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    Evidence for Locally Produced, Naturally Accountable Phenomena of Order, Logic, Reason, Meaning, Method, etc. In and as of the Essential Quiddity of Immortal Ordinary Society, (Lof IV): An Announcement of Studies Harold Garfinkel Sociological Theory, Vol. 6, No. 1 (Spring, 1988), 103-109, Stable URL: Ittpflinksjstor.orgsicisici=07 35-275 1 28198821 %206%3A 1% 3C103%3 ABFLPNA%3E20.CO%SB2-S Sociological Theory is cuvtently published by American Sociological Association. ‘Your use of the ISTOR archive indicates your acceptance of ISTOR’s Terms and Conditions of Use, available at fp (fw. jstor orglaboutitersihtml. ISTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless You. have obtained prior permission, you ray not download an entire issue of &joumal or multiple copies of aricies, and You may use content in the ISTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use Please contact the publisher cegarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at bupsorww.jstoc.org/joumals/asa. hl. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR twansmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the sercen or lnted page of such transmission. ISTOR is an independent not-for-profit organization dedicated to creating and preserving.a digital archive of scholarly journals. For more information regarding ISTOR, please contact jstor-info@umnich edu. hup:thwww itor orgy ‘Thu Mar 18 08:54:38 2004 EVIDENCE FOR LOCALLY PRODUCED, NATURALLY ACCOUNTABLE PHENOMENA OF ORDER*!, LOGIC, REASON, MEANING, METHOD, ETC. IN AND AS OF THE ESSENTIAL QUIDDITY OF IMMORTAL ORDINARY SOCIETY, (I OF IV): AN ANNOUNCEMENT OF STUDIES? HAROLD GaRPONKEL University of California, Las Angles ‘At a recent symposium of the Amétican Sociological Associaton celebrating the 50th anniversary of the publication of The Struc- ture of Social Action, Jeffrey Alexandes called tention to the book’s continuing influence upon professional sociology. fn the generosity of the celebration, he situated ethnomethodology's program in che agenda of analytic sociology and offered ethnomethodol- ‘ogy good advice From his place within the agenda, he Identified for ethnomethodologists the studies they do, advised them of studies they should do, and offered friendly advice about erp ses they cannot avoid. In thoughtful reflec- tions, he praised ethnomethodological studies for camying on with the problem of social onder that Parsons specified with which he instituted formal analytic sociology. In a spirit of generosity Alexander offered ethino- methodology an olive branch, Rather than ‘Wen, fo. tis pape, one, i spelled with an asterisk, bt aly then, 1 Setes 482 contenint proxy. he andes” ag rarer 1 old a place for any of te endless topic in inlesal Retry that apeak of 1, _Reompanving ff. (der!) of che rings taordnary society. Then the iopic of oter* would be linersond 1a speak of 2 phenomenon of ander? a practical achievement. Whea ovr is spelled widaut an EBtetsh iis used sexually appropiate velar feehical meaning *' Based on iy tlk, "The Seriousness af Professional Sooology’ at the. Anmual Meetings of the Amencan Secilogteal Association. Chicago, August, 1987. Gee feotmaie 3) A prior Yesion, A Reacron, was poblished Inte d.ar.g. Meuslener, Fall, 1987. ofthe Discourse ‘Analysis Reseach Oroup, De. Ribard D. Heyman and De. Roker M. Seiler, The Unversity of Calgary, Calgary, Ameria, Carat “Secion on Thesetical Secislogy, “Parons* The ‘Sacto Social Acton: Thre Views Fy Year On." ‘Beard Barber, Chie Annual Meetings ofthe American Socilagial Association, Chicago, Augest, 187.1 wish ethane Berard Bates for hina to pea ath etalon Sociological Theory, 1988, Vol 6 (Spring103-109) pursuing their peogram of current studies— ‘which in another context he has criticized as “individualistic” —ethnomethodologists should celebrate The Structure of Social Action by recurming to the analytic fold.* disagree. There are. good reasons fot ethnomethodological studies to specify the production and accountability of immortal, ‘ordinary society—that miracle of familiar organizational things—as the local production and natural, reflexive accountability of the phenomena of ordec*. Among those reasons 4s making discoverable one of those phenom- ema of order® but only one, namely what analysis incamate in and as ordinary society, as practical action’s locally and interaction ally produced and witnessed embodied de- tls, could adequately be. ‘Although both formal analytic sociology and ethnomethodology address produced phe~ ‘nomena of ordec*, and although both seek to specify the production and accountability of immortal ordinary society, « summary play ‘on Durkheim's aphorism reminds us of their differences. For The Structure of Social Action, Durk- heim’s aphorism is intact: “The objective reality of social facts is sociology’ fundamen- tal principle.” For ethnomethodology the objective