VWB - Verlag fr Wissenschaft und Bildung

Red, White, Blue and Orange: An Exploration of Historically Bound Allegiances through
Loyalist Song
Author(s): Katy Radford
Source: The World of Music, Vol. 46, No. 1, Contemporary British Music Traditions (2004), pp.
71-89
Published by: VWB - Verlag fr Wissenschaft und Bildung
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41699542 .
Accessed: 20/11/2014 00:14
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

VWB - Verlag fr Wissenschaft und Bildung is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend
access to The World of Music.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 129.15.127.2 on Thu, 20 Nov 2014 00:14:44 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

theworld
46(1) -2004:71-89
ofmusic

Red, White,

Blue

Historically

Bound

and Orange:
Allegiances

An Exploration
through

Loyalist

of
Song

Katy Radford

Abstract
Inthisarticle
thehistorical
behind
anaspectofmusic
, /consider
processes
making
by
staunch
inNorthern
Ireland.
Theintention
istodemonstrate
howtheProtesloyalists
tantsacrifice
andcontribution
tobattles
andskirmishes
Warsto
,fromtheWilliamite
theSomme
is
in
a
canon
tothisma, reflected
ofOrangesongs.A continued
exposure
terialdetermines
andrestricts
whatmembers
communities
as their
ofloyalist
regard
I suggest
musical
thatbyengaging
withthismode
principal
heritage.
predominantly
Ireland
Protestants/unionists
andcapture
an
, Ulster/Northern
ofmusic
making
define
essential
which
isanallegiance
toa United
aspectoftheloyalist
experience,
Kingdom
embodied
andpersonified
andsteeped
inhistorically
basedcoalibyherSovereign
tionsofpatronage.
1. Introduction
Ireland'ssocialandcultural
haslongbeendominated
AnalysisofNorthern
practices
withinanthropological
literature
what
as
a
"two
tribes"1analysis(Harris
by
began
1972,Leyton1974,Buckley1982).Morerecently,
analystshavetendedtofocuson
thevariousimpactsofsectarianism
(Burton1978,Feldman1991,Sluka 1989,Cecil
1993,Artexaga1997,Jarman
1997).2Withinthissignificant
bodyofdata,however,
itis surprising
thatthereis a paucityof materialthatfocuseson therolethatmusic
and perpetuation
of social identity
(however,see Radford
playsin theformation
2001a andDe Rosa 1998)andthearts.Researchers
intoartsandpoliticsinNorthern
Irelandhavetendedto focuson thematerialcultureoftheOrangeOrderandparadthedepictionsof murals
ingdisputesin theformof thevisualartsand in particular
andbannerpainting.
At a timeof increasingglobalmovement,
thepostcolonialstudiesof Edward
of
and
Homi
Bhabha
have led to an exploration
Said, GayatriChakravorty
Spivak
thecreolisingandhybridisation
concern
ofidentities.
Thesetopicsareofincreasing
forurbananthropologists
(Chambers1994;Goddard,LloberaandShaw 1994;Rap-

This content downloaded from 129.15.127.2 on Thu, 20 Nov 2014 00:14:44 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

72

theworld
46(1) -2004
ofmusic

andanthropologists
ofmusicable
portandDawson 1998),withethnomusicologists
toenterthisdebatebyaddingmusicas a thirdpointin a triangle
makinga particular
connection
betweenidentity
and place.3Withinthecontextof Northern
Ireland,I
that
this
is
crucial
in
in
the
which
issuesof
suggest
geometry
understanding ways
are
constructed
and
of
the
There,
identity
expressed.
anyexploration
impactof the
must
first
on
the
local
consider
that
the
between
music,identity
global
relationship
andplaceis centraltounderstanding
thewaysinwhichmusicandplaceis usedtoexpressissuesofidentity.
acracism,cultural
Nagle(2003) considershowinthefighttoconqueranti-Irish
both
and
a
notion
of
essentialism"
tivists,
wittingly unwittingly
employ
"strategic
an identity
whichfacilitates
re(Spivak 1985,Bonnett1997)to perpetuate
struggle,
sistanceand solidarity
whilstmaintaining
a critiqueof reifiednotionsof ethnicity
andrace.Thereis notthespace withinthisarticleto addressin as muchdetailas it
theapplication
ofthisconceptas itrelatestothemanyandvariedrepmightwarrant
resentations
of "Irishness"thatexist.However,I suggestherethatmembersof the
communities
arealso culpableofcallingon andapplying
Protestant/unionist/loyalist
suchessentialism
whenrailingagainstmusicfromwithinthe"traditional"
Irishfolk
canon.I have suggestedelsewhere(Radford200la: 39) thatthishas overtimebecomeuniquelyconnected
withtheCatholic/nationalist/republican
inthe
community
NorthofIreland(see further,
McNamee1992:60,Stokes1994:9).4It is as ifas a directresultoftraditional
music'sethno-political
andtheroleitis docuassociations,
mentedto have playedin thecreationof a nationstatein Ireland(White1998:10,
McCarthy1999,Lanier2000:10),thatmanyProtestants
perceiveand promotethe
notionthatonlythecreationofan exclusiveindigenous
ofcultursystemofthought,
al practiceandofmaterial
culture
candefinewhatitis tobe a loyalist.Consequently,
Protestants
call on therecent"recreation"
ofmusicalandmaterialcultural
practices
thatareperceivedtorepresent
an UlsterScotsidentity
(Radford2001b)toleverparessentialism
withthoseCatholicsforwhomtraditional
Irishmusicproityofcultural
videsan identity
marker.
WhilethemusicoftheUlsterScotsprovidestheopportunity
fortheexploration
of a noveland alternative
setof culturalpracticeswithinloyalism,thereis a more
formofloyalistmusicmakingwhichis grounded
in anddomireadilyrecognisable
natedby a numberof historical
processes.These historical
processesin turnhave
beendetermined
andtheconcomitant
bylocalindustrial
development
legacyofwhat
has becomeknownas the"OrangeSystem".ThisOrangesystemlinkedideologyto
material
advantageandwillbe discussedinmoredetaillaterinthispaper.
The OrangeOrder,formedin Armaghin 1795,is namedafterDutch-born
WilliamIII, PrinceofOrange,whoseimageis thecentraliconusedbytheOrder(cf.also
andmakeup reflected
theMaFig. 1). Formedas a Protestant
society,itsstructure
sonicbackground
of manyfounding
I havediscussedin detailelsewhere
members.
and religious
(Radford2001a, forth.)how theOrderis a focalpoliticalinstitution
Irelandandthatfurthermore,
theLoyal Orders,thecolpressuregroupin Northern
lectivenamegivento thesisterorganisations
theLoyal OrangeOrder,theAppren-

This content downloaded from 129.15.127.2 on Thu, 20 Nov 2014 00:14:44 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Red,White
, BlueandOrange 73
KatyRadford.
ticeBoysofDerryandtheRoyalArchPurpleandtheRoyalBlackInstitution,
have
a
in
role
the
construction
and
maintenance
of
inter-Protestant
played pivotal
power
relations.
Howeveritis worthrepeating
herethatwiththeformation
of theOrange
and industrialists
wereable through
Order,Unionistleaders,landowners
patronage
to coerceand constrain
theirmainlyProtestant
workforceand thisresultedin the
and injusticesin thedistribution
ofdiscrimination
of housingandemperpetuation
sincetheformation
ofthestatein 1921.
ployment
theOrangeOrderprotests
thislegacyofhierarchy
andstillclaims
Nevertheless,
to transcend
itsinternal
class differences.
This is demonstrated
in one of theolder,
enduring
songsendorsedbytheOrder:
"TheOrange
andtheBlue"
Letnotthepoormanhatetherich
Norrichonpoorlookdown
ButeachjoineachtrueProtestant
ForGodandfortheCrown
TheCrimson
Banner
SongBookn.d.:23.
thedevelopment
of suchsongsinthispaper,I intendtocontribute
to
Examining
an exploration
of Anglo-allegiance
In
bya fiercely
loyal,non-resident
community.
to makesense of what,if anything
constitutes
trying
"loyalistmusic,"I consider
whatsocial,politicaland religiouscoalitionswereformedand to thatend,I begin
withan anecdotetohelpdefinethetermloyalist.

totheBritishCrown:Muralat CluanPlace (Belfast).

