Commission on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice
Background Guide
Letter from the Executive Board
Greetings delegates.
We welcome you to the second edition of Delhi Public School Rohini Intra Model United Nations Conference 2014.
The Commission on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice (CCPJ) is a subsidiary branch of the The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Owing to the various reasons of cardinal importance, in todays convoluted circumstances, this organisation has been duly set up to combat national and transnational crime, including organized crime, economic crime and money laundering; promoting the role of criminal law in protecting the environment; crime prevention in urban areas, including juvenile crime and violence; and improving the efficiency and fairness of criminal justice administration systems. The Commission on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice performs both normative work and operational work, to assist countries in the areas of crime prevention and criminal justice. The normative work of the Justice Section relates to the revision of existing standards and norms, the development of new standards and norms, and the monitoring of their use and application. The operational work of the Justice Section includes activities such as providing technical assistance to Member States and developing tools to assist Members States in implementing the UN standards and norms. Furthermore, CCPJ has been developing regional/country programmes, covering all thematic areas included in its mandate, with strong criminal justice components, based on needs and objectives identified in each region/country. With that being said, if we examine the abridged impetus of this committee, the objective is to make the world safer from crime, drugs, and terrorism.
The Commission on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice is indeed a compelling committee, considering the number of delegates that will be present around you. If you consider and put the following points to practice, the committee shall be an enriching escapade for you: All of us realize that problems and crisis do exist, but we are unmoved. Just skimming through research and reflecting whats on the first page of your highlighted content will be a futile exercise. We suggest you to discuss the intricacies of the agenda and try to go in the depth and detail of a situation. The profound nature of the debate is what will keep the conference alive and challenging for you. The internet database is full of solutions and ordinary clues for your agenda. The point is to think beyond the mainstream convention and think out of the box. Keep one thing in mind, your solutions should be innovative and effectual at the same time. Allegations, reports, documents are an integral part of any conference. However, if you allege or vindicate a delegate, make sure you have equal amount of solutions to counter the problem and propagate the committee forward. Lobby, work with your fellow delegates, make sure your research is in concordance with the committee and try not to be an individual player, just this once. Communicate and collaborate accordingly to arrive at substantial conclusions. A little heads up; youll be marked for your diplomatic skills and negotiating prowess so try to be subtle on that front.
If theres any query, feel free to contact the Executive Board. Remember, participate with full enthusiasm, know your research well and be confident! Wish you an insightful journey ahead. Live long and prosper.
Tanish Gupta, Ishan Khurana, Pratyaksh Arneja, Nona Uppal Executive Board Commission on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice
INTRODUCTION Latin America has entered the age of advanced technology, increased speeds of information transmission, and rapid global- ization.1 Trade barriers have fallen, national borders have be- come less isolating, State control has diminished, and ideas have transcended geographic limitations with the stroke of a key-board. Such advances have made Iberoamerica part of the "global village",2 one in which Nations of the region share knowledge and goods, overcome great distances, and undergo increased migration and societal transformation. These devel- opments, however, have also unleashed a sinister "assembly" that threatens regional and national security and international stabil- ity - global organized crime. These new players have established transnational criminal networks that are growing at unprecedented levels,4 and the im- mense fortunes to be made from activities such as money laun- dering, illegal arms transactions, and trafficking in human be- ings and drugs have encouraged alliances between organized crime, government officials, politicians and/or corporate indi- viduals.5 Moreover, so much profit from illegal enterprise has in turn discouraged serious commitment from Latin American leaders and politicians at the national and international level from implementing meaningful legislation and prosecution of responsible actors. Corruption, violence, and political, social, and economic in- stability have plagued Latin American Nations for generations. The fragility of the rule of law in such a volatile landscape has allowed organized criminal enterprises of many forms to take root in fertile ground. The problem has grown so severe that organized crime in the region has spilled beyond the western hemisphere, embracing alliances and associations with criminal organizations .