reality ‘of social facts, in that and just how it is every society's locally, endogenously produced, naturally organized, reflexively accountable, ‘ongoing, practical achievement, being every: where, always, only, exactly and entirely, members’ work, with no time out, and with no possibility of evasion, hiding out, passing. postponement, or buy-outs, is thereby sociol- ‘ogy’s fundamental phenomenon. In his talk, Alexander propetly reminded the profession that in The Structure of Soctal * Alexanders extended sues ie fund in bis book, Action and fe Emironmanty, Catmba Unies Pres Now York, (988, pp. 224-288 103 108 Action Parsons gave to professional sociology {Lway to find and exhidit the real production and accountability of immortal, ordinary society. Concemed with, and profoundly reasoned about generic, massively recurrent properties of human action in and as the properties of populations, The Structure of Social Action set an example for formal ‘analytic sociology and has becorre emblem- atic of analytic sociology and of the world wide social science movement. Fthnomethodology has its origins in this wonderful book. Is earliest initiatives. were taken from these texts. Ethnomethodologists have continued 1 consult its text to under- stand the practices and the achievements of formal analysis in the work of professional social science. Inspired by The Structure of Sacial Action ethnomethodology undertook the task of respecifying the production and accountabil ity of immortal, ordinary society. Ithas done so by searching for and specifying radical phenomena, fn the pursuit of chat program, a cerain agenda of themes announced and elaborated in The Structure... , has over the years offered a contrasting standing poiat of departure co ethnomerhodology’s intrest in respecification. Found throughout the book faithful to the book, and used by etanometho dologists to read the book, these themes brought the book's materials together as its coherent and researchable argument that the. real society was available to the policies and methods of formal analytic sociology. With these policies concrete society could be investigated and demonstrated (0 indefinite depths. of detail, with no actual. setting excused from jurisdiction, regardless of time, place, staff, locality, skills, or scale. In the brief remarks that space allows, mast reduce Parsons’ agenda of themes from ‘an. argument 0 recitation of slogans. Endlessly seminal was sociology's stun- ning vision of society as a practical achieve ment. Affiliated 0 this vision were several technical specifics. A first one was. the problem of social order formulated by Hobbes. ‘Another, inexorably tied to it, were theoriz~ ing's constantly undertaken and unfinishable tasks of requiring that the vexed problem of the practical objectivity and practical observa~ bility of practical sctions and practical TF couse, in deliterselyreconsniivereatings of tem, SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY reasoning, because it was vexed, serve as the standing souree and grounds for the adequacy of theacizing’s claims. Third, in every actusl case of inguiry a priority of relevance was assigned, no. matter how provisional, to empicical studies to specify the problem of social order's identifying phenomena, Allo- ether, sociology's standing job was to ‘Specify the issues that identified as society's workings—teal workings, actual workings, and evidently—the ongoing production and accountability of ordinary society policies and technical methods of theorizing were stated explicitly with which to specify real immortal, ordinary society in the methods of its production, and in. the conditions oftheir effectiveness, as structures of practical action. Administering the unit act as if it were constitutive of practical action ‘was one of these methods of theorizing. Administering an in-principle difference be- ‘ween common sense knowledge of, social structures and scientific knowledge of social structures was another. Theorizing was di- rected 10 design and administer policies with Which t specify real society as observable structures of practical action ‘These policies were accompanied by con- ems t0 design, develop, laity. comect criticize, and administer methods of construc tive analysis, For one example, a recumently used method consists of designing a formal scheme of types, giving their formal defini- tions an interpreted significance with which t9 develop and explain the orderly properties of the types as ideals, and then assigning the properties of the ideals to observable. actions as their described properties of social order The book's policies of heorizing and methods of constructive analysis emphatically provided for issues of immortal society's ‘observability. Among these policies one policy dominated all the rest: the distinetion between concreieness of activities and action provided for anaivtically. The distinction inhabits