they deem necessary. If
they cannot agree, even on a compromise, they escalate the problem
to the next higher hierarchy level, where a decision would be sought.
Finally, the highest common principal might have to take the decision.
Information is in the debt of the inferior to the superior, which means
that the inferior owes information to the superior. In the effect, as soon
as inferiors agree, the head of the organization only provides his or her
face for the decision which their inferiors have agreed upon.
Among several countries, the German political system provides one of
the purest forms of a bottom-up approach. The German Federal Act on
the Public Service provides that any inferior has to consult and support
any superiors, that he or she only has to follow general guidelines"
of the superiors, and that he or she would have to be fully responsible
for any own act in office, and would have to follow a specific, formal
complaint procedure if in doubt of the legality of an order.
[10]
Frequently,
German politicians had to leave office on the allegation that they took
wrong decisions because of their resistance to inferior experts' opinions
(this commonly being called to be beratungsresistent", or resistant to
consultation, in German). The historical foundation of this approach lies
with the fact that, in the 19th century, many politicians used to be
noblemen without appropriate education, who more and more became
forced to rely on consultation of educated experts, which (in particular
after the Prussian reforms of Stein and Hardenberg) enjoyed the status
of financially and personally independent, indismissable, and neutral
experts as Beamte (public servants under public law).
[11]

The experience of two dictatorships in the country and, after the end of
such regimes, emerging calls for the legal responsibility of the aidees
of the aidees" (Helfershelfer) of such regimes also furnished calls for
the principle of personal responsibility of any expert for any decision
made, this leading to a strengthening of the bottom-up approach, which
requires maximum responsibility of the superiors. A similar approach
can be found in British police laws, where entitlements of police
constables are vested in the constable in person and not in the police
as an administrative agency, this leading to the single constable being
fully responsible for his or her own acts in office, in particular their
legality.
In the opposite, the French administration is based on a top-down
approach, where regular public servants enjoy no other task than
simply to execute decisions made by their superiors. As those
superiors also require consultation, this consultation is provided by
members of a cabinet, which is distinctive from the regular ministry staff
in terms of staff and organization. Those members who are not
members of the cabinet are not entitled to make any suggestions or to
take any decisions of political dimension.
The advantage of the bottom-up approach is the level of expertise
provided, combined with the motivating experience of any member of
the administration to be responsible and finally the independent
engine" of progress in that field of personal responsibility. A
disadvantage is the lack of democratic control and transparency, this
leading, from a democratic viewpoint, to the deferment of actual power
of policy-making to faceless, if even unknown, public servants. Even
the fact that certain politicians might provide their face" to the actual
decisions of their inferiors might not mitigate this effect, but rather
strong parliamentary rights of control and influence in legislative
procedures (as they do exist in the example of Germany).
The advantage of the top-down principle is that political and
administrative responsibilities are clearly distinguished from each other,
and that responsibility for political failures can be clearly identified with
the relevant office holder. Disadvantages are that the system triggers
demotivation of inferiors, who know that their ideas to innovative
approaches might not be welcome just because of their position, and
that the decision-makers cannot make use of the full range of expertise
which their inferiors will have collected.
Administrations in dictatorships traditionally work according to a strict
top-down approach. As civil servants below the level of the political
leadership are discouraged from making suggestions, they use to
suffer from the lack of expertise which could be provided by the
inferiors, which regularly leads to a breakdown of the system after an
few decades. Modern communist states, which thePeople's Republic of
China forms an example of, therefore prefer to define a framework of
permissible, or even encouraged, criticism and self-determination by
inferiors, which would not affect the major state doctrine, but allows the
use of professional and expertise-driven knowledge and the use of it for
the decision-making persons in office.
Public health[edit]
Both top-down and bottom-up approaches exist in public health. There
are many examples of top-down programs, often run by governments
or large inter-governmental organizations (IGOs); many of these are
disease-specific or issue-specific, such as HIV control
or Smallpox Eradication. Examples of bottom-up programs include
many small NGOs set up to improve local access to healthcare.
However, a lot of programs seek to combine both approaches; for
instance, guinea worm eradication, a single-disease international
program currently run by the Carter Center has involved the training of
many local volunteers, boosting bottom-up capacity, as have
international programs for hygiene, sanitation, and access to primary
health-care.
Architecture[edit]
Often, the cole des Beaux-Arts school of design is said to have
primarily promoted top-down design because it taught that an
architectural design should begin with a parti, a basic plan drawing of
the overall project.
By contrast, the Bauhaus focused on bottom-up design. This method
manifested itself in the study of translating small-scale organizational
systems to a larger, more architectural scale (as with the woodpanel
carving and furniture design).
Ecology[edit]
In ecology, top-down control refers to when a top predator controls the
structure or population dynamics of the ecosystem. The classic
example is of kelp forest ecosystems. In such ecosystems,sea
otters are a keystone predator. They prey on urchins which in turn
eat kelp. When otters are removed, urchin populations grow and
reduce the kelp forest creating urchin barrens. In other words, such
ecosystems are not controlled by productivity of the kelp but rather a
top predator.
Bottom up control in ecosystems refers to ecosystems in which the
nutrient supply and productivity and type of primary producers (plants
and phytoplankton) control the ecosystem structure. An example would
be how plankton populations are controlled by the availability of
nutrients. Plankton populations tend to be higher and more complex in
areas where upwelling brings nutrients to the surface.
There are many different examples of these concepts. It is common for
populations to be influenced by both types of control.
See also[edit]
The Cathedral and the Bazaar regarding top-down control of
software design
Notes[edit]
1. Jump up^ "Top-Down Design (Introduction to Statistical
Computing)". Masi.cscs.lsa.umich.edu. September 19, 2011.
Retrieved September 18, 2012.
2. Jump up^ "Cognitive Lie Detection: Response Time and Consistency
of Answers as Cues to Deception - Springer". Link.springer.com.
January 9, 1997. Retrieved October 21, 2012.
3. ^ Jump up to:
a

b

c
"STEP: Scripts: Attention: Treisman and Gelade
1980". Step.psy.cmu.edu. March 13, 2003. Retrieved October 21,
2012.
4. Jump up^ Palmer 134
5. Jump up^ Ramskov, 67
6. ^ Jump up to:
a

b

c
"Classics in the History of Psychology - Stroop
(1935)". Psychclassics.asu.edu. August 15, 1934. Retrieved October
21, 2012.
7. Jump up^ Solso, 15
8. Jump up^ Ramskov 81
9. Jump up^ Biederman, I., Glass, A. L., & Stacy E. W. (1973).
Searching for objects in real world scenes. Journal of Experimental
Psychology, 97, 22-27
10. Jump
up^ http://bundesrecht.juris.de/bbg/BJNR005510953.html%7CSectio
ns55 and 56 of the Bundesbeamtengesetz (in German)
11. Jump up^ Solso, Robert L. (1998). Cognitive psychology (5th ed.).
Needham Heights, MA: Allyn and Bacon.
References[edit]
Bresser Pereira, Luiz Carlos, Jos Mara Maravall, and Adam
Przeworski, 1993. Economic reforms in new democracies.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Dubois, Hans F.W. 2002. Harmonization of the European
vaccination policy and the role TQM and reengineering could play.
Quality Management in Health Care 10(2): 4757.
J. A. Estes, M. T. Tinker, T. M. Williams, D. F. Doak "Killer Whale
Predation on Sea Otters Linking Oceanic and Nearshore
Ecosystems", Science, October 16, 1998: Vol. 282. no. 5388,
pp. 473 476
Malone, T. C., D. J. Conley, T. R. Fisher, P. M. Glibert, L.W.
Harding & K.G. Sellner, 1996. Scales of nutrient-limited
phytoplankton productivity in Chesapeake Bay. Estuaries, 19: 371
385.
Galotti, K. (2008). Cognitive Psychology: In and out of the
laboratory. USA: Wadsworth.
Goldstein, E.B. (2010). Sensation and Perception. USA:
Wadsworth.
Palmer, S. E., Rosch, E., & Chase, P. (1981). Canonical
perspective and the perception of objects. J. Long & A. Baddely
(Eds.), Attention and performance IX (pp. 135151). Hillsdale, NJ:
L. Erlbaum Associates.
Biederman, I., Glass, A. L., & Stacy E. W. (1973). Searching for
objects in real world scenes. Journal of Experimental Psychology,
97, 22-27.
Solso, Robert L. (1998). Cognitive psychology (5th ed.). Needham
Heights, MA: Allyn and Bacon.
Ramskov, Charles. Kendall Hunt Publishing Company, Jan 9,
2008.
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Refinement", Communications of the ACM, Vol. 14, No. 4, April
(1971)
Integrated Parallel Bottom-up and Top-down Approach. In
Proceedings of The International Emergency Management
Societys Fifth Annual Conference (TIEMS 98), May 1922,
Washington DC, USA (1998).
Changing Your Mind: On the Contributions of Top-Down and
Bottom-Up Guidance in Visual Search for Feature
Singletons, Journal of Experimental Psychology: Human
Perception and Performance, Vol. 29, No. 2, 483502,2003 Inc.
K. Eric Drexler and Christine Peterson, Nanotechnology and
Enabling Technologies, Foresight Briefing #2, 1989.
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Implicit and Explicit Memory
Two Types of Long-Term Memory
By Kendra Cherry

Image by Artem Chernyshevych
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High School Graduation
Explicit Memory
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Implicit Memory
Declarative Memory
Semantic Memory
As any student can tell you, sometimes it takes a lot of work and effort to commit information to memory. When you are
studying for a big exam, it might take hours of rehearsal in order to remember what you studied. However, some other events,
details, and experiences enter our memory with little or no effort. For example, on the way to class you might hear an annoying
pop song on the radio. Days later, you find yourself still humming that same tune. Why does it seem like some things are so
difficult to remember, and other things so easy? What's the difference?
Information that you have to consciously work to remember is known as explicit memory, while information that you remember
unconsciously and effortlessly is known as implicit memory. While most of the information you find about memory tends to
focus specifically on explicit memory, researchers are becoming increasingly interested in how implicit memory works and how
it influences our knowledge and behavior.
Explicit Memory
When you are trying to intentionally remember something (like a formula for your statistics class or a list of dates for your
history class), this information is stored in your explicit memory. We use these memories every day, from remembering
information for a test to recalling the date and time of a doctor's appointment. This type of memory is also known as declarative
memory, since you can consciously recall and explain the information.
Some tasks that require the use of explicit memory include remembering what you learned in your psychology class, recalling
your phone number, identifying who the current President is, writing a research paper, and remembering what time you are
meeting a friend to go to a movie.
There are two major types of explicit memory:
1. Episodic memory: These are your long-term memories of specific events, such as what you did yesterday or your high
school graduation.