Fig. 1. Declarationofloyalty

This content downloaded from 129.15.127.2 on Thu, 20 Nov 2014 00:14:44 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

74

theworld
46(1) -2004
ofmusic

2. Who are theLoyalists?

The conceptofloyaltyis a recurrent
feature
helddearandarticulated
freely
byProtestantsin Northern
Ireland.For thoseoutsideloyalistcommunities,
loyalismis an
takento be a markerof militant
extremism
expressioncurrently
personified
bythe
maleswithparamilitary
associations.
Howeverthis
imageofthuggish
single,pejoraand uses
tive interpretation
is contestedby multiplerepresentations,
affiliations
withinProtestant
communities
wherethetermdenotesa broaderframework.
For
thetermloyalistis displayednotjustas a political
thosefromwithinthesecontexts,
butalso as a modelpersonality
traitandintegral
exorreligiousstandard,
archetype
For many,it encompassesa marriageof all those
pectationwithinrelationships.
withcomwhoseallegiancestoProtestant
ChurchandSovereignStatearemanifest,
andnon-activists.5
bothmilitants
linking
plextiesandrelations
I spenta number
with
As a Ph.D. candidate,
ofyearsthinking
aboutandworking
womeninBelfast,trying
toconsiderto whatextenttheirmusicalpracticesinformed
andwereinformed
One ofthecontributors
to myresearch,
bytheirloyalistidentity.
LillianSloane,is a 90 year-oldOrangewomanwho wearsa loyalistmonikerwith
and dressedin powderblue
accommodation
Speakingfromhersheltered
gentility.
(lookingnotunliketheimageon herfridgemagnetofthelateQueenMother)Lillian
toGod,secondcomestheQueen,andthen
explains:"Forme,a loyalistis loyalfirst
youlivethebestlifeyoucan."
We werefirstintroduced
bytheDistrictMistressoftheOrangeLodge to which
markedup formy
wereimmediately
she belongs,and Lillian's loyalistcredentials
benefitwhenshe was describedas "A loyalShankillRoad woman,a real 'Orange
Lil'."6 Lillian'snickname,
"OrangeLil" (derivedfromthebotanicalnamelilumbulto anyolderwomenwhodo
), is consistently
biferum
givenas a termofendearment
notshyawayfromdemonstrating
loyalism,as theOrangeLilyflowerhas particular
toloyalists.DuringOrangeparadesitis commonplace
todecsymbolicsignificance
in theirlapels.
oratedrumswiththelilyand thefloweris also wornby marchers
Whiletheoriginandmeaningofthesongfromwhichthenamederivesis a mystery,
somesuggestthatthewearingoftheflowermaywellbe connectedto theprescripWhatsever
itsorigin,itsicotivebansoftheEmblemsActoftheeighteenth
century.
is embeddedwithin
oneofthemostfamous
loyalistconsciousness
through
nography
linksthetwobastionsofunionism,
the"loyal"andthe
Orangeairswhichexplicitly
"royal:"
"TheOrange
Lily,Oh!"7
Anddidyougotoseetheshow
Eachroseandpinka dillyOh!
To feastyoureyes,andviewtheprize,
WonbytheOrange
Lily,Oh!
Heighho,theLily,Oh!
Theroyal,
loyalLilyOh!

This content downloaded from 129.15.127.2 on Thu, 20 Nov 2014 00:14:44 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Red, White,
BlueandOrange 75
KatyRadford.
Beneath
thesky,whatflower
canvie
WithErin'sOrange
Lily,Oh!
thetermloyalistbyusingLillian'sbroaddefinition
a deEmploying
highlights
bateconcerning
anddisrepute
withinloyalism,and in paraspectsof respectability
ticularin themusicthatrepresents
Withinthisarticlethefocus
loyalistsentiments.
restson thatwhichis perceivedtobe musicallyrespectable,
namelyOrangesongs.It
is notdebatablethatOrangetunesareappropriated
to pledgeparamilibymilitants
textsperformed
at eventsentaryallegianceand usedto accompanymorevitriolic
dorsedandorganisedbyoutlawedorganisations
(Radford2001a). However,hereit
is arguedthatdespitetheanti-Catholic
ina number
rhetoric
oftheolderOrangepiecofOrangematerial
has traditionally
beenperceivedtobe "rees, thesungrepertoire
at inter-generational,
spectable",and has providedmaterialforloyaliststo perform
church-related
socialeventsinOrangeHalls.
3. PlantingSectarianDivisions:An HistoricalContext
in
Againsttheordersof HenryII, Ulster,a kingdomin Ireland,was appropriated
1177 bytheknight,
Johnde Courcy(Bardon1982) who,withotherAnglo-Norman
insearchoftheirownfiefdoms,
adventurers
established
a number
ofcastlesthroughoutIreland,including
thosein BelfastandCarrickfergus.
Overthefollowing
centuthe
Northern
became
home
an
to
influential
not
ries,
region
Anglo-Irish
presence, restricted
to a handful
oflandedgentry
a
a
but
constituting"squirearchy", in addition,
sizeableProtestant
class
in
further
shored
anti-Catholic
tenant-farming
up partby
penal laws,and additionally
bythesuccessof theWilliamitewarsof theseventeenth
Thisperiod,as well as itsbattlesskirmishes
and politicalstruggles
arerecentury.
in
membered
the
text
a
of bodyofsongswhosetunesareusedon andassociattoday
ed predominantly
withOrangeparadesbutwhichhave also been appropriated
for
use inothersettings.
"Garva","AughaleeHeroes","The Sash","Derry'sWalls"are
all enduring
examples.
Belfastanditsenvironswas thriving
as an
By theendoftheeighteenth
century,
industrial
and commercialcentre.Despiteitsconsolidation
as a Protestant
stronghold,therewas littlepoliticalconsensus.The UnitedIrishmen,
principally
supported
wereresentful
of theprivilegesof theAnglicanchurch.As early
by Presbyterians,
Protestant
reformers
theyemployedmethodsofculturalactivismthatbecamekeyto
theirattempts
to achievetheirend of a "cordialunionamongall thepeopleof Ireland"(Bardon1982:55).It is therefore
thatthefirst
revivalof
perhapsnotsurprising
Irishtraditional
musicarosewithinthiscontextofschismswithinProtestantism.
OrtheBelfastHarpFestivalwas stagedto coinganisedbytheProtestant
ascendancy,
cide withthe1792 Bastillecelebrations.
The centralperformance
at theeventwere
ofold airswhichspawnedthefirst
revivalinIrishtraditionBunting'stranscriptions
al music.The influence
of themusic'sexposurewas recordedin MarthaMcTier's

This content downloaded from 129.15.127.2 on Thu, 20 Nov 2014 00:14:44 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