every line of The Sirueture af Social Action. When the book was writ, the distinction was omniprevalent in professional sociology and the social sciences, and it remains s0 tod. [ shall call actions provided for concretely that Parsons provided foe with his distinction, Parsons’ plenum. His plenum is 2 constiueat pact of the pair, actions concretely and actions analytically. His plenum was administered as a constituent of the pair. EVIDENCE FOR PHENOMENA OF ORDER Parsons needed a plenum. He was not the first author ever to need one and he was not alone, Not only in the social science move- ment but everywiere in intellectual history authors have made use of plenums. Authors have designed plenums with which the tasks ‘of recording, reading, writing, collecting pictuting, speaking about, remembering, mark ing, signing real world specifics were dceam- panied by provisions for worldly things left ‘over and worldly things left out, real world ‘matters that remained uncemarked. Webster fells us “Plenum” has been used to speak of “a space every part of which is fall of smatter—as opposed ¢0 vacuum,” “fullness, “a general or full assembly,” “the condition ‘of being absolucely full in quantity, measure, ‘or degree; a condition of fullness, comple tion.” “Plenty!” puts the case according to Webster. So does “Plenary.” So does “Plenilunium.”” For what I want to get at, the question is ‘not, what does plenum mean? And mat, how is plenum to be defined? But who needs a plemon? 1 don't mean its not needed. T mean who as had what need of a plenum? By whom has @ plenum been needed? For what? To do what with ir26 William James’ plenum, the blooming, buzzing confusion, was needed t0 specify distinctive generic properties of ‘perception and attention. Alfred North Whitehead needed common sense that would sit in judgment on ‘every version of itself. Edmund Hussed used his hyle as his plenum with which essential, invariant structures of consciousness—the moesis-noema structures could be found and made findable without so assigning «0 transcendental phenomenological ego its jobs that percepton’s things would have been los. The citcumstantaliy of signs, another of Husser’s plenums, was needed to carry out his policy'of the’ ideality of meanings. A. Olviusly, muck aun op what plenum i taken to meat. Having rejected the fst to questions —" What Goce plenum mear” and How ot plenum 10 be ened?” and insung on tame: "Wha Eas had wha feed of a plese”, T tsk the etarge of willy ving ray tay with no maser what way i, by having Tet specifically urapecifca what plenim 1 10 smeag Temporary abd jot hee, haf at ha! fant 19 do. To define and explain plenurs Saul ire & sharating exevson. T don't want to tke up those ‘uesions, but insofar a We co, witout aking up those ‘uestons, C wan co ask, "Who has use the nation of Dlenuin ad for ua” Tye sense of wht plenum means ‘ill ewerge as I document tht, tos ‘beautiful plenum is Colin Cheery's soundful, noisy assemblages in and with which intel gible and remembered “sounded doings” are demonstrable phenomena. Experimental ges- ception’s noisy assemblages—its plenum— permit published experimental studies of selective attention to be collected as speci cations of the “cocktail panty effect.” A recent and compelling plemum is found in the iniractability of common sense that exhibits itself in furiously merous but so far unsuccessful attempts in the computing indus- ‘ay w design computable representations of ordinary human jobs. With his concreteness/analysis pair, Par- sons demonstrated” there was no orderliness in concrete activities. With his plenum, Parsons specified the analytically empry conereteness of orgenizational things. With, Parsons’ plenum the concreteness of organi- ational things is not yet real organizational things. Nor is it yet organizational things produced according to, let alone consisting of, methodie procedures call these “actual” ‘organizational things—nor is it yet organiza- tional things evidently. tablished analytic sociology’ big prize — and Parsons’ big prize—is immoral ordinary society, and not just any imaginable society bbut Gi) teal society, the society available in ‘coherent structures” of inexhaustible details; Ai) actual society, society for just haw it is produced, with just what causal texture; (ii) ‘and real and actual society, evidently, i. feal and actual society cepresented in claims tha are offered by analysts for their tuth andl correciness, for their availability to correcta- bility, for the claimed work of a socially ‘organized setting’s production and account- ability that is available to autonomous assess- 2 Tue demonstrated respectly, without irony, 28 Parson version of what be was doing with the pir ‘With bis pane took it be shoable, and wo fave Been showe. he demcastaed,chere wan 90 deine nthe enum Not only for hs pat, but on beat of Profesional socalogy. and a5 4 standin Cor he analytic foci ciences. For tai pat