2. Semantic memory: These are memories of facts, concepts, names, and other general knowledge information.
Implicit Memory
Things that we don't purposely try to remember are stored in implicit memory. This kind of memory is both unconscious and
unintentional. This type of memory is also known as nondeclarative memory, since you are not able to consciously bring it into
awareness.Procedural memories, such as how to perform a specific task like swinging a baseball bat or making toast, are one type
of implicit memory since you don't have to consciously recall how to perform these tasks. While implicit memories are not
consciously recalled, they still have an influence on how you behave as well as your knowledge of different tasks.
Some examples of implicit memory include singing a familiar song, typing on your computer keyboard, daily habits, and driving
a car. Riding a bicycle is another great example. Even after going years without riding one, most people are able to hop on a bike
and ride it effortlessly.
Here's a quick demonstration that you can try to show how implicit memory works. Type the following sentence without looking
down at your hands: "Every red pepper is tantalizing." Now, without looking, try naming the ten letters that appear in the top row
of your keyboard.
Since most students are good typists, you probably found it quite easy to type the above sentence without having to consciously
think about where each letter appears on the keyboard. That task requires implicit memory. Having to recall which letters appear
in the top row of your keyboard, however, is something that would require explicit memory. Since you have probably never sat
down and intentionally committed the order of those keys to memory, it is not something that you are able to easily recall.
More Psychology Definitions: The Psychology Dictionary
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Gestalt psychology
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V
T
E
Gestalt psychology or gestaltism (German: Gestalt "shape, form") is a theory of mind of the Berlin
School. The central principle of gestalt psychology is that the mind forms a global whole with self-
organizing tendencies. This principle maintains that the human mind considers objects in their entirety
before, or in parallel with, perception of their individual parts; suggesting the whole is other than the sum
of its parts. Gestalt psychology tries to understand the laws of our ability to acquire and maintain
meaningful perceptions in an apparently chaotic world.
In the domain of perception, Gestalt psychologists stipulate that perceptions are the products of complex
interactions among various stimuli. Contrary to the behaviorist approach to understanding the elements of
cognitive processes, gestalt psychologists sought to understand their organization (Carlson and Heth,
2010). The gestalt effect is the capability of our brain to generate whole forms, particularly with respect
to the visual recognition of global figures instead of just collections of simpler and unrelated elements
(points, lines, curves...).
In psychology, gestaltism is often opposed to structuralism. The phrase The whole is other than the sum
of the parts is often used when explaining gestalt theory,
[1]
though there is a common mistranslation of
Kurt Koffka's original phrase to "The whole is greater than the sum of the parts".
[2]
Gestalt theory allows
for the breakup of elements from the whole situation into what it really is.
[3]

Contents
[hide]
1 Origins
o 1.1 Gestalt therapy
2 Theoretical framework and methodology
3 Support from cybernetics and neurology
4 Properties
o 4.1 Emergence
o 4.2 Reification
o 4.3 Multistability
o 4.4 Invariance
5 Prgnanz
6 Gestalt laws of grouping
7 Gestalt views in psychology
o 7.1 Fuzzy-trace theory
8 Gestalt and Design
9 Uses in humancomputer interaction
10 Quantum cognition modeling
11 Criticism
12 See also
13 References
14 External links
Origins[edit]
The concept of gestalt was first introduced in philosophy and psychology in 1890 by Christian von
Ehrenfels (a member of the School of Brentano). The idea of gestalt has its roots in theories by David
Hume, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Immanuel Kant, David Hartley, and Ernst Mach. Max Wertheimer's
unique contribution was to insist that the "gestalt" is perceptually primary, defining the parts it was
composed from, rather than being a secondary quality that emerges from those parts, as von Ehrenfels's
earlier Gestalt-Qualitt had been.
Both von Ehrenfels and Edmund Husserl seem to have been inspired by Mach's work Beitrge zur
Analyse der Empfindungen (Contributions to the Analysis of Sensations, 1886), in formulating their very
similar concepts of gestalt and figural moment, respectively. On the philosophical foundations of these
ideas see Foundations of Gestalt Theory (Smith, ed., 1988).
Early 20th century theorists, such as Kurt Koffka, Max Wertheimer, and Wolfgang Khler (students of Carl
Stumpf) saw objects as perceived within an environment according to all of their elements taken together
as a global construct. This 'gestalt' or 'whole form' approach sought to define principles of perception
seemingly innate mental laws that determined the way objects were perceived. It is based on the here
and now, and in the way things are seen. Images can be divided into figure or ground. The question is
what is perceived at first glance: the figure in front, or the background.
These laws took several forms, such as the grouping of similar, or proximate, objects together, within this
global process. Although gestalt has been criticized for being merely descriptive, it has formed the basis
of much further research into the perception of patterns and objects (Carlson et al. 2000), and of research
into behavior, thinking, problem solving and psychopathology.
Gestalt therapy[edit]
The founders of Gestalt therapy, Fritz and Laura Perls, had worked with Kurt Goldstein, a neurologist who
had applied principles of Gestalt psychology to the functioning of the organism. Laura Perls had been a
Gestalt psychologist before she became a psychoanalyst and before she began developing Gestalt
therapy together with Fritz Perls.
[4]
The extent to which Gestalt psychology influenced Gestalt therapy is
disputed, however. In any case it is not identical with Gestalt psychology. On the one hand, Laura Perls
preferred not to use the term "Gestalt" to name the emerging new therapy, because she thought that the
gestalt psychologists would object to it;
[5]
on the other hand Fritz and Laura Perls clearly adopted some of
Goldstein's work.
[6]
Thus, though recognizing the historical connection and the influence, most gestalt
psychologists emphasize that gestalt therapy is not a form of gestalt psychology.
[7]

Theoretical framework and methodology[edit]
The school of gestalt practiced a series of theoretical and methodological principles that attempted to
redefine the approach to psychological research. This is in contrast to investigations developed at the
beginning of the 20th century, based on traditional scientific methodology, which divided the object of
study into a set of elements that could be analyzed separately with the objective of reducing the
complexity of this object.
The theoretical principles are the following:
Principle of TotalityThe conscious experience must be considered
globally (by taking into account all the physical and mental aspects of
the individual simultaneously) because the nature of the mind demands
that each component be considered as part of a system of dynamic
relationships.
Principle of psychophysical isomorphism A correlation exists
between conscious experience and cerebral activity.
Based on the principles above the following methodological principles are defined:
Phenomenon experimental analysisIn relation to the Totality
Principle any psychological research should take phenomena as a
starting point and not be solely focused on sensory qualities.
Biotic experimentThe school of gestalt established a need to
conduct real experiments that sharply contrasted with and opposed
classic laboratory experiments. This signified experimenting in natural
situations, developed in real conditions, in which it would be possible to
reproduce, with higher fidelity, what would be habitual for a subject.
[8]

Support from cybernetics and neurology[edit]
In the 1940s and 1950s, laboratory research in neurology and what became known as cybernetics on the
mechanism of frogs' eyes indicate that perception of 'gestalts' (in particular gestalts in motion) is perhaps
more primitive and fundamental than 'seeing' as such:
A frog hunts on land by vision... He has no fovea, or region of
greatest acuity in vision, upon which he must center a part of the
image... The frog does not seem to see or, at any rate, is not
concerned with the detail of stationary parts of the world around
him. He will starve to death surrounded by food if it is not moving.
His choice of food is determined only by size and movement. He
will leap to capture any object the size of an insect or worm,
providing it moves like one. He can be fooled easily not only by a
piece of dangled meat but by any moving small object... He does
remember a moving thing provided it stays within his field of vision
and he is not distracted.
[9]
Cyberneticist Valentin Turchin points out
that the gestalts observed in what we usually imagine are 'still
images' and are exactly the kind of 'moving objects' that make the
frog's retina respond:
The lowest-level concepts related to visual perception for a human
being probably differ little from the concepts of a frog. In any case,
the structure of the retina in mammals and in human beings is the
same as in amphibians. The phenomenon of distortion of
perception of an image stabilized on the retina gives some idea of
the concepts of the subsequent levels of the hierarchy. This is a
very interesting phenomenon. When a person looks at an immobile
object, "fixes" it with his eyes, the eyeballs do not remain absolutely
immobile; they make small involuntary movements. As a result the
image of the object on the retina is constantly in motion, slowly
drifting and jumping back to the point of maximum sensitivity. The
image "marks time" in the vicinity of this point.
[10]

Properties[edit]
The key principles of gestalt systems are emergence,
reification, multistability and invariance.
[11]

Emergence[edit]
Emergence is the process of complex pattern formation from
simpler rules. It is demonstrated by the perception of the dog
picture, which depicts a Dalmatian dog sniffing the ground in the
shade of overhanging trees. The dog is not recognized by first
identifying its parts (feet, ears, nose, tail, etc.), and then inferring
the dog from those component parts. Instead, the dog is perceived
as a whole, all at once. However, this is a description of what
occurs in vision and not an explanation. Gestalt theory does not
explain how the percept of a dog emerges.
Reification[edit]

Reification
Reification is the constructive or generative aspect of perception,
by which the experienced percept contains more explicit spatial
information than the sensory stimulus on which it is based.
For instance, a triangle is perceived in picture A, though no triangle
is there. In pictures B and D the eye recognizes disparate shapes
as "belonging" to a single shape, in C a complete three-
dimensional shape is seen, where in actuality no such thing is
drawn.
Reification can be explained by progress in the study of illusory
contours, which are treated by the visual system as "real" contours.
See also: Reification (fallacy)
Multistability[edit]

the Necker Cube and the Rubin vase, two examples of multistability
Multistability (or multistable perception) is the tendency of
ambiguous perceptual experiences to pop back and forth unstably
between two or more alternative interpretations. This is seen for
example in the Necker cube, and in Rubin's Figure/Vase
illusion shown here. Other examples include theThree-legged
blivet and artist M. C. Escher's artwork and the appearance of
flashing marquee lights moving first one direction and then
suddenly the other. Again, gestalt does not explain how images
appear multistable, only that they do.
Invariance[edit]

Invariance
Invariance is the property of perception whereby simple
geometrical objects are recognized independent of rotation,
translation, and scale; as well as several other variations such as
elastic deformations, different lighting, and different component
features. For example, the objects in A in the figure are all
immediately recognized as the same basic shape, which are
immediately distinguishable from the forms in B. They are even
recognized despite perspective and elastic deformations as in C,
and when depicted using different graphic elements as in D.
Computational theories of vision, such as those by David Marr,
have had more success in explaining how objects are classified.
Emergence, reification, multistability, and invariance are not
necessarily separable modules to model individually, but they
could be different aspects of a single unified dynamic
mechanism.
[citation needed]

Prgnanz[edit]
Main article: Principles of grouping
The fundamental principle of gestalt perception is the law
of prgnanz (in the German language, pithiness), which says that
we tend to order our experience in a manner that is regular,
orderly, symmetric, and simple. Gestalt psychologists attempt to
discover refinements of the law of prgnanz, and this involves
writing down laws that, hypothetically, allow us to predict the
interpretation of sensation, what are often called "gestalt
laws".
[12]
These include:
Gestalt laws of grouping[edit]