I. TRANSNATIONAL ORGANIZED CRIME: NO CLEAR DEFINITIONS The international community recognizes that organized crime and its attendant activities (drug trafficking, money laun- dering, extortion, fraud) pose a dire threat to global stability.1" "[T] hose involved in it have no respect for, or loyalty to Nations, boundaries, or sovereignty."' 12 Even though organized crime is a global problem, there is no uniformly agreed upon definition of what constitutes organized crime or transnational organized crime.": Definitions vary from State to State, 4 and of even more concern, may vary within a State.' 5 Some concepts are too vague while other concepts center on a single activity. Still, other defi- nitions combine various characteristics into a one-dimensional concept. A clear conceptualization of this phenomenon is crucial to the enactment of proper legislation, and for appropriate allot- ment of resources, building strategies, designing of law enforce- ment training, and search for relevant international coopera- tion. Lack of clarity and uncertainty creates obstacles to the fight against these organizations because law enforcement can- not determine when and if what is being confronted is common criminalism or crime syndicates."7 Moreover, misunderstanding and misinterpretation of the reality of syndicate organizations cause wrong legislative responses that limit the effectiveness of crime control measures with the result that scarce resources then risk being misallocated, stereotypes continue to be perpetu- ated, and civil liberties become endangered. 8
A clear conceptualization of this phenomenon is crucial to the enactment of proper legislation, and for appropriate allot- ment of resources, building strategies, designing of law enforce- ment training, and search for relevant international coopera- tion. Lack of clarity and uncertainty creates obstacles to the fight against these organizations because law enforcement can- not determine when and if what is being confronted is common criminalism or crime syndicates."7 Moreover, misunderstanding and misinterpretation of the reality of syndicate organizations cause wrong legislative responses that limit the effectiveness of crime control measures with the result that scarce resources then risk being misallocated, stereotypes continue to be perpetu- ated, and civil liberties become endangered.
FORMS OF TOC IN LATIN AMERICA In recent decades, Latin America has played a central role in several major global illicit drug markets. Multiple aspects of the drug supply chain take place in the region, including drug crop cultivation, drug production, drug trafficking, and, ultimately, drug consumption. Today, South America is the sole producer of cocaine for the global market; Mexico and Colombia are the primary sources of opiates in the United States; Mexico and the Caribbean are major foreign sources of cannabis (marijuana) consumed in the United States; and Mexico is the primary source of foreign methamphetamine in the United States.2 Marijuana and methamphetamine are also produced domestically.3 Major drug crops in Latin America include coca bush, used to produce cocaine, and opium poppy, used to produce opiates, including heroin. Source zones for coca bush cover the Andean region of South America, particularly Colombia, Peru, and Bolivia. Source zones for opium poppy include Mexico, Colombia, and to a lesser extent, Guatemala. Cannabis is cultivated in virtually all countries in the region, mainly for local consumption, but notable cannabis exporters include Mexico and Jamaica. Drug processing and refining may take place in source zones as well as along transit routes. Key chemical ingredients used to process coca bush and opium poppy into their refined, finished products, as well as those used to produce methamphetamine, are legally manufactured for legitimate industry purposes, but diverted clandestinely for use in the illegal drug trade. Precursor chemicals are also imported from third countries like India and China.4 Drug consumption in Latin America remains low, compared to the primary global consumption markets led by the United States, Canada, and Western Europe. In recent years, however, data indicate that drug consumption, particularly cocaine use, within the region has grown, mainly along trafficking transit pathways en route to the core consumption markets. According to the most recent data from the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), increases in cocaine use have been reported in Venezuela, Ecuador, Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Guatemala, Honduras, Jamaica, and Haiti.5 These countries are notably located along major cocaine transit routes. The Caribbean-South Florida route continues to be active, and although it is currently less utilized than the Central America-Mexico route, some observers have warned that activity along this route may surge once more in the near future. As U.S. counternarcotics cooperation with Venezuela has diminished since 2005, Venezuela has become a major transit point for drug flights through the Caribbeanparticularly Haiti and the