eh thei par, with ee ‘Mieinisered distetions, Wey ase able demons ‘te same tings. Caution. Tat does nt ean tat &Fgue thee s 90 ccceriest in concrete activities. Beeause[ sa) Pasocs land ihe afalyde social sciences demonstrate and Gerponseaed fear that thie ill be West 45 my teal Poston an be used to wad my subsequent txt Tn te feat of the peper {say herons. T mn eatin he eater motto ue that redng to ebsequendyundertind the temainder of ety argemert, whch alge gat che ppasie 106 ments of truth, comeciness, relevance, face ticity, motivation and other adequacies For Parsons. real and actual society, evidently, that prize is not 10 be found in the concreteness of things. Many interesting things are to be found in the concreteness but not teal, immortal society. Instead, real immortal society is only specifiable as. the achieved results of administering the policies and methods of formal, constructive analysis. Real society is specified distinctively and in detail and with everything that detail could he in the formal generic structures of practical actions. These are obtainable with the policies and methods of constructive analysis. These policies and constructive methods also furish the correctable. warrant for analysts’ claims Analysts’ claims offer constructive methods (© centity their status a5 objective knowledge ‘of the work of producing accountable, invariant, essential structures of practical setion, the great recnrting, immortal, compa rable structures of ordinary activities. Orderlinesses in the plenum pose for formal sociological analysis’ its tasks of detecting and specifying that orderliness and demonstrating it in massively recurrent, distinctive, essential, invariant identifying details of formally analyzed structures of practical action To review: from The Structure of Social ‘Action we could leam there was no orderli- ness inthe plenum, We could lear from The Structure... how to distinguish between actions provided foc concrecely and actions provided for analytically, and we could lear how to administer this distinction aver the Vicissitudes and local contingencies of re- search and argument. We learned from The Structure . . . that specifics in producing the phenomena of onder are found, collected, described, ex- plained, and demonstrated by administering a distinction between concreteness of orgeniza- tional things on the one hand, and the real society that methods of constructive analysis ‘would provide on the ther; that only methods of constructive analysis could provide—-only and entiely—for any and every orderliness ‘whatsoever, for every one of the endlessly many topics of order meaning, reason, logic, ‘or method, and for every achievement of any of these topics of ordect after they were ‘AS well as forthe socal sciences, song other cova many are and werent prs! sli SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY prepared for inguicy by formal analytic sociology by being respecified as phenomena of order* that are achieved in and as analytically represented generic workings of immoral, ordinary society Parsons" thematic agenda was in every fespect answerable 9 the observabilty of irmmortal, ordinary society. It was therein everywhere sensitive 10 the difference be- (ween the conereteness of sctions and actions construed analytically. In The Structure's thematic agenda, and, in thatthe agenda was everywhere answerable to the distintion for all issues of adequacy, Parsons was spokes- ‘man forthe socal science movement. He was not its leader in this respect. And of course he did not originate the distinetion. But with that distinction he spoke for the world-wide movement of professional social science ‘which accords the distinction unanimous endorsement. In all these respects and, mast pointedly, in respect of unanimous agreement that there is no order in the plenum, Parsons talked on behalf of professional sociology and of the world-wide social science moverient. Eihnomethodological studies, in which include of course, conversational analytic studies, learned 10 take serious exception without sacrificing issues of “structure” and the “great recurrencies", and now with results in hand they take serous exception, ‘Twemy years after Studies in Eahnomesho- ology vere exists as the work of an international and interdisciplinary company a very large corpus of empirical studies of practical actions, so-called “naturally orge- nized ordinary “activities.” These studies demonstrate locally produced, naturally orga~ nized, reflexively accountable phenomena of corder* in and as of Parsons’ plenum, in deaal. In order that concreteness not be handed cover to generalities, I shall mention several studies by ethnomethodologists. These. may remind the reader of just what conceeteness has heen used by Parsons and the social sciences, among indefinitely many analytic ats and sciences of practical action, to insist, upon. ‘Talking medicines among the Kpelle