Law of proximity

Law of similarity

Law of closure

A major aspect of Gestalt psychology is that it implies that the mind
understands external stimuli as whole rather than the sum of their
parts. The wholes are structured and organized using grouping
laws. The various laws are called laws or principles, depending on
the paper where they appearbut for simplicity's sake, this article
uses the term laws. These laws deal with the sensory modality
vision. However, there are analogous laws for other sensory
modalities including auditory, tactile, gustatory and olfactory
(Bregman GP). The visual Gestalt principles of grouping were
introduced in Wertheimer (1923). Through the 1930s and '40s
Wertheimer, Kohler and Koffka formulated many of the laws of
grouping through the study of visual perception.
[13]

Law of ProximityThe law of proximity states that when an
individual perceives an assortment of objects they perceive objects
that are close to each other as forming a group. For example, in
the figure that illustrates the Law of proximity, there are 72 circles,
but we perceive the collection of circles in groups. Specifically, we
perceive there is a group of 36 circles on the left side of the image,
and three groups of 12 circles on the right side of the image. This
law is often used in advertising logos to emphasize which aspects
of events are associated.
[13][14]

Law of SimilarityThe law of similarity states that elements
within an assortment of objects are perceptually grouped together
if they are similar to each other. This similarity can occur in the
form of shape, colour, shading or other qualities. For example, the
figure illustrating the law of similarity portrays 36 circles all equal
distance apart from one another forming a square. In this depiction,
18 of the circles are shaded dark and 18 of the circles are shaded
light. We perceive the dark circles as grouped together, and the
light circles as grouped together forming six horizontal lines within
the square of circles. This perception of lines is due to the law of
similarity.
[14]

Law of ClosureThe law of closure states that individuals
perceive objects such as shapes, letters, pictures, etc., as being
whole when they are not complete. Specifically, when parts of a
whole picture are missing, our perception fills in the visual gap.
Research shows that the reason the mind completes a regular
figure that is not perceived through sensation is to increase the
regularity of surrounding stimuli. For example, the figure that
depicts the law of closure portrays what we perceive as a circle on
the left side of the image and a rectangle on the right side of the
image. However, gaps are present in the shapes. If the law of
closure did not exist, the image would depict an assortment of
different lines with different lengths, rotations, and curvaturesbut
with the law of closure, we perceptually combine the lines into
whole shapes.
[13][14][15]

Law of SymmetryThe law of symmetry states that the mind
perceives objects as being symmetrical and forming around a
center point. It is perceptually pleasing to divide objects into an
even number of symmetrical parts. Therefore, when two
symmetrical elements are unconnected the mind perceptually
connects them to form a coherent shape. Similarities between
symmetrical objects increase the likelihood that objects are
grouped to form a combined symmetrical object. For example, the
figure depicting the law of symmetry shows a configuration of
square and curled brackets. When the image is perceived, we tend
to observe three pairs of symmetrical brackets rather than six
individual brackets.
[13][14]

Law of Common FateThe law of common fate states that
objects are perceived as lines that move along the smoothest path.
Experiments using the visual sensory modality found that
movement of elements of an object produce paths that individuals
perceive that the objects are on. We perceive elements of objects
to have trends of motion, which indicate the path that the object is
on. The law of continuity implies the grouping together of objects
that have the same trend of motion and are therefore on the same
path. For example, if there are an array of dots and half the dots
are moving upward while the other half are moving downward, we
would perceive the upward moving dots and the downward moving
dots as two distinct units.
[16]

Law of ContinuityThe law of continuity states that elements of
objects tend to be grouped together, and therefore integrated into
perceptual wholes if they are aligned within an object. In cases
where there is an intersection between objects, individuals tend to
perceive the two objects as two single uninterrupted entities.
Stimuli remain distinct even with overlap. We are less likely to
group elements with sharp abrupt directional changes as being one
object.
[13]

Law of Good GestaltThe law of good gestalt explains that
elements of objects tend to be perceptually grouped together if
they form a pattern that is regular, simple, and orderly. This law
implies that as individuals perceive the world, they eliminate
complexity and unfamiliarity so they can observe a reality in its
most simplistic form. Eliminating extraneous stimuli helps the mind
create meaning. This meaning created by perception implies a
global regularity, which is often mentally prioritized over spatial
relations. The law of good gestalt focuses on the idea of
conciseness, which is what all of gestalt theory is based on. This
law has also been called the law of Prgnanz.
[13]
Prgnanz is a
German word that directly translates to mean "pithiness" and
implies the ideas of salience, conciseness and orderliness.
[16]

Law of Past ExperienceThe law of past experience implies that
under some circumstances visual stimuli are categorized according
to past experience. If two objects tend to be observed within close
proximity, or small temporal intervals, the objects are more likely to
be perceived together. For example, the English language contains
26 letters that are grouped to form words using a set of rules. If an
individual reads an English word they have never seen, they use
the law of past experience to interpret the letters "L" and "I" as two
letters beside each other, rather than using the law of closure to
combine the letters and interpret the object as an uppercase U.
[16]

The gestalt laws of grouping have recently been subjected to
modern methods of scientific evaluation by examining the visual
cortex using cortical algorithms. Current Gestalt psychologists
have described their findings, which showed correlations between
physical visual representations of objects and self-report
perception as the laws of seeing.
[16]

Gestalt views in psychology[edit]
Gestalt psychologists find it is important to think of problems as a
whole. Max Wertheimer considered thinking to happen in two
ways: productive and reproductive.
[12]

Productive thinking is solving a problem with insight.
This is a quick insightful unplanned response to situations and
environmental interaction.
Reproductive thinking is solving a problem with previous
experiences and what is already known. (1945/1959).
This is a very common thinking. For example, when a person is
given several segments of information,
he/she deliberately examines the relationships among its parts,
analyzes their purpose, concept, and totality, he/she reaches the
"aha!" moment, using what is already known. Understanding in this
case happens intentionally by reproductive thinking.
Another gestalt psychologist, Perkins, believes insight deals with
three processes:
1. Unconscious leap in thinking.
[12]

2. The increased amount of speed in mental processing.
3. The amount of short-circuiting that occurs in normal
reasoning.
[17]

Views going against the gestalt psychology are:
1. Nothing-special view
2. Neo-gestalt view
3. The Three-Process View
Gestalt psychology should not be confused with the gestalt
therapy of Fritz Perls, which is only peripherally linked to gestalt
psychology. A strictly gestalt psychology-based therapeutic method
isGestalt Theoretical Psychotherapy, developed by the German
gestalt psychologist and psychotherapist Hans-Jrgen Walter.
Fuzzy-trace theory[edit]
Fuzzy-trace theory, a dual process model of memory and
reasoning, was also derived from Gestalt Psychology. Fuzzy-trace
theory posits that we encode information into two separate traces:
verbatim and gist. Information stored in verbatim is exact memory
for detail (the individual parts of a pattern, for example) while
information stored in gist is semantic and conceptual (what we
perceive the pattern to be). The effects seen in Gestalt psychology
can be attributed to the way we encode information as gist.
[18]

Composition showing the Gestalt Principles, graphic design (Gestalt
Educational Program, 2011).
Gestalt and Design[edit]

Central motif from theBauhaus logo, 192122

Gestalt in the Eye, digital montage, 2011
Uses in humancomputer interaction[edit]
The gestalt laws are used in user interface design. The laws of
similarity and proximity can, for example, be used as guides for
placing radio buttons. They may also be used in designing
computers and software for more intuitive human use. Examples
include the design and layout of a desktop's shortcuts in rows and
columns. Gestalt psychology also has applications in computer
vision for trying to make computers "see" the same things as
humans do.
[19]

Quantum cognition modeling[edit]
Main article: Quantum cognition Gestalt perception
Similarities between Gestalt phenomena and quantum
mechanics have been pointed out by, among others,
chemist Anton Amann, who commented that "similarities between
Gestalt perception and quantum mechanics are on a level of a
parable" yet may give useful insight nonetheless. Physicist Elio
Conte and co-workers have proposed abstract, mathematical
models to describe the time dynamics of cognitive
associations with mathematical tools borrowed from quantum
mechanics
[20][21]
and has discussed psychology experiments in this
context. A similar approach has been suggested by
physicists David Bohm, Basil Hiley and philosopher Paavo
Pylkknen with the notion that mind and matter both emerge from
an "implicate order".
[22][23]
The models involve non-
commutative mathematics; such models account for situations in
which the outcome of two measurements performed one after the
other can depend on the order in which they are performeda
pertinent feature for psychological processes, as it is obvious that
an experiment performed on a conscious person may influence the
outcome of a subsequent experiment by changing the state of
mind of that person.
Criticism[edit]
In some scholarly communities, such as cognitive
psychology and computational neuroscience, gestalt theories of
perception are criticized for being descriptive rather
than explanatory in nature. For this reason, they are viewed by
some as redundant or uninformative. For example, Bruce, Green &
Georgeson
[24]
conclude the following regarding gestalt theory's
influence on the study of visual perception:
The physiological theory of the gestaltists has fallen by the
wayside, leaving us with a set of descriptive principles, but without
a model of perceptual processing. Indeed, some of their "laws" of
perceptual organisation today sound vague and inadequate. What
is meant by a "good" or "simple" shape, for example?
See also[edit]

Psychology portal
Structural information theory
Rudolf Arnheim
Wolfgang Metzger
Kurt Goldstein
Pl Schiller Harkai
Solomon Asch
Hans Wallach
Hermann Friedmann
James J. Gibson
James Tenney
Graz School
Important publications in gestalt psychology
Mereology
Optical illusion
Pattern recognition (psychology)
Pattern recognition (machine learning)
Amodal perception
Phenomenology
Topological data analysis
Fuzzy-trace theory
Laws of Association
References[edit]
1. Jump up^ David Hothersall: History of Psychology, chapter
seven,(2004)
2. Jump up^ Tuck, Michael (Aug 17, 2010). "Gestalt
Principles Applied in Design". Retrieved 11/12/2011.
3. Jump up^ Humphrey, G. (1924). The psychology of the
gestalt. Journal of Educational Psychology, 15(7), 401
412. doi:10.1037/h0070207
4. Jump up^ Bernd Bocian:Fritz Perls in Berlin 18931933.
Expressionism Psychonalysis Judaism, 2010, p. 190,
EHP Verlag Andreas Kohlhage, Bergisch Gladbach.
5. Jump up^ Joe Wysong/Edward Rosenfeld (eds): An Oral
History of Gestalt Therapy, Highland, New York 1982, The
Gestalt Journal Press, p. 12.
6. Jump up^ Allen R. Barlow, "Gestalt-Antecedent Influence
or Historical Accident", The Gestalt Journal, Volume IV,
Number 2, (Fall, 1981)
7. Jump up^ Mary Henle noted in her presidential address to
Division 24 at the meeting of the American Psychological
Association (1975): "What Perls has done has been to take
a few terms from Gestalt psychology, stretch their meaning
beyond recognition, mix them with notionsoften unclear
and often incompatible from the depth psychologies,
existentialism, and common sense, and he has called the
whole mixture gestalt therapy. His work has no substantive
relation to scientific Gestalt psychology. To use his own
language, Fritz Perls has done 'his thing'; whatever it is, it
is not Gestalt psychology". Gestalt theory. However she
restricts herself explicitly to only three of Perls' books from
1969 and 1972, leaving out Perls' earlier work, and Gestalt
therapy in general. See Barlow criticizing Henle: Allen R.
Barlow: Gestalt Therapy and Gestalt Psychology. Gestalt
Antecedent Influence or Historical Accident, in: The Gestalt
Journal, Volume IV, Number 2, Fall, 1981.
8. Jump up^ William Ray Woodward, Robert Sonn Cohen
World views and scientific discipline formation: science
studies in the German Democratic Republic : papers from a
German-American summer institute, 1988
9. Jump up^ Lettvin, J.Y., Maturana, H.R., Pitts, W.H., and
McCulloch, W.S. (1961). Two Remarks on the Visual
System of the Frog. In Sensory Communication edited by
Walter Rosenblith, MIT Press and John Wiley and Sons:
New York
10. Jump up^ Valentin Fedorovich Turchin The phenomenon
of science a cybernetic approach to human evolution
Columbia University Press, 1977
11. Jump up^ "Gestalt Isomorphism". Sharp.bu.edu. Retrieved
2012-04-06.
12. ^ Jump up to:
a