76

theworld
46(1) -2004
ofmusic

to herbrother
WilliamDrennan:"To me theyare soundsthatmightmake
writings
PittmeltforthepoorIrish"(Maguire1998:131).
ButwhiletheUnitedIrishmen
andtheirPresbyterian
in
followers
foundsupport
thecooperation
liberalBelfast,theywereunabletomuster
ofthemajority
ofProtestantsoutsidethecity.The formation
oftheOrangeOrderin 1795drawingitsinitial
from
the
more
conformist
farmers
and landownersmarkeda divisionin
backing
urbanmoderates
theseearlydaysbetweenthemercantile
andthemoreconservative
ruralProtestants.
Therather
cultural
revival
was
soon
overtaken
genteel
bymoreradical politicalactioninfluenced
the
French
in
an
to
Revolution,
by
attempt loosenthe
restrictions
hold of London'sgovernmental
on capital.The OrangeOrderand the
resistancecan be heardin the(in)famousOrangerabble
Anglicanmembership's
rouser:
Lie Down"
"Croppies
WeSoldiers
ofErin,soproud
ofthename
WillraiseuponRebelsandFrenchmen
ourfame
We'llfight
tothelastinthehonest
oldcause
Andguard
ourreligion,
ourfreedom
andlaws;
We'llfight
andhiscrown,
forourcountry,
ourking,
Andmakeallthetraitors
andcroppies
liedown.
c. 1798(textinConstitutional
Songs1798:28-3)
The nomenclature
hairstyle,adopted
Croppywas takenfromthenationalists'
fromtheFrenchoftheperiodwhichwas closelycroppedup theback.Zimmerman
ofthetunewhenhe citesWillieDrennanwriting
from
(1967:310) notestheubiquity
DublininMarch1798:"No tuneis nowplayedbythemilitary
andtheyeomanry
but
thatof 'Croppieslie down'andtheboysinthestreets
it
keep up".
The unsuccessful
of 1798bytheProtestant
attempts
championsofNationalism,
theUnitedIrishmen,
keentocreateanindependent
democratic
republicwithequality
fortheCatholicmajority
a
seedbed
for
the
unification
ofProtpopulation,
prepared
estantinterests
intheActofUnion.Protestant
for
a
united
Ireland
waned
as
support
theNorthEast of Irelandbeganto enjoytheprivilegesassociatedwithits being
of an industrial
something
outpostof Britain,sectariandivisionsweresetin place
and it was notlongbeforebothPresbyterian
and anyProtestant
norepublicanism
tionsofnationalism
The
essence
here
then
is
that
the
radical
Protestants,
collapsed.
thePresbyterians,
organisedunderthebannerof theUnitedIrishmen,
initiallyatfind
with
the
to
Catholic
Nationalists
and
one
of
the
tempted
solidarity
keytoolsemin
was
a
cultural
musical
activism, particular,
However,they
ployed
by
patronage.
of
brethren,
quicklyrealignedwiththeirAngloProtestant
swayedbytheadvantages
a
colonial
of
members'
the
Orbeing
outpost.Irrespective
personaldenomination,
andin manyareas,theOrange
angeOrdergrewas a politico-religious
organisation
Hall becamea keyfocusforProtestant
sociallife.Itwas therethatthegermination
of
thepartisan
and
between
unionism
took
which
was
to
relationship
Orangeism place,
dominatetheeconomicandpoliticallifeoftheNorthofIrelandforseveralgenerations(Farrell1976,Bryan2000:44).

This content downloaded from 129.15.127.2 on Thu, 20 Nov 2014 00:14:44 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

BlueandOrange 77
Red,White,
KatyRadford.
4. ConsolidatingLoyalty:War Songsand BattleCries
intheeighteenth
as wellas mechanisation
andmassproRapidurbanisation
century,
ductiontechniquesof thenineteenth
saw
the
construction
of
century,
large-scale
and engineering
in theurbanarea. The inworksby Protestants
mills,foundries
creaseddemandforlabournecessitated
thedevelopment
ofhousesforruralweavers
andfactory
which
established
a
of
betweentheworkers
workers,
system patronage
andtheProtestant
industrialists
and landowners.
the
of thetwentieth
By
beginning
the
concentration
of
and
industries
thathad
linen,shipbuilding engineering
century,
beencementedin theBelfastareaforpolitical,geographical
andeconomicreasons
ensuredthatProtestant
workerswereable to forgea beneficialpositionin housing
and employment
by demonstrating
religiousand politicalallegiancesto theirpaymastersthrough
theirmembership
of theOrangeOrders.Even themostimpoverishedandvilifiedProtestants
withinthesystem,
womenwhowerewet-flax
workers,
had theirroleto playin itsperpetuation:
thein-group
solidarity
bythese"millies",
in thefaceofexternalprejudiceandprovokedbytheirreputation
demonstrated
for
intheBelfastlinenmills
recklessanddegraded,"
resulted
destitute,
being"spiritually
whichsupported
theProtestant
beingtheprimary
recruiting
groundforthenetworks
theUlsterRevival,of 1859(see Holmes1994:132).
movement,
religiousconversion
Thesewomen,whowereleast-wellservedbythemale-dominated
systemofpatrontounionisethwarted,
inthefaceofeconomicrestrictions
and
age,hadtheirattempts
edictswhichalso includedtheoutlawing
ofsinginginthemills.
rigidprescriptive
Thepossibility
ofHomeRule (namelythereestablishment
ofan Irishparliament
responsibleforinternalaffairs)posed a threatto thematerialadvantagesheldby
Protestants
andtheircolonialmasters.
in 1912,400,000peoplesigned
Consequently
theSolemnLeague andCovenanttoresistthepassingoftheHomeRuleBill. Oppositionto thebill was further
conductedthrough
theestablishment
of a privatearmy
fundedbymembers
oftheProtestant
whosememascendancyandseniorpoliticians
recruited
theOrangeOrderand becameknownas
bershipwas primarily
through
Carson'sArmy,theUlsterVolunteer
Force(UVF). The constitutional
issue,which
ledtoitsformation,
was sidelinedbytheoutbreak
oftheFirstWorldWar,anda substantialnumberof theUVF joinedthe36th(Ulster)Divisionof theBritishArmy,
onlytobe killedattheBattleoftheSommeinJuly1916.
The significance
is perof theSommeas a featureforloyalistcommemoration
intermsofthefatalities
thatwereincurred
fromwithin
onearea
hapsbestunderstood
ofWestBelfast.Ofthe2,500menkilledatThiepval,750 camefromtheShankillarea, and of the 700 of the West BelfastBattalion,only 70 survived(Fitzpatrick
theUVF, basesitslegitimacy
1989:263).The present-day
paramilitary
organisation,
on a proclaimed
associationwiththisdivision,andthebattleoftheSommecontinues
as itis on Orangebanners,
civic
tooffera focusforcontemporary
featured
loyalists,
inthefunding
inthemusiofheritage
centreson muralsandinparticular
memorials,
in social
cal repertoire
of thebothmarchingbands and cabaret-style
performers
clubs:

This content downloaded from 129.15.127.2 on Thu, 20 Nov 2014 00:14:44 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