Dominican Republicinto the United States as well as to Europe. Elsewhere in the Caribbean, the Bahamas continues to serve as a major transit country for both Jamaican marijuana and South American cocaine. Besides going to the United States, Latin American drugs, particularly cocaine, are also shipped to Europe. An increasing percentage of drug shipments from Latin America to Europe now transit West Africa.7 The European Police Organization, EUROPOL, has estimated that approximately 250 metric tons of cocaine (between 25% and 30% of global cocaine production) from Latin America enters European markets annually.8 Drugs destined for Europe mainly depart Latin America via Venezuela through the Caribbean or via the eastern coast of Brazil. While Europe has long been the second-largest cocaine consumption market after North America, UNODC reports that the number of European users has been increasing over the last decade as the number of North American users has declined.9 Latin Americas central role in the illicit drug market stems largely from the Andean regions unique position as the worlds only source region for coca and cocaine. Another major factor contributing to the regions prominence in todays drug trade is its proximity to the United States, a major drug consumption market. Underlying factors that have allowed drug trafficking to flourish include poverty, inequality, and a lack of viable economic opportunities for farmers and youth in many countries aside from emigration. At the same time, underfunded security forces and the failure to complete institutional reform efforts have generally left police, prisons, and judicial systems weak and susceptible to corruption. On average, fewer than 5% of murders committed in Latin America result in criminal convictions, which gives drug traffickers the freedom to act with relative impunity.10 The presence of insurgent groups involved in drug production and trafficking in some countries and geographical impediments to interdiction have impeded antidrug efforts. Uneven political support for counterdrug efforts may also fuel drug trafficking.
HUMAN TRAFFICKING IN LATIN AMERICA Human trafficking is a growing problem in Latin America and the Caribbean, a region that contains major source, transit, and destination countries for trafficking victims. Major forms of TIP in the region include commercial sexual exploitation of women and children, labor trafficking within national borders and among countries in the region (particularly in South America), and the trafficking of illegal immigrants in Mexico and Central America. According to UNODC, the share of victims trafficked for forced labor in the region (44%) is higher than in other Europe and Central Asia.16 Latin America is a primary source region for people that are trafficked to the United States and Canada. It is also a transit region for Asian victims destined for the United States, Canada, and Europe. Some of the wealthier countries in the region (such as Brazil, Costa Rica, Chile, Argentina, Panama, and Mexico) also serve as destination countries.
Factors that Contribute to Human Trafficking in the Region Both individual factors and outside circumstances contribute to human trafficking within and from Latin America and the Caribbean. Individual risk factors include poverty, unemployment, illiteracy, a history of physical or sexual abuse, homelessness, drug use, and gang membership. The IOM in Colombia has identified other personal characteristics common among trafficking victims. These include a tendency to take risks in order to fulfill ones goals, a focus on short- term rewards that may result from short-term risks, and a lack of familial support and/or strong social networks.17 These risk factors that may push an individual towards accepting a risky job proposition in another country have been compounded by pull factors, including the hope of finding economic opportunity abroad, which is fueled by television and internet images of wealth in the United States and Europe. Outside factors contributing to human trafficking include the following: (1) the high global demand for domestic servants, agricultural laborers, sex workers, and factory labor; (2) political, social, or economic crises, as well as natural disasters occurring in particular countries, such as the January 2010 earthquake in Haiti; (3) lingering machismo (chauvinistic attitudes and practices) that tends to lead to discrimination against women and girls; (4) existence of established trafficking networks with sophisticated recruitment methods; (5) public corruption, especially complicity between law enforcement and border agents with traffickers and alien smugglers; (6) restrictive immigration policies in some destination countries that have limited the opportunities for legal migration flows to occur; (7) government disinterest in the issue of human trafficking; and (8) limited economic opportunities for women in Latin America. Although women have achieved the same (or higher) educational levels as men in many countries, womens employment continues to be concentrated in low-wage, informal sector jobs.