b

c
Sternberg, Robert, Cognitive Psychology
Third Edition, Thomson Wadsworth 2003.
13. ^ Jump up to:
a

b

c

d

e

f
Stevenson, Herb. "Emergence: The
Gestalt Approach to Change". Unleashing Executive and
Orzanizational Potential. Retrieved 7 April 2012.
14. ^ Jump up to:
a

b

c

d
Soegaard, Mads. "Gestalt Principles of
form Perception". Interaction Design. Retrieved 8 April
2012.
15. Jump up^ http://www.gizmodo.co.uk/2013/05/why-your-
brain-thinks-these-dots-are-a-dog/
16. ^ Jump up to:
a

b

c

d
Todorovic, Dejan. "Gestalt Principles".
scholarpedia. Retrieved 5 April 2012.
17. Jump up^ Langley& associates, 1987; Perkins, 1981;
Weisberg, 1986,1995"
18. Jump up^ Reyna, Valerie (2012). "A new institutionism:
Meaning, memory, and development in Fuzzy-Trace
Theory". Judgment and Decision Making 7 (3): 332359.
19. Jump up^ Soegaard, Mads. "Gestalt principles of form
perception". Interaction-design.org. Retrieved 2012-04-06.
20. Jump up^ Elio Conte, Orlando Todarello, Antonio Federici,
Francesco Vitiello, Michele Lopane, Andrei Khrennikov,
Joseph P. Zbilut: Some remarks on an experiment
suggesting quantum-like behavior of cognitive entities and
formulation of an abstract quantum mechanical formalism to
describe cognitive entity and its dynamics, Chaos, Solitons
& Fractals, vol. 31, no. 5, March 2007, pp. 1076
1088 doi:10.1016/j.chaos.2005.09.061, arXiv:0710.5092 (su
bmitted 26 October 2007)
21. Jump up^ Elio Conte, Orlando Todarello, Antonio Federici,
Francesco Vitiello, Michele Lopane, Andrei Khrennikov: A
Preliminar Evidence of Quantum Like Behavior in
Measurements of Mental States, arXiv:quant-
ph/0307201 (submitted 28 July 2003)
22. Jump up^ B.J. Hiley: Particles, fields, and observers,
Volume I The Origins of Life, Part 1 Origin and Evolution of
Life, Section II The Physical and Chemical Basis of Life, pp.
87106 (PDF)
23. Jump up^ Basil J. Hiley, Paavo Pylkknen: Naturalizing the
mind in a quantum framework. In Paavo Pylkknen and
Tere Vadn (eds.): Dimensions of conscious experience,
Advances in Consciousness Research, Volume 37, John
Benjamins B.V., 2001, ISBN 90-272-5157, pages 119-144
24. Jump up^ Bruce, V., Green, P. & Georgeson, M.
(1996). Visual perception: Physiology, psychology and
ecology (3rd ed.). LEA. p. 110.
Carlson, Neil R. and Heth, C. Donald (2010) Psychology
the Science of Behaviour Ontario, CA: Pearson Education
Canada. pp 2022.
Smith, Barry (ed.) (1988) Foundations of Gestalt Theory,
Munich and Vienna: Philosophia Verlag, 1988.
http://www.theoryofknowledge.net/ways-of-knowing/sense-
perception/how-do-our-senses-work.php
Library resources about
Gestalt psychology

Resources in your library
Gestalt psychology on Encyclopdia Britannica
Gestalt principles article in Scholarpedia, by Dejan
Todorovi
Gestalt Society of Croatia
International Society for Gestalt Theory and its
Applications GTA
Embedded Figures in Art, Architecture and Design
On Max Wertheimer and Pablo Picasso
On Esthetics and Gestalt Theory
The World In Your Head by Steven Lehar
Gestalt Isomorphism and the Primacy of Subjective
Conscious Experience by Steven Lehar
The new gestalt psychology of the 21st century
The Pennsylvania Gestalt Center
Gestalt Theory
Ecological Approach to Visual Perception
James J. Gibson in brief
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Mller-Lyer illusion

Two sets of arrows that exhibit the Mller-Lyer optical illusion. The set on the bottom shows that all the shafts of the
arrows are of the same length.
The Mller-Lyer illusion is an optical illusion consisting of a stylized arrow. When viewers are asked to
place a mark on the figure at the midpoint, they invariably place it more towards the "tail" end. It was
devised by Franz Carl Mller-Lyer (18571916), a German sociologist, in 1889.
[1][2][3]

A variation of the same illusion (and the most common form in which it is seen today, see figure) consists
of a set of arrow-like figures. Straight line segments of equal length comprise the "shafts" of the arrows,
while shorter line segments (called the fins) protrude from the ends of the shaft. The fins can point
inwards to form an arrow "head" or outwards to form an arrow "tail". The line segment forming the shaft of
the arrow with two tails is perceived to be longer than that forming the shaft of the arrow with two heads.
Contents
[hide]
1 Variation in perception
2 History
3 The perspective explanation
4 References
5 External links
Variation in perception [edit]
It has been shown that perception of the Mller-Lyer illusion varies across cultures and age groups.
Segall, Campbell and Herskovitz
[4]
compared susceptibility to four different visual illusions in three
population samples of Caucasians, twelve of Africans, and one from the Philippines. For the Mller-Lyer
illusion, the mean fractional misperception of the length of the line segments varied from 1.4% to 20.3%.
The three European-derived samples were the three most susceptible samples, while theSan foragers of
the Kalahari desert were the least susceptible.
History[edit]
Around the turn of the century, W. H. R. Rivers had noted that natives of the Australian Murray
Island were less susceptible to the Muller-Lyer illusion.
[5]
Rivers suggested that this difference may be
due to Europeans living in more rectilinear environments. Similar results were also observed by John W.
Berry in his work on Inuit, urban Scots, and the Temne people in the 1960s. .
[6]

In 1965, following a debate between Donald T. Campbell and Melville J. Herskovits on whether culture
can influence such basic aspects of perception such as the length of a line, they suggested that their
student Marshall Segall investigate the problem. In their definitive paper of 1966, they investigated
seventeen cultures and showed that people in different cultures differ substantially on how they
experience the Mller-Lyer stimuli. They write
[7]

European and American city dwellers have a much higher
percentage of rectangularity in their environments than non-
Europeans and so are more susceptible to that illusion.
They also used the word "carpentered" for the environments that
Europeans mostly live in - characterized by straight lines, right angles,
and square corners.
These conclusions were challenged in later work by Gustav Jahoda,
who tested members of an African tribe living in a traditional rural
environment vs. members of same group living in African cities. Here,
no significant difference in susceptibility to the M-L illusion was found.
Subsequent work by Jahoda suggested that retinal pigmentation may
have a role in the differing perceptions on this illusion,
[8]
and this was
verified later by Pollack (1970). It is believed now that not
"carpenteredness", but the density of pigmentation in the eye is related
to susceptibility to the M-L illusion. Dark-skinned people often have
denser eye pigmentation.
[9]

A later study was conducted by Ahluwalia
[10]
on children and young
adults from Zambia. Subjects from rural areas were compared with
subjects from urban areas. The subjects from urban areas were shown
to be considerably more susceptible to the illusion, as were younger
subjects. While this by no means confirms the carpentered world
hypothesis as such, it provides evidence that differences in the
environment can create differences in the perception of the Mller-Lyer
illusion, even within a given culture.
Experiments have been reported
[11]
suggesting that pigeons perceive
the standard Mller-Lyer illusion, but not the reversed. Experiments on
parrots have also been reported with similar results.
[12]

The perspective explanation[edit]