78

theworld
46(1) -2004
ofmusic

"GunRunners"
WhenI waseighteen
I engaged
yearsofage,intoCarson'sarmy
To fight
forUlster
HomeRule,a Mauser
rifle
wasmytool
against
AtCovenant
overhalfa million
aid
daymyfirst
parade,
promised
Wegotofight
theenemy
now,sowelanded50,000gunsatLarne.(rpt)
ThatAprilnight
I'll never
forget,
dispersing
gunstofacethethreat
thelength
ofourbeloved
land,thediewascastwemadeourstand
Throughout
Butanother
foewasbefore
usnow,HomeRulewasdeadbeneath
theplough
AcrosstoFrance
ourdivisions
sailed,Britain
called,wewouldnotfail,(rpt)
Thisstory's
toldandit'sunderstood,
ofa charge
thatmorn
atThiepval
Wood
WhenUlster's
flower
their
livesdidgive,sothatweathomecouldfreely
live
AlasI fellontheSomme'
s great
butnotalonethere
werethousands
more
shore,
Fromevery
townanddale,a father,
sonorbrother
fell,(rpt)
street,
GunRunners,
GunRunners.
TheywereGunRunners,
Verseone of"GunRunners"particularly
evokesandprovidesa reminder
ofthe
valueattachedto theconnection
betweenloyalistUlsteranda Britainheaded-upby
an Englishsovereignin the"FightforUlsteragainstHomeRule."The songclearly
and vigilantism
of the subjects,the"Gun Runacknowledgestheparamilitarism
tolegitimise
theiractivities
inversetwoofthesongdemners",butequallyattempts
a readinesstopledgeallegianceandmakemilitary
sacrifice
to theBritish
onstrating
wartime
cause in thelines"Acrossto Franceourdivisionssailed,Britaincalled,we
wouldnotfail."
Songslike"PoppyFields","The ArmaghBrigade","A Father'sAdvice","Will
You Stand"and"GunRunners"arere-recorded
annuallyon loyalistCDs. Theyare
themusicalprocessesusedtoexemplify
Officer's(2001: 179) suggestion
thatthehuformourners
is a
manisingof theUlsterDivisionas a collectivepointof reference
TheSommeas a central
focus
politicalresourceinthatitepitomises
imperial
loyalty.
fora collectivesocialmemory
is notgenderspecific:alongsideherroyalmementoes,
LillianSloane's flatis decoratedwithmilitary
memorablia
fromthefirst
andsecond
worldwars.Theeldestoffivechildren,
shewasbrought
upprincipally
byhermother
whenherfather
1916
"joinedup" and was killedin France"on the3rdof January
whenI was seven,justbeforethebattleoftheSomme."She marksthedateofherfather's deathbyitsproximity
tothebattle.In communities
suchas thosewhereLillian
deathsof thoseconsideredloyalistmartyrs
are notalways
lives,thecontemporary
collectivelymemorialised
by theentirecommunity,
beingmarred(forsome) by
overtones.
theSomme'ssocial significance
can also be
paramilitary
Consequently,
seenheretobe oneoftheprincipal
cohesiveand"respectable"
focalpointsforshared
sacrificial
victimhood
andremembrance.
Thiscoalitionofimperialloyaltyandlocallyfocusedloyalismcan againbe seen
in songslike"Daddy's Uniform."
onto
Here,as a father
passeshisgunanduniform
hisson,thelinesbetweenthemilitary
andtheparamilitary,
anda conflation
ofbattles
oftheFirstandSecondWorldWarsandcurrent
areblurred
reinskirmishes,
military

This content downloaded from 129.15.127.2 on Thu, 20 Nov 2014 00:14:44 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Red, White,
BlueandOrange 79
KatyRadford.
a senseofUlster'scontinued
forcing
loyaltytopoliticalandmilitary
objectivespast
andpresent,
British
determined
by
allegiance.
"Daddy'sUniform"
inthewardrobe
OhDaddywhat'sthatuniform
overthere?
Hasitanymedalsfortobear?
Hasitseenthebattlefields
likebygone
daysofyore?
thatyousoproudly
wore?
Ohdaddyisthattheuniform
from
theshoulder
tothewaist
See itsbuckles
shining
bright
I alsoseethree
letters
emblazoned
onitsbreast
TheU itstands
andtheV forVolunteer
forUlster
TheF itstands
fortheforce
thatfights
andnever
fears.
itstrays
backagaintonineteen
one
Mymemory
forty
werethreatened
WhenUlster's
shores
oftheHun
bythejackboot
knew
AndUlster's
rallied
round
need
they
they notfear
People's
knewGodwasontheir
sideandtheUlster
Volunteers.
Forthey
andgoandfight
thefoe
So son,pleasetakemyuniform
Andjustlikeyourfathers
didso many
yearsago
fear
itiscalling
andwemust
never
ForUlster
So takemygunmyonlysonandjointheVolunteers.
thebattleoftheSommewas notmerelya demonForNorthern
Irelandloyalists,
butthehighmembership
of36thUlsterDivisionmemstration
ofBritishpatriotism,
and
bersdetermined
ittobe a specifically
Unionist
"Orange"
display.Accountsfrom
thatsoldiers"at theSomme
thefront
describetheOrangepresenceacknowledging
4
and'Dolly's Brae,'butforthemostparttheykepta stiff
upsangout No Surrender'
and
clenched
teeth"
, 8 July1916, cited in Officer
(BelfastTelegraph
per lip
2001: 168).As a focalpointforloyaliststhesymboliciconography
oftheSommeand
ofthesoldierswhodiedtherearenotmerelydrawnonforcalenthememorialisation
events.Rather,
commemorative
dricallydetermined
imagesoftheSommearepromreinforced
on a dailybasiswithinloyalistcominentinthecollectivesocialmemory
andpoliticalmarkers,
andinthetunes
munities
bothas muralsas a formofterritorial
andsongsthatrecollectboththebattlesandtheunits.These'PartyTunes'area body
withintheloyalistcanonon paofpopularsongsandmarchesregularly
performed
us of
radesandinsocialclubs.Theyarethemusicalequivalentofmurals,reminding
that
music
is
a
means
of
"self-idealiBornandHesmondhalgh's
(2000:32) argument
oftheexistingtropesandgenresof identity-in-music
zationand,through
repetition
of extantcollectiveidenti(nationalanthems,
patriotsongs)forthereinforcement
ties."
ofloyalism.Howeverin theyearsimmediThe wargave a focusto expressions
were
affected
households
by a reducedor absentmalepopulation
atelyafterwards,
and further
strainedby an increaseddependenceon women'slabourand incomes.
theProtestant
Unionistleaderswereabletocoerceandconstrain
workforcebya sysand
temofpatronage
to
referred
to
relating housing employment
locallyas "TheOr-

This content downloaded from 129.15.127.2 on Thu, 20 Nov 2014 00:14:44 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