Child Trafficking There is considerably less research on the extent and nature of trafficking in persons in Latin America and the Caribbean than there is on Asia and Europe. Most of the research that does exist has focused, at least until recently, on trafficking in children for sexual exploitation. Trafficking of children for sexual exploitation is most common in countries that are both popular tourist destinations and centers of sex tourism.18 Street and orphaned children are particularly vulnerable to trafficking into the sex industry, although some children who have been trafficked remain living with their families and engage in commercial sex activity in order to contribute to household income. Other factors associated with children at risk of trafficking include: poverty, infrequent school attendance, physical or sexual abuse, drug or alcohol addiction, and involvement in a criminal youth gang. Children are also trafficked both internally and across international borders for use as domestic servants. State Department officials have estimated that as many as 1 million children may work as domestic servants in Latin America, many of whom are vulnerable to verbal, physical, and sexual abuse. Abuse has been particularly evident among the hundreds of thousands of child domestic servants in Haiti.19 Latin American children have been trafficked for illegal adoptions, for use as soldiers in armed conflict, and to work for organized criminal groups. Finally, the ILO and the U.S. Department of Labor (DOL) have documented instances from across the region of children forced to work under dangerous circumstances in agricultural or mining industries. For example, a 2012 DOL report found continued evidence of the use of child labor in the production of a wide range of goods in many countries in Latin America. Examples of some of the goods cited in that report include bricks, gold, coffee, sugarcane, and other agro- export crops.20 While a 2010 ILO global report estimated that the number of child laborers had declined slightly in Latin America as compared to 2006, it still estimated that some 14 million children in the region worked, 9.4 million under hazardous conditions.21
Trafficking for Sexual Exploitation While trafficking for forced labor is a serious problem in Latin America and the Caribbean, trafficking for sexual exploitation has, until recently, been perceived as a more widespread and pressing regional problem. Most victims are trafficked for prostitution, but others are used for pornography and stripping. Children tend to be trafficked within their own countries, while young women may be trafficked internally or internationally, sometimes with the consent of their husbands or other family members. One study estimated that some 10,000 women from southern and central Mexico are trafficked for sexual exploitation to the northern border region each year.22 In the past, State Department officials have estimated that at least 100,000 Latin Americans are trafficked internationally each year, with large numbers of victims coming from Colombia and the Dominican Republic, among others.23 There are also intra-regional trafficking problems. A 2005 report by the International Organization for Migration (IOM) asserts that the Caribbeans relatively open borders, lax enforcement of entertainment visa and work permit rules, and legalized prostitution have contributed to the problem of trafficking there.24 Argentina and Brazil are destination countries for women trafficked from the Andes and Caribbean countries like the Dominican Republic. Panama has been a destination for women from Colombia and Central America trafficked to work in the sex industry. Trafficking has also occurred at border crossings throughout Central America and Mexico, especially the Mexico-Guatemala border, as undocumented women who have not been able to get to the United States end up being forced into prostitution.
Trafficking for Forced Labor The ILO reports that some 1.8 million people in Latin America are engaged in forced labor, including TIP victims.25 These numbers do not include the increasing numbers of Latin Americans who have ended up in situations of forced labor after migrating to Europe or the United States. Despite the relatively large number of victims trafficked for forced labor in the region, there are relatively few studies on this topic. Until recently, more forced labor victims had been identified in South America and some parts of the Caribbean than in Central America. In Brazil, forced labor is most common in rural areas on cattle ranches, in logging and mining camps, and on plantations where soy beans, corn, and cotton are produced. Forced labor is also used in the mahogany, brick- making, and gold-mining industries in the Amazonian regions of Peru and Ecuador. Indigenous peoples in Peru, Bolivia, and Paraguay are particularly at risk of being trafficked for forced labor.26 Each year, thousands of migrants flock from Haiti to the Dominican Republic to work in the construction, tourism, and agriculture industries, as well as in the informal sector. Many of those migrants lack proper documentation, rendering them vulnerable to trafficking and other abuses. In the past few years, the Department of Justice has prosecuted an increasingly large volume of cases of foreigners trafficked into forced labor in the United States. Although the majority of these cases have involved trafficking for prostitution, a significant number have involved the agricultural sector. Annually some 1.5 million seasonal farm workers, mostly from Latin America and the Caribbean, plant and harvest produce in the United States. Low wages, harsh working conditions, and a lack of legal protection, combined with an ever increasing demand for cheap labor, have resulted in growing numbers of forced labor abuses.