The Mller-Lyer effect in a non-illusion
One possible explanation, given by Richard Gregory,
[13]
states that the
Mller-Lyer illusion occurs because the visual system processes that
judge depth and distance assume in general that the "angles in"
configuration corresponds to an object which is closer, and the "angles
out" configuration corresponds to an object which is far away. Basically,
there seems to be a simple heuristic that takes those configurations as
90 angles. This heuristic speeds up the interpretation process, but
gives rise to many optical illusions in unusual scenes. A recent
report
[14]
by Catherine Howe and Dale Purves summarizes current
thinking on Gregory's ideas:
Although Gregory's intuition about the empirical significance of
the Mller-Lyer stimulus points in the right general direction
(i.e., an explanation based on past experience with the sources
of such stimuli), convex and concave corners contribute little if
anything to the Mller-Lyer effect.
Neural nets in the visual system of human beings learn how to make a
very efficient interpretation of 3D scenes. That is why when somebody
goes away from us, we do not perceive them as getting shorter. And
when we stretch one arm and look at the two hands we do not perceive
one hand smaller than the other. We should not forget that, as visual
illusions show us quite clearly, what we see is an image created in our
brain. Our brain projects the image of the smaller hand to its correct
distance in our internal 3D model. This is what is called the size
constancy mechanism.
In the Mller-Lyer illusion, the visual system would in this explanation
detect the depth cues, which are usually associated with 3D scenes,
and incorrectly decide it is a 3D drawing. Then the size constancy
mechanism would make us see an erroneous length of the object
which, for a true perspective drawing, would be farther away.
In the perspective drawing in the figure, we see that in usual scenes
the heuristic works quite well. The width of the rug should obviously be
considered shorter than the length of the wall in the back.
References[edit]
1. Jump up^ Mller-Lyer, FC (1889), "Optische
Urteilstuschungen"; Archiv fr Physiologie Suppl. 263270.
2. Jump up^ Brentano, F (1892), "ber ein optisches
Paradoxen", Zeitschrift fr Psychologie, 3:349358.
3. Jump up^ Mller-Lyer, FC (1894), "ber Kontrast und
Konfluxion", Zeitschrift fr Psychologie, IX p 1 / X p 421.
4. Jump up^ Cultural Differences in the Perception of Geometric
Illusions Author(s): Marshall H. Segall, Donald T. Campbell, Melville
J. Herskovits Source: Science, New Series, Vol. 139, No. 3556
(February 22, 1963), pp. 769-771
5. Jump up^ Rivers 1901: The measurement of visual illusion Rep. Brit.
Ass., p. 818
6. Jump up^ Berry, John W. (1968), "Ecology, perceptual development
and the Mller-Lyer illusion", British Journal of Psychology 59 (3):
205210, doi:10.1111/j.2044-8295.1968.tb01134.x
7. Jump up^ http://psycnet.apa.org/psycinfo/1967-05876-000
8. Jump up^ Jahoda, Gustav (1971). "Retinal pigmentation, illusion
susceptibility and space perception". International Journal of
Psychology 6 (3). pp. 199207. doi:10.1080/00207597108246683.
9. Jump up^ Cole, Michael; Barbara Means; Comparative Studies of
How People Think: An Introduction, 1986. [1]
10. Jump up^ An intra-cultural investigation of susceptibility to
"perspective" and "non-perspective" spatial illusions, Br. J. of
Psychol., 1978, 69, 233-241
11. Jump up^ Nakamura et al., Noriyuki. "Perception of the Standard
and the Reversed Mller-Lyer Figures in Pigeons (Columba livia) and
Humans (Homo sapiens)". Journal of Comparative Psychology. 2006
August Vol 120(3) 252-261. Retrieved 2008-07-25.
12. Jump up^ Pepperberg et al., Irene. "The Mller-Lyer illusion is
processed by a Grey Parrot (Psittacus erithacus)". Perception 37:765-
781. Retrieved 2011-07-30.
13. Jump up^ Richard L. Gregory, Eye and Brain, McGraw Hill, 1966.
14. Jump up^ The Mller-Lyer illusion explained by the statistics of
imagesource relationships Catherine Q. Howe and Dale Purves*
PNAS January 25, 2005 vol. 102 no. 4 1234-1239
Mller-Lyer Illusion
The Mller-Lyer illusion explained by the statistics of imagesource
relationships
The misplaced illusion? The case of the Mueller-Lyer perceptual
incongruity figure.
NAKAMURA Noriyuki (Mller-Lyer Illusion in pigeons)
The Muller-Lyer Illusion explained by Rochester Institute of
Technology
Categories:
Optical illusions
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Subjective constancy
Subjective constancy or perceptual constancy is the perception of an object or quality as constant
even though our sensation of the object changes.
[1]
While the physical characteristics of an object may
not change, in an attempt to deal with our external world, our perceptual system has mechanisms that
adjust to the stimulus.
[2]

Contents
[hide]
1 Visual
2 Auditory
3 Research
4 Notes
5 References
Visual[edit]
There are several types of perceptual constancies in visual perception:

Ponzo illusion: Top line is perceived as larger than the bottom line, though they are identical in size.
Size constancy is one type of visual subjective constancy.
[3]
Within a
certain range, peoples perception of one particular objects size will not
change, regardless of changes in distance or the video size change on
the retina. The perception of image is still based upon the actual size of
the perceptual characteristics. According to optical principles, for the
same object, the size of the image on the retina changes as the
distance from the object to the observer changes. The greater the
distance, the smaller the image is sensed by the retina. When
someone is observing an object, although the distance of observation
is different, the perceptional size is similar to the actual size. However,
sensory and perception systems can be tricked by the use of illusions.
Size constancy is related to distance, experience, and
environment.
[4]
Some examples of size constancy are Mller-Lyer
illusion and Ponzo illusion. Another illusion experienced everyday is the
size of the moon - when closer to the horizon, the moon appears larger.
See moon illusion. Human perception is largely influenced by the
environment; that is, the context in which the object is found.

Shape constancy: We perceive the object to be a rectangular door
opening but, if we drew this out, it is made up of varying shapes
Shape constancy is similar to size constancy in that it relies largely on
the perception of distance.
[2]
Regardless of changes to an object's
orientation (such as a door opening), the shape of the object is
perceived the same. That is the actual shape of the object is sensed as
changing but then perceived as the same. According to Kanwisher &
associates, the localized part of the brain responsible for this is the
extrastriate cortex.
[2]

Color constancy is a feature of the human color perception system
which ensures that the color of an object remains similar under varying
conditions
[5]
and is the result of a very complicated 'calculation' by
an unconsciously working mechanism within our central nervous
system.
[6]

The facts behind color-constancy phenomena...are that we
require fine color discriminations less frequently than gross
discriminations, and when gross discriminations enable us
to maintain focus on objects of prime interest, we
'systematically overlook' differences beyond the necessary
degree of fineness. The mechanism which accomplishes
this 'systematic overlooking' is the information-processing
system of the organism, and the principle according to
which it is accomplished is that this system never expands
more of its capacity on a given perceptual task than is
necessary according to the current needs and interests of
the agent.
Sayre
[7]

Lightness constancy refers to the constancy of an object's
lightness regardless of varying amounts of light cast upon it. We
detect, in the context of an object's surroundings, the
characteristics of the fixed physical property and, from there, the
lightness remains constant despite vast changes.
[8]
See
also Luminance.
Distance constancy refers to the relationship between apparent
distance and physical distance.
[9]
An illusion example of this would
be the moon - when it is near the horizon it is perceived as larger
(size constancy) and/or closer to earth than when it is above our
heads.
Location constancy refers to the relationship between the viewer
and the object. A stationary object is perceived as remaining
stationary despite the retina sensing the object changing as the
viewer moves (due to parallax).
[10]
Location constancy is largely
influenced by the context in which the object is found. An example
of this would be looking at a parked car as you walk towards a
building; the car is perceived as remaining stationary as you move
forward.
Auditory[edit]
Main article: Psychoacoustics
In music, subjective constancy is the identification of a musical
instrument as constant under changing timbre or "conditions of
changing pitch and loudness, in different environments and with
different players."
[5]

In speech perception this means that vowels or consonants are
perceived as constant categories even if acoustically, they vary
greatly due to phonetic environment (coarticulation), speech
tempo, speaker's age and sex, speaker's dialect, etc.
Research[edit]
Comparing perception abilities in schizophrenic patients A
study found that distance constancy, being closely related to size
constancy, was poorer in the schizophrenia patients then in the
control group (labeled "normals"). "The result of poor distance
constancy is that visual perception in schizophrenics is lacking in
depth and that these patients live in a 'flatter' world."
[11]

Visual auditory distance constancy Researchers explored the
relationship between visual and auditory responses and how they
influence distance constancy. A study found that at a certain
distance, when a sound is sensed, the eye is stimulated slightly
before the ear is.
[12]

Notes[edit]
1. Jump up^ (Gillam 2000, pp. 8993)
2. ^ Jump up to:
a

b

c
(Sternberg 2006, pp. 8290)
3. Jump up^ Carlson, Neil (2010). Psychology the Science of Behavior
[4th Canadian ed.] Toronto, On. Canada: Pearson Canada Inc.
p. 188. ISBN 978-0-205-64524-4.
4. Jump up^ "Zhijuehengchangxing_BaiduBaike". Retrieved 5
December 2011.
5. ^ Jump up to:
a

b
(Erickson 1975, pp. 1112)
6. Jump up^ (Lorenz 1961, p. 171)
7. Jump up^ (Sayre 1968, pp. 151152)
8. Jump up^ (MacEvoy 2001, pp. 88278831)
9. Jump up^ (Kuroda 1971, pp. 199219)
10. Jump up^ (Goolkasian 2001, pp. 175199)
11. Jump up^ (Weckowicz 1958, pp. 11741182)
12. Jump up^ (Engel 1971, pp. 308)
References[edit]
Engel, G.R.; W.G. Dougherty (3 December 1971). "Visual-Auditory
Distance Constancy". Letters to Nature 234:
308. doi:10.1038/234308a0.
Erickson, Robert (1975), Sound Structure in Music, University of
California Press, ISBN 0-520-02376-5.
Gillam, Barbara (2000), "Perceptual Constancy", in A. E.
Kazdin, Encyclopedia of psychology 6, American Psychological
Association and Oxford University Press, pp. 8993.
Goolkasian, P.; A. Bojko (June 2001). "Location constancy and it's
effect on Visual Selection". US National Library of Medicine
National Institutes of Health 14 (2): 175199.
Kuroda, Teruhiko (1 September 1971). "Distance
constancy". Psychologische Forschung 34 (3): 199
219. doi:10.1007/BF00424606.
Lorenz, Konrad (1961), "The Role of Gestalt Perception in Animal
and Human Behavior", in Lancelot Law Whyte, Aspects of Form,
Indiana University Press, pp. 157178
MacEvoy, Sean; Michael A. Paradiso (14 March 2001). "Lightness
constancy in primary visual cortex". PNAS 98 (15): 8827
8831. doi:10.1073/pnas.161280398.
Sayre, K.M. (1968), "Toward a Quantitative Model of Pattern
Formation", in Frederick J. Crosson and Kenneth M.
Sayre, Philosophy and Cybernetics, Simon and Schuster, pp. 149
152.
Sternberg, Robert (2006). Cognitive Psychology. Belmont, CA:
Wadsworth, Cengage Learning. pp. 8290. ISBN 0-495-50629-X.
Weckowicz T.E.; R. Sommer and R. Hall (1958). "Distance
Constancy in Schizophrenic Patients". The British Journal of
Psychiatry 104: 11741182. doi:10.1192/bjp.104.437.1174.
Categories:
Subjective experience
Perception
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Depth perception
For objective comparisons of size, see Orders of magnitude (length).