80

theworld
46(1) -2004
ofmusic

oftheNorthern
Irelandstatein 1921,an
angeSystem."By thetimeoftheformation
unbalancedeconomicinstability
favouredworkingclass Protestants.
Since 1921,
severalunsuccessful
were
made
to
anthems
for
this
Northern
Ireattempts
compose
landstate.A senseofjingoismis clearlyevidentin thetextof"Ulsterland"
(written
byW. GibonandpublishedbyK' s ofBelfast),whichrefersinthesameversetothe
as both"ourbelovedMotherland"
Ulsterland
and"ourundying
Fatherland."
5. SingingLoyalty- PartyTunes (Orange and ParamilitarySongs)
nottunes,butsongs)or TrueBlues as theyusedto be rePartyTunes(technically
ferred
towithintheProtestant
is a generaltermforexclusively
communities,
"loyalist" songs.Contrary
to theprevailingconsensuswithinnon-loyalist
communities
thatPartyTunesare used primarily
to goad and baittheCatholic"other",loyalists
claimthatPartyTunesareso namedbecausetheyareperceivedtobe convivialsongs
Their
principally
composedforconsumption
byandwithintheloyalistcommunity.
restricted
outsidethelimitedoutletsandmarket
forthepurchaseanddisavailability
semination
ofloyalistmemorabilia
areusedas an argument
to attesttothis.Butitis
to considerthattherearedegreesof availability
or interest
in the
equallyimportant
material
fromwithinloyalistcommunities.
toconsistoftwobroadbutdistinct
PartyTunescanbe considered
genres:Orange
thatI will concentrate
here.
songs,and Paramilitary
songsand it is on theformer
Thereis no implication
thatanytrajectory
linksthetwogenres:whileOrimplicitly
comment
on contemporary
or historical
eventsfroman antiange songsfrequently
Catholicperspective,
different
textualleaguefromsomeof
theyarein a completely
themostrecentparamilitary
rantsfullofvitriolic
PartyTunesthataresectarian
profanitiesoverriding
anyintendedhumouror wit.Howeverbothcategoriesare connectedinthepublicconsciousness
andsharedmabya certaindegreeofoverlapping
terial.CommongroundbetweenOrangeandParamilitary
in
songsis mostapparent
theoverarching
audiences,andthecontext
politicalideologythatunitesperformers,
oftheperformance.
in botholderandmorecurrent
itcan be
Furthermore,
material,
seenthatthesentiments
thatcontinueto be expressedin loyalistsongsin themain
fallintofourprincipal
butnotmutually
exclusivecategories
withrecurring
themesin
thetextincluding:
songsbattles/skirmishes
songsofcomradeship
andbrotherhood
songscomposedwiththeintention
ofbeinghumorous
orlighthearted
songswhereanti-Catholic
sentiments
andsectarian
rhetoric
dominate
Sharedmelodiesprovidea blurred
betweenthetwogenres.In Northconnection
ernIreland,therecycling
ofairsis clearlynotuniquetoloyalism.Jigsandreelshave
beentradedbetweenmusicianson theislandsofBritainandIrelandfor
successfully
who
yearscomplicating
anybinaryoppositionssoughtby thoseculturalactivists,
andauthenticity
to facilitate
resistance
employconceptsof authorship
anystruggle,

This content downloaded from 129.15.127.2 on Thu, 20 Nov 2014 00:14:44 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

BlueandOrange 81
Red,White,
KatyRadford.
and solidarity
of identities
necessaryforthe preservation
perceivedto be under
threat.
Howeverin thecontextof loyalistmusicmaking,theprocessof transferring
of a tunefromone community
to another,
allowsfora reinforcing
of
"ownership"
idealsbytransmitting
and
cultural
ideals
both
and
intra
political
inter-generationally
connotativecharacterof music thatBorn and Hesloyalistgroups.The hyper
can be foundwithincontemporary
(2000:32) identify
mondhalgh
loyalismin the
of
familiar
material
that
it
so
feeds
into
and
reinforces
a cololder,
process reworking
lectivesocialmemory
andunderstanding.
Forinstance,
theold Orangetune"Aughalee Heroes",whichdatesbackto 1888(see further
Radford2001:55),has hadnew
set
to
it
Use
of
the
sametunerevealsan attempt
to
lyrics
bycontemporary
loyalists.
conflatethesacrificesanddeathsof loyalistsovera prolongedperiodof time.This
andmetamorphosis
over
practiceofoverlapping
layersofloyalismbydevelopment
a
and
diachronic
view
of
manyyearssimultaneously
provides synchronic
particular
on historical
awarenessandvalues.
loyalistperspectives
ThosePartyTunesthatI categoriseas Orangesongsareoneswhicharebroadly
approvedofbytheOrangeInstitution.
Thoughtherearerecentcompositions,
many
ofthoseOrangesongsthatare stillpopularhavebeenpartof theOrangerepertoire
sincethepublication
ofthefirstOrangesongsbooksin 1798whenballadryandthe
wereundoubtedly
theforemost
mediaforthedissemination
of
sellingofbroadsheets
propaganda.
Thereis no officiallistof songsendorsedbytheOrangeOrder,nordo theyrelease material
on CD ortapethemselves.
Buttheclassification
I use servestodistinand sungrepertoire
thatmaybe
guishelementsof the instrumentally
performed
playedon Orangeparadesor weretraditionally
sungat Orangeeventsfromthose
tunesfromwhichtheOrderclaimsto distanceitself.To theoutsider,
it
paramilitary
mistaketo conflatethetwo.Cairns,in an otherwise
maybe an understandable
perofsectarianism,
makesthegeneralisation
that
ceptivearticleon the"materialisation"
socialeventsandtheunsubparamilitary
songsarean integral
partofOrange-related
stantiated
claimthat"'SolideroftheUVF' is secondinpopularity
onlyto 'The Sash
myFatherWore'" (2000:448). His assertiontakesintoaccountneitherthedebate
concerning
respectable/disreputable
displaysof loyalism,norcompeting
paramiliwithinloyalism.
taryaffiliations
Orangesongs thathave enduredand thatare still"regulars"on Orangeand
on paramilitary
also beensungcol(hencetheconfusion)
parades,havetraditionally
lectivelywithintheconfinesof Orangeevents.Thereis now also a wealthof CDs
andLPs thatenablethemusictobe moreaccessibleandavailablethrough
formal
and
informal
distribution
networks
withina market
forpre-recorded
material
for
hungry
withinthedomesticarena.Home-basedrecording
studiosareinvolved
consumption
inthepiracyandre-releasing
ofpreviouscollectionsofOrangesongs.RichardHayward'sOrangeCollectionCelebratingtheMillennium
, forexample,was released
and thedesignof theCD sleeves is nominal,oftenmerelyphotoposthumously,
copiesofpoorlygenerated
computer
graphicsthatdrawheavilyon imagesofWill-

This content downloaded from 129.15.127.2 on Thu, 20 Nov 2014 00:14:44 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

82

theworld
46(1) -2004
ofmusic

iamcrossingtheBoyneon a whitehorse.LiketheOrangeLilydiscussedearlier,images of WilliamIII, his horseand theBoyneriverare keysymbolsforloyalistsin

andcanbe foundinanynumber
ofOrangesongs.
bothvisualandtextualimagery
in
are
all
The
of
sentiments
Orangesongs.
politicalsignificance
Loyalist
explicit
ofOrangesongs,"TheSash"8is cleartothosebothfromwiththemostrecognisable
Thatitcommemorates
is a songofcominandwithout
battles,
loyalistcommunities.
withits subject
sentiments
is
and
contains
anti-Catholic
unquestionable,
radeship
for
the
Twelfth
tocommeman
to
Scotland
matter
travelling
concerning Orangeman
battles:
oratethe"bigfour"Williamite
andtheBoyne.
Enniskillen
ItwaswornatDerry,
Augherim,
thesong
Manyloyalistswouldalso arguethatinadditiontothesecharacteristics,
the
first
aims to be light-hearted.
"Liliburlero",
loyalistpartytune,also
arguably
identified
earlier.The songattempts
to mockandparodythe
meetsthefourcriteria
the
of
a
Jacobite
dialectof twoIrishmen
success,and it is also
celebrating coming
is
since
to
usedbyProtthatthenameTeague,
noteworthy
corrupted Taig, currently
address
formof
toCatholics.
estantsas a derogatory
The songenduresinpopularloyalistperformances,
(in additionto itsfamiliarity
withinthecontextof itsuse as a themetunebytheBBC WorldService)andcomexercisebyDanielPurcell("A New IrishTuneinG"),
binesa quickstepharpsichord
witha satiricalballad by theWhigPolitician,Thomas,1stMarquessof Wharton.
withtheIrishViceroy,theEarlof
Hereanti-Jacobite
sentiments
anddissatisfactions
And thoughDunaway's claim
Tyrconnel("LyingDick Talbot") are articulated.
(1987:36) that"thesong 'Lillibullero'helpedtoppleJamesII fromhis throne"is
ofan optimistic
statement
forthepowerofsong,thetunewas undoubtedsomewhat
fortheWilliamite
cause.
lypowerful
propaganda
"Lilliburlero"
Ho! Brother
Teague,dostheardedecree
LilBurler
bullen
a la,
Da weshallhavea newdebittie,
LiliBurler
bullen
a la.
The originsof the line "Lili Burlerbullena la" are disputed.Ballad Tony
tome(3 November1999)suggeststhatthelineis a distortion
of
McAuleysuggested
theIrish"an lil ba leire, ba linnan la" ("And theLily savedtheday"),thoughas
torefertotheBattleoftheBoyne,as
Chapman(2000:18) pointsout,thisis unlikely
thewordshadbeenwritten
ofthenewlycomposed
priortothebattle.Thepopularity
inBritainandIrelandreflected
"Liliburlero"
theWhiggishsentiment
ofthetimethat
was also prevalent
in Orangesongsless concerned
withthesituation
in Irelandthan
witha broadersubjectmatter
ofallegiancetoBritainandputinthelyricstomarches
suchas "The SpanishArmada".
have been musicallyand lyrically
Excerptsfrom,or thetitleof,"Liliburlero"
theentire
quotedin a numberof subsequently
composedOrangesongs.In addition,
ofsongswithintheOrangerepertoire,
forexample
melodyis also usedfora number