of Liberia so as to be heard by those who need to hear it that one is properly concealing secrets Gellman 1975, 1981) Mathematicians’ work of proving. the schedule of 37 theorems and theit proot EVIDENCE FOR PHENOMENA OF ORDER fsceounts that make up, as instructions, Giidel’s proof (Livingston 1986), The work of a locél gang in a neuro chemistey lab making artifact recognizable and demonstrable in electron microscopic records of axon destruction and regrowth in. rat's brains (Lynch 1985). Designing and administering a medical school curriculunt in pediatrics, and evaluat- ing the competence with that curriculum of medical students, interns, and residents (Ro- billard and Pack 1976-1982) ‘Administering federally funded mental health programs in the U.S. Pacific Trust temitory, specifying the way these programs design and administer, staf, finance, care for and analyze cecords with which «0 tack in specifies social and medical pathologies of Oceania (Robillard and colleagues 1983, 1984, 1986, 1986b, 1987). Teaching English as a second lnguage to pre-school children from immigrant families (Meyer 1985, 1988). Teacher and students concertedly arranging for and spotting tcouble-in-the-making in an inner city high school classroom (Macbeth 1987). Coordination work-site practices of 911 dispatchers in ‘working’ « call (Zimmerman ‘and Whalen 1987) Finding in an afternoon the sequentially ‘organized character of an experiment in undergraduate laboratory chemistry (Schrecker in press). Understanding among Australian aborigi- nes learned by an American anthropologist by helping them document theie sacred sites so that they can withstand legal controversies instituted by comporate interests (Liberman 1986) ‘The use by parties at work (1) inthe offices of an entcepreneurial firm in the fast food business, and (2) in the operations room at the London air traffic control center, of the onsite “notion” of a working division of labor as a local means in cach of interrelating and explication the activities to be_ found here. (Anderson, Sharrock and Hughes 1987), Leaming play improvised jazz. piano Sudnow 1978), Talking the convict code in an inmate half-way house (Wieder 1974) Undergraduates achieving the definiteness of sense and the coherence of a text's details 07 in reading intoductory sociology (Morrison 1976). Collaborative writing at a computer in a Grade One classroom collected and elucidated as two related production problems: where am 1? and what next? (Heap 1986, 19866). Desigaing a Xerox copier to assure com- plaint free operation by office personnel (Suchman 1985). Teaching civil procedure to first year students in one of the county's leading law schools (Bums 1986) ‘And then there is the extraordinary collec tion of studies on conversation. Hundreds of ‘published studies have established the exis- ‘ence of a domain of phenomena that was tumknown and unsuspected util it was collae boratively developed by Harvey Sacks, Em- manuel Schegloft, and their colleagues. (For a bibliography see Heritage 1985) Thave listed a very small number of titles in the corpus of published studies that report radical phenomena? ‘When T speak about the phenomena that they report as radical phenomena what am { claiming about these phenomena? What is cethnomethodological about these studies and their results? First, the phenomena they feport are availabie to policies of ethnomethodology— for example, they are available under the exercise. of “ethnomethodological.indiffer- fence” and they are available under a respect for the unique adequacy requicement of methods. But they are specifically nor avail- able ta the policies and methods of consteue- five analysis. These phenomena cannot be recovered with a priori representational methods. They are not demonstrable in the established terms of classic s ‘Second, the social science movement, in carying ‘out its research agenda, as a systematic feature of that agenda, depends upon their existence as omnirelevant details of their agenda and makes use of them, Finds them essentially unavoidable and essentially 7 Teegec tha: tis Uist willed ital 10 Gating fo persons and stdls tht ae not mentioned. [apologize 10 the company of etinometiodologists ane CA peeps or tot Krowig How spare them the ur coneuencss treating te lst 25 allen. Whoever he ined 0 0 ‘etcowehodoiogial suds would be cheeby equinoed lorecognine thatthe lit testes toa divin of bor ad tat me it sno a biography of al eligible, poste, relevant, o eomequential wank, 108 ‘without remedy, but finds chem specifically ‘uninteresting and ignores them, ‘Third, the reported phenomene can not be reduced’ by using the familiar reduction procedures in the social science movement without losing those phenomena. Fourth, the reported phenomena are only inspectably the case. They are unavailable to the arts of designing and interpreting defini- tions, metaphors, models, constructions, types. or ideals. They can not be recovered. by antempts no matter how thoughtful, to specify an examinable practice by detailing 2 general- iy. Fifth, they were discovered. They are only discoverable and they eannot be imagined. Sixth, they specify “foundational” issues in and 4s the work of a “discipline” chat is concerned with issues of produced order in And as practical action.!