Perspective, relative size, occlusion and texture gradients all contribute to the three-dimensional appearance of this
photo.
Depth perception is the visual ability to perceive the world in three dimensions (3D) and the distance of
an object. Depth sensation is the corresponding term for animals, since although it is known that animals
can sense the distance of an object (because of their ability to move accurately, or to respond
consistently, according to that distance), it is not known whether they "perceive" it in the same subjective
way that humans do.
[1]

Depth perception arises from a variety of depth cues. These are typically classified into binocular cues
that are based on the receipt of sensory information in three dimensions from both eyes
and monocular cues that can be represented in just two dimensions and observed with just one
eye.
[2][3]
Binocular cues include stereopsis, eye convergence, disparity, and yielding depth from binocular
vision through exploitation of parallax. Monocular cues include size: distant objects subtend smaller visual
angles than near objects, grain, size, and motionparallax.
[4]

Contents
[hide]
1 Monocular cues
2 Binocular cues
3 Survival
4 In art
5 Disorders affecting depth perception
6 See also
7 References
o 7.1 Notes
8 Bibliography
9 External links
Monocular cues[edit]
Monocular cues provide depth information when viewing a scene with one eye.
Motion parallax
When an observer moves, the apparent relative motion of several
stationary objects against a background gives hints about their
relative distance. If information about the direction and velocity of
movement is known, motion parallax can provide absolute depth
information.
[5]
This effect can be seen clearly when driving in a car.
Nearby things pass quickly, while far off objects appear stationary.
Some animals that lack binocular vision due to their eyes having
little common field-of-view employ motion parallax more explicitly
than humans for depth cueing (e.g., some types of birds, which bob
their heads to achieve motion parallax, and squirrels, which move
in lines orthogonal to an object of interest to do the same).
[note 1]

Depth from motion
When an object moves toward the observer, the retinal projection of
an object expands over a period of time, which leads to the
perception of movement in a line toward the observer. Another
name for this phenomenon is depth from optical
expansion.
[6]
The dynamic stimulus change enables the observer
not only to see the object as moving, but to perceive the distance of
the moving object. Thus, in this context, the changing size serves
as a distance cue.
[7]
A related phenomenon is the visual systems
capacity to calculate time-to-contact (TTC) of an approaching
object from the rate of optical expansion an ability that is useful in
contexts ranging from driving a car to playing baseball. However,
calculation of TTC is, strictly speaking, perception of velocity rather
than depth.
Kinetic depth effect
If a stationary rigid figure (for example, a wire cube) is placed in
front of a point source of light so that its shadow falls on a
translucent screen, an observer on the other side of the screen will
see a two-dimensional pattern of lines. But if the cube rotates, the
visual system will extract the necessary information for perception
of the third dimension from the movements of the lines, and a cube
is seen. This is an example of the kinetic depth effect.
[8]
The effect
also occurs when the rotating object is solid (rather than an outline
figure), provided that the projected shadow consists of lines which
have definite corners or end points, and that these lines change in
both length and orientation during the rotation.
[9]

Perspective
The property of parallel lines converging in the distance, at infinity,
allows us to reconstruct the relative distance of two parts of an
object, or of landscape features. An example would be standing on
a straight road, looking down the road, and noticing the road
narrows as it goes off in the distance.
Relative size
If two objects are known to be the same size (e.g., two trees) but
their absolute size is unknown, relative size cues can provide
information about the relative depth of the two objects. If one
subtends a larger visual angle on the retina than the other, the
object which subtends the larger visual angle appears closer.
Familiar size
Since the visual angle of an object projected onto the retina
decreases with distance, this information can be combined with
previous knowledge of the object's size to determine the absolute
depth of the object. For example, people are generally familiar with
the size of an average automobile. This prior knowledge can be
combined with information about the angle it subtends on the retina
to determine the absolute depth of an automobile in a scene.
Aerial perspective
Due to light scattering by the atmosphere, objects that are a great
distance away have lower luminance contrast and lower color
saturation. Due to this, images seem hazy the farther they are away
from a person's point of view. In computer graphics, this is often
called "distance fog." The foreground has high contrast; the
background has low contrast. Objects differing only in their contrast
with a background appear to be at different depths.
[10]
The color of
distant objects are also shifted toward the blue end of
the spectrum (e.g., distant mountains). Some painters,
notablyCzanne, employ "warm" pigments (red, yellow and orange)
to bring features forward towards the viewer, and "cool" ones (blue,
violet, and blue-green) to indicate the part of a form that curves
away from the picture plane.
Accommodation
This is an oculomotor cue for depth perception. When we try to
focus on far away objects, the ciliary muscles stretch the eye lens,
making it thinner, and hence changing the focal length.
Thekinesthetic sensations of the contracting and relaxing ciliary
muscles (intraocular muscles) is sent to the visual cortex where it is
used for interpreting distance/depth. Accommodation is only
effective for distances less than 2 meters.
Occlusion
Occlusion (also referred to as interposition) happens when near
surfaces overlap far surfaces.
[11]
If one object partially blocks the
view of another object, humans perceive it as closer. However, this
information only allows the observer to create a "ranking" of relative
nearness. The presence of monocular occlusions consist of the
object's texture and geometry. Monocular occlusions are able to
reduce the depth perception latency both in natural and artificial
stimuli.
[12][13]

Curvilinear perspective
At the outer extremes of the visual field, parallel lines become
curved, as in a photo taken through a fisheye lens. This effect,
although it is usually eliminated from both art and photos by the
cropping or framing of a picture, greatly enhances the viewer's
sense of being positioned within a real, three-dimensional space.
(Classical perspective has no use for this so-called "distortion,"
although in fact the "distortions" strictly obey optical laws and
provide perfectly valid visual information, just as classical
perspective does for the part of the field of vision that falls within its
frame.)
Texture gradient
Fine details on nearby objects can be seen clearly, whereas such
details are not visible on faraway objects. Texture gradients are
grains of an item. For example, on a long gravel road, the gravel
near the observer can be clearly seen of shape, size and colour. In
the distance, the road's texture cannot be clearly differentiated.
Lighting and shading
The way that light falls on an object and reflects off its surfaces,
and the shadows that are cast by objects provide an effective cue
for the brain to determine the shape of objects and their position in
space.
[14]

Defocus blur
Selective image blurring is very commonly used in photographic
and video for establishing the impression of depth. This can act as
a monocular cue even when all other cues are removed. It may
contribute to the depth perception in natural retinal images,
because the depth of focus of the human eye is limited. In addition,
there are several depth estimation algorithms based on defocus
and blurring.
[15]
Some jumping spiders are known to use image
defocus to judge depth.
[16]

Elevation
When an object is visible relative to the horizon, we tend to
perceive objects which are closer to the horizon as being farther
away from us, and objects which are farther from the horizon as
being closer to us.
[17]

Binocular
cues[edit]
Binocular cues
provide depth
information
when viewing
a scene with
both eyes.
Stereopsis, or
retinal
(binocular)
disparity, or
binocular
parallax
Animals that have their eyes placed frontally can also use
information derived from the different projection of objects onto
each retina to judge depth. By using two images of the same scene
obtained from slightly different angles, it is possible
to triangulate the distance to an object with a high degree of
accuracy. Each eye views a slightly different angle of an object
seen by the left and right eyes. This happens because of the
horizontal separation parallax of the eyes. If an object is far away,
the disparity of that image falling on both retinas will be small. If the
object is close or near, the disparity will be large. It is stereopsis
that tricks people into thinking they perceive depth when
viewing Magic Eyes, Autostereograms, 3-D movies,
and stereoscopic photos.
Converge
nce
This is a binocular oculomotor cue for distance/depth perception.
Because of stereopsis the two eyeballs focus on the same object.
In doing so they converge. The convergence will stretch
theextraocular muscles. As happens with the monocular
accommodation cue, kinesthetic sensations from these extraocular
muscles also help in depth/distance perception. The angle of
convergence is smaller when the eye is fixating on far away
objects. Convergence is effective for distances less than 10
meters.
[citation needed]

Shad
ow
Stere
opsis

A. Medina Puerta demonstrated that retinal images with no parallax
disparity but with different shadows are fused stereoscopically,
imparting depth perception to the imaged scene. He named the
phenomenon "shadow stereopsis". Shadows are therefore an
important, stereoscopic cue for depth perception.
[18]

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[19
]

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gr
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ai
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d
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th
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of
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h
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ra
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Hi
g
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p
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th
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n
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s
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c
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p
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s
a
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d
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p
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lly
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o
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hl
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el
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p
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th
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s
a
m
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m
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lik
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fr
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a
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s
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at
(t
w
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m
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n
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)
re
ct
a
n
gl
e
of
th
e
pi
ct
ur
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it
s
el
f;
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o
k
u
s
ai
a
n
d
Hi
ro
s
hi
g
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ig
n
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d
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m
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d
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w
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at
a
pi
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ur
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c
a
n
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nl
y
b
e
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w
h
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n
it
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wl
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d
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s
th
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tr
ut
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of
it
s
o
w
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fl
at
s
ur
fa
c
e.
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y
c
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ra
st
,
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ur
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p
e
a
n
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c
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d
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m
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p
ai
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in
g
w
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d
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d
to
a
s
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of
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g
Li
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th
at
th
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s
ur
fa
c
e
of
th
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c
a
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v
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is
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d
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to
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u
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y
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d,
a
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ar
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m
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to
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ra
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w
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fr
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s
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a
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pr
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s
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n
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of
th
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ai
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d
c
a
n
v
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s.

C
u
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s
m
,
a
n
d
in
d
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d
m
o
st
of

m
o
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t i
s
a
st
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to
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nt
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a
s
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b
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d
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u
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R
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Perception
"Percept", "perceptual", "perceptible" and "imperceptible" redirect
here. For the Brian Blade album, see Perceptual (album). For the
perceptibility of digital watermarks, see Digital
watermarking#Perceptibility. For other uses, see Perception
(disambiguation) and Percept (disambiguation).

The Necker cube and Rubin vase can be perceived in more than one way.
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Perception (from the Latin perceptio, percipio) is the organization,
identification, and interpretation of sensory information in order to
represent and understand the environment.
[1]
All perception involves
signals in the nervous system, which in turn result from physical or
chemical stimulation of the sense organs.
[2]
For example, vision
involves light striking the retina of the eye, smell is mediated by
odor molecules, and hearing involves pressure waves. Perception is
not the passive receipt of these signals, but is shaped
by learning, memory, expectation, and attention.
[3][4]
Perception
involves these "top-down" effects as well as the "bottom-up" process of
processing sensory input.
[4]
The "bottom-up" processing transforms
low-level information to higher-level information (e.g., extracts shapes
for object recognition). The "top-down" processing refers to a person's
concept and expectations (knowledge), and selective mechanisms
(attention) that influence perception. Perception depends on complex
functions of the nervous system, but subjectively seems mostly
effortless because this processing happens outside conscious
awareness.
[2]

Since the rise of experimental psychology in the 19th
Century, psychology's understanding of perception has progressed by
combining a variety of techniques.
[3]
Psychophysics quantitatively
describes the relationships between the physical qualities of the
sensory input and perception.
[5]
Sensory neuroscience studies the brain
mechanisms underlying perception. Perceptual systems can also be
studied computationally, in terms of the information they
process. Perceptual issues in philosophy include the extent to which
sensory qualities such as sound, smell or color exist in objective reality
rather than in the mind of the perceiver.
[3]

Although the senses were traditionally viewed as passive receptors, the
study of illusions and ambiguous images has demonstrated that the
brain's perceptual systems actively and pre-consciously attempt to
make sense of their input.
[3]
There is still active debate about the extent
to which perception is an active process of hypothesis testing,
analogous to science, or whether realistic sensory information is rich
enough to make this process unnecessary.
[3]

The perceptual systems of the brain enable individuals to see the world
around them as stable, even though the sensory information is typically
incomplete and rapidly varying. Human and animal brains are
structured in a modular way, with different areas processing different
kinds of sensory information. Some of these modules take the form
of sensory maps, mapping some aspect of the world across part of the
brain's surface. These different modules are interconnected and
influence each other. For instance, taste is strongly influenced by
smell.
[6]