This content downloaded from 129.15.127.2 on Thu, 20 Nov 2014 00:14:44 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Red, White,
BlueandOrange 83
KatyRadford.
"The Protestant
Boys,"composedat theturnofthetwentieth
century
byRev. Innis.
ThisOrangesonginturnis citedinthecomicsong"The Oui' OrangeFlute,"which
tellsthetaleof an Orangemanwho marries"out,"buthis fluteremainstrueto the
theman'sconversion
to support
toCatholicism:
loyalistideology,refusing
"TheOui'Orange
Flute"
He wentwithhisouldflute
toplayinthemass
Buttheinstrument
shivered
andsighed,
"Ohalas!"
andmadea great
Whenheblewitandfingered
noise,
Theflute
wouldplayonly"TheProtestant
Boys."
andfinger
andblow
Andforallhecouldwhistle,
itnogo
To playPapishmusichefound
andsuchitwouldsound
"KickthePope","TheBoyneWater"
befound.
ButonePapishsqueakinitcouldn't
ofOrange Culture
6. Womenas Transmitters
ofthe
Sheilds(1993:109) suggeststhatOrangesongsdidnotacceptthe"symbolism
thevisionarydream-like
Aislingtradition,"
qualitiesof thepoetryassociatedwith
wherewomencameto personify
thelandof Ireland.Inthenationalist
community,
to describesymbolicaction,whichwas subsequently
stead,Orangesongspreferred
intoceremonialmusicinfluenced
by masonicsongs,and any visual
incorporated
in Orangesongsis oftenusingdisguisedor veiledopaque
encountered
symbolism
ceremonies.
The "dream"vehicleis frequently
used
languageto describeinitiation
todisguisetheOrange,PurpleandBlack,ritualsassocialongsidebiblicalnarratives
atedwiththeLoyalOrders,as in"The Marksman'sDream":
I fellintoa pleasant
as I layslumbering,
dream
Onenight
I sawallIsraelcrossing
I though
overJordan's
stream
A young
mannextcamepassing
me,
by,He said,ariseandfollow
heart
I answer'd
fortosee.
Witha cheerful
him,I long'dthosewonders
The subsequentversescontaina numberof ritualistic
experiences:"theyroll'd
I losta
me in a mantle,withbuckledbeltand staffin hand";"To mygreatsurprise
I
I
saw
when
awoke
from
"I
a
drink
out
of
a
the
like
never
before,
shoe"; got
my
cup
twelvestarsshin'd untome so bright"The quasi-religious
slumber,
experienceis
linkedbacktothecontemporary
OrangeOrderinthefinalverse:
andjoininoneaccordwithme
Comefillyourglassestothebrim
whofree'dusallfrom
We'lltoasttobraveKingWilliam,
slavery
He wasinspired
tricks
tooverthrow
bytheLord,their
popish
Philstine
a fatalblow.
withSlingandStone,
Likehimwhofought
gavetheproud
loyalistculturalpracticesby their
Despitetheroleof womenin disseminating
theirperforming
and theirpublicsupportforOrangesongs,fewwomen,
teaching,
malemusical
howeverarecreditedas composers.Exceptionsin thispredominantly

This content downloaded from 129.15.127.2 on Thu, 20 Nov 2014 00:14:44 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

84

theworld
46(1) -2004
ofmusic

andmercantile
classes.Threeofthosemost
domainaredrawnfromthearistocracy
Hill
"In theGloaming"),CharArthur
Good
Old
are
Cause",
("The
recognised Lady
lotteElizabeth(whose "The Maiden City"is sungto theair of Schubert's"The
Johnston
whoselyrics"ForGod andFatherland,"
Trout")and Harriett
(sungto the
ofan anti-Catholic
rhetoric
whichpervades
airof"BonnieDundee")areillustrative
PartyTunes:
DarkDeedsofDevilry
trouble
ourLand
walkhandinhand.
SatanandPopery
is bestreJohnston
It is notablethatratherthanas composerin herown right,
of a
of Ballykilbeg,who was something
memberedas wifeof WilliamJohnston
maverickwithintheOrangeOrder.He defiedthePartyProcessionsBill (Bryan
intherepealofthePartyProwithbeinga pivotalinfluence
2000:47) andis credited
inthe(undated)following
tribute
cessionsActof 1872.He is remembered
pairedto
thejig "TheNew PairofShoes"whichappearsin TheOrangeLark(1987:82):
Yetmyloveformycountry
canne-er
risesohigh
AstoletmesetErin'soldharpo'erthecrown
AllFenianrascalsI lovethem
so well
inHell
I couldseeveryscoundrel
wellroasted
who'dnotstira peg
AndI'd counthima traitor
William
Forthegreat
Johnston
ofBallykillbeg
in theOrangetradiAs well as theirreducedprofileas composersand lyricists
in OrangeSongs are fewand farbetween.
tion,womenas thechiefprotagonists
thesubjectmatter
tendsto consideraspectsoftheirloyalty.
Whentheyarepresent,
Belfastriotsof 1935,"The Protestant
"AnnieMoore",refers
tothesectarian
Maid",
is thestoryofa womanwhomarries
"out"andconverts
herhusbandtoProtestantism
of
to disprovethedoctrine
by provinghis priestto be a cowardwhenshe attempts
in
Maid
transubstantiation
arsenic
the
and
the
of
host,
byputting
haunting
"Orange
is
which
can
a
love
but
one
of
the
few
be
considered
Sligo",
song,
Orangesongs
whichcan also be readas an allegoryforloyalty.
role
The lack of womenas composersor as subjectsreflectsthe subordinate
had
heldwithintheOrangeOrders.LillianSloane's father
womenhavetraditionally
as
was
in
and
as
soon
she
beena prominent
able, 1930,she
Orangeman, consequently
the
with
other
women
ofhergeneraWomen's
Orange
joined
OrangeLodge.Along
in
the
the
Women's
was
as
an
her
role
of
tion,
auxiliary,
expecting
earlydays
Lodges
to do no morethanprepareand serveteasto menreturning
fromparading.Despite
thelongevity
ofhercommitment
totheorganisation
forwhomovertheyearsshehas
heldthepostofPastMistress,
DistrictMistressandjuniordistrict
shehas
mistress,
in
notseentheroleof womenchangeto playa significant
the
structure
and
depart
of thedevelopment
of theOrders.Now at 90, she stillattendsweekly
termination
forNo. 115,Mayflower
meetings
Lodge andrecallsthatitwas notuntil1993thatit
was deemedseemlyforthewomen'sordertoparade,likethemen,accompaniedby
bands.Whilesheattendsa weeklyline-danceforOrangewomanintheOrangeHall