Trafficking in Persons Reports and Sanctions: Latin America On June 19, 2013, the State Department issued its 13th annual report on human trafficking, Trafficking in Persons Report (TIP), June 2013, as mandated by the TVPA (P.L. 106-386 as amended). The 2013 TIP report ranks 187 countries and territories, including the United States. The report also discusses human trafficking in Somalia, a special case country where insufficient information was available to provide a tier ranking. As in previous years, most Latin American countries fall somewhere in the middle of the tier rankings, with 18 countries on Tier 2, and 9 on the Tier 2 Watch List (see Table 1). Cuba is the only Latin American country identified as Tier 332 and made subject to possible U.S. trafficking- related sanctions, while Colombia and Nicaragua are the only countries in the region to earn a Tier 1 ranking. Nicaragua earned its first Tier 1 ranking by securing 35 TIP convictions, more than the rest of Central America combined.33 Countries on the Tier 2 Watch List include Barbados, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, St. Lucia, Suriname, Trinidad and Tobago, Uruguay, and Venezuela.34 The Bahamas and Ecuador upgraded their tier rankings, whereas Guyana and Honduras were downgraded. On September 14, 2012, President Obama issued his determination on whether to impose aid restrictions during FY2013 on the 17 countries ranked as Tier 3 in the 2012 TIP report.35 The President has the option to (1) apply a full prohibition against nonhumanitarian and nontrade- related foreign assistance, (2) withhold a portion of aid eligible for restriction by granting partial waivers, or (3) waive the restrictions entirely on the basis of national interest reasons. For FY2013 the President granted partial waivers from the aid prohibitions for all of the Tier 3 countries, including Cuba.
U.S. Government Anti-Trafficking Programs in Latin America In FY2011, the U.S. government obligated approximately $85.3 million in anti-trafficking assistance to foreign governments worldwide. Roughly 10% ($8.4 million) of U.S. anti-TIP funding supported projects in Latin America. Anti-trafficking programs are administered by a variety of U.S. agencies, primarily the State Department, the U.S. Agency for International Development, and the Department of Labor. The majority of the programs are either regional or directed at countries that were placed on either Tier 3 or the Tier 2 Watch-list in recent TIP reports. In FY2011, 63% of U.S. anti-TIP funds obligated supported programs in Haiti. Whereas regional programs in Latin America support initiatives necessary to address the cross- cutting nature of human trafficking, bilateral programs aim to help governments solve specific challenges they have had in addressing human trafficking. For example, anti- trafficking programs in Haiti are helping to strengthen Haitian child protection agencies ability to identify and rescue child trafficking victims. Since the 2010 earthquake, more than 600 child TIP victims have been identified with U.S. assistance. An anti-TIP program in Mexico supports a Resident Legal Advisor who is helping reconstruct the anti-trafficking unit within the Attorney Generals Office and train Mexican officials on how to investigate and prosecute TIP cases. In addition to foreign aid programs, various agencies within the Department of Homeland Security are stepping up joint efforts with Mexican officials to identify, arrest, and prosecute human trafficking and smuggling rings that operate along the U.S.-Mexico border and beyond. In 2005, the Bureau of U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) in DHS created a new program, the Operation Against Smugglers (and Traffickers) Initiative on Safety and Security (OASISS), a bilateral program that enables Mexican alien smugglers and traffickers apprehended in the United States who cannot be tried in this country to be prosecuted in Mexico. From the time of its inception in 2005 through the end of FY2011, OASISS generated 2,617 cases, but it is unclear how many of those cases were successfully prosecuted.36 Various units within the Department of Justices Civil Rights and Criminal Division have provided training and technical assistance courses to foreign officials in the United States and overseas. For example, the Office of Overseas Prosecutorial Development, Assistance, and Training (OPDAT) has helped several countries, including Brazil and Mexico, draft TIP- related legislation. OPDATs technical assistance and training in investigating TIP cases helped Mexican officials secure their first convictions under the countrys new anti-TIP law in December 2009.