Contents
[hide]
1 Process and terminology
2 Reality
3 Features
o 3.1 Constancy
o 3.2 Grouping
o 3.3 Contrast effects
4 Effect of experience
5 Effect of motivation and expectation
6 Theories
o 6.1 Perception as direct perception
o 6.2 Perception-in-action
o 6.3 Evolutionary psychology and perception
o 6.4 Theories of visual perception
7 Physiology
8 Types
o 8.1 Of sound
8.1.1 Of speech
o 8.2 Touch
o 8.3 Taste
o 8.4 Other senses
o 8.5 Of the social world
9 See also
10 Notes
11 References
12 Bibliography
13 External links
Process and terminology[edit]
The process of perception begins with an object in the real world,
termed the distal stimulus or distal object.
[2]
By means of light, sound or
another physical process, the object stimulates the body's sensory
organs. These sensory organs transform the input energy into neural
activitya process calledtransduction.
[2][7]
This raw pattern of neural
activity is called the proximal stimulus.
[2]
These neural signals are
transmitted to the brain and processed.
[2]
The resulting mental re-
creation of the distal stimulus is the percept. Perception is sometimes
described as the process of constructing mental representations of
distal stimuli using the information available in proximal stimuli.
An example would be a person looking at a shoe. The shoe itself is the
distal stimulus. When light from the shoe enters a person's eye and
stimulates their retina, that stimulation is the proximal stimulus.
[8]
The
image of the shoe reconstructed by the brain of the person is the
percept. Another example would be a telephone ringing. The ringing of
the telephone is the distal stimulus. The sound stimulating a person's
auditory receptors is the proximal stimulus, and the brain's
interpretation of this as the ringing of a telephone is the percept. The
different kinds of sensation such as warmth, sound, and taste are
called "sensory modalities".
[7][9]

Psychologist Jerome Bruner has developed a model of perception.
According to him people go through the following process to form
opinions:
[10]

1. When we encounter an unfamiliar target we are open to
different informational cues and want to learn more about the
target.
2. In the second step we try to collect more information about the
target. Gradually, we encounter some familiar cues which help
us categorize the target.
3. At this stage, the cues become less open and selective. We try
to search for more cues that confirm the categorization of the
target. We also actively ignore and even distort cues that
violate our initial perceptions. Our perception becomes more
selective and we finally paint a consistent picture of the target.
According to Alan Saks and Gary Johns, there are three components to
perception.
[10]

1. The Perceiver, the person who becomes aware about
something and comes to a final understanding. There are 3
factors that can influence his or her perceptions: experience,
motivational state and finally emotional state. In different
motivational or emotional states, the perceiver will react to or
perceive something in different ways. Also in different
situations he or she might employ a "perceptual defence"
where they tend to "see what they want to see".
2. The Target. This is the person who is being perceived or
judged. "Ambiguity or lack of information about a target leads
to a greater need for interpretation and addition."
3. The Situation also greatly influences perceptions because
different situations may call for additional information about the
target.
Stimuli are not necessarily translated into a percept and rarely does a
single stimulus translate into a percept. An ambiguous stimulus may be
translated into multiple percepts, experienced randomly, one at a time,
in what is called "multistable perception". And the same stimuli, or
absence of them, may result in different percepts depending on
subjects culture and previous experiences. Ambiguous figures
demonstrate that a single stimulus can result in more than one percept;
for example the Rubin vase which can be interpreted either as a vase
or as two faces. The percept can bind sensations from multiple senses
into a whole. A picture of a talking person on a television screen, for
example, is bound to the sound of speech from speakers to form a
percept of a talking person. "Percept" is also a term used
by Leibniz,
[11]
Bergson, Deleuze and Guattari
[12]
to define perception
independent from perceivers.
Reality[edit]
In the case of visual perception, some people can actually see the
percept shift in their mind's eye.
[13]
Others, who are not picture thinkers,
may not necessarily perceive the 'shape-shifting' as their world
changes. The 'esemplastic' nature has been shown by experiment:
an ambiguous image has multiple interpretations on the perceptual
level.
This confusing ambiguity of perception is exploited in human
technologies such as camouflage, and also in biological mimicry, for
example by European Peacock butterflies, whose wings bear eye
markings that birds respond to as though they were the eyes of a
dangerous predator.
There is also evidence that the brain in some ways operates on a slight
"delay", to allow nerve impulses from distant parts of the body to be
integrated into simultaneous signals.
[14]

Perception is one of the oldest fields in psychology. The oldest
quantitative laws in psychology are Weber's law-which states that the
smallest noticeable difference in stimulus intensity is proportional to the
intensity of the reference-and Fechner's law which quantifies the
relationship between the intensity of the physical stimulus and its
perceptual counterpart (for example, testing how much darker a
computer screen can get before the viewer actually notices). The study
of perception gave rise to the Gestalt school of psychology, with its
emphasis on holistic approach.
Features[edit]
Constancy[edit]
Main article: Subjective constancy
Perceptual constancy is the ability of perceptual systems to recognise
the same object from widely varying sensory inputs.
[4][15]
For example,
individual people can be recognised from views, such as frontal and
profile, which form very different shapes on the retina. A coin looked at
face-on makes a circular image on the retina, but when held at angle it
makes an elliptical image.
[16]
In normal perception these are recognised
as a single three-dimensional object. Without this correction process,
an animal approaching from the distance would appear to gain in
size.
[17][18]
One kind of perceptual constancy is color constancy: for
example, a white piece of paper can be recognised as such under
different colors and intensities of light.
[18]
Another example is roughness
constancy: when a hand is drawn quickly across a surface, the touch
nerves are stimulated more intensely. The brain compensates for this,
so the speed of contact does not affect the perceived
roughness.
[18]
Other constancies include melody, odor, brightness and
words.
[19]
These constancies are not always total, but the variation in
the percept is much less than the variation in the physical
stimulus.
[18]
The perceptual systems of the brain achieve perceptual
constancy in a variety of ways, each specialized for the kind of
information being processed.
[20]

Grouping[edit]
Main article: Principles of grouping

Law of Closure. The human brain tends to perceive complete shapes even
if those forms are incomplete.
The principles of grouping (or Gestalt laws of grouping) are a set of
principles in psychology, first proposed by Gestalt psychologists to
explain how humans naturally perceive objects as organized patterns
and objects. Gestalt psychologists argued that these principles exist
because the mind has an innate disposition to perceive patterns in the
stimulus based on certain rules. These principles are organized into six
categories. The principle of proximity states that, all else being equal,
perception tends to group stimuli that are close together as part of the
same object, and stimuli that are far apart as two separate objects. The
principle of similarity states that, all else being equal, perception lends
itself to seeing stimuli that physically resemble each other as part of the
same object, and stimuli that are different as part of a different object.
This allows for people to distinguish between adjacent and overlapping
objects based on their visual texture and resemblance. The principle
of closure refers to the minds tendency to see complete figures or
forms even if a picture is incomplete, partially hidden by other objects,
or if part of the information needed to make a complete picture in our
minds is missing. For example, if part of a shapes border is missing
people still tend to see the shape as completely enclosed by the border
and ignore the gaps. The principle of good continuation makes sense
of stimuli that overlap: when there is an intersection between two or
more objects, people tend to perceive each as a single uninterrupted
object. The principle of common fate groups stimuli together on the
basis of their movement. When visual elements are seen moving in the
same direction at the same rate, perception associates the movement
as part of the same stimulus. This allows people to make out moving
objects even when other details, such as color or outline, are obscured.
The principle of good form refers to the tendency to group together
forms of similar shape, pattern, color, etc.
[21][22][23][24]
Later research has
identified additional grouping principles.
[25]

Contrast effects[edit]
Main article: Contrast effect
A common finding across many different kinds of perception is that the
perceived qualities of an object can be affected by the qualities of
context. If one object is extreme on some dimension, then neighboring
objects are perceived as further away from that extreme.
"Simultaneous contrast effect" is the term used when stimuli are
presented at the same time, whereas "successive contrast" applies
when stimuli are presented one after another.
[26]

The contrast effect was noted by the 17th Century philosopher John
Locke, who observed that lukewarm water can feel hot or cold,
depending on whether the hand touching it was previously in hot or
cold water.
[27]
In the early 20th Century, Wilhelm Wundt identified
contrast as a fundamental principle of perception, and since then the
effect has been confirmed in many different areas.
[27]
These effects
shape not only visual qualities like color and brightness, but other kinds
of perception, including how heavy an object feels.
[28]
One experiment
found that thinking of the name "Hitler" led to subjects rating a person
as more hostile.
[29]
Whether a piece of music is perceived as good or
bad can depend on whether the music heard before it was pleasant or
unpleasant.
[30]
For the effect to work, the objects being compared need
to be similar to each other: a television reporter can seem smaller when
interviewing a tall basketball player, but not when standing next to a tall
building.
[28]
In the brain, contrast exerts effects on both neuronal firing
rates and neuronal synchrony.
[31]

Effect of experience[edit]
Main article: Perceptual learning
With experience, organisms can learn to make finer perceptual
distinctions, and learn new kinds of categorization. Wine-tasting, the
reading of X-ray images and music appreciation are applications of this
process in the human sphere. Research has focused on the relation of
this to other kinds of learning, and whether it takes place in peripheral
sensory systems or in the brain's processing of sense information.
[citation
needed]

Effect of motivation and expectation[edit]
Main article: Set (psychology)
A perceptual set, also called perceptual expectancy or just set is a
predisposition to perceive things in a certain way.
[32]
It is an example of
how perception can be shaped by "top-down" processes such as drives
and expectations.
[33]
Perceptual sets occur in all the different
senses.
[17]
They can be long term, such as a special sensitivity to
hearing one's own name in a crowded room, or short term, as in the
ease with which hungry people notice the smell of food.
[34]
A simple
demonstration of the effect involved very brief presentations of non-
words such as "sael". Subjects who were told to expect words about
animals read it as "seal", but others who were expecting boat-related
words read it as "sail".
[34]

Sets can be created by motivation and so can result in people
interpreting ambiguous figures so that they see what they want to
see.
[33]
For instance, how someone perceives what unfolds during a
sports game can be biased if they strongly support one of the
teams.
[35]
In one experiment, students were allocated to pleasant or
unpleasant tasks by a computer. They were told that either a number or
a letter would flash on the screen to say whether they were going to
taste an orange juice drink or an unpleasant-tasting health drink. In
fact, an ambiguous figure was flashed on screen, which could either be
read as the letter B or the number 13. When the letters were
associated with the pleasant task, subjects were more likely to perceive
a letter B, and when letters were associated with the unpleasant task
they tended to perceive a number 13.
[32]

Perceptual set has been demonstrated in many social contexts. People
who are primed to think of someone as "warm" are more likely to
perceive a variety of positive characteristics in them, than if the word
"warm" is replaced by "cold". When someone has a reputation for being
funny, an audience is more likely to find them amusing.
[34]
Individual's
perceptual sets reflect their own personality traits. For example, people
with an aggressive personality are quicker to correctly identify
aggressive words or situations.
[34]

One classic psychological experiment showed slower reaction times
and less accurate answers when a deck of playing cards reversed the
color of the suit symbol for some cards (e.g. red spades and black
hearts).
[36]

Philosopher Andy Clark explains that perception, although it occurs
quickly, is not simply a bottom-up process (where minute details are
put together to form larger wholes). Instead, our brains use what he
calls Predictive coding. It starts with very broad constraints and
expectations for the state of the world, and as expectations are met, it
makes more detailed predictions (errors lead to new predictions,
or learning processes). Clark says this research has various
implications; not only can there be no completely "unbiased, unfiltered"
perception, but this means that there is a great deal of feedback
between perception and expectation (perceptual experiences often
shape our beliefs, but those perceptions were based on existing
beliefs).
[37]

Theories[edit]
Perception as direct perception[edit]
Cognitive theories of perception assume there is a poverty of stimulus.
This (with reference to perception) is the claim that sensations are, by
themselves, unable to provide a unique description of the
world.
[38]
Sensations require 'enriching', which is the role of the mental
model. A different type of theory is the perceptual ecology approach
of James J. Gibson. Gibson rejected the assumption of apoverty of
stimulus by rejecting the notion that perception is based upon
sensations instead, he investigated what information is actually
presented to the perceptual systems. His theory "assumes the
existence of stable, unbounded, and permanent stimulus-information in
the ambient optic array. And it supposes that the visual system can
explore and detect this information. The theory is information-based,
not sensation-based."
[39]
He and the psychologists who work within
this paradigm detailed how the world could be specified to a mobile,
exploring organism via the lawful projection of information about the
world into energy arrays.
[40]
Specification is a 1:1 mapping of some
aspect of the world into a perceptual array; given such a mapping, no
enrichment is required and perception is direct perception.
[41]

Perception-in-action[edit]
An ecological understanding of perception derived from Gibson's early
work is that of "perception-in-action", the notion that perception is a
requisite property of animate action; that without perception, action
would be unguided, and without action, perception would serve no
purpose. Animate actions require both perception and motion, and
perception and movement can be described as "two sides of the same
coin, the coin is action". Gibson works from the assumption that
singular entities, which he calls "invariants", already exist in the real
world and that all that the perception process does is to home in upon
them. A view known as constructivism (held by such philosophers
as Ernst von Glasersfeld) regards the continual adjustment of
perception and action to the external input as precisely what constitutes
the "entity", which is therefore far from being invariant.
[42]

Glasersfeld considers an "invariant" as a target to be homed in upon,
and a pragmatic necessity to allow an initial measure of understanding
to be established prior to the updating that a statement aims to
achieve. The invariant does not and need not represent an actuality,
and Glasersfeld describes it as extremely unlikely that what is desired
or feared by an organism will never suffer change as time goes on.
This social constructionist theory thus allows for a needful evolutionary
adjustment.
[43]

A mathematical theory of perception-in-action has been devised and
investigated in many forms of controlled movement, and has been
described in many different species of organism using theGeneral Tau
Theory. According to this theory, tau information, or time-to-goal
information is the fundamental 'percept' in perception.
Evolutionary psychology and perception[edit]
Many philosophers, such as Jerry Fodor, write that the purpose of
perception is knowledge, but evolutionary psychologists hold that its
primary purpose is to guide action.
[44]
For example, they say, depth
perception seems to have evolved not to help us know the distances to
other objects but rather to help us move around in
space.
[44]
Evolutionary psychologists say that animals from fiddler crabs
to humans use eyesight for collision avoidance, suggesting that vision
is basically for directing action, not providing knowledge.
[44]

Building and maintaining sense organs is metabolically expensive, so
these organs evolve only when they improve an organism's
fitness.
[44]
More than half the brain is devoted to processing sensory
information, and the brain itself consumes roughly one-fourth of one's
metabolic resources, so the senses must provide exceptional benefits
to fitness.
[44]
Perception accurately mirrors the world; animals get
useful, accurate information through their senses.
[44]

Scientists who study perception and sensation have long understood
the human senses as adaptations.
[44]
Depth perception consists of
processing over half a dozen visual cues, each of which is based on a
regularity of the physical world.
[44]
Vision evolved to respond to the
narrow range of electromagnetic energy that is plentiful and that does
not pass through objects.
[44]
Sound waves provide useful information
about the sources of and distances to objects, with larger animals
making and hearing lower-frequency sounds and smaller animals
making and hearing higher-frequency sounds.
[44]
Taste and smell
respond to chemicals in the environment that were significant for
fitness in the EEA.
[44]
The sense of touch is actually many senses,
including pressure, heat, cold, tickle, and pain.
[44]
Pain, while
unpleasant, is adaptive.
[44]
An important adaptation for senses is range
shifting, by which the organism becomes temporarily more or less
sensitive to sensation.
[44]
For example, one's eyes automatically adjust
to dim or bright ambient light.
[44]
Sensory abilities of different organisms
often coevolve, as is the case with the hearing of echolocating bats and
that of the moths that have evolved to respond to the sounds that the
bats make.
[44]

Evolutionary psychologists claim that perception demonstrates the
principle of modularity, with specialized mechanisms handling particular
perception tasks.
[44]
For example, people with damage to a particular
part of the brain suffer from the specific defect of not being able to
recognize faces (prospagnosia).
[44]
EP suggests that this indicates a
so-called face-reading module.
[44]

Theories of visual perception[edit]
Empirical theories of perception
Enactivism
Anne Treisman's feature integration theory
Interactive activation and competition
Irving Biederman's recognition by components theory
Physiology[edit]
Main article: Sensory system
A sensory system is a part of the nervous system responsible for
processing sensory information. A sensory system consists of sensory
receptors, neural pathways, and parts of the brain involved in sensory
perception. Commonly recognized sensory systems are those
for vision, hearing, somatic
sensation (touch), taste and olfaction (smell). It has been suggested
that the immune system is an overlooked sensory modality.
[45]
In short,
senses are transducers from the physical world to the realm of the
mind.
The receptive field is the specific part of the world to which a receptor
organ and receptor cells respond. For instance, the part of the world an
eye can see, is its receptive field; the light that each rodor cone can
see, is its receptive field.
[46]
Receptive fields have been identified for
the visual system, auditory system and somatosensory system, so far.
Types[edit]
Of sound[edit]

Anatomy of the human ear. (The length of the auditory canal is
exaggerated in this image)
Main article: Hearing (sense)
Hearing (or audition) is the ability to perceive sound by
detecting vibrations. Frequencies capable of being heard by humans
are called audio or sonic. The range is typically considered to be
between 20 Hz and 20,000 Hz.
[47]
Frequencies higher than audio are
referred to as ultrasonic, while frequencies below audio are referred to
as infrasonic. The auditory system includes the outer ears which collect
and filter sound waves, the middle ear for transforming the sound
pressure (impedance matching), and the inner ear which produces
neural signals in response to the sound. By the ascending auditory
pathway these are led to theprimary auditory cortex within the temporal
lobe of the human brain, which is where the auditory information arrives
in the cerebral cortex and is further processed there.
Sound does not usually come from a single source: in real situations,
sounds from multiple sources and directions are superimposed as they
arrive at the ears. Hearing involves the computationally complex task of
separating out the sources of interest, often estimating their distance
and direction as well as identifying them.
[16]

Of speech[edit]
Main article: Speech perception

Though the phrase "I owe you" can be heard as three distinct words,
a spectrogram reveals no clear boundaries.
Speech perception is the process by which the sounds of language are
heard, interpreted and understood. Research in speech perception
seeks to understand how human listeners recognize speech sounds
and use this information to understand spoken language. The sound of
a word can vary widely according to words around it and the tempo of
the speech, as well as the physical characteristics, accent and mood of
the speaker. Listeners manage to perceive words across this wide
range of different conditions. Another variation is that reverberation can
make a large difference in sound between a word spoken from the far
side of a room and the same word spoken up close. Experiments have
shown that people automatically compensate for this effect when
hearing speech.
[16][48]

The process of perceiving speech begins at the level of the sound
within the auditory signal and the process of audition. After processing
the initial auditory signal, speech sounds are further processed to
extract acoustic cues and phonetic information. This speech
information can then be used for higher-level language processes,
such as word recognition. Speech perception is not necessarily uni-
directional. That is, higher-level language processes connected
with morphology, syntax, or semantics may interact with basic speech
perception processes to aid in recognition of speech sounds.
[citation
needed]
It may be the case that it is not necessary and maybe even not
possible for a listener to recognize phonemes before recognizing
higher units, like words for example. In one experiment, Richard M.
Warren replaced one phoneme of a word with a cough-like sound. His
subjects restored the missing speech sound perceptually without any
difficulty and what is more, they were not able to identify accurately
which phoneme had been disturbed.
[49]

Touch[edit]
Main article: Haptic perception
Haptic perception is the process of recognizing objects through touch.
It involves a combination of somatosensory perception of patterns on
the skin surface (e.g., edges, curvature, and texture)
andproprioception of hand position and conformation. People can
rapidly and accurately identify three-dimensional objects by
touch.
[50]
This involves exploratory procedures, such as moving the
fingers over the outer surface of the object or holding the entire object
in the hand.
[51]
Haptic perception relies on the forces experienced
during touch.
[52]

Gibson defined the haptic system as "The sensibility of the individual to
the world adjacent to his body by use of his body".
[53]
Gibson and
others emphasized the close link between haptic perception and body
movement: haptic perception is active exploration. The concept of
haptic perception is related to the concept of extended physiological
proprioception according to which, when using a tool such as a stick,
perceptual experience is transparently transferred to the end of the
tool.
Taste[edit]
Main article: Taste
Taste (or, the more formal term, gustation) is the ability to perceive
the flavor of substances including, but not limited to, food. Humans
receive tastes through sensory organs called taste buds, orgustatory
calyculi, concentrated on the upper surface of the tongue.
[54]
The
human tongue has 100 to 150 taste receptor cells on each of its
roughly ten thousand taste buds.
[55]
There are five primary
tastes: sweetness, bitterness, sourness, saltiness, and umami. Other
tastes can be mimicked by combining these basic tastes.
[55][56]
The
recognition and awareness of umami is a relatively recent development
in Western cuisine.
[57]
The basic tastes contribute only partially to the
sensation and flavor of food in the mouth other factors include smell,
detected by the olfactory epithelium of the nose;
[6]
texture, detected
through a variety of mechanoreceptors, muscle nerves, etc.;
[56][58]
and
temperature, detected by thermoreceptors.
[56]
All basic tastes are
classified as either appetitive oraversive, depending upon whether the
things they sense are harmful or beneficial.
[59]

Other senses[edit]
Main article: Sense
Other senses enable perception of body balance, acceleration, gravity,
position of body parts, temperature, pain, time, and perception of
internal senses such as suffocation, gag reflex, intestinal distension,
fullness of rectum and urinary bladder, and sensations felt in the throat
and lungs.
Of the social world[edit]
Main article: Social perception
Social perception is the part of perception that allows people to
understand the individuals and groups of their social world, and thus an
element of social cognition.
[60]

See also[edit]

Philosophy portal

Psychology portal
Action-specific perception
Alice in Wonderland syndrome
Apophenia
Change blindness
Introspection
Model-dependent realism
Multisensory integration
Near sets
Neural correlates of consciousness
Pareidolia
Perceptual paradox
Qualia
Recept
Samj, the Buddhist concept of perception
Simulated reality
Simulation
Visual routine
Transsaccadic memory
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