This content downloaded from 129.15.127.2 on Thu, 20 Nov 2014 00:14:44 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Red, White,
BlueandOrange 85
KatyRadford.
she is distressedby thereduction
of specifically
Orangeeventsthereand is concernedthattheyounger
womenarenowmoreinterested
infollowing
malemarching
bandsthaninlearning
about
culture.
specifically
Orange
Linguist,museumworkerand songcollector,AnneSmith(2002) also sees the
demiseinOrangeculturalevents.She is nowtheonlywomanwhostillappearsregNorthern
Irelandto perform
traditional
ularlyin OrangeHalls throughout
Orange
materialin an acousticcapacity."I accompanymyselfon thepianoand accordion,
buttheinterest
on andlearning
oldersongs."
justdoesn'tseemtobe thereincarrying
SmithsuggeststhatthedemiseoftheOrangerepertoire
in thepublicconsciousness
is symptomatic
ofa changeofcultural
practiceswhereby
loyalismis becomingmore
disenfranichesed
fromreligiousProtestant
life.She suggeststhattheOrangeHall
a processof
playsa lesscohesiverolewiththesociallifeofloyalistsandthisreflects
secularisation
thatis problematising
notion
of
anyoverarching
loyalismas defined
earlierinthepaper.Annelamentsthat"thewholeareaoflifenowhas gonethatwas
onceassociatedwiththeOrangeHall.Thereisn'ttheamountofsocialisingthatwent
aroundwiththemeetings
andpeopledon'tsitafterwards
fora sing-song
ofhymns
or
Orangesongs."
7. Conclusion
andinfluence
ofOrangesongsas a marker
ofloyalism,itis
Despitetheimportance
evidentthatthereis a limitedamountofmaterial
thatis stilla partofthepopularconsciousness.Whilesome smallamountof new materialis penned,therehave been
fewcallsandlittleincentive
tohavethismaterial
archivedandconsequently
itsshelf
lifeis short.Therepetition
ofthematerial
within
theOrangecanondoesnotappearto
decreaseitspopularity,
rather
itreinforces
tunesas partofa muchlovedandfamiliar
of theage or genderof theaudience.However,theperforrepertoire
irrespective
mancecontexts
andreworking
ofthematerial
can be seentomarka shiftawayfrom
reloyalismas definedbyOrangemenandwomenas a predominantly
"respectable"
to a moresecular/political
marker
of loyalist
ligious/political
expressionof identity
on theimageofWilliamon horseback,
therecently
allegiances.Despitestillrelying
compiledCD The Ultimate12thPartyMix broadcastby womenDJs of a loyalist
radiostationcomprisesa techno-mix
of a numberof old Orangesongs
community
referred
toearlierinthispaper("Dolly's Brae","No Surrender",
"TheOrangeLilly"
and"The Sash"). Theseraveversionsareclearlyaimedat younger
dance-ledaudiencesandareintended
tobe playedinpubsandclubsmorethaninOrangehalls.
The aesthetics
of theproduction
of thismaterial(in anyform)is notof importancetothelisteners
anddoes notappeartodiminish
theirsales.Suchshortcomings
are subordinate
to thesentiments
evokedby thecontent.
The reception
of familiar
tunesfroma collectivesocialmemory
createsan inter-generational
cohesion,particandhumour
attheexpenseoftheCatholic
ularlywhenthetropesofmemorialisation
"other"uniteaudiencesand participants
bealike.The reinforcement
of solidarity

This content downloaded from 129.15.127.2 on Thu, 20 Nov 2014 00:14:44 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

86

theworld
46(1) -2004
ofmusic

tweenmembersof different
thefamiliarmusicreafloyalistcommunities
through
firms
thecollectivevaluesystem.
Consequently
OrangeSongsarea significant
symbolic toolutilisedin themaintenance
of a unitedpopularconsciousnessand in the
andcirculation
reaffirmation
ofa multipleloyalistidentity.
The senticonstruction,
mentsthatdominateact to supporta claimthatthecommunicative
effectof music
fortheperformers
andaudiencealike,symbolising
identiprovideslevelsofsecurity
tiesand shapingexperiences
anddifferent
of
which
can
serve
reliaspects loyalism
and
in
the
face
of
the
giousaffiliation,
sovereign
allegiance comradeship
enemy.
Notes
1 TheNorthern
a population
Ireland
censusfigures
for2003record
of 1,685,267,
ofwhich
described
themselves
as Catholic
and767,924as Protestant.
The"two
678,462
respondents
tribes"
derives
from
thedominant
makeupofNorthern
Ireland's
which
analysis
population,
usereligious
denominations
within
anethno-political
todefine
Christianity
identity.
2 Theterm
sectarianism
refers
to thepractice
ofdisplaying
attitudes
andbeliefs
prejudicial
basedonreligious
affiliation.
Within
a Northern
Ireland
ithasbeensuggested
that
context,
isrecognisable
evidence
ofsectarianism
from
theageofthree
etal. 2002).
(Connolly
3 Slobin1992,Gilroy1993,Lipstitz
Cohen1994,
1994,Stokes1994and,in particular
2001.
1994,Mitchell
1996,Blake1997,Hutnyk
2000,BornandHesmondhalgh
Magowan
4 Thebinaries
ofCatholic
versus
nationalist
versus
versus
Protestant,
unionist,
republican
loyalistaregradations
inNorthern
ofmarkers
ofdifference
between
thetwoprincipal
communities
Ireland.
isstilla self-elected
5 InNorthern
there
form
ofseparatism
evident
chosen
resIreland,
through
andseparate
idential
education
forProtestants
andCatholics.
practices
systems
inmainly
6 TheShankill
Roadisa loyalist
enclave
nationalist
WestBelfast.
7 Unlessotherwise
all textquotations
without
direct
sourcereferences
areuncredited
noted,
within
domain.
Theversions
listed
here(andvariants
with
can
minor
textual
public
changes)
befound,
forinstance,
onthewebsites
ofvarious
organizations.
8 SeeCooper
ofthedevelopment
ofthetuneanditslyrics
intothe
(2001)fora fulldiscussion
as ittransforms
most
ofloyalist
rabble
rousers
from
Nationalist
HatintoUnionist
Sash.
potent
References
Artexaga,
Begonia
1997 Shattering
Silence:Women
andPolitical
inNorthern
Ire, Nationalism,
Subjectivity
land.NewJersey:
Press.
Princeton
University
Jonathan
Bardon,
1982 Belfast,
anIllustrated
Belfast:
Blackstaff
Press.
History.
Andrew
Blake,
1997 TheLandWithout
Music:Music,Culture
andSociety
inTwentieth-century
Britain.
Manchester:
Manchester
Press.
University

This content downloaded from 129.15.127.2 on Thu, 20 Nov 2014 00:14:44 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