ORGANISED CRIMES AND LINKS TO TERRORISM In addition to Islamic terrorist groups, the TBA (TRI-BORDER AREA)provides a haven that is geographically, socially, economically, and politically highly conducive for allowing organized crime and the corrupt officials who accept their bribes or payoffs to operate in a symbiotic relationship that thrives on drug and arms trafficking, money laundering, and other lucrative criminal activities. As of 2001, money laundering in the TBA, aided by special CC- 5 accounts for non-residents and other mechanisms, reportedly was averaging US$12 billion a year. Ciudad del Este and Foz do Iguau are the regions principal money-laundering centers. Ciudad del Este was generating US$12 to US$13 billion in cash transactions annually, making it the third city worldwide behind Hong Kong and Miami. However, that figure may have fallen since then as a result of stricter Argentine and Brazilian customs systems. Numerous organized crime groups, including the Lebanese Mafia, are known to use the TBA for illicit activities such as smuggling, money laundering, and product piracy. Although it is unclear whether the Lebanese Mafia and Hizballah are basically synonymous or entirely separate entities, there is probably a close relationship between them. In any case, the Hizballah organization in the TBA is known to collaborate with various mafias, including the Hong Kong Mafia. Indigenous crime groups operating in the TBA include the Argentine, Brazilian, and Paraguayan mafias. Non-indigenous mafias operating in the TBA reportedly include syndicates from Chile, China, Colombia, Corsica, Ghana, Libya, Italy, Ivory Coast, Japan, Korea, Lebanon, Nigeria, Russia, and Taiwan. However, a review of open-source news media found information indicating activities mainly by the Chinese, Korean, Lebanese, and Taiwanese mafias. The thriving business of importing counterfeit Compact Disks (CDs) and CD-ROMs from Asia is linked to organized crime in Korea, Lebanon, Libya, and Taiwan. The Hong Kong Mafia is particularly active in large-scale trafficking of pirated products from mainland China to Ciudad del Este and maintains strong ties with Hizballah in the TBA. Unspecified Chinese mafias in the TBA are reportedly seeking to expand into Argentina in order to establish themselves into the duty-free zone of San Luis Province. At least two Chinese mafia groups in the TBAthe Sung-I and Ming familiesengage in illegal operations with the Egyptian al-Gamaa al-Islamiyya (Islamic Group). More alarming still is that organized criminal groups in the Americas have linked up with terrorist organiza- tions that depend on the proceeds of organized crime to fuel their campaigns of regional destabilization and global terrorism, particularly the Colombian guerrilla group the FuerzasArmadas Revolucionarias de Colombia ("FARC").
Efforts to Counter the Use of the TBA by Organized Crime and Terrorist Groups Cooperative and individual national efforts of the Argentine, Brazilian, and Paraguayan security forces to fight illicit activities by organized crime and terrorist groups in the TBA appear
3. Library of Congress Federal Research Division Tri-Border Area (TBA) to have constrained these activities since late 2001, but by no means eliminated them. Their efforts have been hindered by endemic corruption within the police, criminal justice systems, and governments of the TBA countries; poor pay; inadequate training, equipment, funding, law- enforcement techniques, and penal codes; poor organization; human rights abuses; weak anti- money-laundering laws and enforcement thereof; and secrecy provisions of banking laws (with the exception of Paraguay, whose problem has more to do with not reporting suspicious financial activities).
ROLE OF UNITED NATIONS CONVENTION AGAINST TRANSNATIONAL ORGANISED CRIME In 2000, the United Nations ("U.N.") implemented the Convention against Transnational Organized Crime ("UNCTOC")8 in an attempt to bring relief to Nations struggling to fight international organized criminalism within their bor- ders. It was intended that regions of the world such as Latin America would benefit from a clearly articulated international agenda in which global cooperation and a protocol for develop- ing uniformity in the domestic criminal laws of signatory Nations would eventually break the back of international organized. The main problem lies with ratification and implementation of the UNCTOC.