° Seventh, these phenomena are locally and endogenously produced, naturally organized, feflexively accountable in and as of detail, and therein they provide for everything chat details could possibly be. Eight. not only do these phenomena provide For derail as & topic of order*, but any and every topic of logic, order, reason, ‘meaning, oF method is eligible for respeci cation as locally achieved phenomena of corder*, Not only the topie of dezatl but every topic of order” is to be discovered and is discoverable and is t0 be cespecified and is respecifiable as only locally and reflexively produced, naturally accountable phenomena of order". These phenomena of order™ are immortal, ordinary society's commonplace, ‘vulgar, familiar, unavoidable and irremedi ble and uninteresting “work of the strets” To summarize: It is ethnomethodological about these studies that they show" for fordinary society's substantive events, in swateral contents, that and just how members concert chet activities to produce and exibi the coherence, cogency, analysis, consi yetinal inter are epoca i the mains three parts ofthe series, of hich this artcle is Pat | PARTIE The Curious Seniauness of Professenal Seeing PART IE: Sir Rendering Doves PART IV: Incammenunably, Asimoneicelly Alir tote Pais of Accountable Technologies for ‘he Production, Anaivs, Understanding, Desrisicn, oad Ohsersaisy of Order™ Iman hr of Pracical Action ad Praca Restonng | Enbodied Dest SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY tency, order, meaning, reason, methods, — which are locally, reflexively accountable ‘onderlinesses—in and as of their ordinary lives together, in detail ‘A very large corpus shows in and as of Parsons’ plenum, in detail, contrary to the entirety of the social science movement, in incommensurably asymmetrically alternate sociology, the local production and natural, reflexive accountability of immortal, ordinary society really, actually, evidently, and these ‘ordinarily. A development of many years of work in ethnomethodology and conversa- ‘ional analysis these studies are founded on, they continue, and they depend upon the work of a large company of colleagues. cis the company's achievement that their ‘studies. by composing a current serious simation of inguiry, provide access to a {echnical domain of organizational phenom- ena. These phenomena were not suspected until their studies established their existence, provided the methods to study them, and provided what methods and their accompany. ing issues of relevance, evidence, adequate description, observabiliry, validity, teachabil- ity, and the rest could be. inctive emphases on the production and accountability of order* in and as ordinary activities identify ethnomethodological stud ies and set them in contrast to classic studies as an incommensurably alternate sociology. ‘My purpose in these remarks has been to ‘sketch these emphases and (0 identify the fact ‘of a company whose existence furnishes these ‘emphases their echnical details, assuces their cconsequentiality for the tasks in ethnometho- ological inquiries of discovering the ident fying issues of the problem of social order, and grounds my claims in the real-world practices of their craft. REFERENCES Anderton, RU, WWW) Shatock, and 1A. Hughes 1987. "The Biviion of Lanour"” Paper presente s¢ ine conference ae "Action Alissa Converter ‘Realyas.” Melton des Sciences de Lome, Pats, Sepiemper 26-30 Beliman, Berl. 1975. Vilage of Curers and Assasins ‘On the Prodkcion of Fala Kpelie Commological (Caregores. The Hague’ Maan, 19H, The Canguage of Secrecy. Unpbshed Tponograph. Departmeat of Sociology, University of Cattorea, San Diego ara, Stacy. 9M An Ethnemerhadolopcal Case Stay (of Law Podagogy in Cot Procedure Unpublished "onograph, Calversy of Califa, Las Angeles. EVIDENCE FOR PHENOMENA OF ORDER Heap, Somes L._ 1986, “Sociaty and Cognition in ‘Calasesive Compote Writings.” Paper prepared for ‘ciation athe Conference on Literacy and Cultre in Bauetoaal Serings a he University af Michigan School of Edsetion Toe, “Collnocanve Practices During Com er Weng na Fine Grade Cassaom” Paget Prepare for preston at he srmual acngs of the ‘American Educational Reseuch Assoclioe, San Francie. Hentage, Joke. 1985, “Recear Development ie Conver ‘con Analysis,” Socoinguics, 151-19 Liternan, Keath. 1996. Understanding ncracton be Cena Ausiraie: An Eihnomarkodlogicel Sad) of Australian Aboriginal People, Landon: Reuledge 30d Kegan Pal Livingston, Ec. 1986. The Erinomethodolgical Four.

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