BlueandOrange 87
Red,White,
KatyRadford.
Alastair
Bonnett,
inEuropean
1997 "Constructions
ofWhiteness
andAmerican
inP. Werbner
anti-racism,"
andT. Modood,
Multicultural
Identities
andthe
Cultural
eds.,Debating
Hybridity:
Politics
173-92.
London:
ZedBooks.
ofAnti-Racism,
andDavidHesmondhalgh
Born,
Georgina
2000 Western
MusicandItsOthers:
andAppropriation
inMuDifference,
Representation
sic.Berkeley:
ofCalifornia
Press.
University
Dominic
Bryan,
2000 Orange
Parades:ThePolitics
Tradition
andControl.
Press.
London:
Pluto
ofRitual,
Buckley,
Anthony
1982 A Gentle
inUlster.
Ulster
Folk
People:AStudy
ofa Peaceful
Community
Holywood:
andTransport
Museum.
Frank
Burton,
ina Belfast
1978 ThePolitics
London:
ofLegitimacy:
Struggles
Community.
Routledge
KeganPaul.
David
Cairns,
inUlster
2000 "TheObjectofSectarianism:
TheMaterial
ofSectarianism
LoyalReality
ism."Journal
Institute
(N.S.)6(3):437-52.
oftheRoyal
Anthropological
Cecil,Roseanne
1993 "TheMarching
AnExpression
Ireland:
IdentiSeasoninNorthern
ofPolitico-religious
inWestern
ed.InsideEuropean
Identities:
MacDonald,
ty,"inSharon
Ethnography
Oxford:
, 146-66.
Europe
Berg.
Ian
Chambers,
1994 Migrancy,
London:
Culture,
Identity.
Routledge.
Sara
Cohen,
inMartin
1994 "Identity,
Placeandthe'Liverpool
Sound',"
Stokes,
ed.,Ethnicity,
Identity
andMusic:theMusical
Construction
Oxford:
ofPlace,117-34.
Berg.
Paulet.al.
Connolly,
2002 TooYoung
toNotice?
TheCultural
andPolitical
Awareness
of3-6yearoldsinNorthernIreland
Belfast:
Relations
Council.
Community
De Rosa,Ciro
inAnthony
D. Buckley,
inNorthern
Ireland
1998 "Playing
, 99Nationalism,"
ed.,Symbols
115.Belfast:
Institute
ofIrish
Studies.
DavidKing
Dunaway,
inJames
1987 "Musicas Political
intheUnited
Communication
States,"
Lull,ed.,Popular
MusicandCommunication
CA:Sage.
,36-52.Newbury
Park,
Michael
Farrell,
TheOrange
1976 Northern
Ireland:
State.
London:
Pluto
Press.
Alan
Feldman,
inNorthern
1991 Formations
TheNarrative
Terror
ofViolence:
oftheBodyandPolitical
Ireland.
ofChicago
Press.
Chicago:
University
Paul
Gilroy,
1993 TheBlackAtlantic:
andDoubleConsciousness
Verso.
London:
Modernity
R.Llobera
andCrisShore,
eds.
Goddard,
Victoria,
Josep
inConflict.
1994 TheAnthropology
Identities
andBoundaries
London:
ofEurope:
Berg.

This content downloaded from 129.15.127.2 on Thu, 20 Nov 2014 00:14:44 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

88

theworld
46(1) -2004
ofmusic

Harris,
Rosemary
AStudy
inUlster:
andStrangers
ina Border
andTolerance
1972 Prejudice
ofNeighbours
Manchester
Press.
Manchester:
Community.
University
Janice
Holmes,
intheUlster
Revival
inJanice
Turned
Down:'Women
of1859,"
1994 '"TheWorld
Upside
IntotheLight:
TheWork,
Politics
andReliHolmes
andDianeUrquhart,
eds.,Coming
inUlster
1840-1940
Belfast:
Institute
ofIrish
Studies.
, 126-53.
gionofWomen
John
Hutnyk,
Music
andtheCulture
London:
Pluto
Press.
2000 Critique
, Politics
ofExotica:
Industry.
Neil
Jarman,
: Parades
andVisual
inNorthern
Ireland.
Oxford:
1997 Material
Conflicts
Displays
Berg.
SaraC.
Lanier,
andMemory
intheIrish
2000 '"Itis New-strung
andShan'tBe Heard:'Nationalism
Harp
8:1-26.
Tradition."
British
Journal
ofEthnomusicology
Elliott
Leyton,
1974 "Opposition
inUlster."
andIntegration
Man9:1985-98.
Lipsitz,
George
andthePoeticsofPlace.
1994 Dangerous
Crossroads:
, Postmodernism
PopularMusic
Verso.
London:
Marie
McCarthy,
Cork:CorkUniversity
1999 PassingIt On:theTransmission
ofMusicinIrishCulture.
Press.
Peter
McNamee,
Music:Whose
Music?
1992 Traditional
Belfast:
Institute
ofIrish
Studies.
Fiona
Magowan,
ItStays
TheYothu-Yindi
in
1994 "'TheLandisOurMarr(Essence),
Forever':
Relationship
inMartin
Australian
Traditional
andPopular
Music,"
Stokes,
ed.,Ethnicity,
Aboriginal
andMusic:TheMusical
Construction
Oxford:
Identity
ofPlace,133-55.
Berg.
William
Alexander
Maguire,
1998 UpInArms:
The1798Rebellion
inIreland.
Belfast:
Ulster
Museum.
Mitchell,
Tony
MusicandLocalIdentity:
andOceania.
1996 Popular
LonRock,
PopandRapinEurope
don:Leicester
Press.
University
John
Nagle,
2003 "TheTransmission
andReception
ina London-Irish
Culture
CenofIrishTraditional
tre."Queen'sUniversity
Ph.D.dissertation.
Belfast:
unpublished
David
Officer,
inIanMcBride,
2001 "'ForGodandUlster:'
TheUlsterman
ontheSomme,"
ed.,History
andMemory
inModern
Ireland
Press.
, 160-83.
Cambridge:
Cambridge
University
The
Lark,
Orange
1987 TheOrange
Lark1(13).Lurgan:
TheUlster
Society.
Radford,
Katy
2001a "Drum
British
RollsandGender
Roles."
Journal
10(2):37-59.
ofEthnomusicology
2001b "Creating
13(1):51-57.
anUlster
PeaceReview
ScotsRevival."

This content downloaded from 129.15.127.2 on Thu, 20 Nov 2014 00:14:44 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Red, White,
BlueandOrange 89
KatyRadford.
forthc.
"Protestant
WomenPolitical
Activists:
andReligious
Identities
in
Secular
Tangling
Northern
inSimon
andPeter
Coleman
and
Ireland,"
Collins,
eds.,Religion,
Identity
British
onGlobalTransformations.
Aldershot:
Change:
Perspectives
Ashgate.
eds.
Dawson,
Rapport,
NigelandAndrew
1998 Migrants
Oxford:
ofIdentity:
Perceptions
ofHomeina World
ofMovement.
Berg.
Cecil
Sharp,
FolkSong:SomeConclusions.
EPPublishing.
1972 English
Wakefield:
[1907].
Mark
Slobin,
1992 "Micromusics
oftheWest:A Comparative
36(1): 1-87.
Approach."
Ethnomusicology
A.
Sluka,
Jeffrey
Water
andFish:Support
1989 Hearts
andMinds,
Irish
fortheIRAandINLAina Northern
JAIPress.
Ghetto.
Conn.:
Greenwich,
Spivak,
Gayatri
Chakravorty
inFrancis
1985 "TheRaniofSimur,"
Barker
etal.,eds.,Europe
anditsOthers:
128-51.
Colchester:
ofEssexPress.
University
Martin
Stokes,
andMusic:TheMusical
1994 Ethnicity,
Construction
Identity
ofPlace.Oxford:
Berg.
White,
Harry
Recital:
MusicandCultural
inIreland
1998 TheKeeper's
1770-1970.
Cork:Cork
History
with
Pressinassociation
FieldDay.
University
Zimmerman,
Georges-Denis
Political
Dublin:
1967 SongsofIrish
Rebellion:
Street
BalladsandRebelSongs1780-1900.
AllenFiggis.

This content downloaded from 129.15.127.2 on Thu, 20 Nov 2014 00:14:44 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions