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Dawn Landua-McCormack

Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations

Presented to the Faculties of the University of Pennsylvania
in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy


Supervisor of Dissertation



raduate Group Chairperson


UMI Number: 3346149
Copyright 2008 by
Landua-McCormack, Dawn
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Michelle Dawn McCormack

For Jim and Hayden


I would like to thank the members of my dissertation committee including Josef
Wegner and David Silverman of the University of Pennsylvania and Kim Ryholt of the
University of Copenhagen. Their support, advice, comments, and forthcoming articles
have made this project possible and have greatly enhanced the results. Josef Wegner and
David Silverman have been invaluable mentors during my undergraduate and graduate
education at the University of Pennsylvania, and to them, I will be forever indebted.
I would also like to thank the Department of Near Eastern Languages and
Civilizations and the Kolb Society, which provided financial support for my graduate
education as well as the US State Department Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs
for an ARCE Fellowship, which supported my archaeological fieldwork at Abydos in
The archaeological component of this project was a part of the PennsylvaniaYale-Institute of Fine Arts Expedition to Abydos, directed by Dr. William Kelly Simpson
and Dr. David O'Connor, to whom I am also grateful. I would also like to extended my
gratitude to the Egyptian authorities at the time of my project: Dr. Zahi Hawass,
Secretary General; Mr. Zein el-Abdin Zaki, Director General of the Sohag Antiquities
District; Mr. Mohammed Abdelaziz, Chief Inspector, Balliana; and Mr. Sayyed
Mohamed Abd el-Rahman, Inspector of Antiquities. I am likewise indebted to the
wonderful people in the ARCE offices both in the United States as well as in Egypt as
well as my excavation crew from the 2003 season including Peter Cinquini, Emily

Cocke, Mads Nielsen, Leslie Warden, Kei Yamamoto, and the late Stine Rossel. I would


also like to thank Matthew Adams and Mary-Ann Wegner for their many years of
Finally, I would like to thank my friends and family, especially my parents,
Herman and Christie Landua, and my husband, James McCormack, for their many years
' of support-, encouragement and patience.




Dawn Landua-McCormack
Josef Wegner

Over fifty kings ruled in a period between 150 and 170 years during Dynasty XIII in
ancient Egypt; some rulers held the throne for only a few years. This study reviews the
chronological sequence of these kings and their means of legitimization and succession.
It also examines the royal funerary monuments, which provide information regarding
kingship at this time. Besides the six known tombs at Sakkara, Mazghuna, and Dahshur,
other, unexcavated sites in the Memphite region likely provide additional burials for the
many kings without known funerary monuments. Also, the excavation and investigation
of the artifacts from tomb S9 and the analysis of the plan of S10 at South Abydos reveal
that these monuments have the same characteristics as the others to the north and belong
to a single corpus. Beginning with the Hawara monument of Amenemhet III and ending
with Merneferre Ay's pyramidion, which was found in the Delta, the substructures of the
royal pyramids have similar plans with some features that may indicate that they may
form a physical representation of the netherworld, placing the king within the weskhet
court of Osiris. The size of the pyramids, though small compared to those of previous


periods, and their exclusive use by rulers, demonstrate that kings remained at the apex of
society. This study identifies three phases within Dynasty XIII. The first group of kings
emphasizes its actual or symbolic connection to Dynasty XII through the use of double
names including "Amenemhet." The second phase includes rulers who explicitly
expressed their non-royal lineages and may have come from families with ties to the
military while the final kings lost the north and south to Dynasties XIV (northwest Delta)
and XVI (Thebes). This study ends with the presentation of a model outlining a possible
scenario for the fall of Dynasty XIII, including climate change, the decrease of economic
power, the increased power of officials and foreigners, and the loss of territory.


Table of Contents


Chapter 1 -Issues of Chronology
I. Introduction
. • II.. The Place of Dynasty XIII in Ancient Egyptian History
III. The Chronology of the Dynasties within the Late Middle
Kingdom/Second Intermediate Period
IV. Internal Chronology of Dynasty XIII
V. Conclusions
Chapter 2 - Royal Legitimacy and Succession in Dynasty XIII
I. Introduction
II. Legitimacy in Dynasty XIII
III. Succession
IV. Conclusions


Chapter 3 - The Late Middle Kingdom Royal Funerary Monument Corpus
I. Introduction
II. The Development of the Late Middle Kingdom Royal Tomb
Type: The Pyramid of Amenemhet III at Hawara
III. The Pyramid of Woserkare Khendjer (Lepsius XLIV)
at South Sakkara
IV. The "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara (Lepsius XLVI)
V. The Pyramid ofAmenyQemau (DAS 18)
VI. The Pyramid at North Mazghuna
VII. The Pyramid at South Mazghuna
VIII. The Shaft Tomb ofAwibreHor at Dahshur
IX. The Tomb Model
X. Characteristics of the Late Middle Kingdom Royal Funerary Monuments
XI. Other Proposed Sites
XII. Conclusions


Chapter 4 - The Late Middle Kingdom Royal Tombs at South Abydos
I. Introduction
II. Weigall's Excavations of S9
III. Weigall's Excavations of S10
IV. Problems with Weigall's Plans
V. Recent Excavations at S9
VI. Owners of Tombs S9 and S10 at Abydos
VII. Conclusions




Chapter 5 - Analysis of the Late Middle Kingdom Royal Funerary Monuments and
Their Impact on the Current Understanding of Dynasty XIII Kingship
• II.

Chronological Order of the Late Middle Kingdom Royal Tombs
Tombs of Royal Women and Private Officials
The wsMTomb Type
The Significance of Selected Components of Late Middle Kingdom
Royal Tombs
VI. The Destruction of the Tombs
VII. Tombs of Dynasty XVII
VIII. Conclusions
Chapter 6 - Administration, Officials, and Operation of Kingship
I. Introduction
II. The Top Three Offices in the Late Middle Kingdom Governmental
III. Filiation and the Question of Relationships between Kings
IV. Conclusions
Chapter 7 -Conclusions: The Fall of Dynasty XIII
I. Introduction
II. Phase 1
III. Phase 2
IV. Phase 3
V. Conclusions



Appendix I: King Lists
Appendix II: Measurements from Late Middle Kingdom Tombs
Appendix III: Charts Showing the Level Changes Representing the Twelve
Hours of the Night







Chapter 1
1. The Kings of Dynasty XII
2. The generational correlations as defined by Bennett


Chapter 2
1. Kings possibly related to the fratrilineal line of Neferhotep I



Chapter 3
1. Size comparisons between the width of the coffin and that of the passages 238
leading to the sarcophagus chamber at South Mazghuna
Chapter 5
1. Dodson's chronological proposal for the Late Middle Kingdom
royal funerary monuments
2. Diagram showing the hours and their associated components within
each monument
Chapter 6
1. The known and possible viziers of Dynasty XIII whose previous
positions have been discovered.
2. The known and possible treasurers of Dynasty XIII whose previous
positions have been discovered
3. The chronology of the filiative markers for the Late Middle Kingdom
4. Correlations in the nomens and prenomens of kings of Dynasty XIII
5. Dynasty XIII kings showing filiation according to Ryholt
6. List of kings with family links in the order of Ryholt's list
7. List of kings with modifications to Ryholt's list
Chapter 7
1. The phases of Dynasty XIII using Ryholt's list of kings as modified in
Chapter 1
Appendix I
1. Ryholt's List of Dynasty XIII Kings
2. Franke's List of Kings
3. Von Beckerath's List




Appendix II
1. Pyramid of Amenemhet III at Hawara




Pyramid Complex of Woserkare Khendjer
Subsidiary Pyramid of Woserkare Khenjer
The Southern Pyramid at South Sakkara
Pyramid of Ameny Qemau

6. North Mazghuna 7. South Mazghuna 493 494 .

Plan showing the results of the 2003 excavations season at S9 at South Abydos 7. The Pyramid of Woserkare Khendjer 7. The substructure of S9 at South Abydos 4. Pottery found in the smaller of the two foundation deposits 327 329 330 335 xn . Plan of the pyramid of Amenemhet III at Hawara 4. Map showing the location of known and selected potential Late Middle Kingdom royal pyramids at Sakkara. tombs S9 and S10. The contents of the tomb of Awibre Hor 17. The sinusoidal wall of S9 326 9. The remains of the cult structure of S9 10. The substructure of S10 5. The substructure of North Mazghuna 13. Dahshur. Map showing the locations of excavated Late Middle Kingdom pyramids 2.Figures Chapter 1 1. View of excavations in the local southeast of S9 6. The local southeastern corner of the enclosure wall of S9 16 153 156 161 163 169 175 177 184 194 210 212 220 229 237 243 245 253 269 275 296 298 303 308 315 316 320 8. and Mazghuna Chapter 4 1. Plan of the sarcophagus of the pyramid at South Mazghuna 15. The exposure of the subsurface elements of S9 in 2003 12. The large plaster pit 11. Weigall's plan of S9 and S10 in relation to the tomb of Senwosret III 3. The Pyramid at South Mazghuna 14. Subsidiary pyramid of the Khendjer pyramid complex 9. The structure of the saddle roof in the tomb of Amenemhet III at Hawara and the mechanics of the sand lowering system 5. Map showing the locations of the potential Late Middle Kingdom royal funerary monuments 19. The interior of the pyramid of Ameny Qemau 12. Plan of the shaft tomb of Awibre Hor 16. and the site of Umm el-Gaab 2. The Pyramid Complex of Woserkare Khendjer at South Sakkara 6. The pyramid of Ameny Qemau 11. The relationships of Dynasties XIII-XVII according to this study Chapter 3 1. The substructures of the tomb of Senwosret II at Lahun and the arced tunnels of Senwosret III from South Abydos and Dahshur 3. The tomb model from the funerary complex of Amenemhet III at Dahshur 18. The Pyramid of unknown ownership at South Sakkara 10. Plan of one portcullis in the tomb of Khendjer 8. Map of the site of Abydos including the mortuary complex of Senwosret III.

Closed marl forms from S9. Examples of closed Nile vessels from the Late Middle Kingdom at S9 . The Pyramid at South Mazghuna 4. The hieroglyph for wsht"broad court" 388 Chapter 7 1. The Pyramid of Ameny Qemau 5. Examples of other ceramic forms found at S9 21. The Pyramid of Khendjer at South Sakkara 3. The Pyramid at North Mazghuna (Option 1) 11 .- 13. The "Unfinished" Pyramid (Option 2) 14. gilded plaster 336 339 343 344 345 347 348 349 356 Chapter 5 1. The Tomb Model from Dahshur 8. S10 at South Abydos 9..19. Mastaba S9 at South Abydos (Option 2) 7. The "Unfinished" Pyramid (Option 1) 13. The Pyrmaid of Amenemhet III at Hawara 2. S9 Late Middle Kingdom pottery fabric distribution 17. The "Unfinished" Pyramid (Option 3) 496 497 497 498 498 499 499 500 500 501 501 502 502 503 Xlll . The Pyramid at North Mazghuna (Option 2) 12. The second foundation deposit 14.. Fragments of inscribed. Pottery from S9 dating to the Roman Period 16. Model of the factors leading to the demise of Dynasty XIII 477 Appendix III 1.. dated to the Late Middle Kingdom 20. The brick deposit 15. The Subsidiary Pyramid of Khendjer at South Sakkara 10 . The Late Middle Kingdom open Nile and Marl A3 forms from S9 18. Mastaba S9 at South Abydos (Option 1) 6.

such as the Turin King-List. However. Der Beginn des Neuen Reiches (Berlin. 1997). "Political Systems and Archaeological Data in Egypt: 2600-1780 B. pp." JARCE 39 (2002). archaeological remains." Paper Presented at the British Museum 1 . 2 K. 267-519). La Fin du Moyen Empire Egyptien (Paris. as in the latest work by Ryholt. 162-189.P.4 In turn. few scholars have undertaken any comprehensive studies of Dynasty XIII alone. Ryholt. With some rulers reigning for only months. 2007)). O'Connor and D. Weil published a study including a comprehensive review of Dynasty XIII (the first part of the book addresses the Hyksos) (R.3 This study begins with an analysis of the chronological placement of Dynasty XIII.P. such as the known funerary monuments of the period. this era is incorporated into a more general analysis of the Second Intermediate Period.B.2 Also. The work of several experts in the period has changed the understood relationship between Dynasty XIII and those of the Second Intermediate Period. "Introduction." BASOR 315 (1999). XXVI-XXVII). Though much material in this book is out-of-date. 3 Note that Ryholt does include some cultural material from excavations in his work. O'Connor's article concerning the use of archaeological material to reconstruct political structure in the Old to Middle Kingdoms (ending at Dynasty XII) (D.D. 1942)).S. pp. Probleme der Agyptologie 9 (New York. Unfortunately. rarely figure significantly in these works. this new arrangement allows for a better understanding of 1 In 1918. bis 17. Weill. Note D. J. 123-151. p. von Beckerath (Untersuchungen zur politischen Geschichte derzweiten Zwischenzeit in Agypten. Political Situation. Bennett. it still has valuable insights. O'Connor and D. but his primary focus is textual evidence (Ryholt.1 Instead. pp. Silverman. in which over 50 kings ruled in only 150-170 years. Allen. Stock (Studien zur Geschichte undArchdologie der 13. 4 C." World Archaeology 6 (1974). as well as the order of the kings within it. The Political Situation in Egypt during the Second Intermediate Period c.. 1800-1550 B. AF 23 (New York. Silverman. Polz. "A Genealogical Chronology of the Seventeenth Dynasty. free from many of the misconceptions of later scholars.. many questions arise concerning kingship at this time. (Copenhagen. 1964)) and the outdated work of H.C. See also J." in D. pp.P. O'Connor. Ancient Egyptian Kingship.Introduction Dynasty XIII is a period in ancient Egyptian history. 1995). O'Connor and Silverman expressed the importance of archaeological evidence in the reconstruction of kingship during the First and Second Intermediate Periods (D. "Seals and Kings. 15-38). 1918). 2). "The Second Intermediate Period in the Turin Kinglist. Dynastie Agyptens (New York. Ben-Tor. Many of his interpretations of objects from archaeological settings have been questioned by other scholars (D. most scholars who have studied the nature of Dynasty XIII have focused upon textual sources. pp.C. eds.

197. 5 W. Thus.7 In Dynasty XIII. "Horemkha'uef of Nekhen and His Trip to IT-Towe. Current Research." JEA 33 (1947). Political Situation. Future Prospects. 3-11. 14 July-16 July. 6 Ryholt. Two monuments at South Abydos are also added to this group. 2 . especially for those who did not have royal biological parents.6 Another important issue in the study of Dynasty XIII kingship is the presumption that the rulers were unrelated to their predecessors. The central focus of this study includes a detailed analysis of the known and proposed royal funerary monuments. 2004. where a text refers to a king in Itjatawy in a time when this Middle Kingdom capital was thought to have already fallen. beginning with that of Amenemhet III (Dynasty XII) at Hawara. the monument of Ameny Qemau and the shaft tomb of Awibre Hor at Dahshur. there is a question as to how new kings were chosen and how both designated heirs and usurpers legitimized their reigns during such a turbulent political period. rulers added the "son of Re" name (prenomen) to their titulary. All of these tombs share Egyptological Colloquium: The Second Intermediate Period (13th-17th Dynasties). suggesting that all kings were considered to be the progeny of the sun god (divine birth). pp. Hayes. Other tombs include the pyramid of Khendjer and the unfinished tomb of an unknown king at South Sakkara.5 Also. kings may have used this concept more overtly to justify their ascent to the throne.B. Starting in the Old Kingdom. the order of the kings of Dynasty XIII has changed with each successive work. The present study critiques the most recent reconstruction by Ryholt and refines it for use in the following sections. see Chapter 2.C. 7 For a discussion of divine birth with references. p.the nature of the end of Dynasty XIII and eliminates difficulties with conflicting evidence such as that found in the Stela of Horemkhauef. Section II. and the pyramids at North and South Mazghuna.

. the use of a particular architectural plan (the wsht ty^o) to express the nature of the netherworld is exclusive to kings and denotes a difference in social status from even the highest officials. 2007). pp. Yale Egyptological Studies vol. Seipel. eds. RoBler-Kohler. See also L.. Gundlach and W. Next is a group of kings with possible military backgrounds who took the throne. und 5. Seipel. the last rulers are ephemeral kings. Teil II. Wegner and D. "Konigliche Vorstellungen zu Grab und Jenseits im Mittleren Reich. Silverman. Gestermann. 97-110. The kings who comprise the first group are related to those of Dynasty XII or who legitimized their reigns through suggesting such a connection." p. some of which may have served ideological functions related to the nature of the afterlife of the kings. who lost large portions of their territory to rival Dynasties XIV and XVI. Eventually. pp." in R. "The Tomb of Senwosret III at Abydos and Considerations on the Emergence of the Royal Amduat Tomb. Finally.8 In order to understand the demise of Dynasty XIII. Gottesbegrabnis' des Mittleren Reiches in koniglichern Kontext: Amduat. "Konigliche Vorstellungen zu Grab und Jenseits im Mittleren Reich. the trends in the political and economic power of the kings must be traced through time. During Dynasty XIII. Archaism and Innovation: Studies in the Culture of Middle Kingdom Egypt. J. Wegner. Stunde. three distinct phases can be identified. 17. Dasfriihe agyptische Konigtum (Wiesbaden. 392. see U. eds." Expedition 48 (2006). 4. 199." in J. 1999). 393. eds. Publication of the Pennsylvania-Yale-Institute of Fine Arts Expedition to Egypt 8 (New Haven.common architectural features. pp. Teil I: Ein. The final section of this study focuses on a discussion of an anthropological For this concept for late Dynasty XII tombs. 3 .. Though there is limited information concerning only a small selection of these royal individuals. Gundlach and W." in R. "Beneath the Mountain-of-Anubis: Ancient Egypt's First Hidden Royal Tomb. they formed ties to influential local families through marriages and political appointments. 2009. whose tombs are relatively insignificant in comparison to the way they were in other periods of Egyptian history. 1999). 8. viziers. Dasfriihe agyptische Konigtum (Wiesbaden. The Mortuary Temple ofSenwsoretlll. and treasurers should provide important insights. A study of the backgrounds of non-royal kings. 73-96. New Haven and Boston.

"Mountain-of-Anubis." pp.model. which attempts to explain the fall of Dynasty XIII. Since in the past. 199.9 9 For this concept for late Dynasty XII tombs. many scholars have overlooked the developments ofDynasty XIII. 392. Unfavorable economic and political conditions during Dynasty XIII appear to have resulted in the evolution of new practices along with an ideological framework to support them. see J. Wegner. economic problems. the loss of power to local families and foreign officials. and the impact of developing states to the north and south. The contributing factors affecting the status of kingship in the period may include fluctuation in the level of the annual Nile inundations. 4 . 393. it is hoped that the present study will inspire an increased interest in the problems of this complex period.

see D.Chapter 1 Issues of Chronology I. "Zur Chronologie des Mittleren Reiches.10 The relationships between Dynasty XIII and the other political groups of this era are important to define in order for the readers to understand the arguments presented in this thesis as well as the problems faced by these kings. The internal chronology aids in determining the nature of royal power through Dynasty XIII by providing a basis for evaluating the status of rulers and officials and the trends in the expression of royal power through the construction of funerary monuments and their internal and external layouts and programs. its relationship to other dynasties. Scholars have employed different systems in order to define this era. 5 . Untersuchungen. pp. Franke. Teil II: Die sogenannte "Zweite Zwischenzeit" Altagyptens. This chapter provides an overview of the most current information available concerning the chronological issues for this period and discusses terms related to this time period. Von Beckerath. It also contains an evaluation of the sources and theories concerning the relationship between Dynasty XIII and other groups of kings in the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period. and its own internal chronology." Orientalia 57 (1988). Political Situation. Ryholt. 245-274. For example. Finally. it addresses the internal history and chronology of Dynasty XIII. Introduction The chronology of Dynasty XIII is a topic which has been an important part of the numerous investigations of the Second Intermediate Period.

in the Intermediate Periods. Monographs in Mediterranean Archaeology 8 (Sheffield. Egyptologists have sometimes remarked how the above. most importantly for this study. pp. ed. J. The Hyksos: New Historical and Archaeological Perspectives (Philadelphia.K. p. such as climatic change or the infiltration of foreigners. Vermis. p. P. England." in E.E. p. 159. such as works of art and literature. sometimes with rival dynasties. these terms have influenced the interpretation 11 J. Weeks.. see M.II. ed. Egypt often broke up into multiple polities that competed with one other for resources while state-sponsored products. Forgeau. Middle Kingdom Studies (Whitstable. "Beyond Avaris: The Second Intermediate Period in Egypt Outside the Eastern Delta. Van Buren. pp. 53. Legitimacy. Bourriau. Quirke. and economic control attributed to the institution of kingship." MDAIK 25 (1969). and.. W. and Wealth in Ancient States (Cambridge. J. Richards. and New Kingdoms. declined in both quantity and quality. eras. 154. dynastic power became compromised by internal and/or external factors. 1997). such as the Old. which they categorize by the perceived degree of geographical. "Patterns of Change in Burial Customs during the Middle 6 . Middle. cultural remains. For examples of the standard definitions of Kingdoms and Intermediate Periods." in S.." Anthropology and Egyptology. 43.B. D.E. 37-38. Richards and M. 1988). p. Pharaohs and Mortals (Cambridge. 14. "The Historiography of Ancient Egypt. 1991).. Bourriau.11 Thus. 1997). 1979). However. Pharaon: Les Secrets du Pouvoir (Paris.D. Simpson. "Modified Order.-A. Bourriau. eds. political units. "Sur les Graphies de la Formule "L'Offrande Que Donne le Roi" au Moyen Empire et a la Deuxieme Periode Intermediare. p. 16-18. "Ancient Egypt: Egyptological and Anthropological Perspectives. Redistributed Wealth: Egypt. ed." in K. Oren. 2000). O'Connor." in J. encompass dynasties with relatively stable governmental organization. 1988). Redford. Bonheme and A. modern terminology is often inadequate for describing time periods. Responsive Legitimacy. The Place of Dynasty XIII in Ancient Egyptian History Scholars generally use the term "Kingdom" to refer to a main division of dynasties and "Intermediate Period" to describe the intervening eras. "The Dynasty XIII Stela from the Wadi Hammamat. During these times. Egyptology and the Social Sciences (Cairo.12 In some cases. p. the means of stable succession continued while the administrative structure and the borders of the state remained intact. 2260-1650 BC. 12 D. political. Order. Though dynastic regimes may have changed periodically. 152.

Wegner and D. In the late Old Kingdom. pp." BASOR 315 (1999). E. art style changes before the problems of the First Intermediate Period emerged (E. ed. Kitchen. pp. "Kingdoms" versus "Intermediate Periods.. Archaism and Innovation: Studies in the Culture of Middle Kingdom Egypt." MDAIK 51. p. ed." in R. One World Archaeology 5 (London. The Mind of Egypt: History and Meaning in the Time of the Pharaohs (New York. 16 For the accomplished reputation of Dynasty XII in modern and ancient times. 1986.E. Ben-Tor.B.B. which existed in the ancient Egyptian state at any point in time. Davies. W. Layton. "A Second Style in Egyptian Art of the Old Kingdom. Quirke. Note that Ryholt realigns the dynasties of the Second Intermediate Period and makes Dynasty XIII a true part of this grouping. 1-2. 2006). 2001). MA. 1991)." pp. Simpson.V. Civilizations of the Ancient Near East. Kitchen argues that Dynasty XIII was composed of 51 kings. "The Dynastic Tombs at Hierakonpolis: The Lower Group and the Artist Sedjemnetjeru. and textual evidence. the idea that art styles reflect political circumstances is not reliable.. 121. 4-5. See the discussion below. J.P. For the Second Intermediate Period specifically. pp." in P. ed. 108. architectural. Brovarski." in D. 13 W. resulting in the misunderstanding of the political environment.15 It follows Dynasty XII. l. 2 (Peabody. 14 S. p. 50. Ryholt. 269-279. p. see Franke. J. made up of over fifty kings.l. Assmann.. "The Basics of Egyptian Chronology in Relation to the Bronze Age. ed." dissertation. 15 W. Middle or Low?: Acts of an International Colloquium on Absolute Chronology Held at the University of Gothenburg. 1989)." in J. "Sobeknakht of Elkab and the coming of Kush. occupies a span of time. 118. p. eds. J. Middle Kingdom Studies (Whitstable. Christ's College. often considered to be one of the most stable periods in ancient Egyptian history. noting the correlation of this number with Manetho's 153 years (K. Who Needs the Past: Indigenous Values and Archaeology. Davies.of archaeological. "Zur Chronologie. Yale Egyptological Studies vol. Ryholt believes that there were 51 kings in the Turin King-List with at least six being assigned to lacunae (only one of which is preserved) (Ryholt. Russman. "Seals and Kings.14 This relatively large group. ed. 1995). A History of Ancient Egypt (Cambridge. pp. pp. 19871 (Gothenburg.A. p. "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt. Redford. lasting roughly 150 years. p. 245-246. Redford. "The Turin Kinglist. "False Doors and History: The First Intermediate Period and Middle Kingdom. G.P. see J. "Ancient Egyptian Concepts and Uses of the Past: 3rd and 2nd Millennium BC Evidence.16 Kingdom. Political Situation. "An Investigation into Problems of Thirteenth Dynasty Kingship with Special Reference to Papyrus Bulaq 18. 75. Kadish. 2002).n. artistic." is Dynasty XIII. "Historiography. Allen. 1992). Pharaohs and Mortals. p. 1987). Baines. N. D. Quirke. Bourriau.. 51). which was composed of eight monarchs who ruled close to 200 years. Recent studies suggest that some amendments may need to be made in the length of Dynasty XIII as one considers an overlap between Dynasties XIII and XVII. Grajetzki. 2001). New Haven and Boston." in J. ed.K. p. 72).. "Twelfth Dynasty.13 One of the eras impacted by the use of the labels. The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt. Franke.. pp. 2009. p. Allen states that the Turin King-List records 51 kings with the addition of two rulers being probable and more being somewhat less possible (J. The Middle Kingdom of Ancient Egypt (London. 140." in W. 181. 3-5. 248. 735.M.. p." in D." in S. 44-45). Astrom." in D. Thus. Silverman. who reigned for 152 years. Sasson. ed. High. 1 (Oxford. Grimal." Egyptian Archaeology 23 (2003). Colour and Painting in Ancient Egypt (London. 8. The Oxford 7 . Political Situation. 63. 20th-22nd August.V..

457. 1956). Fakhry labels Dynasty XIII. 453." in S. 233). Franke. The Pyramids (Chicago. Quirke. The Culture of Ancient Egypt (Chicago. Fakhry. Shaw. O'Connor and D. Hayes claims that the kings of Dynasty XIII were not "as wise as their predecessors" and that "the instability of the royal succession had a detrimental effect on the prosperity of the country. while in Dynasty XIII." Histoire.17 Gardiner stated that the relatively long lengths of reigns in Dynasty XII were indicative of the prosperity of the Egyptian polity. 17 For similar examples for the First Intermediate Period. 3 (Oxford. Similarly. 142. p. 216. Egypt of the Pharaohs (New York. . Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt (New York. The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt (Oxford. see Richards. 19 W." p. while the later years appear Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt. 149. Bard. 8 . p.2055-1650 BC). "Royal Power in the 13th Dynasty. • "Investigation. Gardiner. "Old Kingdom. Bell has labeled the period the "Little Dark Age" (B. Hayes. 190-191. pp. 1995)." AJA 79 (1975).A. 1961). "The Middle Kingdom Renaissance (c. p. Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period c. "Unity and Power. Baines. p.C. 20 G. "Modified Order.P. .. 746. "Kingship."19 In reality.. Leprohon. Gardiner refers to the entire Second Intermediate Period as a "dark age" (Gardner.J. its rulers murdering and replacing one another with extreme rapidity." in D. Overview.. "the land was in a state of dire havoc and 1 Q con&sion. Hawass. This notion is based upon the work of E." in K. Wilson. Bell. 1983). 18 A. 330).. 149. Ryholt. B. Pharaohs.. 154-165). 1999). eds.Scholars discussing this time period in older publications tended to emphasize and exaggerate the differences in fortune between these two dynasties. "Middle Kingdom.A. 68. eds. et al..J. Trigger. 1961). 1991). with the exception of relatively long reigns. Dodson. The Scepter of Egypt I (New York. Quirke argues that a dynastic reign of two hundred years is not only rare in ancient Egypt but also extremely uncommon in human history (S. 66). "dark period" (A. 152. 2000). p." p. Middle Kingdom Studies (Whitstable. p." in Z. ed. 2008).P. 1995). 38. p. Later generations of Egyptians also believed Dynasty XII was a "classical" age in their history (J." p. D. p. Monarchs of the Nile (London. The Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period. Kemp charts the lengths of reigns of the Dynasty XIII kings as being primarily between two and four years with reigns often or more years being rare (B. The first half of Dynasty XIII seems to follow much the same pattern as the previous one.G. p. Barnarvi ("Mythes et Realite Historique: Le Cas de la Loi Salique. R. pp. Kemp. 2686-1552. 1990). Definition of Culture. Quirke. Callender.111). Silverman. The Golden King and the Great Pharaohs (Washington. Wilson includes Dynasty XIII in a chapter called. pp. Ancient Egypt: A Social History (Cambridge. Fig. p. Tutankhamun. ed. pp." in I. 138). 148. "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt. "Climate and the History of Egypt: The Middle Kingdom. 2. and Legitimation. little justification exists for such pointed criticism of the kings of this period. 38-39. Economie et Societe 3 (1984). Silverman. 22). Ancient Egyptian Kingship (New York. 2001). 52. pp. 1953). p. p. ed. Quirke The Administration of Egypt in the Late Middle Kingdom (Whitstable." in B. A. Political Situation. 341. 260). "The Great Humiliation" (J." Meanwhile.

M. 341. Chronicles of the Pharaohs (New York. The Duties of the Vizier (New York. W. 9 . p. there was no abrupt change in the capital. Redford." LA. 38. possibly unrelated kings with little power. Culture. . The Ancient Near East: A History (New York. 1971). 54. throughout the dynasty." is often used in studies to designate the time from Senwosret III through the beginning of Dynasty XIV (likely following Merneferre Ay). by definition. . Clayton. Hallo and W. Callender. 94 Over the course of Dynasty XIII. Quirke. 66-67. The Pyramids: The Mystery. D. "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt.A. "Renaissance. p." in K. and Science of Egypt's Great Monuments (New York. 2001). p. 3 (Oxford.P. Simpson.B. Geschichte des alten Agypten. 746. material culture.J. 129. David. Murnane. For example. Ryholt. Egypt broke into at least three polities. p. p. Franke. The Pyramid Builders ofAncient Egypt (London. have been characterized by a string of short-lived. "Second Intermediate Period. Nonetheless. 148. Grimal. Sasson. 1968). Helck. 1443-1444. . 171. 261. 23 Callender. Hayes. Nonetheless. 1995)." p. 33. ed. van den Boom. "Royal Power. Section III. 39.C. p. pp. 2001). 148. ed. 117.B. 1999). p. 1988). pp. "Late Middle Kingdom. pp. 35. 393. p. "Renaissance. 197. as the period began." in D. 22 Callender. "Second Intermediate Period. "Royal Power. Handbuch der Orientalistik I (Leiden. 260.R. 9091. Bard. Redford. the Second Intermediate Period began. usually resulting in assigning some of the kings to the former with the rest to the latter." p.' Also. Verner. 123. p. a dilemma arises when scholars attempt to place Dynasty XIII into either the Middle Kingdom or the Second Intermediate Period. History. Middle Kingdom. 64." p. J. The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt. 2 Thus. 2001). 1996). see M. 32. p. to which the kings gave their attention. A. 2 (Oxford. Pharaohs and Mortals. place all of Dynasty XIII into the Second Intermediate Period. However.K. "Zwischenzeit. 171. II (Peabody. which existed from Dynasty XII into the era of the following group of kings.A. Bietak. ed. this distinction does not reflect the continuity in the governmental system. or the cults.4. "Middle Kingdom. the administration remained intact with 91 offices often passing from father to son.. Overview. 125. 1994). 434.. p. the first kings to separate from the state Grajetzki." p. Franke. Another term. 346. the point of this distinction within the line of kings varies from one scholar to the next. Murnane. pp. 701. "The History of Ancient Egypt: An Overview. 249. "Renaissance. "Notes on the Government of Egypt in the Late Middle Kingdom. Hayes.B. VI 1986)..F. Civilizations of the Ancient Near East. "Overview." in J." JNES 12 (1953). The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt." p. MA." p. Political Situation. Scepter. At this point. 5. W. W. p. Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt (New York. 701. "Second-Intermediate Period. G." in D. von Beckerath. Quirke. Bourriau. p. 79. Zweite." p." pp. Other scholars* following earlier sources. 24 See Chapter 1. W.. ed.

this group can be discussed as a whole without regard for the modern designations between the Middle Kingdom and the Second Intermediate Period. Redford. Franke.centered at Itjatawy. "Social History.1). "Renaissance." JARCE 2 (1963). p. 14. p. 1. The extension of the definition of this term is intended to emphasize the link in location of the capital as well as the presence of a cultural tradition associated with these rulers. 3 (Oxford. 2001). 454. 80.K. as well as its location. Arnold. "Settlement Remains at Lisht-North. Arnold.A. Bonheme and Forgeau. Les Secrets." p. "Late Middle Kingdom. Itjatawy. Temples of Ancient Egypt (Ithaca. see F. "Studies in the Twelfth Egyptian Dynasty. E. 140. Shafer." in M. History of Ancient Egypt (Edinburgh. ed. The Oxford Encyclopedia ofAncient Egypt. p.E.. p. Callender. Quirke. R." p. 172. NY. 737. "Unity and Power. pp." p. "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt. I-II. ed." p. 71 For the evidence that Itjatawy is near Lisht. 1999). 76. Hornung. Titles and Bureau of Egypt 1850-1700 BC (London. II. 13. Haus undPalast im Alten Agypten. The Defining Characteristics of the Late Middle Kingdom II. 244-245.104. Simpson. Baines. 53-57. Bietak. Hayes. p. "Royal Cult Complexes of the Old and Middle Kingdoms. In this way." p. "Concepts. Stadelmann. p. 26 Di. This phenomenon is not surprising especially since these rulers continued to reside at the Middle Kingdom capital. 1997). 7. 2004). Grajetzki. The Structure of the Bureaucracy during the Late Middle Kingdom and the Question of Reforms in the Reign of Senwosret III Evidence suggests that the structure of the administration of Dynasty XIII developed directly from that of the later rulers of the preceding group of kings (Table 1. Scepter. "Overview. p. which Sehotepibre Amenemhet I had established in the Memphite region during his reign at the beginning of Dynasty XII. In this study. Simpson..." in B." in D. For a list of the occurrences of the name of the capital. Hallo and Simpson. ed. see W." p. Osterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften Senkschriften der Gesamtakademie 14 (Vienna. BAR International Series 1007 (Oxford. Silverman. "Twelfth Dynasty.A. 36. Two Treasurers of the Late Middle Kingdom." pp. It is possible that Amenemhet first resided at Memphis before 10 . Ancient Near East. 2001). Kemp. 50. von Beckerath. 158-159. Leprohon.B. 1996)." will refer to the kings from Senwosret III through the end of Dynasty XIII.26 In For example. Untersuchungen. p. p. S. pp. 48.1. "Palaces. its meaning. see W.

" in J."' in S. it may be the case that the division between these two dynasties was not apparent at the time and may be the result of later reflection upon the events of the period. pp. Columbia University. "Royal Ideology and State Administration in Pharaonic Egypt. Sehotepibre Amenemhet I Kheperkare Senwosret I Nubkaure Amenemhet II Khakheperre Senwosret II 5. Sasson. 8. "Der politische und kulturelle Wandel unter Sesostris III. 3. see D. 1. 346. 51-67. (1991)." MMJ26." p. p. "The Career of Khnumhotep III of Beni Hasan and the So-Called 'Decline of the Nomarchs. I (Peabody. 167. 1980. other authors have questioned the rapidity and degree to which these changes actually occurred. 2. 1997). Non-Royal Burials in the Teti Pyramid Cemetery and the Early Twelfth Dynasty. ed." in L. 64-65. 102. Hallo and Simpson. 24-25. "Renaissance. who changed the administrative system in order to increase his own power and to make the overall structure of the government more efficient. 167." pp. W. RJ. D. Hotabi. 57-58. 8. 44. Grajetzki. Middle Kingdom. p. Doxey.. History.. "Modified Order. van den Boom. 21 Grajetzki.P. Yale Egyptological Studies vol. p. MA. pp. seeing him as a revolutionary force. Quirke. pp. Leprohon.J..fact. "Overview. Hornung. Franke.-Ein Entwurf. New Haven and Boston. 175." in J.M. R. R. For a practical view of the changes of Senwosret III in light of the opposition to this theory. Middle Kingdom Studies (Whitstable. The Kings of Dynasty XII. 6.27 However. Two Treasurers. Silverman. Civilizations of the Ancient Near East. History. Richards. 247-248. Khakhaure Senwosret III Nymaatre Amenemhet III Maakherure Amenemhet IV Sobekkare Nefrusobek Table 1." pp. Per aspera as astra (Kassel. p. scholars have drawn a distinct ideological line between the policies of Senwosret III and his predecessors. 7. Grimal. p. Egyptian Non-Royal Epithets in the Middle Kingdom (Boston. n. 20. "Amenemhet I and the Early Twelfth Dynasty at Thebes. eds. Gestermann and S. 50-51. Die Hochsten Beamten der Agyptischen Zentralverwaltung zur Zeit des Mittleren Reiches (Berlin.M. 164-169. 282. Wegner and D. Delia. 2000). 1991). Duties of the Vizier. Silverman.28 establishing Itjatawy as he may have begun the construction of a pyramid at Sakkara (Do. 11 . Leprohon. In several studies. 1. Gestermann. citing examples of these supposed innovations at an earlier date and challenging former interpretations of the evidence altogether. "A Study of the Reign of Senwosret III. 28 Callender. 1995). 1995). Ancient Near East. pp. p. eds. Archaism and Innovation: Studies in the Culture of Middle Kingdom Egypt. p. 31-50. 2009). 4. 251. Arnold.1.. D." dissertation. L. ed. pp. pp.

128-129.E. Ward.G. 2001). Senwosret III is thought to have reorganized the administrative system in order to focus more of the authority and power within the national umbrella and away from the local governments. University of Toronto. p. Leprohon. Spanel. Redford." Rd'E 23 (1971). Middle Kingdom." dissertation. 29 Note that Cruz-Uribe believes that the power of the nomarchs was shifted to the vizier (E. who had transferred their offices from father to son over generations were cut off from their hereditary rites." in D. H. Egyptian Titles of the Middle Kingdom: A Supplement to Wm." p.D. "Officials. 578. Helck. ed.." in D. 231. 19. "The Reign of Amenemhet III. see O. 23-48' Doxey.A. Index of Egyptian Administrative and Religious Titles of the Middle Kingdom (Beirut. The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt. pp. 8-9. "Royal Ideology. p. Redford. Quirke has shown that these were local offices rather than national ones (Quirke. The "head of the south" refers to the entity in Thebes. Ward's Index (New York. 30 Grajetzki. ed.. ed.B. Pardey. S. which had allowed them to gain increasing amounts of power and wealth.As part of his reforms. "The Regular Titles of the Late Middle Kingdom/' Rd'E 37 (1986). p. 1992. pp. 1 (Oxford. Cruz-Uribe "The Fall of the Middle Kingdom. Burial Customs in Ancient Egypt: Life in Death for Rich and Poor (London." VA 3 (1987). "Les Pretendus 'Citadins' au Moyen Empire. 255. E.. Thus. The Administration of Egypt. 107-130. p. the warets of the north and south were also included in this list. 107-112). D. Titles and Bureau. Fischer. "Officials. The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt. "Beni Hasan.B. Warburton. Richards. However. 578." dissertation. 2001). 1980. 2001). D. J. "Mortuary Variability and Social Differentiation in Middle Kingdom Egypt." p. Redford. pp. local officials. See also Leprohon. Quirke. pp. 282. Geschichte. The largest component of the administrative structural changes sometimes attributed to Senwosret III was that the system of warets which included the "head of the south" (tp-rsy) along with other offices such as the "bureau of the vizier" (hlnttty). 33-34. pp. 3- 12 .29 Titles of offices were modified accordingly with one of the key examples being in the change in designation of the local officials from nomarchs (hry-tp-cf) to mayors {hlty-c). Quirke. all local appointments became the responsibility of the state with approval being granted by the king.B. 54. or nomarchs." in D. pp. 2003). The Oxford Encyclopedia ofAncient Egypt. 1982). The Administration of Egypt: W. Warburton. For studies of Late Middle Kingdom titles. p. 57-58. 176-177. 1 (Oxford. "Provincial Administration. pp. Berlev. Hochsten Beamten. p.Egyptian Non-Royal Epithets. 1985). 31 In older literature. pp. the "bureau for the distribution of manpower" (tin ddrmt) and the "white house" ipr-hd) (the name for the treasury). University of Pennsylvania. Instead. 2 (Oxford.

"Notes on the Government. "Examples include Khety (Dynasty XI). Palaima. 185-187." in T. pp. "The Tombs of the Nobles in the Middle Kingdom. pp. Art and Architecture ofAncient Egypt (New Haven. whose career demonstrates the 4). 192-193. Ukhhotep III (Senwosret III) at Meir." JSSEA 10 (1979-1980). "Der politische und kulturelle Wandel." pp. Register. The result of the administrative restructuring often attributed to Senwosret III is a final shift in power in Dynasty XII from the provincial and local elite to the state and the king. elaborate local elite tombs is cited as being a visible result of these changes. 2003. 25).32 It may be the case that a set of national offices was located here though positions of the highest officials were not duplicated. 37. bureau ofthe fields. ed. local administration.". Leprohon. 161-171. 31-33. Zum 60. W. Sealing and Administration. and military (Quirke. Helck. 189-201. Thus. threatening families could. 210-211. pp. 1981). Italy.which paralleled the capital of Itjatawy in the north and included the area from Akhmim south to Nubia. "Amenemhet III. "Investigation. Aegean Seals.S.. 186. 36-37. organization of labor. Smith. Titles and Bureau. This situation likely facilitated the formation of Theban Dynasty XVI in the latter part of Dynasty XIII. Djefhapy (Senwosret I) and Djefhapy II (Amenemhet II) at Assuit. Nekhetankhu (Deir Rifa).33 Franke discusses the career of Khnumhotep III. Quirke. Djehutihotep (Amenemhet II-Senwosret III) at Bersha. Geburtstag des Verfassers zusammen gestelltvon den Mitarbeitern der Agyptologischen Abteilung an der Universitat Hamburg (Leiden." p. See also Gestermann. Vercelli. "Some Remarks on the "Administrative Department" (wart) ofthe Late Middle Kingdom. Pyramids. Aegaeum 5 (Liege. 180-182. 1990). ed. Treasures Mysteries and New Discoveries in Egypt. see Hayes.T." pp. bureau ofthe vizier. Amenemhet (Senwosret I) and Khnumhotep II (Amenemhet II) at Beni Hasan. "Regular Titles. p. and Wakha II (Amenemhet III) at Qaw el-Kabir (Silverman. pp. 1958). W. Hawass. Quirke divides administrative titles into the following groups: palace. "Administration at the Egyptian Middle Kingdom Frontier: Sealings from Uronarti and Askut. Titles and Bureau." pp. 116-118. Smith. pp.. p.) 13 . Zur Verwaltung des Mittleren undNeuen Reichs.G. The disappearance of large. For an early and slightly outdated explanation of the waret system. in effect. be cut off from their income and power by assigning the same office to different groups throughout Egypt as the position became open. 231-233. "Unity and Power. This centralization supposedly not only created loyalty totitleruler but also decreased the ability of nomarchs and military officials to accumulate wealth through maintaining powerful offices over generations. S." pp. 364. treasury." in Z.

all of the assets acquired through warfare. "The Career of Khnumhotep III. the disappearance of the nomarchs from historical sources hinges less on a drastic change in policy than upon the natural course of the economic status of individuals. 18. Also. "Study. which local officials had collected during the First Intermediate Period." pp. but had lost access to resources when the administration was again centralized. Thus." p. Zur Verwaltung. and not only did the local officials show less affluence. 743. "The Career of Khnumhotep III." pp. the wealth. state power during Dynasty XII. Pardey. 56-65." p. 168. Helck. 208-214. "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt. and trading went directly into the royal purse.35 The wealth of certain local officials is seen as a part of the overall economic prosperity of the Middle Kingdom. 36 Delia. Khnumhotep III obtained high-ranking offices (including vizier) in the court of Senwosret III. pp." p. "Administration. 51-67.37 Over time. these favorable conditions took a downward turn. 34 Franke. After Senwosret HI and his successor Amenemhet III. the changes in titles and administrative shifts are argued to be less sudden and of less importance than originally thought. Delia. which contest the theories discussed above. the conversion from nomarch to mayor had already begun in early Dynasty XII." pp.shift from localized to centralized. Instead of following his father as nomarch.36 and Franke believed that during the earlier part of this era. In some recent studies. those. but kingship also suffered. Thus. "Study. who had taken advantage of the weak state of kingship prior to Dynasty XII. causing them to be unable to purchase monuments. 164-169. diminished. 35 14 . His tomb is at Dahshur rather than at Beni Hasan. Khnumhotep Ill's father was a nomarch with a relatively large decorated tomb at Beni Hasan. Meanwhile. mining. 37 Franke. overall economic conditions rather than political circumstances determined the decrease in resources available to the local elite.

the office and title of nomarch began to slowly disappear. 200. Senwosret II changed the policy further by educating the children of powerful families within the court. Thus. was placed in the national government. 150. 39 15 . were able to increase their economic holdings. "head of the south" (tp-rsy). as a loyal companion of the king.38 Amenemhet I began the process by shifting the local governments as well as the temple cults from more regional organization to that of the towns and villages by appointing governors.whose work brought them to the court." p. Another aspect to the so-called reforms of Senwosret III lies in the political policies of the previous kings of Dynasty XII. and some of their families became very powerful.41 Also. there is an additional nomarch (Wakha II) with a large tomb at Qau el-Kebir from the reign of Amenemhet III.39 When a child of this status had passed into adulthood. 1984). See also. "The Career of Khnumhotep III. Doss. 176-177. Franke. Personendaten aus dem Mittleren Reich (Weisbaden. The system of warets also appears to have begun to emerge prior to the reign of Senwosret III." pp. he. 175. well after the time when the owners of this type of large private funerary structure supposedly no longer existed. Callender. 41 See note 31 above.40 By the time of Senwosret III. However. "Renaissance. p. "Beni Hasan. 51-67. Spanel. there were at least two known nomarchs remaining in Bersha and Elephantine. note 31 above. Nomarchs were still allowed to exist in certain strategic areas. they still remained under the thumb of the king. "The Career of Khnumhotep III." pp. The term. 42 D. 51-67. was first used in Dynasty XI." p." pp. "Renaissance. 40 Franke. 175. Thus. Franke. It is unclear whether certain titles associated with the office of the treasury existed prior to the 38 Callender. the eventual eradication of the nomarchs may have had little to do with the policies of Senwosret III himself but rather successive changes by his predecessors extending into the reign of his successor.

Though the administrative changes in the reign of Senwosret III may not be as easily categorized as once thought. Likewise. p. "Renaissance." p. and some may have emerged even later in Dynasty XII.reign of Senwosret III. 397. 2001). appear to be those mainly associated with 16 . are only found under Senwosret III. 175. it is clear that his reign did usher in innovations in the structure of the government. Redford. Callender. The relationships of Dynasties XIII-XVII according to this study. Two Treasurers. Quirke. p.1. such as such as the overseer of the bee men (imy-r bitiw). the intricate relationship between the sectors of the Egyptian administration may not have matured until Dynasty XIII. The territorial extent is represented along the vertical axis while the horizontal (from left to right) indicates the passage of time. 3 (Oxford. 51.45 Quirke argues that the reforms of Senwosret III served to 1 Grajetzki. which extend into Dynasty XIII. "Thirteenth Dynasty." in D. ed. the titles begun in this reign.B.44 North Itjatawy Avaris Avaris Thebes J | Thebes Political Capital South Figure 1.. 45 Some titles. The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt. S.

shifts in cultural material also occur at this time (such as scarabs and pottery).l). 86." In R. Deutsches Archaologisches Institut Abteilung Kairo 53 (Mainz. 2004. pp. one at Dahshur and the other at Hawara. 49 See Chapter 3 for references. 84-85. 5-6. 2-3. For a discussion of cultural and political changes."Grundgegebenheiten der nationalen und internationalen Situation des agyptischen Reiches: Bin Krisenmodell. 31-50. R. see Gestermann. pp. Archaologische Veroffentlichungen. pp.46 Interestingly. "Der politische und kulturelle Wandel. Jahrtausendv.. . eds." pp. 1987). Quirke. Klug. 48 For the fall of Dynasty XIII according to the traditional scholarly views. but these changes appear to be due to a time of increased development than a politically orchestrated event. however.2. see R.A. the most solidly distinct material within the Late Middle Kingdom is the design of the substructure of the royal tomb from the reign of Senwosret Ill's son. 50 Di. Gundlach and A.specify more strictly the roles of officials rather than to quell any administrative threats to the throne. 79. Gundlach. 83-84. Das dgyptische Konigtum im Spannungsfeldzwischen Innen. Amenemhet III through that of Merneferre Ay of Dynasty XIII. The Administration of Egypt.47 It is possible that the affluence of the era required an expanded state bureaucracy. Arnold. l. After the former was abandoned due to structural problems.undAufienpolitik im 2. 3. As it pertains to kingship. This basic governmental structure continued well into Dynasty XIII. pp. Quirke. The Administration of Egypt. Continuity in Royal Tombs and Developments in Religion Cultural traditions. Though there are some common work in Nubia and activity at Abydos (Grajetzki. and religious practices continued to evolve seamlessly from Dynasty XII to Dynasty XIII. in Dahschur. artistic style. Der Pyramidenbezirk des Konigs Amenemhet III. Chr. 48 II. including ceramic assemblage. which was able to survive through many unfortunate circumstances before finally succumbing to the Hyksos after 150 years (Fig. Band I: Die Pyramide. 46 17 .49 Amenemhet III built two pyramid complexes.50 this king built the latter according to a completely different model. Hochsten Beamten. Wiesbaden. n. pp. 250-252).

51 Since the Late Middle Kingdom royal tomb type likely extends from Amenemhet III to the Dynasty XIII king Merneferre Ay. 52 18 . Thus. the Late Middle Kingdom royal funerary corpus is relatively standardized with minor variations. they may provide insights into the nature of kingship at this time as well as the economic strength of individual rulers.5 The few known royal pyramids from this period are the largest monuments constructed by the Dynasty XIII kings. the substructure of the pyramid at Hawara with its plan. Though the tombs of the kings of late Dynasty XII-XIII are incompletely known. portcullis. The consistency in plan may denote a solidification of the religious principles related to the king's resurrection and afterlife in the netherworld. 53 Note that the Late Middle Kingdom tomb type refers to monuments from the Hawara pyramid of Amenemhet III into Dynasty XIII but does not include the tombs of Senwosret III or that of Amenemhet III at Dahshur. the term "Late Middle Kingdom" is derived from political structure as well as ideological concepts related to kingship as visible through the royal tombs of the period. and sarcophagus types became the prototype for the known royal funerary monuments of Dynasty XIII. Unlike earlier in Dynasty XII. a detailed analysis of these monuments is imperative. it is important for this study to begin with the monument of Amenemhet III at Hawara and to continue from there to the developments of Dynasty XIII. Since the Late Middle Kingdom royal tomb type began in Dynasty XII. in this study. See Chapters 3-5. Section IV.features with the monuments from the two previous reigns. Thus. their features are similar enough to indicate that any interruptions in the ability of kings to construct a relatively large funerary monument did not affect the desire for a pyramid.53 51 See Chapter 5.

135-169. Russmann. pp. p." in E. with the focus on the eyes.II.K. 270. Bourriau notes that many of the royal statues have yet to be published fully (Bourriau. Hayes. "Egyptian Sculpture and TwoDimensional Representation as Propaganda. see M. Eternal Egypt (Los Angeles. 217-218. for example. 1973). Eternal Egypt (Los Angeles. Bourriau. the careworn expressions yielded to standardized smiles or simple indifference. 224-225." JEA 68 (1982). 55 W. 1 (Berkeley. p." in E. 36.58 However. Smith.S..19. 2001). 45. Smith. 35-36. Visual and Written Culture. Eternal Egypt (Los Angeles." p. "Aspects of Egyptian Art. Art and Architecture. Art Styles During the reign of Senwsoret III. pp. 2001). into Dynasty XIII. E. ed.. subtle mannerisms. For remarks on portraiture. Russmann. 37. in Dynasty XIII. pp.A. pp. However. p. Baines. Visual and Written Culture in Ancient Egypt (Oxford. 199. 19 . the art style for royal statuary changed from the depiction of generalized forms to that of a sort of realistic portraiture. (Buckinghamshire. "Unity and Power. Les Secrets. 19. are characteristic of these works of art. p. private people sometimes 5 ^ W." p. p. Russmann. ed.59 Interestingly. Baines. eventually. Ancient Egyptian Literature. Art and Architecture. "Aspects. 294-295." in E. W. Pharaohs and Mortals.54 Though the body continued to be generalized. Scepter. 183-189. Bourriau. Egyptian Statues. 53) 58 W. 2007). Pharaohs and Mortals. pp. E. p. "Historical Overview.lll. pp. Robins. 44. G. p. Bonheme and Forgeau. "Bust of a King." p. See.3. 179. defined cheekbones. Lichtheim. see J. 38. 57 Silverman. For and examples of the literature from the period. establishing a different visage after the first half of his reign.. Bourriau. Simpson. and large ears. 59 Silverman.55 Amenemhet III continued this style. p. ed. the rendering of the face became less individualized. 224-225. 2001). as time passed. Smith. p. Russmann.S. "Unity and Power. p. see ibid." p. Russmann. 321324. pp. 157. 37-39. p. Pharaohs and Mortals.57 The quality of both royal relief and statuary continued into Dynasty XIII from the time of Senwosret III. Art and Architecture. down turned lips.56 From his reign.S. Pharaohs and Mortals. the face was rendered with the features of the king including heavy eyes. For the concept of "generalization. which seem to convey a dignified leader slightly worn from his responsibilities. 2001). 44. a theme also conveyed in the literature of the time. Russmann "A Historical Overview of Egyptian Art.

213. Other scholars report that Amenemhet IV was related to his predecessors. 1992). Die Entwicklung und Bedeutung des.. see Murnane. Russmann. 701. 28-29. pp. Russmann. 53-54. #48. For Amenemhet IV as the brother of Nefrusobek and son of Amenemhet III. p. The Separation of Dynasties XII and XIII The last two reigns of Dynasty XII. p.64 Regardless of whether or not Amenemhet IV was a member of the Dynasty XII For example. "Queens. see "Ptahemsaf. Valloggia argues that there was a coregency between Amenemhet III and Amenemhet IV (M. "Overview." p. Redford. ed. p. pp. Hayes. Egypt and Beyond. 344-347." in D. however Ryholt theorized that Amenemhet III adopted him into the royal family due to his observation that his mother. The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt. pp. Robins. "Representation and Style of Dated Private Stelae of Dynasty XII. Schulz. Gvschichte. Political Situation. held the title of king's mother alone (and not queen). It is generally assumed that Amenemhet IV was the son of his predecessor." in E. and the locations of their tombs are not known." dissertation. 62 R." MDA1K51 (1995).63 a style. which continued into Dynasty XIII (along with the large numbers of stelae). 61-62.61 Starting with Senwosret III. Hayes. the number of private stelae greatly increased. II. pp. see R. as in the late Old Kingdom. ed. Providence. #41. 98-108. 2008. For negative comments about the style of the stelae of this period. 346. Maakherure Amenemhet IV and Sobekkare Nefrusobek were far less spectacular than those of their ancestors. Egyptian Statues. 49-89 64 Ryholt. pp. Freed. See also Grajetzki. Brovarski." in S.B. 227. New York University. Helck.62 However. 213. Middle Kingdom.. pp. 61 Robins. For block statues. eds. kuboiden Statuentypus I-II (Hildesheim. Der Manuelian. 113-133). Valloggia. 2001)." RdE 21 (1969). G. Scepter. Hotepti. 2001). 61. pp. 269-279. 3 (Oxford. Fig. "A Second Style in Egyptian Relief of the Old Kingdom. "Amenmhet IV et sa Coregence avec Amenemhet III. 210. 117. 63 E.. "A Second Style in Egyptian Art of the Old Kingdom. Eternal Egypt (Los Angeles. Thompson and P. They also continued with the block statue form which had become popular in Dyansty XII as well as the cross-legged style. 209.used the style of Senwosret III and Amenemhet III in their own statuary at this time. 108. 1976. and the style changed to a more abstract form that some consider to be of a lesser quality. see Bourriau. Pharaohs and Mortals. 294-295.B. 20 . 130. pp. Scepter. 114-117. Fig. pp. E. p. evolved.

59). sur Papyrus. in order to legitimize her reign. and D. 2-18. see G. Bellion. it is likely that a shift in royal power occurred and that some confusion as to the mechanics of succession within the office of kingship existed. Ryholt.65 The relationships between Amenemhet III and his immediate successors and the initial kings of Dynasty XIII remain unclear. n. pp. eds. "The Turin King-List or So-Called Turin Canon (TC) as a Source for Chronology. see Ryholt. 21 . II Papiro dei re Restaurato (Rome. 21). See also Ryholt." pp. 1998). 19. see M. "The Turin Kinglist. he might be omitted from the work entirely. 174. The Turin King-List {Papyrus Turin 1874 verso). 283. Hornung. 1959). see D. if a king was unfavorable or unfamiliar. 169. pp. R. Helck. the •Sakkara King-List and the history of Manetho all list Nefrusobek as the last ruler of Dynasty XII. there is little doubt that a traditional heir was not available upon the death of Amenemhet IV since Amenemhet Ill's daughter." in E.66 Thus. Catalogue des Manuscrits Hieroglyphiques et Hieratiques et des Dessins. pp. The king lists at Abydos omit her along with all of the following rulers of Callender. 170. see W. p. 176-178. 66 The Egyptians had no conception of recording history in the modern sense (Bonheme and Forgeau. Political Situation. Publies ou Signales (Paris. She deliberately emphasized her relationship to her father." pp. p." Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress of Egyptologists (Leuven. 253. took the throne. "Anmerkungen zum Turiner Konigspapyrus. Gardiner. "Renaissance. For other publications of this document as well as comments on the two previously listed. she continued the work on his mortuary temple at Hawara. 26-32. Nefrusobek. Ryholt has rejected these changes (Ryholt. For further bibliographic information. ® A. 1987). SSEA 4 (Mississauga. 9-10. Ancient Egyptian Chronology. Redford." SAK 19 (1992). Annals and Day-Books. Cuir ou Tissu. However. For suggestions of amendments to the Dynasty XIII section. pp. lists of kings in Egypt served a purpose other than history in the modern sense of the word.. Pharaonic King-lists.B. In ancient times. For a physical description of the papyrus as well as its content. The Royal Canon of Turin (Oxford. 1986). Les Secrets. "Materials for the Reign of Sebekneferu. Krauss. In this effort. Political Situation. Farina. 2006). pp. The primary lines of evidence available for study in modern times are the king-lists (gnwf) from ancient sources. (Boston. 135-155. For photographs of the document. 1938).

Kitchen./TO the Late Middle Kingdom/Second Intermediate Period. the former list is made up of fragmentary mix of kings from Dynasties XII. 70. 1894). Redford. 72 Redford. 142. Dynastie/bearb.. pp. p. the Turin King-List. 1947). Sethe. von Beckerath." (nswyt [. ed." A&L14 (2004).. ed. s. 29-34. Zweite. 73 Ryholt. 2 (Oxford. p. H. 70 W. all of whom may not have been in true chronological order in the original composition. p.72 In the Turin King-List (7. von Beckerath. Meanwhile. pp. l. 32-33. "Kingship. p. Urkunden der 18. 94. Redford. The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt." p. pp." p. Allen. pp. IV (Leipzig." 74 Quirke." p. "The Turin Kinglist. 71 K.-A. 809-810. The Rise and Fall of the Middle Kingdom in Thebes (New York. "Zwischenzeit. "Turiner Konigspapyrus. Pharaohs. von Beckerath. J. K. K. Untersuchungen. 69 Gardiner. "Thirteenth Dynasty. p. originated from an unknown provenience and was composed during the reign of Ramses II (Dynasty XIX). LA. Political Situation. XIV. Weill. 26-27. Pharaonic King-lists. Otto. they seem to Redford... 394. 4.. 93-94. p.." p. p.. eds. For the possible meaning of the omission of rulers from king-lists. VI (Wiesbaden. 1914). 71. "Second Intermediate Period. 22 .71 This list appears to be organized according to the location of the capital as well as along family lines and other criteria that are not fully understood. Redford. 162. Bonheme. Untersuchungen. "So-Called Turin Canon (TQ as a Source for Chronology.}p-ib-rc cah wdisnb)P The reasons for this division are unclear.P. 2 (Oxford. Pharaonic King-lists. and record Ahmose (Dynasty XVIII) as the king who ruled directly after Amenemhet IV. Rise and Fall.4). 1442. see M. 147. Petrie. undiibersetzt von Kurt Sethe. pp. Sehotepibre. as the first kings of Dynasty XIII are likely related to their predecessors. Ryholt.M. of the king of Upper and Lower Egypt. The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt." in D. a clear distinction is made between the kings of Dynasties XII and XIII with the use of the heading: "the kings who followed(?) after the.A. Of the sources.p. A History ofAncient Egypt I (London.. 2001). 29. Helck and E. 138. Unfortunately. 19-21.. Ryholt. "King Lists.E." p. 260. only the Karnak and the Turin King-Lists contain the names of the rulers of the Late Middle Kingdom/Second Intermediate Period.B. von Beckerath. "Second Intermediate Period.. A.h. 234-235.. 1986).F. 608-610. pp. 25. "The Turin Kinglist. pp. 200. Winlock." in W. 29. pp. p.B. 238. La Fin du Moyen Empire. Pharaonic King-lists. and XVI. 2001). nswt-\bity [. Winlock. Untersuchungen." in D.] -si [. Roccati. which is a compilation from earlier sources.

New Kingdom Egyptians omitted the Dynasty XIII kings' names from the Sakkara." pp. The kings of early Dynasty XIII would have likely viewed themselves as legitimate members of the Amenemhet line continuing their rule from Itjatawy. it is necessary to recognize the 75 For example.75 it is a later judgment concerning the period which resulted in the division between the two groups. Davies. ed. in order to adequately understand the nature of kingship at this time as well as its cultural manifestations (such as royal funerary monuments). The Second Intermediate Period (13th-l 7th Dynasties). Some of these kings emphasized this reality possibly indicating that there may have been some dissatisfaction with the status quo. Ryholt has suggested that the change in groupings is due to the loss of the eastern Delta to Dynasty XIV at the end of the reign of Nefrusobek. Ryholt's rebuttal to these criticisms. "Seals and Kings. It is likely that the change in designation at the point between Nefrusobek and the following kings was a decision made by scribes in the New Kingdom when these rulers were viewed negatively for their perceived negligence and eventual loss of the unified Egyptian state.. 76 For this reason. and Ramses II king-lists along with the Second Intermediate Period dynasties through the reign of Ahmose. 23 . Ryholt's interpretation of double names as indicators of filiation links the Dynasty XIII kings directly to their predecessors (to be discussed below). For K. 55-60. For references for these documents. Current Research. London. The Sety I and Ramses II lists (both from Abydos) also lack that of Nefrusobek. which several scholars have argued against. see the discussion above." in W.V. Future Prospects. Forthcoming. In the end. including their ancestry.draw upon their names and traditions from Dynasty XII as a means of legitimization whether or not there was actually a familial connection. it is certain that later rulers were not of royal ancestry. Sety I.76 Thus. In this scenario. Whether or not the initial kings of Dynasty XIII were related to those of Dynasty XII. see Ben-Tor. this group of kings is made up of a great number of rulers about whom little is known. see "The Date of Kings Sheshi and Yaqubhar and the Rise of the Fourteenth Dynasty.

do provide important clues to the nature of the political situation in the Late Middle Kingdom/Second Intermediate Period." III.1. it is impossible to use these types of texts exclusively in order to determine chronological relationships between groups of kings. The Capital of the Hyksos—Recent Excavations at Tell el-Dab'a. Rainey.77 Only one of these kings. Dynasty XIV Dynasty XIV is an ephemeral group of rulers. "Zum Konigsreich des aA-zH-Ra Nehesi.D. the king-lists from Ancient Egypt do not always reflect the chronological relationships between dynasties. since they were composed for ritual rather than historical purposes.A. however.F. 1996). The Chronology of the Dynasties within the Late Middle Kingdom/Second Intermediate Period Unfortunately. 72-73. p. Avaris. ed. Bietak. Nehesy and over fifty others. the untraditional kings. III. 50. possibly including Sheshi. such as those of the Amarna Period. pp. 59-60. Thus. or those from contemporary dynasties are omitted. 1987). ed. "The Center of Hyksos Rule: Avaris (Tell el Dab'a). 40-41. The Hyksos: New Historical and Archaeological Perspectives 24 . Isreal. Dynasties of the Second Intermediate Period III. Oren." in A. each group of rulers is listed • sequentially as if no overlaps occurred.unobstructed links between the latter part of Dynasty XII and Dynasty XIII up to Merneferre Ay as reflected in the use of the term "Late Middle Kingdom.. Instead. pp. centered at Tell el Dab'a. who 77 M. Nehesy." SAX 11 (1984). In some records. "Canaanites in the Eastern Nile Delta. The following sections will discuss the nature of the dynasties of this time period as well as their chronological relationships. Egypt. Sinai (Tel Aviv. Other types of evidence.." in E. The Raymond and Beverly Sackler Foundation Distinguished Lecture in Egyptology 1 (London.A.

Redford. 190.79 It is possible that the members of Dynasty XIV may have gained their power by holding important positions in the administration. pp. Oren. p. 185-219. it is probable that even the Egyptians viewed them differently than the truly foreign kings (Dynasty XV). Ryholt... 54. W. Bourriau. 59-60. 1992). 78 Bietak. who followed them. Egypt. as reflected in the Turin King-List (see below). The Hyksos: New Historical and Archaeological Perspectives (Philadelphia. 198. "The Hyksos Period in Egypt. 53. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte und Altertumskunde Agyptischen Konigslisten (Berlin. Untersuchungen zu Manetho und den agyptischen Konigslisten. Political Situation. pp. 1997). Pharaohs.. "Zum Konigsreich. since these kings and their families likely came from the Dynasty XIII administration of this area. whether literally or through the ideology of the state they had previously served. 25). Canaan andlsreal (Princeton. The other kings are represented primarily through seals and sealings. the association of this site with a group of kings was a later development and does not reflect reality (D. "Textual Sources for the Hyksos Period. D." in E. they may have wanted to project themselves as having emerged from Dynasty XIII. p. see J." in E. 106-107. "The Hyksos. 80 For example. ed. Though the Dynasty XIV kings may have been foreign. 1956). p. left significant monuments. 36). 252.B.. Stationen Betrdge zur Kulturgeschichte Agyptens (Mainz. pp. The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt (New York. p.80 Since the region around Avaris seems to have had a primarily Asiatic . Polz. 68-71. possibly during the more powerful reigns of the Late Middle Kingdom. 2000). p. Helck suggests that Nehesy was a Nubian who rose to power through the military (Helck." pp. 147. Geschichte. O'Connor. 109." pp. Redford. "The Second Intermediate Period (c.ruled less than one year.population by Dynasty XIII due to the abundance of Near Eastern material culture. 3-4. Political Situation. Some scholars have attributed this dynasty to a group of Asiatics though Egyptian rulers as well as Libyans and Nubians have also been considered. pp." p. Loprieno. all of which are in this region. ed. 25 . Oren. 124).B. Redford has proposed that these kings represent a list of ancestors of the Dynasty XV rulers or the son of Khayan or Apepi of Dynasty XV (D. "Overview. Thus. Helck. 1998). p. However. when Avaris served as an important economic center in the trade with lands to the east." in H. Redford. 79 For example. 1997). ed. p. 25." pp. 192.1650-1550). The Hyksos: New Historical and Archaeological Perspectives (Philadelphia.D. 1997). "The Hyksos. Ryholt.D. "NhsJ"der Siidlunder"?." in I. it is likely that at least some of the Dynasty XIV rulers belonged to this group. A. Manetho claimed that this dynasty ruled from Xois (Gardiner. Guksch andD. (Philadelphia. Shaw. 26). eds. 5.

87. emerged in the eastern Delta and ruled for 108 years. 49. "Ethnic Diversity in Ancient Egypt. rather than to this group of kings. Habachi The Second Stela of Kamose (Glilckstadt. p. "The Center of Hyksos Rule: Avaris (Tell el Dab'a). lines 84-85.III. "Hyksos. KA. which is how current scholars derive the term "Hyksos. pp. 84 Bietak. 104. 27-72. p. "Social History. 121-126. Quirke. which did not exist in reality. The summation of the years refers to the kings as the "Hyksos" in 10/29 in Ryholt's reconstruction. Dynastie. 84-85. 19.B. 109-110. this rise to power of these foreign rulers may have been peaceful. Dynasty XV: The Hyksos From archaeological and textual research.. "The Hyksos." BASOR 281 (1991)." (2001).84 In tradition possibly dating back to Kamose (end of Dynasty XVII). The term. "Hyksos. 82 D.86 though the final stages could have been violent. whom they encountered. Helck. L." p." p. 85 Redford. in the • Bietak. p. 35. "Hyksos Period. 1972)." p. 188. pp. 119-150. The Hyksos: A New Investigation (New Haven. Leahy. "Egypt and Canaan During the Middle Bronze Age. ed. pp. destroying temples and monuments and inciting terror into all those. For a list of the examples of this term outside of the Second Intermediate Period. 230. the Egyptians claimed that the Hyksos had invaded the country. a group of six kings. "Royal Power. verbesserte Auflage. MA. 100. Historische-Biographische Text der 2. who were not connected directly to the previous immigrants at Avaris.T (Weisbaden.. W." in D. 18. 90. 1 (Peabody." pp. Redford. 128. von Beckerath. Canaan andlsreal." Orientalia 39 (1970)." in E. Ryholt. Oren. "Hyksos Rule. Helck. 2. 136." p. with • the last few rulers adopting parts of the Egyptian titulary."83 By the time of Manetho. Redford. p. it is known that. n. "The Hyksos Invasion in History and Tradition. Zwischenzeit undNeue Texte der 18. meaning "rulers of foreign lands") was used by at« least the first three kings of this dynasty. Civilizations of the Ancient Near East. 136. 7-8. Political Situation." p. 98. pp.A. Redford. The Hyksos: New Historical and Archaeological Perspectives (Philadelphia. A. chr.87 Much later." pp. Canaan andlsreal. Die Beziehungen Agyptens zu Vorderasien im 3 und 2 Jahrtausend v. 2 (Oxford. The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt.85 Rather than the sudden invasion recorded in later literary works. p. see Redford.. ed. "Hyksos. Bietak. pp. 1975). 1971). Egypt. 1995). 97. ed. Egypt. Sasson." in J. pp. Agyptologische Abhandlungen 5 (Wiesbaden.M. 1966). 142. W. 26 . 1997). "Second Intermediate Period. pp. 86 M. van Seters.D. this term was used mistakenly to refer to an ethnic group. 14-15. O'Connor. p. 154. Untersuchungen.25.82 and was then later applied to all of these Asiatic kings in the Turin King-List. 2001). J.2. "hekaw khasut" (hkiw-hiswt. Bietak. 56. Bourriau.B. Kemp. 83 M.

" p. 136. Ryholt places two kings of this name in Dynasty XVI and suggests that the ruler may be listed in Turin King-List 8. "Hyksos. n. "The Historical Chronology of Ancient Egypt. p. which was written over a millennium after the events it describes. However. 2-3. pp." p. Redford. 2. Tutimaios has been equated to Dedumose. 154. 137. 154-155. 327-329). A Current Assessment." Acta Archaeologica 67 (1996). Redford. 396. Quirke. these kings burned all of the cities. pp. Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt (New York." in K. Lloyd. 17. Vemer." p." p. Manetho (as transmitted through Josephus) states that the Asiatics marched into Egypt. p. p. 2-3.92 Some scholars have proposed that the legend of the Hyksos began to be combined with other traumatic events in Egyptian history. . and tortured and enslaved the Egyptian population. "Hyksos. Ancient Near East. "Manetho. taking the country without a fight during the reign of Tutimaios of Dynasty XIII. 68.A.21 as a prenomen with ." p. "Social History. 186. ed. 186. ed.90 Redford has been one of the prime proponents of the theory that the Hyksos actually did take Egypt through the use of an overpowering invasion (as described by Manetho). 1. Weill. "Overview. 105-106.91 However. A. Hallo and Simpson. 464. 90 Kemp. Canaan andlsreal. Salitis established himself as a king in Memphis after which the Hyksos rulers moved their capital to Avaris. pp.. "The Hyksos. 377. p. 233-234. Kemp." pp. 434. pp." pp. the Theban kings were able to drive the Hyksos back to Avaris.A.89 Later. destroyed the temples. p. 127. "Social History. 55. 88 27 . and the foreigners were allowed to leave the land. 91 Kemp. "Seals and Kings. other scholars have questioned the accuracy of this account. Bard. Grimal. Bard." p. See also Bietak. Great Monuments. Kitchen..B. Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt (New York. Political Situation. Egypt." (2001). based upon their preconceptions of the events of the period." pp.. "Ethnic Diversity. See also Ben-Tor. p. Though some scholars had placed this king into Dynasty XIII. 19." in K. 1999). Bietak. Then. p. 1999). "Thirteenth Dynasty. 2. La Fin du Moyen Empire. "The Hyksos Invasion in History and Tradition." p. 250. he believes that the Tutimaios reference in Manetho is a misunderstanding and is not actually present (Ryholt.Ptolemaic Dynasty." p. Quirke. n. Political Situation. "The Hyksos Invasion in History and Tradition. Leahy. 2. 155." pp. 89 M. History.88 According to this account. 92 K. 111. "Social History. Ryholt. Assmann suggests such a coalescence of historical facts occurred in Dynasty XIX when facets of the religious revolution of the Grimal.2.19. "Royal Power. "The Hyksos. 230. History. suggesting that this scenario matches the contemporary events and political climate in the Near East.

Geschichte. pp. 2829.96 Thus. were also combined with the memory of the Hyksos.94 It is likely that later in Egyptian history events such as foreign rule by other groups including the Assyrians. pp. found at Tell el-Dab'a and abroad and dated to the Middle Kingdom. pp." pp. 94 Redford. "The Hyksos Invasion in History and Tradition. "The Hyksos. Moses the Egyptian: The Memory of Egypt in Western Monotheism (London.60-61.T. who worshipped the Aten while neglecting the other gods.69. Redford points to earlier sources. Save-Soderbergh." JEA 3 (1916).S. p. pp. 47-48. The Literature of Ancient Egypt (New Haven. Canaan andlsreal. "The Hyksos. A." p. p. Assmann." (1999). Egypt. Egypt. 1981). 49. 1997). 101. became integrated with the memory of the Hyksos. 201. Second Stela. 97 Ryholt. Weill. p." p. may indicate that at least some of the stories concerning the destruction and looting of monuments by the Hyksos may have occurred. A Reading Book of Second Intermediate Period Texts.extraordinary king. 95-110. Carnarvon and C. n. funerary statuary. 95 Redford. G." (2001). 98 Bietak. 89. For a translation of this text. "Hyksos. 35-41.95 Thus. Die Beziehungen Agyptens. Bourriau.T. Smith.p. "Davies' Copy of the Great Speos Artemidos Inscription. Political Situation. 136. the former is said to have worshipped Seth at the exclusion of other gods. 56. "A Reconsideration of the Kamose Texts. 16-17. 217-218. Smith and A." JEA 37 (1951). 379. 101-102. pp.K. The Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities Publications 9 (Toronto. 1973). Canaan andlsreal. pp. 134. 17-18. pp. Smith. p. No. I. the Babylonians and the Persians. p. p. Redford. 59. though this conclusion has been criticized lately by Ryholt. royal and private. Untersuchungen. Simpson.41. Canaan andlsreal.97 In fact. "Hyksos. he believes that the Josephus version of Manetho is viable. La Fin du Moyen Empire. p. p. F.H. H." ZAS 103 (1976). something that had not been claimed before. 28 . 3." pp. see W. p. line 3738. 117). 154. such as the Kamose Carnarvon Tablet and Hatshepsut's Speos Artemidos inscription. it is imperative to use these sources with extreme caution. "Second Intermediate Period. 56. 1912). in the Quarrel ofApophis and Sekenenre. "Model for Imperialism. Howard.63. Five Years' Explorations at Thebes. von Beckerath. 77-80. Mioso. Gardiner. Akhenaten.2. Note that The Hyksos did worship many Near Eastern gods at Avaris (Redford. pp. Habachi. S. Egypt. "The Defeat of the Hyksos by Kamose: The Carnarvon Tablet. A Record of Work Done 1907-1911 (London. Helck." JEA 32 (1946). pp. which both refer to destruction caused by the Hyksos." pp. 36-37.98 93 J. 110.93 For example. "The Hyksos Rule in Egypt. 96 Bietak. T.

377. 1998). "South. Stationen Betrage zur Kulturgeschichte Agyptens (Mainz. Quellen und Forschungen zur Zeitbestimmung der Agyptischen Geschichte 2 (Cairo. Note that the Rhind Mathematical Papyrus likely arrived in Thebes after the wars with the Hyksos. a palette from Abydos. Polz.H. and a sistra with name of this king shown in a Ptolemaic relief at Dendera.. pp." Other items mentioning Apepi within Egypt include one dagger in the Memphite necropolis and two possibly from Thebes. R. 71-72. no. 156-157. Hornung. J. Save-Soderbergh. "Overview. inscribed with the name of the king's daughter Heritt. 1975. D. Die Mittel zur Zeitlichen Festlegungvon Punkten der Agyptischen Geschichte undlhre Anwendung. mainly due to blocks inscribed. an alabaster vase. HistorischeBiographische. pp. 160-161. Polz. 112a. Political Situation. Ryholt. Williams. R. Some researchers believe that the Hyksos controlled all of Egypt for at least a brief time period. G6rg. PL 112. 71. 55. Giveon. 157-158). p." BIFAO 32 (1932). p. "Theben und Avaris.100 Some of these smaller objects may have arrived in the south through the exchange of gifts or trade with the Hyksos to the north while others may have been booty from the war with Other scholars suggest that the south remained autonomous under the rule of 99 Bietafc. 158. p. Polz. 155. "Hyksos Rule. found in a tomb thought possibly to be that of Ahmose-Nefertari. pp." in E. Agypten undNubien: Ein Beitragzur Geschichte altdgyptischer Aussenpolitik (Lund. pp. as it refers to invaders from the south and has the name of Apepi upon it (Giveon. 1983). 101 D. pp. B. 1250. Helck. 1 (Dudley. 218. 95-114. 128. 29 . eds. Pontes atque Pontes: Eine Festgabe fur Hellmut Brunner (Wiesbaden. an inscription from the Third Intermediate Period listing him as the king under whom the ancestors of a priest served. 239-247. p." dissertation. University of Chicago." p. Geschichte. an adze from Sumena (north of Gebelein). Timelines: Studies in Honour of Manfred Bietak. 1912). "South. Zur "Vertreibung" der Hyksos. 326-327. 55. 1935). et al. Guksch and D.Scholars also continue to engage in the debate concerning the territorial extent of the Hyksos rulers. "Hyksos. 2006).134-136. 54. "Die Hyksos-Blocke aus Gebelen: zur Prasenz der Hyksos in Oberagypten. Czerny. e&." p. 134. 223-224. A History of Egypt (New York. MA.. 120. Giveon. Weill.A. Breasted." pp." pp. p. History." (1999)." in H. with the names of Khayan 1 (granite) and Apepi (limestone) found south of Thebes at Gebelein. p.. T. 1941). p. L." in M. "Archaeology and Historical Problems of the Second Intermediate Period. "The Hyksos in the South. pp. "Complements pour "La Fin du Moyen Empire Egyptien". eds. 36. Borchardt.

while that of treasurer appears to have flourished during the reign of the Hyksos kings. Helck. "Hyksos. Mioso. 1443. 105 For example. Canaan andlsreal. 377. pp. "Seals and Kings." (1999). pp. von Beckerath. where the Kamose Stelae I and II located their border 1fi'X late in Dynasty XVII during the battles against the Hyksos. n. Ben-Tor argues against his seal typology which places Har in this reign (Ben-Tor." p." pp. 166. Historische-Biographische. There is also Hyksos material at Nefrusi in Middle Egypt (Bietak." pp. 326-327. Ryholt dated this treasurer to the reign of the Dynasty XIV king Sheshi (Ryholt. Ryhblt. von Beckerath. 13.106 At this point. "Social History. P . pp. History. 42-53." Cd'E 49 (1974)." p. numbers 984-1088a. 119. who had a West Semitic name. 118. the Hyksos may have used many of the same titles for members of their government as traditional Egyptian kings. 54). see Bietak. History." p. Political Situation. "The Hyksos. being a likely example. Zur Verwaltung.Dynasty XVII.A. no. °5 For example. 56." p." p. O'Connor. A New Investigation. pp. Untersuchungen. Redford. -78-85. van Seters. 126-127. p. the Dynasty XV kings used cartouches 106 R. Egyptian Administrative and Private-name Seals Principally of the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period (Oxford. Kemp suggests that such an action would have been unnecessary since this site is located near a quarry (Kemp. it is uncertain how the office of the treasurer in the Hyksos government correlated to that in Egypt. "The Hyksos. "Hyksos Period. Helck.104 Regardless of their territorial extent. Zweite. pp. Redford. "Overview. "Zwischenzeit. p. "Hyksos. Political Situation." (2001). 56-57. Egypt. "Royal Power. For sealings of this official. "Hyksos Period." p. 79-80. 148-149. ' They suggest that the blocks of Khayan and Apepi may have been moved to Gebelein from the Delta at a later date. "Hyksos Scarabs with Names of Kings and Officials from Canaan. as will be discussed in Chapter 6. since his sealings have been found in Lower Egypt as well as Canaan. 103 30 . though there may have been significant differences in the actual operation of this foreign administration. 116. p. 135. A Reading Book. 225. 82-97. Hornung..Egypt. Kemp." p. 1971). pp. pp. 102 Redford. 480). pp.102 In fact. 139-140. Quirke. Martin. 71-72. 159). The granite material used in the block of Khayan may show that this ruler also reached the area around the First Cataract (Ryholt.T. with Har {hii). Canaan andlsreal. 21. . 104 Hornung. O'Connor." p: 61). Political Situation. G. However. Though some scholars have argued that these blocks could have been moved to this location from elsewhere. 159. pp. p. Giveon. many researchers now believe that the Hyksos never actually ruled south of Cusae/Hermopolis. 72. "Social History. p. 60-61). pp. the office of vizier seems to have been rejected.

177-178). 260). sculptural styles. 113. who attempted." pp. Redford. 108 Political Situation. Bourriau. and phrases proclaiming aspects of the god Re (Ryholt. p. Political Situation. 31 . 1444." p. 347. small city-states were ruled Grimal. van Seters. Ryholt. pp. "Second Intermediate Period. Quirke believes that this dynasty was simply a later interpretation of kings' names and does not reflect a true group of rulers (Quirke. Kemp has written that vassal city-states existed both in southern Palestine and the Delta and were composed of Egyptian and foreign rulers (Kemp. 19-21. eds.109 In Near Eastern government installations. however. "The Hyksos Invasion in History and Tradition. Dynasty XVI According to Africanus. 62-65). 137-144. 72. p. Zweite. the Hyksos were a group of foreign kings. 55. 193. p. von Beckerath." pp. Ancient Egyptian Kingship (New York. 127. 1995).107 At the same time. Hornung. 171-180." p. it is difficult to discern the exact nature of their entry into Egypt and their territorial extent. 159. pp. 186. "Royal Power. hieratic and hieroglyphic scripts. "Social History.B. 240. amuletic use of kings' names. It is presumed that they were kinglets. III. "Hyksos Rule. literature. p. History. 129. they may have continued to worship one of their own gods (Ba'al). "Overview. 139. n. pp.P. O'Connor and D. Hallo and Simpson. Pharaonic King-lists. A New Investigation. 158-159. in the Palestinian region. 154. which were subservient to the Hyksos rulers. Ancient Near East. Political Situation. Dynasty XVI is viewed as being a group of rulers with fifteen or more West Semitic names found on seals. 104. 136.3. p. D. and the worship of the god Seth in the Delta)." pp. "Second Intermediate Period. Silverman. unlike that of Egypt. though some scholars have emphasized the ways in which they adopted Egyptian customs (cartouches. Redford. 148-150.A. at least on the surface. Unfortunately.108 In essence.. Ryholt." in D." p. "The Concept of Kingship During the Eighteenth Dynasty. speak their own language and censtruct their kingdom in their own ways. Ryholt argues that these "kings" are made up of the seals of non-contemporary rulers." pp. pp. to balance their native practices with the customs they inherited from their predecessors at Tell el-Dab'a. Untersuchungen. "Zwischenzeit." p. due to the propaganda of the New Kingdom and the sources from over one thousand years later. 109 Bietak. 250. pp.The Hyksos seemed to have adhered to their own tradition." p. History. "Hyksos.

Untersuchungen." p. "Royal Power. some of these being non-Egyptian.112 Ryholt has recently proposed another model for the identity of Dynasty XVI. Quirke. 18.J.111 under which local officials and administrators worked." pp." GM143 (1994). the high-king demanded taxes in return for protection and controlled the interaction of the more minor kinglets. This sort of system was completely foreign to the Egyptians who had a true nation state with one sovereign. resurrecting an idea originally proposed by Winlock. Nonetheless. pp. Political Situation. In his historical reconstruction. "The Hyksos Invasion in History and kings. 127. 159. 172-178. 154. pledged their allegiance to one overriding and powerful ruler. the Dynasty XIII territory broke into smaller polities after the Hyksos made their way to Memphis.p. Political Situation. 99-100. 43. he does note that the lack of scarab seals of princes may indicate that there was indeed some non-Egyptian Hallo and Simpson.UA He believes that a group of fifteen Egyptian kings. 159." p. For the chronology of this period (as early Dynasty XVII). who. pp. "Definition. ruled from Thebes. Bennett. pp. pp.49. 114 Ryholt. However. Ryholt does not believe that there were any Palestinian or Delta city-states related to Dynasty XV. 113 Ryholt. pp. He rejects the identification of Manetho's Dynasty XVI as being Hyksos and instead adopts the notion in Eusebius' version that they were Theban and ruled the region between Hu and Edfu. 5-6. 115 Ryholt. 177-178. in turn. 10. Ancient Near East. 131. stating that there is no evidence for this sort of system. p. 104. Redford. n. it has been suggested that Dynasties XIV and XVI represent city-states in the Delta and Southern Palestine. Baines. 21-28. von Beckerath. which is normally associated with the beginning of Dynasty XVII. Political Situation.110 In the city state model. filling a power void left after the fall of Dynasty XIII. 111 32 . Rise and Fall. 3. "Social History. "The First Three Sekhemre Kings of the Seventeenth Dynasty. 112 Kemp." p. Winlock. 151-162. see C.

"Turin. "Turin. p. "Hyksos Period. MA.administrative system involved here." in E.P." JNES 60 (2001). allowing today's scholars to overcome these assumptions and reinterpret the evidence.117 others have questioned whether any proof exists to suggest that such a separation existed. A. Spalinger. 119 J. 52. 297." pp." p. 298. At this point.B. p. J. Schneider. 8. "Review of The Political Situation in Egypt during the Second Intermediate Period. eds. as modern knowledge of them is entirely fragmentary. n. 48-49. 54. 118 T." p. 299305. "Turin." pp. pp. Nonetheless.P. 1984). I l l . "The Hyksos. Canaan and Isreal. Heretic King (Princeton. 1 (Dudley. Spalinger. However. territorial extent. Political Situation.C.. it is impossible to ascertain the exact nature of the rule of these early Theban kings. 49. Akhenaten.. 120 J. Allen. Redford. there is no solid evidence that the kings of Dynasty XVI ruled from anywhere other than Thebes. and general policy. D.118 Meanwhile. 52." pp. 55). Redford also believed that this dynasty was Theban (D. Allen has accepted the Theban nature of Dynasty XVI without adhering to Ryholt's chronological modification of the Second Intermediate Period and his placement of the other dynasties within it. c. works like that of Ryholt have opened the doors to reexamining these issues. 52). 2006). 101. The modern myth that these kings were Asiatic vassals of Dynasty XV has greatly hampered the understanding of the Late Middle Kingdom/Second Intermediate Period. 117 33 .120 116 Ryholt. Allen. Czerny. "Review. "Uberlegungen zur Chronologie der Thebanischen Konige in der Zweiten Zwischenzeit. p. p."." pp. 1800-1550 B. et al.P. O'Connor has also accepted this identification (O'Connor. Egypt. 296. While some scholars have accepted Ryholt's claim that Dynasty XVI is a separate group from the Dynasty XVII kings.. Timelines: Studies in Honour of Manfred Bietak. it is likely that these rulers represent a group quite different from that of Dynasty XVII in its economic situation. 27-28.119 Unfortunately. Allen.

32. p. "Seventeenth Dynasty. Quirke. 36. 264." p. Hallo and Simpson.. Note that in Chapter 6 of this thesis. Zweite. ed. 167-183. No Dynasty XVII kings are preserved in the Turin King-List (Ryholt.A. Polz found a shaft tomb near the center of the pyramid of king Nebkheperre Intef at Dra Abu el-Naga. "Second Intermediate Period. "Social History. p. History. p." pp." p. who participated in the administration of Dynasty XIII may be the families from which the kings of Dynasty XVII emerged. 33-37. "Royal Power. 260. Many of these officials had married Dynasty XIII princesses. Section II. 122 D. p. there is currently no evidence that there was a direct relationship between the last kings of the latter and the first rulers of the former. do not seem to have been derived directly from them. scholars have defined Dynasty XVII as the term for the Dynasty XIII kings. pp. 70. "Zwischenzeit.123 Due to the fact that this tomb dates to the middle of Dynasty XIII. Redford. Hornung." p. Quirke. Ryholt. 1994). Ancient Near East." p." in D. once they had moved the capital from Itjatawy to Thebes under the duress of the Hyksos rulers. 2003). p." p. Dodson. "Review. Die Pyramidenanlage des Konigs Nub-Cheper-Re Intef in Dra'Abu el-Naga. Dynasty XVII Traditionally. 2001). Political Situation. Abb. 34 . Grimal. 1443. History. 187. 3 (Oxford. 15. Polz and A." p. 229. "Second Intermediate Period. 18. 159. Political Situation. 125 See Chapter 6. 298. The Oxford Encyclopedia ofAncient Egypt. 20. the officials from the south. 159. though possibly related in some manner to the Dynasty XIII rulers.B. D. the royal cemetery of Dynasty XVII. an analysis of nomen and prenomen of each king may indicate that there are some familial links between dynasties XIII and XVII. Polz suggests there might be some familial relationship between these individuals especially since great lengths were taken to avoid cutting into the earlier shaft. 250.III. p. pp. The Canopic Equipment of the Kings of Egypt (New York. linking their descendents distantly to the preceding kings.125 121 Bourriau." KMT 5 (1994). Polz. 24. 167).F. these Theban kings. 123 Kemp.124 Thus. Interestingly. p. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga: The Decline & Fall of the Royal Pyramid.4. Spalinger. Deutsches Archaologisches Institut Abteilung Cairo 24 (Mainz.122 Thus. However. Seiler. "Beyond Avaris. von Beckerath. 127. 273. A.

Builders. 1444. Dynasty XVII in Thebes and other groups in Middle Egypt and the Delta." p. 137-139. II (1) (Cambridge." in D. 21. 171). 71-72." in I. "Social History. Leahy. von Beckerath." p. Hayes.115116. 231. this location was the northern border of the Theban state when the war with the Hyksos occurred. "Hyksos Period. see G. and that these southern monarchs were required to pay oppressive taxes and tribute to the Asiatic rulers. The Quarrel ofApophis andSeqenenrea (San Antonio. 159. A New Investigation. Edwards. "Hyksos. Egypt. 36.B. 702.. Greenberg. 61. p." p. 377. 111. 56-57. p. Pharaohs.C. Zweite." p. pp.." DE 25 (1993)." p. Political Situation.S. Ryholt.119. 167. 325-326. 3 (Oxford. Teeter and J. For a similar conclusion regarding Dynasty XIV. see Bietak. "Theben und Avaris." p. "Egypt: From the Death: From the Death of Ammenemes III to Seqenenre II. For the phases of the war. pp. pp." p. "A Reconsideration. The Canopic Equipment. As this theory relates to Dynasty XVI in Palestine. 139. p." pp. 35 . For Dynasty XVII. "Social History. 230. pp. p. Goedicke. A. eds. Quirke." p. "Hyksos." pp. 35. 167-170. 127 Bietak. Studies Wente. The Hyksos may have had a stronghold at Hermopolis. See Bietak. 21.. 25-26)." JEA 71 (1985). "Zwischenzeit. "Hyksos Rule. 141.P. 108. 139. 69-70." p. p. A History of the Pharaohs 2 (New York. Canaan andlsreal. p. inscribed blocks at Gebelein may indicate that the Hyksos held this same area for at least a short period. 1999). 111. Egypt. 2001).126 Unfortunately. 198). Redford. Canaan andlsreal. 1927). Smith and Smith. For Thebes and Nubia (Kush) with the possibility of others. "People.E. 30. 220-222. 175-176. There may have been a Dynasty XVII garrison (IWyi) at Abydos (D. See the Carnarvon Tablet in Gardiner." pp. von Beckerath. "Hyksos. For the Delta and the control of the Nubian and Hyksos rulers over the south and the north. "Second Intermediate Period. S. History. This system was common in the kingdoms and city-states of Syria-Palestine. "Carnarvon Tablet. "The Hyksos. van Seters. Weigall. Redford. 17. 139. 1986). 158-159. "Manetho Rehabilitated—A New Analysis of His Second Intermediate Period. "Concept." (1999). 26. 128 O'Connor. see Polz. "An Important Family from Abydos of the Seventeenth Dynasty. see Murnane. and the SecondKamose Stela refers to the Cynopolite nome as a place where the Hyksos had ruled (Ryholt. it may not reflect a constant boundary. pp. "Overview. See also Dodson. Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization 58 (Chicago. Fig. some scholars have proposed that the Hyksos had a vassal relationship with Dynasty XVII. Political Situation. "Ethnic Diversity. Cambridge Ancient History. p. p. et al. "Theban Seventeenth Dynasty. 166.. 1716). Redford explores various options for the many kings found on seals as well as the possible vassal relationship between the Hyksos and the Dynasty XVII kings (Redford. 59. H. p. Weigall." pp. Textual sources mention the raids of groups of unspecified foreigners upon Kemp. pp. see Leahy. "Ethnic Diversity.A. p.127 but these arguments are not convincing with the evidence currently available." (2001). Kemp." in E." (2001). In fact. J. "The Hyksos. Smith. 55. Larson. Gold of Praise. The Oxford Encyclopedia ofAncient Egypt. ed. See also Hornung.The territory of the Dynasty XVII kings appears to have been the area between Elephantine and Cusae (or possibly even Abydos).E. see Redford." p. Redford. pp. Ryholt. 1973). 6-9. 119. p. 1175. 172-1732. pp. As mentioned on the section concerning Dynasty XV above. pp. 264. W. Political Situation." pp. as well as other kinglets. David suggests that the last kings of Dynasty XIII may have been vassals under the Hyksos (David. Franke. 113. eds.T.

Ryholt. setting up monuments but never actually controlling the territory. p. the Egyptian kings at Thebes engaged in warfare against the Hyksos as well as the Kushites." (1999). "Hyksos. The timing of the loss of . his son or halfbrother Kamose continued the battle. 55-56. "Sobeknakht of Elkab.131 Later. Sekenenre Tao II seems to have been killed in combat due to a wound he suffered from an Asiatic hand axe. 1980). 177. Harris and E. in the region of Thebes.Thebes and other areas of Egypt. and pyramids. 295. In the end.130 Thus. 143-148. pp. 129 Ryholt. 378-379. 68. This document refers to the destruction of temples.B. However. Political Situation. 18-19. III. tombs." p. which did not end until Tao's son Ahmose was ruler. pp. J. pp. 289. (Chicago. they may have conducted military campaigns into this part of the country. pp. 130 Davies." pp. "Overview. 36 . Theories Concerning the Chronology of the Second Intermediate Period The chronology of the dynasties within the Second Intermediate Period is important in the study of the kingship of Dynasty XIII. Wente. The first of these kings. 131 Bietak. 300-301. The areas to the north were likely not stabilized until the reign of Amenhotep I. Alternatively. 6. it is possible that at least some of these raids were conducted by Nubians rather than Asiatics as indicated in the inscription of Sobeknacht recently published by V. An X-Ray Atlas of the Royal Mumies. and the Hyksos were driven back into western Asia and the Nubian territories were reacquired. it was only for a short period of time. Davies. Political Situation." British Museum Magazine 46 (2003). Ryholt argues that Ahmose used a storm metaphor to refer to the looting of Thebes by Dynasty XV in the Unwetterstele. "Sobeknakht's Hidden Treasure. it would appear that if the Hyksos did rule Southern Egypt.

Untersuchungen. 71-78. 37 . "Hyksos Period. Traditional Theories Traditionally. however. 125." pp. 284-286. see Verner. Quirke states that the names of the two kings. 65. 56. Helck. See also Grimal. Over all of these areas.l. "Zwischenzeit. in the Delta and to the east. 46." pp. At this point. More recently. For many years. 81. Eventually.B. 91-93. "Thirteenth Dynasty. 177-178). "Zur Chronologie. Meanwhile. History. Von Beckerath places the beginning of Dynasty XIV around eighty years after the start of Dynasty XI11 (von Beckerath. 154. 1443). 1999). Grajetzki. Great Monuments. For similar dates for the beginning of Dynasty XIV." pp. 159. of the understanding of the political events of this era. and drove the Dynasty XIII sovereign to the Theban area. Handbuch der Agyptischen Konigsnamen (Mainz. Middle Kingdom. a group of rulers (Dynasty XIV) separated from the Egyptian government. O'Connor. J. marking the beginning of Dynasty XVII. Zweite. and once again. the Hyksos held varying degrees of authority until the rulers of Dynasty XVII began a revolt. scholars have argued that the kings of Dynasty XII and the first part of Dynasty XIII (up until the reign of Merneferre Ay) ruled all of Egypt. Note that Kemp theorized that Dynasty XIV was actually one of many vassal city-states (including Dynasty XVI) under Dynasty XV (Kemp. 221. pp. von Beckerath. 129. the Dynasty XV kings set up a group of minor rulers. pp. of column 8 in the Turin King-List only appear in the eastern Delta ("Royal Power. forming their own kingdom in the Eastern Delta. Nehesy and Merdjefare. 258-259. 184." pp. while Dynasty XIII continued to rule from the Middle Kingdom capital at Itjatawy. Dynasty XVI. p. new theories have emerged which are revolutionizing the current thinking concerning the relationships between these dynasties.territories to new governments both native and foreign is crucial to the understanding of the events within Itjatawy at any point. 394). Die Beziehungen Agyptens. the Asiatic kings (Dynasty XV) were thrown out of Egypt. 48. a group of strong Asiatic kings took over this region. a native group 132 Franke. p. outdated assumptions regarding the nature of Dynasties III-XVII have impeded the advancement. pp. "Social History. 434. p. III." p." p. Later.

Bourriau. pp." p. "Genealogical Chronology. 186. Save-Soderbergh believed that Dynasty XIII fell into separate entities prior to the reign of Khasekhemre Neferhotep I.P. 25. Ryholt's Chronology In 1927. Ward. "The Hyksos. See E. 168. 9. Ryholt. Some scholars have also expanded on the nature of other possible groups and their relationship to the Hyksos. Polz and Seiler. in the British Museum IV (London. Political Situation. pp. his prenomen follows the Dynasty XVII pattern (Bennett. pp. 136 Winlock. ruled the entire country. PI. 29-31. 163. Pharaohs. 141. Spalinger. For doubts concerning the existence of an Abydos Dynasty. "Review. Abydos II. "Hyksos Rule. 43-44).B. 123. Sethe.M. 38 . pp." pp.2. Dynastie.A. Extensive Fragmentation Though slight variations of the traditional theory exist.F. "Zur Chronologie. arguing that Egypt fragmented into many polities during the Second Intermediate Period. "Second Intermediate Period. 203.B. El Kab. 134 Evidence for an Abydos Dynasty includes names which seem to refer to this region or its gods: Wepwawetemsaf and King Sekhemkhutawyre Pantjeny "the Thinite" found on stelae (W.135 Later. Petrie. Weigall had suggested that Dynasties XIII and XIV (at Xois) were contemporaneous with a Dynasty XV that was evolving during this time. 167. Redford does not believe in the fragmentation of the Egyptian state into these localized dynasties (Redford. Essays on Feminine Titles of the Middle Kingdom and Related Subjects (Beirut. Hieroglyphic Texts from Egyptian Stelae &c.of monarchs. "Turin. Urkunden der 18.134 III. W." p. Rise and Fall. Budge. 130-131). See also Ryholt. Bennett points out that though Wepwawetemsaf s nomen contains the name of a god of the Thinite region. p. p. Pyramidenanlage.3. 53-55). 25). Allen. Political Situation. n." pp. pp. 95-96. when order was restored again (Save-Soderbergh. III. 298. 163-166. the basic idea is consistent and has been quite influential in scholarly literature down to the present. Dynasty XVIII. see J.133 The evidence is most prolific for an Abydos Dynasty though doubts as to the existence of this group of kings still remain. 1913). Winlock had proposed that Dynasty XIV began at the end of Dynasty XII. 595." p. 135 Weigall. 49. Edfu. Proposed capitals for such entities include Thebes. 191. 137-139. Egypt Exploration Fund 24 (London." pp.W. Gebelein and Abydos. 44-47.136 Most 133 Franke. 1903). 257.A. 259." pp. 1986). pp.

Avaris. Schofield. pp.. p.B. "Der Friedhof in einem Palastgarten aus der Zeit des spaten mittleren Reiches und andere Forschungsergebnisse aus dem ostlichen Nildelta Tell elDab'a 1984-1987. Political Situation. 47-74. 30. possibly of Hotepibre Qemau Saharnedjeritef (Bietak. "Egypt and Canaan.." pp. The Raymond and Beverly Sackler Foundation Distinguished Lecture in Egyptology I (London. p." 139 Ryholt. 21-30." in K." in W. Encyclopedia of the Archaeology ofAncient Egypt (New York. Osterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften Senkschriften der Gesamtakademie 14 (Vienna. pp. see O'Connor. see "The Date of Kings. Osterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften Senkschriften der Gesamtakademie 14 (Vienna. For Ryholt's response to these objections. that the "palace" <at Tell el-Dab'a may have served as the home of a Dynasty XIV king. "Excavations at the Town of "Enduring-is-the-throne-of-Khaaure-Maa-Kheru-in-Abydos" A Preliminary Report on the 1994 and 1997 Seasons. p." p. Ryholt has argued that Dynasty XIV emerged during the reign of Nefrusobek. n. pp. see Chapter 1. Eigner. "A Palace of the Early 13th Dynasty at Tell el-Dab'a. Haus undPalast im Alten Agypten. Bietak. ed. "Settlement. 34. 53. "Tell ed-Dab'a.. 138 Ben-Tor. Arnold used the phrase. eds. Egypt. p. ed. 1987). Ryholt considers. 34.139 A structure with a plan similar to this one has been found at Abydos and was used by the Late Middle Kingdom mayors. Lexikon der Pharaonen (Zurich. Wegner. 39 . D. 141 For objections to the "palace" label of the structure at Tell el-Dab'a. 1994).140 Thus. ed.137 Ryholt bases his chronological framework upon textual and archaeological evidence. 1999). some of which has been questioned by other scholars. 5. "Canaanites in the Eastern Nile Delta. "Seals and Kings. "Zum Raumprogramm agyptischer Wohnhauser des Mittleren und des Neuen Reiches." p. Haus undPalast in alten Agypten. "Hyksos Period." in M. Davies and L. "Connections Between Egypt and the Minoan World: New Results from Tell el-Dab's/Avaris. 1995). 64. 1996). "Hyksos Rule. Section III. pp. with some hesitation.V. but this large house likely belonged to a high-ranking Asiatic official in the Egyptian administration during the Late Middle Kingdom. p. 50. Isreal." pp. F. p. ed. Bietak and his associates have claimed that this building is a palace. Political Situation. 184-204. 1996). 100-105." in M. Rainey. 140 J. 15. the Aegean and the Levant: Interconnections in the Second Millennium BC (London. Bietak. Sinai (Tel Aviv.. 104-105. it is likely that the building at Tell el-Dab'a was first constructed as a mayor's house. See also T.recently. 294. 57. 128.F. Bard. "so-called 'palace'" (Arnold. the last king of Dynasty XII and continued through much of Dynasty XIII. pp.." pp. The Capital of the Hyksos—Recent Excavations at Tell el-Dab'a.l. Egypt. 15). 1996). Schneider." JARCE 35 (1998). 779. Second Intermediate Period.141 Ryholt's chronology varies greatly from most of those proposed by other Ryholt. whether or not it was used as a palace during Dynasty XIV is uncertain. 73-80). who lived there." in A." A&L 2 (1991). 19.24-25.A. 4. For references to traditional chronological reconstructions.

132-133. leaves considerable room for interpretation into the relationships between the dynasties of the Late Middle Kingdom/Second Intermediate Period. "Review. along with a lack of material from this period in general. For example. pp. III. As mentioned above.B. Ryholt believes that Dynasties XIII and XIV proceeded at the same time and that the emergence of the latter was the defining difference between Dynasties XII and the former. 144 Spalinger. Soon thereafter. removing the Abydos Dynasty and briefly taking control over the entire country.scholars. there was a power void in Upper Egypt." p. 143 40 . the Thebans (Dynasty XVII) reemerged as the power in the south and slowly prepared to remove the Hyksos from the Delta. this study has succeeded in breaking down the walls surrounding traditional thought. 296. 79.144 Though some conclusions may not be certain with the current evidence. Theories Concerning an Overlap between Dynasties XIII and XVII The perilous state of the Turin King-List in the late Dynasty XIII to Dynasty XVI positions. p. Since the publication of this study. 140. Ryholt.4. At this point. it sometimes creates problems with the traditional understanding of the period. Political Situation. Political Situation. Finally. 298. a stela 142 Ryholt." p.145 When evidence is available.143 Eventually. Ryholt's examination of the Second Intermediate Period is a revolutionary work. where an Abydos Dynasty and Dynasty XVI (in Thebes) emerged. other scholars continued to recognize flaws in the traditional theories regarding the chronology of this era and formulated their own proposals. 22. "Theban. the Hyksos began to move southwards. 145 von Beckerath. the Hyksos arrived at Avaris and removed the Dynasty XIV kings as well as those of Dynasty XIII in the Memphite region.

C. 1933). Simpson. Horemkhauef.K. Scepter. 1. Historische-Biographische." pp. and the kings of Dynasty XVI reigned from Assuit to the southern extent of Egypt. pp. For information related to the selection of Horemkhauef for this important mission. 14-20. 2 (Paris. 4. 1971). 4. Gwyn Griffiths. 1982). Untersuchungen. 149. 347. Sethe. Helck. p. King Sankhenre Mentuhotep of Dynasty XVI was referred to as the 146 Bourriau. "Die Agyptische Autobiographic. 1992). H. p. 49-50. How could there be a ruler in Itjatawy at a time when Dynasty XIII was no longer supposed to exist? Perhaps it may be better to propose that Dynasty XIII and Dynasty XVI/XVII were contemporaneous." in A. PL 2. 17-19. In other words. Dynasty XVI may have regarded Dynasty XIII as a needed buffer from the growing power of the Hyksos. Loprieno. 125-126). to Itjatawy. Goedicke. Ryholt. 54. late in Dynasty XIII or the beginning of Dynasty XVI/XVII. pp. 89-90. Lichtheim. pp. Baines. "Royal Power. no. "Social History. 221. W. see J. may not have been important." p. Table 51. Hayes. "Re'wer's Incident. Political Situation. "Studies." p.. pp. Lloyd. "Horemkha'uef. A Reading Book. Studies in Pharaonic Religion and Society in Honor of J. 26-27. Ancient Egyptian Literature I. Allen.B." L'Egyptologie en 1979: Axes Prioritaires de Recherches.147 and the fact that the ruler was not the sovereign of the area. C. 41 ." p. Mioso." 125." p. "The Origin of the Royal Administration. ed. von Beckerath. 75-77.P." JEA 73 (1987). Vandersleyen.. Redford. Kemp.M. 198. from which the man had come. Ancient Egyptian Literature. See Lichtheim. a priest who was from the El Kab region. M.146 This problematic inscription has perplexed scholars studying the Second Intermediate Period. This sort of relationship might have allowed for the peaceful movement of a traveler like. Rewer was granted a stela by king Neferirkare in the Old Kingdom when he fell over the ruler's staff during an important religious ceremony (J. 79. "Second Intermediate Period. 128-131. Ancient Egyptian Literature (New York. ed. Interestingly. Dynasty XIII held the area from Memphis to Assuit. pp. See also. lines 9-10. p. Another example is the inclusion of a copy of a letter from the young king Pepi II (Dynasty VI) in the decoration of the tomb of Harkhuf. 208." in A. pp. Gnirs. Occasional Publications 8 (London. pp. Quirke. Biographical texts often record contact or association with a royal figure. p. where he came into contact with the king. traveled to Itjatawy and came into the presence of the king. pp. Les Guerres dAmosis (Brussels. "The Hyksos. pp. 68. 1994). 147 For example.describes how Horemkhauef. Urkunden des Alten Reiches (Leipzig." p. the Hyksos ruled a portion of Syria-Palestine and parts of the Delta. 55. A. 129-130.L. "Practical Religion and Piety.

n. Davies did not yet have the stela of Sobeknakht and. Thus. 149 Davies. Davies has recently analyzed Horemkhauef s tomb at Hierakonpolis along with others contemporaneous to it there and at El Kab. Political Situation.P. "A propos de la stele du pharaon Mntw-htpih Karnak. resulting in two legitimate Egyptian rulers. "Hierakonpolis. pp. 160. Thus. P. 240. since Sedjemnetjeru and Harmeni link Horemkhauef to a time near that of Sobeknakht. Political Situation. "Hidden Treasure.I. it is also feasible that this designation confirms that Dynasty XIII continued at Itjatawy. pp. 113-125.'? Rd'E40 (1989). "Hierakonpolis." This epithet may imply the existence of more than one Egyptian king. 590-591." pp. Others have also observed that the lector-priest. Sedjemnetjeru. Note that in the latter article. through the current study being undertaken by Davies of the British Museum. which places him in the latter part of Dynasty XVII. 154. pp. p. "Sobeknakht of Elkab. 79-80. 113-125. pp.151 Davies found a stela of Sobeknakht. "La Pretre-Ritualistee Ar-/22/«'Redacteur de la Stele de hr-m-hcw. Harmeni is attested in both the tombs of Horemkhauef and Sobeknakht. 140-161. "La Stele du Pharaon Mntw-htpih Kamak: un Nouveau Temoignage sur la Situation Politique et Militaire au Debut de la D. 18-19.150 He determined this identification through the presence of the image and name of the artist himself within the scenes in the tombs as well as paleography." Rd'E 41 (1990). may 1 8 Ryholt. 221.f?' Hommages a Francois Daumas (Montpellier. see P." pp. For the publication of this stelae. 1986). continued the previous dating of Horemkhauef to late Dynasty XHI/early Dynasty XVII.. While it is possible that the second ruler was a Dynasty XIV or XV king. 42 . New evidence has recently come to light that shows that this hypothesis could be integral in understanding the Second Intermediate Period. the dating of this stela along with the contemporary tomb of Sobeknakht at El Kab."pp."king within Thebes.149 He has discovered that the tomb of Horemkhauef and that of Sobeknakht as well as others were decorated by the same artist." pp. Vemus. 151 Ryholt. it may be the case that the latter also can be dated to Dynasty XVII. style and technique. 150 Davies. thus. Vernus. 4-5.

153 Davies. the date of this military movement was not late Dynasty XIII but well into Dynasty XVI/XVII. Dynasty XIII was still continuing. 18-19.V. possibly had a long life extending to the end of Dynasty XVII (W. it does not mean that there were no successful strings of local rulers. Under one scenario for the revised chronology of the Second Intermediate Period. Future Prospects." Paper Presented at the British Museum Colloquium: The Second Intermediate Period (13th-17th Dynasties). closer to the time of Bennett's article. 43 . Their names may not have been remembered because their territory was relatively small.153 However. other scholars had briefly contemplated this issue. Davies suggests that Horemkhauef lived during late Dynasty XIII to early Dynasty XVII while his successor. the stela recording the trip to Itjatawy is now later than previously thought and even more of a hindrance to traditional thinking. 14July-16 July.ultimately determine the nature of the chronology of the Second Intermediate Period. Davies. III. and the list of over fifty kings may have extended over more than 150 years! Though the names and regnal lengths of the end of Dynasty XIII are not preserved in the Turin KingList. it is clear that many scholars were beginning to come to the same conclusion. there was a king in Itjatawy after the start of Dynasty XVI.a. "El-Kab and Kerma: The Tomb of Sobeknakht. Unless the stela is pure fiction. 2004. The newly cleaned tomb of Sobeknakht also revealed that the Nubians (Kushites) •attacked Southern Egypt and proceeded at least as far as El Kab.B. Originally. -Thus. as most researchers adhered to the idea that Dynasty XVII was simply the continuation of Dynasty XIII at Thebes. such ideas were not accepted. "Sobeknacht." pp. However.4. Current Research. Sobeknakht. Considerations of the Overlap between Dynasties XIII and XVI/XVII Prior to the presentation of a formal theory including the overlap between Dynasties XIII and XVI/XVII by Bennett in the 2002 JARCE. 152 At this point.

In other words. 53. as it overlapped with Dynasty XVII (XVI). Bourriau. seems to me to imply a state of affairs in Upper Egypt in which an independent group of kings existed a few decades before the end of Dynasty XIII. Spalinger stated: The famous Stele Juridique. Thus. ed. where they continued to rule. this situation occurred within the 153 years attributed to the Dynasty XIII by Manetho (using the revised date to be discussed below). Then." p.Hayes adhered to the idea that the Hyksos took Memphis and that the Dynasty XIII kings retreated to Thebes. for example. Bourriau posits that an overlap existed between Dynasties XIII. though it is suggested that Dynasty XIII continued along side Dynasty XVI/XVII. 155 44 . "Review. In 2001. In fact. 154 Hayes. Arnold. "Egypt: From the Death." in Do.154 Hayes also asserts that it is likely that the progeny of Dynasty XIII continued to rale beneath the Theban kings in various locations in Upper Egypt. she does not develop the idea further. 1981). In 1981. in this theory. Dynasty XVII (XVI). 156 Spalinger." p. p. "Nubians in Egypt during the Second Intermediate Period: An Interpretation Based on the Egyptian Ceramic Evidence. which was different from its predecessor emerged independently. 298. Studien zur altagyptischen Keramik (Mainz an Rhein. and XVII (XVI). it is possible that an independent house of Thebes arose when Dynasty XIII was extremely weak and considerably reduced in size after the successful seizure of Memphis by the first Hyksos warrior-king?"156 He also notes that it is possible that other groups of local kings may have existed. J.. XV. the capital did not remain at Itjatawy. According to him.155 She suggests that the discrepancy of the terminology used to describe cultural units versus political ones did not allow for this option at the time of her article. Thus. in an article concerning Nubian pottery in Egypt. Hayes suggests that the dynasty (as listed in the Turin King-List) continued for an additional 17 years. 27.

It is important to note that though Spalinger allows for Dynasty XIII to continue into the Second Intermediate Period.b. pp. Historische-Biographische. For the stela.4. a "secessionist provincial regime." p." pp. 123. claiming that Dynasty XVI (his Dynasty XVII). "Genealogical Chronology. Polz has suggested that Dynasties XIII and XVII may overlap due to the separation of generations in Stele Juridique as well as ceramic material from Dra Abu elNaga.159 The bulk of Bennett's argument centers around the genealogies of the El Kab governors. Pyramidenanlage." p. 7). "Palaces. which demonstrates that the Dynasty XIII and Dynasty XVI kings likely overlapped due to the time necessary for regnal lengths to have occurred. "Genealogical Chronology. "Sekhemre Kings. More recently. the family of Queen Mentuhotep. the ancestry of Sobeknakht II from his tomb." p. 44-47. found in the Stele Juridique. 14. Polz' article preceded the publication of Bennett even though the dates are reversed. Note that. no. 28. 45 . see Stadelmann. and that of Reni. something needed for Bennett's reconstruction (Kitchen. 123-155." p. Though the junction between these various family and personal career histories is often debated. Thus. 159 Bennett. Bennett's Theory In an article written roughly the same time as Spalinger's comments. see Helck. due to a delay in the release of JARCE 2002. Bennett finds a methodological solution. For another statement concerning the survival of Itjatawy. using generations of 25±5 years. he is not suggesting a long period of time for this situation."158 began ten to thirty years before the end of Dynasty XIII. Bennett has addressed the overlap issue. he did acknowledge the possibility that Dynasty XIII could be extended a decade or more (from 150 years) as future data required.157 - •• • IILB. "Historical Chronology. 65-69. Note that although Kitchen did not propose an overlap with Dynasty XVI/XVI1. 98. covering a period from the middle of Dynasty XIII until the reign of Hatshepsut in the New Kingdom. 158 Bennett. though some of the details of 157 Polz and Seiler. pp.

the conclusions derived from it require further attention in order to create a more accurate understanding of the chronology of the Late Middle Kingdom/Second Intermediate Period. vizier) Reditenes (A/king's daughter) -start of Dynasty XVII3. El-Kab) Aymeru (A. 16201611 Seuserenre Bebi-Ankh Sobeknakht II (C/gov.2.2).the reconstruction of this genealogy may be problematic. 1637 Sewadjenre Nebiriau Kebsi (A/gov. 1712 1701 Wahibre Ibiaw/ Merneferre Ay Ibiaw (B/vizier) 2. 1650 Sekhemresementawy Sobekmose (C/gov. The generational correlations as defined by Bennett. The dates are based on the rough ranges given by Bennett and are meant to serve as relative markers to illustrate his hypothesis. El-Kab. Group A is that from Stele Juridique. El-Kab) Djehuty Monruhotep (B/queen) Ay the Younger (A/gov. The earliest information is found in the Genealogy of Queen 46 . vizier) 4. C/gov. and C is from Sobeknakht IPs tomb (El Kab T10). which is of concern in this study focuses on three documents (Table 1. The part of Bennett's work. 1677 Merhotepre (Ini) Senebhenaf (B/vizier) Sobekhotep (B/hereditary princess) Ay I (A. El-Kab) Sobeknakht I (A.C/gov. Generation/ King Year OfficiaIs/(Group/Office) 1.C/gov. El-Kab. B is from the Montuhotep Genealogy. El-Kab) Neferu (C/hereditary princess) end of Dynasty XIII5. El-Kab) Reditenes (C/hereditary princess) Table 1.

" SAK 11 (1984). 128-129.Mentuhotep. 1983. 124-125. pp. Bennett suggests that Mentuhotep may have married Sekemresementawy Djehuty during the reign of Merneferre Ay before he became king at a later date. "A Royal Family of the Thirteenth Dynasty. A. Ryholt. 161 47 .167 In this lineage. whose exact placement is not known. pp. 164 Ryholt attempts to place Djehuty within his proper place within Dynasty XVI by using this same type of reasoning (Ryholt. he notes that Mentuhotep's father. Doss. pp. served in this same position under the latter king as well as possibly into that of Merhotepre Ini. M. p. p. Ibiaw. 388. who was the grandfather of Kebsi. Meanwhile. "Remarks on the Family of Queen fic. 167 Franke. 601. 311. Personendaten. Political Situation. Personendaten. 24-25. Franke. "Altagyptische Verwandtschaftsbezeichnungen im Mittleren Reich.F. 126-128. pp. Universitat Hamburg.L. 77. Doss. Senebhenaf. Political Situation. 387. 661.161 and was vizier during the reign of this same king or the next. Doss. Personendaten. 234. 661. 306.163 Nonetheless. Political Situation. n. Ay I. pp. 259-260). the time between these generations allows for a maximum of thirty to thirty-five years for the remaining twenty-four or more Dynasty XIII kings." JEA 37 (1951). However. Wahibre Ibiaw. 339. served as the vizier of 160 Bennett. Ryholt. Spalinger. Bennett states that Mentuhotep's grandfather. Doss. p." pp. L. Sekemresementawy Djehuty." dissertation. Merneferre Ay. Political Situation. 163 For the identity of Montuhotepti as the wife of Djehuty. p. "Genealogical Chronology. 120-121. 565." pp. see D. pp.166 Sobeknakht II. his reconstruction is linear and does not reflect an overlap between Dynasties XIII and XVI. Mentuhotep herself married a Dynasty XVI king. see Ryholt. 62. 259.1 2 who was married to the hereditary princess Sobekhotep.164 Stele Juridique provides the next line of evidence in Bennett's study. Doss. "The Family of the Vizier Ibi' and His Place among the Viziers of the Thirteenth Dynasty. pp. 110-111. 152. Habachi. 162 Franke. 388. 28. 167. 74." Rd'E 32 (1980). 165 Bennett. 166 For the use of this term outside of familial contexts." p. "Genealogical Chronology.s-nbivand the Problem of Kingship in Dynasty XIII. 660. Macadam.165 This document serves to trace the right of Kebsi to sell his position of the governor of El-Kab to his "brother" (whether biological or generational). "Sekhemre Kings. a governor of El-Kab. was the "overseer of the compound" {imy-rhnrt) under the Dynasty XIII king. Franke.

Wall Drawings and Monuments of El Kab: The Tomb of Sobeknekht 2 (London. Kebsi then inherited the office of governor. Doss. 170 For a dating after Sobekhotep VI. Denkmdler III (Leipzig. 169. "The King's Daughter Reditenes. 48.Merhotepre Ini. n. "Genealogical Chronology. also became a vizier. Lepsius. "Genealogical Chronology.J. Historische-Biographische. Ay the Younger. "Genealogical Chronology. 339. C. 12. Personendaten. 3. 137). see Franke. Bennett cites this dating as a mistake (Bennett. Personendaten. "Vizier Ibi'. no." p. PL 13b). 212. 72 Bennett. p. was a governor. This son. C. n. who died without having any heirs. p. and some scholars have dated the tomb to this reign (Helck. Doss." pp. it may be the case that Aymeru was actually the last vizier of Dynasty XIII. 131. See also Ryholt. A stela within the tomb of Sobeknakht II at El Kab has the name of Sekhemresewadjtawy (Sobekhotep III) as well as that of the owner. which he sold to Sobeknakht in the first year of the reign of Sewadjenre Nebiriau. 125). The next relevant ancestry comes from the tomb of the governor of El Kab. "Investigation." p. 24. Political Situation. p. 1900). p. Since no other viziers are known in Dynasties XVI or XVII until the reign of Kamose.171 It seems strange that the vizier of a Dynasty XIII king transferred his office to his son under the Theban kings (Dynasty XVI). 17 :' Bennett. 7. 16? 48 . 16. Weigall. Quirke." GM151 (1996). Personendaten. For Sobeknakht. Kebsi's sale of the office of governor may reflect the loss in the fortunes of the family which had held a relatively large amount of power at the end of Dynasty XIII. this position transferred to another son of Ay I and a king's daughter (likely the offspring of Merneferre Ay169)." p. Habachi believes he was a vizier during Dynasty XVI/XVII (Habachi. p." p. PI. 2. 565. pp. "Genealogical Chronology. 1896). 124. Reditenes. named Aymeru. he does not explain the appearance of the prenomen Sekhemresewadjtawy in the tomb. 344. Sobeknakht II.168 His first son. 387. 1 i-l A Sekhemresementawy Djehuty.172 Bennett correlates this series of governors with the names in Stele 168 Franke. Bennett suggests that Aymeru served the Dynasty XVI king. Doss. See J. "Horemkha'uef.R. Pharaohs. 660. However. 138. see Franke. Hayes. 133-134." pp." p. 21-22. Thus. pp. Bennett. Tylor.

which is. the son of Ay in Stele Juridique. 18. "Genealogical Chronology. if one is to believe that the later part of Dynasty XIII and a section of Dynasty XVI were contemporary. Finally." pp. the man. 90-91. 131. though some argue that this group follows the earlier one." p. Sobeknakht II is dated to Seuserenre Bebiankh (1620-1611). Next. "Historical Chronology. The Sobeknakht II genealogy and its position in the Second Intermediate Period is important due to the fact that the tomb of this official has been linked through artistic style and signature (Netjerusedjem) to that of Horemkhauef. Davies supports a later date than does 173 For example. who is married to the hereditary princess Neferu. then the chronological placement of the Sobeknakht family is crucial. 131. "Genealogical Chronology. at this point. 49 .175 Davies also dates this tomb to late Dynasty XVI/XVII with the span of 1575-1550 BC. after the start of the war with the Hyksos.174 Thus. his son. 155. Political Situation." p. "Sobeknacht. where a king was seated. it would appear that. Sobeknakht II. Ryholt posits that they are separate groups since Aymeru. Bennett explains the differences in the Sobeknakht account and that in Stele Juridique as being due to the fact that the former lists the important governors in his ancestry while the latter serves as a legal document. 11). Note that Kitchen dates Dynasty XIII to 1795 to 1638/1627 with the possibility of the group of kings extending a bit later (Kitchen." pp. 7-8. Williams. however. 174 Bennett. inherits the office of governor of El Kab. built upon many uncertainties.Ay II is followed by the governor Sobekmose before Aymeru of the same generation. 176 Davies. who is wed to the hereditary princess Reditenes. is likely though uncertain." pp. 175 Bennett. 240). this account skips Kebsi and lists Sobeknakht I. After Aymeru. whose stela records his visit to Itjatawy. . "Problems. In this document. Sobeknakht III becomes governor. 141.Juridique. His reconstruction. • was a vizier.176 Thus. by necessity. p. while the Aymeru in the Sobeknakht tomb inscriptions is not listed as having held this office (Ryholt. According to Bennett's scheme.

150-151. 52." p. according to Ryholt's study of the Turin KingList. von Beckerath. pp. Also. However.177 • > Bennett notes that the evidence for Dynasty XIII kings being in the Theban area includes the following rulers after the reign of Merneferre Ay: Merkaure Sobekhotep VII. 180 O'Connor. further information from the Turin King-List. much of the confusion lies in the placement of kings without known position in the Turin King-List. 128. Table 152.151. Also. no precise information concerning the territory of the Dynasty XIII kings can be obtained." p. In the past. if they were to any degree contemporary in time.20). it may be the case that the list of kings is incomplete. 390-391. Sewahenre Senebmiew.180 However. 400. Untersuchungen. half of the others (Sewahenre Senebmiew and Sekhaenre) remain unplaced. 178 50 ." pp. For example. The members of both dedicated a variety of structures. Sewedjare Mentuhotep. "Genealogical. pp. Thus. 402.178 However. Dedumose. and statuary at both Abydos and Thebes. can certainly aid in settling this confusion. "Social History. "Genealogical Chronology. Montuser. "Hyksos Period. 155. Bennett. the final three of these rulers belong to Dynasties XVI rather than Dynasty XIII. such as the study Ryholt has undertaken.Bennett. it does not seem likely that the Thirteenth and Seventeenth Dynasties overlapped in time." p.Chronology. stelae. after the reign of Sewedjare Montuhotep {Turin King-List column 8. scholars had rejected the idea that there was an overlap due to the presence of Dynasty XIII names at sites in the south. 359. O'Connor states: Moreover. 356-357. See also Kemp. The fragmentary state of this text in its section dealing with late Dynasty XIII and Theban Dynasty XVI clouds the understanding of the era at hand. leaving out rulers who were confined to the Memphite 177 Bennett. 179 Ryholt. and it is hard to imagine that the one should have permitted the other to do so. Sekhaenre. 63-65. Political Situation. and Djedankhre Montuemsaf.

a more complicated system was used.185 In Dynasty XII.region. in which the king had come to the throne. allowing for the last of the Dynasty XIII kings with their territory centered at Memphis and expands their range to 1-5 years each. Bennett."184 much like Ryholt had proposed for the Abydos Dynasty. but struggles recorded in the inscriptions of Neferhotep and Montuhotep may indicate more troubled times. in Dynasty XVIII. 203. demonstrated by building activity at Abydos and Coptos. 149. m "Genealogical "Genealogical "Genealogical "Genealogical "Genealogical Chronology. 128-129.182 Bennett believes that Dynasty XIII fell ten to fifteen years after the start of the Theban regime. One interesting observation Bennett presents is the difference in the recording of dates between Dynasties XII and XVIII. the counting of regnal dates started with the beginning of the civil year immediately following that. Chronology. In the process." p." pp. Later. there is no indication that the Hyksos brought warfare to the Theban area. Chronology. 51 . Bennett suggests that the remainder of Dynasty XIII protected the new dynasty by being a "buffer. Bennett extends the years of Dynasty XVI/XVII from 90-100 to 110-130. 183 Bennett. Thus. Chronology." pp. 185 Bennett. See also Ryholt. 129. 705. leaving the remainder of the Dynasty XIII kings with regnal lengths between 3 months and 1.183 He notes that the first few reigns of Dynasty XVI were peaceful.181 Since Bennett believes that these reigns seem to be unusually short. 184 Bennett.3 years. 126. he proposes that the two dynasties overlap chronologically. 202. Political Situation." p. 181 Bennett. 131. Bennett argues that there were five to twenty-five years between the end of the reign of Merkaure Sobekhotep VII (Dynasty XIII) and the beginning of that of Sekhemresementawy Djehuty of Dynasty XVI." p. However. n. Chronology. 129-130. pp.

Thus Bennett states: A change in regnal dating systems is perhaps easier to understand if the 17th dynasty (here Dynasty XVI/XVII) was established as a new and rival regime to the 13th Dynasty rather than as a continuation of that Dynasty. on which he took the royal office. Bennett. Thus. . 187 52 . days while those of Dynasty XVI are almost always denoted with years only. "Genealogical Chronology. Turin King-List. and." p. and XVI/XVII as well as others. 31. Bennett believes that the Dynasty XVI kings had initiated the new dating system and that the records and computations had been difficult for the authors of the Turin King-List to decipher. However. Dynasty XIII rulers are usually recorded in terms of years. months.189 However. 123. Ryholt seems to have believed that Dynasty XVI regnal dates were recorded with the standard year. Dynasty XVII (here Dynasty XVI) was an integral reason why Dynasty XIII became weak and eventually fell as a result of the "invasion" of the Hyksos. In the. Political Situation. The 18th Dynasty then simply inherited the procedure of its predecessor. 188 See Chapter 7. -Thus. 8 In his study of the Second Intermediate Period. occurred because of internal and external pressures due to issues to be discussed in a later chapter. XV. table 36.86 In Bennett's theory. 151. It is likely that this weakening of power in all but the core of the Memphite area. p.8. "Genealogical Chronology. one might note that such a bold move by this regime must be indicative of an already-weakened dynasty. month. were not the cause of the problem but were a result of it. 131. the 186 Bennett. 189 Ryholt. if this was the true state of which the king's reign was counted from the date. including the Kushite Empire. so they rounded the numbers to the nearest quantity of years." pp. the formation of Dynasties XIV. day designations due to the wsj'and possibly preserved day sign in 11.

65. 26-32. . l. [. Political Situation. "Genealogical Chronology.. 142. 83-84. 146. especially in light of further evidence. Sehotepibre. "Source for Chronology. "The" p.191 In addition to adopting Bennett's hypotheses regarding the dating of the dynasties.!-90 Recently. "Second Intermediate Period. 131. p. "The Turin Kinglist. "So-Called Turin Canon." p. 193 See also." p.28). Several scholars. 53 . see]nswyt[rnpt-hsb] ("he acted as king [for x years/months/days]") while the dating system of Dynasty XIII continues. Untersuchungen zu Manetho. 140.n.P. "Rulers of Foreign lands. Ryholt also noted the possibility that the New Kingdom dating system may have begun in Dynasty XVI (Ryholt.192 He reconstructs the heading of Dynasty XIII as (7." p.4): ny[swt ntiw hr] s2 ms[w nsw] bit [sht]p-ib-rc cnh wdS snb. like the dating systems used by the various dynasties. p. 140.22) marks an abrupt break with the word hkSwfoswt. (Ryholt's chart shows that there was a title but no summation for the Dynasty XHI and summations for the rest): However. and XVI-XVII. it does seem more plausible that Bennett's interpretation'of these numbers is correct. 29. beginning with Helck have argued that this formula is used every 13 to 16 lines (Ben-Tor.8 from the Vorlage. 194 For the reconstructed component. 191 J." 190 Bennett. pp. Allen also notes the headings (or lack thereof) for the groups of kings.194 The heading preceding the kings of Dynasty XV (10. may indicate that an overlap between Dynasties XHI and XVI is possible." pp. 29).P Allen.beginning of the list of this dynasty certainly seems to lack any months or days though Ryholt records them as "missing. Allen. "Seals and Kings. there was a mistake in the recording of line 11. 49. Ryholt. 67. Allen has suggested that the other characteristics of the Turin King-List. n." pp. Ryholt. Helck. who followed after the children of the king of Upper and Lower Egypt."193 Allen inserts a fragment of a summation of years at the beginning of Dynasty XIV (8." 192 See also Ryholt." Possibly." p. "Turin. He derives the following relationships between the dynasties: XIII-XIV. XV. Political Situation. "The Turin Kinglist. 202). n.

. pp. the changes in the recording of the regnal lengths of the kings. "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt. Middle Kingdom. p.-196 With these observations in mind. Quirke. Note that Lapp published a coffin thought to be from Assuit that may date from Dynasty XIII or XVI and that contains some chapters from the Book of the Dead (G. Rise and Fall. 1992). and the development of the Book of the Dead. certainly are indicative of some political overlap.195 Previously. the southern capital of the Middle Note that Winlock had intuitively wondered about the relationship between Dynasties XVI and XVII. 747. For further bibliographic information concerning the Abbott Papyrus. Lapp. 74-75. 48. pp. the decrease of the variety and scope of the Coffin Texts. especially since Thebes. "The Coffin of Prince Henmefer and the Early History of the Book of the Dead. Parkinson and S.As stated before. 196 54 . Quirke. 198 R." p." Studies in Pharaonic Religion and Society for Gwyn Griffiths.197 Such changes occurred in the standards of hieroglyphic transcription. 128. 169). "Royal Power. as described by Bennett. "Der Sarg des JmnJ mit Einem Spruchgut am Ubergang von Sargtexten zum Totenbuch. Winlock had pondered if a relationship between these two groups might exist due to the fact that the list of tombs within the Abbott Papyrus suggests-that the same cemetery developed linearly through both groups of kings. Catalogue des Manuscrits. 1." pp. 105-108. (London. see Bellion.198 It is unclear why these modifications would have been necessary. Grajetzki. In the past. scholars have looked to the changes in Dynasty XVI/XVII culture as resulting from their disconnection from the royal court models of the Middle Kingdom (including funerary complexes) due to the sudden removal of the traditional Dynasty XIII rulers from the Memphite region. "Royal Power. the changes in year calculations for Dynasties XVI and XVII show that these two groups are related." p. Quirke. Ryholt suggests that the Abbott Papyrus may not reflect the chronological order of tombs (Ryholt. p. Nonetheless. 197 Franke. 140147)." SAK 13 (1986). Allen believes that the overlap between Dynasties XIII and XVI are likely and stresses the fact that the format of the Turin KingList would not have allowed for an overt display of this reality. p. Winlock. 127-128. Political Situation. pp.

III. which ruled from Thebes. However. Also. Differences between the cultures and later dating of these groups in the Turin King-List might suggest that the chronology of the Late Middle Kingdom/Second Intermediate Period must be reevaluated. "Turin. 55 . However.C.4. 65-66. still held the documents and examples needed to continue the earlier styles. Also. continued changes in the religion of the royal afterlife cannot be attributed strictly to the Theban kings.Kingdom. there may be evidence of a conscious decision to differentiate the kings and culture of this region from those of Dynasty XIII. here again.199 Meanwhile. as the tombs of most Dynasty XIII and Dynasty XVI rulers are not known. material from the Dynasty XVI/XVII royal burials differs substantially from that of Awibre Hor and other earlier tombs." pp. Expanding on Bennett's arguments concerning the Late Middle Kingdom/Second Intermediate Period.P. representing a faction of this group of kings with their own polity in the Delta.B. The Distribution of Ceramics in the Late Middle Kingdom/Second Intermediate Period Bourriau's studies of ceramic material of the Late Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period appear to reflect the understanding of the political situation presented J. were also related to one another. Allen. the simple plans of the Dynasty XVII pyramids. are devoid of the complexity of the Late Middle Kingdom with their hidden and blocked passages. 49. Dynasties XVI and XVII. Allen has suggested that Dynasty XIV emerged directly from Dynasty XIII.

" pp. the Middle Kingdom. is defined by Asiatic designs while the other two are the continuation of regional types. For a summary of the Tell el Dab'a sequence. "Beyond Avaris. types." inE. the abrupt abandonment of ceramic forms or assemblages may correspond to important events. they also become the only region of the three to be in direct contact with the 200 Bourriau.D. p. 125." p. the sequence at Lisht North as well as at Kom Rabi'a (RAT in Memphis) was believed to show a hiatus just after the beginning of the Second Intermediate Period. 159-182. "Royal Power. "Second Intermediate Period.S. Also. Davies. 397. 123.. forms continue to evolve from the First Intermediate Period through the New Kingdom with no definitive breaks (besides the loss of Lower Egyptian types). "Thirteenth Dynasty. In Lower Egypt. Arnold. Bourriau. and the Delta. similar patterns also arise with contact with Kerma. "Settlement."'in W. see Quirke. continue until late Dynasty XVII/early Dynasty XVIII. For the connection between the material culture of at least early Dynasty XIII and Dynasty XII.G. when the Upper Egyptian forms replace them (rare examples of Asiatic forms made from Nile clays are also found). down to Assuit). D. 130. of course. ed. 197. 184-187. three distinct ceramic traditions are visible within Egypt including those of Upper Egypt (and Middle Egypt from Assuit). it can indicate the spheres of influence of administrations with access to resources (clay types) only available in specific places. 201 Bourriau. 1991) p. "The Eastern Nile Delta During the Hyksos and Pre-Hyksos Periods: Toward a Systemic/Socioeconmic Understanding. At some point between the end of the Late Middle Kingdom and the beginning of the Second Intermediate Period." pp. Interestingly. contemporary with the growth in population around Tell el-Dab'a (F. It seems that at the point in which the Upper Egyptians lose the ceramic types of their northern neighbors. Jeffries. et al." p. Slightly earlier. including Marl C jars. 19. "Patterns of Change. 16). 1997). "Memphis 1985.. the Memphite region (centered at Itjatawy. Oren. "Relations between Egypt and Kerma during the Middle and New Kingdoms. Egypt and Africa (London. Though pottery cannot be used to determine exact political units." p. In Upper Egypt. The Hyksos: New Historical and Archaeological Perspectives (Philadelphia. pp.. ed. see J." JEA 73 (1987)." p. 16.201 The last of these. 56 .

" pp.203 Thus. "Beyond Avaris. Nonetheless. it appears that Lower Egypt lost contact with Nubia sometime in or after the Neferhotep I to Sobekhotep IV era while the connection with Upper Egypt remained uninterrupted from the Middle to the New Kingdoms. Bourriau. 57 . Prior to the replacement of Middle Kingdom forms with the Upper Egyptian assemblage in the Memphite region. This progression may seem natural since the Theban kings were closest to this region and the administration at this southern capital had no doubt been in control of this area in the Late Middle Kingdom.Kushites (Classic Kerma). 99. "Relations. possibly corresponding to the fall of Dynasty XIII and the war with the Hyksos. Late Middle Kingdom ceramic forms continued in the local areas under the rule of weakened Dynasty XIII kings. In sum. The lack of Asiatic material in general for both the Memphite and Theban areas may indicate that the Hyksos had little lasting cultural influence over these regions. However. the disappearance of Lower Egyptian forms from the south as well as that of Nubian types from the Memphite region seems to correspond with the emergence of Dynasty XVI. the simplified examination presented above is not sufficient evidence for the political situation in Egypt on its own. there is a thin layer of clean sand present at some sites." p. the nature of these developments near the centers of the territories ruled by these dynasties is important despite the fact that the peripheral regions do not necessarily follow suit. 130-131. 202 203 Bourriau. It should be noted that other regionalized assemblages have been proposed for Middle Egypt and the Elephantine area.

Helck. Occurrences of Dedumose are found on the following monuments: Gebelein stela. 43-44. may derive from expedition sites such as the Sinai and wadis." JEA 25 (1939). 73-73. Vernus. G. pp. 188. 590. line 181. does not refer to this king known from monuments at Deir el Bahari and Gebelein. where 58 . p. "Quelques precisions sur 1'histoire de la province d'Edfou a la 2e Period Intermediate." Oriens Antiqws 19 (1980). Barta. bis 13. History. El-Sayed also implies that this identification is not certain (R." pp. pp. A Reading Book. Historische-Biographische. 249. 262. see P. see el-Sayed." JEA 27 (1941). 67. Schneider. • • - . Rosati. no. "Note e proposte per la satazione delle stele del Medio Regno. "Growth of the htp-d'i-Nsw Formula in the Middle Kingdom. 12-14. appearance of the king.III. 12-14. pp. ' - ' ' ' • • 207 Ryholt. Sobekhotep IV. appearance of the khehker frieze at the top of stela. See Helck. Political Situation. 53. von Beckerath places him as the 37th king of Dynasty XIII (von Beckerath. 59. el-Sayed. p. P. C. and Edfu stela. see Mioso. Typologie derSdrge und Sargkammern von der 6. Political Situation.B. "The Writing of the htp-d'i-nsw in the Middle and New Kingdoms. thus." p. p. Pharaonic King-lists. "The Hyksos. "Quelques precisions. As this king is known from several monuments in the south of Egypt. 194. Early writings of the second form date to the following kings: Dedumose and Pentjen as well as Apepi. 1968). Bennett. 151-152. 240. pp. It seems to be the case that this development as well as others (dates in lunette." BIFAO 79 (1979). 1993). CG 20533.20 He argues that the Tutimaios reference is not really in the Manetho text and. 206 Ryholt." pp. p. 327-328. n. Wahibre. and whm cnti). 271. has the later form of the htp-di-nswt formula. "Sur les Graphies de la Formule.4. A Reading Book. 108-109. pp. p. JE 46998. Scholars believed that this king (as Tutimaios) was associated with Manetho (via Josephus)204 with the ruler of the southern part of Egypt when the Hyksos overtook Memphis and began their dynasty.C. 208 For this evidence.d. Geschichte. and Queen Nebkhas. 185. pp. Handbuch. Sobekhotep III. 207. For the text. lines 15 and 13.208 204 Grimal. Redford. possibly indicating that it is a part of the Theban tradition. Smither notes the earlier version of the sign grouping from the reigns of Sekhemkare. The Chronology of the Overlap In traditional scholarly thought. pp. it was believed that a Dedumose was the Dynasty XIII king in Thebes when the Hyksos invaded Egypt. pp. 859. Lapp. Khendjer Nimaankhare. Dynastie (Heidelberg. For the stela with this form. p. 205 Redford.207 Stela 46988 of the Cairo Museum. In this article." p. 2-3. Aufbau und Bedeutung der Altdgyptischen Operformel (Gluckstadt. see Mioso. "Le PretreRitualiste.205 Ryholt considers him (Dedumose Djedhetepre) to be a part of his Theban Dynasty XVI. Lexikonder Pharaonen. Smither. For the change in the offering formula from T ^ A to TAOD . Sobekemsaf and Kamose. See also W. which has this king's name. 285. p. 131. 77.

When Dynasty XV began. Stewart. Kamose and Ahmose) and Khamudi never use any titles other than the royal Egyptian ones. Sakirhar referred to himself with both the title hk3-h3swt^& well as parts of the Egyptian titulary.. pp. which Ryholt believed might represent phases in the Hyksos phenomena. Rosati. Apepi (contemporary with Sekenenre. 2002). 121." Bibliotheca Orientalis 38 (1981)." in P. There was some archaism of this form during Dynasty XVII as well as in the reigns of Hatshepsut and Thutmosis III of Dynasty XVIII and in the Saite Period (A. Handbuch. Spalinger. p. all of these Asiatic rulers are categorized as artisans seemed to have had more freedom for experimentation during the latter part of Dyansty XII (C. in the Turin King-List.210 Meanwhile. During his reign. p. 271. including the Nebty and Golden Horus names. it now seems more plausible that Dynasty XV began as a localized polity in the eastern Delta while the end of Dynasty XIII and Theban Dynasty XVI existed in the south. 2 (Boston. n. Berlev. 209 Ryholt. 321. 100." pp.It has always been assumed that the Hyksos took Memphis at the beginning of Dynasty XV. 147). "Horn.. "Representation and Style. the next king. a localized kingdom was easily established. "The Concept of Monarchy During the Saite Epoch-An Essay of Synthesis. p." pp. "Note. 111. 35. here. 12-13). 141-152). but there may not have been the means to proceed southward at that time. 59 .20. ed. Bennett.209 According to Ryholt." in P. p. 2 (Boston. the following rulers. "Review of Egyptian Stelae. in R." JEA 44 (1958). 669. "Sur les Graphies de la Formule. S. 22. "Altagyptische Verwandtschaftsbezeichnungen. 18. Studies in Honor of William Kelly Simpson." Orientalia 47 (1978). Egyptian Scarabs (Mineola. 1996). Studies Simpson. Part II. Der Manuelian. 528. PL 117. Der Manuelian. 79. ed. 1996). 119-120. "The Writing of htp-di-nsw." JEA 27 (1941). 115. 121.M. Von Beckerath lists Sakirhar as a part of Dynasty XV/XVI since he follows the earlier interpretation of the Turin King-list (von Beckerath. Thus. and Paintings from the Petrie Collection.J. 43. 210 For example." p. Newberry. and Ships: On Titles in the Middle Kingdom. p. Franke states that the older form continued after the adoption of the newer one as far south as Dendera (Franke. "Motifs and Phrases on Funerary Stelae of the Later Middle Kingdom. has seals with the title hk3-hlswt and seals and monuments with royal titles in conjunction with his nomen and prenomen. Leprohon. though. 157. 78.E. the power base of Avaris had already been established by a presumably weak Dynasty XIV. O. New York. p. "A Late Middle Kingdom Stela in a Private Collection. Political Situation.p. Quirke. see P. Vernus. 116). Feather and Scale. Freed." p. However.. there is a progression. R. pp. Reliefs. Thus. Khayan.

214 For an opposing view. see Bietak. Probleme der Agyptologie 17 (Boston. pp. 2001).212 Based upon the names alone. Political Situation. was triumphantly crowned in Memphis may be nothing more than a myth. p. one might suggest that the Hyksos began moving southward during the reign of Sakirhor. he decided to adopt the full ancient Egyptian titulary.C. based upon Manetho. M It may be the case that the first kings of Dynasty XVI also did not use all royal titles. that the first king of Dynasty XV. Salitis. 123-124."211 The evolution of the Hyksos' denotation from "ruler of foreign lands" {hkl-hlswt) to "king of Upper and Lower Egypt" and "son of Re. may -correspond to the events resulting in the taking of Memphis. since the example is a graffito. it may be the case that the difference between Dynasties XVI and XVII is the presence of 211 Ryholt. The Graffiti of Pharaonic Egypt. See also von Beckerath.J. Thus. once this latter king had control of the ancient capital.214 It is possible that the Hyksos kings continued their campaign into Upper Egypt. 114-115).). the invasion of Memphis. However. Thus. only Khayan and his successor.213 Also. An El Kab graffito names the "son of Re" Dedumose without the nomen being within a cartouche (A. are known from inscriptions in Egypt outside of the Delta. 112-115." p. 212 60 ."rulers of foreign lands. rather than indicating the siege of all of Egypt as Ryholt proposes. 55. taking them to his capital at Avaris. Silverman. This development is also clear in the list of kings composed by von Beckerath {Handbuch. "Epithet zi R' in the Old through the Middle Kingdom. 48). Peden. 3100-332 B. In theory. Handbuch. may have occurred during the reign of Khayan. Scope and Roles of Informal Writings (c. possibly taking Thebes from the Dynasty XVI kings for a brief period of time. when this king removed earlier royal statues from the temples of this region. ^ . taking Memphis under Khayan's rule." along with the use of the nomens and prenomens." forthcoming. Thus. it may not reflect official doctrines. For a discussion of the "son of Re" epithet. "Overview.P. which resulted in the demise of Dynasty XIII. p. it may be the case that the traditional view. Apepi. see D.

Africanus (ca.217 It is likely that the sources for Manetho mistook the 100 for 400 since such an error was 215 Ryholt. Each major study.A. La Fin du Moyen Empire.M. and XVI are all attributed to the Hyksos kings. 72. p. 297-332. 1995). 284. 44. which endured for 453 years. with the demise of the latter two occurring well after the former. pp. ed. 216 61 . pp. the history of Manetho (Aegyptiaca).215 In this theory. which has included Dynasty XIII." in J. 71. Sasson. 252-262. pp. Ryholt." p. One of the most recent of these examinations was that of Ryholt. Ancient Sources IV. 315-322. "Egypt: From the Death. IV. Political Situation. Civilizations of the Ancient Near East. 8-12. 6. his sources. XIII. Kakosy. Lloyd. Manetho and the Length of Dynasty XIII Revealed through Eusebius (ca. states that sixty kings ruled in Egypt from Diospolis during Dynasty XIII. Pharaonic King-lists. For a discussion of Manetho's work. 160-240 AD). Political Situation. MA." p. p. "Manetho. the fall of Dynasties XIV. von Beckerath.. has produced a different result (see Appendix I). pp. 209-245. For a typical early use of Manetho. 5-6. see Redford. 217 Hayes. 17. "Egypt in Ancient Greek and Roman Thought.A.216 Thus. and his motives. L. Zweite. 1 (Peabody. this section will serve primarily as a review of Ryholt's list of Dynasty XIII kings with discussions of problems and issues related to it.Hyksos activity in the Theban region as Ryholt proposed. 464. 260-340 AD). 1. 203-259. that Ptolemy II Philadelphus originally commissioned in 280 BC. and Josephus {Contra Apionem via the later Epitome). IV-. Internal Chronology of<Dynasty XIII The internal chronology of Dynasty XIII is very complicated due to the condition of the Turin King-List as well as the different interpretations of its content. Untersuchungen. "Zwischenzeit. see Weill. 1444." p.

pp. 25-28. History. Political Situation. containing the names of Egyptian Kings. even though it was composed over 1000 years after the end of Dynasty XIII. Ryholt. The Turin King-List as the Source for Reconstructing Dynasty XIII The Turin King-List is the most important text pertaining to Dynasty XIII. "The Hyksos. 138. 220 Malek suggests that Manetho used a list similar to the Turin King-List as a source for his work (J.221 Unfortunately. 221 Ryholt." pp. the time given by Manetho for this period as roughly 150 years is adhered to by most scholars.218 Besides the number of kings (reportedly from Thebes) and the overall length of the dynasty. 3. and it lists these rulers (by prenomens or sometime nomens) in chronological order with their reign lengths. Malek. Note that in this study. 1. Ryholt's reconstruction of the Turin King-List is utilized since his analysis of the pattern of the fibers in the papyrus is a technique which must not be ignored in favor of earlier works.2). n. Pharaohs. Political Situation. IV. 27. Manetho provides no other specific information regarding the historical figures of this time period.common in the transcription of documents during this time (453 instead of 153). for whom there is no other form of evidence." JEA 68 (1982)." p.G. Greenberg has attempted to argue that the actual length of Dynasty XIII is 69 years (Greenberg. Winlock. 1851)). as it objectively presents the names of many monarchs. 222 Malek. Wilkinson (The Fragments of the Hieratic Papyrus at Turin. p. 104-105). 93. "The Original Version. For a summary of the information in the various sources for Manetho's writings related to the Late Middle Kingdom/Second Intermediate Period. this document is severely damaged and must be reconstructed in many places. 3. see Petrie. 219 Weigall. pp. 202-205. "The Original Version of the Royal Canon of Turin. 94.220 It is possible that if Manetho's estimate for the length of this dynasty is incorrect. pp. p. Political Situation. 141-142. it appears that lacunae were also found in the earlier renditions (derived from five or more 218 Weigall. Nonetheless. with the Hieratic Inscription at the back (London. 62 . This method was first used by T. Pharaohs. "Rehabilitated. Redford. then the number is too low. pp. p. p.222 To make things even more complicated.2. Ryholt.A. 9." p. Rise and Fall.

p. pp. believing that ws/indicated where the scribe wished to show that a king had been intentionally left out of the original manuscript due to political or some other illwilled purpose. as one can see by comparing Appendices I-III.226 Several of these mistakes have been made in the Dynasty XIII section. 10-28. 141. Ryholt. 31-32. Political Situation.227 A large number of kings are listed in order with their regnal length in the Turin King-List. pp. but there are many fragments and lacunae in this text. Ryholt suggests that there were four versions of the king-lists prior to that now in Turin. "The Turin Kinglist. pp. Untersuchungen zu Manetho. Political Situation. 224 Helck. Redford had a different interpretation. see J. In his study of this document. which scribes copied to make this document. 29. Ryholt's theory concerning the appearance of wsf is more consistent with-the evidence at this time. where the names of rulers and their sequences differ from one scholar to the next. which have affected not only the Turin King-List but also the interpretation of it by modern scholars. such as incorrect chronology. p. Previously. 5 Thus. is often paired with a six year regnal length in the Turin King-List. 15.P Allen. "King Qemau: A Reconsideration. he would write the word. which marks the place of a king." p. "Historiography. one of which impacts the identity of the first king of the era. Pharaonic King-lists.of years.manuscripts in early Dynasty XVIII). Political Situation. Likewise. For comments concerning Ryholt's reconstruction of the Vorlage. making any reconstruction preliminary at best. Ryholt has outlined several different types of mistakes. "Turin. Many of the Dynasty XIII kings are difficult to identify. Political Situation. this formula was used when a lacuna was encountered as the place holder for an unknown king who ruled and undetermined number. However. several of these rulers are not 223 Ryholt. 10-12. Kadish. 225 Ryholt. 183. 11-12. p. "So-Called Turin Canon. Bennett. 109." GM159 (1997). pp. 31-33. See also C. History. 227 Grimal. reducing the number of previous copies by one or possibly two papyri. See Redford. p. 30. 15." pp. and reign lengths. 52. 226 Ryholt. parts of names." p. wsf224 Ryholt also noticed that wsf. 147-148." p.223 When a scribe encountered one of these areas where information was missing. 63 . 31. Note that some of the developments from one source to another could have occurred in more than one step per document.

231 See Chapter 6. Political Situation. La Fin du Moyen Empire. Prenomen: shm-rc-hw-t?wy. Allen.preserved in the Turin King-List though their names have been found on statues and other 228 monuments. "Egypt: From the Death. Other evidence also suggests that Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet Sobekhotep I belongs closer to the kings of Dynasty XII than to those of Dynasty XIII. Hayes. 211. "Les Successeurs de la Xlle Dynasty a Medamoud..B. Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet Sobekhotep I The Turin King-List cites. 229 Breasted. 259.Horus: mnh-[.5 and col. 145. as Ryholt argues. p. Political Situation. 92-93.]. IV." p. pp.231 or not. bis 17. pp. Handbuch. Golden Horus: cnh-ntrw. XLIX. 249. XIII." ASAE 8 (1907). 358-359). 230 J. Le Roi Ougaf et la plaquette Rubensohn. 64 . Ryholt..230 .B. p. With the similarity in the prenomens of these kings ( s ® versus ^ ? 0 ). p. this king used a double name. pp. 50. scholars such as Ryholt have argued that their names were switched by mistake in this document. The Kings of Dynasty XIII IV. XII. pp. 45. pp. Weill. Neferhotep II. Whether these names mark filiation. Ini. Political Situation. "Notes d'inspection. coupling Sobekhotep with Amenemhet. Lexikon der Pharaonen. History. 50-51." p. von Beckerath." p. 13. 279307. See Schneider. Due These rulers include Ameny Qemau (who may be listed as Amenemhetre in 7. which may explain further how they became reversed even with Sobekhotep following the prenomen Sekhemrekhutawy. 155.P. G. p. "Complements." REA 2(1929).4). 315-318. 10. 'Titulary. as the Turin King-List indicates-. 336. 337. Khutawyre (Wegaf) as the first ruler of Dynasty XIII (7.l. Legrain.229 Allen notes that Ryholt's hypothetical reconstruction of the previous version of the Turin King-List places these two rulers in close proximity (col. pp.5) with a regnal length of over 2 years and 3 months.19. "Turin. Nebty:?.7). Stock. Ryholt. while Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet Sobekhotep I is in line 7. Nomen: sbk-htp with double name imn-m-htt. Senebmiew and Sekhaenre (Ryholt. this king wished to connect himself with a ruler of this name possibly from Dynasty XII. 48-49. Dynastie Agyptens. For example.

an inscription type continuing from Dynasty XII. 155-173. were found at Semna and assigned to the reign of Sekhemrekhutawy Sobekhotep T 236 It should be emphasized that the sources listed in the paragraph above all refer to 232 K. 336. 65-66. Ryholt notes that this document refers to year 40. F. 3. 234 For the Lahun Papyri. 1999). 235 Fmi±e. . see U. it is likely that the first entries in this set of rulers were related. 210." JEA 31 (1945). pp. See also Ryholt. 1992). however distantly to Amenemhet III or Amenemhet IV especially since three out of four of them have second names with some form of Amenemhet. 558." p. Vandier. pp. 25-29. S. This prenomen appears in the Kahun Papyri." GM119 (1990). . 151. "A Reconsideration of Some Royal Names of the Thirteenth Dynasty. Historische-Biographische. The UCL Lahun Papyri: Religious.232 Other evidence also points to a close chronological link between a Sekhemrekhutawy (presumably Sobekhotep I) and the kings of late Dynasty XII. Briefe 1 (Berlin. 315. p. Literary. Luft.L. History. appears both in the Kahun Papyri during the reign of a Sekhemrekhutawy as well as in the Semna Dispatches.. 160). 184. Legal. 236 Grimal. 6. pp. . "Social History. Drioton and Vandier suggest that Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet Sobekhotep I could have been the spouse of Nefrusobek. Mathematical and Medical (Oxford. PL X. Griffith. p. 1971). p.Personendaten. achieving the right to the throne through marriage (E. 1975). Griffith. X-XI. "The Semna Dispatches. 7-8. Dasfriihe agyptische Konigtum (Wiesbaden. The Petrie Papyri: Hieratic Papyri from Kahun and Gurob (London. Das Archiv von Illahun. 65 .p. pp. presumably of Amenemhet III. p. Ryholt. the same man by the name of Sobekwer (identified through titles and family relationships)." in R. Gundlaeh and W. 1898). no. The Administration of Egypt in the Late Middle Kingdom.B. Political Situation. 1990). Pis. line 3.235 indicating that the span between these kings was less than one generation. Several Nile height records. 213. pp. which are dated to Amenemhet III. 283).233 texts which begin in Dynasty XII and do not span the entirety of Dynasty XIII. Seipel.S. L'Egypte (Paris. Drioton and J. Pharaohs.C. (Whitstable. A sealing of this king was found at Mirgissa (Kemp. eds. "Visible and Invisible: the King in the Administrative Papyri of the Late Middle Kingdom. P. Kaplony-Heckel. (Weisbaden. Agyptische Hanschriften I.234 Also. the fact that the heading for this group of rulers in the Turin King-List labels them as those "who followed after" Dynasty XII. The Petrie Papyri. Quirke. 233 Gardiner. U. Smither. pp. 2004). Doss.

Franke states that the older form continued after the adoption of the newer one as far south as Dendera (Franke." pp. La Fin du Moyen Empire. 239 For example. 61. Smither notes the earlier version of the sign grouping from the reigns of Sekhemkare. pp. it is not absolutely certain that these texts belonged to Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet Sobekhotep I. K. which appears to have been added to that of Sedjefakare Amenemhet. and Queen Nebkhas (Smither. 34-35). Nimaankhare Khendjer. "Altagyptische Verwandtschaftsbezeichhungen. one with an unknown nomen and Horus name KhabaW. 318. 316-317. pp. Scholars have listed up to three possible kings with this prenomen: Amenemhet Sobekhotep." Orientalia 36 (1967). 33-36. Sobekhotep IV. p. 1928). Montet. an architrave from Tanis may link Khabaw with Awibre Hor due to the fact that both of their (Horus) names appear in its inscription.. "Notes on the Viziers 'Ankhu and 'Iymeru in the Thirteenth Egyptian Dynasty.J. 341. PI. 242 F. III (Paris. Fouilles de Medamoud 1927." p. Early writings of the second form date to the following kings: Dedumose and Pantjeny as well as Apepi. 46-49. 251-254. making it impossible that Wegaf was the first king of the Dynasty. and may indicate that the former ruled after the latter. Allen. When scholars accept Wegaf as the first king of Dynasty XIII. Ryholt.237 It is likely that Pantjeny dates to Dynasty XVI since a stela with his name displays the later form of the offering formula. PL III." p. 317-318. pp. However. 45. 28. Ryholt. La Necropole Royale de Tanis.C. 237 Franke. Egypt. Political Situation. p. von Beckerath. J. 238 For references. enough is visible in the 66 . "Zur Chronologie. 249.241 More conclusively. p. 71-73. 50. a bark stand from Medamud displays the name of Wegaf. p.a Sekhemrekhutawy without the nomen. 147). "The Writing of the htp-d'i-nsw" pp." p.242 For this reason. "Byblos. Thus. p. 240 P. FIFAO 5 (Cairo. and Mari in the Early Second Millennium B.240 though other explanations are possible. 285-286.238 Thus. 1960).A. Kitchen. see Franke. they often place (Horus) Khabaw in the wsfrn Turin King-List 7. Bisson de la Roque and J." JNES 17 (1958).'and Pantjeny. von Beckerath. 45. Political Situation. Ibiaw. Ryholt. 267.239 However. Weill. pp.P. Political Situation. Untersuchungen. see note 208. "Zur Chronologie. pp. 241 J. he can be eliminated from the possible rulers with this name at the beginning of Dynasty XIII. "Turin. von Beckerath. Untersuchungen. Sobekhotep III. Clere. Sobekemsaf and Kamose. 251. Note that Ryholt confirms this conclusion from a drawing because the photo was not clear enough. 85.6 to explain the early occurrences of the prenomen Sekhemrekhutawy. Fig.

IV." in E. but there is a Nile level record dating to his fourth year at Semna as well as an inscription at Askut dated to Year 3. Prenomen: shm-ki-rc." p. Ryholt. Sekhemkare Amenemhet Senebef The king following the three year-reign of Sobekhotep I is Sekhemkare (Amenemhet Senebef). at least 3 years. 67 . which appears in the Turin King-List. 245 Titulary. von Beckerath. p. Sehotepibre.B. Reniseneb.243 It should be noted that six out of fifteen kings with estimated regnal lengths based on relatively solid evidence ruled for at least 12 years. from Nile records— Senebef.2. "Zur Chronologie. von Beckerath. Untersuchungen. see Franke. "In the Name of the King: On Late Middle Kingdom Cylinders.. the actual number for all of these kings must be significantly greater considering that many of the known and proposed pyramids of the Late Middle Kingdom likely belong to rulers of this era (making these reigns from 2-4 years or longer based upon the construction time for these pyramids). Nebty: it-shm-f. Political Situation. Amenemhetre at least 3 years. 244 Kings included in the six are: 1. et al. MA.244 Thus. Untersuchungen. from the Turin King-List—First King (Sobekhotep I). at least 3 years.Horus: mh-ib-tiwy. 34. Quirke. 2006). pp. 2 years 3 months. Quirke has recently argued that the Turin King-List is correct and that time between Wegaf and Sekhemrekhutawy (Amenemhet Sobekhotep I) may only be 5-10 years because the-reigns were so short. Czerny. it is unlikely that Quirke's proposal explains the commonalities between this king and those of late Dynasty XII. Thus. Timelines: Studies in Honour of Manfred Bietak. p.245 who also has the double name..Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet Sobekhotep I can likely be reconstructed as the first king of Dynasty XIII.f with double name imn-m-htt. 2. Little is known concerning this ruler. eds. and his name photograph (along with the drawing) to determine that the styles differ between the inscriptions of the two kings. at least 1 year. Nomen: snb. . pp. pp. Handbuch. 88-89. 1 (Dudley. Against this interpretation. 31-33. 336. 4 months. Golden Horus:?. 249. 243 S. 264-265. Khendjer.

October 1962-January 1963). P.appears in the Lahun Papyri. "Vizier Ibi'. according to 246 A. 249 For the known examples. Garstang.246 Ryholt suggests that the filiative double name indicates that Amenemhet III or IV was the father of this ruler. Amenemhet was also referred to as "Amenemhet Renefseneb" within a single inscription. no. 8. 222-223. La Fin du Moyen Empire.3. 247 Ryholt. pp. J. 248 Ryholt. p. 57. Helck. II. 139.248 However. p. who reigned within a year or two of one another would have had the same prenomen as this situation would have been confusing. making Sobekhotep I his half or full brother. Personendaten. Kahun IV. 5. 336. p. "Extract From My Notes IV. 310. 1986). Bellion." Kush 14 (1966). there is a wsf.6). Newberry. it seems unlikely that two kings. pp. p. Vernus. which. 250 See Vernus. 122. pp. 337. Political Situation. a king is named as Sekhemkare Amenemhet. p.249 For example.1 (imn-m-hct[rf]). Ryholt believes that this ruler is the one mentioned in the Turin King-List 1. one private person." p.251 IV. "Preliminary Report on the Excavations by the University of California at Askut (First Season. 68 . p. p. 151. 1901). See also von Beckerath. Gauthier. 3. pp. 166 (Pap. Weill. leading to the rule of Amenemhet IV. Historische-Biographische. 286. "Semna South Fort and the Records of Nile Levels at Kumma. Untersuchungen. H. 1912). p. see P. p. 209. Schneider.250 Also. Vercoutter. J. Nerikare In the same line as the entry for Senebef (7. 461. 3-77. it is more likely that the statue reflects the double naming of the king Sekhemkare Amenemhet Senebef. p. Le Livre des Rois d'Egypte. Note that Ryholt rules out Amenemhet III in a later publication due to his assumption that the king had no living sons upon his death. 251 Franke. Gardiner. Political Situation." p. p.B. who he believes was not from the royal bloodline (Ryholt. 209). Pharaohs. Habachi. 9. Doss. 132." Kush 12 (1964). especially since the interchanging of names occurs in private examples. "Royal Names. ElArabah (London. PI. MIFAO 18 (Cairo. 4.l)." p. Surnom. M. 106. Political Situation. Badawy. The vizier during the reign of Senebef was Khenmes. p." Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology 23 (1901). 52-53. Quirke. 36.247 In a statue from Elephantine. Le Surnom au Moyen Empire Procedes d'Expression et Structures de la Double Identite du Debut de la Xlle Dynastie a la Fin de la XVIIe Dynastie (Rome. "Royal Power. Lexikon der Pharaonen. Catalogue des Manuscrits.

Gabolde. Allen believes that this reconstruction is possible (J. pp. 70. For a drawing of the seal. Golden Horus:?.P. pp. 11-12. Prenomen: wy-kl-rc. Political Situation. bis 17. The number of years recorded for the unknown king is six with no months or days. Seals of a king Sobek are known and can be dated to early in Dynasty XIII (before Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep III). 1). who are not listed in the Turin King-List but are known through monuments or seals. 47. Ryholt believes that Nerikare would fit into the initial ws/due to the fact that there are Nile level records at Semna and Askut dated to year 1 of this king. Thus. n. 318-319. Ryholt.B. Abb. pp. n. 34. See Schneider. Ameny Qemau In position 7. Nomen:?. indicates a lacuna in the scribe's source. However. Political Situation. J. since this part of their titularies has yet to be identified.P. 89. 5 However. pp.Ryholt.337.4. 213-222. there is the name Amenemhetre with a year 252 Ryholt. Ryholt suggests that this nomen may belong to Nerikare or (Horus) Khabaw. Political Situation. Nebty:?.7 in the Turin King-List. p. 253 69 . the type of entry used when the number of years of a ruler whose name was not known. Dynastie Agyptens. 337. p. Ryholt notes that a stela from Thebes confirms the existence of Nerikare (Ryholt." p. this king likely reigned during this period. since all kings with the name Sobekemsaf date to Dynasty XVII. placing him in this wsf entry seems logical. 13. Political Situation. 51). see Stock. IV. Titulary. 180. Allen. some scholars have attempted to place the known names into this position. Gabolde argues that this king did not exist and that the incomplete cartouche from which he is known is actually that of Woserkare Khendjer. one must wonder if this is a nickname for Sobekhotep similar to that of Ameny for Amenemhet (see below). 39. 254 Ryholt. However. Since there are a number of rulers of Dynasty XIII. it is unlikely that this seal represents one of them. Stock suggested Sobekhotep or Sobekemsaf as the full name of the king. 192. p.253 Since the practice of recording the level of the Nile in the Nubian region occurred during late Dynasty XH-early Dynasty XIII. "Turin. "Nerkare a-t-il Existe?." BIFAO 90 (1990).Horus:?. 54. Lexikon der Pharaonen.

258 Bennett notes that it is possible that the father of Qemau. Ryholt also Suggests that that Qemau was the son of this king. 257 A private tomb at Beni Hasan (tomb 2). pp. 337. "A Bead of King Ranisonb and a Note on King Qemau. 259 Bennett. used interchangeably throughout the tomb (P.256 with Ameny being a shortened form of Amenemhet. he favors Amenemhet III or IV from Dynasty XII or some other previous ruler by this name as the father of Qemau rather than placing him within a reconstructed wsfentry.E." pp. "Turin. p. 107109. Handbuch. who has been combined with Sekhemkare Amenemhet Senebef in this study. Beni Hasan. the entry in the Turin King-List (7. Golden Horus:?. 97-100.Horus:?.P.7) denotes a reign of three or four years. 11-12. 50-51. The presence of the pyramid of Ameny Qemau at Dahshur indicates that a regnal length of at least 3 years is possible for this ruler. Prenomen:?. including Ameny.7 and that his likely father Sekhemkare Amenemhet may have been represented by the same wsf entry as Nerikare. Political Situation. Archaeological Survey of Egypt 1 (London. Titulary. using the filiative double name Ameny Qemau. 102-103. Significantly. Nomen: kmJwwith double name imny. of at least 3.259 Nonetheless. 11). p." GM156 (1997)." pp. depending upon whether or not a stroke appears in the lacuna. there are different opinions as to who this ruler might be. Allen suggests that Ameny Qemau is the Amenemhetre of Turin King-List 7. Ryholt suggests that this entry names Sekhemkare Amenemhet. Qemau's name is placed in a wsf lost in a lacuna after Amenemhetre. "Royal Names. Because there is no king with this exact prenomen. shows different forms of the name.Allen. 214-215. 260 See also the consideration of these kings in Grimal." pp. 255 Ryholt. "Qemau. History'. Ryholt." pp.257 In this scenario. von Beckerath. pp. 192. Nebty:?. Political Situation. Ryholt. 183. 256 70 . belonging to an Amenemhet (Dynasty XII Kheperkare Senwosret 1). 11-17. p. 1893). "The Turin Kinglist. Newberry. 149-150. may not have actually been a king. 258 J.260 It is also possible that the double name of Qemau refers to his grandfather.

Ryholt. Untersuchungen. p. Unfortunately." pp. 90-91.f-n. Iwefni The king following Qemau and his son in the Turin King-List is Iwefni (7. p. IV. Prenomen: htp-ib-rc. Ryholt. shown by this king refers to his father and predecessor Ameny Qemau.Horus:?. Untersuchungen. pp.B.Horus:?. likely correctly in this case.265 Ryholt suggests that this king used filiative names to refer to his grandfather. 338. ." p. Nomen: imn-m-Iitf with triple names inmyand in-it. See also Schneider. the papyrus breaks before recording the number of years of this king's reign. pp. 263 von Beckerath. Ameny and Titulary. 39-40. 264 Titulary. 39. as well as those who followed/remains unknown. p. Nebty: shm-hcw. 106-107. Untersuchungen.9). p.B.10). von Beckerath. Hotepibre Qemau Saharnedjeritef The king listed in 7. Political Situation.Horus: scnh-ib-Owyi'shr-tiwy. Lexikon der Pharaonen. 90-91. Golden Horus:?.263 The Turin King-List assigns at least one year to him with a maximum of four years. who is thought to be Hotepibre Qemau Saharnedjeritef. IV.8 of the Turin King-List is Sehotepibre.261 Ryholt. See also von Beckerath. Handbuch.f. pp. Political Situation. 265 Titulary. Handbuch. p. von Beckerath. Sankhibre (Ameny Intef Amenemhet). 70. Handbuch. it is probable that the number is on the lower end of this range. 109-110. "Royal Names. Nebty:?. pp.262 However. came to the throne (7. 262 Ryholt. 90-91.i. Nomen: Iw. it is possible that the name indicates a full statement of filiation (Qemau son of (si) Harnedjeritef). Nebty:?. 40. Political Situation. 57.B. 338. Prenomen: scnh-ib-rc. though this number is unlikely in the space of the line and the associated lacuna. believes that the double name. 71 . 338. Political Situation. p.5. "Investigation.7. Prenomen:?. Ryholt. p.IV. His familial relationship to those who preceded.6. Golden Horus: hk-m3ct. Nomen: si-hrw-nd-hr-itf. 216. Sankhibre Ameny Intef Amenemhet After Iwefni. and he is not known from any other source. Golden Horus:?. Qemau. See also Quirke.

269 Titulary. Untersuchungen. "Altagyptische Verwandtschaftsbezeichnungen.267 one must take note that this designation was commonly used for men outside the royal family at this time. something. "Some Notes on the Family of Mereraka.Horus:?. see D. 308-309. Egyptian Titles. which seems to contradict Ryholt's theory that filiation always indicates royal parentage in the names of kings. Index. p. Nebty:?.12 of the Turin King-List are Semenkare (Nebnun) and Sehotepibre. Prenomen: shtp-ib-rc. "Quelques precisions. pp." JEA 76 (1990). Semenkare Nebnun and Sehotepibre The kings in lines 7. pp. pp. pp. "Probleme der Arbeit mit altagyptischen Titeln des Mittleren Reiches. Ryholt amends this earlier occurrence to Hotepibre. 45. 338. Habelts Dissertationsdrucke.266 If the understanding of this triple name is correct. von Beckerath. 638-647. 103-124. 301(301). One of the reasons why he 266 Ryholt. Though Ryholt suggests that seals with the title "king's son" and the name Intef may refer to the father of this king. 380a. here. Golden Horus:?. 39-40. 97-98. See also Ryholt. et al. Political Situation. as mentioned above. see el-Sayed. Reihe Agyptologie 2 (Bonn. Nomen:?. Baer. "Zum Konigsreich. Ward. 214. Political Situation. Note that Bietak has proposed that Nehesy's father founded Dynasty XIV based upon his literal interpretation of this title (Bietak." pp. Franke. p.11 and 7. Franke. "A Bead. von Beckerath. For the assignment of the Horus name of this king from a stela from Gebel Zeit. pp. Egyptian Administrative and Private-Name Seals. 304-305. Sankhibre Amenemhet's father was not a king. For general problems with interpreting titles. Nebty:?." p. 201. Schmitz. Prenomen: smn-Jc?-rL'. Golden hours:?. 40-44. "Installations Rupestres du Moyen et du Nouvel Empire au Gebel Zeit (pres de Ras Deb) sur la Mer Rouge.269 Since the list only contains the name Sehotepibre for the latter. see K. The Structure of the Egyptian Administration in the Fifth and Sixth Dynasties (Chicago." pp. there is some confusion since this same prenomen appears in 7. Redford. 214-215. Essays. Essays on Feminine Titles of the Middle Kingdom and Related Subjects. "The Hyksos. see B. 145. pp. Handbuch.8.8. Political Situation. 100-101. 229. 120. 90-91." pp.father. C. pp. pp. 1976). 59-60). Martin. However." JAOS 58 (1938). Rank and Title in the Old Kingdom. Ryholt. Untersuchungen zum Titel sA-niswt 'Konigssohn'. For the possibility that this title continues to be honorific in Theban Dynasty XVI. pp. Intef. 32-22. Untersuchungen. However." p. "Review of Ward. Ryholt. For a similar situation in parts of the Old Kingdom. Mey. Nims.B. 1960). 338-339: von Beckerath. For a study with slightly different conclusions. Nomen: nb-nwn. Horus: swsh-tiwy. 24. Fig.268 IV.. numbers 237-238. see P. 267 72 . p. Table 248). Intef.F. p. PI. 40-41. the lineage may be intended to indicate that Ameny was the grandfather via the nonruling son." MDAIK 36 (1980). 2." GM 83 (1984).

B. IV. Handbuch. could. However. pp. 41. Political Situation. 979 Sewadjkare and Nedjemibre. Ryholt suggests that this deceased king. 290." pp.13-14). 7 Ryholt. "Qemau. Nomen:? Ryholt. as indicated by the presence there of Dynasty XVI/XVII monuments (Sewoserenre Bebiankh and Nebkheperre Inter). p. Nedjemibenpare (ndm-Ib-n-pS-rc). Prenomen: ndm-ib-rc. IV. it is still possible that the son of Ameny. The latter seems to be mentioned in a Demotic document in the Carlsberg Papyri in Copenhagen. Prenomen: swld-kl-rc. 15.Qemau. Golden Horus:?. Sobekhotepre) can be found 270 G. "Depot de Steles dans le Sanctuaire du Novel Empire au Gebel Zeit. p." BIFAO 85 (1985). thus.. 339." pp. Untersuchungen. 78. 271 Bennett. Nebty:?. 90-91. Mey. 99-100. Hotepibre.10. do not necessarily point to a chronological connection. Political Situation. p. "A Bead. Castel and G. Khaankhre Sobekhotep II The nomen of Khaankhre Sobekhotep II (written. See also von Beckerath. Political Situation. Golden Horus:?. since the story containing his name is set in that era. actually may be a ruler of the Third Intermediate Period. Sewadjkare and Nedjemibre Little is known concerning the next two kings in the Turin King-List (7. Nomen:?. an activity that continued well into the Second Intermediate Period. Horns:?. 262. Ryholt. p. Soukiassian. 339. In this area.chose to place Sehotepibre in this position is the separate occurrences of this name and that of Nebmm on stelae at Gebel Zeit. "Installations Rupestres. 73 . galena mining took place.271 Also.273 The regnal length of Nedjemibre can be reconstructed in the Turin King-List as seven months(?). et al. p. Nebty:?.9." p. 272 Titulary.270 Bennett points to the fact that the inscribed royal stelae of the Dynasty XIII kings were found in unassociated contexts and.B.Horus:?. 304-305. have occupied this position despite the notion that he likely reigned directly after his father.

216.ll. Nomen: rn. Nebty: nfr-hcw.B. including Amenemhet. 215. 339. 278 Titulary. Schneider. 95-96. The name of the father of Khasekhemre Neferhotep I appears in a similar fashion in the Turin King-List. IV. it is likely that this king was not of royal lineage. a family. Golden Horus: kiw-ntrw. Titulary. . IV. . this king has a double name. Political Situation. See also Schneider. Golden Horus:?.Horus: sml-tiwy. p. The location of this tomb.12. pp. Lexikon der Pharaonen. Lexikon der Pharaonen. Nebty:?.278 Awibre Hor was buried in a reused shaft tomb at the pyramid complex of Amenemhet III at Dahshur. Ryholt." p.15 followed by the phrase. Ryholt suggests that this king's father was either Sankhibre Amenemhet. Political Situation. Nebty: dd-hcw. Untersuchungen. 92-93. 254-255. 134-135. pp. Ryholt. Handbuch. p. 4243. This name could also link him to an ancestor. 339. n." pp. Handbuch. pp. 144. The regnal length of Sobekhotep II is not preserved.17) is Awibre (Hor) (spelled iwt-ib-rc in this document). p. 740.i-snb. Amenemhet Reniseneb The next ruler in the Turin King-List. or a revered predecessor. 211 Ryholt. However. Ryholt. Prenomen: 2w-ib-rc.Horus: htp-ib-Gwy. . . Prenomen:?.Horus:?. 44-49. pp. Political Situation.275 has a regnal length of four months. 74 .]). p. 274 Ryholt. p. "son o f (sf) and possibly nnl274 Thus. von Beckerath. one must always remember that private people also used their grandfather's names in double naming. "The Turin Kinglist. 44. Golden Horus: nfr-ntrw. pp.276 According to his filiation theory. Prenomen: h^-^nh-r^ Nomen: sbk-htp.B. "A Bead. von Beckerath. Political Situation. 92-93. 90-93. 275 Titulary. pp. In an inscribed bead. with double name irnn-mhct. . Sewadjkare. . or Nedjemibre (nomens not known for the last three). Reniseneb. 276 Ryholt. Awibre Hor The next ruler listed for Dynasty XIII in the Turin King-List (7. as his father's name is not in a cartouche. Political Situation. Untersuchungen. von Beckerath. Turin King-List column 7. pp. 339. Nomen: brw. Sehotepibre. Untersuchungen.

Nebty: whm-dd. possibly indicating a coregency. Prenomen. hrw-c}(?). Staehelin. as indicated in a later chapter. has argued that the mother of this princess was the queen and king's mother Nebhotepti. 219. rather than the diminishing power of the king. 283 Murnane. In fact. Prenomen: shm-rc-hw-tiwy.. 340). SAOC 40 (Chicago. 218). as well as Djedkheperew. n. p.Horus: dd-hprw. was buried in the tomb adjacent to that of the king. p. Ancient Egyptian Coregencies. 217. pp. Golden Horus: cnh-mptw. was not devoid of some luxury.. 281 Ryholt.]k!-rc. known through seals and a statuette at Semna. However. PI. or one may have been a revered predecessor of the other./. 282 D. Skarabaen und andere Siegelamulette aus Basler Sammlungen. 215-216. 147.]i. Weigall. E." p. Hornung and E. 280 75 . Nebty: dd-msw. 128. p. See J. 28. 318. Political Situation. the child. p. and Ryholt believes that they are 279 Callender.281 Ryholt. the tomb of Awibre Hor. Nomen:?. Second Cataract Forts I (Boston. Titulary. 1960). associated with Awibre Hor through the style of her objects.." BSEG 4 (1980). Neither Khabaw nor Djedkheperew are found in the Turin King-List. p. one must recognize here that the state-of the-Egyptian economy as a whole may be more to blame for the scarcity of expensive items in Awibre Hor's tomb. "Renaissance. though modest. Janssen. Pharaohs. 1977). 50. Weigall had even reported that the tomb demonstrated that "more stable conditions had returned. 70.279 Nonetheless."280 A princess. 47. Allen. A22. p. pp. Hari. Agyptische Denkmaler in der Schweiz I (Mainz am Rhein.2 2 Ryholt also surmises that the children of Awibre Hor and Nebhotepti included Khabaw Sekhemrekhutawy. Dunham and J. following Hari.. whose name is found upon an architrave at Tanis along with that of his supposed father. 216-218. no. suggests to some scholars that the power of kingship had weakened. 87 A21. Nebhotepti.P. 755. Note that Ryholt's argumentation regarding the reign to which this queen belongs is circular {Political Situation. Political Situation. "Un Reine Enigmatique: Nebon-Hotepti. 171. 25.along with the finds inside. These two kings could also have been related without ruling sequentially. R. Semna Kumma." p. 1967). Nomen:/. Ryholt suggests that the nomen of Khabaw could be Sobek (Ryholt.Horus: hc-b!w. 284 Titulary. "Turin. 38-39.

see Leahy. Leahy.285 He also claims a chronological link between Khabaw and Djedkheperew and king Sheshi (Ryholt's Dynasty XIV) at Uronarti. The Mortuary Temple. 10. 421. p. pp." p. 747.287 Also. 192. and thus. 385. n. n.'Bed. S. see Ryholt. see J. 289. For Dynasty XVIII or after. 50-51. Allen. 68. 10). pp. n. p. pp. Grajetzki believes the Osiris bier dates to Dynasty XIII. Allen argues that this bier belongs to Pantjeni. 433-434. 286. Two Treasurers. 1996. For several options. p. "Turin. p. 321-322. 286. "The Osiris 'Bed. J.286 though reviews of this argument suggest that this conclusion may not be archaeologically sound. Other options have also been suggested." JEA 75 (1989). 5556. Political Situation." pp. see Amelineau.P. 2-4. Grajetzki. 185). 176-177. "The Mortuary Complex of Senwosret III: A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity and the Cult of Osiris at Abydos. 385. The Canopic Equipment. Tombeau. 41. pp. University of Pennsylvania. "Turin. Two Treasurers. n. 11-12. For Awibre Hor of Dynasty XIII. Ryholt argues that Djedkeperew is the king listed upon the Osiris bier in the tomb of Djer at Abydos along with traces of Imv (Hor). p. 86. based upon the space in the inscription for the throne name Khutawy (J. 1910).T. "Osiris . Monarchs. Untersuchungen.A. the relationship between this ruler and Awibre Hor is far from certain." dissertation. 289 E. 118." pp. "The Osiris 'Bed' Reconsidered." p. "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity. 36. Von Beckerath believes that the name on this object is Neferkare (Nebiryra II?) possibly of Dynasty XVI (his Dynasty XVII) but that the bier itself dates to Dynasty XIII (von Beckerath. the actual identity of the king in this inscription and its precise date are not clear. see Leahy. pp. Allen.'" pp. J. "Administration. For references to dating this object to the Late Period. ForNebiriau of Dynasty XVII (Ryholt's Dynasty XVI). 35. "Protective Measure. 287 For a response to the archaeological objections to this theory. pp. 433-434. Wegner. Maspero. 109-115." pp. pp. "A Protective Measure at Abydos in the Thirteenth Dynasty.represented by an unpreserved tra/entry." Kush 3 (1955). 286 76 . however. Amelineau.289 IV. For Khendjer.P. 68. Other names have also been considered by scholars. Pis. Untersuchungen. Guide to the Cairo Museum (Cairo. Le tombeau d'Osiris (Paris. 41). Sedjefakare Kay Amenemhet The king following Awibre Hor in the Turin King-List is Sedjefakare 285 Ryholt. pp. 53. p. 426. For the Dynasty XVI/XVII king Pantjeny.B. 1899). 102-104. 184. see M. n. p. see von Beckerath. Political Situation. "Clay Sealings of Dynasty XIII from Uronarti Fort. 68. Wegner. see Dodson. the Dynasty XVII (Ryholt's Abydos Dynasty) king. For Djedkheperew. see Ryholt "Date of the Kings. For Khendjer. Figs. p.13. Grajetzki believes the Osiris bier dates to Dynasty XIII (Grajetzki. 1033. Political Situation. G. J. 22. 55-56. Unfortunately.'" pp. 50-51." Orientalia 46 (1977). Smith. n." 288 Ryholt. 217. Ryholt. n.G. pp. see Leahy. p. 207.P. Reisner. Political Situation. 1033.

295 Von Beckerath. 1902). Golden Horus: ci-phty. p. "Royal Power. . Randall-Maclver and A. this king does possess a nomen with a double name Kay.291 Though some scholars have suggested that the name on. in this case. 130.Horns: hry-tp-Bwy. Nomen: imnm-filtwith double name kty. 46.292 Ryholt argues that these are separate kings and proposes that both of them were included in the same unpreserved wsfas Khabaw and Djedkheperew.294 It is possible that Seb and Kay may have been given royal titulary honorarily.. Prenomen: sd8-ki-rc." p.296 It is also possible that all three names refer to Amenemhet himself. Catalogue General des Antiquites Egytiennes du Musee du Caire: Textes et Dessins Magiques (Cairo. . p. 1903). p. which weakens the argument that a double name could be used this way. as a double name with Seb. L. 290 Titulary." p. Postel. Handbuch. pp. Montuhotep was not commemorated until Dynasty XII. 46. Untersuchungen. von Beckerath. 110. I (London. Political Situation.(Amenemhet). 43. the royal ancestor. 208. 2004). p.C. 292 Quirke.' . Daressy. 70. ElAmrah andAbydos. Political Situation. However. 293 Ryholt. 218-219. Ryholt suggests that a magicwand (CG 9433) displaying the name of Kay. 76-77. Mace." p.P.the wand is a version of Sedjefakare. 341. D. 294 J. 51. ' ' ' . shows that this man also ruled and that these supposed kings were the father and grandfather of-Amenemhet. 7-54. 77 . who occupied the throne for an unknown number Of years. pp. 92-93. Protocole des Souverains Egyptiens et Dogme Monarchique au Debut du Moyen Empire (Turnhout. . pp. pp. pp. 43-44. • G. Nebty: ntr-blw. 2. Ryholt.Allen. Untersuchungen.290 Very little is known about the reign of this ruler. "Royal Names. Ryholt. von Beckerath. Allen cautiously approaches Ryholt's conclusion that all royal double names represent filiation and indicate that both a father and a son ruled. Political Situation. Handbuch. PI. n. "Turin. 95 However. which may have happened in regard to Montuhotep I in early Dynasty XI.

124-127. 171. 92-93. 299 F. pp.. Woserkare Khendjer The next entry in the Turin King-List includes both the prenomen and nomen of 297 Ryholt. Handbuch. 50. 48-49. above). 115-123. Sekhemrekhutawy Sobekhotep I also had monuments there. See also Grimal. 83. p. 105. Political Situation. no. Prenomen: hw-tiwy-rc. 341.B. p. 78." p. Dynastie Agyptens. 117-118. Vercoutter. The Egyptian Sudan. 1930).222-224. Kemp. "Social History. Fouilles de Medamoud 1929. Untersuchungen zur politischen Geschichte der zweiten Zwischenzeit in Agypten. Vercoutter considered the theory about the confusion in the names in the Turin King-List. 267. Weill.]. Lexikon der Pharaonen. 43-47.A.Horus: shm-ntrw. "Review of von Beckerath." p. 13.l5.. 22-23. bis 17.W. the next ruler listed in the Turin King-List is Sekhemrekhutawy (Amenemhet) Sobekhotep (7. 75. pp. 87. 1907). von Beckerath." pp. pp.. 234. 103. "Renaissance.B. pp. Pharaohs. Scepter. 118-120. pp. 114. Nebty: hc-b!w.l." AFO 22 (1968/1969). 1929). Khutawyre Wegaf As discussed above. 279-307'. Untersuchungen. 83-94. Bisson de la Roque. Its History and Monuments. 93-94. 13-14. Me^awowa'7927. Other kings including Sobekhotep III were also active at Medamud (Bisson de la Roque.. 78 . 298 E.-58-72. 485-486." p. PL 104. However.B. 131-137. but decides that Wegaf was the first king largely due to his hypothesis that Semna was abandoned early in the dynasty when a supposed dam there was no longer needed (J. 30-31. 1 (London. "Le Roi Ougaf et la XHIe Dynastie sur la lime Cataracte. La Fin du Moyen Empire. Golden Horus: mry-[. History. 137-140. Bisson de la Roque and Clere.5). Weill. See also Schneider. As Ryholt and others have pointed out. Callender. pp. 13. 105. Denkmaler 111. 118-119. FIFAO 7 (Cairo. 4. Stock. 99-100. "Notes on the Viziers. Nomen: wgi. 227-229. with both his nomen and prenomen in a single cartouche. 222). PI.IV." Rd'E 27 (1975). Medamoud 1928. Helck. 183. 89-93. PI. Save-Soderbergh. many scholars continue to argue that the order reflected in the Turin King-List is accurate due in part to this king's activity at Medamud where. this king was probably confused with Khutawyre Wegaf (7. Dynastie Agyptens. Bisson de la Roque and Clere. 160. PI. History.14.297 who actually belongs in this position and ruled for a little over two years (see section IV. Dynasty XII rulers had also built monuments. Grimal. ed. pp. pp. pp. von Beckerath. p. 3. Historische-Biographische. 13b. PI. Stock.299 IV.19). See also W. Agypten undNubien. pp. Weigall. 299 Lepsius. p. Titulary. Hayes. pp.f Ryholt. Helck. p. pp. 341. "Complements. 184. 13. Budge. p. von Beckerath. 21). 212. Medamoud 1927. pp.298 However. pp. bis 17. p. Political Situation. 89-92. FIFAO 6 (Cairo. Fouilles de Medamoud 1928. p. 311.

though the latter is misspelled (7. 79 . 14. p.305 Other scholars believe that Ankhu served in the reign of Khendjer as well as in reigns before or after with the specific rulers 300 Titulary. Quirke. whose mother was Merryt. After the Pyramids. Nebty: w!h-mswt. "The Turin Kinglist. according to some scholars. Untersuchungen. found in the Abydos stela Louvre C. 13. since he built a relatively large pyramid at South Sakkara. 220. Edition Photographique de VEdition Originale-Impreimerie de 1'IFAOC 193. 342. 133.i/. Untersuchungen.c nh. or there are two-kings who used this nomen." p. and it is likely that the former was a later addition and may indicate that no king by the name of Nimaankhare Khendjer existed. 301 A." p. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. n. Stock. bis 17.20). 42. pp. Political Situation. 27. p.303 Though Khendjer's regnal length is not preserved. 150. 49-51.Woserkare Khendjer in a single cartouche. 398. 761.-p. Doss.. This king may also have a possible alternative prenomen. Dynastie Agyptens. pp. Prenomen: wsr-k3-rc. Jequier. Handbuch. 49.]. pp. who likely held this position during the preceding reign. G. 42. 50-51. Nornen: h-n-d-rox hd-r. Jequier. Golden Horus:?. 303 Ryholt. p. See also Schneider.. 94-95. However. "Tombs of the Kings. Fouilles a Saqqarah: Deux Pyramides du Moyen Empire. 1933 (Cairo. 99-100. pp. 254. p. Nimaankhare (ni-mSc-n-hc-r*). he likely ruled for more than 3-4 years. either Khendjer changed his name at some point. Fouilles a Saqqarah. Lexikon der Pharaonen. Section III. 49-50." p. "The Tombs of the Kings of the Thirteenth Dynasty in the Memphite Necropolis. Political Situation. Untersuchungen." pp. 13. Ryholt. and his son Resuseneb (rsw-snb).Horus:/. von Beckerath." p. Ryholt notes that the writing style differs between the nomen and prenomen. 26-27." ZAS 114 (1987). The Valley of the Kings and Beyond (London. 304 See Chapter 3. 301 Here. p. von Beckerath. 305 Franke. following von Beckerath. Dodson. "Royal Power. Personendaten. 1986). 31. pp. p.304 Quirke suggests that sequential viziers contemporary with Woserkare Khendjer were Ankhu. von Beckerath. pp. "Complements. 2000). 132. Weill.

p. the king's prenomen is written within the cartouche while the nomen is denoted afterwards as if it were a title. 80 . 221. Political Situation. Political Situation. Handbuch. Some Egyptologists have argued that this name. 118L (Large).312 Nonetheless. Interestingly.21 of the Turin King-List. Imyremeshaw. 173). Ryholt argues that other private individuals had the name Imyremeshaw. p.307 IV. no 173. 308 Titulary. 40. pp. Political Situation. Ryholt.being determined by their chronology of the period. p." p. imy-r-msc. pp. Hochsten Beamten. and 118/131 as well as in Papyrus Brooklyn 135. "Probleme. which means "the overseer of the army.310 In contrast. pp.16. 52. Franke. pp. Prenomen: snrnh-k3-rc. p. see Grajetzki. which 306 Franke believes that the vizier Ankhu lived during the reigns of Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet Sobekhotep I and Khendjer (Franke. pp." may have been his designation before he became king/ This title. von Beckerath. 307 Ryholt. Nebty:?.Horus:?. Ryholt argues that this vizier occupied this position in the reign of Khendjer and continued into the tenure of the following king in order to support his dating of Papyrus Bulaq 118. The Administration of Egypt. Nomen. 310 Quirke. 116-129. 313 Dodson. 14). pp. 62-63. 51-52. 68. 39. 131. "Royal Power. Ryholt believes that the larger text in Papyrus Bulaq 18 {Cairo CG 58069). when used in reference to the administrative sector of the palace. For more information on the title.311 and it therefore does not denote any sort of occupation in this context. possibly indicating he was not considered to have been legitimate. Titles and Bureau. pp. 306 Khendjer's queen was Senebhenas I.B. Personendaten. there is at least one instance of Imyremeshaw's name being deliberately erased. p. Semenkhkare Imyremeshaw Semenkhkare Imyremeshaw is the ruler listed in 7. pp. imy-rmsc. 221-222. possibly referring instead to a family tradition or an ancestor. 19." pp. Golden Horus:?. Egyptian Administrative and Private-Name Seals. 136-137. 94-95. Martin. 98-99. 112-113. 342. Doss.1446 B and C (Ryholt. is high-ranking and is often paired with the title htmw-bity (royal seal-bearer). 312 Quirke. Ryholt. Ankhu appears in Papyrus Bulaq 118/s (small). Monarchs. Political Situation. 309 von Beckerath. Untersuchungen. Untersuchungen.

depending on whether or not both the small and large text within the papyrus dates to this same individual. 10. 11-13." ZAS 29 (1891). whose visit was recorded in this document. so this unidentified king must be close in date to him." ZAS 28 (1890). Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep III. or Khutawyre 3. ed. 1872). 315 81 . Grajetzki. 10. it is important to note Ryholt's argument." in D." p. von Beckerath. "Notes on the Government. 9-10. "Thirteenth Dynasty. p.B. "Zur Chronologie." p. See also L. II (Paris. pp. 317 Ryholt. 2001).. 255. "The Account Papyrus no. 124.317 The king. The Administration of Egypt.316 but it is more likely that this king was first in the dynasty. Les Papyrus Egyptiens du Musee de Boulaq." pp. Middle Kingdom. Political Situation. Untersuchungen. 396. F.4 Ryholt." pp. who also served Khendjer. 22.for the dating of this text. reigned between three and five years. 258. 193-194. setting the earliest reign as that following Khendjer.records the accounts during a royal visit to the Theban region. to Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet Sobekhotep I due to his close proximity to Woserkare Khendjer in many chronological reconstructions of the period.314 Most scholars have dated this text. pp. Redford. Fragments of a text from the estate of Ankhu were found with this document. Quirke. This tomb dates to late Dynasty XHI/early Dyansty XVII. Sedjefakare Kay Amenemhet. Hayes. 99. 15. "Administrative Texts. J. if this document concerns activities at Medamud. Borchardt. Griffith. pp. 38-39. Quirke. A queen Aya is mentioned in the text and is likely a sister or niece of Ankhu's son-in-law. no. 102-116. whose wife was Senebhenas." pp. pp. 25. 243-245." pp.L. p. 47-49. "Ein Rechnungsbuch des koniglichen Hofes aus denl Eride des mittleren Reiches. 396. pp. 3. "Die Konige mit dem Thronnamen shm-rc hw-t5wi. pp. which was discovered in the tomb of the scribe Neferhotep at Dra Abu el-Naga in 1860. 7-8. who was active in this area (as seen through relief) such as Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet Sobekhotep I. The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt. Semenkhkare Imyremeshaw or Sehotepkare Intef. 319. HistorischeBiographische. 65-103.. p. he believes that the vizier at this time was Ankhu. pp. Nonetheless. Thus. S. "Investigation.6 A. p. 1 (Oxford. 68-70. 18 of Boulaq. "Visible and Invisible. Mariette. Franke. First of all. Political Situation." ZAS 84 (1959). Hochsten Beamten. "Investigation. Helck. may refer to the family of an unnamed king. 85. it may be more likely to refer to one of the kings.

Sehotepkare Inlef and Meribre Seth Semenkhkare Imyremeshaw is followed by Sehotepkare Intef (7. Nomen: in-it. 342. 322 Callender. Golden Horus: htp-ht-w3ct. only 318 See Bisson de la Roque. pp. p. and the regnal length of this king is unknown.B. Political Situation. Prenomen: mr-ib-rc. 94-95. p. Nomen: sth.18. Untersuchungen. though the prenomen of this king was misunderstood. little else is known concerning the events of his reign. pp. 94-95. pp. pp. Untersuchungen. 342. Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep HI For the following ruler in the Turin King-List.Horus:?. "The Turin Kinglist.318 IV. Prenomen: shm-rc-swld-tiwy. 321 Titulary." p. 150. Untersuchungen. Nebty:?.B." p.3 9 whose name is written in a manner similar to that of the-previous ruler.Horus:?. Ryholt. 320 Titulary.22). 94-95. von Beckerath. both names were written within a single cartouche. pp. Golden Horus:?. Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep III. Medamoud 1928. p. Nebty:?. 53-5A. IV. pp. 17. pp.Wegaf. Handbuch.23). Political Situation. Lexikon der Pharaonen.Horus: hw^tiwy. Cairo JE 35256).Handbuch. "Renaissance. Prenomen: shtp-k}-rc. 54-55. von Beckerath. who set out to create his own dynasty. Ryholt.f. Meribre Seth (7. Ryholt. Political Situation.17. p. 343. Though this king ruled at least four years (Abydos stela.and misrepresented in this document. 255-256. Handbuch. See also Schneider.321 Though only a little over four years are listed for this ruler's reign in the Turin King-List?22 Sobekhotep III is thought to have been a revolutionary leader. 319 82 .. Titulary. 3.f.320 is also listed on a stela from Abydos and architectural fragments from Medamud. 172. von Beckerath. Nomen: sbk-htp. Golden Horus:?. 52. The next ruler. Nebty: hcm-shin.

12-16. pp. MA. This high ranking official was married to a hereditary princess named Sobekhotep. 172. Helck. 325 Callender. pp. 22. 15. Historische-Biographische. PI. 223. pp. 280. Franke. 273. Habachi.'" pp. 190. Montet. 661. "The Eleventh Dynasty in the Dynastic History of Egypt. 324 Callender. Fig. Political Situation." JEA 37 (1951). "Les Pretendus 'Citadins. p. Personendaten. 68. p. pp.323 He chose to display prolifically the fact that his parents were not royal in monuments and seal impressions. once he become ruler. p. Hayes.19.328 He had a half sister. ed. Troy believes Reniseneb was the daughter of Sobekhotep III. H.324 Detailed information about the family of Sobekhotep III is available on a stela from Abydos {Louvre C8). p. 14. 159. 388. 83 . L. p. Ryholt. with the title "king's son" as well as a stepfather of unknown name. 48. Studies Presented to Hans Jakob Polotsky (East Glouster.F. p. p. who bore two princesses. an altar at Sehel.327 Sobekhotep III had two brothers. 370. see Macadam. Ryholt. Personendaten.. Untersuchungen. Schmitz.326 His maternal grandfather was the low-ranking military official ( cnh-n-nwt). Helck. "Renaissance. 223-224." p. Macadam. p. Berlev. 170. have it come to an end with his death. p. and an inscription at Wadi el-Hol.329 Sobekhotep III had a second wife named Neni. 1981)." JEA 37 (1951). Patterns ofQueenship in Ancient Egyptian Myth and History. and was the father of the Queen Montuhotep of Dynasty XVI. no. and his wife was Senebhenas. Patterns ofQueenship. History. von Beckerath. pp.325 Sobekhotep III was born to Montuhotep and Iwhetibu (w-ht-ibw). Petrie. For this title.. "Royal Family. 121. Pharaohs. p." p. 761. 20-28. 49. Ryholt. Protocole. 23. Helck. Geschichte. 24-25." pp. For further information concerning the king's family. who took the titles "god's father" and "king's mother. "Royal Family. Personendaten. p. "A Bas-Relief of Sekhemre-Sewadjtawe. 37. Doss. 363. Doss. von Beckerath. "Egypt: From the Death. 54. whose father may have been a vizier named Senebhenaf." p. Troy." respectively. Iwhetibu/Fendy 323 O. L. Monarchs. Doss. 2 Dodson." JEA 32 (1946).W. p." pp. 211. "Gleanings from the Bankes MSS. 17-19. no. 326 Franke.L. Dedusobek. 222. Young. Historische-Biographische. 327 Franke. 68." in D. 54. 153-154. p. 60. P. p.B. 159. p. Doss. Untersuchungen. Uppsala Studies in Ancient Mediterranean and Near Eastern Civilizations 14 (Boreas. Seneb and Khakaw (presumably named after Senwosret III). Political Situation. 121. "Notes on the Altar of Sekhemre'-sewadjtowe Sebkhotpe from Sehel. p. Reniseneb. M. 34. "Le Roi Ougaf a Medamoud. Doss. p. 208-211. 23-48. Personendaten. 1986). Political Situation. 448. 329 Franke.D. Wild. Troy." RdE 8 (1951). "Renaissance. Macadam. and Berlev. 439. 612. Postel. Untersuchungen zum Titel. p. see Section IV. Weigall. pp.

1446. This group of kings is unusual. 24. 25.330 After Resuseneb.B. "Overview. Doss. 685. 254. the former having the rare honor of a cartouche. 297-298. Helck. Such a phenomenon could have occurred due to the ruler's leadership abilities. 17." p. Personendaten. Political Situation. 331 Franke. and economic prosperity due to favorable crop yields. served as vizier to Sobekhotep III. pp. 54. whose nomen and prenomen appear in a single cartouche. p. an overall escalation in the frequency of the use of these seals may correlate to a rise in the activity of the king due to his accessibility to additional resources. no. pp. 84 . 398. Aymeru took this position for the remainder of this king's reign as well as that of Neferhotep I. Political Situation. p. 193-194. 332 Bietak. Personendaten. Patterns of Queenship. Ryholt. "Dynasty XIII Stela. Franke." pp. 54.19.{iwht-ib. pp. p. IV. an increase in the power of kingship.331 • The reign of Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep III ushered in a time of increased' 11') power of the king of Dynasty XIII. 333 Ryholt. since it was made up of a group of brothers. Khasekhemre Neferhotep I The most stable period for kingship in Dynasty XIII was an era of about twentysix years in which a sub-dynasty ruled Egypt. 39. 156157).334 The founder of this remarkable mini-dynasty is Khasekhemre Neferhotep I. who was the son of the vizier Ankhu. Historische-Biographische. 40. Ryholt. Resuseneb appears on the verso of the Brooklyn Museum Papyrus 35.333 However. 159-160. Political Situation. wdd.tfnd) and Dedetanuk. n. 33 Simpson suggests that there may be an additional two kings (Simpson. Troy. Ryholt has suggested that there may have been changes to the administrative system at this time as seals and sealings with Sobekhotep Ill's name may indicate an increase in the number of officials. pp. Doss.

A. p. There is much known about the family of Neferhotep I since he and his brother Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV both commissioned inscriptions concerning such matters." Rd'E 28 (1976). Postel. cnhnniwt. pp. pp. Political Situation. Protocole. Ryholt. 336 Schmitz. who held the title "god's father" as shown in a stela from Heliopolis. who reigned for eleven years according to this document. Untersuchungen.336 His parents were Haankhef. 66-73. 298. 103. 76. Dewachter. Dodson. no. Geschichte. n. and Kemi. 47-48. was of non-royal descent and used the same type of terminology for his parents as for his predecessor in the office of kingship. "The Turin Kinglist. Ryholt. 68. p."337 They both appear in royal seals and other monuments with the ruler's names." p.A." p. Political Situation. Political Situation. 213-214. pp. Kitchen. p. Simpson. pp. 171-172. Rio de Janeiro (Warminster. Kitchen. Ryholt. "Non-Egyptians Recorded on Middle Kingdom Stelae in Rio de Janeiro. 87. 1991). pp. 27. Nebty: wp-ntfct. now in Rio de Janeiro. Pis. 211-213. 19. Troy. Monarchs. 144. pp. Untersuchungen zum Titel. 225. Helck. 34-37. pp. pp." in S. p." Rd'E 35 (1984). 195-199." p. Golden Horus: mn-mrwt. 160. p.25).339 Interestingly. Quirke. See also Schneider. "king's mother. 338 M. 410. 330 K'. Catalogue of the Egyptian Collection in the National Museum. 130. Ryholt. Sobekhotep III. 55-56. Pharaohs. Political Situation. ed. Handbuch. 424-427.Horus: grg-tlwy.. p.followed by "son of Haankhef' in the Turin King-List (7. Historische-Biographische. The family of Neferhotep I was from Aswan and was low to mid status within the ranking of officials in society. K. Doss. p. Weigall. von Beckerath. Note that Kitchen thought that Haankhef was the father-in-law of Neferhotep I and that his father and mother (rather than grandparents) were mentioned in the Rio de Janeiro stela.338 The father of Neferhotep I set up a stela. pp. "Le Roi Sahathor-Complements. Lexikon der Pharaonen. Prenomen: he-shm-rc. M. Quirke. 345. 49. 225. "Dynasty XIII Stela. "Royal Power. Helck. 121. pp. Nomen: nfrhtp. Personendaten. Middle Kingdom Studies (New Maiden. 66-71. "Le Roi Sahathor et la famille de Neferhotep I.335 This ruler. recording that his paternal grandparents were Nehy and the lady of the house Senebtisi. 157. pp. Weill. Dewachter. 337 Franke. 260-261. pp. pp. 1988). Neferhotep's grandfather was a military official. 85 . Patterns of Queenship. La Fin du Moyen Empire. 96-97. the same title that the 335 Titulary. 225.

Political Situation. 57. Personendaten.. p. 344 Franke. 23-48. . Sahathor Following Neferhotep. Prenomen: mn-w!d-rc. 341 Dewachter. 92. "Thirteenth Dynasty. Political Situation. Golden Horas:?. p. were children of Khasekhemre Neferhotep I. Quirke. 227.grandfather of Sobekhotep III held. p. He also had a son named Wahneferhotep who is known through an inscription on a wooden shabti found at Lisht." some scholars interpret the phrase sl-nswt." p. 634. . Chronicles. "Remarks.345 Sahathor was the son of Haankhef and Kemi and the brother of Neferhotep I and Sobekhotep IV. 86 . "Zur Chronologie. 69. Since Sahathor is only known as a king from two objects and the 340 Berlev. Grajetzki. 130. Titles and Bureau. Essays. as being able to denote brothers of the king. Ryholt. Ryholt. Patterns ofQueenship. who seem to have been named after their grandparents. pp.Horus:?. Spalinger. 96-97.20. 243. 246.343 The treasurer at this time was Senebi. 48. "Royal Power.• Clayton. the Turin King-List names Sahathor as the next ruler (7. 226•227. See also Schneider. Two Treasurers. 160. which is used as an honorific title for private people at this time. 345 Titulary. "Complements. p. pp.'" pp.340 An inscription. identifies his wife as Senebsen. Lexikon der Pharaonen. Ryholt interprets this same inscription to mean that Kemi and Haankhef." p. p." p. 374. von Beckerath.26).". "Roi Sahathor et la famille. 100. p. Ryholt. p. "Roi Sahathor et la famille. pp. 396." p. p.B.344 IV. rather than his children.. Though these figures are labeled as "sons of the king. 225-226. p. located at Sehel." p. p. "Les Pretendus 'Citadins. Political Situation. Untersuchungen. 342 Dewachter. 384. Franke. Handbuch. 67. 30. Ryholt.341 There is some confusion as to the identity of the children of Khasekhemre Neferhotep I since the inscriptions at Sehel may show either his sons or his brothers. Ward. Nomen: sl-hwt-hrw. Doss. Troy. 102." p. Nebty:?. Political Situation.

it is believed that he only ruled for a few months. pp. he also may have been a coregent." p. some scholars have pointed to the fact that the absence of Sahathor in the Karnak King-List while his brothers disappear. Habachi. Egyptian Coregencies. indicates perhaps that he never ruled alone. In another argument in favor of coregency. 343." Serapis 6 (1980). to both Neferhotep I and Sobekhotep IV and argues that this epithet was only used to denote living rulers. Ryholt points to an inscription from Philae where the brothers of Neferhotep I. 227-228. di cnh mi rc ("given life like Re"). the evidence for coregencies in Dynasty XIII is not currently conclusive. 192. 349 Ryholt.350 For this period. Since this king may have lacked a complete titulary (only the prenomen and nomen are known).745. Hayes. 47. 87 . scholars often suggest that he was a coregent of Neferhotep I. Political Situation. one being the brother of Neferhotep I 346 L. are shown along with his parents. Unfortunately.348 However. Ryholt reasons that the king must have been young. "A Score of Important Officials Serving the Neferhotep Family as Revealed from Three Objects in the Heqaib Sanctuary. 347 Ryholt. 804. He also suggests that a four-sided block at Karnak assigns the epithet. requiring that his brothers serve as coregents with him. n. n. p. however. 350 Murnane. Since Sahathor is prior to Sobekhotep IV in the Late Middle Kingdom. 298. 24-26. so these kings must have reigned together. pp. 66. 9 Ryholt dates this inscription to the reign of Neferhotep I and suggests that it was carved before this king was married.Turin King-List. with Neferhotep I around year 10 of his reign.347 Also. pp. Scepter. "Roi Sahathor et la famille. 348 Dewachter. p. Political Situation.216. the nature of the Karnak King-List is uncertain as it may contain only a selection of the Dynasty XIII kings. there has been a great deal of confusion regarding the likely existence of two figures by the name of Sahathor. Sahathor and Sobekhotep IV.

pp. "Expedition archeologique royale au Desert Oriental Keft-Kosseir. 25. if one does interpret these names as referring to two separate individuals. Stationen Betrdge zur Kulturgeschichte Agyptens (Mainz. IV. 96-97. Commemorative seals carrying this king's name were produced in the time of this Jewish writer as noted by Quirke ("Thirteenth Dynasty. Seidelmayer. Political Situation. Davies discusses a Theban statue carrying the name of a deceased man. p. 15. Simpson. Stock. p. Simpson. Rise and Fall. "Dynasty XIII Stela. 59-60. Dynastie Agyptens.351 The brother became a king for a short period of the time. pp. the Debono Stela. See also Schneider. p. "Dynasty XIII Stela. 177-179. 36. without a cartouche. 155. Davies suggests that Sahathor died without ever having been a king. Monarchs. von Beckerath. Ryholt.and Sobekhotep IV and the other a son of Neferhotep I. Polz. Untersuchungen zu Manetho. Untersuchungen. pp. 228. pp. p." ASAE 51 (1951). Nomen: sbk-htp. pp. Golden Horus: wsr-bSw.21. arguing that the Turin King-List is incorrect. Debono. pp. may indicate that the ruler held the throne at least to year nine. 1998). 8182." pp. 256257. p.Horus: cnh-ib-tiwy. Redford. "The Hyksos. Political Situation. which is of little historical use." in H. Prenomen: hc-nfr-rc. 350. 352 W. Since this statue also has the cartouche of Sobekhotep IV. dates the fragmentation of the Egyptian state to before the reign of this king and associates the exodus of Moses to him (Dodson. 395). 57-58. "A Score of Important Officials." p. 353 Titulary. 79-80. Sahathor'. PI." MDAIK 44 (1988). while the son did not." pp. 88 . His name is not shown in a cartouche. IX Ausgewahlte Einzelfunde. pp.354 351 Habachi." p. 122. Guksch and D. Lexikon der Pharaonen. "A Statue of the 'King's Son. 348. Abb. as well as a poorly executed schist stela from Wadi Hammamat. Geschichte. whose regnal length is missing in a lacuna (7.353 However. 158. 93). Sahathor. However. Helck. born of Kemi. 157. Handbuch. However. S. 115. from Thebes. 181. Winlock. bis 17.27) (Karnak Offering-List 38). 13." p. 354 F.^. 50-51. Davies. Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV The last king preserved in column 7 of the Turin King-List is Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV. "Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine 15/16 Grabungsbericht.V. A statuette from Elephantine has a king's son Sahathor.. This significantly later source. Die Beziehungen Agyptens. eds. Nebty: wld-hcw.J. "Egypt: From the Death. Hayes. p." pp.B. Ryholt. The name of this king (Chenfres) is found in the writings of Artapanus (1 st Century BCE) as transmitted through Eusebius. 93. this inscription is from the brother of Neferhotep. 70. then the discrepancies in the record are less problematic. Thus.

the sons of Sobekhotep IV are named including Sahathor. Studies in Ancient Egypt. pp. 230.360 IV. Simpson and W. Two Treasurers. The likely treasurer of this period was Senebi who was probably placed in this position during the reign of Neferhotep I. Doss. believing that there is space for one additional line in column 7 of the Turin King-List?61 He suggests that the 355 Franke.." pp. "Dynasty XIII Stela. p. and the Sudan: Essays in Honor of Dows Dunham on the Occasion of his 90th Birthday.356 His parents as well as Neferhotep I and Sahathor receive the epithet. 157. 592. 592. 358 Franke. Political Situation. p." p. Doss." in W. 80. as well as Haankhef Iykhernofret. Simpson. "Dynasty XIII Stela. 353. p. 157-158. 21. Cairo JE 34407) and a daughter Nebtiunet (vase and seal). pp. Geschichte. 256-257. 356 Ryholt. The king's wife. Lexikon der Pharaonen. pp. Helck. 359 Franke.(see Merhotepre Ini below). Sobekhotep/Miew and Sobekhotep/Djadja. Personendaten. 160. 26. 1980 (Boston. -89. 123. Tjin.B. Ryholt. p. Aegean. Simpson. 55. suggesting that-they may have been deceased. Titulary. p. Doss. was the possible mother of prince Sobekhotep. 229-231. p. eds. Troy.22. Habachi dates this vizier to Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV and Merhotepre Sobekhotep V (Habachi. 229-230. Political Situation.' Ryholt places Merhotepre Sobekhotep after Sobekhotep IV. 357 Franke. The Debono Stela refers to the parents and brothers of Sobekhotep IV. Political Situation.K. June 1. pp. Patterns ofQueenship. 123-124). 353." p. Personendaten. 89. Personendaten. The vizier during this reign was Aymeru Neferkare. "Vizier Ibi'. p. Spalinger. p. Doss.357 They were also the parents of Amenemhet (inscribed box." pp. Political Situation. Personendaten. 230-231. who was named after the father •ICC of the brother kings and designated with a double name. Schneider. Habachi. Khahotepre Sobekhotep V There is some controversy as to the identity of the next king in Dynasty XIII. p. lady of Atfih. 89 . Davis. "New Light on the Neferhotep I Family.In the stela from Wadi Hammamat. 360 Grajetzki. 1981). "Remarks. Ryholt. m^-hrw. 361 Ryholt. as Revealed by Their Inscriptions in the Cataract Area. See also L. one of which may have become Sobekhotep V. 102.M.

." which corresponds to neither of the two known from Sobekhotep III or the brother kings. For opposition to this idea. 353. Pharaonic King-lists. this king's name appears with the prenomen in a cartouche but the 362 Ryholt. which Ryholt claims belongs to Merhotepre. Patterns ofQueenship. 96-97. p. has some peculiar features. 231-232. 24. it is impossible to confirm Ryholt's placement of this king. p. 29." 66 With so many assumptions. Political Situation. 367 Titulary. 80. Petrie and Quibell. who may have been the son of the previous ruler. Thus this seal type would have been held as a traditional form rather than indicating that the king it refers to was nonroyal.F. 1896). the seal displaying the prenomen is broken. This king is also listed in the Karnak Offering-List (41).M. carries the name of a "god's father. It seems that this seal may refer to the father as a king (generically and not by name). table 25. 22-23. PI. Ryholt concludes that Merhotepre Sobekhotep was of non-royal origin and that these seals belong to him. it is possible that the mother of this particular Sobekhotep was an additional wife of Sobekhotep IV. p. von Beckerath. as providing the identity of the missing king. 31.363 Another seal of this type. and does not in any way clearly read "Merhotepre. Handbuch. The king following Sobekhotep IV in the Turin King-List. which cannot be substantiated at this time. while wishing to have the use of genealogical seals assigned to an unbroken string of kings. Nebty:?. this concept. who is given 4 years.364 Thus. Ryholt points to the genealogical seals of a Sobekhotep with a mother named Nebhotepti. 363 Ryholt. 366 W. in seals. However. see Redford. 364 . Political Situation. Prenomen: hc-htp-rc. Untersuchungen. pp.Horus:?. 160. I (London.365 Also. pp. Nomen: sbk-htp. Nagada andBallas. 58. was (Khahotepre) Sobekhotep V. Political Situation.1). has been questioned.362 However.number of lines would correspond to the pattern of gradual increase in the entries as the columns in the papyrus proceed. Ryholt.which was originally developed by Helck. 8 months and 29 days (8.85. 9. 90 . pp. 365 Troy. Golden Horus:?. p. Unusually.

Nebty:?. 51). 8 months and 28 days (8. 91 . since the first number is unclear. Ibi. resulting in the possible years 13. Prenomen: w)h-ib-rc. 369 Ryholt.B. Although a relatively long reign. 353. Thus. "Vizier Ibi'. p. Habachi. Ryholt's version of the document shows that the middle number is likely 368 Ryholt. p. Personendaten. Golden Horas:?. Wahibre Ibiaw The next king in the Turin King-List is Wahibre Ibiaw.23.369 The only possible example is the seal showing Nebhotepre as the mother of a Sobekhotep (see above). Doss. and Hor (?) of 8. which also uses this form for king Rahotep.Horus:?. 827. 125.23.24. Handbuch. pp. 74.368 A parallel for this oddity occurs in a Dynasty XVII stela from Abydos. 97-98. 59. IV. pp.371 IV. p. p. 62. von Beckerath. This phenomenon also occurs in the Turin King-List for the following Dynasty XIII kings: Imyremeshaw.nomen does not have this royal attribute. who is given 10 years." p. Political Situation. n. 233.B. signs of the less affluent period (such as a decrease in the ability to commission royal monuments) to come were already emerging.. 370 Titulary.3). but other objects of this ruler do show cartouches for both names. "Egypt: From the Death. it contained few attestations of this king's activities when compared to those of Neferhotep I and Sobekhotep IV. Intef. Hayes had suggested that the vizier Ibiaw was the same man as the king (Hayes. Untersuchungen." p. it might be the case. Merneferre Ay After a decade of rule by Wahibre Ibiaw. 233. or 33. Political Situation. 371 Franke. who also served into the reign of the following ruler. 23. Ryholt. 373 However. that though kingship may have been stable at this time.2). the longest reign of Dynasty XIII began under Merneferre (Ay) (8. Political Situation. Nomen: ib-icw.372 The length of his reign in the Turin King-List is uncertain. It is likely that the vizier of this king was Ibiaw.

47. 126-128. Political Situation.25.correct at 23 years. Personendaten. Nomen: iy. 59." Ini.A. p. p. 98-99. 354. 373 Farina. p. 376 Bennett. p. Untersuchungen. p. pp. Ryholt. 77. Untersuchungen. "Genealogical Chronology. 125. pp. "Royal Family. Untersuchungen. Reisner. Untersuchungen. p. p. Ryholt. 377 Titulary. Golden Horus:?. 74-75. 38. Nebty:?. 43. 24-25. Gardiner. Royal Canon. G." pp. PL 211. in Hornung and Staehelin.380 Ryholt believes that this king may have been the son of Merneferre Ay because Stele Juridique shows that his daughter 372 Titulary.377 likely the same as the ruler (Merhotepre Sobekhotep) whom •5-70 Ryholt placed after Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV in column seven. pp. Habachi. 356. p. Handbuch. 98-99.4). no.375 The son of the vizier of Ibiaw. Nebty:?. Franke. "Genealogical Chronology. Bennett. Macadam. 378 Bennett. only has the prenomen of the king Merhotepre. 379 Ryholt." p. "King's Daughter. Excavations at Kerma. von Beckerath. p. p. it is suspected that Ini and Sobekhotep were double nomens for this king.B. 388.374 Ryholt argues that Ini was the queen of Merneferre Ay based on her seal type. See also the seal of the "great wife. IV-V. Nomen: ini. IIPapiro. 176. 38. pp." p. n. 380 von Beckerath. 375 Ryholt. 79 and it is curious why a second king of this name would not be differentiated from the first with the use of his nomen (also the case in the Turin KingList entry). 22. 127. Handbuch. 306. 829. Thus. Senebhenaf." pp. Prenomen: mr-htp-rc. 257-258. 259. 59. 75. von Beckerath. 374 Ryholt. "Vizier Ibi'. Prenomen: mr-nfr-rc. 234^235. 92 . may have served in this office after the death of his father in the reign of Merneferre Ay. Mass. Skarabden und andere Siegelamulette. Golden Horus:?. Political Situation. Figs. Political Situation. Howard African Studies 6 (Cambridge.Horus:?. 46. 168[159]. Political Situation. See also Schneider. von Beckerath. Lexikon der Pharaonen. 16.. 60. p. Ryholt. Lexikon der Pharaonen." p. Doss. 126. 1923). pp. pp. pp. used interchangeably or chronologically. p. which certainly dates to after Merneferre Ay. 215. 71. pp. 661. who ruled for a little over two years (8. Political Situation. 60. 138. Ryholt. 8 months and 18 days. Political Situation. Political Situation.376 IV. 233. Stele Juridique. See also Schneider. Merhotepre Ini Sobekhotep VI The next king in the Turin King-List is Merhotepre (Ini).Horus:?.

98-99. Nomen: hrw-i. von Beckerath. 235-236. Political Situation. Political Situation.Horus:?. pp. Titulary.388 He is referred to as s3-nswmfc'(true prince) and sSnswsmsw (eldest prince). Do Handbuch. the following kings are listed (from 8. The Remaining Kings After the break in the papyrus. 389 Ryholt. Prenomen: swld-k3-rc. 385 Titulary. 61. Handbuch. 356. pp. 306-307. Golden Horus:?. Ryholt. 388 Franke. p. 383 . 356. Nebty:?. Political Situation. p. Bologna Stela B. 228. von Beckerath.(Reditenes) was married to Ini's appointed vizier. Doss. pp.18): 381 Franke. Prenomen: scnh-n-rc. Handbuch. Bresciani. A Reading Book. p. Prenomen: mr-shm-r€. Personendaten. p. 12. Le Stele Egiziane del Museo Civico Archealogico di Bologna (Bologna. 98-99.B. von Beckerath. Nebty:?. 60. 98-99. pp. Political Situation. 387 171. Doss. Sewadjkare Hori and Merkawre Sobekhotep VII ' The Turin King-List has the names of the next four kings preserved before breaking for seven lines. Political Situation. 235-236. Political Situation. p. Untersuchungen. Golden Horus:?. E. Ryholt. p. so this probably denotes that he was an actual king's son. p. Nebty:?. Golden Horus:?. Ryholt. Tor Q Hort(5 years).389 IV. Untersuchungen. Untersuchungen. Untersuchungen. Mersekhemre Ined (3 years). pp. 233-234. Handbuch. Ryholt. von Beckerath.B. Sankhenre Sewadjtew. pp. Prenomen: mr-k3w-rc. 239A. Ay.Horus:?. 20-29. Nebty:?. 1985). Nomen:swld. Golden Horus:?.1927 and CG 20578. Nomen: ind. Nomen: sbk-htp. 40-41.16-8. Ryholt. pp. pp. Political Situation. pp. 38 Titulary-Horus:?. 61. according to Ryholt's reconstruction. • and Merkawre Sobekhotep VII (2 years). Personendaten.Horus:?. Two sons of Merkawre Sobekhotep VII are named in a statue pair from Karnak (Bebi and Sobekhotep). The kings in this section include Sankhenre Sewadjtew (3 years). Doss. 353. 386 Titulary.387 Bebi may have had two stelae set up by majordomo Ptahaa. p.. 382 Ryholt. Franke. Mioso. Personendaten. 593.27. p. Mersekhemre Ined. 60. p. pp. Political Situation. pp. 356. 164. 356. pp. 142. Handbuch. Sewadjkare Q/l This last king is also in the Karnak Offering List (45). 381 demonstrating that he was on friendly terms with the former king's family 382 IV. pp. 93 . 98-99ss. 48. 98-99 Handbuch. 98-99.

Schneider. and Merkare.27 in the Turin King-List are fragmentary including these rulers: [. . pp. Nomen-hrw[. p. Untersuchungen. Prenoxnen-sM-n-r^ Nomen-^cnh-pth-i. p. Ryholt. See also N. Dautzenberg. which shows a Sankhptahi as a "king's son" along with several "king's daughters. Nomen: mnt-htp. •[. and the following entry in the Turin King-List is Sewedjare Montuhotep (8.Sehekenre Sankhptahi. . pp." GM127 (1992). 394 Ryholt. 357. 61. may indicate that he had special ties to the Memphite city..24 due to a stela (Cairo CG 20600). 61. Political Situation. p.Horns:?.21-8. Golden Horus:?. Political Situation.]enre..]kare of 8.. besides those already discussed above. .. Ryholt. Dynastie..]-ms-[rc}.7c m3 t-rc.. 8. S[. 391 Titulary. Handbuch. von Beckerath. 357. von Beckerath. 98-99. Herunefer. ?]. pp.19 is lost in a lacuna. pp. Also.395 Ryholt argues that Sankhptahi may have been the son of Se[.Mer[. Untersuchungen. . Political Situation. pp. Ryholt. 239. . 102-103. and queen^ Sitmut. mr-hpr-rc. king Montuhotep are known through the former's coffin in the British Museum (EA 2999T). preserved names include: Prenomen-/.20). and Se[... 69. p. . relationships are difficult to extract with certainty in this stela.]re.]-rc.. 390 For each of these kings. . Political Situation. 94 . Prenomen-/. Prenomen-s[.Jmosre. Ryholt has argued that the nomen of Sehekenre Sankhptahi." The son.. J-rc. p. 236-237.Jwebenre Hor[.]-kS-rc.. 158-159. Handbuch.." However..394 The fact that this king inserts the divine name "Ptah" into his nomen.]-[. . von Beckerath. 396 Ryholt. pp. one of the last of the dynasty. 63.]-n-rc. p.]kare. only the prenomen is known: mr-[:. may demonstrate that the capital remained at Itjatawy until the end when the Hyksos took Memphis. "Plazierungsvorschlage zu zwei Konigen der 13. see Ryholt. Political Situation. 357-359. Nebty:?. . 95 For bibliography concerning this privately owned stela. Prenomen-^/. 358. [. p.. Political Situation. and [ ]re. 17-18. Prenomen: swdc-rc. 79..Jmaatre Ibi. Nomen-/&4 Prenomen-/.390 The next entry. Merkheperre. Prenomen-/. pp.]. Ryholt..392 Lines 8. Lexikon der Pharaonen....396 Four other kings from the Dynasty XIII..]-wbn-rc.. 393 In the order of rulers listed above. . Political Situation. and mr-ki-rc. . Sehekenre Sankhptahi's name was found on a treasurer's stela at Memphis.

99. The next group of kings of Dynasty XIII includes Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep III through Merneferre Ay. Nomen-wr. and Sekhaenre. which may refer to a king of the earlier dynasty. Akhenaten. The first set of rulers includes Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet Sobekhotep I through Seth. this period is seen as being weak primarily because little is known about most of these rulers. 296-297. IV. p.397 It is likely that these kings fit within the lacunae mentioned above along with other unknown kings. Political Situation. 359. Thus. though the reigns of these rulers are relatively short. "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt. Redford. 34-37.399 demonstrates the orderly operation of affairs during a visit of the royal family to the Theban area. However. 398 For similar discussions. 746-747." pp. it should be noted that the majority of the recognized pyramids of Dynasty XIII likely belong to this group of kings. Mersekhemre Neferhotep. Political Situation. Sobekhotep III and the family of Neferhotep 39/ In the order of the listing above: ¥xe. Ryholt. Prenomen-mr-xljm-r^ ~Nomen-nfrMpi Prenomen-sw3h-n-rc. Franke. there are indications of stability with the king at the apex of society. dated to this time period. see Callender." pp. Section IV. and Prenomen sh c-n-rc. p. 95 . Sewahenre Senebmiew. "Thirteenth Dynasty. Papyrus Bulaq 18. Unters-uchungen. Also. 63. pp. Quirke.are not preserved in the Turin King-List: Mershepsesre Ini. Ryholt. Nomen-/". The initial kings of this group were likely related in some way to the last rulers of Dynasty XII. 219-220. Defining the Phases of Dynasty XIII The rulers of the Dynasty XIII chronology discussed above can be placed into three primary groups possibly reflecting the nature of kingship over time." pp. with the normal hierarchy of government in place. "Renaissance.16.m>men-mr-sps-rc. Nomen-snb-mi-iw. p. 399 For the dating of this document along with references. von Beckerath.B. 395-396. see Chapter 2.C. 171." p. Many of them have double names including Amenemhet. "Investigation. Table 288. ]s. In general.

Untersuchungen. Merneferre Ay appears to have had a traditional royal funerary monument as his pyramidion was discovered out of context in the Delta. The. emphasized their non-royal ancestry in their monuments and sealings. It is generally thought that they lost the eastern Delta to Dynasty XIV and the south to Theban Dynasty XVI.I/Sobekhotep IV. It should be noted that there are no attested Horus. p. several kings in this time period ruled for long enough to construct a number of monuments. Generally. They likely became a localized dynasty with little territory beyond the Memphite region by the end of the era. 258). The last of these kings was likely defeated and overthrown by the Hyksos (Dynasty XV). Political Situation. shc-n-pth (Ryholt. Next to nothing is known about these ephemeral kings. This same pattern is also found for the Dynasty XIV kings. Nebty. or Golden Horus names known for each king following Sobekhotep IV. von Beckerath. who held the throne for twenty-three years. Sankhptahi may potentially be the exception with a possible Golden Horus name.400 They began a period of prosperity which endured through the reign of Merneferre Ay. final set of rulers within Dynasty XIII includes those from Merhotepre Ini until the end. the kings in this grouping had a significant number of monuments in comparison to the other Dynasty XIII kings.401 Though this could be due to a lack of preservation. who have few known monuments. 401 96 . which followed him. It is possible that some of the other funerary structures from the Late Middle Kingdom with unknown owners may also belong to kings within this group. These rulers were significantly weaker than their predecessors. p. 86.

V. Conclusions
Dynasty XIII cannot be classified as being a part of the Middle Kingdom or
Second Intermediate Period in its entirety. From Senwosret III of Dynasty XII through
Merneferre Ay (the Late Middle Kingdom), the organization of the government remains
little changed even though there was a substantial loss of economic and political power of
the rulers after the reign of Amenemhet III. Following Merneferre Ay, the Dynasty XIII
rulers lost territory to other groups of kings, ushering in the Second Intermediate Period.
A recent study by Bennett has changed the current understanding of the
chronological relationships between Dynasty XIII and those of the Second Intermediate
Period. Much data must be restudied in light of the probable overlap between Dynasties
XIII and (Theban) XVI. At this point, it appears that Dynasty XIV emerged in the
eastern Delta soon after the death of Merneferre Ay. Later, Thebes separated from the
capital at Jtjatawy forming Dynasty XVI. Near the end of Dynasty XIII, the Hyksos
(Dynasty XV) took over the eastern Delta and began to force their way southward,
eventually toppling Dynasty XIII. It is unknown if they made their way to Thebes, but
that area was also facing pressure from the Kushite kings from Nubia. Dynasty XVI
transitioned into Dynasty XVII, which began to undertake campaigns against both the .
Hyksos and the Kushites in order to drive the foreign kings out of their country.
Ryholt's study of the Turin King-List has, resolved some of the internal
chronological issues for Dynasty XIII. Here, in this study, we have adopted Ryholt's
placement of Sekhemrelthutawy A m e n e m h e t Sobekhotep I at the beginning of the period,

switching him with Khutawyre Wegaf. The known wsf entry has also been accepted as
referring to Nerikare. However, proposed missing kings such as Seb, Kay, and others

have been removed, as not every double name has been interpreted as representing royal
There are still many mysteries in the lacunae of the Dynasty XIII section of the
Turin King-List. Interpretation of this document, often depends upon the goals and
agendas of the authors who examine it There is really no way to prove ordisprove any
reconstruction, except through additional work with the original document.
Unfortunately, the state of this text is such that the identity of many of the kings of
Dynasty XIII may never be known.


Chapter 2
Royal Legitimacy and Succession in Dynasty XIII
I. Introduction
Even if Dynasty XIII is extended a few decades beyond the 150 years assigned to
it, the situation of having over 50 kings in such a limited time must have created crises
related to legitimization and succession. Some of the shortest reigns, which lasted less
than a year, are probably symptomatic of these challenges. In this chapter, the nature of
royal legitimization in Dynasty XIII along with innovations which likely date to this
period will be addressed. Sections will also discuss the analysis of the probable and
proposed methods of succession for Dynasty XIII and evaluate their merits in light of the
evidence available at this time.

II. Legitimacy in Dynasty XIII
In ancient Egypt, the ruler was a human occupant of the divine office of
kingship.402 In theory, the office of kingship could be corrupted by unqualified or
deteriorating kings due to the failure of the leader to provide for the balance between the
living, the dead, and the gods, resulting in poverty, immorality, and the infiltration of
foreigners.403 During Dynasty XIII, many of the kings had short reigns, sometimes
lasting for little more than a few years. Thus, the question arises as to how the people,

Leprohon, "Royal Ideology," p. 275; Posener, De la Divinite du Pharaon, Cahiers de la Societe
Asiatique 15 (Paris, 1960), pp. 145-163; Silverman, "Unity and Power," p. 45; "Nature of Egyptian
Kingship," in D. O'Connor and D.P. Silverman, eds., Ancient Egyptian Kingship, pp. 51 -61. See also D.
Lorton, "Towards a Constitutional Approach to Ancient Egyptian Kingship," JAOS 99 (1979), p. 460.
Similar concepts are discussed in the Demotic Chronicle and other sources from the 4th-3rd Centuries
BC. See J.H. Johnson, "The Demotic Chronicle as a Statement of a Theory of Kingship," JSSEA 13 (1983),
pp. 61-72.


especially the elite, viewed the individual rulers and how the kings responded to them.

ILA. Divine Birth
Divine birth is a principle of divine kingship which designated the father of a king
as the sun god in place of his own biological one. Thus, a ruler did not have to be the sen
of the previous king to claim his right to the throne, giving this opportunity to anyone
with the ability to gain the needed support to legitimize his reign.
The development of the notion of divine birth began in Dynasty IV with the use
of the term si-re ("son of Re") in the titulary along with the nomen.404 This phrase itself
suggests that at least some aspect of the king was considered to be divine at the point that
he received it. However, the more overt concept of divine birth was not expressed until
much later. Lorton suggests that the "son of Re" is not to be taken literally, as it likely
denotes the king's status in comparison to the deity and the latter's duty to protect the

This part of the titulary emerged at the beginning of the reign of Djedefre (Hornung, Conceptions of
God in Ancient Egypt: the One and the Many (Ithaca, NY, 1982), p. 142; "The Pharaoh," in S. Donadoni,
ed., The Egyptians (Chicago, 1997), p. 286; P. Kaplony, "Konigstitulatur," LA, 3 1979, pp. 641-661;
Kemp, "Social History," pp. 71-72; D.P. Silverman, "Deities and Divinity in Ancient Egypt," in B.E.
Schafer, ed., Religion in Ancient Egypt: Gods, Myths, and Personal Practice (Ithaca, 1991) p. 65; "Nature,"
p. 71; Silverman, "Epithet;" W. Barta, Untersuchungen zur Gottlichkeit des regierenden Konigs. Ritus und
Sakralkonigtum in Altagypten nach Zeugnissen der Friihzeit und des Alten Reiches, Munchner
Agyptologische Studien herausgegeben von Hans Wolfgang Miiller 32 (Munchen-Berlin, 1975), pp. 32-40;
Bonheme and Forgeau, Les Secrets, pp. 63, 73-75, 81-82, 261; Fairman, "Kingship Rituals of Egypt," in
S.H. Hooke, ed., Myth, Ritual, and Kingship (Oxford, 1958), p. 77; Robins, "Legitimation," p. 287.
Assmann believes that the concepts behind this "representative theocracy" developed in the First
Intermediate Period due to the role played by the nomarchs at that time (Assmann, Mind of Egypt, p. 119).
Tobin points out that the king as the son of the sun god was already in existence from the beginning with
the connection between the ruler and the solar Horus (Tobin, Theological Principles of Egyptian Religion
(New York, 1989), pp. 93-94). See also, Leprohon, "Royal Ideology," p.- 274. Teeter dates this component
of the titulary to Neferirkare of Dynasty V. (E. Teeter, "Kingship," in K.A. Bard, ed., Encyclopedia of the
Archaeology of Ancient Egypt (New York, 1999), pp. 411-412). However, this title is found earlier in the
reign of Khafre (Silverman, "Epithet"; von Beckerath, Handbuch, p. 54, n. 1).


In the Instruction to King Merikare, dated to the First Intermediate Period, the
creator is said to have "made for them (mankind) rulers in the egg."406 Similar claims are
also made in the Coffin Texts.407 Though the idea of the creator being the father is not
found here, it is clear that there is a divine intent in making a child, who was
predetermined to become king in the future. Thus, the attributes required to take the
divine office legitimately were in the ruler from the moment he became king. The
individual did not possess any divine aspects, until the coronation ceremonies,408 when
the office of kingship was passed from the deceased king to the next mortal ruler through
the royal ka or "life force."409 Theoretically, only after this ceremony, could a king
display certain divine features. °
The first explicit, extended reference to divine birth known thus far is in the
Westcar Papyrus (Papyrus Berlin 3033), which is found in a copy dated to Dynasty
Lorton, "Towards a Constitutional Approach," p. 460. In a similar way, workers were sometimes
referred to as "sons" of their superiors (Vernus, Le Surnom, p. 116).
Bonheme and Forgeau, Les Secrets, pp. 75, 261; Kemp, "Social History," p. 74; Lichtheim, Ancient
Egyptian Literature, p. 106, line 135.
Silverman, "Deities and Divinity," pp. 70-71; "Nature," p. 72.
Goedicke, "Origin," pp. 126, 127; Hornung, Conceptions, p. 142; Silverman, "Deities and Divinity," pp.
63, 66, 68; Bonheme and Forgeau, Les Secrets, pp. 245-251.
. Note that Frankfort incorrectly believed that the king joined the realm of the gods upon succession (L.
Bell, "Luxor Temple and the Cult of the Royal Ka," JNES 44 (1985), p. 257; Frankfort, Kingship and the
Gods: A Study of Ancient Near Eastern Religion as the Integration of Society and Nature (Chicago, 1948),
pp. 123-139). Fairman stated that the gods accepted the king upon his coronation, legitimizing his reign
(Fairman, "Kingship Rituals," p. 104). Brunner argues that inheritance was the most important aspect of
the legitimization of a king at the beginning of the Middle Kingdom. However, later, full legitimization
was granted with the coronation through the gods (H. Brunner, "Die Lehre vom Konigserbe im fruhen
Mittleren Reich," in O. Firchow, ed., Agyptologische Studien (Berlin, 1955), pp. 4-11).
L. Bell, "The New Kingdom 'Divine' Temple: The Example of Luxor," in B.E. Schafer, ed., Temples of
Ancient Egypt (Ithaca, 1997), p. 140; Leprohon, "Royal Ideology," p. 274; Robins, "Legitimation," pp. 287,
288; Silverman, "Nature," pp. 73-74.
These divine features could be present at any time during a ruler's reign after the coronation. For
example, Hatshepsut had a pleasant aroma and brilliant glow upon receiving her expedition from Punt in
Year 9 (Hornung, Conceptions, p. 64). The scenes related to her birth are in close proximity to those with
the divine aspects in the Middle Colonnade (E. Naville, Temple of Deir elBahari, Part II (London, 1896)
pp. 14-18, Pis. 47-54; Temple of Deir elBahari, Part III, (London, 1896), p. 16).


XV/XVII.411 The composition of this text may date to the Late Middle Kingdom, though
its precise chronological placement is uncertain.412 One of the tales in this papyrus is set
in the court of king Khufu of Dynasty IVr The mother of these infants is a non-royal
woman married to a priest of the sun god.413 A magician named Djedi prophesizes to this
king about the rare conception of triplets, who are the sons of the god Re and will become
the rulers of Dynasty V.414 The story also relates the birth of these children in the
presence of deities, who announce their royal destiny.
Regardless of whether or not this story served as a legitimization precedent for the
three brother kings of Dynasty XIII (Neferhotep I, Sahathor, and Sobekhotep IV) as some
have proposed,415 this tale does have some interesting elements, which explain the
divinely ordained kingship principle. For example, the magician, Djedi, reveals all the
details of the triplets' birth, including the names of the parents, their location, and the


R. Parkinson, Poetry and Culture in Middle Kingdom Egypt (New York, 2002), p. 295.
Assmann, Mind of Egypt, pp. 146, 185; Barta, Untersuchungen, pp. 22-29; C. Bennett, "The Structure of
the Seventeenth Dynasty," GM149 (1995), p. 31; Berlev, "Eleventh Dynasty," pp. 368-369; H. Brunner,
Die Geburt des Gottkonigs (Wiesbaden, 1964), pp. 203-206; Kemp, "Social History," p. 77; Ancient
Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization (London, 1989), p. 197; L.H. Lesko, "Textual Sources, Middle Kingdom,"
in K.A. Bard, ed., Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt (New York, 1999), p. 796; Lorton,
"Towards a Constitutional Approach;" pp. 460-461,463; R. Parkinson, "Papyrus Westcar," in D.B.
Redford, ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, 3 (Oxford, 2001), p. 24; Silverman, "Nature," p.
71. Quirke dates the preserved copy of the text to Dynasty XV/XVII based on the characteristics of the
hieratic. See Quirke, "Royal Power," p. 130; "Narrative Literature," in A. Loprieno, ed., Ancient Egyptian
Literature (New York, 1995), p. 271; "Second Intermediate Period," p. 262. Some scholars attribute it to
Dynasty XV; Bietak implies that the unprovenienced papyrus was from Avaris (Bietak, "Hyksos Rule," p.
115; "Hyksos," (2001), p. 140; G. Posener, Litterature et Politique dans VEgypte de la Xlle Dynastie,
Bibliotheque de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes 307 (Paris, 1956), p. 12). Goedicke prefers the end of Dynasty
XVII (H. Goedicke, "Thoughts about the Papyrus Westcar," ZAS 11 (1993), pp. 23-36). For a photograph
and transcription of the papyrus, see A.M. Blackman, The Story of King Kheops and the Magicians:
Transcribedfrom Papyrus Westcar, Berlin Papyrus 3033 (Reading, England, 1988). For translations of the
text, see Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature 1, pp. 215-222; Simpson, Literature, pp. 15-30. For
further bibliographic information, see Bellion, Catalogue des Manuscrits, p. 353.
This is the first reference to the mother within the divine birth context. Previously, only the god, Re was
mentioned as being the father of the king (D.P. Silverman, personal communication).
For a study of the possible examples of multiple births in ancient Egypt, see J. Baines, "Egyptian
Twins," Or 54 (1985), pp. 461-482. Triplets were rare in ancient Egypt.
See Chapter 2, Section 2.II.E.1.


date. However, because these are the children of Re himself, it seems that Khufu accepts
the fate of his dynasty and does not attempt in any way to destroy the triplets. Other
signs, such as the proclamation by the gods during the birth that these babies would be
kings, demonstrate that there is no authority on earth, which can change the divine
decision of Re. The status of the parents of the. triplets is irrelevant, in determining their
future, since these children are the seed of Re.
According to Berlev, another way in which kings could allude to divine birth was
to show that their parents were not royal.416 Thus, in certain reigns in ancient Egyptian
history, the non-royal paternal parent of a king was referred to as the "god's father" (it
fitr).417 In Dynasty XIII, a selection of kings, including those possibly linked to the
Westcar Papyrus, used just such terminology to denote their own fathers. The brother
kings; Neferhotep I, Sahathor and Sobekhotep IV; state that they were born to the
commoners, Haankhef and Kemi while Sobekhotep III lists his parents as "god's father"
Mentuhotep and "king's mother" Iwhetibu.

Another king's mother Iwhetibu and a

god's father Dedusobek are the parents of an unknown ruler.419 Also, a Nebhotepti is
cited on a genealogical seal of a Sobekhotep, possibly matched with a paternal seal with


Berlev, "Eleventh Dynasty," p. 365.
Berlev, "Eleventh Dynasty," pp. 363, 366; Postel, Protocole, pp. 49-53; A. Gardiner, "The First King
Menthotpe of the Eleventh Dynasty," MDAIK 14 (1956), p. 46; E. Graefe, "Die Vermeintliehe
Unteragyptische Herkunft des Ibi, Obermajordomus der Nitokris," SAK 1 (1974), p. 203, n. 215; Quirke,
"Royal Power," p. 138; Bonheme and Forgeau, Les Secrets, p.255. This title may have also been used by
some priests. However, in Dynasty XIII, when "god's father" is used in conjunction with king's mother,
the emphasis is upon the fact that the parents are not from the royal family. See E. Blumenthal, "Die .
'Gottesvater' des Alten und Mittleren Reiches," ZAS 114 (1987), pp. 25-28, 31; Franke, "AMgyptische
Verwandtschaftsbezeichnungen," pp. 309-310.
Habachi, "Neferhotep I Family," pp. 80-81; Quirke, "Royal Power," pp. 130-131; Ryholt, Political
- Situation, p. 285.
• ~
Franke, Personendaten, p. 439, Doss. 762; Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 246-248; A.E.P. Weigall,
"Tomb and Cemetery of Senusert III," in E.R. Ayrton, et &l,Abydos, Part III (London, 1904), p. 48, PL


an uncertain reading.
Dynasty XIII kings were not the only ones to use the "god's father" designation.
During the First Intermediate Period, the initial ruler of Dynasty XI also used this title
along with the paternal name to show that he was of non-royal descent. 2


Amenemhet I, the first king of Dynasty XII, acknowledged his non-royal father,
Senwosret, with this same term.422 Generally, the "god's father" title in association with
a male, non-royal parent was used by kings who wished to distinguish themselves from
their predecessors,"likely due to political turmoil.42 Then, in order to counteract this
break from tradition, these kings may have used the concept of divine marriage to
legitimize their reigns and connect them to the long line of kings who preceded them.424
At the same time that a few of the kings used the term "god's father" with the
names of their fathers in seals, they also placed "son of Re" on the seals with their
mothers' names (Neferhotep I, Sobekhotep IV and another Sobekhotep but not
Sobekhotep III).425 This relationship in the seals would seem to point overtly toward the
divine marriage between the mortal (non-royal) mother and the god Re. It is also
interesting that the "son of Re" is usually associated with the prenomen. However, in
these seals, this term appears in conjunction with the nomen while the paternal seals
contain the prenomen of the king.

O. Tufhell, Studies on Scarab Seals II (Warminster, 1984), pp. 3533, PL 3564, no. 3533.
Postel, Protocole, p: 17; L. Habachi, "God's Fathers and the Role They Played in the History of the First
Intermediate Period," ASAE 55 (1958), pp. 176, 186-188. In the New Kingdom, this term can be used for
the royal tutor (H. Brunner, "Der "Gottesvater" als Erzieher des Kronprinzen," ZAS 86 (1961), pp. 90-100).
See also the "god's father of Onuris" in the Second Intermediate Period stela in A. Leahy, "A Stela of the
Second Intermediate Period," GM44 (1981), pp. 29, Fig. 21.
Bonheme and Forgeau, Les Secrets, p. 255.
Baines, "Definition," p. 18; Habachi, "God's Fathers," pp. 167-190.


For the New Kingdom and the connection of divine marriage scenes and legitimacy in the New
Kingdom, see Simpson, "Egyptian Sculpture," p. 268, n. 219.
Ryholt, Political Situation, p. 35, Fig. 2; Postel, Protocole, p. 103, n. 471.


H.B. Festivals
II.B.l Accession and Coronation
Festivals, involving the appearance of the king, served as a form of legitimization.
The first and most important festivals for a monarch included the accession and
coronation. The accession ideally occurred at sunrise on the day after that on which the
previous king died, while the coronation was planned on the date of the New Year or on
the first day of one of the other seasons.426 Leprohon states:
These occasions were crucial because it was during them that the divine essence
of the sacral office was transferred to the king and the fusion of the pharaoh's
human and divine natures occurred.427
The right to the throne was affirmed through these ceremonies.428 Thus, in most
cases, the fact that someone successfully became king was sufficient to indicate that he
possessed the royal ka and that he was divinely chosen for this highest office in the
human realm. Though there are no direct depictions or inscriptions related to such
ceremonies in Dynasty XIII, one should expect that they occurred with the accession of
each new king upon the throne.
II.B.2. The Sed Festival
The sed festival is another event that is important for the legitimization of some
kings. This ceremony occurred after a ruler had been in office for some time, but just

Leprohon, "Royal Ideology," pp: 276-277. For more details of the accession and coronation, see C.J.
Bleeker, Egyptian Festivals: Enactments of Religious Renewal, Studies in the History of Religions 13
(Leiden, 1967), pp. 95-96; Bonheme and Forgeau, Les Secrets, pp. 245-246, 247-248; Fairman, "Kingship
Rituals," pp. 78-80, 81-83, 96-97, 104.
Leprohon, "Royal Ideology," p. 276. See also Silverman, "Nature," p. 69.
L. Bell, "Luxor Temple," p. 257; Brunner, "Die Lehre," pp. 4-11; Goedicke, "Origin," pp. 126, 127;
Hornung, Conceptions, p. 142; Silverman, "Deities and Divinity," pp. 63, 66, 68.


how long this period was can differ (traditionally after 30 years).429 With its roots in the
reigns of the earliest Egyptian kings, this festival contains ceremonies and ritualized
athletic activities. Nonetheless, the primary purpose of the sed festival seems to have
been to rejuvenate the strength of the king through close contact and the exchange of gifts
with the gods, as well as a reenactment of the coronation.430
Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet Sobekhotep I may have celebrated a sed festival,
as indicated in relief on a doorframe found at Medamud.431 It is likely significant that
this king celebrated such a festival in his relatively short reign (3? years), possibly
indicating problems in the late Dynasty XH/early Dynasty XIII, requiring legitimization
beyond the coronation. However, it appears that the sed festival scenes of this king were
copied from those of Senwosret III, and it is possible that his participation in such
ceremonies was symbolic rather than being a historical event.432 Nonetheless, later in
Dynasty XIII, Merhotepre Sobekhotep VI is depicted in a statue wearing a sed festival

robe, possibly commemorating his celebration.

For more information on the Sed Festival, see Bleeker, Egyptian Festivals, pp. 96-123; Bonheme and
Forgeau, Les Secrets, pp. 287-306; Fairman, "Kingship Rituals," pp. 83-85; Lorton, "Towards a
Constitutional Approach," p. 461.
Leprohon, "Royal Ideology," p. 281; Teeter, "Kingship," p. 412.
Di. Arnold, "Cult Complexes," pp. 82, 83 Fig. 36; J. Revez, "Medamud," in K.A. Bard, ed.,
Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt (New York, 1999), p. 476; C. Sambin, "Medamud," in
D.B. Redford, ed., The Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, 2 (Oxford, 2001). For the Medamud material, see
Bisson de la Roque, Medamoud 1928, pp. 3,4, 58-72, 115-123, PI. 114; Bisson de la Roque and Clere,
Medamoud 1927, pp. 89-92, 99-1Q0, 103, 105, 117-118, 131-137, PL 104; Medamoud 1929, pp. 78, 89-93,
PI.-75. Sekhemrekhutawy Sobekhotep I overtook the Senwosret III temple (later usurped by Sobekemsaf
of Dynasty XVII) at this site, including the Sed Festival porch while Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep III
usurped the lintels.
Statuettes of an unknown Late Middle Kingdom ruler, dressed in a sed robe, were found at Semna
(Vercoutter, "Roi Ougaf," pp. 227-228).
W.V. Davies, Royal Statue Reattributed (London, 1981), no. 31.


II.C. Historical Precedent
II.C.l. The Westcar Papyrus
While Parkinson states that the tale in the Westcar Papyrus is based on
"historical" figures of the Old Kingdom, with the addition of some fictional characters,
and is intended to entertain the reader,434 this text may have served to legitimize the
consecutive reigns of the three brothers in Dynasty XIII.435 In other words, the three
Dynasty V brothers in the story serve as a historical precedent for those during Dynasty
XIII. Interestingly, there is a king-list in Wadi Hammamat which may be of the same
"historical" school as Papyrus Westcar. Both in this inscription and the literary text,
Khufu is listed with his sons (Djedefre?), Khafre, Bauefre, and Hordedef, the last of
which may not be real historical figures.436 If Redford's dating is correct, it is possible
that these texts may be roughly contemporary. Also, there may be a conceptual link
between Khufu's desire in the Papyrus Westcar to learn about the secret chambers of
Thoth and Neferhotep's quest to search the library in the temple at Heliopolis regarding a
text outlining the specifications for the statue of Osiris at Abydos (Neferhotep Stela).437
Interestingly, The Prophesies ofNeferti, a text whose story is set in the court of
Parkinson, "Westcar," p. 25; Poetry, pp. 182-192. For the tendency of kings of the late Middle
Kingdom to follow the precedents of the Old Kingdom, see Baines, Visual and Written Culture, p. 194-195.
Franke, Das Heiligtium, pp. 69-70; Parkinson, Poetry, p. 296; Quirke, "Second Intermediate Period," p.
262. For a general statement concerning the use of fictionalized history for the purpose of legitimizations,
see M. Van Buren and J.E. Richards, "Introduction: Ideology, Wealth, and the Comparative Study of
"Civilizations"," in J.E. Richards and M. Van Buren, eds., Order, Legitimacy, and Wealth in Ancient States
(Cambridge, 2000), p. 9. For a discussion of how the past was used almost exclusively in literary texts to
present the events of the present, see Baines, "Concepts," pp. 131, 136-138; Posener, Litterature et
Politique, p. 29.
Ryholt, Political Situation, pp. 17-18, n. 32; Simpson, "Dynasty XIII Stela," p. 155; D. Wildung, Die
Rolle dgypticher Konige I (Berlin, 1969), pp. 164-167. Redford says they were princes who never took
throne; he dates the inscription to Dynasty XII (Redford, Pharaonic King-lists, pp. 25, 237).
R.B. Parkinson, "The Dream and the Knot. Contextualizing Middle Kingdom Literature," in G. Moers,
ed., Definitely: Egyptian Literature, Lingua Aegyptia 2 (Gottingen, 1999), p. 68; Poetry, pp. 194, 303-304;
Silverman, Non-Royal Burials. See Chapter 2, section II.D.2.


n. 453. p. 18. See Franke. it also could be seen as an ideological allusion to the mythical Menes. Its composition during the reign of Amenemhet I seems probable. "Renaissance*" pp. History. Silverman. p." p. Posener. embellished. 454. according to ancient Egyptian sources. Franke. Catalogue des Manuscrits. Note that Franke stresses the hypothetical nature of this conclusion. "Amenemhet I. Kemp. Political Situation. 158. Not only was the nickname Ameny popular. 50. 156. Les Secrets. Ancient Egyptian Literature 1.440 However. p. 108 . For further bibliographic information. Les Secrets.441 The similarities between the tale in the Westcar Papyrus and the Prophesies of Neferti are interesting. pp. "Social History. are unknown. Callender. 139-145. See also Ryholt. 156. in The Prophesies ofNeferti. Simpson. Assmann suggests that Amenemhet I came to power through a civil war (Assmann. Ameny. Posener. p. Arnold. . 50. 47.the Dynasty IV king. the king named in an earlier time period may actually be a reference to a ruler who. "Renaissance. 244. a lector priest states that there will be a king called." pp. and the nature of the Prophesies ofNeferti may be truthful. 63. 207.439 Unlike in the Westcar Papyrus. 103. 259. who established Dynasty XII after serving as the vizier of king Mentuhotep Nebtawyre. 22-28. Postel. but the premise of using such a work for legitimization is extremely important. 736. Hallo and Simpson. 106. 708. Bonheme and Forgeau. pp. p. seven centuries later would take the throne. "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt. History. 441 Hornung. 440 Callender. Protocole." p. Franke. pp. p. 75-77. "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt. Helck. or propagandistic fiction. Non-Royal Burials. who will come from Upper Egypt and take the throne and return the land to its proper state. p.." p. Sneferu. 736." p. under which Sehotepibre Amenemhet I acquired the throne. Many scholars believe that the Ameny spoken of here is Amenemhet I. 104. "Twelfth Dynasty. Ancient Near East. Lichtheim. Hornung. "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt. p. Bonheme and Forgeau. 117). p. The reality of the circumstances. Geschichte." p." pp. Leprohon. "Overview. pp. Litterature et Politique. Litterature et Politique. 340-341. see Bellion." p. Both are set in Dynasty IV during the height of pyramid Do. it does seem that Ameny/Amenemhet I had to have such stories suggesting that his rise to power was predetermined in the Old Kingdom in order to legitimize his reign. the first mortal king. In this story. 28. Mind of Egypt. 736.

" in S." p. and Functions or Literature. p. 1880). Anthes. Studies in Egyptology Presented to Miriam Lichtheim (Jerusalem." p. 442 Quirke. "Concepts. The Neferhotep Stela The Neferhotep Stela at Abydos also suggests the use of real or derived historical sources as precedent for the legitimization of the king's actions. This stela has been used as evidence that the king was literate (Baines and Eyre. pp. Monarchs. "Four Notes on Literacy. 32. 1974). 1990). 110. "The Semna Stelae: Quotation.J.2." p. Description desfouilles dAbydos II (Paris.444 They undertook this task in preparation for the king's participation in the Osiris festival at Abydos in year two of his reign. Mariette. Pis. Dodson. 443 109 . pp. For a complete study of this stela {Berlin• 1204) and the Osiris Festival. Khasekhemre Neferhotep and his courtiers read through the manuscripts at the Temple of Atum at Heliopolis and found a text concerning the means to create a statue of the god for the Temple of Osiris. see R. something which was expected for a legitimate ruler.445 This stela served as a public testament to the literate elite that the king was responsible in his duties to the gods. 397. 1880). It may be the case that the small part of the document relating the story of the triplets was an older story revived at this time for the use of the brother kings. At least for the Prophesies ofNeferti." p. "Renaissance. pp. p. Baines. Kemp. no. 179. ed. 1975) under powerful kings. Mitteilungen aus der Agyptischen Sammlung 8 (Berlin. Genre. it may be the case that this text are part of a genre of Middle Kingdom literature. Catalogue General des Monuments d'Abydos (Paris. Historische-Biographische. 59. Leahy. see J.442 II.E. "Thirteenth Dynasty. I (Weisbaden." GM61 (1983). p. "Abydos. Guide to the Antiquities of Upper Egypt (New York. 2830. 32. 332-336. This purpose is less certain regarding the Westcar Papyrus. through which kings justified their acts through prophesy attributed to religious figures of this revered period." p.443 This inscription claims that. 147)." LA. 1910). 15-49. A. 78). p. La Fin du Moyen Empire. Eyre suggests that the stela of Neferhotep I at Abydos is the first "konigsnovelle" (Eyre. Weigall. Helck. 233-234.. Weill. Groll. 141. "Protective Measure. 6. B.P.H. A. "Historiography. "Die Berichte des Neferhotep und des Ichernofret liber das Osirisfest in Abydos. pp. Breastead. as Quirke suggests. For a bibliography and translation of this text.I." Festschrift zum 150 Jarigen des Berliner Aryptischen Museums.. 5 Kadish. 2129. 444 Callender. 69. p. 2001). Ancient Records of Egypt: The First through the Seventeenth Dynasties I (Urbana.

II. In fact. it is likely that the kings of Dynasty XIII deliberately associated themselves with the successful rulers of the Middle Kingdom. perhaps to legitimize their reigns. II. p. Sehotepibre. In six of these. unfortunately. it was used as components of double names. one of the kings in the Turin King-List (7. 447 110 . 44. 5b-c. p 69. no. the art style of Dynasty XIII initially continued that of Senwosret III and Amenemhet III with a stylized body and a modeled. Pharaohs and Mortals. which identify the king depicted. but. Fig. Section II. The Use of the Nomen Amenemhet The nomen Amenemhet (or Ameny Qemau) was used by eight of the Dynasty XIII kings. which related the status of the ruler according to traditional ideology.446 In general.3. Jequier. Thus. 31.A3.12). as one can see in the sculptures of other periods including Dynasty XII. Bourriau. For an example of a statue depicting Amenemhet III in a names crown.C. Art and Royal Regalia Another means of royal legitimization during Dynasty XIII was the depiction of kings in royal regalia in relief and sculpture.447 Statues such as EA 1167 and a head of Khendjer from his funerary complex show the king wearing a names crown with a uraeus upon his brow. See Chapter 1. has the same prenomen as Amenemhet I. 54. PI. see Bourriau. There are more than two dozen royal statues dated to Dynasty XIII. Fouilles a Saqqarah. it directly or indirectly hearkens back to reigns of Dynasty XII such as Amenemhet I and III.448 Other statues depict the king in sed festival garb such as one depicting Merhotepre Sobekhotep VI from the Cairo Museum 446 Bourriau. somber face with heavy eyelids and down-turned lips. Pharaohs and Mortals. Regardless of whether or not this name refers to family members. few have inscriptions. Pharaohs and Mortals.D.

Simpson. pp. 1998). 73. Royal Statue Reattributed. 103.99-100. "The Origin of the Blue Crown. Fig. 154-158. "Expedition archeologique royale. Medamoud 1929. 31. PL 4. Helck. Bisson de la Roque. 64. these depictions as well as those mentioned above all work to connect these individual rulers with traditional kingship of the Middle Kingdom. 69-76. PL 75.(JE 37421/CG 42027). 89-92. PL 114." pp. 3. which may have signaled the need for additional legitimizing paraphernalia. Bisson de la Roque and Clere. p. pp. 81. the inscribed curls." p. Medamoud 1928. PL 27. Helck. 58-72. A. Medamoud 1927. PL 15. 455 EX. 453 Bisson de la Roque and Clere. several of the depictions do indicate that certain details of the crown were developing. 117-118. PL 157a.450 Though there is some question as to whether or not this ruler actually participated in a sed festival or simply copied the scenes and texts from a monument of Senwosret III. 151. 64. PL 104.V.454 Menkhaure Senaaib (Abydos). pp. Davies. Though most of the royal regalia of Dynasty XIII continued from the traditions of ancient Egyptian kingship to that date. Ertman. 451 W. Examples of this crown during the Late Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period occurred during the following reigns: Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet Sobekhotep I (Medamud). 51 Though the term for this headgear. p. 115-123. pp.449 Relief scenes depicting the king. 47. 450 111 . khepresh (Aprs). 454 Debono. PL 68.455 Sekhemreneferkhau Wepwawetemsaf 449 Davies. including the blue color. p. Mariette. no." JEA 68 (1982). Historische-Biographische. 89-93. 452 Cairo JE 59635. and the curled snake. Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet Sobekhotep I celebrating a sed festival are also found at the temple at Medamud.4. the determinative of the crown itself seems to be more in the form of a royal cap than the fully developed crown of the early Dynasty XVIII.453 Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV (Wadi Hammamat). Medamoud 1927. appears at this early date. 131-137. Abydos II (New York. no. Historische-Biographische. p.452 Nonetheless. "T "The Cap-Crown of Nefertiti: Its Function and Probable Origin. 105. 78." JARCE 13 (1976). the blue crown may have been a new addition. "Dynasty XIII Stela.

Helck. The most significant of the relatively small structures they built are the tombs of a few of these sovereigns.(Abydos?). p. with its association with legitimate kingship and coronation might be reflective of its use in the Late Middle Kingdom/Second Intermediate Period when this institution suffered some weakening. 188-189. which was Helck. von Beekerath." p." JEA 68 (1982). since it served as a clearly visible display of royal power and wealth.pp. Clere. 65. the quantity and size of the royal monuments were still greater than those of the private officials of the period. 458 Hayes. Davies suggests that the khepresh of the New Kingdom. Karnak. and it is likely that messages of legitimacy were still encoded into the buildings of the Dynasty XIII kings. Untersuchungen. xvii. PL 4-6. no.J. 298. succession occurred in a period of time. most of the rulers were unable to construct impressive monuments. It is clear that some monarchs continued to add onto Middle Kingdom temples and sacred sites such as those at Medamud. and Memphis. "La Stele de Sankhptah. p.E. however. Chambellan su Roi Rahotep. Abydos. For Dynasty XIII. 45. 457 112 . Historische-Biographische. Historische-Biographische. Succession In ancient Egypt. 48. no. J.458 H.459 Nonetheless. 15(15). 51. and several examples from Dynasty XVII (Abydos). 62. III. "Egypt: From the Death. Monumental Architecture The construction of monumental architecture is a form of visual legitimization that most kings of ancient Egypt used. 459 See Chapter 3.

K. 249. 396.mythologically dangerous. 461 113 . Ancient Near East. 1928)." pp. see Fairman. 81-83." p. "Kingship Rituals. p. pp. 72. Grimal. "Social History.462 Many theories have been suggested for the mechanics of succession." p. 701. Builders. The passing of the office of kingship from the deceased king to a successor could erupt into chaos. Pharaohs and Mortals. p. p. History. if at all. Great Monuments. Helck. For the later Ramesseum Dramatic Papyrus from the accession or sed festival of Senwosret I. p. like birth and death (and creation in general). Sethe. 463 Frankfort. Geschichte. Kemp. Father-to-Son Succession The Osiris-Horus-Seth myth found in the Memphite Theology. but none prove to be satisfactory for more than a few reigns. may reflect the pattern of normal succession in ancient Frankfort." p. Hallo and Simpson." p. Kingship and the Gods. p. "Overview. Verner. "Social History. Callender. the rapid turnover of kings during Dynasty XIII did not greatly impact the stability of society nor cause harm to the ideological framework of the royal institution itself. including would-be usurpers or competitors for the throne. III. 171. 171. 101. Kingship and the Gods. 25-30. Dramatische Texte zu altaegyptischen Mysterienspielen (Leipzig." p.A. Bourriau. it seems that several innovations may have been developed as different factors emerged. 5.461 • Determining the means. 197. p. Kemp. 72.463 which has its roots in the Pyramid Texts. p. "Renaissance. 462 Quirke. 434. p. van den Boom. through which the selection of a king occurred is one of the most important issues in the study of Dynasty XIII. Murnane. "Thirteenth Dynasty. David. the new king could find himself threatened by evil forces. 117. Just as a newborn might face dangerous situations such as disease or stillbirth. Despite the perceived and real dangers associated with succession in ancient Egypt. In reality. 346. Duties of the Vizier.

240-242." p. Pestman. The ancient Egyptians then viewed the deceased ruler as Osiris. 61-63." GM62 (1983). "Der ehebrechersche Sohn. 1988). Lesko also approaches this myth from a mythological point of view. Boochs. the female king. Janssen and P. Les Secrets.467 Also.Egyptian kingship. 256-257. "A Critical Examination of the Theory that the Right to the Throne of Ancient Egypt Passed through the Female Line in the 18th Dynasty. p. however. "Thirteenth Dynasty. p. At the end of Dynasty XII.4 4 The story records that Horus. rules of inheritance prioritized children and grandchildren while brothers and sisters followed in a secondary position. Allen. G. 466 Bonheme." p." p. "Royal Ideology. pp. Robins.469 She was a daughter of Amenemhet III and may have been the sibling or half-sister of 464 Leprohon." p.465 Inheritance usually transferred from father to son. 105. the eldest son of the ruler. pp. a non-related heir could be appointed.P.) J. Religion in Ancient Egypt (Ithaca. Thus.P. 324-325. preferably the eldest son. 467 J. but other possibilities . Allen. "Ancient Egyptian Cosmogonies and Cosmology. 465 Quirke.468 sometimes through adoption. 92-93). 33-34). pp. and the heir. 274.W. Allen also notes that Horus only achieves his position through the death of his father. pp. regardless of bloodline. 4345. "Burial and Inheritance in the Community of the Necropolis Workmen at Thebes. a formal case had to be presented. "Queens. Osiris (J. Schafer.M. 73. Lesko.P. proving the owner's right to the position and declaring his wish to convey it to someone else.A. "Kingship. 165. Genesis in Egypt (New Haven. 469 Grajetzki. became Horus. Middle Kingdom. especially in unfavorable times since the deceased king became Osiris and the living son Horus. ed." GM114 (1990). 68-72. but he still allows for the possibility that the Memphite Theology may have legitimized father-to-son succession (L.P. "Legitimation. 114 ." in B. as the rightful heir to the divine throne of Osiris through the rules of inheritance. Genesis. J. this divine model sets the program on a royal level. 1991)." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 11 (1968). 263-265. 396." pp. Bonheme and Forgeau. Robins. If a private office was to be transferred to a new family. W. Nefrusobek came to the throne. 11.466 In the private sector at Deir el-Medina in the New Kingdom. 260-261. existed. pp.. 468 Robins. royal ideological mythology could actually hide the true mechanics of succession. p. 288. Allen argues that the myth established Horus as the end result of the evolution of the Ennead in that his place as king on earth parallels the sun god's role as the sustainer of life in the natural world (J.

Dynasty XIII began. 218. The relationship between the last kings of Dynasty XII and the first of Dynasty XIII is uncertain. 104. "Investigation. however. whom Ryholt assigns to the reign of Awibre Hor through a circular argument. 39. they only occur in the first part of the dynasty. • . Political Situation. Quirke. pp. "Egypt: From the Death. p. from the titles of these two queens. prior to the reign of Sobekhotep III without an exact association with a king. Semna Kumma. Scarab Seals. Aahotepti. Tufnell. 242-243. n. 43." p. n. another form. as will be shown in Chapter 6. 101. nos. Another possible example is the "king's wife" and "king's mother. which appears in a cartouche. there is solid proof that the mothers of at least two rulers were the spouses of kings. Another likely candidate for father-to-son succession was Ameny Qemau and his possible successor Hotepibre Saharnedjeritef.• • 472 Ryholt. 38-39. PI. 230. even if only some of these double names represent this type of succession."471 The first is Nebhotepti." Senet. though there are other ways of interpreting these in private examples." p. Another seal dated to late Dynasty XII/XIH appears to be a third example. 3535-3536). 129. 64. After her death. presumably when descendents of the Dynasty XII kings remained. "Royal Power. Later. 28.Amenemhet IV. pp.473 Nonetheless. based on his seal chronology. 473 Ryholt. Ryholt has also proposed that double names represent father-to-son successions. A22. for the bibliography of the seal see 238-239.472 Ryholt places the second queen. Political Situation. 471 115 . PL 87 A21. Titles of two royal women found on scarab seals suggest that there were at least two normal father-to-son successions in Dynasty XIII. Nonetheless. Both of these women possessed the titles "queen" and "king's mother. fratrilineal succession emerges. who lived in the Late Dynasty XII to early Dynasty XIII." p. Fragments of a statuette of Queen and King's Mother Nebhotepti were found in room LVII of the Semna Fort (Dunham and Janssen. changing some aspects or emphasizing some of the more unorthodox 470 Hayes. The latter's name can be translated as "Qemau's son Harnedjeritef' a phrase.

Peribsen identified himself with Seth (rather than having Horus associated with his serekh). With this sort of system. In the Contendings of Horus andSeth. the two gods (the son and the brother of the deceased king). "Structure. 214-223. 476 Bennett.475 Fratrilineal succession (fratriarchy) is a system that ancient Egyptian royalty may have developed during the Second Intermediate Period in order to prevent young children from inheriting the throne while maintaining the royal power of a single family. Quirke. (Mineola. presumably after he defeated Peribsen. Civilizations of the Ancient Near East 3. etc. Horns and Seth. 256. Les Secrets. the lines of succession would have been stable initially. who debate over the issue. 68-70. though individual reigns of the successors may have been shorter." pp.. However. Instead. 1704-1706. 258. it is assumed that there was a civil war at this time and that the state was led by two leaders. Horus ascends to the throne. J. MA. a king might choose a brother. 1995). pp. Who Were the Pharaohs. 116 . while Khasekhemwy used both Horus and Seth. pp. Normally. relative to those of father-to-son succession because occupants were of the same generation. factions within the family may have emerged. See S. as the throne passed to successive generations (nephews. 265 . but the fact that the rightful heir could be a brother is implied.). p. fight over the right to the throne without either being the obvious choice amongst the gods. nephew. or another mature relative to take the throne upon his death. Les Secrets. (Peabody. "Myth and Mythmaking in Ancient Egypt. Fratrilineal Succession The myth of Osiris suggests that conflict could ensue between a brother and a son of a deceased king concerning the identity of the rightful heir. Ancient Egyptian Literature 2. As the number of eligible male relatives increased. See also Bonheme and Forgeau. 29-30.characteristics of the office of kingship. ed. van Dijk. III.474 Ultimately. ideologically. See also Bonheme and Forgeau. 475 Note that one early king. Sasson. New York). there may have been some confusion concerning the right to the throne. p.B. 35. 474 Lichtheim. p." in J.

276).478 Assyrians from the 15th-14th centuries BC. Role and Ideology of Royal Women.482 Aztecs. Macadam.54. Bennett suggests that rulers of Dynasty XVII and. Barfield.L. pp. 1981). 25-32. Redford. Lohwasser. 64.480 Hsiung-nu (Huns) in Mongolia after 31 BC. 1994) pp. pp. Meroitica 15 (Berlin. 127.F. Internationalen Tagung fur meroitistishe Forschungen vom 14. History of the Sudan to AD 1821 (London. 488 Bennett. at least one instance of fratriarchy occurred (the Neferhotep/Sahathor/Sobekhotep family) from 26 to 65 years (17-43%) of the 150-year period. there was a loosely-based collateral system. 1973). 240. p. "Structure.L. 66. Hintze. Lohwasser notes that there is only one certain case of fratrilineal succession in Napata (Anlamani and Aspelta). Wenig. considering the internal situation at the time. p. 478 117 . The Temples ofKawa I. For the most part. "Queenship in Kush: Status. bis 19 September 1992 in Gosen/bei Berlin. possibly. According to Bennett. The Inscriptions (London. Studien zum antiken Sudan. 121.F. Davies. 88ff.J. "On the Foundations of Kingship Ideology in the Empire of Kush. A History of Russia. 1999). "Names and Relationships of the Royal Family of Napata." pp. consciously chose to institute a practice of fratrilineal succession to create stability in the office of kingship. 31. M. Arkell. p. II (New Haven. The Aztecs: a History (London. pp. 486 D. 1961). pp. 1956). The Perilous Frontier: Nomadic Empires and China (Oxford. 359 ff. parts of XIII. though evolution within Egypt may be a more plausible hypothesis. 1949). 479 B.. The Lost World ofElam (London. 31.487 He theorizes that this concept may have originated from contact with the Kushite rulers in Nubia. Torok. Dunham and M.486 During Dynasty XIII. 72 ff. Holden. "Structure. 482 G. 1972).481 Russian princes after 10. Vernadsky and M." pp. The Structure of the Ottoman Dynasty (Oxford. T. Alderson.B. Landsberger.Fratrilineal succession has occurred many times over the course of human history. History and Chronology of the Eighteenth Dynasty of Egypt: Seven Studies (Toronto.483 Maya in Post-Classical Period.D. F.485 and modern Saudi Arabian kings. Akten der 7. 381. p.J." JCS 8 (1954). Karpovich. D. D. "Assyrische Konigsliste und dunkles Zeitalter.484 Ottoman Turks after 1603. "Structure. A. Scheie and D." p. 29-30. 149." in S. 174. p." JARCE 38 (2001). 483 N. in which the office of kingship alternated between two families within which patrilineal succession occurred (L. 1989). 484 L. 485 A.488 Also. 10-14.477 examples include: the Elamites. Macadam. p. 1967). 79-80. p. Freidel. 124. 480 A. 83 ff. A Forest of Kings (New York. pp.479 later Kushite kings including those of Egyptian Dynasty XXV. The House ofSaud(New York. p. ed. 1990). 487 Bennett." JEA 35 (1949). isolated examples of 477 Bennett.

Wahibre Ibiaw Unknown 10. Menwadjre Sihathor First less than a year 3. 118 . "God's Fathers." p. 179. "Investigation.75 5. Merneferre Ay Unknown 23. who only ruled for days or months.75 6. Djedefre and Khafre were both reigning sons of the king Khufu of Dynasty IV. the Dynasty XIII example(s) may have more to do with necessity than with a deliberate modification of kingship itself. Quirke." p.1). Sehertawy Intef and Wahankh Intef.25 2. Khahotepre Sobekhotep Second? 4." p. Quirke. In Dynasty XIII. 489 Another example of brother kings is that of the Dynasty XI rulers.brothers taking the throne in succession can be found as early as the Old Kingdom.1. and Kfianeferre Sobekhotep IV (Table 2. "Royal Power." pp. 396. Menwadjre Sahathor. "Thirteenth Dynasty. 130. served as a Habachi.490 Some scholars have suggested that Sahathor. 230. Kings possibly related to the fratrilineal line of Neferhotep I. Khasekhemre Neferhotep First 11. Name Generation Regnal Length 1. brother-to-brother succession occurred with Khasekhemre Neferhotep I. Kfianeferre Sobekhotep First 12 4. who were both sons of the god's father. Thus. 181. Mentuhotep.75 Further Members (?): Table 2.

"Structure." GM141 (1994).495 Finally. 492 Quirke notes that there is no actual evidence for this relationship (Quirke. p. See also below.34). According to Ryholt. Chapter 1.B. "Royal Names. Bennett. Ryholt suggests that the (Horus) Khabaw and (Horus) Djedkheperew were brothers. "Thutmosis I and Ahmes-Sapair. in which a nephew followed his uncle on the throne may have occurred during Dynasty XIII. 230)." p. his uncle. Bennett believes that this line continued to rule through the reign of Merneferre Ay. However." p. Bennett expresses some doubt in Ryholt's reconstruction (C. 192. Khahotepre Sobekhotep V became king. in this scheme. After the reign of the next sibling ruler. Ameny Qemau. Qemau Saharnedjeritef.496 He argues that this chronology can be amended. 4M ' Ryholt. Political Situation. there is no clear evidence of a coregency. pp. p.coregent to Neferhotep without ever having occupied the throne alone. Coregencies. p. n. 495 Ryholt.745. 107.12. Murnane does not consider this coregency in his list of double-dated monuments for Dynasty XIII (Murnane.494 Also. "Roi Sahathor et la famille." p." p. Sobekhotep IV. and another possible relative. Iwefni. 209. Section IV. making Ameny Qemau the grandfather of Ameny Intef Amenemhet. Sekhemkare Amenemhet V. due to the relatively long reign-lengths of these kings. 216.493 Another possible example of fratrilineal succession is Sekhemrekhutawy Sobekhotep I and Sekhemkare Senebef as both of these rulers have double nomens compounded with Amenemhet. 496 Ryholt. though there may be some question as to the merits of his argument. pp. 25). his cousin. Political Situation. his placement of Ameny Qemau with the prenomen Semenkare is incorrect as it is found in conjunction with Nebnun in a stela from Gebel Zeit. Political Situation. 214-215. Sankhibre Ameny Intef Amenemhet took the throne after his grandfather. pp. Political Situation. a sequence one would expect at the end of the generational line in the pattern of fratrilineal succession. and it is likely that this king died due to his age. n. 493 Bennett. his possible nephew. 119 . 30. inheriting kingship from his brother after over eleven years. an example of collateral succession.491 However. 66. 216-218. "Investigation. Saharnedjeritef would have been the uncle of this king rather than a 491 Dewachter. 35. Ryholt. Thus.

it may be the case that there were still doubts as to the legitimacy of this successional procedure. either scenario may suggest some sort of transfer of the office of kingship through members of an extended family. 113-133. 120 . Hallo and Simpson." pp. Ancient Near East. W." p. "Non-Royal Burials"." JNES 55 (1996). "Unity and Power. which incorporated them into the traditional hereditary successional pattern. 1985.497 Though some scholars do not believe that this 497 L. 266279. 40. 101. preference being shown for father-to-son succession with the alternative option of a brother or. Valloggia. p. 57. . " The Middle Kingdom in Egypt. "The Single-Dated Monuments of Sesostris I: An Aspect of the Institution of Coregency in the Twelfth Dynasty. As with other kings of non-royal birth. 245." pp. J. Egyptian Coregencies. Franke. Simpson. p. "Overview. if the Westcar Papyrus does originate from this time period. However. pp. Coregency At the beginning of Dynasty XII. if deceased.generational contemporary. 1-24. 35-37. "Amenemhet I.K. see Murnane.C." JNES 15 (1956). III." p. Berman. 738. Wegner. "Studies. For evidence of coregencies in Dynasty XII. pp. pp. Frankfort. it also appears that Neferhotep I may have designated his heirs (his brothers) as his sons.As coregency relates to the Instruction of Amenemhet." p. Neferhotep gave his parents royal designations after he was in office ("god's father" and "king's mother"). his eldest male heir. "Twelfth Dynasty. Leprohon. "The Nature and Chronology of the Senwosret III-Amenemhet III Regnal Succession. 48. 216. see Silverman. One must wonder if he might have adopted his brothers as sons to make this transition easier. In inscriptions. 454." dissertation." p. "Amenmhet IV. Kingship and the Gods. 173-203. p. Amenemhet I may have founded (or - reestablished) the practice of coregency. Nonetheless. Yale University. - • -• Despite the-fact that the ideological system of kingship may have allowed for fratrilineal kingship at least in some limited circumstances. Some Considerations Based on New Evidence from the Mortuary Temple of Senwosret III at Abydos. it would seem that the brother rulers (Neferhotep I and family) had to go to great lengths to legitimize their reigns.

it has been suggested that the junior ruler played the primary role of king while the older one functioned in more elusive. 189). He suggests that.method of succession existed for some or all of the Dynasty XII kings. Murnane. Claessen. 308. 274-275." Rd'E 44 (1993). he did gain certain titles which separated him from the other princes and was often sent to perform military duties away from the capital. 1979). The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt. Simpson. pp.B. D.L. 501 Leprohon. The junior monarch. . 1995). 172. "Middle Kingdom Coregencies and the Turin Canon.P. Leprohon. C.5 In an equally viable model for coregency. "Renaissance. ed. Wegner. Claessen. 35-161. "The Question of Pharaonic Co-Regency. E. 214." in S. "Overview." DE 49 (2001). For the impact of coregency upon art styles. Hayes. pp. 82.M. This younger king might then be placed in an inferior position but with enough power to take the throne easily when his predecessor died." pp. sole authority of the regnant king. "Royal Ideology. Nonetheless. "Nature and Chronology. possibly ritual roles. "Pharaoh.J. 50 A similar system was used by the Inca in order to prevent usurpation (H. "The Single-Dated Monuments of Sesostris I. Seaton and H. it may be the case that 498 Callender. 214-219. 398. p.• . J. For additional sources for and against the coregency of Amenemhet I and Senwosret I. 113-120. 103-140. "Study. 48. Eaton-Krauss. p. eds. Aldred. both for his protection and to ensure the. Redford. Franke." pp. Delia. however. Sesostris Ier: Etude Chronologique etHistorique du Regne. was not given full royal titulary nor did he have any true royal power." pp..498 others credit this innovation with the reason for why these twelve nomarchs were able to rule for over -200 years. p. see C. under this model. p." p." in D. see C." pp. M. "Coregency." p.502 If indeed such a system existed. 502 Simpson. Scepter. Hornung. "Coregency.499 . 148-149.500 According to one model." p." p. 1 (Oxford. the institution of coregency is a successional tool used to inhibit would-be coups from taking place. an aging king might choose an appropriate heir as coregent. "Terms of Coregency in the Middle Kingdom. pp. 281. 297. 307-311. "Royal Power. pp. Connaissance de l'Egypte Ancienne 5 (Bruxelles.. Middle Kingdom Art in Ancient Egypt (London. • • - Generally. Lorton.."138." p. "La Date de Nesou-Montou (Louvre CI). Murnane. like a sed 121 ." p. Obsomer. pp. 499 Quirke. Obsomer. Note that Simpson suggested that the junior regent was granted either segments of the pharaonic duties. 187-253. 2001). 17-20. "Middle Kingdom. 24. W." VA 2 (1986). "The Balance of Power in Primitive States. or there was combined rule between the two kings. Uphill. "The Single-Dated Monuments of Sesostris I." Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities 12 (1982). Political Anthropology: The State of the Art (New York. 1969).

" p. "The Single-Dated Monuments of Sesostris I. see Baines. who were not related to the ruler (Franke. In this system."Zu den Koregenzen der 12. 2001). something. If he was in bad health.the practice of coregency evolved over time from the first model to the second or that the titles of the two kings depended upon the circumstances surrounding the reign of the elder ruler. 506 Callender." pp. Dynastie. resulting in two sets CAT of dates (those of the older and younger king) being in effect at the same time. "Altagyptische Verwandtschaftsbezeichnungen. He sees the work as reflecting basic Egyptian values and beliefs but does not agree that it demonstrates any propagandists features. "Definition. Catalogue des Manuscrits. pp. Redford." p." p. Catalogue des Manuscrits. one may learn that the king may have been assassinated or may have survived an attempt on his life by members of the court. pp. Untersuchungen. For further bibliographic information concerning this text.B. 796. Jansen-Winkeln. Hornung. For references to the issues of coregency and the dating of this text. SAK 18 (1991). Kingship and the Gods. see Lorton. "Das Attentat auf Amenemhet I. 21. p." Le Museon 112 (1999). 120). "The Hyksos. Obsomer." SAK 24 (1997). Parkinson." p. "Review of Ward. 351-353. 160. Murnane. For further bibliographic information. 504 K. Baines. ed. p." p. 255. Ward. 160). 254. Lesko. Sesostris ler. Essays. 2. 292." Obsomer does not believe that this text or Sinuhe supports the existence of a coregency during the reigns of these kings (Obsomer. pp. "Non-Royal Burials. it may be the case that his heir would receive the throne early. 503 Kemp. In either model. und die erste Agyptische Koregentschaft. Ward. 100-101. 258. "Renaissance. which would survive the death of the senior king. von Beckerath. pp. 229. 3 (Oxford. pp. 79. "Interpreting Sinuhe. 113-120. the younger king would develop his authority with his generational peers. see Bellion. "Social History. 54. . 145." p. The Oxford Encyclopedia ofAncient Egypt. 161163. 214). 308. p. 207271. "Terms. see Bellion. pp. this practice may have been used to maintain the power of Horus (the divine institution of kingship) in an aging ruler (Simpson. "The Single-Dated Monuments 122 . pp. The value of such a model may be suggested in the literary masterpieces. "Sinuhe. Egyptian Coregencies. taking the authority of the state while leaving his predecessor in a revered role in the religious realm." p." p.506 According to the assassination scenario. 115-135.. The Instructions of Amenemhet I to his Son504 and Sinuhe. p. 329-330. "Textual Sources. Frankfort.. Baines was the first among many scholars to analyze this story as a literary piece rather than a work of propaganda (J. pp. Manetho also suggests foul play at the end of Amenemhet's reign (Callender. History. Index. Grimal. Murnane. 112-133). 102. 269. 39-40. "Coregency. in The festival. "Sinouhe l'Egyptian etles Raisons de son Exil. Essays. History. For titles associated with coregency. Note that "king's son" was used as an honorary title by this time and is often found in connection with military leaders and others. Silverman. pp." p." pp.505 From both of these sources. the junior monarch began counting his regnal years. 308-309." in D." JEA 68 (1982). "Renaissance. pp. 40-44. pp. Redford. Simpson. 241-264. R. 31-44).

For both sides of the debate. 36-47. Franke notes that Senwosret would not have had to return suddenly from Libya at the news of his father's death." in Z. Egyptology at the Dawn of the Twenty-First Century: Proceedings of the Eighth International Congress of Egyptologists Cairo. Redford. W. 138-139. ed. 15-18. Delia. Grimal." in A." in D.. "Didactic Literature. pp. 3 (New York. 80-81. 84. ed. Literature und Politik. and Dynasty XII continued for two of Sesostris I. 4. 277. Simpson. Senwosret I. 2000. (Cairo. Murnane. From Sinuhe. Baines. Mind of Egypt. pp. 48. 5-8. 153-165)." BIFAO 95 (1995). 2000. Blumenthal. "The Conclusion to the Testament of Ammenemes. Theological Principles. with the aid of a coregency. Note that Simpson believes that since Sinuhe fled upon hearing the news of Amenemhet's death. Hawass." p. Litterature et Politique. Redford believes that regarding these works as complete fiction is erroneous. See Franke. King of Egypt. p. the reasons being evident in the story of Sinuhe as this story may show that the king was eventually murdered (Leprohon.K." in J. which initiated the ruler's desire to create a coregency with his son. see Posener. Hawass. "Doubts about Double Dates and Coregencies. "Overview. 507 For a summary of the arguments both for and against a coregency. Assmann and Blumenthal. the deceased Amenemhet I advises his son to have no friends and to trust no one. p. Egyptian Coregencies. This tradition might also be a reason why even a coregent might hasten to return to the capital after his father's death. 1999).. pp. there is little question over who the rightful heir is. Prospects. One can imagine the scenario in which Senwosret received news of his father's death and rushed back to the Residence to claim the throne.." p. "Response to J." in Z. but there was no coregency (Burkard. 3 (New York. 2 (Oxford. p. eds. 248. Definitions. Also. 2003). "Twelfth Dynasty. However. "Instructions of Amenemhet. Murnane. Burkard argues that the assassination attempt was unsuccessful. pp. "Coregence et Association au Trone: l'Enseignement d'Amenemhat Ier. 79). Literatur undPolitik. The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt. See Assmann. Assmann and E.Instructions. pp. 454." BES 4 (1982). Leprohon discusses the practice of having an accession ceremony at sunrise on the day following that on which the previous king died.. 738. "Royal Ideology. Hawass. The historical merit of these and other literary works is questioned by some.B. p. Foster. 216. 2001). Lichtheim. 454. "Twelfth Dynasty. 273-280).B. 45-47. pp. G. the argument might be made that a clear-cut succession. pp.J. Tobin. p. see M. Egyptology at the Dawn of the Twenty-first Century: Proceedings of the Eighth International Congress of Egyptologists Cairo. "Social History. Delia argues that Sinuhe does not demonstrate a coregency (R. Kemp thinks that there was instability even with the coregency of the two kings (Kemp. 2003). 171. Egyptology at the Dawn of the Twenty-first Century: Proceedings of the Eighth International Congress of Egyptologists Cairo. Redford (The Writing of the History of Ancient Egypt)." p. Grimal argues that The Instructions of Amenemhet I dates to Dynasty XVIII and rejects that these are events of that period (N.B. 249-250)." p. 2 (New York. 102." JEA 67 (1981). See Simpson. "The Writing of the History of Ancient Egypt. J." in Z. ed. 1996). ed." p. A." p. Baines (Research on Egyptian Literature). ed. "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt. See Leprohon. 67). pp. "Research on Egyptian Literature: Background." in Z. pp. a possible coup d'etat was avoided. "Response to D. Some scholars suggest that The Instruction of Amenemhet I to his Son records an unsuccessful attempt to kill the king.. 2000. On the other hand. 2000. Hawass." p. Loprieno.. 123 . it is clear that the prince. Redford. may not have occurred. W. 2003). 65-66. Ancient Egyptian Literature (New York. ed. due to a coregency. Egyptology at the Dawn of the Twenty-first Century: Proceedings of the Eighth International Congress of Egyptologists Cairo. 2003). was occupied with military campaigns in the Libyan front..507 Thus. if the succession had been solidified by a coregency. 87. 2 (New York. '"Als Gott erschienen spricht er' Die Lehre des Amenemhet als postumes Vermachtnis. See D.

19-20). 195-202). 510 Uphill. Senwosret. Simpson notes that the motives behind The Instructions ofAmenemhet I cannot be fully understood because the context behind the composition of the story is unknown. An alternative to coregency was for the king to appoint the heir as vizier or to allow him to take part in administrative duties and military endeavors without actually crowning him as a ruler. ed. 441. 160. 81. 151-160.509 Uphill sees this option as the preferable alternative for the interpretation of the early Dynasty XII evidence found in texts such as Sinuhe and the Instructions ofAmenemhet Ifor his Son outlined above." p. "Question. 66). "Renaissance. "Belles Lettres and Propaganda. to be his successor and may also refer to how he did not have the time to prepare his son for the role of king or announce him as his choice (Berman. thus making the validity of actual historical facts uncertain. Here. 1996). See also C.." JARCE 30 (1993). for our purposes of understanding how a coregency might work. "Doubts. Nefrusobek claimed the office of kingship. 229230. 85-86). 509 Uphill. In theory." pp. Some scholars believe that this story may actually have served as propaganda supporting Senwosret's claim to the throne as well as his authority to punish his adversaries (Callender. pp. Thus." p. '"The Instruction ofAmenemhet' as Propaganda. Wegner has argued for a coregency between Senwosret III and Amenemhet III of Dynasty XII due to a control note dated to a year 39 as well as other material found Note that in Hie Instruction ofAmenemhet I. this illustration of the process is invaluable. 75-76. "Study.508 Nonetheless. 64.centuries. 124 . it would be a mistake not to see these literary pieces as propaganda in their own right." in A. the spirit of the possibly deceased king asks his son. ultimately. a coregency would not make sense under these circumstances. 196. 443). 82. "Amenemhet I. the successor is clearly in a position of some royal power even though there is no direct evidence that he has been crowned. Theriault. "Question. this form of succession may have continued until the last few reigns of the dynasty when. Posener. He suggests that a balanced approach be taken in interpreting Sinuhe and other works (Simpson. Loprieno. Of course. Posener sees the work as being political in nature as a means to legitimize the rule of Senwosret I (Posener. Ancient Egyptian Literature (New York. pp. pp. pp." p. Delia believes that the story simply refers to the normal means of royal heredity and does not reflect the desire to create a system of coregency (Delia. pp. litterature et Politique. 65. Litterature et-Politique." p. a woman.

p. none of these examples appear to provide any conclusive'data for the existence of coregencies. For coregencies between Senwosret III and Amenemhet III and the latter with Amenemhet IV. Ryholt believes that there may have been a coregency between Amenemhet III and Amenemhet IV (Ryholt. Note that Callender argues that it is impossible to determine whether double dates refer to two kings ruling at the same time or consecutive kings. 249-279. "Nature and Chronology.•----- Some reigns of Dynasty XIII. may be much more difficult to identify than originally thought. 514 Montet. 24-26.2 Murnane.511 In this case the form of coregency used was that in which the junior ruler played a more active role than the senior one. pp. pp. Murnane. if it existed. Section IV. Egyptian Coregencies.513 The first possible coregency is that of (Horus) Khabaw and Awibre Hor. since they often do not represent consecutive rulers and do not have double dating (year x of king A. Murnane outlines the occurrences of two royal names on a single artifact as evidence for a coregency. pp. 149). 1-2." pp. 5. The Mortuary Temple ofSenwosretffl. see also Leprohon.around the temple of the earlier king at South Abydos. 513 Leprohon. pp. coregency at this point and in Dynasty XIII. year y of king B)." BES 3 (1981). originally from an architrave. whose names are found on a limestone block. 281. "Royal Ideology. . Allen suggests that Hor wished to associate himself with an earlier king like when he did the same with Nymaatre 511 Wegner." pp." p. 297-321. 71-72. 195-197.12. may have been characterized by coregencies.-. 19.B. under which an official served (Callender." p. Murnane. 209-210). 73-82. presuming that this inscription indicates a coregency or a chronological link between them. Egyptian Coregencies. "Amenemhet III. 125 . Publication of the Pennsylvania-Yale-Institute of Fine Arts Expedition to Egypt 8 (New Haven. --. Political Situation. pp.515 Alternatively. Egyptian Coregencies. Thus. like those of the preceding Dynasty. PI. possibly taking epithets associated with the deceased.514 Ryholt places Khabaw after Awibre Hor. "In Defense of the Middle Kingdom Double Dates. the most convincing evidence. 36-40. 515 See Chapter 1. La Necropole Royale. XXVIII. 25. 2007) pp.•-. However. "Renaissance.

517 Legrain. "Roi Sahathor et la famille.518 His evidence for this placement includes the Medamud object linking these two kings. 30. p. This significantly later piece is not applicable to the issue of coregencies as it was probably a scribal exercise.P. 25. 219-220. 251. 66. n. Fig. Erman.(Amenemhet III) on a faience plaque. Vercoutter. "Notes. p. Ryholt." pp. Another object with two royal names. 24. 24. pp. Egyptian Coregencies. 126 . 520 Dewachter.l. 143. Ryholt places Wegaf after Amenemhet because he believes that this king was switched with Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet Sobekhotep I. Several scholars have 516 J. 519 Legrain. "Roi Ougaf.p. 50. Murnane. "Miscellen. 251. "Turin. Untersuchungen. However. "Coregency.520 The brother kings may also have used coregencies. state that it is impossible that this ruler and Sedjefakare Kay Amenemhet were coregents. 25. Murnane." p." p. For others who place Wegaf within Dynasty XIII. Section IV. Egyptian Coregencies. Murnane. then these rulers must remain candidates at this time. he does not believe that these kings were coregents. 192. dated to the Late Period. p. 216. See also Murnane. Political Situation. Untersuchungen. pp. They argue that Wegaf was venerated by Amenemhet through the inscription or that the object was simply reused. von Beckerath. Many scholars." p. who believe that the position of Wegaf in the Turin King-List is correct.745. 341. 518 Ryholt. However. Egyptian Coregencies. if chronological proximity and the names of two kings on a single monument are indicators of coregency. 250-252. von Beckerath. Due to his interpretation of double names and his theory that those without these are usurpers." ZAS 33 (1895). A. 227. pairs Wegaf with a Senwosret from that location. Allen. 30." p. Political Situation. see Chapter 1.B. p.5 A statue base from Medamud displays the names of Sedjefakare Kay Amenemhet and Khutawyre Wegaf. "Notes." p. p. Ryholt. Political Situation. p. an ostracon from Elephantine.

as his reign was quite short and his influence almost undetectable.523 However. 19. o. Karnak.526 With the reigns of kings being so short. In this way a type of coregency may have existed.B. n. 25. p. Delia. "Study. "Neferhotep I Family. 159. the names of Neferhotep I and Sobekhotep IV. 1875). Mariette.745. 522 127 . pp. pp. Political Situation. 73-82. n." BES 1 (1979)." p. Weigall. and the block is not proof of a coregency. 71. there is no concrete evidence to prove that it played a part in the succession of kings at this time. Meanwhile.suggested that there was a coregency between Neferhotep I and Sahathor. Since the two kings are not necessarily incorporated into a single design. are on two opposite sides of sandstone block from Karnak. may indicate a coregency. Habachi has argued that the Wadi Hammamat inscription (the Debono Stela). A. it may be the case that some rulers in the Late Middle Kingdom may have served as regents for child rulers." pp. it is often believed that the latter never actually ruled alone. "Doubts. "Coregency. Pharaohs. 521 Dewachter. which shows Neferhotep I's names after those of Sahathor and Sobekhotep IV. "Roi Sahathor et la famille. 216. 523 Murnane. It is likely that.21. Petrie. Some of them may have been outside of the royal family proper and may have usurped the position from the previous royal family. Ryholt." p. it is likely that they were carved at different times.". 15-28." p. 34. Though coregency may have existed in Dynasty XIII. See Chapter 1. 524 Habachi. Obsomer. pp. it simply refers to his living and deceased family members. pp. PL 8. In response. History. 187-253. Etude topographie et archeologique (Leipzig." pp. 526 Ryholt. Section IV. since this inscription also includes the deceased parents of Sobekhotep IV as M r well as his children. "Roi Sahathor et la famille. p. see Murnane. "A New Look at Some Old Dates: A Re-Examination of the Twelfth Dynasty Double Dated Inscriptions. Sesostris Ier. which indicate that the rulers were either coregents or deceased individuals.521 In fact. 66. See also Dewachter. 35-161)." p. 525 Some scholars have argued that there were no coregencies in ancient Egypt (R. n. 80. who follows Sahathor in the Turin King-List. 213.524 Both of these kings are designated with epithets. 87. Political Situation. 192. "Double Dates.

" p.528 Usurpations likely occurred during the reigns of ineffective kings and shortly after the death of others. "Towards a Constitutional Approach.D. Also. pp. 87-91. the cult of Amun took precedence over that of Montu. since the normal successional lines may have been in question. von Beckerath. 463-464. "Zwischenzeit. at the beginning of Dynasty XII." pp. In Dynasty XIII. However. 128 . Another means of usurpation was through the support of a powerful cult. Untersuchungen. the cult of Min at Coptos appears to have been punished for their support of the Hyksos kings. and conditions within Egypt may not have been favorable. III. Usurpation It is likely that usurpation occurred during Dynasty XIII. in the reign of Kheperure Intef of Dynasty XVII. p. Interestingly. it is uncertain as to the power of such institutions at this time. showing that cults of this era could involve themselves heavily in political matters.527 There are some indications that high officials including military leaders may have become kings during this time. Elective Kingship In 1933. 1443. 214. Junker proposed "elective kingship" as an explanation for the seemingly Breasted. possibly indicating that the priests of the former supported the assent of Amenemhet I to the throne.III. Any hostile takeover of this nature must have been supported by at least a sector of the elite or the military in order to have been successful. Lorton. Zweite.E. History. the gods Amun and Sobek are most prevalent in the names of rulers.

92-93. military and priests.F. Hayes. 263-270. pp. Die Volker des Antiken Orients (Freiburg. the god accepts the king. Amun of Napata. each new king was selected through what may have been some form of election. A Papyrus of the Late Middle Kingdom in the Brooklyn Museum (Brooklyn. For a more recent study. see Bellion. 16-17. pp. Then. 144-149. legitimizing his reign. Lorton has suggested that such a system may have existed in the Old Kingdom and beyond with a king coming from a group eligible for the office. 1933). pp. "Hyksos Rule. "The Original Meaning of mr hrw. 531 Lorton. 273-290). The system of elective kingship has also been proposed for the Kushite kings of Dynasty XXV/ J i In scenes depicting the coronation. 274. "Egypt: From the Death. 11-12. "Zwischenzeit. 103-104." p.chaotic situation in Dynasty XIII kingship. Bell. Hayes developed his own hypothesis concerning the mechanics of succession in Dynasty XIII by refining that of Junker. For further bibliographic information. the new king is presented to the god. 533 L. A similar theory has often been suggested for the Hyksos kings (Bietak. 21-51. 129 ." p. 276-278." pp. See also R. 44. by the officials. The Administration of'Egypt. Selective Kingship In 1954." JNES 13 (1954). 113). See also Hayes. 1443. See also von Beckerath. pp. "Towards a Constitutional Approach. pp. 191-192. Bell identifies the birth room of Amenemhet III at Luxor as the actual or symbolic site for such a ritual (L. W. it is unclear if there was actually some sort of election between eligible heirs or whether this type of scene simply serves to legitimize the ruler through a religious proceeding. Historische-Biographische. pp." p. Anthes. 127-149. This person was then chosen or approved by the military. 1955). "Foundations of Kingship. Zweite. More recently. 532 Torok. no. see Quirke.530 In this system." pp. cult or some other powerful institution. Junker and L." p..1446.534 Hayes conducted a detailed study of Brooklyn Museum Papyrus 35.C. in which two royal decrees (judicial 530 H. Catalogue des Manuscrits. See also Helck. Delaporte.533 III. Since this process is masked in ritual. 462. "Cult of the Royal Ka.

"Egypt: From the Death. "Egypt: From the Death. who ruled for a period of six years and who preceded Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep III. 536 130 . 38-39. "Egypt: From the Death. which have his name juxtaposed next to that of Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep III. After dating his texts.petitions. Insertions B and C on the recto) were made to a vizier named Ankhu.53^ Therefore." pp. 71-85. 49. p. basing his theory on monuments at Medamud. which he dates to year 1 of Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep III. who ruled for at least six years while Insertion B may date to year five of the same ruler. PI. Pis. XIII. verso Text A. pp. Hayes. pp. Hayes. See Bisson de la Roque. 73. He searches. 538 Hayes. He notes that two stelae from Abydos prove that this official worked under a Nimaankhare Khendjer II while the larger text in Papyrus Bulaq 18 refers to a vizier Ankhu serving under a Sobekhotep." p. A Papyrus. 73.538 The smaller text in Papyrus Bulaq 18 also mentions Ankhu but does not name the king. Hayes claims that the handwriting of Insertion B appears to date to slightly before a third record. pp. 47. Hayes. 145-146. who Hayes equates with Sobekhotep III. Hayes. 539 Hayes. p. pp. Hayes claims that this text is contemporary with Insertion B in the Brooklyn Museum Papyrus and. thus. A Papyrus. V-VI. Hayes continues to speculate concerning the king listed in Insertion C and presumably B. 537 Hayes. though he acknowledges that some scholars place Sobekemsaf in Dynasty XVII. Such a conclusion comes from the excavator's remarks. he considers that the contemporary Insertions B and C must date to the reign immediately prior to Text A. 146. "Notes on the Government.539 535 Hayes. A Papyrus. Insertion C cites an unnamed king.537 Hayes' argument then turns to the vizier Ankhu and the kings he served. Medamoud 1928. A Papyrus." p. Hayes identifies the unnamed king as Sekhemrewadjkhau Sobekemsaf. Nonetheless. A Papyrus. 47-48. also dates to the reign of Sekhemrewadjkhau Sobekemsaf. 67.for a king. 5." pp. Hayes.

p. the latter serving under another Sobekhotep. 73 (25). pp. Handbuch.In the course of his reconstruction Hayes devises the following mini king-list: Woserkare Khendjer I. 146-147. 540 Hayes. Ankhu's sons. A Papyrus. 147. 544 Hayes. A Papyrus. pp. See Hayes. 145. and Hayes suggests that he may have been a nephew of Ankhu. 144-149. Thus. An Aymeru.54! Meribre Seth. the succession of viziers seems to have been more stable than that of kings. see von Beckerath. p.542 Seldiemrewadjkhau Sobekemsaf and Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep III. n. 543 Hayes. 514. See Hayes. Political Situation. he continues to focus on Ankhu and his family and the office of vizier. For the placement of this king. Semenkhkare Imyremeshaw. With such a long string of presumably related viziers. but he is listed in a footnote as one of the potential five kings. 285 (20). though there is no evidence that Ankhu inherited his office directly from him. 145-147. son of Aymeru served under Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV. According to this list.545 It seemed to him that the viziership was more powerful than the royal throne. pp. 146. 542 The placement of Seth is not discussed.543 Though Hayes states that moving Sekhemrewadjkhau Sobekemsaf to Dynasty XVII might result in a collapse of the theory in which Ankhu served as vizier for five reigns. Note that Hayes reconstructs the name as [Nefer?]ka[re] Intef. and Ryholt. A Papyrus. Resuseneb and Aymeru. A Papyrus.544 Ankhu's father may have been a vizier. p. A Papyrus. Ankhu may have served five kings from Khendjer II to Sobekhotep III. The name has been changed here to reflect the form used by Ryholt. Sehotepkare Intef V. pp. 541 131 . p. Hayes believed that he could discern the dynamics of Dynasty XIII kingship. 545 Hayes. Nimaankhare Khendjer II. A Papyrus. also were viziers. since all of the kings appeared to be unrelated while the viziers passed their office through members of the family.

pp.D.D. To illustrate his theory. 86-93.F." pp. 104-105.546 Hayes devised a theory. 153-154. 1984). p. 1443. pp." p. 549 Hayes. 109. p. 79.. pp. Scholarly Acceptance Hayes' theory had a profound impact on the study of Dynasty XIII and was unconditionally accepted for many years. 118. see how this theory frames the interpretations in W. Pis. Ankhu. Gardiner. See also K.K. Clarke and S. A Papyrus. Thus. Ward. VI. Butzer. (Berkeley. A Vizier of Sesostris III. p. A Papyrus. Die Volker. 148. Pharaohs.A.171-185.5 9 III.Returning to Junker's earlier model. From Hunters to Farmers.1. which accounted for his findings. "Long-term Nile Flood Variation and Political Discontinuities in Pharaonic Egypt. See Chapter 2. 148. Brandt. to handle judicial disputes at Thebes. A Papyrus. the acting seat of power. Instead. p. Untersuchungen. Hayes. some general histories still claim that the viziers of this period controlled the office of kingship during Dynasty 546 Junker and Delaporte. 1224. 530 Quirke." in J. eds. "Problems. Hayes refers to Insertions B and C on the recto of the Brooklyn Papyrus. "Royal Power. Essays. 1229.550 In fact. but would posses no real power.547 He rejected the idea that there was any concept of "popular elections" as ancient Egyptian society was not "politically advanced" enough. 132. Williams. von Beckerath. 547 132 . "Zwischenzeit.54 In these royal decrees. For example. pp. 47-48. the king commanded the vizier. Hayes suggests that the king received these complaints and forwarded them to the vizier. "Sobkemhet. Zweite. Section IV. because he no longer had the authority to act injudicial proceedings. This person would carry the titles of king and wear royal regalia. 548 Hayes. he suggests that the vizier or a group of high-ranking officials selected a man to serve as king for a specified amount of time. V. Helck. 123. Simpson." pp. even recently. Geschichte." JEA 43 (1957). pp.

The History and Culture of Ancient Western Asia and Egypt (Belmont. family of viziers had significant control over the country. 553 Cruz-Uribe." p. pp. 1988). 183. pp. Great Monuments.II. 434. Verner suggests that families.E. 554 Kemp. 154. 133 . p. Hornung. 1994).XIII.P. see section IV." p. 34. Silverman.2. 555 Verner. Bietak imagines a chaotic atmosphere where both "usurpers" and "kingmakers" were active. this scholar alludes to a scenario. who eventually held more authority than the ruler himself. while not suggesting directly that the viziers appointed kings. by some."553 In another publication.555 Likewise. p. 70.A." pp. 84-85. For the possible reforms of Senwosret III. in which these officials somehow preserved the administrative aspects of the state while kingship suffered a period of chaos. 111. "The Fall of the Middle Kingdom. "Grundgegebenheiten. . 552 Cruz-Uribe. For His Ka: Essays Offered in Memory of Klaus Baer. History. Cruz-Uribe restates Hayes' idea that a. SAOC 55 (Chicago. which held important positions. 50.. Kemp takes a less overt approach to this theory stating that the viziers maintained the "continuity of government" as the "hereditary principle of royal succession. 49." p. p."552 In the same article.556 He states: 551 Grimal. See also Gundlach. often vied with one another in order to gain the power of kingship. For the opposing views. p.. "Overview.B. "Social History.broke down. 54. 90. ed. Knapp. Meanwhile. A. "The Fall of the Middle Kingdom."554 Thus.551 In an article from 1987. 556 Bietak. History. Hidden Treasures of the Egyptian Museum (Cairo." p. who became nothing more than a "puppet king. See also Z. political procedure." in D. "A Model for the Political Structure of Ancient Egypt. see Chapter 2. 167-168. 1. 107. 2002). Section 1 . he cites the reforms of Senwosret III as leading to the cause of the fall of the Middle Kingdom-since these administrative changes resulted in taking power from the many nomarchs and placing it in the hands of the viziers. Hawass. while kings held the throne for short periods of time and were "shuttled on and off the throne. as yet unrecognized. CA.

Quirke presented 557 Bietak. pp. Bell did allow for the elective aspect of this system when no apparent heir could be found. 80. Bell. 87-91). See also the concerns of von Beckerath (von Beckerath.557 Due to the fact that so many scholars adopted Hayes' theory without question. there were three or four viziers and from that of Ibiaw. "Hyksos. of a continuum of usurpers with very short reigns that averaged three years. Untersuchungen. Since kings were normally at the apex of society. The power brokers of that period were administrators and generals. 265-266. 558 134 . there were two or three (Ryholt. characterization of Dynasty XIII kingship has gained even more acceptance. Other scholars have also criticized Hayes' conclusions. more or less. "Neferhotep I Family." pp." (2001). For example. 282-283). since such institutions are not compatible with this system. Ryholt cites the examples of fratrilineal succession as well as coregencies as evidence that viziers did not hold the power. there have been a few scholars who have objected to "selective kingship.The Thirteenth dynasty was not stable. Theoretical Abandonment Over the years since Hayes proposed his theory. See also Habachi. 138.558 However." For example. "Climate.559 In his dissertation as well as an article published in 1991. placing viziers above them (rather than simply having these officials take the throne) enhanced the impression that kingship was exceedingly weak during this period." p. it consisted. Bell argued that Hayes' theory was controversial and that this sort of system would not have been consistent with Egyptian ideology.F. p. She suggests that kings might have been elected from the extended family of Amenemhet III by other members of the group in Dynasty XIII. pp. II1.2. some of them of foreign origin. the usual. Political Situation. 559 From the family of Ankhu.

47-48. "Royal Power. A Papyrus. "Zur Chronologie. Quirke. 85.substantial criticism of Hayes' theory that the vizier held the power in Dynasty XIII. pp. 396. "Hyksos Period." p. 565 See Chapter 1." p.563 Thus.560 To be fair.562 and Ryholt.566 Thus. 246." pp. Untersuchungen.564 In reality. The problem. 567 Quirke. nonetheless." p. 564 Hayes. "Zur Chronologie. "Thirteenth Dynasty. he plays no part in a reign.D. Even Hayes was not certain of his own conclusion. 245-274. there are many essential problems with Hayes' theory. First of all." p. when the correct reign is likely to be prior to his and closer to that of Khendjer.565 Also. 50-55. in which Ankhu served as vizier and was not the unnamed king in Insertions B and C in the Brooklyn Museum Papyrus. 123-139. Untersuchungen. 396.561 Franke. The main error in Hayes' theory resulted from an incorrect dating of Papyrus Bulaq 18 to Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep III." Drevnij Mir (1962). pp. 134. his knowledge of the chronology of the period was limited. 146-147." pp. p. 561 von Beckerath. thus. 566 O. allowing for the possibility that the vizier Ankhu really only served under two kings. one must realize that Hayes formulated his idea prior to the chronological analyses of the Second Intermediate Period kings found in the Turin King-List conducted by scholars such as von Beckerath. 3-4. O'Connor. Political Situation. scholars currently place Sekhemrewadjkhau Sobekemsaf either at the end of Dynasty XIII or the beginning of Dynasty XVII. See also Franke. Titles and Bureau. "Zamecanija k papirusu Bulak 18.567 and Insertions B and C date to the reigns 560 Quirke. "Visible and invisible. "Investigation." pp." p. Section IV.B. 61. "Royal Power. lies in<the fact that so many scholars continue to repeat his mistakes in their surveys of history or in their arguments. "Thirteenth Dynasty. there is only one king with the nomen Khendjer. it is likely that Ankhu held the office of vizier for only two reigns instead of five. Quirke. pp. von Beckerath. 67-68. 227-233. Berlev." pp. 563 Ryholt. 562 Franke.15. 135 . and.

of one of these two kings." p. "Egypt: From the Death. Ancient Egyptian Autobiographies Chiefly of the Middle Kingdom (Frieburg.572 Finally. Quirke also notes that the significance of the stelae of Amenysoneb from Abydos cnr\ (Louvre C11-C12). The Late Middle Kingdom practices do not appear to have deviated from this norm. Ankhu is mentioned in neither the pyramid of Woserkare Khendjer at Sakkara nor in the temple of Sekhemrekhutawy Sobekhotep I at Hayes' conclusion that the handwriting in Text A. "Royal Power. Historische-Biographische. The Terrace of the Great God at Abydos: The Offering Chapels of Dynasties 12 and 13. Helck. 13. it is clear that there was at least a small group of related viziers during the middle of Dynasty XIII.569 which would amend the details of Quirke's argument without changing his overall conclusions. For a translation of the texts of Amenysoneb. 7-9. nos. See W. Publications of the Pennsylvania-Yale Expedition to Egypt 5 (New Haven and Philadelphia. "Royal Power.16. Simpson. which contains the name of Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep III. 47. since these are two separate stelae. 1974). Ankhu's role in Papyrus Brooklyn 35. 134." p. In general. • 569 See Chapter 1. Nonetheless. The first stela names Ankhu. see M. still applies under this revised dating of Papyrus Bulaq 18.K. 133.568 Ryholt has re-identified the king in Papyrus Bulaq 18 as Imyremeshaw or Intef. pp. section IV." pp. 283). the later vizier Aymeru Neferkare (not the same as Aymeru son of Ankhu)." p. 80. 396. 572 Franke. p. Quirke. 133. Lichtheim. 1988). 134. but they are close in time. 24." p." p. Personendaten. used by Hayes to date Ankhu to Khendjer is anything but certain. all private monuments were theoretically granted by the king in ancient Egypt (Hornung. 571 Quirke. 55. also demonstrates a subservient relationship to Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV.571 Likewise. "Thirteenth Dynasty. 570 Hayes." p. likely consecutive. PI. while the second has roughly-carved cartouches of Nymaatre next to that of Khendjer. Doss. and was later than that of Insertions B and C. "Thirteenth Dynasty. 80-83. "Pharaoh. It isn't even certain that Ankhu served under Khendjer. "Royal Power. However.B. Hayes' evaluation of Ankhu's relatives in the role of vizier may be somewhat stretched once he discusses the family members beyond this official's grandfather and sons. 136 . pp. 396. Quirke. 12.1446 in the decrees is completely normal.

135. Papyrus Reisner II (Boston. mortuary inscriptions.K. "Royal Power. Quirke has demonstrated that the lists do not represent functional hierarchies but rather are arranged according to status groupings within general categories. 5 Quirke. Simpson. 80-82. The Administration of Egypt. in effect. being the highest ranking official below the king. and royal reigns were longer. 1965). 215. 135). Transcription and Commentary. 10. The Administration of Egypt." pp." p. Likewise. Finally. the fact that Ankhu's mother is the only elite Middle Kingdom woman to possess a statue at Kamak and the appearance of this vizier's name on a private stelae (priest of Amenysoneb at Abydos) show that this official must have been extraordinary. whose name appears at the tops of several lists of some day entries. "Royal Power. 27-28. 134. pp. pp. always appears at the tops of categories pertaining to any aspect of his duties. was in control of the administration. Nonetheless.Medamud. pp. the viziers were able to benefit from the prosperity of the nation.574 Quirke notes that the king is not mentioned in Papyrus Bulaq 18. Thus. when the kingdom was more stable. In general. Quirke states that there is no inversion 573 The names of viziers are never found in royal." pp." p. the well-known viziers of Dynasty XIII are not significantly more powerful than other officials. Pis. Ancient Egyptian Autobiographies. the king does not appear in the papyrus because. 20-22. 216. ' 574 Lichtheim. 576 Quirke. "Investigation. see W. officials related to the treasury/construction administration are the ones whose names appear in such contexts (Quirke. Usually. "Royal Power. Accounts of the Dockyard Workshop at This in the Reign ofSesostris I [:] Papyrus Reisner II. 23-188. the vizier. 137 . leading scholars of the past to believe that the vizier. who held this position. 58-59. Quirke.575 However.576 Naturally. all items paid or supplied to individuals belong to him. 120-121. Accordingly. but only in the traditional proportion to that which the king received. For directives of a vizier from the reign of Senwosret I. the occurrence of a single family within an office over time is not unusual in ancient Egyptian history. pp. 134.

98-99." p. along with the titles of the man. 580 Stock. 66-68. his conclusion does not mean that more minor shifts in the distribution of power did not occur. 136. 136. Other items clearly show respect for the ruler. 1987). "Royal Power. even though there are isolated examples.'" JEA 60 (1974). See also E. 579 O. the relationship between the royal authority and his bureaucracy. which seem to push this line. Sewahenre. However. p.' One of these was the son of the vizier Ankhu while another was the son of the hrp-wsht (director of the broad court). "Royal Power. Quirke. since royal names appear much more rarely on private monuments than previously. Musee du Louvre: Statues Egyptiennes du Moyen Empire (Paris. 3// Quirke.D. 581 von Beckerath. pp. Delange. the relationship between the king and the administrative class appears to have remained relatively stable throughout Dynasty XIII. One reason why viziers have mistakenly been understood to wield so much power is the fact that many of them had the same or similar names. Dynastie Agyptens. a staff from the tomb of Sonebnay and his wife Khons carries the cartouche of the king. did not recognize the fact that there may be more than one Ankhu and Aymeru (Stock. These sorts of inscriptions clearly show that the highest respect of the people and their largest claim to rank was through the king and not the vizier. pp. like Hayes. denote a high rank and association with the national administration. 54). such as htmw-bity. "A Contemporary of King Sewah-en-Re. leading scholars to assume they held their position for longer than the kings they served.579 This. For example.580 Von Beckerath identifies at least three or four viziers named Aymeru. 578 138 . and rulers conducted fewer quarrying expeditions and produced less statuary and other state-commissioned works. It is evident that the king did lose some power." p. bis 17. As discussed in other parts of this thesis. Berlev. 106-113. Untersuchungen. pp.

p. 583 Mioso. See also Grajetzki.1446. 99. 591 von Beckerath. Franke.583 The possible fourth Aymeru had no displayed filiation. Stela Cairo CG 20690 and Turin Statuette 1220. Cairo Stela JE 52453. Personendaten. p.587 Von Beckerath believes that Ankhu or one of the Ankhus was likely the son of another vizier since Cairo Statue 42034 refers to his mother "vizier's wife" as well as "vizier's mother. "Notes on the Viziers. Doss. 99. 69. 263-264. 257. Untersuchungen. 147-149. 263-265. Ankhu."588 Louvre Cll and CI2 of Amenysoneb589 dates a vizier Ankhu to slightly later than Nimaankhare Khendjer. p. "Studies.582 A third Aymeru was the son of the vizier Ay who had previously been the governor of El Kab." pp. Untersuchungen. pp.591 Meanwhile. A Reading Book. Hochsten Beamten. See also Grajetzki.5 The stela of a Wepwawethotep. 261-278. It also may be the case that there were several viziers with the name Ankhu though none have filiation displayed in connection with their names. Hochsten Beamten. he believes that Papyrus Bulaq 18 should date to 582 Helck. 587 Franke.Aymeru." pp. 37-38. p. there are at least three viziers of the name Aymeru: Aymeru son of the vizier Ankhu. 590 von Beckerath. 139 .584 Habachi and Dodson have suggested that the Aymeru with statuary in the Heqaib sanctuary at Elephantine is the same as Aymeru Neferkare dating to Sobekhotep IV.585 Thus. p. Resuseneb and Aymeru had held the office of vizier. Personendaten. pp. "Notes on the Viziers. Historische-Biographische. p. 586 von Beckerath. Aymeru (-Neferkare) son of the controller of the hall Aymeru and Aymeru son of the vizier Ay. von Beckerath places the Ankhu in Papyrus Brooklyn. Heidelberg Statue 274. 257." pp. Insertions B and C just prior to Sobekhotep III. 49. "A Score of Important Officials. Monarchs. indicates that his wife's father." pp. 21. The Administration of Egypt. line 25. Cairo Stela CG 20690. 125. 108. This Aymeru is the same as that with father Aymeru as shown in a stela from Karnak. p. 154.590 Likewise. 588 von Beckerath. Habachi. 207. For the evidence of the relationship between Ankhu and Resuseneb in Papyrus Brooklyn 35. 584 von Beckerath. but had a double name including Neferkare. and two brothers. 265-267. Doss. see Quirke. 585 Dodson. no. "Notes on the Viziers. p. 48." p.

593 a process that becomes apparent in a later article. it is necessary to return to such methods to reevaluate this time period while considering other theories. Only in this way will the truth of the events of the period ever be discovered. pp. III. "Royal Power." Quirke. to whatever degree that is possible. Though. History. some of his conclusions are incorrect. The approach to the Dynasty XIII material after Hayes' study is in sharp contrast to that of Petrie from much earlier. Quirke. It should be noted that Ryholt's reassignment of the date of Papyrus Bulaq 18 to Imyremeshaw or Intef in his chronology or the order of the rulers in the Turin King-List would alleviate the need to have more than one vizier Ankhu. Circulating Succession As noted above. correcting for mistakes made due to the lack of information and the early state of the study of the Turin King-List at this time.592 Petrie took a more unbiased approach.Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet Sobekhotep I. 200-227. it was Quirke." 140 . Thus.G. Quirke developed his own hypothesis based on an anthropological model of kingship. who effectively questioned Hayes' theory concerning the existence of a ruling body of viziers and officials that appointed the king for determined periods of time. the data from his relatively lengthy presentation can be analyzed easily. In the process of criticizing this idea. "Thirteenth Dynasty.59 Quirke believes that father-to-son succession probably was the ancient Egyptian Petrie.

396." in J. he prefers to acknowledge that other criteria may have been acceptable. p. "Thirteenth Dynasty. ed. Also. because the eldest of each family group would have been preferred. 396. "Royal Power. 597 Quirke. he proposes that "oligarchic structures" may have emerged." p." p. 216.598 Quirke explains that the lack of related kings may have been the effect of a system. "Royal Power.600 Unfortunately. in which power is spread across a specified section of society. Zweite. Goody. Note that von Beckerath mentions the possibility of terms of office (von Beckerath. in which powerful families shared in the inheritance of the throne. portion of Dynasty XIII may have resulted from the practice of circulating succession. a theory adopted from anthropological literature. 595 Quirke. "Circulating Succession Among the Gonja. a form of a political system. 138.597 Quirke suggests that the middle. See also Quirke. "Royal Power. viable means of 596 succession. Cambridge Papers in Social Anthropology 4 (Cambridge. Quirke. resulting in various. by eliminating the existence of rivals vying for the royal office since the familial line of kings had broken down." p. in his article. 600 Quirke.595 Nonetheless. 596 141 . 1443).ideal. Succession to High Office. pp." p. 599 Quirke." p. especially in periods when the power of kingship suffered. 155-169. more stable." p. 1966). "Thirteenth Dynasty. for the most part. The Administration of Egypt. Quirke did not compare the evidence from the middle of Dynasty XIII to the anthropological principles of circulating succession. 138. 14-15. In these cases. Toward the end of his study.599 The right to the throne would have passed from one group to the next as the position became open. According to Quirke. this means of succession would have stabilized the state." p. "Zwischenzeit. 138. 598 See below and J. Goody. 137. "Royal Power.. reigns would have been short. even though this interpretation comes from European "primogeniture" models.

From this position. 604 Goody. in which they live. Socotra. Succession. both vertically and horizontally. the East African Coast. Dahomey. 142 . one might be able to reach the highest leadership position in the nation. the paramountcy. 143. 148. Summer and Akkad. 163. the system works by rotating access to offices among groups. which operates according to a system of circulating succession. if one is a member of one of the five eligible divisions. commoners.605 601 Goody. Succession. 143. the Eastern Sudan (Shilluk and Eastern Anuak). Succession. there are many subgroups. members of which qualify to occupy local offices called chiefships.604 Within this ruling class. the Pacific (Fakaofo and Rotuma). and Europe (Ireland and Scotland) have all made use of circulating succession." pp." p. 162. 172-175. For example. 605 Goody. A society. the Western Sahara (Kawar and Teda). and Southern India). strangers." p." pp. Modem and past cultures of West Africa (Ghana. South-Eastern Africa (Nyakyusa).603 The ruling estate is the only group with access to the most prestigious of offices and defines itself as the descendents of Sumailia Ndewura Jakpa. the Ganja define their social groups as ruling estate. and is thus found in some organizations such as the United Nations. Succession. here. Mali). the focus will be to explain this model and to determine whether or not it applies to Dynasty XIII Egypt. Goody. and slaves.602 This form of government can occur in chiefdoms as well as in states. Ganja Muslims. In general. Asia (Malaya.Thus. Certain chiefships are eligible to ascend to the provincial office of division chiefship. must be divided in some tangible way." p. who conquered the area. 602 "Circulating "Circulating "Circulating "Circulating "Circulating Succession. 603 Goody. Nigeria.

However. circulating succession moves from one group to another. The threat of such conflict often keeps the system in check. 607 143 . the organized groups are based on descent from a single heir or a group of such heirs. There is nothing to prevent a younger candidate from presenting himself. the divisional ruler is chosen based on circulating succession along with demonstrated skill. "Circulating Succession. "Circulating Succession. the selection of the next office holder is made based on his seniority along with other considerations such as his qualities such as intelligence. 608 Goody. circulating succession is always based on filiation through the male line." p. 155-158. The group holding the power must perform its duties appropriately. and a son cannot follow his father directly. character." pp. society breaks into organized factions. the infrastructure is such. The benefit of such a system is that the groups all have an equal stake in the preservation of the government. Ultimately. Thus. as the right of succession returns. and physical strength. as the candidate must present appropriate gifts to various parties including a committee composed of members of the other groups. "Circulating Succession. 164. Goody. however. and wealth. From the chiefships. The result is an opportunity for promotion. 160. who makes the final selection. Meanwhile. but it is generally recognized that one is a better leader if he or she possesses age. in states. Another important practice adds an economic aspect to the process. it is the divisional ruler. 7 According to Goody. experience." pp. appointing members of the other groups to ranking positions. the office must be turned over to a more distant relative. 161.When a chiefship becomes open. Within that group.608 In other words. the eldest son or a 606 Goody. the office moves to another qualifying group. that if a group attempts to harness power for itself.

as noted above. The next aspect of society to examine is that of kinship terms in the elite sphere. that a system of circulating succession existed without leaving any tangible evidence. When comparing the theory of circulating succession to the mid-Dynasty XIII evidence. It is possible. 159. it must be accepted that circulating succession is -a very complex system. Likewise. who established their right to the throne. "Circulating Succession. which might lead their group to the office of kingship. it is evident that this form of government not only affects kingship but also provides the structure for more minor offices. one might also search for groups within the elite class.1446 from the reign of 609 Goody. During the time Quirke proposes circulating succession may have existed. which use this form of succession. are organized into family groups. Nonetheless. mhwt. forming a tribal group. one must examine royal filiation. First of all. it is prudent to search for some indication that defined groups existed within Dynasty XIII society. However." p. Franke defines some kinship terms. which could indicate that there was some concept of a tribal group. For example. states. the term. which first appears in Papyrus Brooklyn 35. one must anticipate findings that might indicate that such a system is applicable. 144 . In the Ganja example. not to some distant relative. this filiation refers only to the father and the mother. multiple non-consecutive kings do not proclaim their relationship to the same direct ancestor.grandson of a former king might then become eligible. though unlikely. who might hold offices such as vizier or military positions. Therefore. In Dynasty XIII. one finds that kings often emphasize their non-royal lineage. and no extended familial groups are evident in the royal sector. based on one or more predecessors. from which kings might be selected. First of all.

611 Franke. p.M. 1993. and children). "Identical Familial Terms in Egyptian and Arabic: A Sociolinguistic Approach. rhyt("commoners"). Redford. Hawass. Lustig. p. 6. clearly defined kinship groups no longer existed. 2 (Oxford. 132. Lorton. 193-196. 1995)." p. Doxey. "Kinship. See also Goedicke. 246. Franke. 246." pp. Civilizations of the Ancient Near East. Troy. 351.. in the Intermediate Periods.. Personal Communication). Silverman. 189. Patterns of Queenship. ed.. Social hierarchy and order were determined by rank and status. Prior to the Unification of Egypt in the Eleventh Dynasty. labeled some of the social classes. Temple University. 38). "Kinship. in the Old Kingdom. refers to the extended family group beyond the nucleus (father. not by kinship. p. ed. MA." in Z. pp.613 Commoners were known as nds from the First Intermediate Period and nmhy in the New Kingdom. 179-203." in D. ed." pp. Fathy. Sasson. such as Jbwt." p. "actual authority devolved to powerful provincial kin groups. Egyptian Non-Royal Epithets. including unrelated parties and. "Legal and Social. D.P. of communities and households. Note that there may be some traces of kinship lines (tribes) in the Old Kingdom (Ann Macy Roth.4 Lorton. mother. and hnmmt ("sun-people." Here." in Egypt and Beyond. 2000. The Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt. the terms/?^("nobility").610 Other words. 613 D. 351. fall outside of the type of group one would expect for circulating succession." dissertation." precise meaning unknown). Kinship. Franke states: Ancient Egyptian society was not preferentially stratified by kinship from the Old Kingdom onward.614 Franke states that when the structure of the political system was 610 A. 279289. 2003)." p. It is likely that by the Middle Kingdom. 45-65. "Legal and Social Institutions of Pharaonic Egypt. 185. "Kinship.B. thus. Egyptology at the Dawn of the Twenty-first Century: Proceedings of the Eighth International Congress of Egyptologists Cairo. "Modified Order. 3 (New York. 2001). 247." pp. rather than extended tribal groups (Richards. whiit. 204-210. "Ideologies of Social Relations in Middle Kingdom Egypt: Gender.612 For example. "Altagyptische Verwandtschaftsbezeichnungen. I (Peabody. "A Reference to Warfare at Dendereh. 104. "Altagyptische Verwandtschaftsbezeichnungen. 127-128.Amenemhet III (late Dynasty XII). "Familial Terms." p. See also Assmann. 245-256. Mind of Egypt. p. but it is a term meaning connecting families to a common ancestor. Ancestors." in J.M." p. the meaning of kin group is the father-to-son succession of power within local dynasties. pp. Richards states that. J. See also. Essays Presented to 145 . 612 Franke. presumably. p. and hnw encompass various parts. "Origin. Fathy.

pp. p. "Model for the Political Structure. Here.threatened.615 but the nuclear family seems to have been more important than distant relatives.616 Thus. D. Though circulating succession can appear in states. Lesko. 615 Franke. However. eds." p. making circulating succession improbable in Ancient Egyptian society after the Early Dynastic Period or possibly the Old Kingdom. 196. 328. however one might define it. p. 2008. it must be emphasized again that the transfer of these offices followed the patterns of inheritance. Inheritance differs from "tribal" family groupings. 617 Cruz-Uribe. pp. see Baines. 48-49. 247. rather. and possibly Khahotepre Sobekhotep V. Menwadjre Sahathor. Another problem with circulating succession in Dynasty XIII is the related line of kings Khasekhemre Neferhotep I. an underlying system of kinship with its corresponding terms are evident in some texts. The first three of these rulers were brothers while the fourth may have been a son of Sobekhotep IV. The model for Dynasty XIII kingship must not only comply with tradition.. 247." pp. der Manuelian. than to trace one's heritage back to a common ancestor. but it must also conform to the structure of Egyptian society. By definition. Egyptian Non-Royal Epithets. For the importance of lineage in non-royal inscriptions. Thus. 195. it was important to be the predecessor's son or alternatively. Thompson and P. Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV." p. 616 Franke. Providence. but a system organized on such units is missing. 33-48. kin groups did emerge in texts (biographies). Since this block of kings makes up the middle third of mid-Dynasty XIII. such close relatives could not assume the throne in turn. "Kinship. "Kinship. "Kleiner Man (nds)—was bist Du?" GM167 (1998). S. these entities seem less LeonardH. Visual and Written Culture. Doxey. 146 . there is clearly a roadblock in the circulating succession theory. brother. 191. Franke. Cruz-Uribe stresses that family groups did exist and are visible in the retention of certain offices within familial groups. it is difficult to explain how circulating succession could apply.

H. p. Service. who often trace their lineage to Dynasty XIII royalty. and it is well-known that as states develop. or What Came First?." in R. eds. 621 Franke. • 619 Callender. 235."620 Meanwhile. and. becoming organized along lines of class instead. 171. 1987). eds. 147 . "Overview. Fried. see Richards.W. Origins of the State: The Anthropology of Political Evolution (Philadelphia. societies that use circulating succession appear to be chiefdoms or transitional chiefdoms/states in their structure. The Evolution of Political Society (New York. D. and the Egg.619 For example. p. "Mortuary Variability. Franke states that "a sort of circulating succession" may have existed through a number of influential families along with the "charisma" and "deeds" of the candidate. Service. gained power with "the ebb and flow of their accumulated influence. "Classical and Modern Theories of the Origins of Government. "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt. Cohen and E. the Chicken. to move that the Dynasty XIII kings proclaimed their relationship to any of these predecessors in unprecedented ways. Power Relations and State Formation (Washington." in R. Just like with Hayes' theory." p.R. 3-6. "Culture Wars: Resistance to State Formation. 39-40." p. 746. in which the patrilineal line is preserved is in the institution of kingship. Gailey. Evidence does not exist.. In fact. 1978).. M. Gailey. In relation to ancient Egypt.W. Service.C." p. Patterson and C. eds. C. 23.C. 1967). Cohen and E." p. "Renaissance.complex and more loosely organized than that of ancient Egypt by the Middle Kingdom. 22. 27. E. pp. "The State.. thus. p.618 Nonetheless.621 O'Connor suggests that this system worked well for the late Dynasty XIII to early 618 Claessen. "Balance of Power." in T. Murnane suggests it to be a system through which families of the elite officials. 1-978). they lose strong familial associations. 620 Murnane suggests that this system resulted from the reforms in the administration in late Dynasty XII (Murnane.R. that of Quirke has begun to be repeated in Egyptological literature. one -might argue that the only area. 36. 701). however.. Origins of the State: The Anthropology of Political Evolution (Philadelphia.R." pp. it is possible that kinship groups related to distant ancestor rulers may have emerged at the end of Dynasty XII.

in no way. 148 . 624 Torok. it is unclear how rulers were chosen. From the discussion above." p. the main concern here." p. it is true that some stelae during the Second Intermediate Period provide for the names of a far greater number of relatives including kings or other royal family members than in other time periods. After the brother kings." pp. and it is probably better not to speculate upon the nature of the institution at this time unless more specific evidence comes to light. Ward. charisma and accomplishments. Essays. these texts simply outline parts of families associated with royalty in one way or another but do not serve to establish groups. p. and the data for the latest phases of Dynasty XIII and that of the Theban kings of Dynasty XVI is so fragmentary that there is no way to prove or disprove any theory concerning kingship. "The Hyksos. 11. two eligible groups alternated in their turn in the office of kingship. are these genealogies used to justify the right to the throne. but it is possible that something similar to the Kushite (Napata) collateral succession could have occurred. Within a group. "Patterns of Change. 276. 15. 8. there is no evidence that there was any organized circulation between defined groups. 50. However. circulating succession cannot explain the transfer of the royal office in Dynasty XIII. Redford. Simpson. "Hyksos Period. Terrace of the Great God. Bourriau. within the context of a broader group made up of the progeny of one or more Dynasty XII kings. 61. In this system. the right to the office passed from father to son (but not necessarily the eldest son). This system originated 622 O'Connor.Dynasty XVII (Dynasty XVI in this study). In other words. were probably the more important factors in the selection of a ruler.623 However. from which a ruler might originate." p. "Foundations of Kingship. For the first part of the period. Though one cannot accept the sort of kinship groups necessary for circulating succession.

the office of kingship passed from father to son through the rules of inheritance as it did in the mythological world from Osiris to Horus.625 It is possible that the kings of Dynasty XIII used idea of divine birth to legitimize the reigns of the brother kings through the possibly older story of triplets in the Westcar Papyrus. Gonelusions The rapid succession of kings in Dynasty XIII gives rise to questions as to the means of legitimization of rulers. 7. 275. "Towards a Constitutional Approach.626 Also." p. as well as methods of succession. Quirke. 626 Quirke. "Royal Power. "Egyptian Sculpture. Silverman. Kingship was a divine." pp. 45. Lorton." p. This bilateral system. Posener. 627 Baines. "Definition. real and fictionalized historical precedents also may have been used to justify alternative means of succession as well as to connect kings to the more affluent kings of Dynasty XII. However. 460. there is no evidence that such a method existed'in Egypt during Dynasty XIII." p. 51-61. and by building monuments. De la Divinite.from a fratrilineal line. 149 . Kings also legitimized their reigns through representing themselves in sculpture and relief as traditional rulers. however. "Royal Ideology. according to the Memphite Theology. in which heirs became scarce and adjustments were made. "Thirteenth Dynasty. See also D. 397." p. More than one model of succession must have existed from the beginning to the 625 Leprohon. eternal office." p.627 Ideally. which mortals occupied for a limited amount of time. Though this system does appear to have been stable. 137. the route to this office remains unclear. wearing royal regalia and taking part in normal festivals." p. IV. would not have had the same structure as circulating succession. for Dynasty XIII. "Nature. 266." p. which would allow for the investment of multiple groups within a society to function as heads of the state. "Unity and Power. Simpson.

Junker and L. 87. p. such as viziers. were more powerful than kings. provide great insight into the situation. pp. 103-104. Die Volker des Antiken Orients (Freiburg. It is also likely that usurpation by regents of child kings. "Thirteenth Dynasty. . Coregency is another possibility. which may have von Beckerath. the evidence dated to Dynasty XIII fails to support such conclusions. Though there may be as of yet undetermined methods of succession in Dynasty XIII. it would seem that the ancient Egyptians had a limited number of options through which kings could be selected. Elective and selective kingship." 150 . since kings ascended the throne though it is clear that both father- to-son and fratrilineal succession existed. It is not necessary to explain the rapid turnover of rulers through models of succession. Delaporte. .. .end of Dynasty XIII.629 The first of these suggests some sort of democratic procedure. Circulating succession is an anthropological model which has clear indicators including easily identified kin groups horizontally stratified within society. Quirke. it is more important to acknowledge the social and economic conditions of the period. as well as circulating succession. as well as powerful officials may have taken place from time to time. no traces of this sort of system exist within ancient Egyptian society. are methods of transferring the royal office which are the most alien to ancient Egypt. but insufficient evidence exists to confirm its usage during Dynasty XIII. at least within the elite of society. These conditions. while the second implies that officials. Untersuchungen. which eventually caused the demise of this group of kings. 1933). H. However. As mentioned above and elaborated upon further in Chapter 6. Rather.

been dire at times. Since the lengths of most of the reigns of Dynasty XIII kings can only be estimated. 1 See Chapter 7 151 .631 It is likely that some rulers were replaced because they or their predecessors were unable to reverse unacceptable trends. it should not be assumed that they were all significantly short or that the 150 year length given to the group is necessarily correct.

have been proposed as being potential locations for Late Middle Kingdom royal tombs. who were the last rulers of the previous dynasty. 82. "Social History. Of these six tombs. in contrast. though some are better candidates than others. one or more of the unknown owners of the remaining pyramids may be Amenemhet IV or Nefrusobek. scholars have noted but have avoided extensive investigation of the royal pyramid complexes of the Late Middle Kingdom perhaps because of the impression that so few of the rulers built such structures.Chapter 3 The Late Middle Kingdom Royal Funerary Monument Corpus I.632 The components of the royal funerary establishments of the Late Middle Kingdom (after the reign of Amenemhet III). Introduction In the study of ancient Egyptian history. only five pyramids and one shaft tomb dating to this period (Fig.633 All of the certain late Dynasty XII-Dynasty XIII sites were excavated between 632 633 Kemp. resulting in an unrealized potential source of data on Dynasty XIII kingship.1) have been discovered and recorded by scholars. 3. only three are associated positively with the names of Dynasty XIII kings." pp. Additional sites. the size and attributes of royal and private funerary structures can provide both a synchronic and diachronic measure of the power held by various social groups. Section XL 152 . remain poorly examined and misunderstood. Though there were more than fifty kings in Dynasty XIII. In regard to royal pyramids of the period. Fig. from the Memphite region to the Delta. See Chapter 3. 86-89.81.

The Valley of the Kings is the location of the tombs of the New Kingdom rulers. Map showing the locations of excavated Late Middle Kingdom pyramids (Sakkara. Dahshur.pi I tPTanean Sen Sakkara •Cairo •4-Dahshur Mazghuna#( i -Hawara Red Sfta A Valiey of the Kings • ( N Figure 3. and Hawara). Abydos is the site of two additional royal funerary structures in the corpus to be discussed in Chapter 4. 153 . Mazghuna.1.

grander and more intact monuments. Additionally. a series of corridors leads in a circular pattern from just outside the sarcophagus chamber to the south. correcting and enhancing information found in the original publications. entering the site of the burial 154 . and furnishings of the Late Middle Kingdom royal tombs. providing a comprehensive description of the architectural components of these monuments. much of the time. which will then be used to evaluate other potential sites for the burials of rulers of this period. In the tomb of Senwosret II at Lahun. The Development of the Late Middle Kingdom Royal Tomb Type: The Pyramid of Amenemhet III at Hawara In the second half of Dynasty XII. Finally. more recent archaeologists have not returned to work at these royal funerary structures. and investigators failed to record integral data concerning items such as ceramics and fragmentary objects. II. using less than ideal archaeological methods. a synthesis of this information will be presented with the proposal of a tomb typology. a tomb model found within a Dynasty XII royal funerary complex will be added to this corpus. This chapter will focus on the location. structure. Also. such as the Dynasty XII pyramids. west. have taken precedence. north and east. Instead. Finally. due to modern environmental threats and the encroachment of villages upon their elements.fifty and a hundred years ago. often leading later scholars to miss the connections between monuments at different sites. these early excavators did not fully understand the remains of the architectural features they revealed. there appears to have been a significant shift in the architectural expression of the ideology of the royal afterlife.

" MDA1K 40 (1984). The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition XXVI (New York. pp.F. 637 Di. Homung. 393. 163-183. "Bemerkungen zur Erweiterung der unterirdischen Anlagen einiger Graber des Neuen Reiches in Theben-Versuch einer Deutung. 638 Tombs displaying this feature included those of Senwosret III at Dahshur and Abydos. "Das Grab mit gewundenem Absteig zum Typenwandel des PrivatFelsgrabes im Neuen Reich. which lead to the surface. K.2 left). portcullises. 392." ASAE 71 (1987).2 right). 1891). J. pp. 2002).J. 73-88. Wegner. Wegner. they may provide the precursors in the development of the standardized features of these later structures. 277-290. p. Seyfried. Senwosret III was likely buried in his tomb at Abydos. RoBler-Kohler. including winding corridors. unprecedented bent or arced tunnels and corridors. 635 155 .M. 244-245. is that of Amenemhet III at Hawara. pp. 2-3. as well as onto those of some queens (Fig. For similar structures. pp. before any of the other royal 634 W. Plate 2. 3. Illahun. The Pyramid Complex of Senwsoret 111. p. in private tombs of the Amarna Period. Assmann. p. p. The Canopic Equipment. 26. The Valley of the Kings: Horizon of Eternity (New York. E. Die Monumentalen Grabbauten der Spdtzeit in der Thebanischen Nekropole (Vienna. 639 Dodson. and Queen Waret II at Dahshur (Di Arnold.634 These passages are not the primary means though which one would have entered the sarcophagus chamber and may have been a conceptual model of the netherworld as it would be understood in the funerary texts of the New / • i f Kingdom. "South Abydos: Burial Place of the Third Senwosret? Old and New Evidence at the Abydene Complex of Senwosret III. 69-71. pp. the center of the Osiris cult. Mortuary Temple. The first monument to display typical qualities of a Late Middle Kingdom royal tomb type (the wsht tomb). 1990). Tlie Pyramid Complex of Senwosret 111 at Dahshur Architectural Studies. 41). Kahun andGurob (London. "Konigliche Vorstellungen I". which may be related to Sokar in the fifth hour of his voyage through the netherworld. pp. and a complex lowering system for the lid of the sarcophagus.639 Petrie explored the substructure of this complex in 1888. The following ruler.from the north (Fig. pp." KMT 6 (1995). Eigner. 40-41.637 were added onto both the substructures of this king's funerary monuments. Mortuary Temple. Though the funerary monuments of these kings lacked characteristics specific to the Late Middle Kingdom (Amenemhet Ill-Dynasty XIII) type to be discussed below. 1984). Petrie. see J. 199. rather than in his pyramid at Dahshur. Arnold.636 During this reign. See also D.3. the queens' gallery in the Senwosret III pyramid at Dahshur. 28. pp.

2002. 156 . Reliefs.B. Kahun.L. The Pyramid Complex of Senwsoret 111. 1934). 640 W.M.642 South Abyctos Ni Lahun Dahshur Figure 3. After Petrie. 100-101. Mortuary Temple. PI. See further below. 2. 1891. Gurob. 1890) pp. this new plan marked the beginning of a trend. 83-84. 390). p. Amenemhet III.funerary establishments had been excavated. and Hawara (London. Porter and R. Such a situation is possible if these two rulers were coregents. Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts. but this monument appears to have been abandoned due to structural problems. PL 36 and Arnold. 641 Di. IV (Oxford. Petrie. Ayrton et al. 36-37.2.F. Plan 1. 1904. Arnold. pp. with variations on earlier prototypes. pp. 13-16. pp. Wegner.641 Though the reasons for the change in the architectural layout of the substructure between first pyramid at Dahshur and the second at Hawara during the reign of Amenemhet III are unclear. Moss. and Paintings.640 Amenemhet III also had a pyramid complex at Dahshur. B. 64z Both Wegner and Di. Arnold. Arnold have proposed that the pyramids of Senwosret III and Amenemhet III at Dahshur predate the tombs of these kings at South Abydos and Hawara (Di. 5-8. The substructure of the tomb of Senwosret II at Lahun (left) and the arced tunnels of Senwosret III from South Abydos and Dahshur (right). which continued well into Dynasty XIII.

5 by 13 cms (A. p. II.96 by 157.01 m (2284 inches) (Petrie. Pharaoh's Gateway to Eternity (New York. the Late Middle Kingdom royal tomb corpus. 646 Petrie. 181-183.P. The Elements of the Superstructure The pyramid of Amenemhet III at Hawara was built upon a platform and was composed of a mudbrick core with limestone casing. The Complete Pyramids (London. measuring 384. Amenemhet Ill's monument at Hawara is linked directly to those of the later period. Spencer. p. Gateway. Uphill. 2000).644 A rectangular enclosure wall.F. On the northern side of the structure. 38). Petrie found the remains of a small chapel. 13).645 Dividing walls extended from the eastern to the western sides of the enclosure in order to create separate zones for the pyramid. 71. Kahun. pp. 1997). 157 . Petrie had originally measured the sides as being 101. and Hawara. p. Despite the fact that there is a division between Dynasties XII and XIII.89 m surrounded the complex with the pyramid at the northern end. Brick Architecture in Ancient Egypt (Warminster. 645 M.J. 644 Uphill. the temple.5 cms (E.In the sections below. Later chapters will address the significance of the developments of these monuments upon the understanding of kingship in Dynasty XIII and its relationship to this institution in the previous period. Kahun. 6. W. as defined here. begins with the pyramid of Amenemhet III at Hawara and proceeds through much of Dynasty XIII. p. Gurob. 14). both in modern and ancient lists of kings. 63-64. Thus. Those making up the houses connected to the site of the pyramid measured 37.75 m (4006 inches) each with an estimated height of 58. the elements of the pyramid of Amenemhet III will be discussed in great detail. 1979). Lehner. and the entrance.A. Gurob. and Hawara.5 by 18 by 12. pp.M.646 643 The bricks used in the construction of the monument were roughly 45 by 22. 43 The monument was 102 to 105 m on each side with a height of 63 m and a slope of 49 degrees.

Pis. and the investigators often found little more than limestone chips marking its position. et al. were partially flooded at the time of Petrie's work there. 11-12." p. Mortuary Temple. Arnold." in Z. Pyramids: Treasures Mysteries and New Discoveries in Egypt. common in the New Kingdom though preceded in form by the Dynasty XI tomb of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep. 4-8.648 In fact. I. Verner. the god Sobek.F. 228. 360. 648 For the development of the "Mansion of Millions of Years. andArsinoe (London. Fig. Great Monuments. 649 Habachi. p. Architectural components such as columns and shrines as well as statues of Amenemhet III. "New Light.. 2003. 1961). known by classical authors as the "Labyrinth. 263. 6. it seems that this temple resembled a "Mansions of Millions of Years" (hwt nt hh n rnpwt). 28-35. 158 . From the descriptions of the classical writers. "Vom Pyramidenbezirk zum 'Haus fur Millionen Jahre. 262. 1912). pp. W. Kahun. pp." p. as well as evidence noted by Petrie. Gurob. W.E. this structure lay in ruins. pp. but many of the passages and chambers. The Labyrinth Gerzeh and Mazghuneh (London. Vercelli. Petrie. 5 Petrie. pp. The Components of the Substructure Unlike the other elements of the Hawara complex. Petrie. 1889). The Pyramids of Egypt (Harmondsworth. and it served as the architectural and ideological prototype for these later monuments.649 ILB. there was an elaborate temple. Hawara. and Hawara. the first use of this term was on a statue of an official during the reign of Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV of Dynasty XIII. pp. Biahmu. "Cult Complexes. 9. 224. See the plan in Di. the substructure of the tomb of Amenemhet III was well-preserved." MDAIK 34 (1978). 5. Italy.650 Though this complex has some unique features. Hawass. the structure of the tomb is similar to those of the others to be discussed in the next sections."647 Unfortunately.M. ed. Arnold. "Pyramids of the Middle Kingdom. Wegner. 75. including the sarcophagus. and other deities littered the surface. 14-16. The flooding was a result of the high water table. pp. 430-432.To the south of the pyramid.F.M. 231.. p." see Di.S. 1-8. Edwards.

where a quartzite block (2. either to hold back the sand from above. a pit was excavated for the burial chamber. 428-429.3.7. p. or both. made up of small. In the tomb at Hawara. Pyramids. p. a small passageway led to a portcullis chamber (Fig. until its western end rested in a space on the other side. mudbrick wall was built with the use of mortar. descended into an uneven room (1. 1. His drawings show that the descending ramp. pp. p. p. Great Monuments. see Fig.A). 652 Lehner. Petrie. 182. p. the other Late Middle Kingdom royal tombs were constructed by excavating a pit. and Hawara. shallow steps with narrow ramps on either side.652 From this point. to help support the superstructure. 428. 3. and Hawara. 3. 159 . was not used at Hawara. 3. possibly with the use of ropes.654 In this way. Kahun.As will be seen below.82 m) had been maneuvered from its niche to the right of the passage. 233. Uphill. creating the layout of the tomb. Gateway. 14. Note that Lehner mistakenly identified the closed blocking stone as the third rather than the first (Lehner.651 Here. Pyramids. a short. The quartzite sarcophagus chamber was placed in the pit. Gurob. Fig.72 m). 654 Note that the structure of the portcullis had not yet evolved completely.653 Next.7 by 3. found in the later tombs. 14. while individual trenches were dug for all of the surrounding passageways.3. p.42 m long and 0. 71. p. Petrie.3. Around the central pit. into which the sarcophagus chamber and all of the corridors were then placed. Great Monuments.77/3. Pyramids. Verner. Vemer. 653 This is the lowest point in the tomb. For the fully developed form of the Late Middle Kingdom portcullis system. and the trenches were lined in limestone.96 m wide.B). Gurob. 182). Kahun.64 by 1.C). the stone plugged the entrance to the rest of the Edwards. limestone (bedrock) made this process less difficult than the loose sand often encountered in the construction of some of the other monuments.78 by 1. a staircase (24. Petrie had difficulty determining how the stone was moved into place. The entrance to the substructure of the pyramid of Amenemhet III was towards the western end of the southern side beneath the encasement stones (Fig.

99 m except at the eastern end where it narrowed to 0.substructure.655 However.3.E).F). p. Kahun. there was a second quartzite portcullis. measuring 3.67 by 2. 390). the tomb had not remained secure as robbers had easily cut a tunnel around the hard block.79 m.D). "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity. From here. and Hawara. The corridor continued to the east for a total of 30. 657 Note that this narrow width matches that of the sarcophagus chest. which began at a higher level behind the blocking stone.88 m (Fig. 3. another small corridor led to the southwest turning chamber.658 At the northern end of this room. the coffin would have fit through this hallway. a niche with a socket revealed that a wooden door had once stood in this area. which had remained in its niche to the left 655 Wegner points to the tomb of Senwosret III at South Abydos as a precedent to this portcullis configuration as well as the changes in level (Wegner. 6 Petrie.59 by 2. a corridor. 3. Fig.18 by 1. 15. Guroh. 15.657 At the end of the southern corridor. p. measuring 2. p.63 m (from the southwest turning chamber to that of the southeast. there was another turning chamber. the main part of the tomb extended to the east. The width of the corridor was 0. partially filled with masonry. Kahun. 160 . The niche allowed the door to fall within the lines of the walls when opened so that it would not stand in the path of the coffin and other items as they were moved through the tomb after the death of the king.3.656 This type of room was designed so that a coffin and other funerary furnishings could be maneuvered around corners between relatively narrow passages. Thus. which was filled with large blocks of stone.3. andHawara. Mortuary Temple.25 by 2. 658 Petrie. 373-375.97 to 0. 3. Gurob." pp. Just after the turning chamber in the southern wall of the passage. since the area around the portcullis was composed of limestone.28 m. the base of which had become the ceiling of the chamber. However. continued to the north (Fig. Behind the portcullis.

After Petrie 1890.3. CORE QF I BMCKWOF. D.29 by 2. ran to the north for 15.3. measuring 4.33 m (width at 0.81 m) as it sloped downward. height at 1. Figure 3.22 by 2.G).K nRIGINftL ' STQNE CftSING.59 to 1. (Fig. with 161 . 3.97 m. Plate 2. it ended in a third turning chamber.i C.18 m.i:soo N SOUTH PASSftSE G. A passageway. which was located at a higher level beyond the blocking stone. Plan of the pyramid of Amenemhet III at Hawara.

Once the lid had been 659 Petrie. Gurob. there was an unclosed. see p. 660 162 . ending in the antechamber (7. At the western end of the turning chamber. 13. 661 Dodson notes that the canopic box was slightly to the west of the central axis of the sarcophagus in order to make room for the coffin of Neferuptah (Dodson. One of them removed the stone that held the sand in the niche permitting it to pour into the small chambers. 15-16.1). 3. Fig. These 1. Fr<5m here. pp.39 by 2. Pyramids.3.82 by 0. Like the second and third turning compartments. 3.22 meter-high stones were stationary.5 by 1.51 by 1. 3. which had been blocked. causing the supports. and Hawara. which was decorated with a niched facade.660 Within this block. Kahun. Two quartzite blocks covered the southern and middle portions of the tomb.J). Fig. the antechamber was partially filled with stones. The Canopic Equipment.4 right). For the tomb of Nefeniptah.83 m (Lehner. Great Monuments.79 by 2. there was a small corridor in the floor.12 m. and thus the lid.28 by 2. as they had been built into the tomb. measuring 1. a separate sarcophagus and canopic chest had been placed during the early phases of construction. After the deceased Amenemhet III had been placed inside. 3:3.35 m. using stone pillars set in niches upon sand (Fig. another corridor led 8. The sarcophagus.3.32 m. which displayed an advance in technology (Fig. The base was made of a monolithic piece of quartzite with interior measurements of 6.92 m. was placed to the north of the canopic box in the burial chamber. to lower slowly. 429). p.55 by 1. workers must have crawled into the two small corridors hidden in the floor of the antechamber.85 by 2. pp. p. housed to the right of the chamber. This passage. Later scholars have stated that this block was 100 tons and measured 7 by 2. quartzite portcullis (3.masonry filling parts of it. 5 Near the center of this room.54 m to the west (at a higher level). Verner. A third lid section was located in the north and had been suspended above the chamber. The lid of the chamber was composed of three sections. 28). 182-183. led to the sarcophagus chamber.H).

closed. Gurob. composed of two large limestone slabs (50 tons each). pp. with the aid of mud mortar. and Hawara.4. 3. there was no mechanical way to reopen the sarcophagus. a brick arch. Spencer. Above. On top of this layer. which formed a triangular apex above the sarcophagus (Fig. Plate 4) and the mechanics of the sand lowering system (right). were laid. the arch. p.4 left). Figure. Above the saddle roof. some of which weighed 18 to 23 kilograms. the interior of the structure was constructed setting bricks into the sand (7 m thick). Verner. Great Monuments. The structure of the saddle roof in the tomb of Amenemhet III at Hawara (left. after Petrie. was formed using five courses. p. The roof of the chamber was in the saddle form. Kahun. 6. 163 . The tomb itself had been robbed through a small hole chiseled into the area where Petrie. Brick Architecture. 38. 429. 3. which served to help distribute the weight of the pyramid. mudbricks. 15. 1890. Horizontal limestone beams were used across the chamber below this feature.

" Orientalia 37 (1968). 29.E. Pyramids. p. Khons have mutilated hieroglyphs. T. Kahun. pp. "Hieroglyphen. "Hieroglyphen" LA II (Weisbaden. p. 138. J. p. Allen. The World of the Coffin Texts (Leiden. Catalogue General des Antiquites Egyptiennes du Musee du Caire 103 (Cairo.P. pp.G. 17. It has been mistakenly stated that the coffin of Nebkheperre Intef of Dynasty XVII has the last example of mutilated hieroglyphs (Bourriau. 142. Objects from the private tomb of Sonebnay and his wife. p. The World of the Coffin Texts (Leiden. However. 361. Grajetzki. LII. VI. " Archaeological Aspects of Epigraphy and Palaeography. Pis. Scepter. 664 Dodson. Rinaldi. 429. Shire Egyptology 23 (Buckinghamshire. Kahun. Pis. Caminos and H. p. 110-111. Pis. 1971). The Canopic Equipment. H.G. pp. 13. 348. Dodson.666 663 Dodson.663 From here. 325.A.53. Dodson. 13). D. 1967). and Mendes. "Coffin Texts from el Bersheh. 430. p. p. Verner.P. PL 13." p. 32. "Suppressions et modifications de signes dans les textes funeraires. Petrie. 362. ed. Hayes. Reisner. Peet. p." in H. Interestingly. ed." GM120 (1991). something. Gurob. N. 324. the coffin had been ravaged and burned. Willem. Great Monuments. "Coffin Texts from Lisht. 57. p. "Patterns of Change. Fig. The Canopic Equipment. 29. 1977). 26-35. XXXII. pp. "On the Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau and its Canopic Equipment. Fischer. 57. For other examples. Maragioglio and C. Kamose's funerary equipment is the last royal use of such modified signs until Dynasty XXV. see Fischer. 6 Mutilated hieroglyphs were also used in royal and private inscriptions found in tombs in the Old Kingdom. Gurob. Farag and Z." ZAS5\ (1913). the coffin and canopic case of Kamose also contains mutilated hieroglyphs. P. 1..the lid and the base of the sarcophagus met. Great Monuments. Lacau. 1996). 1995). 15-16. G. 143. 327.664 Some of this woman's objects had mutilated hieroglyphs inscribed into them (feet of birds and tails of snakes not shown). 1195). p. Memoirs of the Egypt Exploration Fund 34 (London. Petrie. 33-38). Neferuptah's inscriptions represent the first use of mutilated hieroglyphs in the Late Middle Kingdom. "A Contemporary of King Sewah-en-Re. 15. Egyptian Shabtis. 1914). 18. 26-28). There are also examples of royal coffin and canopic inscriptions without mutilated hieroglyphs during Dynasty XVII (A. p. p. 1976). 55). andHawara. IV. 1314. Swelim and A. Iskander. Neferuptah. 1996)." in H. which became standard in the funerary equipment of both royal and private individuals of Dynasty XIII. p. 58. Stewart.." MDAIK 54 (1998). Part II—1911-1912." p. 14.'" pp. 164 . 5 On other items. V. Kom el Hisn. Verner. Silverman. though the latter also has regular bird and other animal signs. were found within the sarcophagus chamber next to the items of the king. pp. 665 Mutilated hieroglyphs were likewise found on the objects from the sarcophagus within the pyramid of Neferuptah (N. Ancient Egyptian Epigraphy and Palaeography (New York. The Discovery of Neferwptah (Cairo. 1195. 17. and Hawara. Canopies. n. p. the feet and tails of normal hieroglyphs were chiseled in order to alter them into this form. 182-183.M. "Note sullaPiramide di Ameny 'Aamu. Burial Customs. Cartouches reveal that they lived in the reign of Sewahenre Senebmiew (Dynasty XIII) (Berlev. the coffin and funerary goods (including an alabaster offering table) of a princess. These modifications of the hieroglyphs prevented them from harming the deceased in the subterranean part of the tomb (H. p. pp. "On the Internal Chronology of the Seventeenth Dynasty." in R. The Cemeteries ofAbydos. Fischer. Lehner. Willems.

The appearance of a woman's burial within the funerary complex of the king is
not so unusual in the Middle Kingdom though her proximity to the ruler is unique.667
However, a small pyramid, located by Habachi several kms southeast of the complex at
Hawara in 1936 and excavated by Farag in the 1950's, was found to contain inscriptions
with the name of this same Neferuptah.668 The actual location of the princess' burial
seems to have been within her own pyramid as fragments of mummy wrappings with skin
attached were discovered there; she likely outlived Amenemhet III.669 Also, within the
Pyramid of Hawara, there is a corridor leading to the north on the western side of the
monument. Di. Arnold has suggested that this hallway may lead to the burial chamber of
queens like that of the same king at Dahshur.670

II.C. The Owner of the Pyramid at Hawara: Amenemhet III
Amenemhet III, who ruled for 46 years, was one of the most successful kings of
the Middle Kingdom. During his reign, Egypt enjoyed great wealth, the office of
kingship had significant power, and Amenemhet III was able to construct monuments of
the highest quality throughout the country. Two of the most impressive of these
structures included his pyramid complexes at Dahshur and Hawara.
W. Grajetzki, "Multiple Burials in Ancient Egypt to the End of the Middle Kingdom." in W. Grajetzki,
ed., Life and Afterlife during the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period (London, 2007), pp, 1634.
Farag and Iskander, Neferwptah. See also Dodson, The Canopic Equipment, p. 29; P. Janosi, Die
Pyramidenanlagen der Koniginnen. Untersuchungen zu einem Grabtyp des Alten und Mittleren Reiches
(Vienna, 1995), pp. 67-70; Grajetzki, "Multiple Burials," p. 24. Farag notes that the average size of the
bricks of the pyramid of Neferuptah was 46 by 25 by 14 cms while' Spencer records the brick size as 46 by
24 by 14 cms (Spencer, Brick Architecture, p. 38). Note that this pyramid does not have the substructure
design of the Late Middle Kingdom royal type.
Grajetzki, Middle Kingdom, p. 58.
Di. Arnold, "Dahschur Dritter Grabungsbericht," MDAIK36 (1980), pp. 20-21. See also A. Dodson,
"The Tombs of the Queens of the Middle Kingdom," ZAS 115 (1988), p. 135; The Canopic Equipment, p.
28, n. 56.


Amenemhet III began his first funerary monument at Dahshur. During
construction, this pyramid suffered structural failure due to the underlying soil quality as
well as the weight of the superstructure. Presumably, at this point, the royal architects
abandoned Dahshur and began work at Hawara where they made radical changes in the
design of the tomb of the king, possibly relating to new ideas regarding the afterlife of
this important figure. Though some of these new features were derived from earlier
pyramids, the overall impact of the new design upon the funerary monuments of later
kings is significant and likely pertains to a culmination in religious experimentation that
would begin again in Dyansty XVIII.671
Compared to the information about Dynasty XIII kings to be discussed in this
thesis, knowledge concerning the reign of Amenemhet III is relatively extensive, and it is
certain that the office of kingship was secure during this point of the Middle Kingdom.
After the death of Amenemhet III, however, the stability of kingship declined
significantly. Amenemhet IV, who may not have been directly related to his
predecessors, took the throne for four years, followed by a daughter of Amenemhet III,
Nefrusobek. After these last two kings of Dynasty XII, information concerning the
following rulers becomes fragmentary as they were ephemeral, and some appear to have
had little resources for the construction of monuments.672

III. The Pyramid of Woserkare Khendjer (Lepsius XLIV) at South Sakkara
The most complete of all of the post Amenemhet III pyramid complexes is that of
See Chapter 4 below. Also, see Wegner, "Amduat Tomb"; RolMer-Kohler, "Konigliche Vorstellungen
I," pp. 73-88.
Grajetzki, Middle Kingdom, pp. 74-75.


the Dynasty XIII king Woserkare Khendjer at South Sakkara. Thus, it is most logical to
proceed from Amenemhet Ill's funerary establishment at Hawara to a discussion of this
monument, since through it, the conceptual plans of the others, all of which presumably
remained incomplete, can be envisioned. Also, the attribution of this pyramid to
Woserkare Khendjer, is certain, as his name was discovered not only on a pyramidion
within the complex but also in the limestone relief fragments of his chapel. Thus, this
monument serves as a chronological peg within the Late Middle Kingdom royal funerary
Lepsius was the first to note the existence of this pyramid, and de Morgan appears
to have entered the tomb.673 However it was not studied in detail until Jequier excavated
the monument in 1929-1931,674 and published it, along with a nearby royal tomb, in a
relatively detailed report.675 Thus, not only is this structure well-preserved, but the
recording of its features is also more substantial than those of the other members of the
Late Middle Kingdom royal monument corpus. Nonetheless, the condition of the site is
poor in many areas as are the remains of the other Late Middle Kingdom royal funerary
monuments, having a square mound of mudbrick debris surrounding a large, sand-filled

J. de Morgan, Carte de la Necropole Memphite (Cairo, 1897), p. 6; Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 67;
C.R. Lepsius, Denkmdler ausAegypten undAethiopien I (Leipzig, 1897), p. 202, PI. 234.
The pyramid is in an area, which has a concentration of Old Kingdom private tombs (G. Jequier,
"Rapport Preliminaire sur les Fouilles Executees en 1928-1929 dans la Partie Meridionale de la Necropole
Memphite," ASAE 29 (1929), pp. 153-156; "Rapport Preliminaire sur les Fouilles Executees en 1929-1930
dans la Partie Meridionale de la Necropole Memphite," ASAE 30 (1930), pp. 105-107; "Rapport
Preliminaire sur les Fouilles Executees en 1929-1931 dans la Partie Meridionale de la Necropole
Memphite," ASAE 31 (1931), pp. 32-35; Fouilles a Saqqarah, pp. 1, 39-43; Weill, "Complements," p. 11).
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah. For summaries of the work here, see C. Holzl, "Saqqara, Pyramids of the
13th Dynasty," in K.A. Bard, ed., Encyclopedia of the Archaeology ofAncient Egypt (New York, 1999),
pp. 711-712; Lehner, Pyramids, pp. 186-187; B. Porter and R.L.B. Moss, Topographical Bibliography of
Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings III (2) (Oxford, 1981), pp. 434-435; R.
Stadelmann, Die Agyptischen Pyramiden, Kulturgeschichte der Antiken Welt 30 (Mainz
Rhein, 1985), pp. 249-252.


The pyramid complex of Khendjer had many components including two enclosure
walls, a north chapel, a mortuary (pyramid) temple, a subsidiary pyramid, and shafts
leading to galleries for the burials of members of the court (Fig. 3.5.A-G).677 Graffiti
within the tomb suggests that the substructure was begun in the first year of Khendjer's
reign with the pyramid being raised in the next two years followed by the surrounding
walls and buildings.678

III.A. The Elements of the Superstructure
The pyramid complex of Khendjer was-constructed on a relatively high plateau at
the edge of the desert. However, the southeastern side had to be built up for the later
addition of the brick outer enclosure wall. In this same area, there was a practically
unused ramped staircase, made of mudbrick, descending toward the east.679 The staircase
was 2.5 m wide with steps measuring 12 cms in height and 38 cms in depth and was
eventually covered and blocked by the enclosure wall.680
The pyramid of Khendjer was roughly 52.5 m (100 cubits) on each side.681 The
structure was made of mudbrick, encased in fine Tura limestone. In the tomb crater, laid


Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, pp. 3, 28.
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, PI. 2.
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 30.
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 28, Pis. 22, 24b-c. Lehner suggests that this feature may mark.the
location of the substructure in an earlier plan of the tomb or may have even been a south tomb like that
found in the pyramid of Djoser (Lehner, Pyramids, p. 186). Note that there is a mudbrick, ceremonial
staircase leading to the tomb of Senwosret III at Abydos (Wegner, Mortuary Temple, pp. 373-374, 393).
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 9, n. 1.
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 30. Dodson states that the sides are 51.8 m (Dodson, "Tombs of the
Kings," p. 41; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 29). I have measured the length in the plan as 55 m.
This same estimate is also found in Fakhry, Pyramids, p. 229. However, he seems to round most figures to
the nearest five.


bricks and debris were preserved to a height of about half a meter.682 The bricks had
varying amounts of straw inclusions and were 42 by 21 by 11 cms (± 2.00 cms).683 One
of the bricks in the pyramid structure had a white inscription painted upon it with the date
"year 1, month 3," suggesting that the construction of this part of the funerary complex
began very early in the reign of Khendjer.684

Figure 3.5. The Pyramid Complex of Woserkare Khendjer at South Sakkara.
After Jequier, 1986, PI. 2.
Around the mudbrick structure, there was a trench 6 to 7 m wide and 2 m deep
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 28.
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 29; Spencer, Brick Architecture, p. 39.
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 29.


that the architects cut in order to provide a foundation for the encasement stones.
Unfortunately, Jequier was able to identify only fragments of these stones, as they had
been removed in earlier times. Nonetheless, he did estimate the angle of the pyramid,


likely with the use of the slope of a pyramidion to be discussed later, as 55°,686 a number
coming roughly in the center of those of the more recent studies of this object: 54°22' 687
to 56°,

making the monument around 37.49 m high.

In the northeastern corner of

the encasement trench, Jequier discovered a foundation deposit within a small circular pit
lined with bricks.690 The deposit included four small vessels with a cone-shaped base.
The inner enclosure wall, which was approximately 77 by 78 m in length, was
located around 8 m from the face of the encasement stones of the pyramid (Fig. 3.5.A).691
The wall was made of limestone blocks in a palace facade pattern, which extended out 3
m in some areas, and was similar to those of some of the Dynasty XII kings.692 Upon
excavation, only a trench and the first layer of stones were preserved in most places.
Interestingly, abutting the outside of the wall in the east, there was a section of a


Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 30.
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 30.
J. Rousseau, Mastabas etpyramides d'Egypte (Paris, 1994), pp. 197-198.
C. Rossi, "Note on the Pyramidion Found at Dahshur," JEA 85 (1999), p. 219.
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 30. Based on my measurement of the sides of the monument in the plan
at a 55.50 degree angle, the height of the pyramid could be around 40 m. However, here, the excavator's
written estimates will be used above all others. Nonetheless, Jequier's calculation of a height of 37.35 m
has been corrected using his own data in the formula: h=tan A x l/2b where h is the height, A is the slope
of the pyramid and b is the base length. An angle of 54.90 would result in a height of 37.35, so it is
possible that this number has been rounded to 55° in the text but not in the calculation. Jequier's incorrect
estimation of the height has been repeated by more recent authors (Fakhry, Pyramids, p. 1929; Lehner,
Pyramids, p. 186; Stadelmann, Agyptischen Pyramiden, p. 249).
Fakhry, Pyramids, p. 229; Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 30, Fig. 24; J.M. Weinstein, "Foundation
Deposits in Ancient Egypt," dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1973, p. 85.
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 7. Note that Fakhry estimates the length of the inner wall as being
about 75 m on each side (Fakhry, Pyramids, p. 229).
Jequier, "Rapport 1930-1931," p. 33; Fouilles a Saqqarah, pp. 7-8, Figs. 6-7. The Dynasty XII
examples include Senwosret II, Senwosret III, and Amenemhet III (Di. Arnold, The Encyclopedia of
Ancient Egyptian Architecture (Princeton, 2003), p. 162).


mudbrick, sinusoidal wall.693 Jequier believed that this wavy wall served as a temporary
enclosure and was replaced later when time and finances were sufficient.694 As will be
noted later, this wall is more robust than the other two sinusoidal constructions in the
complex. The function of these walls will be considered together with those from other
sites in a later chapter.- The outer enclosure wall was made of mudbrick being about 2.6
m wide and measured 122.65 by 125.9 m around its perimeter (Fig. 3.5.B).695 Jequier
only found sections of this wall preserved though it was clear, due to the presence of a
trench, that it originally surrounded the entire complex.
From the middle of the eastern face of the pyramid to the outer wall, Jequier
found the fragmentary remains of a limestone mortuary temple, measuring roughly 26.25
by 27.5 m, including a courtyard with the dimensions 15 by 25 m (Fig. 3.5.C).696 Since
the temple was so completely destroyed, it was difficult for the excavators to reconstruct
its plan. Nonetheless, they discovered many architectural fragments, such as sections of
torus molding, decorated columns, and inscribed limestone and granite blocks, leading to
some conclusions about this monument.

Jequier notes that the fragments from

papyriform columns indicated that the hall they occupied was about 4 m in height.698
Unfortunately, the majority of the temple's relief fragments were in such a poor
state that the excavators did not attempt to record them.699 Nonetheless, he had a few
examples copied, and the fragments show standard themes such as offering bearers, the

Jequier, "Rapport 1929-1930," p. 108; Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, Pis. 2, 4a.
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 7; Spencer, Brick Architecture, p. 39.
Fakhry, Pyramids, p. 229; Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 6.
Jequier, "Rapport 1930-1931," p. 32; Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, pp. 3-4, PI. 3.
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, pp. 4-6; Verner, Great Monuments, p. 440.
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 4. Columns from Medamud from Dynasties XIII-XVII are similar in
form (Bisson de la Roque, Medamoud 1927, pp. 82, Fig. 59.7; 84).
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, pp. 4-6, Figs. 1-5.


offering formula, and cartouches with the names Khendjer. Jequier noted that the quality
of the carvings was sub-standard. Such a reduction in the quality of artisanship has
become synonymous with periods such as Dynasty XIII, in which kingship suffered a
loss of power and economic strength.
At the front of the temple, there was a large doorway leading outside the pyramid
enclosure.700 Jequier suggested that a causeway, beginning at this point, was visible and
ran in the direction toward the cultivation to the east, as he was able to see the line of two
mudbrick walls in the sand. However, well before this structure reached the valley, its
path could no longer be traced. Perhaps it is rather a ramp or temporary road leading to
the site as such structures are common whereas formal causeways appear not to be
In the middle of the northern face of the pyramid, there was a small chapel
measuring approximately 6.38 by 8 m (Fig. 3.5.D).702 Like the larger, funerary temple,
this small structure was completely destroyed, and only indications of the building
remained. At the northern end of the chapel, there were two small ramped staircases, one
leading from the eastern side and the other from the western one, next to the enclosure
wall.703 These features, made up of three steps each, led from the ground level inside the
enclosure wall up to a platform at a level 0.56 m high.704 This area was open and
originally led to a darker room covered with a roof supported by columns.
Carved fragments from the structure indicated that it originally included offering

Jequier, "Rapport 1929-1930," p. 107; Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 6.
Wegner, Mortuary Temple, p. 24.
Jequier, "Rapport 1930-1931," pp. 32-33; Fouilles a Saqqarah, pp. 15-17, PL 12.
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, pp. 15, 17, Pis. 12, 15a.
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 17.


scenes, kheker friezes, a blue ceiling with stars, and a false door made of quartzite.
This latter object was inscribed in sunk relief, decorated with blue/green pigment and had
been placed at the southern end of the chapel near the pyramid. Another fragment
included the king's Nebty name, Wahmesut {wlh-mswi) while additional pieces of the
door displayed other parts of the titulary. Another set of blocks with a portion of the
king's titulary, had chisel marks where his name had once been, possibly indicating the
malicious destruction of the ruler's identity. Finally, one fragment showed a part of a
yellow serpent with red, dashed scales.
Other sculpted features were also found in the small chapel. There was part of a
quartzite statuette of Khendjer, broken at the level of the elbows. Though the
craftsmanship is not as superb as in the reigns of Senwosret III and Amenemhet IV, the
rendering of the facial features resembles that of Late Dynasty XII, although these
attributes are less enhanced (heavy eyes, down turned lips, large ears, etc.). °
Another important find in the chapel was that of fragments of a black granite
pyramidion, measuring 1.3 m in height with a circular tenon on the base for attaching it to
the pyramid.707 Now in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo, this object was inscribed with the

Fakhry, Pyramids, p. 229; Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, pp. 15-17, Figs. 14, 15; Verner, Great
Monuments, p. 440. Note that false doors were already antiquated by this time, having been replaced by
stelae except in the northern chapels of kings (Senwosret I, Senwosret II, Senwosret III, and Amenemhet III
at Hawara) (Di. Arnold, Encyclopedia, pp. 89, 163).
Robins, Egyptian Statues, p. 45; E. Russmann, "Historical Overview," p. 19; "Aspects," 35-36; C.
Aldred, Egyptian Art in the Days of the Pharaohs 3100-320 BC (New York, 1980), p. 138; Bourriau,
Pharaohs and Mortals, p. 37; Fakhry, Pyramids, p. 229; Jequier, "Rapport 1929-1930," pp. 106-107;
"Rapport 1930-1931," p. 33; Fouilles a Saqqarah, pp. 18-19, PI. 15b-c; Richards, "Modified Order," p. 44.
Fakhry, Pyramids, p. 229; Jequier, "Rapport 1929-1930," p. 106, PI. 102; "Rapport 1930-1931," p. 33;
Fouilles a Saqqarah, pp. 19-26, Figs. 16-20, PI. 16. Note that Verner mistakenly places these fragments in
the temple on the eastern side of the pyramid (Verner, Great Monuments, p. 440). Tenons could also be
square at this time (Di. Arnold, Building in Egypt: Pharaonic Stone Masonry (New York, 1991), p. 127).


king's names708 as well as Coffin Text, spell 788.709 Spell 788a is found on the coffins of
Awibre Hor and Nebhotepti at Dahshur as well as that of a lector priest from Lisht.710
In the buildings within the complex, there were twenty control marks in both red
and black ink.7

These inscriptions often record the names and titles of individuals along

with dates. Thus, through these marks, it is possible to identify certain people related to
the construction of the tomb. The years recorded in this structure ranged from year 1 to
year 5, indicating that this latter date was probably the extent of Khendjer's reign. The
names of officials included the overseers of the southern province, Shebnu and Ameny,
both sons of Nemtynakht, as well as the overseer of the palace, Senebtyfy and untitled
officials Iwsobek, Hawnakht, and Neferhotep.712

III.B. The Components of the Substructure
The construction of the substructure had begun by excavating a pit in the sand
measuring 13 m on the sides and 11 m in depth with a 4 m-wide trench that sloped
upward toward the west,713 Then, the sarcophagus chamber and the other components of
the substructure were placed within it, probably with the aid of brick structures, as will be
seen in other monuments to be discussed below.


Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 29.
E. Fiore-Marochetti, "On the Design, Symbolism and Painting of Some Xllth Dynasty Tomb
Superstructures," GM144 (1995), pp. 49, 50; M.G. Maspero, "Sur le Pyramidion d'Amenemhait III a
Dahchour," ASAE 3 (1902), pp. 206-208; A. de Buck, The Egyptian Coffin Texts VII (Chicago, 1961), Spell
L. Lesko, Index of the Spells on Egyptian Middle Kingdom Coffins and Related Documents (Berkeley,
1979), pp. 54-55, Da2c, Da4c, and L2Li. Da2x and Dale, which both belong to women, display Spell 788.
F. Arnold, The Control Notes and Team Marks, The South Cemeteries of Lisht 2 (New York, 1990), pp.
176-181; Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, pp. 10-15, Fig. 18-11.
F. Arnold, Control Notes, pp. 176, 178-179, KH171, 178-179, 112-113, 115.
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, pp. 33-34.


Figure 3.6. The Pyramid of Woserkare Khendjer. After Jequier, 1986, PI. 2.

The concealed entrance to the substructure of the pyramid of Khendjer was
located at the southern end of the center of the western side of the pyramid (Fig.
3.6.A).714 The passage descended toward the east from an opening found at the level of
the pavement stones, providing the foundation for the pyramid's encasement. The area
defining this entrance, just outside the encasement trench, was lined with six courses of


Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 31, Pis. 32, 37b.


75 m with 1. 176 . 7 8 Jequier. over the space. Jequier. PI.9 by 1. PI.718 From the western edge of the opening in the surface. ostensibly to allow a person carrying heavy objects to walk down them easily. 31.B). grooves were cut on each side in order to allow wood to be placed to help guide bulky objects. 31.715 There were also two narrow brick staircases descending against the encasement stones (at a right angle to the previous staircase to the west) toward the entrance in order to allow for an approach from three sides when lowering heavy funerary equipment. 32. 38f.6.9 by 1. as well as in every flat area without a staircase. Fouilles a Saqqarah. 3. The entrance and its components were constructed of well-worked Tura limestone. 31-32. while larger items could be placed along the ramps in order to slide them safely through the corridor.75 m of this region being a portcullis chamber (Fig. The stairs were shallow and slanted back.717 but he does not discuss this feature. including places where the level changes. The stairway is approximately 0.mudbricks with a small brick staircase descending through the center. p. in which the sand from beneath a stone support could 715 Jequier. providing fourteen steps.9 m wide and extends downward for around 5 m. Pi. Fouilles a Saqqarah. Fouilles a Saqqarah. 719 Jequier. 31. before the floor becomes level for a distance of approximately 2. p. Jequier. Fouilles a Saqqarah.7I9 A quartzite portcullis stone. such as the coffin. the portcullis was supposed to have lowered with the use of a system. 31. According to the excavator. a ramped staircase descended toward the east. Fouilles a Saqqarah.716 Jequier's plan also shows a long brick structure leading from the northwest of the interior enclosure wall to the area of this entrance. PL 38. measuring around 2. rested in a ramped recess (with a slope of 9°) to the south. pp. p. In the limestone feature leading to the opening.9 m.

177 . the supposed sand lowering system may simply have been a niche for a lever used to start the stone down Jequier. PL 38. pp. Plan of one portcullis in the tomb of Khendjer.721 Thus.7. Fouilles a Saqqarah. but the block still remained in its original. Since Jequier did not explain how the sand would have been released from the hole. Figure 3.5 m above the previous floor (See Fig. pp. 31-32. which was positioned behind it at a level 1. After Jequier released. Fouilles a Saqqarah. he surmised that the mechanisms used to move this particular stone had failed.7).720 The base of the stone would form a ceiling to the room below and would have concealed the entrance to the next corridor. 31-32. Jequier. Jequier notes that the smaller stone meant to prop up the portcullis was missing. pre-burial position. allowing one end to slide down the quartzite ramp across to a niche in the northern side of the wall. 8. PI. 3.

724 When the doors were opened. Jequier. the floor leveled off. pp. Again. It may have served to keep people from entering the tomb prior to burial. it is possible that the wooden doors. PL the middle of the corridor. 722 For the use of levers in ancient Egyptian architecture. they fit into niches in the walls so that they would be flush and. 32. Jequier. though one would have thought that the architects would have placed the door at the entrance to the structure. Fouilles a Saqqarah. 724 Edwards.5 m in thirty-nine steps.777 the ramp had it ever been used. halfway between the end of the staircase and the western edge of the block. Arnold. 178 . see Di. p. never having been moved to rest in its intended place. would not be in the way of the funerary equipment brought in during the interment. another staircase of the same design as the 79'} previous one stretches again to the east traveling around 13. as well as the portcullis. Like the previous portcullis stone. p. 133. This double door system was similar to the single variety found at Hawara.75 by 3 by 1. Alternatively. Fouilles a Saqqarah. this system operated from a niche to the north of the passage.3 m including another portcullis chamber (Fig. thus. PL 38. The reason why this doorway was in between the two quartzite portcullis stones is unknown. In the passage after the portcullis. except that the two planks joined. Pyramids. Strangely. Here Jequier found evidence for a wooden double door. 32. However. 738-739. 3. The second portcullis was identical to the first in its mechanics and measured approximately 1. p. 32.6. 725 See Chapter 5. for a distance of about 3. Encyclopedia. this quartzite block remained in its original position. may have served a ritual purpose rather than as a means of protecting the tomb.C). p. there was a recess on each side of the wall. PL 38. Jequier.75 m. Fouilles a Saqqarah. Section IV for further discussion.

with a height of about 2 m. 229). which was concealed above it (Fig.25 m on each side (Fig. 32. 1 m in width. p. The hallway ended with the antechamber.F). this area was Jequier. Jequier.75 m in length. PI. Fouilles a Saqqarah. 3. 3.D). The end of this hallway was blocked by the northern end of the sarcophagus lid once the body had been placed inside the sarcophagus chamber.6. 179 . and.6. Fouilles a Saqqarah. Thus.25 m in height. p. Presumably. However. 32. This room measured approximately 9. PL 38.75 m. Beneath the floor in the center of the antechamber. leveling off just prior to ending in a square room measuring around 2.E).25 m wide by 1 m high. This* chamber served to turn the coffin 90 degrees in order to continue through a passage to the north. continued at a lower level toward the north. the longer section running east/west.l.729 This new corridor extended toward the south. Fakhry estimated that the stone weighs around 60 tons (Fakhry. the entrance to this next corridor was hidden in the floor The passage. and 1 m tall.9 by 2. while the width was the same as all of the other corridors (around 0. 3. 32.727 The floor of this hallway sloped downward slightly. measuring 3. p.9 m).25 m. Pyramids. the entrance to this part of the tomb was through the floor of this chamber. The sarcophagus was made of a single quartzite block with niches for the coffin and the canopic box (Fig. above the level of the ceiling of the previous corridor. p. p.5 m long by 1. 730 Jequier. 38.The next passageway continued in an easterly direction at a level about 1 m higher than before for about 6. 32. 38.730 The upper part of the inside of the sarcophagus measured around 3. which was around 11m long. Fouilles a Saqqarah. 1 m wide. PI. Fouilles a Saqqarah.6. there was an entrance to another passage. which had been hidden by pavement stones. PL 38. Jequier.

734 This feature was composed of twelve courses of bricks. 33. sometimes interspersed with layers of sand. The Canopic Equipment. 735 Edwards. Verner. 32-33. Jequier. 733 Di. Pyramids.732 The northern lid component was about the same size as the first but was flat on its underside. p. measuring approximately 2. the northern part of the lid would have been propped upon two. there were eight layers of bricks below an arch. pp. 439-440. Fouilles a Saqqarah. 194. Thus. Jequier. pp.4 by 0. pp. Above the junction of these two stones. which served to relieve the pressure from the tremendous weight of the pyramid above.75 by 0. Building. Fig.7 3 Like the structure of the saddle roof in the pyramid of Amenemhet III at Hawara. Arnold. Fakhry. pp. Fouilles a Saqqarah. 193. the interior of the southernmost one having a slightly rounded shape (2.kept free for funerary items such as weapons and other goods and was used to maneuver the coffin. PI.8 by 1 m and 0. two large limestone slabs were set. 38. 34.7 by 0. Building. one-meter high granite supports on the eastern and western sides of the sarcophagus.127. Great Monuments. the niches for the coffin and the canopic box rested below. p. this shape fit best into the saddle roof before the lid was lowered. 229. respectively. Before the interment. pp.5 m tall). The reason for this shape was that the lid originally was held above the base with the use of quartzite blocks on its east and west sides. The lid of the sarcophagus was made of two large pieces of quartzite. these supports sat upon sand and caused the lid to remain open with enough space to place the funerary 731 Dodson. 240-241. 732 180 . leaning into one another on top of the walls around the sarcophagus in Woserkare Khendjer's tomb. 3 m wide and 1. Fouilles a Saqqarah. The profile of this section of the lid was in the form of a truncated triangle with a rectangular base.7 m. 79. pp. Fig. 73.27. PL 38. 734 Di. 32-33. p. Pyramids. Like in the pyramid of Amenemhet III at Hawara. Arnold.731 Meanwhile. Jequier.25 m long.

25 m from the southern entrance of this hallway and was 2. the western passage had the same dimensions and emerged from the floor of a small room. another passageway. the supports would block access from the eastern and western passages. p.736 The first of these passages was located to the east and had a concealed entrance in the floor of the hidden hallway.8 m in width extended toward the north. leading to the antechamber. Jequier. running to an entrance beneath the floor of the western end of the antechamber. Fouilles a Saqqarah. Meanwhile. within. both portcullis stones remained open.9 m high. 0. pp. measuring 1. holding the lid above the sarcophagus. Fouilles a Saqqarah. p. 73. 33. Fouilles a Saqqarah. Building. small stones would have blocked the space between the burial chamber and the small. securing the coffin within by sealing the tomb along with the entrance to the northern corridor. It was about 6. 33. Additionally. p.8 m wide and 0. men would have been sent into the tight corridors to remove the stones. PL 38. including the coffin. PI. the sand would flow from beneath the granite supports. Arnold. the lid of the sarcophagus had been maneuvered into position as if the deceased ruler had been 736 Jequier. Fig. Slowly.goods.27. discussed earlier. measuring 2.739 As noted above. As was the case with the sarcophagus of Amenemhet III. From here. Fouilles a Saqqarah. Jequier contemplates whether or not the tomb of Khendjer was ever used.737 After the royal mummy had been placed in the coffin.75 m long.738 In his monograph. eastern and western passages before the burial. Once this occurred. p. However. This sand lowering system was made complete by the presence of two small corridors running from the sarcophagus chamber to the east and west. 33). 737 181 . 739 Jequier. 33.5 by 2 m.5 m in length and 0. 38. to the west. 79. Note that Jequier recognized that this system paralleled that of Mazghuna (Jequier. Di. the heavy lid would close.

p. IILC. this structure was to be mudbrick with a stone encasement. 184. However. Die Pyramidenanlagen. p. 29. Dodson. 3. Fouilles a Saqqarah. In fact. Janosi. Here. 741 182 . located to the north of the mortuary temple.5 m on each side.741 This structure would have measured approximately 25.E). Die Pyramidenanlagen. making the lowering of the portcullis stones unnecessary. Jequier believed that they had been able to take everything out of the sarcophagus. PI. pp. Also. The Subsidiary Pyramid When examining elements of the funerary complex other than the royal tomb itself. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. "Rapport 1930-1931. Fouilles a Saqqarah. See also Janosi." p. Jequier. it seems that robbers had successfully entered the burial. child-sized hole cut into the base of the lid in one area. Like the larger monument of Khendjer. 35-39. Jequier discovered four or five pieces of dark granite. which may have comprised the small pyramidion. Fouilles a Saqqarah.5. Jequier. p." pp.placed inside.743 Janosi suggested that there could have been an eastern temple and northern chapel associated with the small 740 Jequier. 230) estimates the sides as being around 25 m each. 33-35. 38. just outside of the northeastern corner of the inner enclosure wall (Fig. the majority of the superstructure was missing. 177. the king would have had to have been buried before the superstructure could have been finished! Unfortunately. making its sides about half that of the main pyramid. it is important to recognize that there was a smaller pyramid with two burial chambers. 742 Fakhry {Pyramids. it would have covered the entrance to the king's tomb. 120122. 32. it is important to consider that if the encasement of the pyramid had been completed. 70-71. pp. and only a few courses of bricks were visible. 33.740 Nonetheless. p. In addition. no signs of burial goods remained within the sarcophagus. there was a small.

was concealed in the foundation of the encasement stones (Fig. PL 32. 3. p.C). sliding down its quartzite ramp. Fouilles a Saqqarah. Die Pyramidenanlagen. 37. Fouilles a Saqqarah. located on the center of the eastern side. which leads to a sarcophagus to the south at a lower level (Fig. It is here that the violators of the tomb broke into the structure by smashing through the limestone ceiling. Janosi. 183 . the floor became increasingly level. this short corridor was level. and only half of it remains in situ. 184.pyramid. p. though Jequier did not supply evidence for either building.748 This corridor ends in an antechamber (the ceiling is not preserved here). 37. Here. a third passageway extends to the west at a higher level than before. the quartzite portcullis stone had been closed from its niche to the south. p. partially into the space cut out to hold its end in the north. Fouilles a Saqqarah. Pyramids. p. the entrance to the tomb. 26-28. As in the larger pyramid. 230. 35.B).8.8.8. 26. However. closing off the access to the next corridor at a higher level. there was a ramped staircase with 21 steps leading to the west (at an angle of 33°). Jequier.745 From the surface. Jequier. 177. this block provided a ceiling for the chamber.747 However. 3. The second passage also continued in a westerly direction. 3. From the second portcullis chamber. 35. p. the stone has since cracked in two. 7 Jequier. ending in a second quartzite portcullis chamber (Fig. 744 Janosi. 3. ending'in a portcullis chamber (Fig.746 At the base of the stairs. Figs. this one does not include a canopic niche. A). Unlike the sarcophagus in the main pyramid. Die Pyramidenanlagen. Like the blocking stones in Khendjer's tomb.8. p.D). 26-27. Figs. This blocking stone had also been positioned in its final resting place from the niche to the north. 748 Fakhry. Figs.

and the separate quartzite canopic box. 2. Pyramids.8. Subsidiary Pyramid of the Khendjer Pyramid Complex. PI. it only has room for a coffin with a separate box to the south for the canopic equipment. It is held here with the use of six pillars (two on each end and two in the middle) made up of stacks of uniform blocks of stone. After Jequier.Rather. 184 .749 Also.8. the lid system is substantially different.6 m for each side of the cube (Dodson. 35). The Canopic Equipment.65 m. The lid remains today in its original position in a niche in the ceiling.E). The lid was likely to have been closed with the use of levers as the stones were removed. 750 Edwards. the floor is level with the top of the lower section of the sarcophagus. Here. 3. 1986.750 Figure 3. p. 243. though recent checking shows 0. is located on the eastern side of the southern end of the sarcophagus so that it would not encumber the Dodson measured this canopic box as 0. A second quartzite sarcophagus was located to the north of the antechamber (Fig.65x0. which is the same size as the first. p.65x0.

p. In the smaller pyramid. Fouilles a Saqqarah.754 However. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga.placement of the coffin. 35. Lehner allows for the possibility that this subsidiary 751 Dodson. 754 Jequier. 230. the portcullis stones were closed while the sarcophagi remained open. After the Pyramids. pp. Pyramids. 37. "Tombs of the Kings. Another issue surrounding the complex is the purpose of the subsidiary pyramid. he thought that something. Jequier. Fouilles a Saqqarah. 37." p. Finally. Dodson believes that the location of this pyramid indicates that it is more likely to belong to the queens of the owner rather than for the ruler's own ka. p. Fouilles a Saqqarah. 41. Like the lid in the other chamber. p.752 Thus. 26. he assumed that the main pyramid was occupied while the subsidiary one was not. 35. 11. The Canopic Equipment. The Canopic Equipment. 37. See also Grajetzki. 29. p. Fakhry. 185 ." p. There are two main options: a resting place for queens or a pyramid for the king's ka. may have prevented the interment of Khendjer's wives or descendents in this particular part of the complex. 136. "The Tombs of the Queens.believed that these tombs were for queens or other family members (without ruling out the ka theory). 37. 24-25. that of the unused sarcophagus was propped upon five pillars of stacked stones (two on each end and one in the middle on the eastern side). the portcullis remained open while the sarcophagus lid was lowered." pp. p.753 Jequier also. Jequier decided that a tomb was used when its sarcophagus was closed. Figs. In the Khendjer monument. This conclusion will prove to be a constant challenge in the discussion of other tombs later in this chapter. 752 Jequier. p. 753 Dodson." p. such as a change in political family. "Multiple Burials. 33. The situation in the subsidiary pyramid is directly opposite to that of the main one.

"Rapport 1930-1931. the gallery continued with an additional limestone sarcophagus and a canopic box in the normal position. their ceilings had 755 Lehner. Fouilles a Saqqarah. and none contained inscriptions. while the third gallery was located closer to the (western) outer enclosure wall. To the north of the shaft. 38. "The Tombs of the Queens. Dodson. The Canopic Equipment. 758 Jequier. PL 38.756 These galleries were entered through large shafts located between the inner and outer enclosure walls. each with a canopic box to its south with no space between any of these items. being only about 6 m away. Jequier. p.758 These two shafts were very similar to the first in their construction. From the opening. housing space for three burials complete with a sarcophagus and a separate canopic box for each. The first shaft. 38. 38. 35. 33.pyramid could be the last example of a ka pyramid. p." p." p. The second shaft was to the west of the first.757 The outer sections of the shaft were supported through the use of brick masonry extending downward for 10 m. 187. Pyramids. III. measuring roughly 2 by 4 m. PI. 135. Fouilles a Saqqarah. 3. Dodson. p. p. but all appear to have been unused. there were several roughly hewn galleries of tombs located within the mortuary complex of Khendjer (Fig. Subsidiary Burials To the west of the subsidiary pyramid. 32. The southern end ran beneath the enclosure wall of the main pyramid and had two quartzite sarcophagi.5. p. PL 38. However.F-G). Jequier.D. was located near the center of the inner enclosure wall and extended under this structure from the north. 756 186 . the galleries ran to the north and south. Fouilles a Saqqarah. At least some of these shafts contained more than one sarcophagus.

39. These hieroglyph variations occur on objects. Fig. Thus. which Jequier was unable to enter. p. 80. since there are no animate hieroglyphs. Political Situation. which were close to the mummy within burials at this time. and. 35. associated with the fragment. 762 Fischer. The third shaft was surrounded on three sides (north. there is still a chance that the fragments came from the subsidiary pyramid.. p. p. None of the three shafts had any sign of a superstructure.760 This wall also likely continued around the first shaft but may not have been preserved well enough to detect. 32. Jequier. p. Ryholt. "Hieroglyphen. though he did note that they both extended to the south. p. and south) by sinusoidal walls and by the outer enclosure wall to the west. Fouilles a Saqqarah. 763 Janosi. Fouilles a Saqqarah. probably originally. Die Pyramidenanlagen. Nonetheless.762 It is also unclear as to exactly where the queen. Unfortunately. PI. Dodson.collapsed due to the weakness of the stone in these areas. Since the subsidiary pyramid seems to have had two unused sarcophagi. Interestingly. Fouilles a Saqqarah. was buried. very little of the inscription is preserved. Jequier. east. Jequier was unable to enter them and could not add their galleries to the plan. Archaeological Aspects.763 759 Jequier." inscribed upon it. 1195. 70. all three of them. The second shaft had a wavy wall. in the debris to the south of the pyramid. The majority of the lines of these walls were preserved. The Canopic Equipment.. it is impossible to determine if it contained any mutilated ones. the sides of which were located to the west and north of the structure. there were sinusoidal walls around at least two and. n. it is likely that the queen was buried in one of the galleries. Jequier found a fragment of an alabaster canopic jar with the name of a queen "Seneb. 65. 760 187 . 28.75 However. 21. as might be expected. 38." p. p.

Since the funerary complex of Khendjer can be dated to a specific king. "The Necropolis of Dahshur Excavations Report Spring 2006. Also. The southern group extends south to the "Unfinished" Pyramid and may also be associated with this monument. 765 N.E. there were many small sand-filled pits and several large ones (SAK S4/2. the examination of some of the court tombs could be enlightening even though they too are 764 R. and 5. Meanwhile to the south. The former had limestone chips. To the north of the funerary complex of Khendjer. "Neues zur Residenznekropole der 13. et al. pits to the north and south of the pyramid of Khendjer were noted.765 Thus. Alexanian." SOKAR 13 (2006).8 by 7. Dynastie: Survey in Dahschur-Nord/Sakkara-Stid und Dahschur-Sud. it could be quite important in establishing the chronology of some of the other Late Middle Kingdom monuments especially through the use of ceramics.6 m and 16 by 12 m respectively. SAK 5/1 and 5/2 were 6. 188 . and granite while the latter was surrounded by pottery dating to Dynasty XIII. Schiestl notes that the surface pottery may be mixed from the time of the establishment of the complex until the abandonment of the cult. 48. 35 m in diameter) with fragments of granite." ASAE (forthcoming). p. "Neues zur Residenznekropole. at least some of which had been encased in limestone. 4. quartzite. if it existed beyond ancient times. The surveyors believe that these tombs were likely mastabas. Court Cemeteries In a recent survey of the Sakkara region conducted by Alexanian. Schiestl. possibly being the burial locations of the members of his court. 48. and Seidlmayer. quartzite and limestone in the debris surrounding them. Schiestl. it should be recognized that Jequier's work at the site likely destroyed the context of any stratified material. making it impossible to establish a specific ceramic corpus for his reign.764 It is likely that these tombs are connected to Khendjer in some way. Schiestl.III." p.

Horus:/". Political Situation. 770 Ankhu appears in Papyrus Bulaq 18/s (small). Untersuchungen. Khendjer is one of the few kings.A. 189 . p. 220-221. Political Situation. Political Situation. Ward points to Ugaritic and Canaanite parallels to the name and reveals that this name means "swine" in Semitic tongues {hnzr). Lexikon der Pharaonen. Ryholt. Franke. pp. depending upon the chronology used (see Appendix I). Golden Horus:?. pp. there has been some debate over the origin of this king's nomen.. The name of the queen of Khendjer is 66 Titulary. 767 Note that this name was incorrectly copied in the Turin King-list as n(y)-dr-re probably due to the author confusing it with the prenomen. 74). there appear to have been several viziers by this same name.1446 B and C. Ward." JNES 20 (1961). Personendaten. who was either the 17th or 22nd ruler of Dynasty XIII. debate exists concerning who did what. The Owner of the Royal Tomb: Woserkare Khendjer The Turin King-List names Woserkare Khendjer in (Ryholt's) section 7. 17. ~Novaeit\:h-n-d-rox hd-r. Ryholt. III. 13.]-cnh. 34-35. to whose reign a specific vizier can be placed. 768 W. For example.770 Unfortunately. 254. von Beckerath.766 The regnal length is not preserved in this document but is likely to be around five years as this date is recorded in the pyramid complex of this king. of Amenemhet III (Ryholt. p.. Ankhu served in this position during the tenure of this ruler and possibly that of the king before or after. 342. ny-m3ct-rc. Dynastie Agyptens. 99-100.F. However. and 18/1 as well as in Papyrus Brooklyn 35. Since the discovery of the pyramid complex of Khendjer at Sakkara. pp. "Comparative Studies in Egyptian and Ugaritic. Doss. See Schneider. 238-239. pp. many scholars have concluded that "Khendjer" is of foreign origin.7 7 indicating that this king was not of Egyptian ancestry. pp. 18L (large). Political Situation. bis 17. 398. others have argued that the king was native to Egypt. With the complexity of the period. See the further evidence in Ryholt. Prenomen: wsr~kJ-rc.20 with both his prenomen and nomen in a single cartouche (the latter name is misspelled). 193-194. 50. p. 769 Stock.likely heavily disturbed. Nebty: wih-mswt. pp.

43-48. stone vessels. amulets. 221. "Rapport 1930-1931." p. 160-161. "Rapport 1929-1930. under the inner enclosure wall. 773 Jequier. The text from one of these examples refers to the quarrying of the stone from the structure in year 34 of the reign of an unnamed 771 Ryholt. Political Situation. Objects found in this cemetery included pottery. Figs. 40. in the north and east of the enclosure of the pyramid of Khendjer at South Sakkara. Fouilles a Saqqarah. His reign is important for discovering information concerning the relationship between the office of vizier and the crown itself. pp.771 The complexity of the pyramid establishment of Khendjer would suggest that this king was relatively powerful for his time. 39.77 Graffiti from a block in the funerary temple indicates that at least a part of this structure was standing in the New Kingdom. Jequier's excavations also revealed the presence of lower class burials. non-mummified interments occurred beneath the stone of the foundation of the encasement of the pyramid. there were no more tombs until after the end of the Pharaonic Period." p.G. III. pp. a seal with the name of Thutmosis III (Dynasty XVIII and in commemorative/decorative seals thereafter). 772 190 . I l l . "Rapport 1928-1929. dating to Dynasty XVIII. Later Activity at the Pyramid Interestingly. pp. or within a mound of debris. 36. Jequier. With the end of Dynasty XVIII/beginning Dynasty XIX. 49-53.772 These simple. Fouilles a Saqqarah." pp. a faience kohl jar with the names of Amenhotep and Tiye (Dynasty XVIII) as well as blue painted ware ceramics. 33-39.likely to have been Senebhenas I. possibly indicated through the inscription in the canopic jar fragment from the funerary complex.

Jequier believed that the first Til robbing of the tomb occurred during the Hyksos Period. Fouilles a Saqqarah. p. 712. Note that the tens place in the hieratic of the year is difficult to read with absolute certainty. • T1SK "without doubt". 13-15.779 Lepsius was the first modern explorer to identify this monument as a 774 Jequier. pp. 35). The "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara (Lepsius XLVI) Approximately 80 m to the southwest of the pyramid of Woserkare Khendjer at South Sakkara. 43. dating to the Late Middle Kingdom. 29.775 In the publication of the excavation of the pyramid of Khendjer at South Sakkara.G. 34-35. p.774 Since the text is constructed using full Late Egyptian grammar and the reign of this king is so long. 187. PI. • which M. it has been proposed that the inscription dates to Ramses II. Fouilles a Saqqarah. Fouilles a Saqqarah. 51. p. "Ask this tomb who destroyed it after its glory!"77 Since there is evidence of the activity of the people of Dynasty XVIII at the pyramid complex of Khendjer. Pyramids. Porter and Moss." p. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. Jequier. Fig. Pyramids. For summaries of the findings. 779 Dodson. 229. 777 Jequier. IV. "Saqqara. p. 775 775 i Fakhry. Topographical Bibliography III (2). He also records an early Arabic inscription from within the tomb. n. p. see Holzl. pp. p. Fouilles a Saqqarah. 15.king. Wiet translated as. Fouilles a Saqqarah. but he fails to explain any evidence supporting this claim. Data supporting the time of robbing or destruction of the Dynasty XIII tombs would be very useful and will be discussed later in this thesis. p." p. 55. Fouilles a Saqqarah. 435. one can be certain that the original pillaging of the tomb took place no later than the early part of this period. Jequier. 778 Jequier. Lehner. 43. there is another mortuary complex. 191 . 12. Jequier noted the presence of additional graffiti including geometrical shapes and boats of unknown period. 15. 43. 776 i ' My translation of "Demande a cette fosse qui l'a detruite apres sa gloire" (Jequier.

234. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. Pyramids. 781 192 ." pp. but his description and measurements are inaccurate. p. de Morgan also entered the tomb as he sketched the general outline of its interior. 784 Dodson. "Rapport 1929-1930. Jequier excavated this incomplete pyramid in two months during 1929-1931. Dodson. Fouilles a Saqqarah. p. 5. Denkmdler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien I. (1897). Fouilles a Saqqarah. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga.8 m deep. p.781 In roughly 1893. 107-111. 39.783 The pyramid itself was to have been 91 m on each side. 15. Fakhry lists the length of the sides as being around 95 m (Fakhry. Similar to other monuments of the time period. p. 785 Jequier. Jequier. Pyramids. IV. PI. 67. the ruins included an area of compact brick material and debris mounds surrounding a sandy crater. Fouilles a Saqqarah." p. Pyramids. 230). p.13. "Tombs of the Kings. 60. 21 to 23 cms in width. The Superstructure The superstructure of the "Unfinished" Pyramid had only been started." p. 29. 230). Jequier. 29. pp. p.786 In modern times. Note that Fakhry suggests that further excavations might lead to the discovery of pyramid and valley temples (Fakhry. p. Pls.785 Most of the twelve remaining courses of bricks were placed with the use of mortar but did not alternate between headers and stretchers. 41.784 The center of the monument was constructed using bricks made of mud with straw and other organic inclusions. the mound representing the 7X7 pyramid stands to a height of about 3 m. cut in Lepsius. 55-56. PI. p.pyramid. p. this monument probably never reached a state of completion. 6. 202. Jequier. 786 Spencer. A. 232. 11. p. there was a trench. The bricks ranged from 40 to 44 cms in length. After the Pyramids.780 He seems to have entered the tomb. Text. 2. Fakhry. 67. Jequier. Pyramids. Jequier. p." p. Fouilles a Saqqarah. Fouilles a Saqqarah. Around the area of bricks. Finally. Brick Architecture. 230. and 12 to 13 cms in height. 783 Fakhry.5 m wide and 1. 782 de Morgan. Carte.

790 In two of the four corners.789 a technique that will be met again in other monuments including the substructure of S9 at South Abydos in a later chapter. Jequier. 3. Fouilles a Saqqarah. 107. Jequier. and was 0.9. The foundation deposit discovered in the southwestern corner contained two conical vessels and two jarstands. a lid. Jequier notes that the bricks were made of fine silt with straw inclusions and were smaller than those used in the pyramid. Jequier discovered foundation deposits. Pyramids. p. The enclosure wall. "Foundation Deposits. From the northwest corner. Mud mortar was used in the areas between bricks in order to make the surface of the wall smooth.65 m in width. Interestingly. Weinstein. p. Some of the pavement stones of this trench remained in place. 789 193 . items included two coneshaped vessels. p. being about a cubit in height and connected with the use of stone butterfly ties. 60-61. two smaller stands. the four outer corners of the pavement were reinforced with brick masonry.order to receive the foundation of the encasement stones. 86. unusual since most sinusoidal walls were simply built on the surface." p. and a group of miniature metal tools as well as a section of a bovine skull. Jequier. Figs. p. Fouilles a Saqqarah. p. 4445. The wall had a i m deep foundation trench. 791 Fakhry. where the preservation was minimal. .A. The encasement stones themselves seem never to have been laid as Jequier notes that he did not find any slabs of the correct shape for this purpose. brick lined holes containing a variety of objects. PI." p. 43. measuring 123. Despite the fact that Jequier notes that 788 Jequier. Fouilles a Saqqarah.5 m on each side. 61.). 13. "Rapport 1929-1930. Fouilles a Saqqarah. the body of a large jarstand. 62. measuring 34 by 17 by 8 cms and 36 by 18 by 8 cms. 61.791 At each corner there were two. Fig. 230. was of the sinusoidal form and was preserved to a height of 2 m at some points (Fig.

792 Like in the complex of Woserkare Khendjer. a photograph in his monograph. The pyramid of unknown ownership at South Sakkara. p. PL 13. PI.7 Figure 3. No indication of a causeway leading from the pyramid to the Nile Valley 7 793 Jequier. 13. After Jequier. 1986. Fouilles a Saqqarah. 57. appears to show that they were whitewashed.9. the area between the enclosure wall and the encasement stones of the pyramid is at a higher level. 194 . Fouilles a Saqqarah. forming a kind of terrace.there were no traces of color on the walls. Jequier.

56. measuring about 5 m on each side. p. 195 . extended downward in order to bring supplies to the correct level.795 Here. Fouilles Jequier. the curves on either side of an opening ended in more solid rectangular doorjambs. p.797 Here. there was a ramped staircase made of brick to the north of the entrance. a Saqqarah. Fouilles 795 a Saqqarah. 57-58.9. 13. was located along the northern enclosure wall at the western end. ran across the sinusoidal wall. This doorway seems to have been cut through the wall rather than being planned from the beginning.D). measuring 5 m in width. Also. There was also a ramp leading to the northeast from the entrance to the tomb. presumably for people not 9 Jequier. Fouilles 798 Jequier.796 A more certain doorway in the sinusoidal wall was located in the center of the western section (Fig. which would have served as a road for construction materials. 56. a brick surface.798 Here. 13. 55. there was flat area. but the outline of bricks was preserved (Fig. 3. 58. a Saqqarah. which was located in the center of the eastern side of the monument. PI. pp. there were structures preserved for the movement of supplies and construction materials. Fouilles Jequier. the ramp mentioned before.8. Also.survives. PI. The entrance to the tomb. However. though it may have been used to transport the giant lower section of the sarcophagus base. p. 57. Fouilles 796 Jequier. 3. had been destroyed. a Saqqarah. the bricks used for the doorjambs were the same size as those of the pyramid (see below) rather than being the smaller dimensions (see above) of those of the sinusoidal walls. PI. The purpose of this feature is unknown. a Saqqarah. 13. pp.B). Since this space was approximately 5 m down from the terrace surrounding it.

Fouilles a Saqqarah. Labyrinth. indicating to the sculptor how it was to be cut. p. Cairo J54855 and J54856. Great Monuments. p.. Fouilles a Saqqarah. which had never been started. 58-59.800 The pyramidions had been placed across the pavement stones deliberately as they sat safely upon a debris layer of 10 cms. 35. a miniature pyramidion was found at the Amenemhet III complex at Hawara. "Rapport 1929-1930. 44. It is likely that work stopped on this pyramid at some point. Pyramids. 187. 31-32. 801 Arnold. Building. Above the entrance to the tomb. 803 Verner. Pis. p. Lehner. PL 27.803 Interestingly. p. 4.39. was truncated at the top. Gateway. Jequier. Note that Uphill believed that this small object may have served as the pyramidion of a small queen's pyramid. Verner questioned whether one of these pyramidions was meant to serve as a votive object. 230. production and material. 127. PI. p. 800 196 . which would have been the same size if completed. Pyramids. pp. Political Situation. 802 Fakhry. 16-17. p. 109. Then perhaps Verner's idea may have credence. Uphill. while the other. It is unclear why two pyramidions were needed for the "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara. bottom left. 81.804 IF this one actually was for votive purposes. Fig. PL 13. pp. and the stones were placed at the entrance then. 13. thus. would have been the primary capstone for the Jequier.carrying heavy or bulky supplies. there were two pyramidions of black granite. p. Ryholt. 441. One of these objects was fully formed." pp. Both of these pyramidions were similar to that of Woserkare Khendjer in size. 19. Scholars have also suggested that the truncated pyramidion may have been intended to be topped with a precious metal and. 804 Petrie. 58. except that these were not inscribed and had beveled tenons like that of Amenemhet III at Dahshur. et al.802 Meanwhile. Some scholars have proposed that one of these capstones was to be used for a queen's pyramid. 103.801 The incomplete capstone had red lines on one side.

. p. Jequier stated that he was unable to find any temples associated with this monument. "Rapport 1929-1930. Jequier. p. Brick Architecture. 17. p. 197 . After the Pyramids. 41. "Tombs of the Kings. 39). appear in-Jequier's plan. "Pyramid. 57. there is a small portion of a ramped staircase. p. 8 cms (Spencer." p.D).806 Several other features. p. 810 Jequier.B. 807 Jequier. which appears in the foreground of Jequier's Plate 14. Clearly. Originally. 441. Pyramids.monument. Redford. 13. 3 (Oxford.811 The entrance to the tomb is located in the center of the eastern face of the pyramid in a stone platform (Fig. PI. PI.B. as well as being the most complex. IV. p. Another feature. Fouilles a Saqqarah. Pis. 229. there is a strange. It is also possible that one or both of these stones may have been intended to top other "Unfinished" Pyramids in the area. Fouilles a Saqqarah. 11. 3. 477.9. PL 14." in D." PI. 2001). 809 Jequier. a depression in the center of the northern encasement trench may indicate the planned location of a north chapel. this object is not in its original context and may not even be from this complex. 806 L. Fouilles a Saqqarah. the entrance itself was meant to be 805 Fakhry. M. In the south.810 However. paralleling that found near the entrance of Khendjer's pyramid. Dodson. near the southeastern corner." ASAE 52 (1954). 811 Dodson. 808 Spencer records the bricks of this structure as measuring 34 by 17 by 8 cms and 36 by 18. The Components of the Substructure The substructure of the "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara is one of the bestpreserved monuments of the Late Middle Kingdom corpus. 2. p. thin brick structure leading from«the enclosure wall toward the southeast. 63. Fouilles a Saqqarah.808 Also. 13. in his plan. not detailed here. seems to be an eroded column base. ed. which sits upon the foundation blocks of the pyramid's encasement. Habachi. "Khanta'na-Qantir: Importance. The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt. Vemer.

63. this area was just tall enough for a man and wide enough for a coffin.5 m in length with a portcullis chamber at the end (Fig. p. into which workers could slide wooden boards to help them transport large objects.concealed as limestone pavement stones covered it. from this point forward. 813 198 . The stone. 815 Jequier.9. However. the substructure of the tomb was made with Tura limestone.8 m in width. leading to a ramped staircase. 63. which led to the west. Pyramids. 187. Fouilles a Saqqarah. In general. blocking stone and the mechanics used to position it were identical to those of the pyramid of Woserkare Khendjer.814 At the base of the stairs there was a flat area. 3. 63-64. measuring approximately 3. such as a coffin. measuring 2 m in length and 0. p.4 by 2 m. Fouilles a Saqqarah. 17.813 The ramped staircase. which was sometimes painted to resemble granite.E). there is a gentle slope. with the dimensions. 17. the portcullis would slide into position.812 In this area.8 m wide and included forty-four steps (Fig. 814 Jequier. there are also grooves. Pis. This portcullis sat upon a stone at the edge of a quartzite ramp. to the ramp below. 17. Pis. was located behind the portcullis and ended in a room. was about 16.6 by 2 m. blending it into the surface of the platform. PI. pp. Once the stone was removed. 19. 19. was housed in a niche to the north of the line of the stairway and corridor.5 m long and 0. Within the entrance. measuring 3. which led to a recess in the opposite wall. Once past the opening. 3. p.F).815 This room was provided so that the coffin and other long objects might be turned 90 degrees. Fouilles a Saqqarah. Lehner. 3. this particular portcullis stone remained open. The structure of the quartzite.9. blocking the entrance to the next passage located above the level of the chamber. Starting at 812 Jequier. A short passage.

8 m wide. The second doorway from the previous room led to a corridor with a shape similar to that of the gallery described above (Fig. PI. Fouilles a Saqqarah. the end of which could have been used 816 Jequier. measuring 15. Arnold.this point. this chamber was divided into two wider areas with a corridor in between. 64. p.H). From the base of the stairs. "Pyramid.816 Though he and others thought that these marks may have been some kind of decoration. 3. PI. p. 6 by 2. 199 . 3. Fouilles a Saqqarah. p. there was a ramped staircase leading down to another level. whereby consistently deep holes were cut into the blocks. 818 Di. p. one of these openings ended in a large storage gallery. p. a chisel was used to cut the stone back a standard distance until the entire wall was even.5 by 0. The corridor led to a larger room. 440. Pis. Jequier notes that these small lines were found only on the porculli in the tomb of Userkare Khendjer while they are found on the walls and portcullises of this chamber. 59. narrow corridor that terminated in a larger area. Encyclopedia. 818 ' After the holes were in place. a corridor. measuring D. Fouilles a Saqqarah.2 m.G).9.820 This room had two doorways." p. 64.817 Di. p. 17. 821 Jequier. using a grid system (set with the aid of a cubit rod and a plumb bob). 20.1 m from one another (inconsistently drawn). 232. 819 Jequier. Jequier noticed some black dashes located in rows about 0. Pyramids. pp. sloped gently downward toward the south. Presumably. 17.7 by 2 m).8 m (Fig. Fig.821 However. 18. there was a short. a ramped staircase with four steps descended to the west ending in another passageway (the latter being 9.9. this room was meant to contain furniture and goods for the king's afterlife. 3. From here. Arnold later explained that these lines are the remains of the system used to dress the stone. Building. 18. ending in a second turning chamber (3. 17. In the first section. 139-140. Fouilles a Saqqarah. 64. Verner.9. 64.8 m. 820 Jequier. 817 Fakhry. Pis.1).1 by 1. measuring 12 m long by 0. From the turning chamber.

Fouilles a Saqqarah. 4 It flattened at the point where an antechamber was found. 200 . Jequier estimated that the monolithic 822 82 Jequier. around the hard quartzite portcullis. a long corridor extended northward. a corridor continued to the west for 2 m. 3. there was a short. 18. four-step. Otherwise. However. Jequier was fortunate in finding a robbers' tunnel carved into the limestone.9.for additional storage. Pis. 3. PL 17.8 m of this next passageway sloped gently downward. Like the structure of the tomb itself. A second corridor continued westerly at a higher level behind the blocking stone for a short distance of 2 m before encountering another portcullis chamber (Fig. was closed. ending in a second portcullis chamber (Fig. p. there would have been no way past this obstacle. 17. measuring around 3. the quartzite blocking stone. This third quartzite block was approximately 3.9. The corridor in the middle of the antechamber continued to the west where the sarcophagus chamber was located. 64. ramped staircase leading downward. the first 2. p. PI. Prior to this extra space. at a higher level. toward the main sarcophagus chamber. 64. From the stairs. From this point. 3.3 by 2 m and remained in its open position. Jequier. the sarcophagus chamber of the "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara is far more complex than those of the other Late Middle Kingdom royal mortuary monuments (Fig. to the south. the northern and southern sides of this room were at a level below that of the corridor.9. Thus. there was a small. 22 Here.L). Fouilles a Saqqarah. 17.K). ramped staircase leading to the west. p. Approximately.3 by 2 m. Fouilles a Saqqarah.J). 64. Jequier.

64. 17. p. there was the expected layer of mudbricks followed by a mudbrick arch with sand and debris above. p. Above the junction of these blocks. p. As one would expect. 231. The third block was mounted above the sarcophagus to allow it to be filled and was to close using the sand lowering system. Verner.2 by 2. but there were some differences. 441. Pis. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. The sand lowering system was similar to that of Woserkare Khendjer's tomb." p. Fouilles a Saqqarah. workers would have knocked out the limestone blocks. 17. pp. which sat on a pile of sand. Fouilles a Saqqarah. composed of large limestone slabs. the lid was suspended above the sarcophagus with the aid of four limestone supports at each corner as well as two. measuring approximately 6. Fakhry. Instead of lying at the foot of the coffin within the sarcophagus. Meanwhile. 64-65. there were two small corridors on either side of the sarcophagus. there was a saddle roof here. The walls to the sides of the mobile sarcophagus lid were made of granite. 18. 64-65. The sarcophagus was so large that it took three sizable quartzite blocks to cover it. they extended from beneath the floor of each end of the antechamber. Pyramids.base of the quartzite sarcophagus alone weighs over 150 tons. Jequier. Like in Khendjer's tomb.2 m in height. Great Monuments. the coffin was placed crossways in the sarcophagus so that it would be in the normal north/south orientation within the east/west container. p. Fouilles a Saqqarah. 201 . 29. leaving the 825 Jequier. 827 Dodson.8 m in length and width and 4. Jequier. the canopic niche sat at the southern end of its eastern side. Pis.825 Unusually. When the tomb was to be sealed.826 The two northernmost blocks of the lid were set into place as the substructure was built and were encased further by limestone supports. Pis. In the second pyramid at South Sakkara. 17. 18. 18. longer quartzite blocks.

p. Lehner. 3.M). 12). The Canopic Equipment.9. pp. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga.828 The "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara is unique because it has an additional sarcophagus. Lehner. regardless of the status of the portcullis stones. 12. based upon his assumption that a tomb was used if the sarcophagus was sealed. At this point. Fouilles a Saqqarah. 202 . When Jequier recorded this tomb. 18.829 Suggestions for the purpose of this structure include the possibility that it is a dummy tomb. Jequier. "Tombs of the Kings. or the area for the burial of a queen or some other royal person. It is unclear when this unfortunate event occurred and whether it was the result of careless construction workers. meant to distract potential robbers." pp. p. robbers. Jequier believed that no king was ever laid to rest within this tomb. Dodson believes that the tomb was abandoned due to a coup or some other significant event (Dodson. resulting in the gradual descent of the heavy lid. Thus. 29. a ka chamber. Pyramids. and the lowering mechanisms were unusable from that point forward. After the Pyramids. p. he discussed the fact that the sand lowering system had been released without the removal of the limestone supports. 65. It is possible that the ancient architects were concerned with the weight of the stone. 41. the lid remained open. 3 It must be remembered that the Dynasty XII pyramids of Amenemhet III at Dahshur and Hawara included secondary burials within the substructure of the 828 Jequier. allowing them to pour into the chambers. 64-65. p. or some other group. After the Pyramids. p. Pis.sarcophagus on the movable quartzite blocks alone. 187. 35. workers could be sent into the corridors to remove the smaller stones blocking the sand. Fouilles a Saqqarah. this mechanism may have been added to prevent an accidental lowering of at least part of the sarcophagus lid prior to the burial. 187. p. Pyramids. within the substructure of the tomb (Fig. n. Also." p. The reason why limestone supports were used along with the standard moveable quartzite ones is uncertain. 17. 17. 830 Dodson. 39.

However. Chapter 3. Jequier. 179-183. it is interesting that the spatial relationships between the two sarcophagi of the "Unfinished" Pyramid and that of the tomb of Khendjer within the pyramid the subsidiary pyramid are similar (the secondary burial(s) is/are to the northeast of the primary one). measuring about 4. To the north of the sarcophagus chamber. At this point. Then. Dodson. 17. 18. with the burials of kings. there was another room. Fouilles a Saqqarah. sliding along the northern end of the sarcophagus lid. which held the quartzite lid until after a coffin had been placed in its final position. 17. preventing the 832 8 Lehner. Pyramids. Section II. 18. Nonetheless. Fouilles a Saqqarah. 0. The secondary tomb in the southern pyramid is located to the northeast of the antechamber and is entered by using a ramped staircase at the end of the room and passing through a corridor.pyramids. a granite portcullis would have been moved from its position in the west. there is a granite sarcophagus chamber with a limestone.6 m on each side). saddle roof. as far as is currently known. Pyramids. p. 36. Pis.4 m in length. Jequier. 203 . pp." p. 232. Pis. the back room would have been empty and could have received funerary goods. "Rapport 1929-1930. 65. 109. p. Next. though the top of this box would have been visible in its niche. At the end of this passageway. p. Fakhry. p.B. 65. The position of the lid would also block access to the canopic equipment in the wall (ca. the structures of both sarcophagus chambers in this monument take forms exclusively associated. the lid would have been positioned over the southern end the sarcophagus against the edge of the floor of the previous passage. See also. A separate canopic niche was located in the wall to the east of the southern end of the sarcophagus. The upper extent of the base of the quartzite sarcophagus was at the floor level of the preceding corridor. The Canopic Equipment.

IV. The tomb was lined with limestone blocks. there is a wadi running northeast to southwest (SAK S 8) that appears to contain mastaba tombs. Jequier thought that it was unlikely that robbers would have taken the time to place the sarcophagus lid back into its original place. Perhaps. Fouilles a Saqqarah. The sarcophagus was located in the floor. which may 835 Jequier. 3. 65. Court Cemetery To the west of the "Unfinished" Pyramid (300 m). p. 204 . n.835 Also. leaving the burial vulnerable.9. IV. in this case.1 m (Fig. one would have to assume that the granite portcullis had not been used.834 However. as with almost every monument of this period. and the sarcophagus chamber had a saddle roof of the same material. In actuality. to support its use. Fouilles a Saqqarah. Subsidiary Burials In the area near the eastern section of the southern side of the enclosure wall. and it appears that the sarcophagus had never been used." p. but there was no evidence that anyone had ever been buried there. 65. "Rapport 1929-1930.removal of the large stone. measuring 3. One of the sides of the quartzite lid of this second burial chamber had been chipped as if a chisel had been utilized to gain access to the tomb.C). the excavators found a single tomb shaft. 62. p. a burial in this chamber would explain the closing of the second portcullis stone within the pyramid. Jequier. 109.D. the lid remained in the room to the north.3 by 2.C. there is some evidence.

pp. the predecessor or successor of Woserkare Khendjer. a railroad trench revealed the walls of a brick mastaba which measures 10. it is necessary to look to one of the kings with a reign of this length in order to find a possible owner. 838 F. with a 3-5 year reign. Meanwhile.4 by 16. Fig. if these notes are contemporary with the construction of the tomb.836 Many of these tombs are now sandy pits measuring roughly 7-12 m in diameter with debris fields of up to 25 m.belong to the court officials of the owner of this pyramid or that of Khendjer slightly further north. p. Political Situation. a text recording the accounts for a royal sojourn to the Theban region. Ryholt proposes that this tomb belongs to one of Khendjer's successors. Schiestl. 840 Ryholt. p. p. Near one pit.840 He suggested that it could be Semenkhkare Imyremeshaw or Sehotepkare Intef.E. Ryholt. there was a large. 841 Jequier. Fouilles a Saqqarah. "The Necropolis of Dahshur Excavations Report Spring 2006". Political Situation. 244. Control Notes. 46-47. 80-81. quartzite sarcophagus. n. Figs. Khutawyre Wegaf is the predecessor of Woserkare Khendjer. 197. 205 . based upon his theory that. 68. the control notes found in this tomb date from years 3 to 5.8 m with a vertical shaft of more than 10 m in depth. 245. 63." p.25 years. Unfortunately. 837 Jequier.837 According to Ryholt's chronology. Political Situation. The Owner of the Pyramid Jequier believed that the second pyramid of South Sakkara belonged to either Khutawyre Wegaf or Semenkhkare Imyremeshaw. Table 136.838 but this king's reign is only 2. p. Jequier. belongs to one of them. pp. pp. "Neues zur Residenznekropole. et al. Ryholt. however..839 Thus. 49.841 836 Alexanian. 181-183. He also points to a mark. KH121-128. 63. IV. Fouilles a Saqqarah. Papyrus Bulaq 18. 47. 194. Arnold. Fouilles a Saqqarah. found on stone used in the complex that has hieroglyphs spelling "Woserkhau".

Political Situation. as of now. who have known Nebty names. which sits above it. 843 206 . . painted inscription is the Nebty name of a king. 17. Unfortunately. 18... See Ryholt. - A few officials are listed in the control notes including. no ruler can be matched with this potential Nebty name due to the fact that this part of the royal titulary remains unknown for the bulk of the Dynasty XIII rulers. though the mark at Sakkara could be the Nebty name of the unknown king. and.Ryholt believes that this crudely. Political Situation. there are 842 Ryholt. the mark is truly the Nebty name of the owner of the tomb. 80-81.. then Khutawyre Wegaf must be eliminated from the list of possible rulers.. Fig. the Nebty name pattern X-pcwis characteristic of the period.-nakht (ph. there may be other explanations. n. which is not preserved) while the nomen and prenomen are more prolific. who normally introduce this titular component. -nht). appears only once (as does the Horus name. 194. lm (im). 245.842 However. the retainers Nebai (nbii). in fact. all of these men held relatively minor positions. in this later object. p. pp. 844 Note that there are other kings. and Seneb-nakht (snb-nht) and hall keeper of the enclosure Seneb (snb) as well as those without titles such as Ameny {jinny) and Heri. Unfortunately. See Jequier. who built the monument. n. Jequier. If. though he justifies its use due to the presence of this part of the titulary on the pyramidion of Khendjer. Nekhbet and Wadjet.843 Thus. Nonetheless. p. however. the Nebty name is not used exclusively and. 844 . The presence of the Horus name is indicated by a small section of the lower right corner of a serekh and the top of the head and crown of the falcon. 81. Ryholt acknowledges that the use of this name to identify the stone as being for the "Unfinished" Pyramid project is strange. especially since it is not preceded by the two goddesses. such as an elaborate team mark or other designation. 245. 22. Fig. Fouilles a Saqqarah. Fouilles a Saqqarah. since his "Two Ladies" name is Khabaw CM/w).

then they were unfamiliar with the other Late Middle Kingdom tombs and were probably not a part of any sort of large-scale 1 846 Jequier.F.845 However. and a single king may have wished to have both styles in his tomb since it is possible that they are linked to different aspects of royal funerary religion at this time. could belong to the brother kings Neferhotep I and Sobekhotep IV. et al. and there are tombs of this date in the northern areas of the pyramid. Nevertheless. who triggered the sand lowering system.846 No clear signs exist as to who may have first entered the tomb. Fouilles a Saqqarah. it could suggest that they would have been able to construct significant funerary monuments. there was a more extensive New Kingdom cemetery with small tombs to the west of the site (S AK S 6). 207 . If Jequier's hypothesis is correct that it was tomb robbers. p." Jequier. the dual burial chambers are of two different types (see below).. visible through monuments. Alexanian. The two sarcophagus chambers. Both of these kings had relatively long reigns and with their prosperity. these burials are rare. as well as the pair of capstones. 68. The architectural features of the tomb itself may also provide clues as to its inscriptions that tie them to a specific king. "The Necropolis of Dahshur Excavations Report Spring 2006. unlike in the complex of Woserkare Khendjer. 65. Later Activity at the Pyramid By the New Kingdom. IV. especially since the latter emphasized his relationship to the former. However. Fouilles a Saqqarah. p. the second pyramid at South Sakkara probably no longer held religious importance. or who dug the tunnel around the second portcullis.

326. "Note. For an additional summary of the monument. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. pp." KMT 8 (1997)." p. some of which were later overturned. "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau. The Pyramid of Ameny Qemau (DAS 18) The funerary monument of Ameny Qemau. this set of uninformed robbers could have entered the tomb long after the original ones. pp. there were several early Arabic inscriptions. 890.5 km south of the pyramid complex of Amenemhet III at Dahshur. Chez les Derniers Adorateurs du Trismegiste. "The Strange Affair of Dr Muses. Maragioglio and Rinaldi. Fouilles a Saqqarah. a previously unknown king named Ameny Qemau (incorrectly read as Aamu851). 129. 849 208 . Section VI below. In the main burial chamber of the tomb. 27. Some of these antiquities were allegedly 848 See Chapter 5. S. while the other speaks of specific sects within the Islamic movement. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. n. was first excavated in 1957 by Muses of the Falcon Wing Press in Denver. who was shortly thereafter convicted of crimes such as antiquities theft and currency smuggling. Swelim and Dodson. J. 48-49. the identity of any visitors with unseemly motives is not of the utmost importance. 8. "Note.849 One of these texts refers to religious themes. 1971)." p. 325. 60-63. 312. La Necropole d'Hermopolis . 39. Or the Discovery of the Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau. 851 Dodson. but the identity of the owner. was revealed through the inscriptions on calcite canopic jars." pp. 185. Figs. though other intruders may have succeeded previously. "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau. Topographical Bibliography HI (2). 38. 1955-1957. see Lehner. 319-320." p. Leclant. since no one seems to have been buried within this monument. 203207. Quirke. Swelim and Dodson. V. 66-67. Pyramids. After the Pyramids. located 1." p.destruction of these monuments. p.850 No proper publication of this expedition appeared. Jequier. Porter and Moss. 319. 850 Dodson." p. "Fouilles et travaeux en Egypte. pp. Maragioglio and Rinaldi. p. Gabra. pp. 81-82. Nonetheless. "Royal Power.Touna el Gebel (Cairo." Orientalia 27 (1958). However.". "Strange Affair. showing that the people of that time were able to get through the blocked portcullis. p. n." p.

The trench measured 57. they produced a short article published approximately eleven years after the original excavation of the structure." pp. and the trenches are within the normal widths for Late Middle Kingdom pyramids. However.found in Muses' possession. "Note. A). The pyramid of Ameny Qemau was revisited by the Italian architects. IV. leveling. The Elements of the Superstructure The construction of the superstructure of the pyramid began with the clearing of the sand from the natural limestone below. Swelim and Dodson.10. Here. they began to cut three level trenches on the north. 27." p. twice in an attempt to record Muses' findings." pp.55-57. along with the measurement of the trenches led Maragioglio and Rinaldi to suggest that the pyramid was intended to measure 100 cubits with 52.3 m in length on the interior sides. 328. 320-321. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. 325-312. 353-356. 327-328. "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau. Figs.A. 321." p. making them from 5. 854 Maragioglio and Rinaldi. Maragioglio and Rinaldi.65 m on the exterior of the western side and ranged from 44. south. 853 Maragioglio and Rinaldi.854 The Italian architects have also suggested that a hypothetical sinusoidal wall may have been intended in the outer part of the trench within meters of the encasement stones. creating a square.4 m being its actual length. and west. See also Dodson. as he attempted to depart Egypt with them. Pis." pp.2 m to 45. while they leveled an area in the east.85 m to 6. this plan is unlikely. suggesting that the 852 Maragioglio and Rinaldi. "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau. The exterior line of each trench was reinforced with a hasty construction of bricks and limestone." p. 209 . 325-338. "Note. The natural slope of the land made the construction of an eastern trench unnecessary. Swelim and Dodson. uneven mass of limestone in the center (Fig.853 Once the tomb builders reached bedrock. 3.5 m in width. "Note.

855 856 Schiestl. Swelim and Dodson. J 4 U B. "Note. PI. Nonetheless. The pyramid of Ameny Qemau. "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau. the monument was constructed upon a natural limestone plateau." pp. were still preserved at the time of recording." p. and it is possible that the casing had never been laid. After Maragioglio. 52. However. 51. Interestingly. Maragioglio and Rinaldi suggest that the structure may have been finished as a short mastaba rather than a pyramid. 1968. " *• * rE=i': oep 3 "»i>V" Figure 3. Maragioglio and Rinaldi. even the funerary monument of Khendjer which has a pyramidion. possibly in order to make it seem taller than it actually was.monument was to be slightly larger or that a foundation pavement would have extended beyond its line. built upon the rock in the center. 210 .856 In fact. 328. "Neues zur Residenznekropole. 329. 323. Bricks from the superstructure. there was a great deal of evidence that suggested that the bulk of the superstructure remained incomplete after the burial of the king.10." p.855 oof t I 8 c.

"Note. the northern wall is not preserved from this point until a section 11." pp. "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau. 860 Maragioglio and Rinaldi.860 In this case. 319334. Figs.859 The outer side of the northern trench for the encasement of the pyramid turns toward the north. "Note. Swelim and Dodson. 328.10. they pointed to archaeological evidence for other features." p. "Note. 3.B).was in a similar state in modern times.6 m wide in the area in the center of the northern side for an extent of at least 8 m. V.B. 328.857 More significantly. Unfortunately. 211 . 859 Maragioglio and Rinaldi." p. indicating that these sites suffered much destruction and that they appeared in poor condition even in antiquity. making the trench 9. The Components of the Substructure Like the other Late Middle Kingdom royal tombs.10. extending out an additional 3 m. because such features are found at some of the monuments at South Sakkara and Mazghuna." p. Mudbrick walls and debris to the east of the structure have been interpreted as being the remains of a mortuary temple (Fig. north chapel within the relevant trench (Fig. a causeway and a subsidiary pyramid. Maragioglio and Rinaldi have proposed that the pyramid of Ameny Qemau may have been designed to have an enclosure wall.10.858 It is also possible that there is a foundation for a small. however.5 m to the east after the trench had returned to its smaller size. since the pit was hewn from limestone rather than 857 Maragioglio and Rinaldi.D). 3. that of Ameny Qemau was established using limestone blocks in an area cut out near the center of the superstructure (Fig.C). Note that the "causeways" at the other monuments are likely to have been short ramps or roads for the transport of building materials and goods from lower to higher areas within the complex. 13-14." Pis. "Note. 858 Maragioglio and Rinaldi. 57-58. 3. 338.

11. PI. 862 Maragioglio and Rinaldi. sealed after the interment of the king's body with stone blocks and bricks." pp. "Note. "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau. Swelim and Dodson. The interior of the pyramid of Ameny Qemau. The area between the natural bedrock and the placed limestone blocks was filled with debris.861 Ideally." p. the construction of the substructure must have proceeded at a relatively rapid rate. this ramp was never finished. However. 1968. it had been filled in. for some unknown reason. which led down toward its entrance on the eastern side (Fig. the tomb would have been entered through a ramp. 3.sand. 212 . Figure 3. one would continue to 861 Maragioglio and Rinaldi. Swelim andDodson. 51. 329-330.862 Instead. 323.A). After Maragioglio. "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau." pp. 323. Once inside the tomb via the declining entrance passage." p. one would enter the tomb through a small passageway. "Note.11 . 329-330.

Fig. 18-21. 3." pp. 867 Maragioglio and Rinaldi. 3. located at a higher level (Fig. 334. p. See Maragioglio and Rinaldi. but their general plan can be derived from knowledge of similar royal tombs from the period (Fig.1 m in length. this one appears to have been lowered from above through a shaft. 3. 333. Swelim and Dodson.the west through a short corridor (Fig.2 m. had vertical lines like those in the Dynasty XIII pyramids at South Sakkara. Figs. including the others in that of Ameny Qemau. "Note.864 Unlike the blocking stones found in Late Middle Kingdom tombs. 864 When Maragioglio and Rinaldi investigated this monument. in the original plan.C). 866 Maragioglio and Rinaldi.865 The following corridor and turning chamber were not well-preserved. 315-317.867 This room." p. which again was filled with a quartzite portcullis stone (1.D).11. a short passage (1. 213 . At this point. "Note. "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau. 3. 865 Maragioglio and Rinaldi.F-G).11 . H-I). it too was in poor condition (Fig." PL 60. "Note.6 by under 1 by 1.1 l. blocking a passageway located above the level of the floor (Fig.6 by 2.15 by 1. which was about 2.866 The passageway was short and continued westward before ending in a turning chamber of unknown dimensions. this first portcullis stone was displaced. PL 359. 3. Figs.11. there was a quartzite portcullis stone. 3. Another small corridor then led to the north before encountering the next turning chamber. 337. this portcullis likely was to have operated from the north to the south. Great Monuments. for some reason.3 by 1. an alternative system was used. 335-336. 438." p." pp. 322324.1 l. Verner.B).1? m) led to another room (1. From the first blocking stone. "Note.4 m)." p. which blocked the entrance to the next corridor.4 m. 863 Maragioglio and Rinaldi.11.E). "Note. Though Maragioglio and Rinaldi suggested that. it appears rather. This room likely housed a hidden staircase which may have negotiated a drop of roughly 1.

"Note. the entire tomb. After the Pyramids.6 m thick)." pp.9 by 1. The corridor ended in the antechamber. Swelim and Dodson. Maragioglio and Rinaldi. 30. p. 871 Dodson. fragments of a few objects were discovered." p. 325." p." p. 331. sealing it from all directions as the end fit into a notch. "Note. 72 Unfortunately. pp. 870 Dodson. which had a north-south axis (3.2 by at least 2. 40." p. Maragioglio and Rinaldi. six steps led downward to a passage which continued to the west (1.8 by 2.6 m).6 by 0." p. 332.L).From here. Once the deceased ruler had been interred.871 This sarcophagus type was similar to that in the second burial chamber of the "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara (4. "Tombs of the Kings. 62. this one included both a niche for the coffin and another at the southern end for the canopic equipment.1 l. and a quartzite portcullis was moved into place from the west (2. 325-328.1 l. Maragioglio and Rinaldi.K). "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. 3.18. 869 214 .M).2 m). 872 Dodson.50 by 2. "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau. 27.870 The lid slipped up under the side walls while the portcullis slid over it. sealing the burial chamber off from the antechamber.873 As far as is known to date. 873 Dodson. had been robbed in antiquity. Fig.25 by 2." pp. The lid of the sarcophagus was at the same level as the floor of the antechamber (Fig. The Canopic Equipment. 27. "Strange Affair. the lid was dragged into place over the sarcophagus in the burial chamber to the south (0. 8-9. 3. 874 Swelim and Dodson.74 by 0. leaving only the canopic material behind." p. including the burial chamber.75 m). Like most of the other sarcophagus bases of the period.874 It is possible that some of these artifacts were lost in the process of the legal proceedings against Muses. 868 It is likely that these staircases were hidden beneath floor blocks.1 l.75 m.869 This area was the location of the lid of the sarcophagus prior to the burial of the king (Fig. "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau.868 This corridor was roofed by a quartzite block with a thickness of 0. 332. "Note. 3." p. 323. and only a small portion of those can be found in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo today.

Swelim and Dodson. 7 Like in the funerary texts found on objects of Neferuptah in the pyramid of Amenemhet III at Hawara. "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. 40. see Swelim and Dodson. 326. the owner of the Late Middle Kingdom royal funerary monument at Dahshur is known. with the word spelled out at the beginning. and they included the nomen of the king.t/t. filled with blue-green paint. 62-63.875 He also discovered portions of the four canopic jars. pp. Swelim and Dodson. p. p. 27. 80-81. the morphology of the canopic jars in the tomb of Ameny Qemau shows that the style was unchanged from late Dynasty XII. Note that the royal inscriptions are only represented by a handful of examples. with the structure of the word stp-sl. the texts reflect the same continuity. "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau. conflicting reports as to whether or not the lids were recovered. Ameny Qemau. L. "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau." pp." pp. "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau. found during the time of Awibre Hor. as well as the use of imt/t instead of the later hr. The Owner of the Pyramid: Ameny Qemau Fortunately. 876 215 .In his excavations. Habachi.C. 324-325. 9. 878 Swelim and Dodson. Swelim and Dodson." p. the calcite vessels. in which the nomen is found on canopic equipment without the prenomen. The Canopic Equipment. After the Pyramids. "Strange Affair. I n *> ." pp. Likewise. However." p.. or parts thereof. "Review of Untersuchengen zur politischen geschichte der Zweiten Zwischenzeit in Agypten. "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau. there are no other monuments or objects containing his name. 62. 329. 77 Dodson. 30. For other examples." p." pp. 325-326.876 Nonetheless." Cd'E 85 (1968). Muses found a fragment of what may have been an offering table. the hieroglyphs in the sarcophagus chamber of Ameny Qemau were of the mutilated style of the period. and he 875 Dodson. "Tombs of the Kings. were inscribed with standard texts (in four columns). and any conclusions based on them must be treated with great caution. as well as the texts in her own monument. 326-327." p.though there were . "Strange Affair. due to the discovery of canopic jars carrying the name of Ameny Qemau. According to Dodson." p. V.

325-326. son of Intef. such as evidence for the existence of periphery buildings attached to the pyramid. Ryholt has suggested that the royal name (Sankhibre) Ameny Intef Amenemhet may refer to Ameny Qemau as the grandfather of this ruler (Amenemhet. he places Ameny in a position prior to both Intef and Sankhibre Amenemhet.879 Nonetheless. the architectural sequence of the Late Middle Kingdom tombs is unclear. of which there are several options within the Turin King-List. the relative placement of this king within Dynasty XIII cannot be established with certainty. and due to the state of completion. Ameny could also have been a nickname for Amenemhet. which might be useful in the study of the kings of this period. Given the size of the monument. the interpretation of this type of double (or triple in this case) name is not certain. Maragioglio and Rinaldi. it is likely that this king had at least a normal regnal length for the first part of Dynasty XIII. this location certainly is a prime candidate for future research. since the Italian architects visited the site. as will be shown later. further examination of the site might reveal more about the final plan of the structure. Thus. "Note. Maragioglio and Rinaldi suggested that the pyramid of Ameny Qemau was constructed after those at Mazghuna. Nonetheless. which exists from the excavations of his funerary structure." pp. Screening of the spoil from the excavations would likely unearth ceramic material and other remains. However. son of Ameny). Thus. Very little information concerning Ameny Qemau remains in the poor record. they surmised that Ameny had had a relatively short reign. Though the architectural remains likely suffered greatly due to the elements. not listed as such in the Turin King-List. 216 .

"From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. For recent summaries of this material.881 Thus. 67). 27. 331." pp. One must also remember that the ruins of the substructure of the pyramid remained uncovered and unprotected from the time Muses excavated them until (and after) the Italian architects returned to the site. Thus. p. et al. statuary. Mackay excavated two large monuments. 37..4 kms south of Dahshur.) found during the excavations of the pyramid of Ameny Qemau. Labyrinth. 882 Dodson. and etc. Porter and Moss. de Morgan had explored this monument previously. unfortunately." in K. but. VI. the first of which is 1. Fourths a Saqqarah.880 No mention of any New Kingdom or later activity exists at the site. "Mazghuna. ed. see C. 76. "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau. there is not a lot of information concerning the cultural material (such as pottery. Maragioglio and Rinaldi. "Note." p. Topographical Bibliography IV. without any ceramic or other evidence. small object. Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt (New York. Holzl. Petrie.882 According to a resident of a nearby village. there is no record of his work Swelim and Dodson. p. p. p. modern damage is also a consideration. pp. Lehner." p. 184-185.A. It is known that the monument was in the midst of Old Kingdom mastabas. it is currently impossible to determine the date(s).. 338. Pyramids. in which this tomb was looted and destroyed. Later Activity at the Pyramid Unfortunately. in a place he called Mazghuna after the name of the train station adjacent to the site. Bard. 881 217 .V. yet Maragioglio and Rinaldi suggest that the monument was used as a source of limestone sometime from the New Kingdom to the Arab Period. 1999).D. 320. Note that Jequier wrote that the name of this area was actually Gisr Dahshur (Jequier. 475. The Pyramid at North Mazghuna In 1910-1911.

49).885 Also.43 m and began about 3. 885 Petrie.63 m east and 3. 50. describing the construction of the former as the latter (Spencer. 55. or the plans for above-ground building were never implemented due to some unknown circumstance such as the sudden death of the king. 886 Petrie. Labyrinth. Though there was no pyramid. et al. either the entire pyramidal feature had been removed through quarrying or intentional destruction. Mackay did find evidence of two architectural features in the area. though he was-convinced that there was a limestone pyramid due to the presence of fragments of this material on the flat surface.A. Labyrinth.. 55. The Elements of the Superstructure In his monograph concerning the site. each with debris filling the space between. 28. 887 Petrie. running north/south. the former was wider 883 Petrie.39 m long.883 VI.there.. et al. Thus. et al. 884 218 .95 m wide and 15. 49. Labyrinth. 55. measuring 43. p..74 by 116." p. Labyrinth. PI. p. Brick Architecture. Spencer seems to have confused the causeway/ramp with the outer wall. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. due to the presence of a Coptic Christian cemetery.887 The northern and southern extents of this feature were composed of two walls. PI. The wall was constructed of alternating headers and stretchers up to twelve courses in height and was 0. Dodson. et al..45 m north of the entrance to the tomb. pp. 49. the causeway or supply ramp. p. p. He records a mudbrick wall. Mackay was not able to excavate a large portion of the area above the tomb. was a large structure. 50-51. to the northeast of the tomb and states that it may have been used to flatten the area by serving to retain sand and debris. The second component of the complex. Mackay reported that there was no indication of a formal superstructure at North Mazghuna.

53 by 0. Pyramids.12.61 by 0.C).56 m long (Fig. when the door was opened.68 m between these two structures was filled with debris.22 m on either side.B). it fit into a niche in the northern wall. The height of the passage ranged between 1. Fakhry. ramped stairwell leading from the north.38 by 0. p.09 m with a ramp of 0. as well as the ramps without steps.06 m. 51. measuring 0.. The level dropped 0. preventing it from narrowing the corridor. the staircase turned to the west with flat stones on either side measuring roughly 2.93 m.12.90 and 1. et al. This door worked much in the same way as that at Hawara with a niche on the southern side for the closing of the door. making a solid surface. At the end of this passage..78 m leading to thirty-one steps. 232.96 m wide by 4. Petrie. VLB. Labyrinth. Pyramids.81 m each. The steps were cut into the stone and were 0. 3. 51. 219 . Meanwhile. seems strange when 889 Fakhry. 232. The 11. p. p.and had smaller walls running east-west for support. The presence of the door. The Components of the Substructure The entrance to the tomb was on the eastern side of the structure.14 m and then a ramp proceeded for another 1. Petrie. 3.53 m wide by 0.12. At the base of the steps. with a poorlypreserved.22 m. there was clear evidence that a wooden door was to have been placed in this area due to the presence of sockets and a bolt notch (Fig. 3. All of the roofing blocks in this one were found in situ (Fig. p.43 m deep by 0.09 m high with a ramp on either side of 0. et al.888 There were ten steps descending a passage. Labyrinth. measuring 0. A).889 The descent through the space between the two stone blocks began as a ramp extending 3.

Meanwhile. which was 1. 3. where a quartzite portcullis stone.12. From this point.compared to the monuments discussed before and after this section. Labyrinth. 220 .12. The ramps may have provided safety for the mummy after the tomb was to be sealed. 48(C).890 The portcullis rested in a chamber.. A door in this position must have either served in the construction process to keep out intruders. 47 At the base of the staircases. PI. 51. The substructure of North Mazghuna. Figure 3.D). 47. or it may represent some sort of religious symbolism related to the king's afterlife.8 m. After Petrie 1912. et al.97 by 1. Pis. creating the ceiling of the chamber and blocking the entrance to the next section of the tomb. p. the stone would have been positioned down a ramp.79 m. the workers must have used some sort of rope ladder across the slippery stone in order to carry out their work below.01 by 1. which was 1.64 m above the surface of the 1 Petrie.63 m above the floor on the northern side.5 by 2. The portcullis was to block a passage. there was a room with the dimensions of 1. would have been positioned to block the remainder of the tomb (Fig.61 by 3. measuring approximately 4.

893 This passage was 1. Labyrinth. measuring 1. there was an entrance to a corridor.96 m wide and 1. Petrie.12.E). At the southwestern corner of this room.96 by 1..12. Labyrinth. 3.11 m high ending in a portcullis room (Fig. p.47 m high while the height of the southern end was 1. and 2.69 by 1. 47(F).37 to 2. et al. being 0. 47.F). In the southwest of this room.75 m high. At the end of the passageway.59 m in height as the floor sloped downward 0.floor of the previous chamber (1.93 by 2.76 m (north to south) by 1. 3. PI.59 m long and 0.12. This short passage ended in another chamber. et al. et al.47 m to the south.97 m wide and 2. PI. 893 Petrie. 52. The mechanism used for sealing this chamber was the same as that of the first portcullis discussed above as the stone would have slid down the ramp to block the next section. 892 p. Mackay notedthat the floor appeared to have been damaged when robbers dug into it.G-H). 52. 47(G). 3.12.38 m in height (1. The area for the portcullis stone. 52. Labyrinth.892 The quartzite blocking stone itself is 2.41 m from east to west. 221 .38 to 2. PI.43 m above the previous floor level (Fig.1). searching for the entrance to a non-existent secret passage. This corridor led from east to west. The ceiling was made of a single quartzite slab.58 m long. The corridor was set at an incline with the north being 1. there was another room with an east-west axis. was 1.95 m north to south. et al. 0. 894 Petrie. there was a set of two steps built into the floor. 891 Petrie. p. measuring 2.51 by 2.52 m by 3.36 m. which was never used. 2. the corridor running south from the portcullis was 1.12.894 measuring 4.4 to 1.19 m. 47(H).. Labyrinth. Once again. leading west followed by a ramped staircase descending to the north. PI..79 m and sits in a recess to the east of its intended position. p.98 m wide. extending 1.13 m (Fig.J). 52.

This passage had a roof composed of eight blocks of limestone.16 m from north to south and 2. 47(J). and the floor was 6.).. PL 47(K)..67 m east to west (1.06 m being 0.897 In reality. et al.69 by 2. The corridor ended in a large chamber measuring 9. 897 Petrie. 3.3 by 2.895 From the base of the steps.8 cms above the level of the floor of the room. PL 47 (M). this room was conceived as two separate areas.12.12. PL 47.12. there was a passageway leading west for 2. 0..898 Once die b o dy wa s placed into die tomb. Labyrinth. Here. PI.85 m wide with steps of 0. the width being 0. Petrie. In the antechamber. there was a room measuring 3.41 m in width.M. p.38 m (Fig.N-P).There was a ledge on the western wall.99 m with a height of 1.33 m. 898 Petrie. 53.97 m wide and 1.6 m and was 0. p.77 m thick.59 m high and was covered with a quartzite block (1. At the end of the corridor.K). having flat ends and the arched center common at this time. Labyrinth. the lid would have been positioned over 895 Petrie. 896 p. 53. It was a finely smoothed quartzite block measuring 4.896 In the northwest of this chamber. the floor was set to decline toward the sarcophagus.16 m in height. the lid was found in its pre-burial position.3 cms below that of the area prior to the last portcullis.12. et al. a hallway extends in the same direction for an additional 8.L). Labyrinth. There was fine sand in the antechamber.. 54. the antechamber and the burial camber divided from one another by a quartzite portcullis.23 m by 2. and Mackay believed that it had been placed there deliberately or had fallen into the area during the building process and had not been removed.69 m (Fig. 52. Labyrinth. 3. et al. The ramped staircase descended at an angle of 24° and was 0. measuring 29 cms deep and was at a height of approximately 3. et al. 222 . p.41 m in depth and 0.

50m below (Fig. p. et al. 48.12. 53. Pis.75 by 2. pp. fully sealing the remainder of the tomb.Q). A quartzite portcullis stone.62 by 0.63 by 1. Petrie. The sarcophagus also had small holes meant for the reception of tabs on the lid. 27...66 to 0.96 m wide and 1. 54. 28. Mackay does not propose a use for this room behind the burial chamber.21 (as estimated by the excavator) by 2. 0. 28. O).49 m and was 2. 27.7 m wide. 53. 223 . Labyrinth.66 m high.12. it contained funerary equipment. Perhaps.61 m would have been maneuvered down a quartzite ramp from the west with the aid of a lever in a slot cut for this purpose.17 to 1.77 m. The former measured 2. 0. there was a corridor 1.901 This chamber was on an east-west axis and measured 4.16 m in height.900 The sarcophagus was carved from a single slab of quartzite and measured 4.18m deep while the latter was roughly square with the sides measuring 0. p. PI. 54. and 0.70 by 1. The entrance between the passage and the room was to have been closed with a thin stone block. measuring 3.the sarcophagus.68 m and had a depth of 0. the niche for the body was to the north of that for the canopic box.76 to 0. To the north of the burial chamber. et al. Labyrinth. The burial chamber itself has a saddle roof made of limestone (Fig.17 m long. 3. et al.83 m.899 This large block fit into niches in both the roof and the eastern wall.94 to 0..39 m long. PL 47 (N. Petrie. such as weapons and disassembled furniture (See the tomb of Awibre Hor below). One should note that the width and height of the corridor would have limited the size of the material.P). leading to a room with a floor surface at a level 1. Petrie. which could have been placed in this area. the southern end lying beneath the wall.38 to 2. 3. Labyrinth.

or the political situation was such that a group of people 902 Petrie. et al. but he thought that the second portcullis had once blocked the passage since the wall was not completely preserved between this area and the hallway to the west. et al. 905 F. 906 Petrie.906 He surmised that robbers had made a hole because the passage was blocked. et al. either the owner decided to be buried elsewhere. PL 47. 904 Petrie.Like the antechamber. 903 224 . Labyrinth..903 The quartzite blocks had all been painted red. Fakhry. p. p. and the workmanship is comparable to those of the other sites. and the portcullis stones had not been moved into their final positions. 55. However.905 Mackay found no signs of offering goods or human remains. The tomb itself seemed to have no structural flaws. p. Pyramids.. et al. p. Thus. In the area of the entrance of the tomb. there were some marks in the tomb at North Mazghuna. 49. p. 52. 175. p. It is possible that these marks were used to help dress these stones similarly to those on limestone surfaces in the "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara. it is difficult to understand why the portcullis would have later been moved back into its initial open position once the "robbers" had invaded the tomb. PL 49. Labyrinth. middle. 58. Control Notes.. PI.. Labyrinth.. Petrie. These lines even appear in places where they would not have been visible once the tomb was sealed. p. et al. 54. Labyrinth. Petrie. 232. and some had carefully drawa black horizontal lines (about 19 cms apart) with less well-rendered vertical ones (approximately 10 cms apart) between them. Labyrinth. Interestingly. there was clean sand fill within this room.904 There was also a team mark on the back of a limestone block in the western wall of the first portcullis chamber as well as two others in from unspecified locations. there were two quarry marks written with black charcoal. Arnold. 54.

C. 3 (Oxford. Gillam. 236. "Zwei Pyramiden der 13.. Labyrinth. p. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga.908 However. "Reign of Sebekneferu. Dodson. Encyclopedia.N. VI. Edwards.909 Dodson suggests that this pyramid belonged to either Hotepibre Saharnedjeritef or Khaankhre Sobekhotep II based upon his chronological analysis of the sarcophagi and geographical placement of the tombs. p." pp. this conclusion is only one of the possibilities as to who built the tomb. 141. picking the former over the latter due to the fact that the pyramid at North Mazghuna resembled that of Amenemhet III at Hawara. p. this condition may have been due to the fact that the tomb had probably never been occupied. Pyramids." p.B. 31. 229). "Climate. 28. the destruction found at the other monuments was not necessary here as will be seen below. Arnold. Like that in the "Unfinished" Pyramid. Redford. Thus.907 As a result. The Canopic Equipment. n. 23-27. 908 225 . p.910 He chooses these two kings due to their position between Ameny Qemau and Khendjer with the South Mazghuna pyramid (see below) falling between this monument. He claims that this monument is later than that of North Mazghuna due to the complexity of the corridors. Griraal. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. p. p. 301. 38.. 37. Great Monuments.or the successor to the throne did not allow him or her to be interred in the finished tomb. 61." p. et al." in D. und Sobeknofru. R. 260. ed. W. The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt. 09 Di. History." p. Dynastie bei Mazghuna und die ungeklarte Frage des Besttattungsortes von Amenemhet IV. The Owner of the Pyramid at North Mazghuna Mackay believed that the tomb belonged to Amenemhet IV or Nefrusobek. 29. since the integrity of the ceiling had been maintained. 171. Grajetzki. p. there was no indicative crater above." Sokar 5 (2002). pp. 907 Dodson. "Sobekneferu. 433). Callender. and the reign of Khendjer. Verner also seems to believe that this tomb belonged to Nefrusobek though he acknowledges that most scholars currently date the monument to Dynasty Xlll (Verner. Others have also repeated the possible late Dynasty XII dating of this monument (Bell. Petrie. 910 Dodson. 2001).

67 m and 55. Labyrinth. p. were mudbrick walls. Topographical Bibliography IV. 41. see HQlzl. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. "Mazghuna. the exterior of the northern and western sides. Pyramids. desert floor.A). Over these and around the edges of the trenches. p. Thus.." p.13. Labyrinth. pp. measuring around 55. The Elements of the Superstructure Excavations revealed the method of constructing the tomb. Four trenches. Petrie. located 40 m from the previously discussed monument at this site. a process familiar after the discussion of the pyramids above.. Petrie. Lehner. surrounded a nearly square area." pp. p.. et al. 232-233. 474-475. Large. For other summaries of the pyramid's elements. It appears that only the depression was fully investigated while the remains of the periphery structures were excavated on a more selective basis.40 m respectively.913 However. aligned with the cardinal directions. Porter and Moss. VILA. sandy. Pyramids. 226 . in this case these trenches were built into the hard. there is still potential for future exploration here. et al. 10.VII. pp. These walls gradually leaned into the sides as they rose. roughly cut limestone blocks in the bottom of the trench existed in at least two corners. 41. an effect 911 Fakhry. Labyrinth. though there is a considerable amount of information published on the work and details of this site. 76. After the Pyramids. p. 41-50. making this monument roughly 100 cubits like that of Ameny Qemau (Fig. The Pyramid at South Mazghuna Mackay chose to investigate the South Mazghuna pyramid. one brick in thickness. 913 Dodson. et al. coated with whitewashed mud plaster in order to preserve the integrity of the sand after soil had been removed. Petrie. 184. 28. rather than into limestone. because there was an area with limestone chippings around a large crater filled with windblown sand. p. 3.

41. 47.916 Such a structure is probable due to the parallels of the Late Middle Kingdom royal monuments. 76.71 m across and 1. p. 72.72.52 m high.5 cms (Spencer. Petrie. which measured 46. See N. 38). Pis.63? m. et al. Outside of the trenches. 918 Spencer states that the bricks were 30.61. and the other.achieved by carefully placing the edge of each brick slightly back from that of the one below..918 and were usually laid as stretchers in the wall. Brick Architecture. 227 . et al. The Brick Pyramid at Abu Rawash Number "I" by Lepsius: A Preliminary Study (Alexandria. there was a surface. extending 3. Mackay found bricks one or two courses high.00 cubits out around the entire extent.B).05 m wide and still stood up to 1. Brick Architecture.5 by 9. Labyrinth. 1986). 76. 41.5 cms (Spencer. p. 41.5 by 23. Swelim.. p. 917 Petrie. E. one measured 3 by 16 by 9 cms. 77.4. Labyrinth.61 to 77. there were some bricks. and the wall had a thin coat of Petrie. measuring 76. Both were made from alluvium soil mixed with sand. 1.5 by 15.5 by 12. 38). Other scholars have also repeated this conclusion based on Mackay's publication. He believes that the monument at South Mazghuna was a mudbrick pyramid with limestone casing. 39.5 by 17 by 10. Labyrinth. 32 by 17 by 11 cms.. In the area in the center.917 Mackay excavated this feature by following the structure along its outer face. S.915 still in place in the superstructure. usually on their sides in the sand. and W.72 m on each side (N. while the other two only extended part of the way toward the northwestern corner. p. pp. 76.5 cms and 32.04 m deep. 44. et al. Spencer calculated the dimensions of bricks at 46. The curves averaged 3. The southern and eastern walls were intact. There were two different sizes of bricks. The monument of South Mazghuna had a complete enclosure of the sinusoidal type. This wavy wall was 1.48 by 23.37 by 12. p. Fig. where the tomb pit lies.13.95 cms.

whitewashed plaster. The southern section of the enclosure had been set into a trench in
order to place it at an even level with the rest of the structure as the surface was at a
higher level in this location.
In the southern wall, near the eastern corner (18.8 m), Mackay discovered a
blocked entrance into the enclosure wall, measuring 3.71m (Fig. 3.13.C).919 The
entrance led into a room measuring, 7.52 by 6.86 m, the north/south section being the
longest. Another entrance, measuring 3.96 m, was located on the same line as the first in
the northern wall. A second chamber to the east shared a wall with the entrance room.
The means of access to this room is unknown since its southern end was disturbed on
both the eastern and western walls. Nonetheless, this room was 7.52 by 2.64 m. All of
these white, plastered walls were made with bricks measuring, 29 by 15 by 9 cms and 31
by 16 by 11 cms, a size essentially identical to those in the sinusoidal wall. On the
ground in this area, there was a large concentration of limestone chips, some of which
contained control notes from the construction of the tomb.920 These dockets, originally
translated by Gardiner and later modified by F. Arnold, record the delivery of unnamed
items by the "expeditionary forces of the southern province" (three examples), dating
from years 2 to 3 of an unnamed king, and a "Seneb" (one piece). Mackay believed that
this entrance had been blocked either after the burial or during the destruction of the
In the eastern side of the sinusoidal enclosure wall, there was a second building,


Fakhry, Pyramids, p. 233; Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p. 47; Verner, Great Monuments, pp. 432-433.
F. Arnold, Control Notes, pp. 174-175; Helck, Historische-Biographische, pp. 9-10, no. 14; Petrie, et al,
Labyrinth, pp. 47-48.


which is almost centered, being 0.46 m closer to the northeastern corner (Fig. 3.13.D).
Mackay assumed that this structure was a funerary chapel. It had an entrance, on the
eastern side, which led to the largest room. This chamber measured 8.45 by 6.22 m and
had a surface, composed of plaster over a layer of bricks, which was 0.96 m below the
base of the wavy wall.



Figure. 3.13. The Pyramid at South Mazghuna. After Petrie 1912, PI. 39.

At the back there was another entrance, measuring 0.88 m, offset to the south

Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, pp. 48, Pis. 39, 41, 45.


from the main doorway and extending back in the direction of the tomb.

This small

area was 1.66 by 4 m with a vaulted roof made of larger bricks with straw inclusions and
may have held a statue of the deceased ruler.
In his report of his findings at South Sakkara, Jequier notes a statuette fragment,
broken at the waist and missing its head and arms, now in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo
(no. 54493). It reportedly originated from the pyramids at Mazghuna.923 It is likely, but
not certain, that this object came from the back chamber of the chapel of this tomb since
the northern monument appears to have remained empty. Nonetheless, the statue
paralleled that of Khendjer, since it was made of black granite and was of similar size and
The southern wall of the main room also had an entrance, which led to two
smaller rooms, the latter having a vaulted roof.925 Originally, these two rooms had been a
single chamber measuring, 2.18 by 6.22 m. The doorway had been filled with bricks,
sealing the rooms.
Finally, in the northern part of the building, there was a doorway (1.05 m wide) in
the northern wall of the structure leading to two small rooms.

These chambers were

similar to the ones in the south, measuring 2.83 by 2.11 m and 2.67 by 2.11 m. While the
floor of the first chamber was at the same level as the main room to the south and all of
the adjoining ones, the surface in the northwestern area was 0.15 m lower than the others.
The brick sizes were 31 by 16 by 11 cms, 30 by 15 by 10 cms, 34 by 15 by 11 cms, and

Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p. 48, PL 39, 41.
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, p. 67.
Jequier, Fouilles a Saqqarah, pp. 18-19, 67, PI. 15b-c.
Petrie, et al, Labyrinth, p. 48, Pis. 39,41.
Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, pp. 48-49, Pis. 39, 41.



38 by 20 by 9 cms and were made of alluvium soil mixed with sand.

Mackay found no

evidence of bonding between the walls of this structure and those of the enclosure, and,
therefore, believed that the former was built before the latter.
It is likely that the mudbrick structure is actually an economical version of a
funerary temple or chapel, especially since the rooms are roughly in line with the burial
chamber to the west.928 Though there is no evidence to prove the hypothesis, it is
possible that the small isolated room in the north of the structure may have served the
same purpose as the northern chapel did at the pyramid of Khendjer. However, in the
latter monument, it appears that the northern chapel was inaccessible from the exterior of
the complex.

VII.B. The Components of the Substructure
Mackay, like other excavators of the Late Middle Kingdom tombs, had a difficult
time with sand pouring into the pit as he proceeded 2.74 m to the roof and beyond. In
these difficult surroundings, the ancient Egyptians developed procedures in order to
facilitate their work in these difficult surroundings.929 The original pit itself was dug by
removing the loose sand and penetrating about 1.4 m of compacted soil through a layer
with a high concentration of tiny stones and into another of clay. The removed looser
sand was placed just outside the pit area while the lower levels were cast just beyond
where the sinusoidal wall was constructed. In the plates from the excavations at
Mazghuna, there is another feature, which must have been used to help control the sand

Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p. 48.
Fakhry, Pyramids, p. 233.
Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p. 42.



walls of the pit.

Here, like in other monuments, brick lines the trench and the

The entrance to the tomb was centered in the southern part of the pyramid, near
the trenches (Fig. 3.13.E). From here, a ramped staircase led northward and downward
(22° 30') approximately 4.88 m, at which point the passage continued for 0.84 m at the
same level (1.13.F).931 The stairs measured 37 cms across with smooth surfaces of 28
cms and 25 cms on the eastern and western sides, respectively. The steps were narrow in
depth, measuring 11 cms each, and the final step dropped down 13 cms. The entire
staircase was sculpted into stone after it was placed in the entrance corridor.
At the base of the entrance corridor, there was a chamber with the dimensions 1.4
m (N/S) by 1.14 m (E/W), where a granite portcullis stood (Fig. 3.13.G).932 Though the
stone blocked the passage, it was still about 0.36 m short of where it was designed to rest.
The large portcullis, measuring 2.63 by 1.49 by 1.45, sat on limestone with an uneven
line cut down the middle to reduce friction, and a strip of granite (on the northern side).
These elements were cut at an angle of 4° 15', declining from east to west, allowing for
the movement of the portcullis into place with the use of levers. Like in the other tombs
discussed previously, this stone provided the ceiling to this room.
On the opposite side of the portcullis, the entrance to a corridor was entered at a
greater height.933 From here, a second ramped staircase continued downward (18°) to the
north, extending 2.79 m (Fig. 3.13.H). There were eight steps, each measuring 0.11 m in
depth and 0.39 m in width while, on either side, the ramp w a s 0.27 m wide. At the end of

Petrie, et al., Labyrinth,
Petrie, et al., Labyrinth,
Petrie, et al., Labyrinth,
Petrie, et al., Labyrinth,

Pis. 42, 43.
p. 42.
pp. 42-43, PI. 39.
pp. 42-43, PI. 39.


the staircase, there was a 0.13 m ledge, followed by a 0.84 m- long corridor.
The hallway ended at a room, measuring 1.4 m east-west and 1.14 m north-south,
that held a granite portcullis much like the previous one, with the dimensions of 2.65 m
by 1.59 m by 1.45 m (Fig. 3.13.I-J).934 Though the passage remained open, it was clear to
the excavators that the principles used for the lowering of the stone were identical to the
previous one. However, this particular example would have descended from the west,
rather than the east, at an angle of 6° 15'.
Once again, a corridor, located at a higher level ran northward, but it was in such
poor condition that Mackay was unable to acquire its measurements.935 This passage led
to a rectangular room that was equally destroyed (Fig. 3.13.K). However, at the eastern
end, the floor level dropped 1.04 m downward via one cut-in step measuring, 0.42 by
0.35 by 0.1 m, presumably with a 0.49 m drop leading to it, and a large stone, measuring
1.08 by 0.2 by 0.5 m, placed inside of the next corridor (Fig. 3.13.L). Around the steps
on the eastern and southern walls, there was a ledge (0.15 to 0.16 m on the south and 0.22
to 0.23 m on the east) along the line of the hallway, the walls being cut back slightly, at
the height of the floor of the rectangular room.
The corridor was 10.29 m in length, 1.07 tol.08 m in width at the base, and 1.07
to 1.09 m at the top, running from the south to the north (Fig. 3.13.M).936 In this area, six
preserved roofing stones, all of which were set at a lower level than that of the area with
the ledge, covered most of the hallway. Interestingly, the height of the middle section
(four blocks) of the ceiling of the corridor was 0.10 to 0.22 m higher (1.63 m) than the

Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p. 43, PI. 39.
Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p. 43, PL 39, 40.
Petrie, et al, Labyrinth, p. 43, PL 39,40.



other areas (1.41 to 1.53 m) for a length of 4.13 m. The eastern and western walls were
constructed on top of the floors using three courses of stone blocks,937 ranging in size
from 1.59 to 1.98 m in length and from 0.48 to 0.64 m in width.
At the end of the corridor, there was another area with a ledge on the eastern side,
measuring 1.75 m in height and 0.25 m in width (Fig. 3.13.N).938 A small staircase, made
up of three steps, ascended approximately 0.89 m from the northern end of the hallway
toward the west. The depths of the steps were 0.19, 0.23, and 0.25 m from bottom to top
with the second being cut into two sections of stone, and stabilized with a wooden
dovetail cramp.
At the top of the stairs, there was an antechamber with the dimensions, 9.00 to
9.04 m east/west, 2.11 to 2.15 m north/south, and 1.62 to 1.66 m in height (Fig.
3.13.0).939 Six of the original nine roofing blocks were still in place, measuring 4.47 m
in length and 0.49 to 1.21 m in width. Mackay noted that this room seemed to have been
filled with small limestone blocks as many of the same size were found within the walls.
On the eastern side of the southern wall of the antechamber, there was a charcoal
sketch of what Mackay believed to be a king on a funerary bier.

He dates the drawing

to some time later than the burial, possibly at the time when the tomb was destroyed due
to his assessment that some plaster had fallen from the wall before the charcoal had been
applied as it was on both this substance and the bare stone. However, the photo in the
publication seems to indicate that this "plaster" may have been gypsum mortar used to

Mackay records the courses as 0.53, 0.64, and 0.48 m thick on the eastern wall from bottom to top and
0.53, 0.56, 0.57 m thick on the west side (Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p. 44).
Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, pp. 43-44, PI. 39,40,44.
Petrie, et al, Labyrinth, pp. 44-45, PI. 40 (N).
Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p. 44, PI. XLIV.


slide the large stones into place. At Abydos, such blotches of this substance exist even on
the smoothed interior surface of the limestone in a similar tomb.941 Until further research
is undertaken at South Mazghuna, it is probably best to keep the dating of this drawing
Mackay did not understand the architectural purposes of the elements of this part
of the tomb,942 but it is clear that the sarcophagus of the South Mazghuna monument had
the same sand lowering system as tombs of Amenemhet III at Hawara and the pyramids
at South Sakkara (Fig. 3.13.Q).943 As one would expect, there are two small corridors
leading to the eastern and western sides of the sarcophagus to allow a person to trigger
the flow of sand from beneath the supports of the mobile lid component. The first of
these portals is located in the middle of the long hallway, which leads north from a
destroyed room to the antechamber (Fig. 3.13 M).944 Next to the western wall of the
large corridor 4 m from the northern extent of the tomb, is a square hole 0.5 m east/west
and 0.73 m north/south. It had been designed to be covered by a thin limestone cap,
sitting on narrow supports, while blending it into the rest of the floor. The small corridor,
which runs from east to west, is 3.44 m long, 0.7 to 0.74 m wide, and 0.91-0.92 m high.
The entrance to the second portal, which is located in the southwestern corner of
the antechamber, was 0.86 m north/south, 0.85 m east/west, and 0.91 m deep (Fig.
3.13.P).945 The first section proceeds from north to south, measuring 3.65 m long, 0.8 to
0.86 m wide, and 1.08 to 1.1 m deep. This passage ends with the entrance to a second

These observations are from my excavations of S9 at South Abydos in 2003.
Edwards, Pyramids, p. 236; Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, pp. 44-47, 49-50, Pis. 40, 41, 44.
Dodson, "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," pp. 28-29.
Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p. 44, PL 40 (O), 44.
Petrie, et al, Labyrinth, p. 45, PI. 40 (Q and R).


corridor in its floor. The dimensions of the passage, which travels eastward toward the
burial chamber, are 3.15946 by 0.77 m with a depth of 0.95 m.
Within the second passage, Mackay discovered several objects, including a single
alabaster, vessel resembling a duck.9 7 This vessel, which was 0.46 m tall with a rim of
0.11 m and a maximum diameter of 0.24 m, had been sliced in half and reassembled in
ancient times. In this same location, Mackay found two limestone lamps.
In order to reach the sarcophagus, one has to enter a hidden passage located near
the center of the antechamber, along the northern wall (Fig. 3.13.0).9


Two steps, one

each on the east and west of the entrance descend to a third, which sits upon the floor of
the corridor. From here a passage leads to the south and measures 2.09 m in length, 1.06
m in width, and 0.85 m in height.
The burial chamber is well-preserved in the north, but poorly in the south.
Nonetheless, it is clear that the room had a saddle ceiling.9 9 The height of the roof above
the sarcophagus would have been 1.08 m. The sarcophagus chamber was 4.10 m in
length (north/south) and 2.88 m in width (east/west) and was made of one single piece of
roughly hewn quartzite with two additional slabs for the lid. To the east and west of this
northern lid there are quartzite supports measuring 0.89 by 0.34 by 0.95 m (eastern) and
0.89 by 0.34 by 1.05 m (western). The interior of the sarcophagus had two niches, the
northern one for the coffin and the southern for the canopic box. The former measured

Note that Mackay lists the length of this passage in two places, the first of which is repeated here. The

other measurements at 2.35 m must exclude the area of the entrance so as not to double count the area
within both passages though they are at different levels (Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p. 45, PI. 40).
Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, pp. 45-46, Pis. 43, 46. For parallels, see Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals, p.
Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, pp. 44, 45, Pis. 40, 44.
Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, pp. 46-47, Pis. 40, 41; Verner, Great Monuments, p. 432.


2.4 to 2.43 by 0.9 to 0.92 by 1.04 to 1.06 m while the latter was 0.72 to 0.73 m on each of
its four sides with a depth of 0.7 to 0.72 m. The southern lid block (2.23 by 2.11 by 1.4
m) was fixed in place and had a space hollowed out on the inside that measured 0.43 m,
allowing for the deposit of the canopic box. The second (mobile) lid component
appeared to be lodged into the northern wall (southern limit'of the antechamber, 2.59 by
2.01 by 0.99 to 1.57 m) in the entrance corridor. Inside the sarcophagus within the
debris, Mackay discovered a piece of a calcite kohl pot and a small, steatite inlay.950

Figure 3.14. Plan of the sarcophagus of the pyramid at South Mazghuna.
Note that the mobile component of the lid to the left is out of position. After
Petrie 1912, PI. 41.
Mackay's description of the position of the mobile quartzite lid component has
caused some degree of confusion (Fig. 3.14). He states that, "the southern side wall of
the great northern chamber (the antechamber) thus improperly included this block in its


Meanwhile, later in the publication, he explains that this stone would have

been pushed into place from the second passage and argues against it ending in this

Dodson, "Tombs of the Kings," p. 40; "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga," p. 29; After the Pyramids, p.
11; Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p. 46.
Petrie, et al, Labyrinth, p. 46, PL 41.


position, due to robbers sliding it such an inconvenient distance.

However, the plate

shows this stone as being lodged within the limestone with its thicker end being further in
the structure of the wall, making it impossible that this stone was meant to move from its
• •


current position.

Entrance size


Open x 1.06

Corridor 1

Corridor 2A

Corridor 2B








Table 3.1. Size comparisons between the width of the coffin (measurements for the
space allowed within the sarcophagus) and that of the passages leading to the
sarcophagus chamber at South Mazghuna. The entrance passage clearly displays the
proper dimensions for the transport of the funerary equipment.
The unclear description provided by Mackay has led to at least one incorrect
reconstruction of the tomb, other than his own. Lehner suggests that both of the quartzite
stones are in their intended and permanent positions and that a third missing stone would
have been positioned between them, using the sand lowering system, paralleling Hawara
in the way in which that lid functioned.

However, in the Hawara example, the part of

the lid closest to the northern passage is the one controlled by the sand lowering system
with the second and third being in their fixed position. In this way, the canopic chest and
the coffin could be placed into the sarcophagus through the opening below the lid. Once
the burial was complete, the sand lowering system would be activated, causing the

Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, p. 50.
Petrie, et al., Labyrinth, PL XLI.
Lehner, Pyramids, p. 184.


in this area (Schiestl.C. 956 239 . "Neues zur Residenznekropole.D. The Owner of the Pyramid at South Mazghuna Mackay believed that the pyramid at South Mazghuna belonged to either Amenhotep IV or Nefrusobek. these burials are represented by pits. p. Meanwhile.955 VII.. p. Pyramids." p. The Canopic Equipment. The problem with placing the mobile lid component in the middle is that there would have been no way to insert the deceased king into the tomb since the burial chamber would have been sealed with the stone in the passage. however. dated to Dynasty XIII. due to the similarities with the tomb of Hawara and the fact that this monument was smaller than that at North See also Dodson. the area is heavily disturbed. Unfortunately. but they may have originally been mastabas or shaft tombs. favoring the former over the latter.956 Currently. These tombs could also be associated with the pyramid of North Mazghuna. Recently. this was certainly its purpose (Table 1. Alexanian. now. but they are closer to the southern monument. indicating the existence of a cemetery. et al. there are a number of pits (DAS 54). 233. the other corridors had been used to initiate the sand lowering system and had provided for the flow of sand allowing for the closing of the mobile section of the lid.sarcophagus to seal and the burial chamber to be closed off from the corridor leading to the antechamber. Court Cemetery To the north of the pyramid at South Mazghuna. "The Necropolis of Dahshur Excavations Report Spring 2006. 33. 52).1)." Fakhry. Since the main passage has the dimensions necessary to carry the coffin into the chamber. VII. Schiestl discovered a beer jar rim.

Dodson. seem to suggest that these tombs are of similar date. who built the complex. n. Currently. Fakhry has suggested that it is possible that material from the potential court cemetery may contain inscribed objects with the name of the king. Potentially. p. However. "Reign of Sebekneferu." p. Note that the dating of South Mazghuna to Amenemhet IV still appears in some recent publications. "Climate. though authors usually allow for the possibility that the monument belongs to Dynasty XIII (Bell. Great Monuments. 240 . The similarities between this monument and S9 at South Abydos. Modern re-excavation of these pyramids and their peripheral funerary installations would certainly be welcomed and could become essential components of the study of Dynasty XIII kingship. Scepter. Grajetzki. Arnold. Jequier later proposed that this monument and the one to the south are so similar in architectural features to those of South Sakkara. 29. in light of the architectural characteristics of the entire corpus. 37. 67. 432). 23-27. to be discussed below. Several burials were located around the sinusoidal walls while others including 957 Petrie. VILE. et al. Verner. 141. likely having been constructed relatively early in Dynasty XIII. p. including that of Khendjer. 260. The Canopic Equipment." pp. Labyrinth. 958 Jequier. "Zwei Pyramiden. 341). p. 229. the name of the owner of both this tomb and that at North Mazghuna could be revealed by items such as control notes from elements of the complexes themselves. this relationship is not as significant as it might seem at first. Later Activity at the Pyramid It appears that the pyramid at South Mazghuna had been disturbed during Dynasty XVIII. p. Fourths a Saqqarah." p. Encyclopedia. p. p. most scholars believe that this monument should be dated to Dynasty XIII (Di. Hayes. that the Mazghuna monuments probably date closer to the reign of this king than to the end of Dynasty XII. Callender..Mazghuna.958 However. 61.

pp." p. Dodson. pp. The Shaft Tomb of Awibre Hor at Dahshur The last example of a "certain" Dynasty XIII royal tomb is that of Awibre Hor. a statuette within the debris yielded the name of the unknown king. 888-889. 208). p. 209." KMT 6 (1995). despite the misinterpretation of the name as Rafuab (Petrie. the last of whom would later work at South Sakkara at the pyramid of Khendjer and the second monument of unknown ownership discussed previously.961 This tomb was excavated by de Morgan in the spring of 1882 with the help of Legrain and Jequier. 84. 86. As the excavations commenced. Fig.L. pp.959 The placement of these burials caused Mackay to believe that the superstructure of the tomb had been completely destroyed prior to this king's time in the Second Intermediate Period or early New Kingdom. pp. S. 961 J. Aufrere. 205. "De Morgan at Dahshur: Excavations in the 12th Dynasty Pyramids. "Le roi Aouibre Hor. Pharaohs. Johnson.B. Cron and G. A loose English translation of some of this report can be found along with selected photos and plans in R. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. 960 241 . de Morgan. For further bibliography on the elements of the tomb and objects within. 58-60. 29. p. Petrie mistakenly reported that it was a pyramid at Dahshur. Note that a few years after the tomb was excavated. pp." BIFAO 101 (2001). 49. who was originally thought to have been an insignificant coregent of Amenemhet III of Dynasty XII. Weigall.960 The shaft was located in the outer row of tombs found between the two temenos walls on the eastern side of this pyramid. et al. 1894-'95 Part Two. 147-149.two tombs dated to the reign of Thutmosis III were within the pit for the substructure of the monument. 87. Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894 (Vienna.. Awibre Hor. Fig. pp. Essai d'interpretation du materiel decouvert par Jaques de Morgan a Dahchour (1894). 12-39. Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894. 1895). see Porter and Moss. though he did recognize that the king belonged to Dynasty XIII.962 959 Petrie. Topographical Bibliography HI (2). 91. since he was buried in a renovated shaft tomb within the earlier king's abandoned funerary complex at Dahshur. 962 de Morgan. 90. VIII. Labyrinth. History.

but it is likely that his architects envisioned the pyramid complex of Amenemhet III as an important part of the later king's tomb. Silverman. Dodson. For the 965 de Morgan. 13. Krejci (Praha.49 m with a door. n. 268." One of the gallery tombs extends beneath the walls of the inner enclosure of the pyramid of Khendjer at South Sakkara.AB). 271-272." p. Barta and J.15. it also became the practice of some 4 priests at Sakkara to extend the lengths of the corridors to allow their burial shafts to lie beneath the walls of the Old Kingdom pyramid enclosure or even within the courtyard of pyramid complex of Teti in order to attempt to receive increased status in the afterlife. In the Late Middle Kingdom.964 VIII. 42. 269. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga.7 by 1. p.4 m (Fig. 32." p.965 The original part of the tomb included a shaft measuring 2. pp. 3. p. "Non-Royal Burials. Dodson. 101-102. which had collapsed by the time of modern Concerning the tomb of Awibre Hor.B. 242 . This room had a vaulted ceiling. 2000) pp. 242. this later and less-powerful ruler likely hoped to acquire the benefits of the entire Amenemhet III funerary complex by being buried within its walls. In other words. 964 D. "Tombs of the Kings. Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894. The Elements of the Superstructure It is unknown as to whether or not there was a superstructure above the tomb of Awibre Hor. 91).A. After the Pyramids. Chronicles. Dodson." in M. 208. Figs. "This site was presumably chosen to indicate solidarity and continuity with the previous dynasty" (Clayton. 243. 30.P. which had a limestone lintel and lead to a chamber with the dimensions 2. The Architectural Components of the Shaft Tomb of Awibre Hor Before the burial of King Awibre Hor. ancient engineers had modified a Dynasty XII court tomb in order to contain the elements desired for the royal interment.VIII. "Middle Kingdom Tombs in the Teti Pyramid Complex. 267. Clayton states. Such a concept would eventually lead to the burial of rulers beneath the natural pyramid within the Valley of the Kings in the New Kingdom. and all three are within the complex. 88. Silverman.7 by 1.

this container was found in the center of the southern end of it in the 966 Dodson.191." p. Fouilles aDahchour Mars-Juin 1894. p. 195. From this point. 194.E). "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. 102.4 m. measuring 2.33 m. excluding the canopic box niche in its southern end.C). 243. Building. p. "Tombs of the Kings. Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894. The Canopic Equipment. The walls of both rooms were covered in plaster. 42. 968 de Morgan. Fig. After the Pyramids. pp. did not have an unfamiliar arrangement after the discussion of the Late Middle Kingdom monuments above. was the first of the two new rooms (1. p. 38.15. saddle-roof (1. a new section had been added to the south of the original tomb via a shaft to the south of the entrance (measuring 6. at a lower level. It is here that the sarcophagus lid was stored until the time of the interment.15. Dodson. Fig.966 Next.15. Fig. 211. Fig.D). The sarcophagus room. de Morgan.968 Though the canopic box was not included in the sarcophagus. 194.excavations. 243-244. 13.133. Arnold.26 m. 967 243 ." p. p. 102. After de Morgan 1895. 31. Di. 30. Figs. A B y Figure 3. An antechamber. Fig.77 by 1. 3. which was made of quartzite (described as sandstone by de Morgan). Plan of the shaft tomb of Awibre Hor. the architects created a burial chamber with a limestone.967 The sarcophagus chamber measured 2.1 by 2.15.95 by 1.

211-216." p. "Tombs of the Kings." p. 30. 971 de Morgan. Once put into its place. Unfortunately. p. the violators successfully punctured a hole in the ceiling of the sarcophagus chamber.expected position. 90. In fact. 233-235 .969 VIII. Dodson. the fact that the tomb had lain relatively undisturbed.971 The antechamber contained the wooden ka statue of this king within a naos. 972 Aufrere.35 m in height) within the antechamber paralleled that of the body in the sarcophagus. both now in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo (JE 30948). 91-92. Pis. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga." p. Dodson. the mummy of Awibre Hor. After the Pyramids. 13." pp. "Tombs of the Kings. 42.C. the position of this statue (1. de Morgan. though little more than a decomposed skeleton." p. 17-26. Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894. 42. After the Pyramids. The Contents of the Tomb of Awibre Hor The real significance of the tomb of Awibre Hor is not the architectural features but. it was on its back with its feet to the south. pp. while other parts were attached. 30. is the only royal example found to date from the entire Middle Kingdom. and parts and pieces of some of the tomb equipment were found dispersed chaotically around the chambers. Monarchs. 68. p. p. the tomb had been robbed. Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894. p. and the Dodson. and that excavators found some of the items buried with the king still in place. Considering that the excavations of the other Late Middle Kingdom tombs have only recovered fragments of a few objects. The majority of the wellcarved statue was made of one block of wood.972 Interestingly. Figs. 13. the nature of the cultural material in the tomb is of the utmost importance. the sarcophagus lid was even with the floor much like that of Ameny Qemau. rather. "Le roi Aouibre Hor. 970 244 . "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga.

975 Aufrere. which include the king's complete titulary. 213-214. Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894. see Aufrere. was covered in gold leaf. had been covered in gold leaf. The ka statue did not stand directly upon the base of the naos as there was a niche between it and the platform for the figure. such as the nails. 91.16. A layer of plaster. The ka arms. Fig. 17-21. had inscriptions on its forward-facing wooden planks.joins were hidden using a thin coat of gray plaster over the entire work. 973 This thin plaster coat fell off the statue during excavations. "Le roi Aouibre Hor. Figure 3. 1895. which flanked the image of the king." pp. After de Morgan. and the hieroglyphs were etched into this material. Figs. eyelids.975 This area was packed with wood shavings. placed over the wood. In this case. Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894. and beard were all detached and lay in the naos." pp. which held the ka statue. eyes. For a discussion of the text and paleography in an argument for the dating of this king to Dynasty XII. to be discussed below. the inscriptions. and belt. 29-30. p. "Le roi Aouibre Hor. had been painted green. de Morgan. pp. de Morgan. 211. 974 245 . 92. The contents of the tomb of Awibre Hor. The naos. Certain features of the statue.974 These inscriptions were attached to the wooden naos. using a technique found throughout this tomb as well as in the debris from the Late Middle Kingdom tomb S9.

From the western side of the antechamber. pp. 57. "Le roi Aouibre Hor.981 All of the inscriptions mentioned above displayed blue. Two Treasurers.982 976 de Morgan. pp. 210. 226. 91. 29)." pp. Fig.B for references for mutilated hieroglyphs. 95. An interesting group of alabaster objects was comprised of two stelae. 30. Hildeshceimer Agyptologische Beitrage 31 (Hildesheim. 1990). ranging in frequency from one to fifteen. 219. 37-38. 94. 217-219. de Morgan discovered a poorly preserved ka statuette. displaying an offering formula. this figure was in a naos proportioned to its size." p." pp. p. Untersuchungen zu dgyptischen Kanopenkasten. 9495. 982 Aufrere. de Morgan. de Morgan. pp. Fig. In all. Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894. "Le roi Aouibre Hor. p. It too was inscribed with green hieroglyphs into gold leaf. Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894. Liischer. there was an inscribed canopic jar. all were painted white. Note that there were fragments of two of these jars found throughout the tomb (B. 14. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. 27). "Le roi Aouibre Hor. "Le roi Aouibre Hor. 95. there was a second ka figure within the tomb. p. there were fourteen different types of vessels. 981 de Morgan. the fragments of which were found in the tomb. 980 de Morgan. 979 Aufrere. p. 218.979 Also. in and around the naos in the antechamber. pp. "Le roi Aouibre Hor. "Le roi Aouibre Hor. an offering table. 24. de Morgan. 27-29. 95 Fig. Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894. 209. 90. 978 Aufrere.978 and one larger stela with a text of fourteen lines of Pyramid Texts (PT 204-205) came from the naos in this same room. de Morgan found the pieces of an offering table.980 Finally. Fig. Fig. As with the larger one. 220. Note that the number of these vessels in tombs of the royal family may have been standardized between 59-62 and that they may correspond to the number of goods in the offering formula found on offering tables such as that of Neferuptah (Aufrere.977 In the debris in the shaft." p. 20. See also Chapter 3. 94. de Morgan. there was one small calcite stela containing an offering formula. Section II. Figs. Fig.containing miniature wooden vessels. provided the first sign of the name and status of the occupant of the tomb with its inscriptions. 210. 246 . p. 16. 217." pp. This wooden figure. and a vessel. 14. Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894." pp. 977 Aufrere. which was covered in gold leaf and had quartz eyes. Burial Customs. Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894. Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894." p. 91. Fourths a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894. 7 Interestingly. 26-27. Grajetzki. 17-26. Dodson. 97. mutilated hieroglyphs. See also Aufrere. p.

was (1." p. Hassan. Dodson. Figs. 96. Farag and Iskander. de Morgan. mekes. the coffin. A. and. 985 de Morgan. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. 247 . p. staves. that he was only able to reconstruct a handful of examples. however. 82-89. 31b. Stocke und Stdbe im Pharaonischen Agypten bis zum Ende des Neuen Reiches (Berlin. it is certain that many of these pieces were Nile C. Pis. These objects are similar to those of Dynasty XII princesses.40. and weapons came from the naos. Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894. is characterized by silt clay with large straw inclusions. Also. and a case.984 The scepters. and cups. 27a. 30. Types included a staff topped with a wooden head of Horus.Due to the presence of the disfigured signs. it is likely that these objects were meant to be close to the body. pp.G. which was found out of context on the western side of the antechamber. Winlock. Senebtisi and Neferuptah (A. The Tomb of Senebtisi atLisht (New York. two broken arrows.9 7 Unfortunately. 52). Mace and H. 96-100. From the text. and a sheath. 96-97. he did not report on the frequency of the types. such as snakes. 5-32. Figs. in fact.985 All of these objects were made of wood and were decorated with gold leaf. 38. Note that de Morgan believed that the staves had been broken during the funeral and not by robbers.49. tied to a specific 983 de Morgan. " There were so many. Pis. including jars. this important ceramic evidence. a granite mace. 221-225. 29-32. 223-225. Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894. a flail. "Notes on Sticks and Staves." MMJ13 (1978). part of a dagger. 1916). Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1 894. 227-228.C. dam. pp. 221. pp. 987 The fabric type. 1976). and awat staves. For information on staves. De Morgan found countless pieces of staves and other objects throughout the tomb. thus. Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894. 986 de Morgan. see H. In Dynasty XIII animated signs. It is interesting to note that both the large and small naos statues had normal hieroglyphs indicating their location away from sacred space surrounding the body itself.55 m in height). Nile C. Figs.E. pp. plates. Neferwptah. p. 66-69. 34-36. birds and humans were mutilated to prevent them from coming alive and harming the deceased. 98. there is only a very incomplete record of these objects. In the naos and around the tomb. there were many ceramic pottery vessels. Fischer.

Mummy. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. Fouquet. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. 235. Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894. fell victim to the experiments of a French anatomist. This mummy mask does not have the feathers and small face found in Late Middle Kingdom through early Dynasty XIII private examples. The Canopic Equipment. 31." pp. S." p. leaving only a skeleton. Dodson notes that this skeleton. The eyes were made of stone and were placed into metal sockets and were surrounded by large. p.M. the mummy also had other objects in its vicinity such as two de Morgan. p. This object was made of wood and had gilded plaster over it. making a more economical mask in the style of the golden one of the later king of great modern fame. D. and tubular faience beads. "Le roi Aouibre Hor. 30.988 The burial chamber contained a coffin decorated with an eye panel and a golden band of inscriptions on a flat lid. which belongs to the Egyptian Museum in Cairo. damaging the facial area (Dodson. 98. black-lined eyelids. Fig. p. a wooden box. 992 de Morgan.king of Dynasty XIII.989 the signs of birds and snakes were truncated. 33-34. who cut through the skull. Dodson. PL 136." p. Inside of the coffin. After 989 the Pyramids. 169.990 Nonetheless. One of the most exciting items found within the coffin was the mummy mask (in fragments). de Morgan. who is known in the Turin King-List. Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894. p. Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894. 101. 31. Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894. 98. 1998). the body was heavily decayed. 169. 229. p. 14). p. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894. p. some objects were found within the context of the coffin. Fig. and most of the jewels had been taken. 1-41. As mentioned above. "Tombs of the Kings. 991 Aufrere. Other objects found in the naos included: basketry. 100. Fig. Dodson. Dodson. The Canopic Equipment. 30. p. See Ikram and Dodson. The Mummy in Ancient Egypt (London. Aufrere." p. 241. After the Pyramids. The mask shows the king with a nemes headdress. the uraeus having broken off (fragments of this uraeus may have been found in the coffin992). de Morgan. Ikram and A. 234. p. Tutankhamun. 14." pp." p. was poorly recorded and provides no significant information such as fabrics and types. "Le roi Aouibre Hor. p. 91. 42. de Morgan. p. 248 . 30.

PL 138C 995 de Morgan. Redford. 14. Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894. 482-484. Pis. Also. 32. 11-14. 996 de Morgan. a fragment of a dagger. 25). Askut in Nubia: The Economics and Ideology of Egyptian Imperialism in the Second Millennium B. two small calcite vessels.996 Interestingly. he dismisses the occurrence of a coregency between these two kings. 1995). pp." p. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. pp.993 Additional objects included a wooden mallet. Egyptian Coregencies. 99. 232. 102. 98-100.994 The mummy had gilded. 2001)..C. Dodson. de Morgan. 98. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. "Canopic Jars and Chests. "Tombs of the Kings. leading de Morgan to believe that Awibre Hor was a co-regent of this king. (New York. Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894. 42. the hieroglyphs are mutilated. Murnane does not discuss this seal because it does not have a double name. 30." p. a wooden vulture head. pp. pp. 246. ten sizeable golden needles. p.995 The four. and countless fragments of gold leaf. "De Morgan at Dahshur. two falcon collars (with carnelian and faience). p. Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894. The Canopic Equipment. pp. See also Weill. 994 249 . The shape and size of the canopic jars continues that of late Dynasty XII." in D. 247. 70-71. 16." p. around its wrists and ankles and had had golden covers over its nails. Reisner. PI. 105. Figs. ed. 105. and a beaded sheath." p. Smith. de Morgan. p. pp. 138D. inlaid wood. La Fin du Moyen Empire." pp. p.T. wooden bracelets.staves and a flail.B. 239. see S. 125-128. Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894. Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894. The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt. 998 Dodson. 60. 30. Figs. the box was sealed with the name Nymaatre. I (New York. p. whose names both appear on a faience plaque (Murnane. with carnelian and faience beads. 100. commemorating the Dynasty XII king or if the name belongs Sedjefakare Amenemhet of Dynasty XIII since it is possible that he may have used it early in his 998 reign. However. which was the prenomen of Amenemhet III. For uses of this seal in Nubia after the reign of Amenemhet III. Canopies. Dodson. 17-18. the word The nomen of Awibre Hor appears on the Hapy and Qebehsenuef vessels while the 993 de Morgan. which matched the coffin in its exterior design. Like in the funerary material of Ameny Qemau. 248. pp. 230-233.997 It is unclear if this name was used honorifically. 30-31. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. human-headed canopic jars were found within a box. 236. After the Pyramids. 14. 997 Cron and Johnson. two gilded wooden beads displaying Awibre Hor's cartouche.

p. and he may not have had the resources necessary to build his own pyramid or may have died prior to its construction. Swelim and Dodson. 32. due to the placement of his tomb within this king's Dodson." pp. 31. as one might expect.1000 Dodson notes that the quality of the detailing on the lids is much lower than those found in the complexes of Senwosret I and Senwosret III of Dynasty XII. 1003 Kemp.D. The Canopic Equipment. and most of these are without provenience. Political Situation. estimated by Ryholt at up to 1. p. 149. The Owner of the Tomb: Awibre Hor Scholars know very little concerning the reign of Awibre Hor. 319334. 1001 Dodson. 250 . implying the low political/economic status of Awibre Hor. it appears that Awibre Hor reigned for only a short time.5 years. p. 1224-1225." pp. In essence. Kemp notes the similarity between the funerary equipment of this king and the provisions of Dynasty XII court burials. See also Williams. 108. It could be the case that Awibre Hor's short reign resulted in his tomb provisions being less elaborate than the other kings of the period. Only a handful of other objects have been found outside of the location of the tomb. 32. The nature of Awibre Hor's tomb in relation to other royal tombs of the Late Middle Kingdom is unclear at this time.17 in the Turin King-List according to Ryholt's transcription. "Problems. 1002 Ryholt. 1000 Dodson.prenomen is on those associated with Imseti and Duamutef." p. 83.1002 In fact. The Canopic Equipment. The texts are found in three columns on each jar and are similar in form to those of Sobekemsaf II of Dynasty XVII. who occupies position 7.1003 It is possible that this ruler had a familial or ideological connection to Amenemhet III. The Canopic Equipment.1001 VIII. "Social History. p. "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau.

69. the Nymaatre (the prenomen of Amenemhet III) seal on the canopic box of Awibre Hor. Second Intermediate Period. 205. see Ryholt.17). Aufrere has argued that there were two kings by the name of Hor. indicating a chronological relationship amongst the three kings.1005 He believes that the first of these was a king of Dynasty XII between Senwosret III and Amenemhet III. (such as mn-kJ-nfrand hc-kc-rc) which may not necessarily correspond to royal names. making his burial in this location both symbolic and significant. "Le roi Aouibre Hor. 62-63.1004 A female member of the court. no. 1005 Aufrere. The plaquette. because he would not have been in the correct location for the cult of the earlier 1004 For a discussion on the question of whether or not additional kings had shaft tombs similar to that of Awibre Hor. Aufrere argues that Awibre Hor (in discussion for Dyansty XII dating) would not have chosen to be buried in the pyramid of Amenemhet III if the latter was buried at Hawara. pp. see Chapter 3. continuing the Middle Kingdom practice of associating women with the king in death. as it appears to have the nomen Hor and one side and the prenomen Nymaatre on the other.C. 251 . however. was buried in the tomb next to his.funerary complex. this evidence is not convincing. possibly a daughter of Awibre Hor (Nebhotepti). "Miscellen. Skarabden und andere Siegelamulette." p.1007 If these kings were linked. Section XI. 1007 Erman. as the seals contain phrases connected to the god. as well as sealings and a plaquette which he argues puts these names in juxtaposition. it is unclear why the forms of their names would not match. p." pp. while the latter was a ruler dating to Dynasty XIII. 1-41. 143. See also Hornung and Staehelin. For a description of these seals and the argument that they are not royal. Re. His argument is based upon the location of this tomb. who had the prenomens }w-ib-rc (tomb) and Jwt-i'b-rc (Turin King-List 8. art and writing styles. is interesting. However.

More recently. in Dahschur." MDAIK 33 (1977). 1011 Di. for the substructure of Amenemhet Ill's pyramid at Hawara. including Di. 1009 252 . 82-83). allow for the dating of this object to Dynasty XIII. Di. p. Hidden Treasures. and Verner (Verner. architectural model of a tomb was found by a German expedition. Arnold. 16. have at times attempted to argue that the miniature tomb provides a schematic plan. "Dahschur: Zweiter Grabungsbericht. whether that includes the end of Dynasty XII or not. 1013 Di.1008 However. 9-10. Di. pp. Amenemhet III at Dahshur. pp. Arnold directed. it should be noted that cultic activity continued to take place at the Dahshur Pyramid into Dynasty XIII. 21-26." p. "Zur Keramik aus dem Taltempel der Pyramide Amenemhets III. such as Ryholt {Political Situation. others have stated that the sand lowering system found in the model indicates that it belongs exclusively to 1008 Aufrere. 1010 Di. pp. 245)." MDAIK 33 (1977). Encyclopedia. 87-88. Stadelmann. Arnold had suggested that it is possible that the object dates to Dynasty XIII. 87-88. 181. 67. p. p. that Di. 227. The Tomb Model A limestone. Building. at the funerary complex of the Dynasty XII king.king.1012 and that the model's plan clearly fits into the Late Middle Kingdom genre of architecture. Other scholars. Arnold has suggested that this object may be a "demonstration sample" (Di. Stadelmann Agyptischen Pyramiden. Some scholars. Arnold.1010 Though this object has often been overlooked in studies of the pyramids.1013 Meanwhile. p. Pyramids. Do. PI. pp. Arnold. 152). Great Monuments. the model is dated to Dynasty XII (Hawass. and the site had been abandoned after the first kings of Dynasty XIII. 1012 Note that in the catalogue. "Le roi Aouibre Hor. pp. Arnold. pp. presumably later modified. 13b. Lehner. 11. Arnold. PI.1011 The object appeared in a special exhibit held at the Egyptian Museum in Cairo in 2003. Arnold and R. 69). Amenemhet III. Amenemhet III.1009 IX. p. 34).

134. Political Situation. Figure 3. since the context of the model provides evidence that it is later than the valley temple of this king. 1. Fig. 82-83. but the same exact system was used in the Hawara complex indicating that this technology existed in the reign of Amenemhet III.17. After Arnold. Encyclopedia. see Ryholt.1015 Nonetheless. p. Di.6.the Dynasty XIII corpus. Ryholt notes that Dynasty XIII monuments in the area (Ameny Qemau and the For example. Arnold. Building. 254. pp. 1991. The tomb model from the funerary complex of Amenemhet III at Dahshur. n. 253 . it is likely that this object dates to a reign after his death.

A). the fact that such a model would be found in the confines of Dynasty XII funerary architecture is not surprising. a doorway to the east (Fig. 3. the entrance of the tomb represented by the model would likely have been on the eastern side of the monument (Fig. The entrance.17. 294. Political Situation. Hidden Treasures. as shown here. Describing the plan of the tomb model is somewhat difficult due to the fact that the rendering is schematic. as well as being the site of the tomb of Awibre Hor. Ryholt.72 m in height (Hawass. Thus. Most likely the architects wished for the object to portray the layout of the tomb and its 6 Ryholt. always have the canopic niche to the south at the far end of the sarcophagus chamber. based on knowledge gained from studying the other complexes.11 m wide by 2. which have features similar to this model. since this is the location where the model was found.36 m long by 0.1017 Thus. 18 Since the Late Middle Kingdom tombs.B) appears very small in comparison to the other components of the tomb. Political Situation. 3. one must take certain liberties. From here. 3.unexcavated tombs thought to date the this period) may have been planned and executed from the pyramid complex of Amenemhet III at Dahshur. 34). pp. p. p. while the coffin is near the antechamber. not exact.B. in order to interpret the architecture represented in the model.17. descending northward toward the substructure of the tomb (Fig.1016 The use of Dynasty XII funerary installations and their associated towns was probably typical in the construction of the Dynasty XIII mortuary complexes. 82-83. See also Chapter 5. 8 The model is 0. has a staircase leading from the surface. 7 254 . This phenomenon must simply be interpreted as the language of the model.17). Section V.

H). is much smaller than they are. Two doors then lead to the sides of the sarcophagus. see Hayes. The sarcophagus itself is not shown.17. 1988). which is painted on one side. 3. From here the tomb continues to the south. might have precluded adding this detail. S. 3. At that point.17. of the latter publication. 1020 For the definition of "turning chamber.17. 262-274.1020 The walls widen at this point and slots for the blocks of the ceiling are visible. the people are taller than the building.17. 3. rectangular antechamber (Fig. 255 .17. From this chamber. The door. P. Lacovara. 3. forming the structure 1019 For the accuracy of the models as well as the nature of other types of structures such as houses and estates. Fig. as it has in the case of the turning chambers. granaries. Thus this portcullis works in exactly the same way as the real ones in the Late Middle Kingdom tombs.features rather than being an exact to-scale replica. Here. leading to two small rooms beside the sarcophagus chamber. Note that. the size of the model. However. there is a wooden portcullis (symbolizing quartzite. but entrances to two small rooms are found in the floor and wall of the antechamber. Section II.F). where there is a large. shown in its preburial niche. in Figure 59. The corridor continues for a short distance to the west. there is another turning chamber as the eastern wall widens and another set of slots for the slabs of the ceiling blocks appears. Scepter I. 112-116." see Chapter 3. 3.17.B. pp. immediately reaching a turning chamber (Fig. In the center of this floor. Roehrig. a corridor continues to the east until a turning chamber is reached (Fig. there is an entrance to a corridor running south to the sarcophagus chamber (Fig. workshops. The passage continues at a higher level behind the portcullis stone. a staircase leads to the north (Fig. and ships.E). Mummies and Magic (Boston. one might have expected a ramped staircase. 3.C). D'Auria.G). From the entrance. and C. At the end of the stairs.D). Though the receiving niche across from this feature is not shown. one must assume that the shape of the model has been abbreviated. pp.

Fouilles a Saqqarah. However. Characteristics of the Late Middle Kingdom Royal Funerary Monuments The first person who attempted to define the characteristics of four of the Late 1 099 Middle Kingdom pyramids was Jequier in 1933.1021 X. As noted above. it is possible that the model was intended for ritual purposes. 1022 Jequier. it could also be the case that the tomb was never constructed at all and that it only remained in the planning stages. it is quite fortunate that this tomb model was found. Though these are not the same tombs. I-J). the size and appearance of aspects of the tomb model are not identical to their life-sized originals. here. portcullis type. However. and a little over half of their plans. and dashed "decoration. many of their architectural features." However. as it adds a sixth example to the corpus of royal Dynasty XIII tombs. Jequier commented on aspects such as the use of bricks. until the present study. 256 . 67. there has been neither a detailed description of all of these monuments in a single publication. it is important to remember that this model may have served as a general guide for the laying out of the limestone blocks at the base of the excavated pit rather than being an exact blueprint for the details of the tomb.needed to create a sand lowering system for lowering the lid of a sarcophagus (Fig. The location of the monument depicted in the model is unknown. p. Nonetheless. nor a 1021 For the resemblance between this model and tomb S10 at South Abydos. general plan. see Chapter 4. It is possible that someday one of the proposed sites (see section XL) or an unknown monument from Hawara or Dahshur will be excavated and will match the design of this model. Also. In his generalized comparison of the pyramids from South Sakkara and those of Mazghuna. are identical. Section IV. quartzite sarcophagus style and mechanics.

which they share. these structures were first built in the form of sinusoidal walls. Specifically defining the nature of the corpus is imperative in order to determine whether or not further monuments belong to the group and what certain trends may be significant in the development of kingship in Dynasty XIII. where ritual deposits were sometimes hidden. such trapezoidal encasement blocks were found above flat foundation stones in trenches. Around the pyramid structure. X. First of all. the elaborate design of the brickwork above the sarcophagus chambers would have been capable of supporting the considerable weight of a significant superstructure. Outside of the brick core. The Elements of the Superstructure The visible components of the Late Middle Kingdom royal tombs are not distinctly different from their Old and Middle Kingdom counterparts except for the use of sinusoidal walls.comprehensive analysis of the similarities. In several cases. However. In some cases. there w as to be one or two enclosure walls. The presentation here provides an overview of the plans of the aboveground portions of the royal funerary complexes from the Late Middle Kingdom.A. if there was enough time before the death of the king. Also. there was to have been a fine limestone encasement for each pyramid. pyramidions from such monuments have been found both in the complexes (Khendjer and the "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara). There are several characteristics of the Late Middle Kingdom royal funerary monument corpus that indicate that these structures were envisioned as pyramids whether or not they were completed. as well as elsewhere (Merneferre Ay in the Delta). these temporary structures could be 257 .

uncut natural boulders. there was often a temple or cult structure. The other locations of these mortuary complexes may also have had contemporary burials. 'It is possible that these walls were used as an economical alternative to straight walls since much stability could be obtained quickly using this shape with less bricks. These walls were poorly made. Most of the time. Another common feature of the Late Middle Kingdom royal pyramids is the presence of subsidiary burials. a decorated (including a false door). mudbrick walls. such a feature is only 258 . the foundations of these trenches included large. The final feature of the Late Middle Kingdom royal tombs is a causeway or road leading in the direction of the Nile Valley. In the most complete examples with limestone temples. Below). The bricks of these structures as well as those of the enclosure walls differed in size from those used in the pyramids. Even more tenuously built sinusoidal walls could appear around areas of construction.replaced with more durable (niched facade) stone or whitewashed. northern chapel is also present. it is likely that there were statues of the deceased king. while the "Unfinished" Pyramid also had a less elaborate shaft tomb. These constructions could be either limestone or mudbrick with the former option having painted inscriptions. using bricks and brick parts to form the general structure of the wall while adding mud plaster to fulfill the curved shape. but the excavation techniques of the times as well as the interests of the expeditions often did not lead to investigations of the surrounding areas where such tombs may be located (See section XI. The monument of Khendjer has both a subsidiary pyramid and shaft tombs with galleries in his complex. In both of these structures. Sometimes. On the eastern side of the outer enclosure.

Layout For the pyramid of Amenemhet III at Hawara. It may be the case that such short causeways/roads are actually ramps used during the construction process. For this reason. it was limestone blocks which were used to separate the individual components of the tomb. Obviously.visible for a short distance from the tomb. Thus. the building of the substructure began with the excavation of one rectangular trench for the sarcophagus chamber and separate channels for each of the corridors leading to it.1. there is differentiation. Here. and its destination cannot be determined. it is uncertain as to whether or not these tombs had valley temples or whether some or all of these kings established their cults in their predecessors'monuments nearby. X.B.B. X. The Components of the Substructure It is in the substructures of the Late Middle Kingdom royal monuments that this corpus can truly be differentiated from those of other time periods. bricks were used to support the limestone elements as well as to outline the trench and control the surrounding sand (where applicable as some 259 . this information is important to compile so that a standard may be set for determining whether further monuments should be included in this group. but the common characteristics and restriction in choices in specific elements provide one with a clear idea of what a Late Middle Kingdom royal funerary monument should encompass. a single trench served to delineate the space for the entire structure. In the remainder of the monuments. In these monuments.

and the tomb model from Dahshur) while a single example is present from the west (Khendjer) and two from the south (Hawara and South Mazghuna). possibly indicating that this area was deemed as being inappropriate for it. the entrances to the tombs in the Late Middle Kingdom royal funerary monuments were beneath the superstructure. The entrance to the substructure of the Dynasty XIII monuments was somewhat inconsistent. with the exception of the tomb model (a factor of its size and purpose) and perhaps the pyramid of Ameny Qemau. The most common side for the entrance was the east (subsidiary pyramid of Khendjer. On either side of the steps. However. North Mazghuna. in a few complexes. The stairs are normally narrow and shallow and are cut into the limestone after it is in position.pyramids were set into stone plateaus). the entrance was hidden under a portion of the encasement of the pyramid. some excavators noted ridges or notches that could be used to help position the heavy coffin onto the stairway. Ameny Qemau at Dahshur. None of the monuments have entrances on their northern side. this type of stairway was found outside the tomb. which was likely used to slide the coffin and other heavy equipment down the stairs with the use of men and ropes. South Sakkara. 260 . Interestingly. there is a narrow ramp. in other cases. which was made of mudbrick. It is unclear at this point whether these choices were deliberate or whether they reflect the status of the completion of the tomb at the time when the king died. At the tops of steps. meaning that the monuments would have had to have been completed after the death of the king. In some cases. The structure of the staircases in the Late Middle Kingdom tombs is always the same.

revealing either a drop to the surface below or a staircase. Encyclopedia. Type A. Thus. allowing the stone to move down the ramp with the aid of small levers.1023 The large stone sits in a niche to the side of the chamber housing it.7). In most of the tombs there are two Type A portcullis stones (Khendjer main and subsidiary. which housed the end of the stone. and the 1023 Di. When the tomb was to be closed.In some of the Late Middle Kingdom pyramids.2. Meanwhile. The first variety. and one portcullis that dropped from the ceiling.B. other hidden passages were blocked by portcullises. is found in every tomb and is positioned so that it blocks a hidden passage above the level of the floor of the previous room (Fig. 223. Mazghuna North and South. Type A portcullis stones were not randomly placed within the tomb. one Type B. Portcullis Types There are two types of portcullis stones that are always made of a hard stone. 3. Building. Arnold. most commonly quartzite but sometimes also granite. which is often found in a small niche of its own. the limestone was smashed. while the pyramid of Ameny Qemau had one Type A. there are passages hidden beneath false floors in corridors with dead ends. p. the base of the stone performed as the ceiling of the portcullis chamber while blocking the rest of the tomb. X. 261 . there was a smaller niche in the opposite wall. The end is propped upon a piece of limestone. p. At the end of the ramp. the tomb model had one Type A variety. 224. It is clear from their positions that a certain plan was usually followed. The length of one side of the stone is positioned upon a gently sloping ramp usually made of polished quartzite. The stones of the false floor could be removed.

If there are two or more portcullis stones of Type A. though the plan of the latter may have originally had another Type A blocking stone before the one mentioned here). and Khendjer main). Their order alternated directions starting with the right. except for the model and the pyramid of Ameny Qemau. often. The subsidiary pyramid at the complex of Khendjer is the exception to this rule with the order being left and then right. With two stones.unfinished monument at South Sakkara had three Type A and one Type B portcullis). the first normally sits in a niche to the right of the passageway while the second is placed to the left (North and South Mazghuna. there was one portcullis stone at the base of the ramped staircase leading from the entrance and two along the same line closer to the sarcophagus chamber. In the "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara. In three of the tombs. they always alternate the sides from which they slide into position. it is housed to the left of the corridor preceding it (model and Ameny Qemau. two Type A portcullis stones are located along the entranceway (Khendjer main and subsidiary and South Mazghuna) while the "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara has all of its Type A portcullis stones along the same axis even though the first and the last two are separated by corridors leading in other directions. often at the base of a ramped staircase. There seem to be several rules for the position of these portcullises. when there is only one Type A portcullis. It is unclear why five of the tombs have two portcullises in close proximity to one another and/or are along the same corridor. one or both of these blocking 262 . In all of the tombs. It is possible that since this tomb was not meant for the king himself that there was more flexibility with the arrangement. First of all. Also. there is always a Type A portcullis located at the end of the entrance.

The portcullis slides horizontally with its base at the level of the floor of the antechamber. Tombs containing this type of stone include the pyramid of Ameny Qemau at Dahshur. However. and the secondary tomb in the ""Unfinished" Pyramid" at South Sakkara. a single wooden door blocked the extension of the first corridor from the rest of the tomb. the portcullis. Though these "doors" never reached a state of consistency in their placement. Thus. Another interesting element in three of the tombs was the insertion of wooden doors. the large stone blocks the sarcophagus chamber from the preceding corridor. in the "Unfinished" tomb at South Sakkara. is located at the opposite end from the passage leading to the burial. there are enough correlations to propose some religious significance in the architecture of the tomb at this time. only one of these blocking stones is found. it may have been more important that the structure of the burial chamber and the placement be directionally sound (according to religious tenets) than that the security system would work in a logical fashion. it is likely that the placement of these stones had some sort of religious significance related to the king's passage to the afterlife. North Mazghuna. However. here. It seems irrational to place the portcullis behind the burial.stones remained in its original position. In the pyramid of Amenemhet III at Hawara. The second portcullis style. A niche would have housed the 263 . still forming the northern wall of the chamber. In each case. In the two cases where this type of portcullis seals the main burial. Type B is always located just to the north of the sarcophagus and has a pre-use niche to the west with a receiving niche to the east. Type B. is only found in tombs with sarcophagi of Type 2 (see below).

they fit into the niches and were flush with the walls. though granite is 1024 Dodson. South Mazghuna. the approach to the tomb follows the pattern of corridors leading to the north on the eastern side. presumably meant for a king. The type of sarcophagus found in the tombs of the Late Middle Kingdom has often been recog nized. X. this core structure is attached to the entranceway via a corridor running in that direction. and the model. "Strange Affair. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga.door when it was open in order not to block the path while a bolt secured it when closed. When these doors were open.3. From here. there is a small niche on either side of the wall. Both of these doorways are located at the base of a long ramped staircase. Sarcophagus Types The core of each mortuary structure is similar in the complexes except for those meant to receive two burials. In the pyramids of Khendjer. Within the tombs of Khendjer and North Mazghuna. In all of these tombs. the sarcophagus always includes a niche for the coffin with a second for the canopic equipment at the foot. the wooden doors are located just prior to the second portcullis while in that of North Mazghuna. except for that at North Mazghuna. North Mazghuna. the hallway turns to the west and then approaches the sarcophagus chamber from the north." p. Secondary and subsidiary burials have matching cases for these components but are not usually found in the same block of stone. The preferred material for the construction of the sarcophagus and its chamber was quartzite. 264 .B." p. 62. In the pyramid of Khendjer. Ameny Qemau.1024 In the main burial chamber. they are found prior to the first. indicating the presence of double doors. where there are additional passages. 27.

Meanwhile. one being one each side (east and west). the "Unfinished" Pyramid. There were three basic types of sarcophagi found within the Late Middle Kingdom royal tomb complexes. thus. If a configuration prevented the canopic niche from being to the south of the feet of the deceased person. found at Khendjer's pyramid. The sarcophagus itself is always aligned so that the coffin within sits to the north of the canopic niche. From Awibre Hor's tomb. and the tomb model. the section of the lid over the southern part of the tomb would be fixed into place during construction.also found occasionally. the canopic equipment was located at the feet. requiring careful engineering to accommodate the closing mechanisms. Type 1 is the most complex. The lid was composed of two or three (Hawara and "Unfinished" Pyramid) large pieces of the same material. the bottom portion of the sarcophagus was made of a single giant slab of quartzite. The underside of the stone was usually convex in order to facilitate the placement of the canopic box and other equipment into this end. From the floor of this room. In the two-piece lid variety. and. South Mazghuna. the second part of the lid was positioned above the sarcophagus by propping it upon two quartzite support stones. Due to the fact that the sarcophagi were architectural components rather than free-standing objects. a small corridor led to the edge of the bottom 265 . then the canopic container would be positioned to the east of the southern end of the coffin. In this type. it is clear that the king's head was meant to be at the north end of the coffin. they do not have any decoration or inscriptions. The structure of the tomb provided for an antechamber to the north of the sarcophagus.

bricks were laid to fill in the gap between the limestone and a series of brick arches used to keep the pressure of the 1025 Excavators have only found the coffin of Awibre Hor. When the sarcophagus lid was to be closed. These entrances to these passageways are usually in the floor of the rooms or hallways. 474. there are small passages. there was a limestone blocking stone preventing the sand from pouring into the corridor. there are cases where only limestone was used. workers maneuvered it through the corridor and into the sarcophagus. either directly or through two corridors at right angles to one another. "Mazghuna. pp. 78. pp. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. See Chapter 3. Holzl. 86. from which they originate. However. when the coffin was brought into the antechamber. 210. with three quartzite lid blocks.1025 Once all of the equipment was in place. The sand lowering system in its form here first appeared in the pyramid of Amenemhet III at Hawara. 134. a sand lowering system allowed the mobile section of the lid to be positioned. a man would have been sent into the corridors to remove the block and the sand would have poured into the chamber. As the level of the sand lowered. 75. pp. 14. Encyclopedia. being of the saddle variety. 266 . Arnold. Thus. Above the roof. At the other end near the sarcophagus. Once in this position. The ceilings were also limestone. n. Amenemhet III. which lead to the antechamber or a side passage." p. 26. Section VIII. The sarcophagus chamber itself was often made of hard materials like quartzite and granite.1026 In this type.C. Those from the pyramids are missing or were not preserved. the supports and the lid would gradually have maneuvered until the lid came to rest gently upon the base of the sarcophagus. the supports holding the mobile part of the lid in its position above the base sit in a niche filled with sand. Dodson. To the east and west of the sarcophagus. Building. Di.section of the sarcophagus." p. there would be no way to move the heavy lid.

the quartzite sarcophagus was massive.superstructure off of the ceiling. and the secondary burial chamber of the "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara. This variety is much simpler than that of Type 1 discussed above. The undersides could be concave. sealing the chamber as the lid was in contact with the walls and inserted into niches and. Once the coffin and other items were placed into the tomb. "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara contained a variation on the Type 1 sarcophagus in the main burial chamber. the lid was housed in the antechamber to the north. This sarcophagus also had four limestone supports in addition to the two granite ones used in the sand hydraulic system. that at North Mazghuna. Finally. The more complicated. the base of the sarcophagus is made of a single slab of quartzite and has niches for the coffin and the canopic equipment in the preferred positions. Before the burial. The lid was also made of a single piece of quartzite but was less massive than those of Type 1. requiring three stones for the lid. The canopic niche was the east of the southern end of the coffin. the lid would be maneuvered over the sarcophagus. Here. which was at floor level. In two of these tombs (Ameny Qemau and North Mazghuna). could not be removed. The Type 2 sarcophagus was found in the pyramid of Ameny Qemau. The placement of the sarcophagus was along an east-west axis rather than the normal north/south. the "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara has a variation of the 267 . Nonetheless. it was so large that the coffin fit within it sideways. and the ends had a traditional rectangular form. thus. These softer supports were meant to have been destroyed prior to triggering the closing device. the Type B portcullis would be slid from the west. keeping its north/south orientation. Once again.

334. p. pp. "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau. This form. Other Proposed Sites1027 One of the greatest mysteries of the Late Middle Kingdom is the location of the missing tombs of the numerous Dynasty XIII rulers. made of uniform limestone stacks of blocks. However. Once the lid was in place. made of quartzite or limestone. following the pattern in the other types. "Pyramid Research from the Archaic to the Second Intermediate Period: Lists. XI. around the perimeter." in Hommages a Jean Leclant I: Etudes Pharaoniques. Levers would have been used to lower the lids. n. 73-74.Type 2 sarcophagus in the secondary burial chamber. The canopic box is found either to the south of the coffin or on the eastern side at the southern end. As discussed above. Swelim. Political Situation. always has separate containers. The last sarcophagus group found in the Dynasty XIII royal tombs is Type 3. but is in the wall on the eastern side at the southern end. 343. Swelim and Dodson. In the subsidiary pyramid of Khendjer. there are a few interesting features. 242. for the coffin and the canopic material. this strange configuration allowed for the portcullis and the lid to lie to the north of the chamber as it does in the other examples. the room for the lid and the associated Type B portcullis stone are not found in the corridors leading to the chamber but rather behind them." p. the canopic niche is not in the sarcophagus. First of all. p. Catalogues and Objectives. 268 . Bibliotheque d'Etude 106/1 1994). Scholars have identified a number 1027 Ryholt. the lids of the two sarcophagi were flat and were suspended in the air in a niche in the ceiling. 80. 18. Secondly. where the canopic box was kept. it blocked most of the space in the wall. The Brick Pyramid. They were supported by five or six pillars. found in the subsidiary pyramid and possibly in the galleries of Khendjer's complex.

3. Map showing the locations of the potential Late Middle Kingdom royal funerary monuments. The Memphite Region The Memphite region is the most likely area in which to find Late Middle Kingdom royal funerary complexes. others are likely to be the sites of the burials of Late Dynasty XII/Dynasty XIII rulers.18). p. these possible locations for funerary establishments in both the Memphite region and the Delta will be described and evaluated as to their relevance to the Late Middle Kingdom royal corpus investigated in earlier sections (Fig.A. Figure 3.18. XI. It is here that the kings of Dynasty XII built the majority of their monuments near the capital of Itjatawy.of unexcavated mounds and out-of-context pyramidions as potential monuments of this period. 74 269 . Though some of these structures provide little evidence of Late Middle Kingdom activity. Middle Kingdom. Below.1028 Scholars have suggested Grajetzki.

1029 Here. a mudbrick pyramid (Lepsius I) is located near the edge of the cultivation. 2-3.. Dodson has recanted his original theory and no longer attributes the structure to Dynasty XIII. "Domain of Pharaoh: The Structure and Components of the Economy of Old Kingdom Egypt. Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt (New York. "Tombs of the Kings. n. Edwards." p.2. pp. Sakkara. 82-83. Bard. Political Situation. 63.that five sites within this region may have one or more Dynasty XIII monuments (from north to south): Abu Roash. These pyramids served as the locations of the cults of the living kings of this period (H. Though Dodson originally theorized that this monument might belong to the Late Middle Kingdom corpus. located 9 kms north of Giza. Aspects of Early Egypt (London. XI. 31. University of Chicago (2005). Chassinat. pp.1. Lepsius. "Le Complexe Funeraire de Radjedef a Abou Roasch: Etat de la Question et Perspectives de Recherches. pp. Abusir is the 1029 M.1032 Thus. ed. Valloggia.J. Seidelmayer." in A. Spencer. ° Swelim has recently suggested that the tomb may be a non-funerary pyramid from the end of Dynasty III." p. 21-22. E.A. Papazian. Abu Roash (Lepsius I) Abu Roash is a site. Abu Ghurob Abu Ghurob is adjacent to the site of Abusir to the south of Giza. "Town and State in Early Old Kingdom: A View from Elephantine. pp. 122).1033 It is unlikely that any Late Middle Kingdom royal funerary monuments were constructed in this northern location within the Memphite region. p. XI. pp. 1033 Dodson." Monumnets et Memoires Publies par VAcademie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres 25 (1921-1922). 30.1031 Others believe that the monument is a mastaba from the period when the site was most popular. 1031 Swelim.A. pp. 1996) p. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga.E. Abusir. 53-75. "A Propos d'une Tete en Gres Rouge du roi Didoufri (IVe Dynastie) Conserve au Mussee du Louvre. with monuments dated primarily to Dynasties I-V. 43. see I.A.S. 1999). 270 . 80-87. 80. 1032 For example. 101-108. Denkmdler Text (1897). 242. 1030 Dodson." in K. S. The Brick Pyramid." BSFE 130 (1994). The Canopic Equipment. See also Ryholt. "Abu Roash. and Dahshur. 5-17." dissertation.

"Note to the Thirteenth Dynasty at Abusir. as well as the appearance of the clay.location of pyramids of the Dynasty V kings while Abu Ghurob contains at least two sun temples. PI. H. 137-138. 1965). PI. Blatt I (Berlin. which measures around 95 m on each side and was made of clay. Dodson. 1910). Denkmaler aus Aegypten undAethiopien. Das Sonnenheiligtum. 142. 32. and limestone fragments with some quartzite. pp. Das Grabdenkmal des Konigs Neuserre (Leipzig. Grabdenkmal. 231-232. Later.a. however. a special royal construction of the period. V. "Two Thirteenth Dynasty Pyramids at Abusir?.1035 In 1907. indicating that the mound could be associated with that time period. frontispiece. Denkmaler Text (1897). PI.2. p." pp. Dodson. 2. Fig. 3. Ricke. Borchardt. 1035 Lepsius. 271 . Lepsius XXVIII Lepsius first identified pyramid XXVIII. L. Von Bissing. Maragioglio and C. Beitrage zur agyptischen Bauforschung und Altertumskunde herausgegeben von Herbert Ricke 7 (Gottingen." VA 3 (1987). 6. 1036 L. XLA. Das Grabdenkmal des Konigs S'AAHu-rea." VA 4 (1988). Bares. 1905). red-slipped sherd at the bottom of one of the trenches. Borchardt suggested that it was a manmade mound. Note that Dodson refers to these pyramids as being at Abusir (A. Borchardt opened test trenches in the vicinity of the mound. PL 5. Rinaldi. a Czech geophysical study concluded that the mound 1034 F.1036 Some of the sondages produced late Old Kingdom tombs and Late Period faience fragments. 1907). brick. "Two Thirteenth Dynasty Pyramids. located to the south of the valley component of Neuserre's (Dynasty V) sun temple at Abu Ghurob and oriented to the local directions. pp. L. Borchardt. 1970). the activity at these two sites originates primarily from Dynasty V with occasional material from the end of the Old Kingdom as well as the Middle Kingdom and the Late Period. pp. For an aerial photograph. see H. p. Das Sonnenheiligtum des Konigs. This investigation also revealed a possible Middle Kingdom dark. granite and basalt. As one might expect. 1897). Borchardt. 117-118. PL 142. Due to this evidence.W. Wissenschaftliche Veroffentlichung der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 14 (Leipzig. L'Architettura Delle Piramidi Menflte 7 (Rapallo. 147-148. pp. 147. 232). Ricke. Das Re-Heiligtum des Konigs Ne-user-Re I (Berlin.

"From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga." ZAS 107 (1980). Dodson proposed that Lepsius XXVIII may date to Dynasty XIII.1040 Nonetheless. 3 However. Hasek. 1042 Lepsius. indicating that this feature is unlikely to be natural. "Die Anwendung goephysicalischer Methoden bei der archaologischen Forschung in Abusir. "Excavations at Abusir: Season 1978/1979-Preliminary Report.was natural.A. 1039 272 ." p.1038 Bares also exercises doubt concerning this date for the mound and proposes that this area may have served as the deposit site of clay removed to construct Late Period shaft tombs around 1 km away. 118. See also Ryholt." pp. which Dodson considers to be a possible Dynasty XIII pyramid. "Abusir. 1040 Bares." p. Verner noticed connecting walls at the southern and western sides of the mound in 1987. 75-76. Lepsius XVI In the area between the sun temples of Neuserre and Userkaf at Abu Ghurob. noting that this monument could be related to Neuserre's sun temple. 118. 118. PI.1037 More recently. 130-131. Dodson notes that Verner has since dismissed the hypothesis that this monument belongs to Dynasty XIII altogether. pp." ZAS 108 (1981). Verner and V. M. pp. For this theory and additional scholars' ideas with references. 80. 120. "Two Thirteenth Dynasty Pyramids. 231. 1038 Dodson. 39." p. in a later article. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. n.1041 Though the mound labeled Lepsius XXVIII may display some of the aspects of Late Middle Kingdom tombs in its composition. Blatt (1897). though he was cautious in making the Late Middle Kingdom identification. it is likely related to the Dynasty V activity in the vicinity. 169. n. XI. n. 138. see Bares. p. Dodson. Political Situation. "Two Thirteenth Dynasty Pyramids." p. there is a second square mound. "Abusir." p. 242. 28. 1041 Dodson. 32. "Abusir. Denkmaler. according to this same scholar. 118. 31. Bares. p. 231-232.b.2." pp.1042 This structure measures approximately 75 m on each of its four sides and is 1037 M. Verner.

" pp. not only due to the lack of evidence pointing to such an identification.1043 Nonetheless. it is very unlikely that this monument represents a Dynasty XIII royal funerary establishment. located to the west of the Early Dynastic Period and Old Kingdom capital of Memphis. 82.A. he does give more credence to the possibility that this mound might be a pyramid of the Middle Kingdom than he does with regard to Lepsius XXVIII even though there are no walls or ceramic vessels to corroborate this conclusion. Bares states that the location of Lepsius XVI is much like those of the sun temples of Userkaf and Neuserre and that one might expect another sun temple in this area. is a site with royal activity in Dynasties II-VI and VIII-IX and private patronage throughout ancient Egyptian history. p.3. a characteristic. In the end. See also Ryholt. XI. and it sits in the desert near the line of cultivation.aligned according to the local directions. Political Situation. king Khendjer as well as another unknown ruler from the Late Middle Kingdom chose to construct their funerary monuments at the southern extent of this site (southwest of Memphis proper). which Dodson identifies as common in the Dynasty XIII corpus. 118-119.3. South Sakkara Sakkara. 273 . SAK S 3 One hundred meters to the north of the pyramid of Khendjer. which does not fit the two ranges found in the Late Middle Kingdom structures (52-56 m and 91-105 m). It is made up of bricks and small limestone chips. but also the monument's size. "Abusir. In response to Dodson's argument. XLA.a. The Dynasty XIII. the Free University 1043 Bares.

and there was also a sinusoidal wall visible at the time he was there. identified the remains of a pyramid. Note that Swelim mistakenly lists this pyramid using Lepsius' number for that of Khendjer (XLIV instead of XLV) (Swelim.1044 Only the substructure remains with its entrance on the eastern side.. "The Necropolis of Dahshur Excavations Report Spring 2006. "Neues zur Residenznekropole. 1045 Jequier.1045 The debris around the site contained bricks. composed of sand. and quartzite and limestone chips. surrounding it. SAK S 7 To the south of the southeastern corner of the "Unfinished Pyramid" at South 1044 Alexanian. Though this site had little diagnostic pottery." p." p. which is located to the west of that of Khendjer and north of the "Unfinished" Pyramid. it is possible that this monument that no longer visible from the surface.b. Nonetheless. including Alexanian. 111. and Seidelmayer. perhaps excavation may reveal that its features have become covered. may also date to the Late Middle Kingdom." p. it is likely to be a Late • Middle Kingdom royal funerary monument. He refers to it as the "Demolished Pyramid.of Berlin expedition. brick fragments. the Free University of Berlin survey team was unable to find any signs of a pyramid in this area. 48.C." Schiestl. et al." p. but he was unable to find a tomb. "Rapport 1929-1930. Schiestl.3. "Neues zur Residenznekropole. In 2006. XLA.A. 47. 274 . and they were unsure as to the function of the monument Jequier had described. XI." 1046 Schiestl. The sand-filled pit is 25 by 20 m with 2 m-wide piles of debris. Lepsius XLV (SAK S 5) Jequier reported that Lepsius XLV (about 70 m on each side).3. "Pyramid Research. If it can be relocated. 343). which had not been completed.

Dahshur.Khendjer "Unfmishedlgl Pyramid Senwosret III B Sakkara El H Lepsius L 13 Sneferu(Red) Amenemhet II ^*£ la— Lepsius LIV Dahshur Sneferu (Bent)^* g|]—• Amenemhet III (Awibre Hor) DAS 2 H DAS 17 B a Ameny Qemau North a 1 I km Mazghuna -.South j Figure 3.19. 26. From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. p . Map showing the location of known and selected potential Late Middle Kingdom royal pyramids at Sakkara. and Mazghuna. 275 . After Dodson.

et al. three Dynasty XII rulers. Since Dahshur represents the center of the field of known Dynasty XIII pyramids.5 m sides. XI. 1. "The Necropolis of Dahshur Excavations Report Spring 2006. The southern part of the site is the location of the pyramid of the Dynasty XIII king. 3. Schiestl. and Amenemhet III each constructed their own mortuary complexes around and between the Old Kingdom monuments.4." Jequier. who built two pyramids at the site (Fig. the proposed positions of such structures. which have been noted by multiple scholars in the past. 1048 Dodson suggests without explanation that Sobekhotep IV may have had a pyramid in the Dahshur/Sakkara area (Dodson. ° Below.1047 Schiestl suggests that this ruined monument may have been a pyramid with 52. 46-47.A.Sakkara. Ameny Qemau. Amenemhet II. discussed in a previous section. Alexanian. and Dynasty XIII ceramics were found. Later. It was in this complex. Monarchs. this site is very likely to house additional Late Middle Kingdom royal monuments and tombs.19). Interestingly. PI. Fouilles a Saqqarah.. 276 . there is a sunken. while Awibre Hor of the same era was buried within the walls of the pyramid enclosure walls of Amenemhet III. will be reviewed. making it 100 cubits. Dahshur Dahshur was first used as a royal cemetery during the reign of the Dynasty IV king. "Neues zur Residenznekropole. sandy area measuring approximately 25 by 28 m surrounded by spoil heaps with lengths of 55 m. p. 70). Sneferu. that an architectural model of Late Middle Kingdom style royal tomb substructure was also discovered. Senwosret III." pp. there was an accumulation of quartzite fragments in the northeast corner of the monument.

p. Interestingly. Political Situation. 343. "Erster Grabungsbericht. p. 82. several scholars have noted that this area was severely impacted when an oil pipeline was installed in 1975. and the eastern side of a sinusoidal enclosure wall. See also Swelim.A. Agyptischen Pyramiden. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. Arnold and Stadelmann. Fakhry. Denkmdler Text (1897). p." p. n. 249. Lepsius LIV The first potential Dynasty XIII royal funerary site at Dahshur is located approximately 125 m to the southeast of the pyramid of Amenemhet II (Fig. 313. After the Pyramids. p." p.1050 Even without excavation. Pyramids. Dodson. 316. 184. "Tombs of the Kings. 343. Stadelmann. 249. p. p. Ryholt. measuring about 40 m square. 41." MDAIK 54 (1998). Arnold and Stadelmann. Stadelmann and N. p. 39. it was at Lepsius LIV that an Egyptian Inspector by the name of Moussa discovered a small fragment of limestone containing the cartouche of an Amenemhet. 27. p. could have actually come from the tomb of Amenemhet II." p. 217." p. 3. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. Bericht uber die im Friihjahr 1997 durch das Deutsche Archaologische Institut Kairo durchgefflhrte Felderkundung in Dahschur. however. 174. 1051 Di.4. p. Erster Grabungsbericht. making this tomb datable to late Dynasty XII to early Dynasty XIII. Political Situation. "Dahschur. the appearance of this last component suggests that this tomb likely dates to the Late Middle Kingdom. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. Swelim. The relief may refer to Amenemhet IV or an Amenemhet of Dynasty XIII. n.a." MDA1K 31 (1975)." p.27." p. Pyramids. 316. Lepsius. 207. 39. n. 252.1049 This location is made up of a mound of limestone debris. 174. 36. Arnold and R.1051 There are three likely possibilities as to the identity of this king out of those with the same name." p.1052 Unfortunately. p. R. and 1049 Di. Stadelmann.XI." pp. a causeway.19). 174. 1050 Di. "Erster Grabungsbericht. 27. 82. Alexanian. Stadelmann. n. "Pyramid Research. "Pyramid Research. n. Lehner. Dodson. 277 . The fragment. Ryholt. meaning that the owner of Lepsius LIV is still unknown. Dodson. Agyptischen Pyramiden. 8. "Die Friedhofe des Alten und Mittleren Reiches in Dahschur.

n. p. Lehner. Pyramids. 898. who thought it might date to Dynasty XIII (Fig. 81-82. Stadelmann. p. which would support this Dodson." p. 63. making up a stone may no longer be possible to excavate this important site. p.1054 Dodson thought that this monument was not known currently and that it. 231. 313.A. "Tombs of the Kings. "Two Thirteenth Dynasty Pyramids.4. had been mistaken as a stone structure (rather than being stone encased brick).19). 312. with the subsurface being made up of limestone. like Khendjer and others. Topographical Bibliography III (2). p. 174. Stadelmann and Alexanian. However. 80. Porter and Moss. there is an unexcavated pyramid. 13. "Die Friedhofe. 207-208." p. Political Situation.1 XI. 3. Dodson. and granite. p. The Canopic Equipment. 29. After the Pyramids. Ryholt. 36. Fig. Pyramids. 242. See also Dodson. 41. 172.A.1055 Thus. The pyramid clearly had had a limestone casing surrounding the mudbrick core. XI.b. "Erster Grabungsbericht. Such components would suggest that this debris may indeed represent a royal monument dating to the Late Middle Kingdom. n." p. 311. 1054 Dodson. Arnold and Stadelmann. 8. even though ceramics. Porter and Moss. 30. "Pyramid Research. 3. 890. Swelim. Dodson later stated that this monument (a mastaba) actually belongs to Saiset of Dynasty XII. Lehner. "Tombs of the Kings." pp." pp. 232. DAS 2 To the northeast of the tomb of Ameny Qemau (250 m). p. Lepsius LV Dodson originally noted that Lepsius recorded monument LV as being a 30 m square of debris. Abb. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga.4. After the Pyramids. Ryholt." p.C. Agyptischen Pyramiden. p. Lepsius. p. p. Lepsius LV is definitely not a Late Middle Kingdom pyramid. discovered by Di. n. 249.1056 The remains of this monument measured approximately 20 by 20 m. 1056 Di. Denkmdler Text (1897). quartzite. 187. pp. 278 . 184. Arnold and Stadelmann. 41. 343." p. Political Situation. Topographical Bibliography III (2). pp.

Ryholt has proposed that this tomb may belong to one of Ameny Qemau's relatives including his father.C. as they now stand. XI. which may never have been begun. 81-82. DAS 16 An unexcavated pyramid. or Sankhibre Amenemhet VI) due to its proximity to his pyramid. Figs. or nephew (according the Ryholt's chronology: Sekhemkare Amenemhet V. 319. "Die Friedhofe. which was first identified by Di." pp. 312-313. 279 . have not been found. Arnold and Stadelmann and may date to Dynasty XIII.19). it would have been difficult to construct the winding corridors of the Late Middle Kingdom royal tomb type. It is likely that this debris mound represents only the location of the substructure pit rather than the entire monument. Stadelmann and Alexanian. as defined in this study.1058 The remains include some brick as well as the outer outline of a substructure with many similarities to that of Ameny Qemau.4. Materials visible on the surface included limestone. PL 352.C. It is very likely that this 1058 Ryholt. quartzite and within the confines of such a small superstructure. If it is the case that this monument is encompassed completely by its visible remains. then the plan of the substructure likely differs substantially from what one might expect and may be difficult to identify as a royal tomb of this period without inscriptional evidence. lies just to the west of DAS 2 (Fig. 3. 311.1057 It is important to note that the dimensions of DAS 2. pp. Otherwise.A. son. including an entrance on the eastern side. Hotepibre Saharnedjeritef. Political Situation. are smaller than those of the subsidiary pyramid in the funerary complex of Khendjer at South Sakkara.

and so most refer only to DAS 2 and 17. and it is likely that if there was any significant architecture here. Hotepibre Saharnedjeritef. whose monument is nearby while the second and third are his son and nephew. 890.1060 1059 Stadelmann and Alexanian. DAS 17 According to Stadelmann. Swelim. Nonetheless. p. "Tombs of the Kings. it should be noted that almost all of the summaries of the Late Middle Kingdom monuments were published prior to this later article. "Die Friedhofe. Di. It is not until Stadelmann and Alexanian describe the details ofJDAS 16 and their doubts about DAS 17 that the situation becomes clear. However. Dodson. 187. Despite the fact that this tomb is more likely to be a Late Middle Kingdom royal pyramid than DAS 17 (below)." p. or Sankhibre Amenemhet based on his theory that the first is the father of Ameny Qemau." p. pp. Topographical Bibliography III (2). Unfortunately.4. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. "Pyramid Research. XI. it is now heavily damaged. Porter and Moss. 1060 Ryholt. 29. 311. 41. 280 . this monument has been used for military exercises. 343. p. Lehner. Pyramids.A." pp. respectively. 36. DAS 17 is a poorly preserved formation located on a plateau at Dahshur and is 30 by 37 m." pp. Arnold and Stadelmann did not publish it with the other two in 1975. Ryholt surmises that this tomb could belong to either Sekhemkare Amenemhet. 13. After the Pyramids. Abb. "Erster Grabungsbericht. Political Situation. p. Arnold and Stadelmann.e. 3. 81-82. 313. Fig. 172.1059 The area is heavily pitted without any defined areas or certain fragments of limestone from architecture. the surveyors were least certain regarding the nature of this site of the three suspected of dating to the Late Middle Kingdom at Dahshur. the former has been overlooked due to the fact that Di." p. 174.tomb belongs to the Late Middle Kingdom corpus.

in the shape of a square in line with the cardinal directions. a queen's pyramid like that of Khendjer and buildings to the north and southwest. and that there are several towns known by this name. Denkmaler Text (1897). 1063 Swelim and Dodson. "Pyramid Research.00 m-wide causeway." p. and these 1061 Dodson. 30. 1062 281 .XI. the latter having a trail leading to the pyramid. scholars such as Dodson and Swelim have proposed that it may belong to the Dynasty XIII corpus of royal tombs. Lepsius described pyramid LIX as a site with a dark mudbrick shadow. pp.A.1063 The main argument for the correlation is the distance of 300 m between the pyramids and the cultivation and the fact that there is a Coptic cemetery nearby Mazghuna. as well as some other ruined structure. which could not be identified. Lepsius. Lepsius had mentioned that there was a modern one close to site LIX. "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau. 343. Swelim and Dodson attempt to show that North Mazghuna is the likely choice for Lepsius LIX using the details in the survey as well as comparisons with the known monuments of the Late Middle Kingdom. 331-333. The Canopic Equipment. there was a large circular mound of limestone chips. PL 243. All the other features are missing from North Mazghuna. He remarked that the pyramid was located around 300 m from the cultivation. In the area around this debris. 209. p. n. measuring roughly 58 m on each side. a measurement common with the funerary monument of Ameny Qemau and the structures at Mazghuna. and that it was in the vicinity of a dike." pp. later correcting it to west.east of a village called Dahshur. The exact location of pyramid LIX is unknown due to the fact that Lepsius originally placed the site to the. 63. Swelim.4X Lepsius LIX From the description of Lepsius LIX. The complex included a 50.

" p.. XI. which may have 1064 Alexanian. Nonetheless. but investigation produced many sites with Dynasty XIII pottery. "The Necropolis of Dahshur Excavations Report Spring 2006. Located to the south of DAS 46.1066 Down toward the wadi to the north.." Schiestl. et al. "The Necropolis of Dahshur Excavations Report Spring 2006. et al." p. 282 . brick debris.scholars explain that the debris could have been removed while some structures may have been covered by more recent activities. At this location. However. granite. 12 m diameter pit containing limestone fragments. the slopes of the wadi contained granite and quartzite fragments. possibly indicating the presence of a structure above. the surveyors found quartzite. 51.A. this area had never been surveyed.1065 Unfortunately. Many of these locations likely contain the tombs of Late Middle Kingdom elite. there are so many missing features that one must be cautious until further research can be undertaken at the site of Mazghuna and elsewhere. and a Late Middle Kingdom sherd. 49-52 In the 1. 50. there is a distinct change in the geography as the landscape is made up of elevated areas cut periodically with wadis forming narrow peninsulas that run from southwest to northeast. neither pottery nor an indication of any architecture was found. et al. Possible Court Cemeteries DAS 46. "Neues zur Residenznekropole.4. it is possible that some larger tombs are pyramids. "The Necropolis of Dahshur Excavations Report Spring 2006.. basalt. DAS 49 is a round." Schiestk "Neues zur Residenznekropole. DAS 46 is the first in the southern geographic zone of Dahshur.g.50 km zone between the pyramid of Ameny Qemau and its surrounding monuments and those at South Mazghuna. 1065 Alexanian." 1066 Alexanian.1064 Until recently.

it is likely that private (mastaba) tombs could have occupied this particular region. surveyors could see brick debris and limestone.5 and 10 m in diameter. which is located on the next ridge to the south of DAS 49. 283 . Since. "The Necropolis of Dahshur Excavations Report Spring 2006. The next ridge to the south houses both DAS 51 and 52 as well as a quarry. In some cases. ° 7 Three sizes of pits were found in the area. and DAS 52 had visible bricks.originated from a structure in the area. and perhaps even to other unknown rulers with pyramids in the area as well as the owners of the pyramids at Mazghuna to the south. "Neues zur Residenznekropole. who built tombs in the surrounding regions. 6-9. et al. Whether or not DAS 49 and this area DAS 49/1 were connected is unclear. and 4-6 m in diameter. including those ranging from 11-12. 51. scholars are not yet sure as to the nature of all royal tombs from this period. the 7 Alexanian." pp. It is also possible that these tombs belonged to elite officials and family members of Ameny Qemau.. The discussion of the likely private tombs above has been included in this discussion of possible Late Middle Kingdom royal tombs due to the fact that none of these sites have been investigated archaeologically. an investigation of these small monuments would provide a great deal of insight as to the identity of the kings. DAS 50. It is likely that these monuments were mastabas belonging to officials of Dynasty XIII. "Neues zur Residenznekropole. seems to be a grouping of elite tombs with Dynasty XIII pottery." p." Schiestl.. Since the data is not overwhelmingly convincing that there was a Late Middle Kingdom pyramid in this area. 51-52.1068 Both were between 8. et al. Certainly. 68 Alexanian. "The Necropolis of Dahshur Excavations Report Spring 2006." Schiestl. it cannot be stated with certainty whether or not some of the locations above may contain small pyramids or even mastabas of the weaker rulers of the period.

a son of Khasekhemre Neferhotep I. "Amenemhet I.A. and Dynasty XIII pottery were found within the extensive spoil heaps and in the wadi below.A. et al.4. due to the continuation of the pyramidal lines of the slopes below. 52. Bener. "The Necropolis of Dahshur Excavations Report Spring 2006.5. Schiestl and his colleagues believe that this site was the most likely of all of those they surveyed at Dahshur to have been a Late Middle Kingdom royal pyramid. "Non-Royal Burials"). Amenemhet I may have begun to construct a pyramid at Sakkara before moving the capital to Itjatawy and building the monument at Lisht (Do. had funerary monuments near the pyramid complex of Senwosret Alexanian. limestone fragments.1069 This 20 m monument stretches over most of the crest of the ridge. "Neues zur Residenznekropole.h.." Schiestl. it would have looked as though it formed the top of a much larger structure. it is also likely that the tomb was a large. there is a potential Dynasty XIII pyramid. Wahneferhotep." p. 102. Arnold. XI. If a traditional royal tomb stood here. Lisht Another possible location for a Dynasty XIII royal funerary monument is Lisht. the site of the royal necropolis of the first two kings of Dynasty XII located near their new capital at Itjatawy. However. private mastaba and was a part of the cemetery possibly connected to both known and unknown pyramids of Dynasty XIII. and the development of the private and royal cemeteries overall at this time. n.1070 Here. and an official. 20. Here. brick debris. XI. 284 . DAS 53 On the southern-most.existence of more pyramids in the areas nearby not surveyed. Silverman. L-shaped ridge at Dahshur." p.

Budge. pp. 1074 Note that Ryholt discusses another stela (BM 569.1072 Aldred has suggested that these objects are cult statues. He believes that this site is different from the one in the el-Lahun ostracon (Ryholt. 1997). 6. p. See also Helck. "Gods in the Temple of the King: Anubis at Lahun. 29. "Royal Names.A. 1923).. which is dated to Amenemhet II that lists a shm-imnw. "Egypt: From the Death.M. Thus. since some of the later kings seem to have used Dynasty XII monuments as the headquarters for the construction of their tombs located nearby. 137-138. et al.1071 At this point in time. Middle Kingdom Art. 290." p. 248. 18. Lahun II (London. Wegner." in S. ed. 184.W. Hieroglyphic Texts from Egyptian Stelae &c. the Dynasty XII king. 224-226.I. Mortuary Temple. 1072 285 . el-Lahun To the southeast of Hawara near the entrance to the Faiyum. "Royal Names. 7. 50. was found.A. 1073 W. Quirke. p. Zur Verwaltung. Aldred.1074 It is unclear whether or not these inscriptions refer to a Dynasty XIII Amenemhet (Ameny being a shortened version of the name). 1912)." p. which may indicate that one of the first few rulers of the dynasty had a funerary monument nearby. During the excavations of this site. pp. p. which can possibly be attributed to the reign of one of the early Dynasty XIII kings since they are similar to the style of the reign of Amenemhet III. in the British Museum 2 (London. 13. Quirke.F. Hayes proposed that Neferhotep I may also have had a tomb in this area. Note that BM 839 has the determinative for both a pyramid and a pyramid city while BM 568 only had that of a pyramid (E. Sahathor). an ostracon naming another pyramid. Senwosret II constructed a pyramid complex. 29.. History. See also Grimal. Nonetheless. PI." pp. there are also wooden statues of a king found near the enclosure wall of the pyramid of Senwosret I at Lisht.1073 This same name is also found inscribed into the stelae of Khentiemsemt of unknown date (BM 839). Sekhem Senwosret refers to the mortuary temple of Senwosret I at Lahun. 49. The Temple in Ancient Egypt (London. pp. Sekhem Ameny (shm-imny). p. and the associated town of Kahun survived Hayes. Pis. 20). XI. See S. 8. 108). Nonetheless. Ryholt.6. Petrie. 108-109. no scholars have proposed specific sites as being the possible locations of Dynasty XIII pyramids at Lisht.

XI." pp.B. Delta The search for the missing Dynasty XIII royal tombs has led some scholars to locations within the Nile Delta.1. XI. One option is that an individual ruler without ties to the previous royal family desired to be buried near the locations of his own ancestral origin. sections will provide the analysis of the rather scant evidence for Late Middle Kingdom tombs in two regions in the Delta.7. "Zwei Pyramiden. there is no specific evidence that these last kings of Dynasty XII were buried within monuments at this location. 23-27. XI.1075 However. The Tell el-Dab'a Region Tell el-Dab'a is an important site located in the eastern Delta. this region had no traditional royal cemeteries. 286 . and a new circumstance had to arise to inspire rulers to construct their funerary monuments here. In the Late Middle Kingdom. Below.B. fragmentation within the state could have prevented certain kings from having access to the Memphite necropolis. Hawara Grajetzki has proposed that the tombs of Amenemhet IV and Nefrusobek may be located near the pyramid of Amenemhet III at Hawara.well into Dynasty XIII. it is possible that a Late Middle Kingdom royal tomb lies in this area. Also.A. Established early 1075 Grajetzki.

Some scholars believe that there may have been a Dynasty XIII cemetery in this area. tombs may also have been violated at this time.E. 214." p. 779. 1077 Bietak. Ryholt. Bietak. 1994). Unfortunately. Ward. 287 . "Social History. 173-175. 478." Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress of Egyptologists (Leuven. The Capital of the Hyksos. Lesko. 737. "Foreigners Living in the Village.468-470. "Canaanites. 1078 Dodson.1077 Thus. p. 26-24. 4. including the pyramidions discussed below. 459-460. "Connections. Egypt. 558. the Middle Kingdom. W. Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt (New York." Proceedings of the British Academy. 1998). "Importance. Archaeological Exploration in the Eastern Nile Delta.1078 However. Canaan andlsreal. Helck. 471-474. Szafranski.a. possibly during raids by the Hyksos. Habachi." pp. 1979). "Limestone Relief Fragments from Tell el-Dab'a. "Tombs of the Kings. For evidence that earlier kings actually founded this town." p. 36. 43." p. The Canopic Equipment. et al. XLB. 114.l. this pyramidion. 228." p. "Importance. p. including an undiscovered pyramid of this king. "Avaris and Piramesse. may have been the location of a royal necropolis of Dynasty XIII. Political Situation. pp.. was more likely removed with the destruction of a funerary monument in the Memphite region to the south." A&L 4 (1994)." BASOR 311 (1998). "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. 52. 32." in K. Bard. p. however. pp. "Tell ed-Dab'a. see Z. there is evidence that objects such as statues of Nefrusobek and Qemau Saharnedjeritef were taken from Memphite temples. p.H. ed. no." p. 19. "Pyramid Research. have lead some scholars to propose that Khataana. p. this city (Avaris) became the capital of the Asiatic states ruled by Dynasties XIV and XV. Redford. 65 (London. Hayes. n. a Supposed Asiatic King in Egypt with Relations to Ebla. possibly at the hands of the M.. 8. Ryholt." p. 43. ed. Pyramidion of Merneferre Ay A portion of a granite pyramidion of Merneferre Ay was discovered at Khataana. p.. Habachi.A. 90. Second Intermediate Period. Bietak. 3. Swelim. p. 19. 343. Pharaoh's Workers: The Villagers ofDeir el Medina (Ithaca. which certainly dates to Dynasty XIII. pp. 1999). "Neue Grabungsergebnisse aus Tell el-Dab'a und 'Ezbet Helmi im ostlichen Nildelta (1989-1991). "Hotepibre. 61. p." pp. located to the west of Tell el-Dab'a. "Egypt: From the Death." in L. Historische-Biographische. 5-6. n." p.A. M. two of which certainly were found in this area. 31. Kemp. to Avaris. Three pyramidions.

"Importance. Pyramidion from Ezbet Rushdi Another pyramidion was found at Ezbet Rushdi. must have had a funerary monument notably smaller than these structures at South Sakkara. 15. 288 . Rossi notes that Middle Kingdom pyramids have pyramidions made of dark stones. 474-476.1080 Thus this king. "Note.1079 It is interesting to note that the pyramidion of Merneferre Ay. After the Pyramids. 478.b. n. 254). 32. Great Monuments." p." p." p. XI. Such a monument may have been one of the proposed pyramids discussed above or an unknown structure in the Memphite region. "Importance.Hyksos. pp." p. "Tombs of the Kings. this object has also led some to believe that another Dynasty XIII pyramid may have once rose above the area. Untersuchungen. 1084 Dodson.l. who reigned relatively late in Dynasty XIII. 221). Habachi. 379.1082 As in the case of the pyramidion of Merneferre Ay. 82. "Pyramid Research. giving the Late Middle Kingdom rulers no access to the eastern Delta (Ryholt. p. Political Situation." p. as well as other of these structures from the Delta were small and easily transported in relation to that of Khendjer and the two from the "'Unfinished' Pyramid" at South Sakkara." p. "Importance. 478.1083 However. After the Pyramids. 80. 1080 Habachi. 558. Ryholt argues that a Dynasty XIII necropolis could not have been located here due to his chronological reconstruction in which Dynasty XIV began at the end of Dynasty XII. pp. a reason why this particular example might be placed in this group (Rossi. 436. p.1081 This capstone was made of basalt and provided evidence that it had once been covered with a thin sheet of metal. 73." pp. 343. 15. 334. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. 59. Swelim. p. Swelim and Dodson. 1083 Dodson.B. n.1084 1079 Dodson. 1081 Habachi. who had the longest known reign of Dynasty XIII at thirteen or twenty-three years. "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau." pp. it is also likely that this object found its way to this region when the Hyksos removed it from its original location. von Beckerath. Verner. 43.

n. 318." p. ou.1086 However." ASAE 38 (1938). 1087 Anonymous.c. More recently. Swelim. "Instructions Donnees par l'Academie des Inscriptions et BellesLettres en sa Seance du Vendredid 7 Octobre 1859 a Auguste Mariette sur les Principales Recherches a Executer en Egypte dans L'lnteret de L'Histoire et de l'Archeologie. 115.e. pp.l. Liverpool at Athribis (Tell Atrib). measuring 60 cms in height." ASAE 2 (1901). Description de I'Egypte. p." GM56 (1982). 343. which they discovered at the site Athribis in the southern part of the Delta. Though Nibbi dates this original object to Dynasty XVIII. Recueil de observations et des recherches qui ont etefaites en Egypte pendant 1086 Vexpedition de Varmee francaise. Napoleon's team of artists observed and noted a fully preserved pyramid. XI. Dodson has suggested that this pyramid might belong to the Dynasty XIII royal 1US5 A. 524. "Instructions Donnes par l'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres en sa Seange du Vendredi 7 Octobre 1859 a Auguste Mariette sur les Principales Recherches a Executer en Egypte dans l'lnteret de l'Histoire et de l'Archeologie.1085 The limestone pyramidion had been cut into an anchor. d'Egypte. 436..XLB. Nibbi. only the subsurface remains at this time. leaving only three decorated sides intact. Rowe was able to relocate the structure in the late 1930's. Pyramidion (Anchor) from Unknown Provenience A partial pyramidion. Pis.1088 However. as it does not have the same structure or style as the other Dynasty XII and XIII pyramidions. is now located at the Egyptian Museum in Cairo though its origin is unknown. 1088 A. ° Though. 115.2. Ia-IIb. "A Short Report on Excavations of the Institute of Archaeology. 1809). "A Half Pyramidion. C. et al. 289 . p. 61. PI. Rowe. publie par les ordres de Sa Majeste I'empereur Napoleon le Grand V (Paris. 27. presumably. 57.B. p. p. Commission and d.a. "Pyramid Research. Swelim has included this architectural feature in his list of possible Late Middle Kingdom funerary structures at Khataana. Verner. Athribis In 1800. Lenormant. it does appear that this object derives from the New Kingdom. Great Monuments. One side is blank while the other two each show a god seated on a throne including Anubis and Re-Horakhty." ASAE 2 (1901).s. he did not complete any excavations.

it is very unlikely that it would date to Dynasty XIII. "Royal Head with White Crown. 80. Tutankhamun. After the Pyramids. Verner. 1090 290 . it is necessary that the dating of this pyramid be approached with caution. 32. Dodson has suggested the possibility that this structure might be of Ptolemaic date like much of the rest of the site1091 while Ryholt adds that there is nothing to show that this structure was a pyramid or a royal structure nor is there any indication that dated to Dynasty XIII. p. 122). "Tombs of the Kings. Seidelmayer. It seems unlikely that an enduring king. In fact." pp. "Domain of Pharaoh. meaning that a king would have had ample time to complete the structure during his reign. 1092 Ryholt. The Golden King and the Great Pharaohs (Washington. See Silverman. 43. as it is shown in a complete form. 2008). Papazian. Hawass. would have chosen such a non-traditional tomb site in the Delta.1092 1089 Dodson. it would be the only certain finished monument of Dynasty XIII. 90. step pyramid from the early Old Kingdom like those found at Elephantine and Abydos (Sinki) as well as other sites. 1091 Dodson. S." p. Political Situation. 173. showing that there was royal activity in this region. The identification of this pyramid with Dynasty XIII must remain very tenuous at best. as it would be the < best-preserved funerary structure of the Middle Kingdom.1090 Alternatively. 101-108. p. Note that a late Dynasty XII/Dynasty XIII royal statue head has been found at Kom el-Hisn. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. "Town and State. If this was the true nature of this monument in the 1800's. though no signs of a royal cemetery are at this site. 15." in Z. p. These pyramids served as the locations of the cults of the living kings Huni and Sneferu (H. Verner has proposed that this structure may have been a non-funerary. Great Monuments. n.funerary corpus." p. who might have enjoyed considerable power. Also. It is quite odd that the pyramid represented in the Napoleonic drawing is so wellpreserved. 242. p." p. Until excavations provide more substantial evidence.

Thus.C. and staffing of the new royal tomb and the cult of the deceased king. the largest of the Late Middle Kingdom pyramids are already known. building. he was only able to construct a relatively small funerary monument. At Thebes. Existing pyramids and their associated workforces allowed for the planning. ideological ties to the powerful Dynasty XII kings served to legitimize the reigns of the relatively weak rulers who followed. archaeologists must search for small monuments meeting the profile of Late Middle Kingdom tombs. Thus. It is clear that the zone for Late Middle Kingdom tombs is similar to that for pyramids of Dynasty XII proper. The Dynasty XIII kings clearly desired to locate their tombs in the vicinity of the Dynasty XII royal cemeteries. extending from South Sakkara in the north to the entrance to the Faiyum in the south with largest concentration in the Sakkara/Dahshur region. More than likely. The pyramidion of Merneferre Ay indicates that even in his 13 or 23 year long reign.XI. likely for both economic and political reasons. in the areas outlined above. there is a religiously significant site with a royal lineage in the form of the tombs of the Dynasty XI rulers and the possible initial monument of Amenemhet 291 . a pattern emerges that can allow one to establish a set of assumptions regarding the missing monuments. The Missing Tombs From the discussion of the excavated and potential sites for the Late Middle Kingdom royal tombs above. many pyramids from this period may be so small that they are misinterpreted as mastabas or other more minor constructions. Meanwhile. it is important that.

292 .) if the excavators' reports are to be believed. Scholars have also suggested that the tomb of Awibre Hor may provide a model Do. until additional research is undertaken at these and the other sites. Habachi. p. a statue from Kamak mentions the Mansion of Millions of Years of Sobekhotep IV. see Brovarski. von Beckerath. Dodson suggests that the erasure of Khendjer's names from the Osiris bier at Abydos may provide evidence for the hostile usurpation of this king's monuments. p. p. some scholars believe that this structure. Grajetski.I. at this point." p. p. much less reused (mummy fragments. 1094 E. 1096 Dodson. which remained open. one must assume at this date that some of the tombs of Dynasty XIII kings remained unused.1094 However. However.1095 Ryholt elaborates that families may have used the same tomb and/or that usurpers may have left portcullis stones and sarcophagi open so that they could clear the tombs and reuse the structures as their own pyramid complex. 86.1096 It is possible that some monuments were begun by one king and then finished by another or occupied by another. The Canopic Equipment. n. Thus. Middle Kingdom. Thus. Statues Egyptiennes du Moyen Empire. 23. 5-48." pp. wood. 263. Untersuchungen. 68. etc. "Archaism and Innovation. See also von Beckerath. "Amenemhet I. 73. In fact. some of the tombs." p. those at North Mazghuna and the "Unfinished" Pyramid at Sakkara. Monarchs. "Theban. p. 35. Silverman. Delange. The Canopic Equipment." For views against the ownership of this tomb by Amenemhet I. Arnold. 68. Ryholt. Political Situation. Fig. no funerary monuments of Dynasty XIII kings have been found in the Theban region. 35. 1095 Dodson. which would suggest that they had been used. 29-30. "False Doors". contained no elements. p. "Vizier Iymeru. as well as an associated tomb may be located nearby. 81. Meanwhile. Ryholt and Dodson have suggested that the lack of Dynasty XIII royal tombs for the majority of the more than fifty kings of the period may be the result of a revolvingdoor mortuary practice. 262.

Swelim and Dodson. such as Ameny Qemau and Khendjer. 184." p. p. chapels. 50. Neferhotep I. 1099 Grimal. "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau. These monuments also have quartzite portcullis stones which. and possible 1097 Aldred. 1100 Verner. 1098 293 . during the Late Middle Kingdom the architectural characteristics of the tombs are relatively standardized. it must be remembered that practically unknown kings. Staircases composed of shallow steps with ramps on either side are also common. 94. Hayes. when closed. though some have suggested that the second of these was buried at Lisht. "Pyramid. Monarchs. p. and Sobekhotep IV should have monuments. one of two types of sarcophagi are found within each tomb (this pyramid has both). built pyramids near the beginning of their reigns. included a brick pyramid and subsidiary structures such as encasement walls (some being sinusoidal). Dodson.1100 XII. More affluent rulers-like Sobekhotep III. 67. Except in the case of the "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara. yet no tombs have been attributed to them.1098 being buried on the grounds of their royal ancestors (through blood or ideology) instead. However." p. "Egypt: From the Death. hid the entrances to the corridors. The superstructures of the monuments. which were more complete. History. However. p.1099 Other monuments may lay undiscovered at South Sakkara and Dahshur. 136. Conclusions The known tombs of the kings from the time of Amenemhet III at Hawara through Merneferre Ay of Dynasty XIII developed from an earlier prototype during Dynasty XII." p. a small pyramid.for the funerary installations of many of the kings of Dynasty XIII. Middle Kingdom Art. It is assumed that many kings did not have the time or resources to build large tombs. 333.

others would have to be excavated to confirm that they belong to this group of pyramids. 294 . The characteristics of these monuments can then be compared to the visible properties of the sites thought to belong to this known corpus.causeways. Though some can be eliminated based upon their descriptions.

V. 87. Loret. 84. 1102 Dreyer. 109-115." Sphinx 5 (1902). pp. 96.1 03 Though a debate ensued over this interpretation. V. including the construction of ka chapels within the enclosure walls of the Osiris Temple. pp. "Un dernier mot a propos du tombeau d'Osiris. Studies Dedicated to Michael Hoffman (Oxford. Loret. who they believed had been the first regent of the state. 46. "Abydos." Sphinx 5 (1902). 16." in K. Around the beginning of the Middle Kingdom. As time progressed. pp. Tombeau. ed.C.Chapter 4 The Late Middle Kingdom Royal Tombs at South Abydos I. Part II. Wegner.. For His Ka. Osiris 'Bed. 34-52. who discovered the object. in order to experience a greater relationship with this god. 247-248. D. 295 . 102-104. rulers began to expend great resources at Abydos. "The Status of Early Egyptian Temples: An Alternative Theory. including those of Den and Djer of Dynasty I. 1103 Amelineau. Friedman. Loret. "Egypt's Sacred Sands: Exploring the Tombs and Temples of Ancient Abydos. pp. "Le Tombeau d'Osiris: Reponse a l'Article de M.' p. pp. Patch. 92-93. 6.1102 The latter monument contained the Osiris bier. Adams and R.1101 They also cleared and restored some of the ancient royal tombs. Umm el-Qa'ab. E. 112. see O'Connor. eds. Amelineau. 1994. Introduction An area of Abydos known as Umm el-Gaab was the location of the tombs of the first kings of Upper and Lower Egypt." Sphinx 5 (1902)." in D. p. 1999). Leahy. pp. 433. O'Connor and D. 234-246. Silverman." Archaeology 54 (2001).1104 scholars today generally accept this Early Dynastic structure as the tomb of Osiris of later times. a basalt work displaying the deceased god on a funerary bed flanked with falcons. Tombeau. Osiris. Pis. Mortuary Temple. p. "Le tombeau d'Osiris. Amelineau. the ancient Egyptians came to identify this site as the final resting place of the divine ruler of the dead. Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt (New York. For ka-chapels of the Old Kingdom at Abydos. ed.A. The Followers ofHorus. suggested that it indicated that this monument was the site of the symbolic tomb of Osiris known through ancient texts. 1992). Bard. Chicago. 18-21..P. p.." in B. "Abydos in the Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period. Brovarski.

Geschichte." in K.. Simpson. Map of the site of Abydos including the mortuary complex of Senwosret III.1106 1105 W." Melanges Gamal Eddin Mokhtar. • lill'|N>K i - > f . 58-59. 101-102. "Twelfth 296 . S.1." pp. • Illi«h lU-M-ri ( lilts i Figure 4. 52-62. 9. 1106 D. 1999).i.i urni. North.Vmm ** '* SCU\% O H . 1 t • "• . Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt (London. Quirke. 1992).A fC •!. "Protective Measure. i .'v'i 0*lll!i. and the tomb of the deity. pp. Terrace of the Great God.A. p. private pilgrims also placed their mark on Abydos when they traveled great distances in order to witness the annual Festival of Osiris." Archiv Oriental™ 20 (1952). Leahy. "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity. 05 They established their own. During the Middle Kingdom. and the site of Umm el-Gaab. . i l l ' t'l-(itinh s ! Plinth-. ) i icn !m. 1985). uS'shc fn*.N i a 500 m . "Abydos. 85. V .>•. "The 'Cenotaphs' of the Middle Kingdom at Abydos. ed. cenotaphs. 6768.* Complex ^Ikm&ifh'. O'Connor." pp. or symbolic tombs and stelae at the "Terrace of the Great God" (rwdn ntr 9) near the Kom el-Sultan that they too might become associated with this god in the afterlife. 72-85. 55-59. which centered upon the temple. 50-56. Ancient Egyptian Religion (New York. ka Chapels and Cenotaphs. pp. tombs S9 and S10. 117.' f EpiC\ loir'. Wegner. Helck. "Die Herkunft des Abydenischen Osirisrituals. Simpson. pp. After Wegner 2006. ^tsd sMttfroW h>Si^ u f U s l u s t S9andS10- <_. p. a sacred road. Bard.

257." Expedition 48 (2006). pp. "Echoes of Power: The Mayor's House of Ancient Wah-Sut. "The Town of Wah-Sut at South Abydos: 1999 Excavations." p. J." in E. in which the decoration emphasizes the connection between the deceased king and the god Osiris.B. 456. 419-435. 2001). 247-248. 1107 Di. Abu el-Yazid.In the reign of Senwosret III. "Hidden"." MDAIK 57 (2001)." p. "The Archaeology of South Abydos." p. 15-22 .. pp. Czerny and A. 69-71. pp. 2006). 6. This complex included a town and a valley temple. E. 32-33. ed. 4. Though Senwosret III had built a pyramid complex at Dahshur. Mortuary Temple. 357-380. underground tomb at South Abydos. 281." Expedition 48 (2006). et al. 7. 22-28. "A Middle Kingdom Town at South Abydos. 5. 18-20. 1 (Dudley.1). "Institutions and Officials at South Abydos: An Overview of the Sigillographic Evidence. Part III (London. it is likely that he was actually buried in his large. p. referred to as the "Mountain of Anubis" (dwi'npw). Arnold. 1109 Wegner. pp. 21. 2001). n. Redford. pp. Wegner. "Cenotaphs. eds. 83-125. "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity. Wegner and M." p.. "Nature and Chronology." pp. Mortuary Temple. Guide to the Antiquities. The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt. pp. "The Organization of the Temple NFR-KA of Senwosret III at Abydos. Ayrton. Schwab. MA. 86. Mortuary Temple.R. The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt. 140-282. 11. Mortuary Temple." in D. 1 (Oxford. the royal worship of Osiris reached a new pinnacle. 80.1107 This structure was located beneath a natural pyramid in the cliffs.1109 Senwosret Ill's mortuary activity at the site of Abydos provided a Middle Kingdom precedent for the use of this ancient royal cemetery by some of the following Dynasty. which may have served as the precedent to the Gurn in the Valley of the Kings during the New Kingdom. "Abydos. "Cenotaphs. 81. pp.." pp. p. Wegner. 1904)." Egyptian Archaeology 17 (2000).". Wegner. pp." p. 246.. J. 1 (Oxford. as the king himself built a tomb at South Abydos to the east (local south) of the site of the funerary structures of the first kings. ed." in D." pp. 297 . 34. "Organization of the Temple. 393. pp. "Excavations at the Town. pp. 19. "The Town of Wah-Sut. "Abydos. Redford. Weigall. 77. "Seat of Eternity." p. including that now associated with this deity (Fig. 4. 60. 388-401. Timelines: Studies in Honour of Manfred Bietak. pp. "Burial Place of the Third Senwosret?. 85. 11-13. The Pyramid Complex of Senwsoret III. hidden. "Excavations at the Town." A&L 10 (2000). Wegner." Archaeology 54 (2001).B. "The Mountain-of-Anubis: Necropolis Seal of the Senwosret III Tomb Enclosure at Abydos. Weigall had suggested that Senwosret III was buried temporarily at South Abydos before his body was moved to his tomb in Dahshur. "Cult Complexes. 1108 J. 9-10. Abydos. 17-18." p. 281-308. 58-59." CRIPEL 22 (2001).

36. Weigall's plan of S9 and S10 in relation to the tomb of Senwosret III.CLIFFS Senwosret III ?M 111 **»**•»»*$ H S10 --r-fcB^^T I I S9 A(VkAAA*%ftAi*W\AAWj J8 T Sfei WKfi* n*WOK* J lUli I -JL-i u Figure 4. After Ayrton. 1904. 298 . PI.2.

though fragments of this monument were recorded in sketches by Giuseppe Acerbi in 1829. 299 . n. 30-47." EVO 2 (1979). "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity. 80. At South Abydos. Interestingly.1112 S9 is the closest to the Dynasty XII tomb. the structure itself has not been recovered archaeologically." p." pp. while S10 sits a little further to the west (local northwest). pp. was buried in a shaft tomb within the pyramid complex of Amenemhet III at Dahshur. 8-17. 59. Wegner. "Un Edificia di Kha-Anekh-Ra Sobek-Hotep ad Abido. especially in the construction of their mortuary structures. See also Leahy. In this time period. p. Bresciani. Bresciani has noted the existence of a possible Dynasty XIII chapel. Awibre Hor. 16. then at Itjatawy. 133. pp.rulers.1111 However." which is a part of North Abydos (Peet. and Amherst). "mastabas" S9 and S10 are located to the north (local southeast) of the tomb of Senwosret III. 1111 E. As was shown in the last chapter. one king. between the temples of Ramses II and Sety I at Abydos. "Protective Measure. there was not only a geographic connection to the monuments of the Dynasty XII (and even Old Kingdom) rulers but also a desire to adhere to the royal tradition of locating these tombs near the capital. Mortuary Temple. belonging to Khaankhre Sobekhotep II. Fig. The Dynasty XIII royal funerary monuments in the Memphite region are located in the vicinity of the Dynasty XII pyramids. 384. 1). Abydos Cemeteries. Leiden. and small pieces of it may be located in museums (Louvre. These two monuments were 1110 It is also possible that this trend began in the reigns of Amenemhet IV and Nefrasobek at Abydos as well as the Memphite locations. S9 and S10 are located at South Abydos and are not a part of Peet's Cemetery "S. There is also a sense that some Dynasty XIII kings attempted to legitimize their reigns by copying and tying themselves to their successful predecessors.

it is difficult to understand why scholars failed to make a connection between these structures and the corpus of Late Middle Kingdom royal funerary monuments from that point until Wegner began to reanalyze the area in 1994. ed. the justification for including S9 and S10 in the royal mortuary corpus of Dynasty XIII will be presented. See also D.. thus. it has become even more apparent how similar these monuments actually are. 82. and. Finally." pp. 386. 1982).G. Davies.A. Forthcoming). Wegner. Mackay recognized the fact that the sarcophagus at South Mazghuna and that of S9 at Abydos were practically identical. ka Chapels and Cenotaphs. The Second Intermediate Period (13th-l 7th Dynasties). 13-16. 1113 Ayrton. 2002). 106. B J. ed. had no parallels to which to refer.. 1114 300 . James. Labyrinth. Weigall's excavations will be outlined. 133. pp. This connection was more completely developed in a paper presented at the American Research Center in America's annual meeting in Baltimore in 2002 (D. pp. "Burial Place of the Third Senwosret?." in W. J. Baltimore. 46.. A Passion for Egypt: A Biography of Arthur Weigall (New York. p. who was working under the aegis of Petrie in the Egypt Exploration Society project.111 He was the first to excavate a tomb of this type. Kemp.1116 Through further research and work with the primary sources. 60. the date of these tombs as well as their significance went unnoticed for about ten years. 1115 Petrie.1115 Thus." in K. p. pp.H. "North.. Hankey. 1116 O'Connor. "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity. "The Significance of Royal Funerary Architecture in the Study of 13th Dynasty Kingship. In 1912. 11.excavated in 1901-02 by the twenty-one year old Arthur Weigall. Excavating in Egypt: The Egypt Exploration Society 1882-1982 (Chicago. Bard. and the general arguments for investigating the site further will be noted. 388." in T. "Evidence for Dynasty XIII Royal Mortuary Activity at South Abydos." Paper presented at the 53rd Annual Meeting of the American Research Center in Egypt. et al. 381-383. 2001). Landua-McCormack." p. 26-31. Current Research. Therefore. ed.. Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt (London. Abydos III. 80. McCormack. Maryland.V. 1999). Data from my excavations at S9 will also be discussed.1117 Thus in this chapter. Future Prospects (London. et al. "Abydos.

365-367. 11. see Wegner. "the hasty plan. causing him to be uncertain that his effort would be rewarded sufficiently with the finds below. p. Pls. For additional issues with the plan.. Ayrton. 13. pp. who claimed that he did not have the time to devote to this task."1120 In this plan and the text. the excavations of S9 and S10 were recorded in only a few pages in a book on the expedition's work at Abydos.1118 However. which he believed was filled with sand and pebbles and was possibly covered with bricks. Abydos III. In the publication of S9. 19 Also.36-38. 11. in this discussion. the measurements have all been rounded to the nearest half-foot.A. Weigall describes a rectangular enclosure wall. Thus. 13-16. Thus.. 1120 Ayrton. Unfortunately. the plans of the site were roughly made as the detailed measurements and mapping were left for the following season led by Currelly. while focusing primarily upon the subsurface components. Later. 1119 301 . 21. he abandoned his efforts before reaching any architecture due to the fact that sand poured incessantly into the excavations. Abydos III. The Elements of the Superstructure Weigall excavated a portion of the features of the superstructure of S9. Amelineau had begun clearing this tomb. II. pp. et al. Mortuary Temple. Petrie gained an interest in the tomb and eventually assigned Weigall to excavate the crater within the mounds of debris in 1901-02. Abydos III.II. et al. WeigalPs Excavations of S9 Prior to Weigall's excavations at S9 in 1901-02. these rough measurements have been converted into the metric system with the realization that they are probably far from accurate. pp.does not pretend to be very accurate. 21. n. though none were found in this position 1118 Ayrton. st&l.. Weigall reports that. .

14. was hidden when architects filled it with sand after the deceased owner of the tomb had been placed inside. 14. et al. 4. He reports that the average limestone block size had dimensions of 1.76 m. 37. 4.(Fig.2).. descended from the surface to the tomb in one corner. 37. et al. et al. 1126 Ayrton. 122). method of excavating a large pit. p. into which the quartzite sarcophagus and limestone passages were set. 302 ... m i He believed that the superstructure was in the form of a mastaba.B. Building."1122 He also suggested that a courtyard may have existed in front of the tomb. especially the roof. 1124 In Egyptian architecture. This area.A). Several m to the east of the enclosure wall. p. and much of the subterranean architecture. The entrance to the tomb. Abydos III. blocks used for building monuments were usually of varying sizes (Arnold. Abydos III.91 by 0. which he describes as a "frontage. Pis. the tomb had been completely emptied. The substructure of the tomb was not as elaborate as that in other royal monuments dated to the Late Middle Kingdom. Abydos III. The same is true for S9. 13.1124 Generally. The Components of the Substructure Weigall noted that S9 had been built by the. p.44 m tall and were whitewashed on the sides visible from the entrance. A brick staircase. had been destroyed. 14. et al. though it does have many familiar 1m 1122 Ayrton. p.23 by 0. PL 36. PI. p. p. now familiar. Weigall found a sinusoidal wall. II.. Ayrton. 14. had a three-sided retaining structure with a brick floor to the east of it (Fig.1125 The walls were about 2.3. which was located in the local east. 38. Abydos III. 1125 Ayrton. 1123 Ayrton. Abydos III. which is not shown in the plan. which was about 3 m below the surface. et al.

measuring 2. PI. 37.62 m (1. After Ayrton 1904. 4. pp.05 by 1.. 38.3. The entrance itself had been roofed with a vaulted ceiling made of a single slab of limestone. measuring 1.13 by 3. found at a higher level.1127 From this point.52 by 1. 13-14.B-C).characteristics. The portcullis blocked a passageway.52 m. 13.1128 This corridor ended in a turning chamber. p. 38.E).3. Abydos III.5 m.07 m wide) toward the west until it ended at a quartzite portcullis (around 3. Pis.3. a corridor gently descends around 7.3. Pis.23 m in length (Fig. The symbol indicates local north.D). 37. 303 . 4.43 by 3. The substructure of S9 at South Abydos.05 m (Fig.. Ayrton. et al. A section of the flooring of this room could be removed from its 13 cm 1127 1128 Ayrton. measuring 2. 4. Fig. Abydos III. Figure 4. 37. et al.

66 m) and then to the south (3.13 m.3.H). 4. after which the corridor narrowed and continued at a slightly lower level for 2. From this point on.38 m.3. allowing one to enter a hidden passage below (Fig. The northern part of the lid was mobile prior to the burial and measured 2. 4.22 by 0.0). 4.91 by 1. 1129 Ayrton.G).67 m long and extended toward the north before turning to the west for about a m (Fig..3. there was a small corridor leading from the floor of the passageway east of the burial chamber to the sarcophagus (Fig. Like in many of the Memphite tombs. It was thicker from the tip of this curve until it met the base. 38. the passageway led to the north again for about 3. Fig. but he did not include it in the plan. and the sarcophagus chamber was composed of limestone blocks. measuring 2.3.3. 4. 4. made up of a single piece of quartzite (4. 14. The sarcophagus had a base.74 by 0. the hallway turned again to the west (3.28 by 2. Fig. et al. Then.3.05 m.83 by 2.91 m) at the south had a rounded end that extended beyond the line of the sarcophagus base. 4.81 by 1.3. p.K). the lid was hollowed out and had a convex shape on the interior side. The fixed section of the lid (3. 37. 304 .13 m (Fig. while the lid was composed of two blocks of the same material (Fig. The outside of the sarcophagus was roughly hewn while the interior surfaces were finely finished but uninscribed and undecorated. Abydos III.supports. Finally. 4. 4. where the funerary material would have been placed within. with a place for the canopic box to the south (0.61 cms on each side). Weigall believed that a limestone blocking stone may have been placed in this position. 4.52 m.74 by 1.F). ending at the sarcophagus lid (Fig.83 by 0.3. This corridor was 10. there was a smaller quartzite portcullis (1.83 m).L). In S9. Pis.74 by 1.3.1-J). Here.M).1129 The container had a coffin niche.MN).05 m (Fig.

61 m tall.51 m wide and 0. Nonetheless. S10 would probably remain an unknown example of Late Middle Kingdom royal funerary architecture. 38. they were able to remove the body and the funerary items.. p. 1UU Ayrton. As far as is known currently. a new map of the monuments and their craters was used. they removed much of the roofing stones and some of the upper regions of the walls. The actual direction is southwest. more significantly diagnostic markers as to the date of this tomb. he did suggest that the stones holding the sarcophagus lid in the air would have been broken with the use of this passageway after the coffin had been placed inside. Abydos III. both the portcullis stones as well as the sarcophagus lid were closed in S9.1130 Though Weigall did not understand the sand lowering system. In fact. Weigall's Excavations of S10 If it were not for S9. the "robbers" were able to break a hole through it where the two lid components met. However. and Weigall noticed that some remnants of the contents were burned. Interestingly. Abydos III. 132 is much simpler and/or wrecked than the others discussed previously. there are still specific. III. et al. Pis. 1131 305 . From here. much of it had been destroyed when people from an unknown era broke through the limestone 1111 ceiling of the monument. p. As will be shown below. 14. this tomb was certainly occupied. Once they found the sarcophagus. which is located roughly 35 to 40 m to the local north and slightly west of S9. et al. Note that Weigall's map shows these two tombs to be much farther apart than reported here. 14. 37. this monument. Ayrton. For these computations.this area was just less than 3 m long and was 0..

81 m to the east of S10. et al. he does not include this feature on the plan. 36..28 by 3. 15. possibly making a mastaba-like feature. The exact nature and purpose of this mass of bricks remains unknown. 15. p. 36-37. PI. there is a whitewashed.A. Abydos III. 14-15. there was another wall further to the west. pp. About 19. Nonetheless. when Weigall began his excavations. p. but the orientation of the structure does seem to match that of the tomb. Weigall recalls finding another whitewashed (on the eastern side) brick wall 2.2). The Elements of the Superstructure Like in S9. there are two whitewashed walls running from west to east with a space of 7 m between them. so the purpose of this structure is unclear..1134 However. Near the location of this platform. magnetometry has revealed a brick-lined ramp filled with 1. To the north of the area where this wall crosses the entrance. Abydos III. et al.66 m. 1134 306 . Weigall suggested it was the site of the offering cult.1135 Weigall referred to this feature as a "platform.. the tomb itself had been covered with sand and pebbles." He presented no evidence as to why he believed this feature is related to S10 (such as brick sizes and composition). Abydos III. which may have delineated the back of the tomb structure. This wall was thick and short and seemed to have lacked any connections with the walls to the east. Ayrton.III. Passing over the limestone substructure near the entrance to the tomb from north to south. mudbrick structure measuring 11. 36-37. • 4. Pis. et al. In the text of the report.74 m to the west of the one described above. Since there was a brick surface in this area. there is a brick wall measuring 0. but it was in the form of a mound of sand around a crater.33 Ayrton. 1135 Ayrton. Pis.91 m tall (Fig.

Pis. Abydos III. 1136 Wegner. p.. Weigall proposed that this object had been made of limestone and had been broken apart. p. et al. This quartzite blocking stone has the exact measurements of the first of those of S 9 (3 by 1.92 m to the north. this room was likely to have been a turning chamber. and hid the entrance to a ramped staircase. H). 4. the floor of the limestone passage sloped downward gradually 1 1 TO (Fig. Pis. below (2. 4. At the end of the steps.C). G). A section of the floor in this room was false.D). there was a staircase. At the eastern end of this room.B. From the entrance. but he cited no evidence to support his theory. It is likely that the sarcophagus originally sat below the level of the floor.07 m wide and ran for 7 m toward the west until it came to a room. lying northeast/southwest (Fig. 38. Here. 15. 37. Mortuary Temple. leading 7. 369.1137 Brick walls extended out from either side. 38. p. dead ends at a portcullis (Fig. More recently. et al. 37.of the entrance with a brick floor between them. 15.4. The corridor was 1. The shallow stairs were 0. 1138 Ayrton.B).28 m. after descending at an angle for a few m.52).limestone debris. quartzite sarcophagus lid. Weigall found a flat. out-of-context.4. the passage turns to the west and.4.1 III.52 by 1. Abydos III. Though the northeastern corner appears to be displaced in the plan. 1137 307 .51 m wide with ramps measuring about 0.A).4. which was poorly preserved (2. Ayrton. The passage continues behind the blocking stone until it reaches the burial chamber (Fig. Components of the Substructure The entrance to the tomb was located on the eastern side (Fig. E-F). made up of six deep steps that extended from the surface just to the south of the chamber into its north end.

p.1 H.37. It is unclear whether or not the sarcophagus lid represents the primary interment. Mortuary Temple.Wegner has suggested that a field of quartzite debris near the temple of Senwosret III may be the remains of the base of this sarcophagus. which was often composed partly of heavy quartzite blocks. 308 . After Ayrton 1904. The missing burial chamber.4. P1.- Figure 4. 296. The substructure of S10. Wegner.

it is likely that the original sarcophagus chamber is located directly to the west as it is in S9. since these monuments were the first of the Late Middle Kingdom royal tombs to be excavated. 15. no doubt. 382. Problems with WeigalPs Plans There are some significant problems with Weigall's plans of S9 and S10 that are apparent after the analysis of the Late Middle Kingdom tombs in the Memphite region. pp. Awibre Hor's canopic jars had his name upon them. which were written in mutilated hieroglyphs like those of Awibre Hor. 309 .. IV. In the pyramid of Ameny Qemau. "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity. These potential errors are. Wegner." p. Weigall found calcite canopic jar fragments. Thus. 19. it is hoped that careful excavation of S10 may result in new clues. above).1140 These vessels had standard spells. In the area around the sarcophagus lid. in the future. Weigall may not have had the tools 1140 Ayrton. which may shed light upon the nature of the burial chamber and the corridors leading to it. hasty modifications in the entrance to the tomb seem to suggest that this section was not yet completed at the time of the death of the king. but the burial chamber appears to have been finalized. due to Weigall's inexperience as an excavator in Egypt as well as the fact that he did not construct the plan from measurements taken for that purpose (see Section II. Abydos III. If the small room is a chapel. It is unfortunate that Weigall did not find the name of the person buried in the tomb. it may be the case that the architectural remains were extremely fragmentary. and.would likely have been the first section of a Late Middle Kingdom royal tomb to have been finished. et al. Also.

Thus. Weigall believed that this stone had been lowered from the ceiling. et al. it would finally come to rest with one end in this niche. as one could see from the other six examples of these monuments (including Hawara). Abydos III. Once the burial was complete. usually made of a polished piece of quartzite. Thus.he needed to understand them. The first of these is an issue pertaining to the quartzite portcullis stone in the first corridor. with one side at the edge of a ramp.5 m).7).1141 However. The stone would then block the next passage. the portcullises are usually encased in a niche in one of the limestone walls. found at a higher level (usually about 1 to 1. the portcullis stretched completely across the corridor into both walls. 13. the stone holding up the large block would have been knocked out. stretching across the corridor. In Weigall's plan of S9. suspended on three sides via the niches and the ramp at the back. the final end remaining in the original chamber. As one might recall. The large quartzite stone sits in its niche. this pattern only occurs once in the pyramid of Ameny Qemau at Dahshur. As the stone slid down the ramp. The blocking stone is held a little above horizontal by another stone that prevents it from sliding down prematurely. p. there are three major problems (others will be discussed in the section concerning the re-excavation of this tomb). the stone formed a low ceiling in its chamber.. 3. 1141 Ayrton. 310 . presumably with the aid of levers. in which a modification had been made to the plan. allowing the quartzite stone to proceed down the slope. smaller niche in the opposite wall. There was a second. the portcullises in the Late Middle Kingdom tombs usually work using the same technique (See Fig. Instead.

WeigalPs section and plan of S9 reveals that the portcullis stone is in the expected location for this sort of tomb. blocking the entrance to the next passageway at a higher level. this characteristic parallels the other tombs exactly. 1142 1143 Ayrton. as it would need to be larger to house the entire blocking stone prior to sealing the tomb. However. 37. 311 . Clearly. With this in mind. Another problem with Weigall's plan is the lack of turning chambers in the northern part of the tomb.1142 The stone is suspended on three sides above the surface of the first corridor. It is likely that the ceiling in the portcullis chamber was not preserved. it is also clear the portcullis sits further into the southern wall than it does into the northern one. Also.1143 In S9. Weigall's plan shows a recess in the ceiling. In the plan. it seems to be the case that Weigall did not reconstruct the thickness of this wall correctly. The size of the coffin is estimated using the interior measurements of the sarcophagus. Further evidence that the portcullis stone here follows the normal royal Late Middle Kingdom model is the increase in the thickness of the southern wall at this point. et al. 38. it is understandable why Weigall may have thought that the giant stone had been lowered from above.. However. Abydos 111. there was one of these specialized rooms just to the west of the first portcullis. Pis. Again. he may not have been able to see the large niche in the southern wall because it was either not preserved or was blocked completely by the portcullis stone. allowing for the stone to be lowered from above. This type of room was found whenever the direction of a corridor turned ninety degrees so that the workers would be able to rotate the coffin and maneuver this inflexible object down the halls to the sarcophagus chamber.

the reader should immediately recognize the fact that this example must be a Type 2. which Weigall was unable to see in the ruins.. sealing the burial. a section of the sarcophagus lid (usually two or three stones total) is propped up on two pillars sitting on sand within a chamber with a saddle roof. In this form. When the burial was complete. there must be some other component of this system. creating some extra space. whether it was a hidden corridor on the west side or some sort of mechanism within the sarcophagus itself. The structure of the southern wall indicates that there was likely a turning chamber at the first turn in the 1144 Ayrton. Thus. 312 . 14. it is not possible that the structure of the first two turns was negotiable without a turning chamber even though they are close to one another. Also. or the halls must be much wider than he recounts. Weigall believed. The final problem with Weigall's plan is the structure of the sarcophagus chamber. Abydos III. The last two would not have allowed for the transport of the coffin as they are drawn in Weigall's plan. Like in S9. Since the pattern of the Late Middle Kingdom sarcophagus chambers was outlined above. there are similar problems with the plan of S10. he only shows a small corridor for the release of the sand on the eastern side. Either there actually were two more turning chambers. p.1144 but he seems not to have recognized the mechanics used in this system. et al. when it is more likely that the ceiling was in the saddle form. that the lid of the sarcophagus was lowered from the ceiling. Thus. Based upon the size of the coffin niche in the sarcophagus. He reconstructed a flat roof. the sand would be released via a small corridor on each side.there is a lack of these chambers for the other four ninety degree turns after the first. however. the lid would slowly lower.

Like in S9.. the plan of the remainder of the tomb must be regarded as tenuous at best. Here. 38. et al. However. 38. 15. 1147 Ayrton. could indicate the presence of another turning chamber. et al. it would seem that the ceiling is represented poorly here and that the actual corridor should be at a higher level. 313 . In Weigall's section. et al. Abydos III. Abydos III.1146 Instead. 1148 Ayrton. the joining of one passage at 1. the location of the sarcophagus as well as 1145 The estimate for the coffin size of S10 was taken from the dimensions of the coffin niche in the sarcophagus of S9. it is clear from the other examples that a portcullis niche would have been housed in the southern wall of the chamber.07 m and another or similar dimensions * seems too constrained for maneuvering a coffin. Weigall reconstructs the burial chamber without having found anything in this area except the sarcophagus lid. A more significant problem is the lack of a turning chamber at the end of the staircase.1145 Here. including that of S9. though Weigall thought it was lowered from the ceiling.74 by 0. Pis. the structure of the northern wall. as they are after every other portcullis of this nature. p. meaning that that wall would have had to be much thicker than shown in the plan. 1146 Ayrton. Abydos III.1147 it is clear that the portcullis stone hangs above the surface of the preceding corridor. 15.1148 Therefore. probably due to the condition of the ruins in this area. The northern wall obviously has a smaller niche used to hold that end of the portcullis. Thus. p.tomb.. Weigall's plan displays a very irregular northern wall for this chamber. PI. 37. simply moving to the next corridor.52 m. but he is vague about the architectural plan here. with its projection toward the north before the portcullis stone.91 by 1. p. the portcullis in S10 should operate by the same system as the other Late Middle Kingdom tombs. measuring around 2. Even a significantly shorter coffin could not have been turned in this space.

Thus. only additional inspection of the substructure of the monument as well as other areas will produce the complete picture needed to truly understand these tombs. and the position of the portcullis are all identical.49 Di. nonetheless. If this placement is correct. to the south.4). However. thus.the limestone blocks. S9 and S10. Arnold. the beginning of S10 is identical to that depicted in the tomb model at Dahshur described previously (Figs. PL 67.l 9 The staircase leading to the tomb. Interestingly. it may be the case that this tomb extended a little further to the west or. the entranceway. are simply conjecture. at this point the tomb ends in a Type 3 sarcophagus. similar to that found in the subsidiary pyramid of Khendjer (the lid is supported by pillars until after the burial). 2. which encased it. the tomb model has a complete sand lowering system and. V. As Weigall has depicted the plan of S10. then a system. The model may not represent S10. Thus. Otherwise. a • Type 1 sarcophagus could be proposed for this tomb. Recent Excavations at S9 As shown above. the resemblance is remarkable and may indicate some sort of chronological relationship between the two. 314 . a Type 2 sarcophagus.17. the stairs leading to the north. 3. Weigall shows the lid as if it were dropped from the ceiling. must have been used. In this case. Excavations of exterior sections of S9 produced even more problems with WeigalPs plan. at South Abydos have many of the 1. in the plan. more likely. Only further excavation can provide the answers to the questions resulting from the comparison of the Memphite monuments to S9 and S10 at Abydos. the two tombs. Amenemhet III.

View of excavations in the local southeast of S9. Note the large spoil heap and the pyramidal cliff in the background. 1150 See D. 315 . more complete data concerning the structure of these tombs.1151 Previously. has resulted in new.5. J. McCormack. in the summer of 2002. •*1 Figure 4. completed a subsurface survey of the area. Herbich.1150 Recent excavation of one of these tombs. which Weigall had not recorded and remained unexcavated. From February through March of 2003. undertook additional excavations of "mastaba" S9. in conjunction with Dr. indicating that structures existed around the tomb.same characteristics as the royal Late Middle Kingdom monuments found in the Memphite area. Dr. using modern techniques. Wegner." 1151 See the acknowledgements as they relate to this project. "The Significance of Royal Funerary Architecture in the Study of 13th Dynasty Kingship. the Pennsylvania-Yale-Institute of Fine Arts Expedition to Abydos.

the 316 . Plan showing the results of the 2003 excavations season at S9 at South Abydos.Figure 4.6. The plan for the season was to begin with the architecture indicated to be to the east of the tomb by the subsurface image. After completing these excavation units.

However. In the southern units. correcting any mistakes made by Weigall. the significance of S9 and S10 in the study of Dynasty XIII kingship will be discussed. Five of the units were located to the southeast of the tomb and one to the northeast. V. after investigating only a few areas. it is clear that many of the features of the structure are intact. as well as the southeastern corner of the enclosure wall.6). 317 . The excavators also intended to process all of the objects as they were retrieved to ensure the collection of useful data in an efficient time period. The northern unit was believed to be the site of the northeastern corner of this set out to clear the subsurface part of the tomb and create a plan of the remaining architecture. the hope was to uncover a sinusoidal wall visible in the magnetometry image. The Elements of the Superstructure Since it will likely take a number of seasons to complete the excavation of S9. which was truncated from the southwest corner to the middle of the northern side due to the presence of a large spoil heap (Figs.A. the focus will be to document the results of the 2003 season at South Abydos and describe the finds in detail in order to provide a source of comparison for the other monuments already investigated in the previous chapter. 4. Excavations began with the opening of five 10 by 10 m squares-and a unit of this same basic shape.5-4. it is expected that the future work will allow us to better understand this monument and its construction. In a following chapter. In the following pages.

rules preventing these structures from encroaching upon the Early Dynastic tombs themselves were recorded in Khutawyre Wegaf s stela (JE 35256). see Di. it should be noted the ancient Egyptians themselves would have acknowledged the cliffs behind the tombs as being the west. the architects of Senwosret III of the previous period had established the South Abydos area as a royal cemetery. 167. For the use of local directions at South Abydos. The directional orientation of the site did not begin with the Dynasty XIII activity. while the part of the tomb facing the cultivation was the east. see Wegner. in which the dead traveled. 10.1152 Since these designations are confusing. as well as ritual structures.S9 and S10 are both located on the lower desert to the south of the visible cultivation. The monuments were constructed according to local directions. which For a short discussion of orientation. it was the center of the Osiris cult and had become crowded with private tombs and cenotaphs. rather than cardinal ones. p. It is the position of the sarcophagus as well as the corridors of the tomb that make such a statement certain in light of the Memphite corpus. the point. due to the fact that the area was in the region of the sacred wadi and had originally been the focal point of the tombs of the earliest kings of Egypt. p. Encyclopedia. the following text will refer to local directions as such. with the canopic niche being to the local south (actual east) of the sarcophagus. During Dynasty XIII. and the plans will be labeled using both systems. the direction. from which the sun rose every day giving life to the world. However. based upon the line of the cliffs (east/west) and the Nile River (north/south). They had chosen this spot. At that point. Arnold. no doubt. 318 . Mortuary Temple.

there would have been no place for a large royal tomb in Abydos proper. p. As mentioned previously. pp. Thus. presumably kings. eds. Mioso. The owners of the Dynasty XIII tombs. Mortuary Temple. 1155 For a similar situation in which Amenemhet I chose to place his initial pyramid in the north at Sakkara near the Pyramid of Teti. Richards suggests that the stela is earlier than Neferhotep I but does not specify the king (J. not only benefited from closeness to the natural pyramid. they must have noticed that. The construction of the tomb likely began with the excavation of a large pit." p. 40-41. Richards. where the subsurface elements of the structure were to be placed. "Abydos. 1999). 95). they chose this spot for a hidden tomb and extended the corridors underneath this formation ("Mountain of Anubis"). "Renaissance. Archaism and Innovation: Studies in the Culture of Middle Kingdom Egypt.. "Sacred Sands. 2009. Yale Egyptological Studies vol. 58-59. 21.E. 41-60. A Reading Book. the dates recorded in the tomb of Khendjer demonstrated that the central pit and the substructure of the tomb were the first components of the complex to be constructed. they also associated themselves with the legendary Senwosret III by constructing their tomb in this vicinity. "Non-Royal Tombs" in J. the landscape appears to form a natural pyramid. 8.A. When Senwosret's officials searched for a place for his tomb complex. Senwosret's tomb formed a complete pyramid complex. this part of Abydos became a Late Middle Kingdom royal cemetery.1155 Therefore. Leahy. 6. Helck. 32-33. ed. "Protective Measure. HistorischeBiographische." pp." pp. Callender. pp." p. The landscape at South Abydos slopes downward from the cliffs to the cultivation and also decreases in elevation from southwest to northeast. no." pp. New Haven and Boston.. 13. Much loose sand and debris litters the virgin desert surface. 18-19. O'Connor and Patch. from the base of the cliffs at South Abydos. Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt (New York. Wegner.1153 Thus. 17-18. Silverman. Wegner and Abu elYazid.pp." in K.was later usurped by Khasekhemre Neferhotep I. see D. 46. Wegner and D. 179. 419-435. "The Mountain-of-Anubis. in the Late Middle Kingdom. 1154 J. Middle Kingdom Cemetery. Silverman.1154 With the temple at the edge of the valley. 319 . 26. Grajetzki. pp. Bard. "Seat of Eternity. Two Treasurers.

6. the blocked entrance is visible. which extended beyond the northern face of the wall. 4. Figure 4. The shape of the enclosure is not 320 . The northeastern corner was well-preserved while the northwestern one was fragmentary. A.82 m higher than that of the eastern end.During the 2003 season. if at all. The eastern end of the wall was set into a foundation trench. The shorter wall on the right extends toward the Senwosret III tomb complex. t v . though most corners seem to be poorly preserved. In the bottom center. The western side sat upon the loose sand on a platform.7). 4. excavations focused upon the corners of the northern part of the enclosure wall (Figs.7. The local southeastern corner of the enclosure wall of S9. which cut down through the virgin desert surface.5. 4. The level of the wall base on the western side of the northern enclosure was 1. In the subsurface survey results. the enclosure of S9 is visible on all sides.

Kemp. which was about 8 cms thick. weighing about 12. the wall had been covered with mud plaster and whitewashed. the hard bricks (38 by 17.5 m in length on each side. while another..completely square. at least one uncut boulder was within the trench. Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology (Cambridge. Shaw." in P. Brick Architecture. The northern (local eastern) wall also would have been smaller at the top as it. occasionally had a herringbone line pattern. The base of the eastern (local southern) wall was constructed with the use of a trench near the corner and proceeded to follow the landscape to the south (local west). The composition of the bricks of the enclosure of S9 varied considerably. being visible at the base of the wall.00 kilograms. U.00 kilograms contained small gravel stones and sherds and was hard like concrete. A floor surface of mud had been laid inside the enclosure about 0.88 m while the eastern (local southern) one is 1. After the floor. The northern (local eastern) wall was 1. p. 8 (A17). 2000). 137.5 by 11. The walls were made of bricks measuring 36-42x17-21x11-14 cms with no correlations between the sizes.5 cms) were lighter in color than those of S9 and contained substantial chaff as well as small limestone specks. Di. Arnold.7 m up from the base of the northern (local eastern) wall. p. Encyclopedia. terracing upwards along the way. Holscher. 29.45 m in width at the base and 1. though it does appear to be around 54. Abb. 321 . To the north 1156 In S10. One type was more dense. 23. 5 In this case. used to decrease the width of the wall as it was built upwards. 90. Like in the pyramid encasement trench at South Mazghuna. the reduction in width was taken equally from both sides. 1157 Spencer. made of mud with small limestone chips.16 m wide and was preserved to a height of 1. eds. PI. with a large 'amount of ehaff. was in place. B.3 m wide at the top and is up to 2 m in height. Da Hohe Tor von Medinet Habu (Leipzig. measuring 11. 1910). "Soil (Including Mud-Brick Architecture). p. pp.1156 The outer bricks were laid with the use of mortar. 35.T. 138. Nicholson and I. like the eastern (local southern) one.

59 m above the level of the wall base.62 m in height. and bricks were placed in line with the wall in order to close the entrance to the interior. the base being about 0. 4. 4. A small wall even on the northern (local eastern) face of the enclosure abutted the structure (Figs. Some time thereafter. It is uncertain whether the new floor was laid before or after the robbing of the tomb (mummy fragments and wood were found). Close examination revealed that this section represented a blocked entrance in this area (Figs. a similar floor. This side of the wall had likewise been coated with whitewashed plaster. a significant number of 322 . The eastern (local southern) side of the enclosure wall had a slightly more complex history. This surface also ran up under part of the wall on the southern end of the excavation unit. Presumably. possibly indicating a slightly later date (below the original floor. the stratigraphic layers between the first and second floors contained a large amount of Marl A ceramics.B.9.6.7). the surface was raised as the area was filled with debris and limestone chips.C.9 m wide and 0. once the owner of the tomb had been placed inside.36 m above that of the enclosure wall. 4.Y). and the funerary rituals had been completed. Its base sat upon loose sand and was about 0. had been constructed roughly 0. The original floor surface was in this area and 0.(local east) of the northern (local eastern) wall. The original floor of this area was relatively well-preserved and occupied the majority of the section of the excavation unit to the east (local south) of the enclosure wall.48 m above that of the enclosure. being around 10 cms thick.12 m above base of the small wall and approximately 0. 2. sand was laid over the floor. One layer of whitewashed plaster had coated the wall up to this point before the entrance had been closed. Interestingly.

University of Chicago. 19.1158 At the time when the second floor was constructed. the new surface had been constructed. 380. Bourriau. however. pp. Nonetheless. 1990.Marl C sherds were found). If this wall never reached a height more than it currently stands. Piccione. Large amounts of wood. p.1159 There was also a concentration of dung next to the wall. These objects found outside S9 are quite plebian for a royal tomb as these items were often made of faience. 374. "The Historical Development of the Game of Senet and its Significance for Egyptian Religion. about 1 m above the original floor. Since the whitewash of both the northern (local eastern) enclosure wall and the first layer of the eastern (local southern) one ran up onto this feature. 1159 323 . more debris from the tomb was found. as this area had been filled with debris. it is clear that the wall was a part of the first phase. P. Directly upon the preserved area of the new surface. the exact dating of these layers is uncertain. some being burnt. Pharaohs and Mortals. The wall extended to a brick-lined ramp filled with limestone debris to the local south in the vicinity of the structures connected with the Senwosret III tomb. Mortuary Temple. It is clear that this wall was not considered to be a formal part of the S9 enclosure as it was neither plastered nor whitewashed. p. the interior of the small wall was no longer visible. As of now. 381. The layer of concentrated limestone chips as well as the new floor ran up over the preserved level of the small wall at the north (local east) of this area. 133. 1158 Wegner. as well as two sets of senet game pieces were discovered here. and a fresh layer of whitewashed plaster had been applied to the enclosure wall. then it is possible it was meant to form a terrace between the upper and lower levels of surfaces." dissertation.

clay objects were cylindrical in shape.D).2 cm in diameter while another was 8. there was a great deal of brick and limestone debris. thought to be the portable source of sealing clay near the entrance.6. The brick material was not simply wall fall as there were no patterns discernable. From crest to crest. however. and wood (discussed below). The corner. there were many fragments of funerary provisions including small pieces of plaster with gold leaf.5 to 0.21-2. the waves in the wall are 2. 324 .55 m deep.6 to 3. One preserved example was 9. Thus.7 1160 These unbaked. there were a few seal impressions.98 cm in length and 2. as well as a number of clay rods. 4. the small wall continues toward the Senwosret III enclosure to an area once thought to be related to this earlier king's mortuary establishment.54 cm in diameter. it is possible that activities related to the administration of the construction of S9 and the burial itself occurred in the area to the local east of the Senwosret III tomb. To the local east of the tomb (north). Second. the entrance to the pyramid of South Mazghuna was located in this same region with the complex.1 m wide at its base.The location of the entrance to the tomb is interesting for two reasons. there is a section of a sinusoidal wall preserved (Fig. above and below the surfaces in the excavated portions of S9. it is clear that the small wall and this structure are in the line of S9 and not the Senwosret III mortuary complex. Consequently. Within this debris. it seems that this debris was collected either in the destruction of the tomb or in Weigall's excavations. Rather. It is unclear when the deposit of this material occurred. which was 2. alabaster vessel fragments.1160 Above the floor level of the area to the north of the enclosure. 0. First of all.59 cm in length and 2. The wall stretches toward the north (local east) and then turns to the west (local north). Now.5 m across while being about 0.

6 m estimate.2 m deep. there were traces of the wavy wall all the way to a central structure. it was originally at least 1.2 m wide. The preservation of the wall became taller as the excavations proceeded to the southwest. From the evidence of the wall fall.6 m in height The construction of the sinusoidal wall was of economical quality. making its full extent close to 15 m.m at the narrowest point. The preserved section of the wall included 17. the estimated height of the wall from the fallen bricks may represent the original one. Arnold. The wall was preserved from a few brick fragments to around 0. is narrower as in the other example of these walls in the Memphite region. which must have limited the height of the sinusoidal wall. Thus. and future work will likely confirm or dispel the 1.5 m from south to north (local east/west) and 7.65 m in height and was one brick (laid as stretchers) in width. this structure was very thin. See Di. p. measuring about 0. 325 . Like in the rest of the complex.98 m lower at the corner than in the southern-most extent uncovered in the 2003 season. the wall clearly continued to the south. The sinusoidal wall had no foundation trench and was placed upon the loose sand after applying a plaster-like wall base.8 m east to west (local north/south). Unlike the wavy walls in the Memphite region and others around South Abydos. Other components of the wall included brick fragments as well as triangular wedges. though its connection with the enclosure wall is unknown. Encyclopedia. and 2. 34. Likewise. The base of the wall sloped downward along with the surface being about 0. with 1161 This mud wall base is typical of Egyptian construction. In the former direction. the bricks were 35-40 by 17-21 by 10-14 cms without any patterns of correlation between the sides.

p. See Di. Arnold. a thick layer of plaster.8. The bricks were laid with a thick mud mortar. was placed on both of its sides. used to accentuate the rounded areas of the wall. as well as in the enclosure wall. pp. An interesting buttress was located inside the second interior curve to the south of the corner of the sinusoidal wall.curved ends. It is possible that it 1162 The use of mortar is very rare in Egyptian architecture.1162 After completing the wall. filling the space between the wall and the outline. Here. However. Bricks and debris were then placed inside. 1163 The whitewashed plaster was normally applied to walls to protect them from the natural elements. The sinusoidal wall at S9 m a y have served multiple purposes. the original height of this feature is unknown as it was only one brick high at the time of excavation. Arnold. in this case. which were then whitewashed. Unfortunately. made of mud and large pieces of chaff. plaster usually contains a high straw content to prevent cracking (Di. 34.1163 Figure 4. 155." p. is typical with limestone chips and clay. 92). Encyclopedia. 34. Kemp. Encyclopedia. the plaster seems also to add to the stability of the rapidly constructed sinusoidal wall. "Soil. the mortar used here. The sinusoidal wall of S9. However. 326 . small bricks and brick fragments outlined a curved area. Not to be confused.

connected to the enclosure wall and that it also had a counterpart on the western side of the southern face. this building was in very poor condition as the preserved section including its northern (local eastern) wall and its eastern (local southern) corner stood to a height of less than one course. This line of bricks would have formed the foundation for a wall.9. Figure. 327 . The bricks measured approximately 39-39. connected to a cult structure. The sinusoidal wall stretches to the west until it meets a rectangular-shaped feature (Figs.8). 4. Thus. which was only one brick wide (about 40 cms). Unfortunately. If the wall did continue on the western side. then both walls would have connected to a central rectangular structure similar to that found at South Mazghuna (see below). the sinusoidal wall at S9 may have been an abbreviated outer enclosure wall.6. Its purpose is uncertain.5 by 11-15.9 cms and were laid on their sides (the shortest length). The remains of the cult structure of S9. 4.E. Though this feature may appear rudimentary.5-9.5 by 8. but it seems to have formed a courtyard in front of the enclosure wall. 4.

there were areas with construction debris. there was one small plaster pit. Samples of all such deposits were collected. 101. Both inside and outside the sinusoidal wall. Here. Both of these areas had 1164 For information about gypsum. in the future. 4. and a larger one. and it may be the case that one had never existed in this potential courtyard. these materials will be analyzed and compared to the makeup of the components of the complex. Much of the construction debris was made up of large and small deposits of limestone chips. This building is in the local east of S9 and holds the same position as that in the South Mazghuna monument. and possibly fine. see Di. Due to the fact that the construction debris was on both sides of the sinusoidal wall.1m from north to south with a width of more than 1. Some of the limestone chips may have resulted from the cutting of limestone blocks.F. 328 .3 m. which was at a higher level. In other locations. small areas of an unidentified organic material were found. Near the southern end of the excavation of the sinusoidal wall.9 m (Figs. The hard surface of these pits was about 5 to 10 cms thick. and. Arnold. 4. The smaller feature was approximately 3.6. it is likely that this structure was raised after the work in the zone had been completed. The second plaster pit was 3. Encyclopedia.its placement near the central line of the enclosure wall and tomb indicates that it was likely a structure intended for the offering cult of the deceased person interred in the tomb. There was no surface preserved here. However. The organic material may have been used in the wall plaster.10). powdery gypsum. many of the deposits appear to be related to the manufacture of whitewash and mortar for the stone architecture. p. two more construction features were found.1 by 2. ground stone.

«.6. V. The large plaster pit.clearly been used for the mixing of plaster or mortar and had finger. ••>• • .10. These constructions are most prolific to the local west of the tomb near the sarcophagus chamber (Fig. J -**» "•*» *M i.G). 4. •"•-•<• x. only a small area of the interior of the tomb was exposed. The Components of the Substructure In the 2003 season. • t_sr Figure. and footprints preserved in their surfaces. and the eastern face of the second portcullis stone. the smaller of the two components of the lid of the sarcophagus. These excavations included brickwork in the crater. limestone architecture to the southwest of the sarcophagus. which Weigall had not recorded. 4. The work of the excavation team in 2003 revealed several significant brickwork structures. hand. It is possible that some of the preserved brickwork in the substructure of S9 served as a means of holding 329 .B.

The mobile component of the sarcophagus lid. the surrounding limestone. any work results in sand pouring in from the sides. Excavation of such a deep pit in the desert sand proves to be a difficult task. the deeper one digs the worse the problem with the loose sand becomes. *%&4+J& • r . The exposure of the subsurface elements of S9 in 2003. the portcullis stone. During the 2003 season.. the greater amounts being from the sides.«"'*££.back the sand during construction. A' .'^vitiHUL ^^fe*^ Figure 4. 330 .11. Thus. 4 to 6 m of sand were removed from the crater. while the smaller amount was taken from the center. and the supporting brickwork are visible. At this depth. we had extreme difficulties in clearing the pit even though only the upper extent of the substructure was reached. Like other excavators.

B). Therefore. those closest to the sarcophagus chamber reach to a height greater than a meter as they terrace back into the sand from the edge of the limestone walls (Fig. from which the lowering of the large quartzite components could be facilitated. It may also be the case that the brickwork within the pit may represent the preserved sections of the superstructure.11). For example see the pyramid of Amenemhet III at Hawara (Chapter 3. The crater itself measured roughly 25 by 21 m while the area between the northern (local eastern) and southern (local western) mudbrick structures of the crater was about 14 m. it is likely that this makeshift construction was the work of Wei gall's men. 331 . their exact date.B. In the corner of these two sections. 4. there was a large structure of bricks with one part being higher than the other.6.The brick structures are often only a few courses thick as in the ones on the local eastern side (Fig.) and South Mazghuna (Chapter 3. section II. parallels to these walls in the Memphite region would suggest that they are ancient. whether ancient or modern is unknown at this point. In this area.H). Though it cannot be certain. especially considering the fact that the workers of the 2003 season often attempted similar means of holding it back. 1165 The brick structures on the eastern side had limestone flakes within them. but also as a platform.1165 However. However. In the area next to the sarcophagus. 4. limestone fragments were piled up in order to keep the sand back. and the support of the saddle roof as well as a large superstructure could be provided. The northern (local eastern) one joined at what might be a corner with the eastern (local southern) side (probably corresponds with the western (local northern) side of the entrance corridor or the first portcullis chamber). It is hoped that future work will clarify the nature of the brickwork within the substructure of S9. it may be the case that the brickwork served not only to hold back the sand in the lowest part of the tomb. Section VII.

14). Engelbach. Ancient Egyptian Construction and Architecture (Ancient Egyptian Masonry: the Building Craft) (New York. "Stone. p. 1990). S. Encyclopedia.. It was 1. 124. 1168 The lower quality of the limestone may not be as important as one might think. Arnold. 155.5 m from the local northern face of the 1171 sarcophagus lid (Fig. One stone contained a portion of a dovetail cramp. excavations at S9 revealed that this monument had limestone of a somewhat 1 1 /"Q lesser quality than the fine Tura limestone found in the tombs in the north (Fig.B. pp. and V. 134. Building. 60. p. pp. et al. eds.D. especially since they would be visible (Di.07 m. Though many of the features of the tombs are similar to those of the Memphite region.J).K). pp. It measured approximately 2. Clarke andR. 13. Klemm and D. Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology (Cambridge. Aston. 291.82 m and had a height greater than 1. 30).1). Clarke and Engelbach.1169 The blocks were positioned with the aid of gypsum mortar.6. Most of these stones are like the sarcophagus top in that they were put in place with very little smoothing of their surfaces. 1171 Note that Weigall measured this length as 2.4 m in depth. 1169 For a description of the types of cramps used in ancient Egyptian architecture. p.T. Abydos III. which ran down the sides of many of the blocks. 133.. B. p. compact sand with small limestone inclusions.1170 The quartzite portcullis was about 1.. pp. and it was left roughly finished on the top.13 m (Ayrton. Steine und Steinbruche im Alten Agypten (London.The top of the sarcophagus lid component was 2. Klemm. See Chapter 3. Encyclopedia. et al. 117 Gypsum mortar was commonly used in this manner (Di. p.1166 This large monolithic structure was made of a quartzite stone of variable qualities (considerable inclusions in some areas). Encyclopedia. 112-113. The corners were rounded and the local northern 36 cms were recessed. 123. 1167 2000). The cutting of the stone was irregular. 78-79). Ancient Egyptian Construction. it may simply have been more practical to quarry the blocks from the area. and the quality of This layer is composed of hard. p.6 m wide and approximately 0. Since limestone was readily available locally. section X.G. p. 159. 4. sections III. see Di. 4. Building. which was missing. R. Arnold. 4. 1093). The material of the cramp itself.32 m below the desert virgin soil (Fig. Arnold. The local southern side of the face of the stone was incredibly smooth.7 by 1. Nicholson and I. Building. was not determined.6. Shaw." in P. 332 . 118. 101.6.B. Chapter 4.

C. the above ground features of S9 seem to be quite off in Weigall's plan and do not correlate with the new data. the sinusoidal wall was well beyond this point. In the recent excavations. leading one to the conclusion that Weigall did in fact excavate part of the enclosure wall. it appears that there might be just such a slot in the limestone walls for a Type B blocking stone position. V. Though this is a Type 1 sarcophagus. The first major problem with Weigall's plan is that his enclosure wall is much smaller than that recovered recently. which often occurs in this position when it is paired with a Type 2 sarcophagus. however. but only further excavations will confirm this hypothesis. Thus. It is likely that the portcullis stone had been maneuvered into position from a niche in the wall to the local west. Further Problems with Weigall's Plan Thus far. are not accurate. no wall has been found inside of the first. This placement would fit perfectly with a Type B portcullis. forming a potential square. or Weigall's plan does not reflect accurately the architectural features of this potential 333 . Weigall's plan of the substructure of S9 seems to correlate in general size with the remains found in the 2003 season. Weigall's plan shows it as missing. Also. Further excavations will be needed in order to confirm and correct the probable errors explained in an earlier section (IV).the quartzite was markedly better than that of the sarcophagus lid. either there is currently a sinusoidal wall beneath the spoil heaps just in front of the enclosure. The dimensions. Thus far. some areas where the wall was completely preserved. Another perplexing problem with the original plan is the placement of a sinusoidal wall just beyond the enclosure. Nonetheless.

" dissertation.I. 351-353. Encyclopedia. The one closest to the wall was larger. The small. Sambin. 54-55. 52.courtyard. On the general nature and contents of foundation deposits. 1973. University of Pennsylvania. 1173 Revez. p. three foundation deposits were found to the northeast (local southeast) of the northern section of the enclosure wall.1174 However. 7 V.4 m from the edge of the northern (local eastern) enclosure wall of S9. Arnold.2 m in depth." pp.1175 the ones found in the 2003 season were not lined with bricks. 334 ." p. The Pit Deposits with Ceramic Material At 1 m and 3. "Foundation Deposits in Ancient Egypt. Two of these deposits were in the form of a small pit containing ceramics and other objects while the third was composed of a line of bricks. 55. 1175 Weinstein." pp. being at the maximum in the center and shallower around the edges. the two foundation deposits revealed through excavations appeared to be in the ideal position for a double deposit often found in Late Middle Kingdom tombs.D. Both pits were 0. circular pits were cut into the virgin desert surface. Weinstein. V. Di. Foundation/Ritual Deposits In the excavations of S9. A discussion of the nature and contents of each deposit will appear below.31 m across. 93. unlike parallels to these kinds of pits. 1174 Weinstein. "Medamud. "Medamud." pp.54 m in diameter while the smaller one was approximately 0. 476. Finally.D. the distances between the structures related to the Senwosret III complex to the local south and S9 and that of the latter and S10 are also inaccurate. "Foundation Deposits. 54. see J. "Foundation Deposits. being about 0.

a beaker. and a funnel-necked jar.12. the rim of a funnel necked jar. and a beaker (C. two. one large.r: ~ 7i X • \ \ _ v • . two rings of rope. leaves. a funnel necked jar (B. Pottery found in the smaller of the two foundation deposits.) The smaller of the two foundation deposits contained ceramics including four hemispherical cups (one filled with gypsum plaster). • % B. one tall jarstand. two jar stoppers.). 1 \ \\ > 1 •'' \ k c.) (the second of which contained plaster).1176 The second foundation deposit was packed with many items including twelve hemispherical cups. _ J 'i ! | 10 20 Figure 4. Thus. one large jar stand. / / / . two bird bones. flat-based bowl with fabric adhered to it. and This deposit was not initially recognized as being in a pit as it was partly beneath the baulk. the full nature of its contents is uncertain. small flat bowls. and it likely included additional items. 335 . Contents included hemispherical cups (A. and a collection of sticks. which poured into the excavation unit. made of loose sand.' -y \ * J A. a calf rib.

) (which had been broken into segments). open bowls (B. a pulled-rim jar rim (C). Hemispherical cups (A. a funnel-necked jar rim (D.Figure 4. The second foundation deposit.).). and a large bowl (G.). jar stands (E. a tall jar stand (F. flat.13.).) 336 .

Eyre. PI. the ceramic evidence found so far in the rest of the S9 tomb may point to a later date than the foundation deposits with deeper hemispherical cups as well as a more advanced phase of Marl C jars (see Section V.A. These vessel indices indicate that the deposits date to the earlier phase of the Late Middle Kingdom (Late Dynasty XII to early Dynasty XIII). Weinstein expressed doubt that these pits For parallels to the hemispherical cups.c. p.J. Weigall found similar unlined pits. "The Dolphin Vase from Lisht.1177 It is difficult to determine the date of the deposits due to the placement of older forms of pottery within such contexts. Arnold.E. indices can vary between 190 and 150 with a range between 200 and 145. Early Dynastic to Second Intermediate Period. pp.1178 In the smaller pit. Swain. p. Though S. 1998). 56. the intact pit of S9 contained no true examples of this type. Allen suggests that Queen's Ware was found in a foundation deposit at the Senwosret III tomb at South Abydos by Petrie. et al. "The Town of Wah-Sut. 627. Arnold {The Pyramid of Senwosret I. Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress of Egyptologists (Leuven. Bourriau.1179 Though fragmentary. Studies in Honor of William Kelly Simpson. 140-141) indicates that in the late Dynasty XII to early Dynasty XIII in the Memphite region." in K. 19. the average vessel index is 186 with a range of 162 to 197 while. pp. Pharaohs and Mortals. 47-48). Bard. 1996)." p. 1179 Bourriau states that the vessel index marker of 145 sits between early and late Dynasty XIII (J. below)." in P. Abb. Umm el Ga'ab.. "Queens' Ware: Royal Funerary Pottery in the Middle Kingdom. Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt (New York. packed with ceramics. "Keramikbearbeitung in Dahschur 1976-1981. The South Cemeteries of Lisht 1 (New York. XXXIX. (Cambridge. 113). Wegner points to indices between 155 and 165 as dating to Amenemhet III though he does warn about regional trends.. pp. 134-136.J. becoming deeper over time. ed. 17-18. Mortuary Temple. "Nature and Chronology. The vessel indices (width divided by height. 1178 Do.1180 In his study.. tall jar stand and funnel neck jar. 69. 233). pp. Der Manuelian. Pottery from the Nile Valley before the Arab Conquest. 1 (Boston. 260).seeds. around the Senwosret III enclosure at South Abydos. 1981). he states that hemispherical cups from an average of 190-160 date to late Dynasty XH-mid Dynasty XIII while those with a mean of 160-135 belong to mid-Dynasty XIII through the end of this era (Wegner. 1180 Ayrton. Allen.J. Di. 337 . multiplied by 100) of the hemispherical cups have been shown by Do. Abydos 111. ed. Note that he also assigned a vessel index of 178 to the reign of Amenemhet ITT (Wegner." MDAIK 38 (1982). ed.." p. 1988). 1999). S. p. though some of the shapes were similar (S. pp. "Pottery. in the larger one. p. see Bourriau. it is 191 with a range of 176 to 218. Arnold to be an indicator of date. 296). 60-62." in C.l. especially since the index is built upon the Memphite corpus (Wegner.

which may be contemporary with S9. the small line of bricks at S9 was in a very clear context. Interestingly. It is possible that the deposited material originally belonged to the complex of Senwosret III and that the architects of S9 found them and reburied them in these locations. Weinstein. it is clear that this foundation deposit is contemporary to 1181 Weinstein. It is unfortunate that the dating of any foundation/ritual deposits is unreliable especially since. at S9. set at the same angle as the wall. 82-83. Thus. and other goods related to the building process may prove otherwise. and. the presence of rope. 1182 338 . "Foundation Deposits.D. there was another form of foundation deposit. 1181 However. 46-47. Here. maybe future excavations at Abydos and elsewhere will provide further parallels to this practice later than the reign of Senwosret I. Nonetheless. no comparison can be made at this time." pp. one would expect to find miniature copies of bricks placed within a foundation deposit pit. Due to the size and fabric of the bricks. The Brick Deposit To the west of the pits discussed above. sat upon a layer of clean sand above the virgin desert sand. The full-sized bricks were about 1. plaster. these pits supplied the most complete ceramic vessels. Unfortunately. "Foundation Deposits. and it is difficult to study the tiny fragments from the rest of the area. though a ritual deposit cannot be excluded at this time.1182 During the Late Middle Kingdom. a line of five bricks. Weigall did not present photographs or drawings of the contents of the other pits found at South Abydos." pp. Wegner also found deposits of pottery near the ramp. a deposit with full-sized bricks set in this fashion was not previously known after the reign of Kheperkare Senwosret I.7 m northeast of the wall and approximately 10 cms below the plaster surface. V.2.actually represented foundation deposits.

A large pit had been dug into the wall base on the northwestern corner of the complex.E. V.3. Thus. the cultural material is not incredibly dense like that of the town site of Senwosret III to the north.D. The brick deposit. Nonetheless. all 339 .the construction of S9. The Artifacts from S9 Since the tomb of S9 seems to have had a short lifespan. possibly indicating that treasure had been found here. Figure 4. further work may eventually lead to the discovery of more foundation deposits. V. there is no way to determine whether or not a deposit exists there. Other Deposits It is likely that foundation deposits in S9 were located beneath the corners of the enclosure walls.14. Since the northeastern corner is so well-preserved.

If. Thus far. It appears that the destruction of the tomb was comprehensive and that the intruders left many. V. since a portion of the old excavation spoil heaps were screened.artifacts collected were fully examined and processed during the excavation season. nor can one yet be sure as to which reign in the Late Middle Kingdom to assign the tomb. Nonetheless.1183 a few types of pots allow a general date for the site. there is no evidence that points to a specific date of destruction. ceramic material can allow one to establish a relative date. the material described below will become a set 1183 Note that Williams produced a chronological typology of Late Middle Kingdom/Second Intermediate Period pottery including Nubia and the Near East. if not most. excavations reveal the name of the king. The following sections will outline the nature of the material from S9. However. Though this material is only a small sample of what will be recovered from S9 in the future. resulting in the mixing of forms from different time periods. Without the rare find of textual evidence giving one the exact reign. of the objects at the site. who may have owned this tomb. Also. Most of the artifacts are in small pieces.E. there are some hints as to the general time period. 59-1275). many of the contexts. presumably short-lived set of material from the Late Middle Kingdom sequence. no analysis of fabrics was undertaken due to the fact that the vessels were studied through primary sources (Williams. were heavily disturbed. The evidence from S9 at South Abydos is extremely important as it provides a small. in the future. once they had smashed them. it can be seen as representative especially. 340 . which were primarily from cemeteries. More reliable site-specific studies have been undertaken by other scholars and can be found in the footnotes in this section. pp. Ceramics Pottery is one of the most important sources of information recovered through archaeology. "Problems".I. to which a site belongs. Though the study of pottery dating to this period still requires additional study.

it is likely that this structure is connected to the Senwosret III complex. Nonetheless. Note that Firchow accidentally refers to this feature as S18. which could represent a period of restoration or cult activity at South Abydos. Firchow suggested that one of the sealings found at S8 pointed to a Dynasty XIII date for at least some of the structures in the area." p.I. Thus. Kemp mistakenly writes that Firchow believed that the Dynasty XIII date applied to the Senwosret III tomb (Kemp.00 percent of the total ceramics from the excavations. using the drawings from this partly contemporary site. 54. which makes up about 3. V. it is not expected that the general statistics will change with further excavation. the ceramic assemblage makes up a small subset of that found at the town of the Senwosret III complex. "Studien zu den Pyramidenanlagen der 12. making it possible for types to be identified. 37). deteriorated sherds. all of the material collected." pp. not allowing for a comprehensive illustration of the types found.E. except for that from the foundation deposits. 341 . "The Mountain-of-Anubis. including this "dummy mastaba. O. Dynastie. However. will be eliminated from the statistics discussed below. p. As will be outlined below. and this seal. this material likely predates that found in the S9 ruins proper.point in the relative chronology tied to the absolute. Thus. Firchow. the foundation deposits can be dated to the earlier Late Middle Kingdom based upon the vessel indices of the hemispherical cups. 419-435. Foundation Deposits As discussed before. "Abydos.1185 The ceramic assemblage from the limited excavations of the 2003 season is likely representative of the corpus. this material. was composed of small."1184 However. 1185 Wegner and Abu el-Yazid.a." dissertation. 1942. may or may not be connected to S9 and S10. Georg-AugustUniversitat.

369). the use of this tomb as a cemetery would be much later than that of the Memphite tombs. which often became the burial sites of the lower classes in Dynasty XVIII. 16. Abydos III.. which is represented by the Roman Period pottery. which easily disintegrated into numerous pieces. is not entirely clear. pp. brown clay. this number may be misleading due to the fact that these vessels were often made of a soft. possibly indicating that the base from these vessels may have been reused in the process of making offerings. The Roman Period pottery was only found in the upper layers of the excavated units. making up 24.1187 Note that there were later tombs to the local east of S10 (Ayrton. The activity at S9. However. In some cases. 4. though evidence may be found in the future.00 percent of the identified vessels. there is no indication that Roman burials were placed inside the structure.V.15.E. 20. Wegner. et al. Mortuary Temple. This pottery can be dated to the Roman Period. Currently. Abydos III. The most prevalent form of Roman pottery was amphorae at 70. p.B-C). Thus.00 percent were other forms such as bowls and jars (Fig. 342 . 4.00 percent (Fig.00 percent of the fabric types and 18. 1187 Ayrton.l.15.A). The bases from these vessels were often filled with resin. often being a part of the spoil heaps around the tomb crater. Roman Pottery The discussion of another subset of the ceramic material must also be set aside from the main corpus. this material seemed to have been burned. p. et al.b. Basins (similar to the Late Middle Kingdom forms) made up 26 percent of the corpus while 4.1186 Roman pottery was also found at the temple and tomb of Senwosret III. 27-28.

The remaining 68 percent could all be 343 .c.) Another common form was that of basins (not shown). \v .). Figure 4. a bowl (B. V.).y—y-. u p I i 0 10 20 cms D.E. The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Assemblage of S9 The total number of identifiable Late Middle Kingdom diagnostic sherds was 644.15. Untyped fragments were not counted in this number though they made up 14 percent of the material collected (including Roman forms). Forms shown here are amphorae (A.l. and ajar (C. Pottery from S9 dating to the Roman Period.

Before describing the frequency of the forms. Marl C was the next most frequent with 6 percent and included large storage jars. making up 4 percent of the corpus. An Introduction to Ancient Egyptian Pottery (Mainz. Finally. wine jars. 171-174. S9 Late Middle Kingdom pottery fabric distribution." pp. 45-46. Bourriau. eds. It was often used in the production of large vessels including basins. being at 75 percent. see Do. H. Bourriau.A.16. Nile Bl and B2 were less^common with percentages of 7 and 8 respectively. "Ceramic Technology: Clays and Fabrics. Arnold and J. 344 .1188 The most common fabric was Nile C." in Do. Meanwhile. 176-181. Most Nile Bl vessels were hemispherical cup fragments while B2 was found in a variety of forms. S9 Late Middle Kingdom Pottery Fabric Distribution NileC Figure 4. a single pan grave fabric was found. "Keramikbearbeitung. Arnold. pp.. Nordstrom and J. the discussion will begin with the fabric types found (see Fig. platters and jars. with its large chaff content. 1993). and other less frequent closed forms. 4.identified as Late Middle Kingdom forms. was found in both closed forms and a few open ones.16). Marl A3. The significance of the fabric distribution is difficult to assess since no statistics are available concerning the pottery from the royal Late Middle Kingdom monuments in 1188 For standardized descriptions of the fabric types.

Bowl with interned rim. H. the Memphite region. Bowls. B. F. Basins. However.17. A. Platter.Figure 4. E. On the other hand. a rapidly produced utilitarian fabric. The Late Middle Kingdom open Nile and Marl A3 forms from S9. Incense burner. D. Carinated bowls and cups. C . 345 . it is interesting that Nile C. G. remains so common in such a high status burial. Hemispherical cups.

1191 Do. et al. though relatively small compared to the Nile fabrics. 60-62.1189 Thus.G).17. p. The Pyramid of Senwosret I (New York. "Pottery. 50... E). Fig.however. Arnold. et al. Bietak. One can characterize the ceramic corpus overall as being made up of large numbers of a few types with examples of other varieties being much rarer. 6. along with other evidence. 127. 131-132. eds. 2000). and only a few allow for a rudimentary reconstruction of their form. 14-15). However. it is important to recognize the fact that the Marl C fabric from the Memphite region outnumber the Upper Egyptian Marl A3. sometimes occurring only once.. most diagnostic fragments of these vessels were very small.17. 17-18. it is clear that the construction and use of this tomb predates a split of the north and south of Egypt. indicates that the owner of this tomb certainly had access to the resources of the Memphite/Faiyum region. Arnold. Abb. "Pottery. A). "Pottery. still seem to be shallow indicating. Fig. Umm el Ga'ab. 131. 4.T." p. pp. The most frequent vessel type was that of the hemispherical cup (21 percent. like other forms below. "Patterns of Change. 10." p." in P. Nonetheless. however. Unfortunately. 163. Nicholson and I. "Egypt and Canaan. J. "Keramikbearbeitung. Fig. Nile forms include various styles of bowls (11 percent. and basins (3 percent. Shaw. A production zone for this material has been discovered at Lisht (Do." p. pp. Other frequent open. that S9 belongs to a transitional phase.17. n. 4. "Beyond Avaris. along side the styles of the residence. p. 14.1191 Others. 1988). 346 .C. large platters (5 percent." pp.1190 eventually overtaking the corpus in the Second Intermediate Period. Bourriau. 1190 Bourriau." p." in Di. Bourriau. meaning that they are deeper than the earlier ones visible in the foundation deposits. Bourriau. Arnold. Fig. The fact that the Marl C fabric is in such abundance. 4. Fig. Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology (Cambridge. 14). it is clear that at least some examples display smaller vessel indices. Umm el Ga'ab. the development of Upper Egyptian forms continued (Marl A3 being from this area).

F. Water jar rims. G. Miniature storage jar. Jars with pulled rim. Beer beaker. B.Figure 4. Bases. A. C. Beakers (other types not shown). Beer jar. Jars with straight rim. H-J. D.18. Examples of closed Nile vessels from the Late Middle Kingdom at S9. 347 . E.

trays (not shown). 4. D-E. The Nile closed vessels were also frequent. B. Umm el Ga'ab. "Egypt and Canaan. 36. Water jars and other types of closed forms with pulled and straight rims made up 13 percent of the corpus (Fig. 133.B). Forms include: A. carinated incense burners (Fig. Marl C jar with pulled rim.F).18.D). 4.17. 4. One hemispherical cup rim was also in Marl A3.19.17. The last of these is also found in a single example each in Marl A3 and stone.17. 348 . The shape of the rims of these jars place them into the Dynasty XIII categories at Tell el Dab'a (Bietak. C.18. Marl C wine jars. Fig. Beer beakers composed 7 percent of the Late Middle Kingdom material For parallels. 37). 4. p." p. H)1192 while beer jars were at 11 percent (Fig. not surprising since many are made of Nile C. I). dated to the Late Middle Kingdom. Closed marl forms from S9. and bowls with interned rims (Fig.17.Figure 4. see Bourriau.A-C. More forms were found in a frequency of less than one percent including carinated cups and bowls (Fig. Marl A3 forms. 4. Marl C storage jars.H). 4.D.

A. and decoration.B)1193 made up a little over 1 percent each while one example of a possible Marl C fabric was also found (Fig.E. five examples of a type with a rim similar to the large Marl C storage jars were recovered through excavations (Fig. Storage jars (Fig.collected while other forms of beakers made up about 2 percent (Fig. / m * i c.20. shape. globular ones (not shown). As mentioned earlier. B. Breadmould. Each type of Marl A jar made up less than one percent of the corpus and included those with rounded rims (Fig. t" \ /.E. and others (Fig. 66. p.18.19. < Marl C jars were much less prevalent than their Nile counterparts.-1 0 D.18. 4. see Bourriau. 4.19.19.-F. C. J. In the earlier part of the Late 1193 For parallels. yn r\ / ^. B. The shape of the rims of the storage jars may also be chronologically significant. 4. Finally.A) and wine jars (Fig. 4.C).E).D).19. since it indicates contact with the Memphite region. 4. Jarstand. 4.18. 349 . Umm el Ga'ab. In the drawing in Figure 4.G). D. Examples of other ceramic forms found at S9. 1 1 1 1 10 20 Figure 4. these forms are much like hemispherical cups in their composition. 4. Model vessel. the presence of the Marl C wine and storage jars is very important.19.). Lid. This form might be a miniature Nile B version of the earlier form of this marl rim.

" p. Arnold. p. made up four percent of the pottery identified (Fig.Middle Kingdom. 65. including that shown in Figure 4." p. 37.20. 4. 207-215). Also. see Bourriau.1194 The examples of these jars found at S9 are the more elongated version. one Nile C fragment displayed a lug. 350 . Fig. A) while 4 percent were breadmoulds (Fig.10.20.E. 11. 37. Arnold. Arnold and Do. Arnold's Sector 7 at Dahshur. two Marl A3 fragments had potmarks. See also the late Dynasty XII to XIII pottery corpus from Qasr el-Sagha (Di.1196 Four miniature vessels. Abb. 1197 For parallels.20." p. 34.20. In the Late Middle Kingdom corpus. pp." Fontes Archaeologici Posnanienses 36 (1987-1988). "Stone." p. Fig.1195 Other forms of pottery found at S9 are shown in Figure 4. 7. Abb. Encyclopedia. something found commonly on carinated bowls of the Second Intermediate Period though it is likely that such types of decoration originated in Dynasty XIII as at least one example of a lug was found in Sector 7 at Dahshur.. Arnold. 35. Within the ceramic material collected." pp. Stone Objects The most prevalent stone objects were those made of Egyptian alabaster (travertine). fifteen fragments of these various vessels. pp.1197 V. Note that the shape of the rim of wine jars matches the Late Dynasty XII/XIII shapes at Tell el Dab'a (Bietak. Archaologische Veroffentlichungen 27 (Mainz am Rhein. these rims were a more squat shape. However. 4. Sliwa. they become more elongated. "Egypt and Canaan. "Qasr el-Sagha. 1979).C were found.B). 59-60. 37. 8 percent of the vessels were simple lids (Fig. were found. "Keramikbearbeitung. p. neither being complete enough to reconstruct. Der Tempel Qasr el-Sagha. It is not surprising that so much alabaster might be discovered in the 1194 See Bietak. Jarstands. "Egypt and Canaan.D). "Keramikbearbeitung.2. et al.20. including ring stands. Arnold. connecting them with Do.33-34. 1195 Do. see Di.1198 In total. Do. Umm el Ga'ab. 1198 For general information about the composition of this material.37. 38). Aston. 29-40. possibly in Dynasty XIII. 4. including three small rims. J.

may be reconstructed in later seasons. these examples all had inscriptions in mutilated hieroglyphs along. though its original form could not be determined. other stone objects or parts of them were found. The first was likely made of marble and was in the form of a bowl with an incurved rim. though it still may be found on pieces in the debris). Also. Also. The same shape was also found in both Nile and Marl A fabrics in low frequencies at S9. a worked fragment of basalt.debris from the tomb. indicating that either this stone had been reused from other parts of Abydos or. along with those already collected. However. with the king's names (no royal name was found in S10. Two other stone vessels were more easily identified. which would have been visible from the top. more likely. Other alabaster canopic jar fragments were found at the pyramid of Ameny Qemau as well as at SI 0 during Weigall's excavations. was more finely smoothed than the exterior. were made of this material. diorite. Likewise. Thus. In the burial of Awibre Hor. In the excavation of S9 in 2003. more pieces will undoubtedly be recovered. fragments of granite were found in low numbers. and some of them. the owner of this tomb had access to Aswan in the south. Another vessel was made of a dark stone which had been weathered due to exposure. the canopic jars. such as several lithic tools of uncertain date. the interior. or some other dark stone was discovered. where the source of this material was 351 . it is possible that such fragments in the remainder of the mounds of S9 may also provide inscriptional evidence in the future. Due to the nature of the hardness of the stone. as well as other objects.

Encyclopedia. Abydos III. like the Marl C ceramic fabric. Arnold. often with bark upon them (11 fragments).1201 However. "Stone. et al. "Stone.1202 Thus. Often these short sticks had resin on their ends. p. the wood likely originated from funerary furniture and other objects such as statuary. two sides of which were marked with team marks in faint red paint. 284-296. pp. coffins. In fact.3. Klemm and Klemm. et al. 1201 Di. p. Steine. Some of the wood fragments were visibly charred. Much of this material was deteriorated from exposure to the sun. Encyclopedia. p.E. 305310. 100. 192-193. and all had been thoroughly destroyed. and only a few edges could be identified. 12. 14.. The purpose of Di. Another type of wooden object was in the form of sticks.1199 Another object was made of a dark. pp. V. Arnold. palettes.1200 This item was found to the north of the enclosure wall beyond the extents of the preserved section of the floor. some of the wood may have originated from the coffin of the tomb owner. Though no certain specimens of paint were found on the wood itself.. This material is available at Gebel el-Ahmar near Heliopolis in the Memphite region as well as near Aswan. In his report of his own excavations of S9. 1202 Ayrton. 1200 For information on team marks. The use of large blocks of quartzite within S9 indicates. the latter was not used until a later date. et al. no object could be reconstructed. one piece of wood putty had a small patch of red paint upon it. see Di.located. Wood The most prevalent material found at S9 other than limestone was wood. Aston. 53." p. Aston. Arnold. Weigall reported that there was burnt wood within the sarcophagus.. that the owner of this tomb certainly had access to the north." p. Steine. unshaped stone. Klemm and Klemm. Encyclopedia. and shabti boxes. 59. 352 . pp. Nonetheless.

The backs of these inlays. see P. but its shape could not be matched with any known symbols. is green or blue in color. "Mortuary Variability.E. which.7 by 2 by 0. Gifts of the Nile: Ancient Egyptian Faience (New York.4.6 cms. 177-194). "Egyptian Faience." pp. 101. Richards notes that one of the differences between the private tombs of Dynasties XII and XIII is that the frequency of precious metals and stones decreases while the occurrence of faience increases (Richards. Peltenburg. twenty inlays and fragments were found during excavations. It is made from a non-clay material. Friedman. An additional small. 353 . 73. Shaw. see F. Faience Faience is a common material found in cemetery sites throughout Egypt. which was dark orange in color. p. A faience amulet was also found. several different objects were made of this material. 1204 One tubular bead was made of gold. trapezoidal inlay. In all. when fired.T. The first items were in the form of beads in the following shapes: tubular (6). V. one of which measured 7.1205 spherical (1). Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology (New York. was also found. analysis of the resinous substance will be undertaken in the future in order to identify its composition." in P. which were the color of and texture of cement.. formed and then coated with a metallic oxide glaze. Another type of faience object found at S9 was that of inlays.these objects cannot be certain at this time. 1206 For similarly-shaped inlays dated to the Early Dynastic Period.1204 tubular with larger diameters in the centers (4). composed primarily of ground silica. One of these beads may have been made of lapis lazuli.T. 1998). pp. probably within wooden 1203 For the development of faience with a comprehensive bibliography. This trend may also occur in the royal tombs. Nicholson and I.1206 The majority of these pieces originated from rectangular inserts. and discs (3). eds. At S9. 198). were slanted on the edges so that they could be placed in their designated spots. Nicholson and E. 2000.

indicating that they may have come from ancient plundering or even Weigall's excavations.5. which may have been a handle or some other component of a free-standing vessel. These pieces. In the north. A final faience fragment was three-dimensional with the blue color resonating from all four sides. The condition of 1207 B. these elements were found above the strata with the bricks and limestone debris. In a different location. human remains and mummy components found at the site likely belong to the owner of the monument. However. 354 .furniture or boxes. it is impossible to determine the nature of this object. Thus. a portion of a human jaw was in the upper section of the southern spoil heaps. those from the eastern side were in levels above and around the later surface and above the limestone strata.E. Crowell suggested that these pieces may have originated from decorative boxes (Personal communication).1208 Interestingly. human bones and mummy fragments were only found in certain parts of the excavations. At this point. were all located within a concentrated area inside and outside of the northeastern part of the enclosure wall. far. Thus. including seven fragments of mummy wrappings. Other shapes of faience inlays were also found including thin curved and round ones. they all came from levels above the original surfaces. Mummy Remains One of the most important questions related to S9 is whether or not later intrusions upon the tomb included burials. 1208 j j j e s e r e m a j n s cou l(j a i S o belong to the tombs to the local east. As one might expect. V. investigations have revealed no evidence of later interments within S9. the archaeological context of some of these would suggest that they come from S9 itself. Meanwhile.

43. Decorated Plaster In the tomb of Awibre Hor. the plaster fragments were found in the same strata as the mummy linens.1209 Similarly. covered with gold leaf. Neferwptah.6. These fragments came from the outside of the northeastern corner of the enclosure wall. For the development of these masks in the Late Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period. 27-28. The excavations at S9 revealed nine small fragments of a similar type of material (Fig. Mummy. 4. 37a-c. Farag and Iskander discovered plaster pieces with wooden backing from 7. Their backs are often covered or impressed with wood or linen. pp. 355 . 40-41. 169-170. 59.21).this specimen is very good. which was inscribed and covered with gold leaf. in the pyramid of Neferuptah. Similar material was found in the water in the sarcophagus of this same Neferuptah in the pyramid of Amenemhet III at Hawara. Pis. 1210 Farag and Iskander.E. the inscribed plaster. pp. this king had a funerary mask composed of a plasterlike substance. and it will be examined in the future for any information it can provide regarding the health and age of the individual from which it originated. Figs. 28. indicating that these pieces may come from the covering of the mummy itself. Some of these pieces were inscribed with hieroglyphs and other decorations.00 cm wide coffin bands as well as covering other items such as staves while the material-backed fragments were from an anthropoid coffin/mummy mask made of layers of linen and glue. 32. V. see Ikram and Dodson. was only found in certain areas. 30-32. In both the north and the east. Like the fragments of the mummy.

356 . round ends (spool). They were all made of unbaked clay. was associated with the The use of pieces with two different shapes is common in the New Kingdom (Piccione. Fragments of inscribed. p. Senet Pieces An interesting set of objects came from the eastern side of the enclosure upon the later floor next to the wall. two sets of game pieces. 18). the other set of senet pieces had nine cone-shaped examples with small bulbs atop. Here. which had its origins in the Early Dynastic Period. Senet. Meanwhile. Figure 4.0 1 2 3 cms. presumably belonging to a senet set. Senet. The first set had seven pointed cone pieces. round ends and inward-curving centers. and seven with flat. gilded plaster.7. and seven with flat. were found.21. V.E.1211 Another bulbed example was found to the north of the enclosure wall. five truncated cones.

8. pp. The only items in this burial were a body within a coffin and a box containing the game pieces." in D. D. Only a common name component. p. 49. which may be related to seal impressions is that of cylindrical clay rolls. et al. see R. see Piccione. Redford. Another set of objects. and there was no pottery. p. that this tomb and its contents likely date to the reign of Thutmosis III. "Senet. ed. 2 (Oxford. longer version of these items were found in the Senwosret III town site at South Abydos.B. 3 (Oxford. 1215 For a discussion of the types of geometric designs. The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt. V. excavated by Mackay. A similar.. "Scarabs. it should be noted that these objects carry the name of this king long after his reign." in D. However. 2. making this a terminus post quem. 43. 2001).B. PI." See also T. The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt. Kendall. The other sealings display decorative motifs incorporating both hieroglyphs and borders. there were no names.. p. 180. 21-28. Since this dating is based upon seals. There are parallels to the game pieces at the site of the Late Middle Kingdom royal tomb at South Mazghuna." JSSEA 15 (1985). it is relatively clear. which could be reconstructed. O'Connor. based on other burials in the same area. Bianchi. Labyrinth. ed.1213 These objects were reportedly found in a Dynasty XVIII grave in the southwest corner.E. "The Chronology of Scarabs of the Middle Kingdom and the Second Intermediate Period.1214 The dating of the senet pieces found just outside the enclosure of S9 at South Abydos is uncertain. was visible.. Sealings and Sealing Clay Though the recent excavations at the tomb of S9 clearly revealed a few examples of sealings from Dynasty XIII. Most were attached to wood and cords while one had the impression of papyrus upon it. "Games. 1213 Petrie. Redford.challenges in achieving a successful afterlife. 357 . Seneb. 2001). and Wegner believes that these objects are 1212 For a complete study of this game.

Also. Some of the 152 fragments (three complete) were more oval than truly round. these objects were found above and around the surface as well as below it.1216 At S9. these objects were only 8. Interestingly. V. The reason why such objects. no evidence was found that any of these rolls had been pinched in order to make a sealing.E. Inside the enclosure. including a mortuary monument of Amenemhet III (bS(?J Imn-m-hct m^-hrw). if they were indeed portable sealing clay. towns.1 cms. VI. One bone needle. was broken at its tip. 358 .2 by 0.54 to 1. Owners of Tombs S9 and S10 at Abydos The Dynasty XIII Ramesseum Onamastacon has a list of temples.9. the town of Wah-Sut. measuring 5 by 0.portable clay rolls to be pinched off and used as sealing mud.59 cms in length and 2. Other Objects Two small objects were found in the excavations of S9 in 2003. Another bone object was the top of an unknown item with horizontal lines inscribed into it. these objects were found beneath the surfaces to the north and east of the northeastern corner of the enclosure wall. would be beneath the floors is uncertain unless they were placed there as foundation deposits. which is associated with the funerary establishment of 6 Personal communication. and forts from south to north. Similar red paint was found upon the jar stoppers within the larger foundation deposit. and it was not uncommon for these objects to have both white and red pigment upon them.98-9.72 cms in diameter.

it seemed likely that some of the Dyansty XIII kings may have been buried at Abydos.1446 lists a temple of an Amenemhet at Abydos with a different name than the one mentioned above (hnw?Imn-m-hit c nh dtrnhh)}219 Prior to the recent development of the new chronological relationship between the Late Middle Kingdom/Second Intermediate Period. pp. Gardiner. 2. now it seems more likely that the location of tombs at Abydos was a deliberate decision following in the tradition of Senwosret III of Dyansty XII. 64. pp. 57. Mortuary Temple. Mortuary Temple. 41. 1221 Wegner. 1218 Wegner.1221 There is also a treasurer prior to Neferhotep named Senebsumai. 1222 Wegner. a monument of Amenemhet is denoted as belonging to the third king of that name in a list of his emit establishments in the Rekhmire scenes (Wegner. respectively. "Hyksos Period. Mortuary Temple.1217 In the list. 359 .1218 Interestingly. there is no mention of the temple of a Dyansty XIII king to the north of that of Senwosret III. lines 210-212.1220 However. PI. An offering table found to the north of the Senwosret III temple suggests that the cult of Amenemhet III was located in the area. the cult was centered inside the Senwosret III temple or was considered to be a part of this establishment. n. 313-315. 1947). 43-45). 1219 Wegner. since there is no trace of them at Thebes (O'Connor. p. 41. Along with this source. as they lost access to their traditional cemeteries in the Memphite region due to the activities of the Hyksos there. 343-344. Thus. Ancient Egyptian Onomastica (Oxford. and the town of Abydos itself. or the owners of S9 and S10 were venerated elsewhere at Abydos. 348. pp. 1220 O'Connor suggests that some of the later tombs of Dynasty XIII might be present at South Abydos.Senwosret III at South Abydos. Mortuary Temple. 25). In the temple of Senwosret III at South Abydos. 44. p. Mortuary Temple.1222 It is possible that this treasurer was a participant in the 1217 A. 31. Brooklyn Papyrus 35. 44. it is either the case that a temple had not yet been constructed." pp. the seals of Neferhotep were prolific within the strata dated to him.

regardless of the owner. Weigall. 381. belonged to another vizier. 1224 360 . then certainly a reevaluation of the others in the north would be necessary.A. 26-27. See also Chapter 1. "Sobkemhet. 229. 1931).1225 Mastaba 2. especially since the owners of most remain unknown. it seems more likely that these tombs follow that of Amenemhet III at Hawara based upon their architectural components. pp. suggesting an elevated status of this already high position during late Dynasty XII. pp. presumably 1223 Wegner. 338. these tombs fit well into the Late Middle Kingdom royal funerary monument corpus. Reliefs. and Paintings III (Oxford. 1226 de Morgan.1223 At Dahshur. Section VIII. Khnumhotep. Mastaba tomb 17 has been identified by Simpson as belonging to a vizier. Stadelmann hypothesized that the "Unfinished Pyramid" at South Sakkara may have simply been the Memphite tomb and that the actual tomb of this king. 18-23. 45. p. Moss. of S9 or S10. Mortuary Temple.l. also found north of the pyramid complex of Senwosret III. S9 itself seems to be an abbreviated form of a pyramid in its subterranean plan with a superstructure similar to that at South Mazghuna. Porter and R. Pharaohs. Interestingly. 98. One attractive explanation for the ownership of the S9 and S10 at South Abydos is that they belonged to important national or local officials. B. Certainly. If they do prove to be non-royal. maybe Neferhotep or Sobekhotep.1226 Though viewing S9 and S10 as subsidiary monuments to the Senwosret III tomb at South Abydos might be plausible. Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts." pp. without knowing about S9 and S10. p. In fact.L. Sobekemhet (northeast of the Pyramid of Senwosret III) based on fragments of offering table and its inscriptions. Simpson. Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894.B. structurally. Section II. possibly during the reign of Senwosret III or a subsequent ruler. 1225 See Chapter 3. n.1224 This tomb is located within the enclosure wall of the king.

Since the Theban and Abydos location for the "Mansion of Millions of Years. 259. 253-254. 71. Schafer. Egyptian Administrative and Private-Name Seals. PL 14. Das Heiligtium des Heqaib auf Elephantine." 1227 Stadelmann. 1994). 1229 Grajetzki. Ay (imy-ript-nswt iy).1230 Due to the fact that most scholars have believed that all of the royal monuments in the South Abydos region are cenotaphs. Hochsten Beamten. might have been located in Thebes. 68). 4). 18. it does leave one with another interesting prospect for evaluating the tombs at Abydos.'" in B.Userkare Neferhotep I and Sobekhotep III or IV. "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity. Etude topographie et archeologique. See also Martin. pp. 261-278). Karnak.13. Franke. Quirke carefully suggests that this vizier. p. See also D. "New Kingdom 'Mortuary Temples' and 'Mansions of Millions of Years. Hochsten Beamten. 7. Though admitting that this institution. may have been located at Abydos." p. who was contemporary to Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV is the same as that of a statue at Karnak of a Neferkare Aymeru. Vemus identifies this inscription with the vizier of Neferhotep I and Sobekhotep IV.. that the monument might be located between the Senwosret III enclosure and the pyramid of Ahmose. 18.1 9 The inscription on this statue makes the first reference to a "Mansion of Millions of Years" {hwtnthh n rnpwt). Studien zur Archaologie und Geschichte Altagyptens 9 (Heidelberg. 41. "Temple of the King. p. 49. 260. Geschichte eines Provinzheiligglim im Mittleren Reich. Mariette. vizier. 1997). PL 39. Seneb (iry-ct snb). Statues Egyptiennes du Moyen Empire. Two Treasurers. Quirke also notes that. Other officials with seals in this area included an overseer of the royal harem. "Vizier Iymeru. et al. Quirke. Wegner." pp. Agyptischen Pyramiden. Haeny. p. This official was active at Abydos during the reign of Sobekhotep IV when he was promoted (Habachi. and the guard of the hallway.E. pp.14. Ayrton. < The Dynasty XIII name found closest to S9 and S10 is that of a mayor of the town. NY. Aymeru from the "Dummy Mastabas" to 1 •J'JQ the east of the Senwosret III enclosure. called Hotepka-Sobekhotep. overseer of the six great temples. G. Temples of Ancient Egypt (Ithaca.1227 Though he does note that the nearby tomb of Khendjer was used. He has the same second name 1228 as his father Iymcru (Vernus. 384. p. 15. p. Grajetzki.. ed. Le Surnom. 89. PL 8." p. p. making the Memphite tomb a cenotaph.r. 1230 Delange suggests a location near Karnak (Delange. 10 nos. Abydos III. 42. It should be noted that the vizier Iymeru Neferkare is connected with the official Nubankh. 361 . who created many of the graffito found in the Cataract region for members of the family of Neferhotep I. he suggested that a Dynasty XIII cult center might be located in this area. since the sealing was found at South Abydos. p. p.

p." pp. then a likely candidate for the second monument might be this king's brother Neferhotep I.1 3 Sealings of the following rulers have been found at South Abydos: Nymaatre Amenemhet III (cylinders and impressions). Interestingly." pp. Nonetheless. "Protective Measure. Neferhotep I 1231 Randall-Maclver and Mace. and it may be the case that his son quickly finished the monument before the funeral. pp." p. 59. Cairo CG 20538. Several candidates are possible including an unfinished tomb to the local south of that of Senwosret III as well as S9 or S10. Wegner. See also Wegner. 60. Wegner suggests that Senwosret III may have died before he could complete his mortuary temple at Abydos. "The Town of Wah-Sut.186. there is evidence that Dynasty XIII kings were also represented by activity at South Abydos. 59. this statement refers to either the temple of Senwosret III with the elements belonging to Amenemhet III or to a separate temple of the latter nearby. 43. "Excavations at the Town. 104. Mortuary Temple. 362 .belonging to Sobekhotep IV. which refers to a single group of priests for both Amenemhet III and Senwosret III as being housed at WahSutm2 Obviously. 83. 177-182. Amenemhet Ill's cartouche fragments have been found at the 1 O'X 1 Senwosret III mortuary temple at South Abydos. "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity. 96. an associated funerary complex could also be found at Abydos. Mortuary Temple. 21-2. n.14. 80. However. 1233 Wegner. "Institutions. vs. 4." pp. are both possible. El Amrah and Abydos I. After Amenemhet III. 306-308. If this identification is correct. Leahy notes the stela of Sehotepibre." pp. It may be the case that a cenotaph of Amenemhet III is located in this area. "Organization of the Temple. 259-259. if either S9 or S10 belonged to this king." pp. 167-169. pp. 1232 Leahy. The temple of Senwosret III and its associated town at South Abydos extend from the reign of this king through the end of Dynasty XIII (temple) and possibly through the early New Kingdom (town) as indicated by ceramics and seal impressions. "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity. then he possessed a true tomb here rather than a cenotaph. 37-38." p.

"A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity. 31. 41. p. For a translation of this text. 1241 Bresciani. and Sobekhotep IV. pp. 1240 Leahy. Mortuary Temple. Two Treasurers. 178. 20. 29. 187-189. pp. The private stela of Amenysoneb also records the renovation of the temple originally constructed by Senwosret I in Dynasty XII. no. Leahy. now located in the courtyard of the Sety I temple within a naos. Weigall. Abydos I. 5.1235 At the Osiris temple. Two Treasurers. between the temples of Ramses II and Seti I.1238 There is also a possible ka chapel of Sobekhotep III. 74. Mortuary Temple." pp." p. more chapels have been proposed. 363 . Merneferre Ay (scarabs and impressions—3. Abydos II. PL 211). Wegner. 88." pp. 2 ° Along the edge of the cultivation. "Protective Measure. Khaankhre Sobekhotep II. a. 384. 63. 2. 121." pp. n. 41-60. "Protective Measure. 120. 384. 41. pp. "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity.409. Pharaohs and Mortals. "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity. Weill. 59. Wahibre Ibiaw (mixed contexts)." p. see Breastead. 57-59.F. pp.43. 313-315. Egypt Exploration Fund 22 (London. pp. Mariette. 34.M. Wegner. 385. 27. Dynasty XVI—l). 1239 Wegner. there were fragments from ka chapels and other monuments of Amenemhet III.1241 Wegner has dated a statue. "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity. 1235 Wegner. 147. Hochsten Beamten.107." pp. that was originally found at Abydos in 2 Another seal of Khasekhemre Neferhotep was found at Abydos (Hornung and Staehelin." p.127. nos. 40. Monuments d'Abydos. Fig. 1902). See also Helck." pp. as well as Swadj[en]re Nebiriau I (impressions. Wegner. "Excavations at the Town. 1238 Grajetzki. "Protective Measure. 1236 Grajetzki. Ancient Records. 20. Guide to the Antiquities. Leahy. Petrie. 37. 343. 5-6. Wegner. "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity. 5.1239 Neferhotep I clearly also participated in activities at Abydos as represented by the inscription of Iykhernofret as well as his own stelae (originally set up by Wegaf). 385." p." pp. f-n." p. many at mayor's house). b. "Abydos. 102. pp. "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity. 59. Petrie. 41. 21. n. pp. W. including one of Khaankhre Sobekhotep II. 1237 Bourriau. 36. 386. "Un Edificia. PI. 108.1234 Khahotepre (Sobekhotep V) (5). 126.80. "Complements. 103. 11-17. Wegner. Skarabaen und andere Siegelamulette. p. 15. pp. 215. 10. 17. Historische-Biographische. possibly including a tomb or cenotaph. Kemp. 133. 115-116. 342-344. Neferhotep I. 340." pp.1237 A treasurer. named snb-sw-m-c(i) was active at Abydos (prior to Neferhotep I). pp. 180. p." p. p. 234. 35. 28.(impressions-numerous).

Thus. Due to a lack of royal names within the context of intact archaeological contexts in general. dating to Amenemhet III through Awibre Hor. Egyptian Saints. Though these types may extend until the end of Dyansty XIII. 1244 Bourriau. including kings. the most diagnostic forms are from the two foundation deposit pits.the 1960's. This statue has parallels to those of Amenemhet III (Cairo 43289." pp. 129-130. Some caution. "Hyksos Rule. The ceramic corpus from the temple is also similar to complex 6/7 at Dahshur (Wegner. however. Holladay. 15. 1243 Bietak connects Dahshur complex 3." pp. 1977). 386.6 and 7 to Tell el-Dab'a H(d/2) and Gl-3(c) (Bietak. 184-185). whose inscriptions have not been found archaeologically. The vessel indices of the hemispherical cups seems to indicate a very early date for these tombs. Unfortunately." p. must be extended to such an endeavor as funerary assemblages can be misleading with older forms being used. other forms fall more within the Complex 6/7.1244 ~ Wegner. Copenhagen AEIN 1482. there is no doubt that they continue until at least the reign of Awibre Hor as is evident in the sequence in the funerary complex of Amenemhet III at Dahshur (Sectors 4-6). 233-252). pp. Mortuary Temple. Mortuary Temple. and those at Hawara). Wildung. "Eastern Nile Delta. p. 11. pp." p. to late Dynasty XII-XIII or XVI/XVII. Fig. Deification in Pharaonic Egypt (New York. Ceramic evidence from S9 may also be considered in the discussion of the dating of the South Abydos tombs. of the Memphite region. 45. However. 126. it is uncertain as to exactly when the characteristic Lower Egyptian forms such as Marl C storage jars fall out of use in Upper Egypt.1243 The ceramic material at S9 certainly falls within the Late Middle Kingdom era. D. "Relations. "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity. 364 . there may have been significant royal activity at this site.

It appears that most of the 365 . sinusoidal walls. S10 shares many characteristics with the tomb model from the complex of Amenemhet III at Dahshur in a deposit dated to early Dynasty XIII. their relationship to theJunerary complex of the Dynasty XII king. Further investigation in the future will likely provide affirmation for the changes proposed here including aspects of the corridors and the mechanics of the portcullises and sarcophagus lid. ramps. S9 and S10. Though so far only highly fragmentary remains have been recovered. Due to the veneration of the god Osiris both as an early mythical king of Egypt as well as his association with deceased rulers. hidden passages. Conclusions At South Abydos. there are two previously excavated "mastaba" tombs. which is linked spatially to the sarcophagus chamber. S9 and S10 are typical monuments within the Late Middle Kingdom royal mortuary monument corpus. turning chambers. quartzite sarcophagi. Abydos became the location of a secondary Middle Kingdom royal cemetery. Senwosret III. quartzite portcullis stones. Though these tombs are not located within the key region identified in the previous chapter. which have many of the architectural characteristic of the Late Middle Kingdom royal mortuary corpus in the Memphite region. enclosures. These monuments share limestone corridors. the objects from S9 have parallels in other contemporary royal tombs.VII. New excavations at S9 have revealed problems with Weigall's original plan. Additional elements of the superstructure have already been discovered including a blocked entrance in the enclosure wall and a possible chapel. and possible chapels. is significant. While S9 is most closely linked with South Mazghuna.

Pottery. which is also in small pieces. allowing for the reconstruction of the contents of the burial through careful excavation and recording. 366 . but a more precise assignment is not yet possible. indicates that this tomb dates to the first half of Dynasty XIII.objects were destroyed and thrown outside of the tomb.

two structures at Abydos were added to this group. In this section. the discussion will turn to the overall corpus including the order of the tombs and the differences between these and contemporary court and private tombs. and a comparison between the features of these funerary monuments and those of the Dynasty XVII kings will also be made. Dodson's chronological arrangement of these tombs will be outlined. here.Chapter 5 Analysis of the Late Middle Kingdom Royal Funerary Monuments and Their Impact on the Current Understanding of Dynasty XIII Kingship I. II. and a new order will be proposed. Chronological Order of the Late Middle Kingdom Royal Tombs Determining the chronological order of the Late Middle Kingdom tombs is a difficult if not impossible task. 367 . Introduction In Chapter 3. in Chapter 4. The date of the destruction of these royal tombs will be discussed. a detailed study of these structures would not be complete without a consideration of this topic. Thus. Additional common traits of the Late Middle Kingdom tombs and the religious ideology expressed through their architectural forms will also be addressed. a typology of architectural characteristics which constitute the Dynasty XIII royal funerary monument corpus was formed while. Nonetheless.

326-329. Section XI. 1246 Dodson. DAS 2. After the Pyramids. As mentioned in Chapter 3. 38. relief fragments found at Lepsius LIV. 8.." pp. 368 . 330. section XI.1).1248 Thus.1247 The first three monuments in Dodson's sequence are all unexcavated. 39." p.AAa. p.1246 Dodson also points to the characteristics of the tombs identified with specific monarchs in order to assign other rulers from the Turin King-List to monuments with unknown owners. while other kings with this name. 15. After the Pyramids." pp. "Tombs of the Kings. 27. Swelim and Dodson. Note that Dodson states that other kings with the name Amenemhet are not considered since they have double nomens.II. are also possible. 25-32. "Tombs of the Kings. 39. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. Dodson's Chronological Arrangement Dodson has attempted to place all the accepted and many of the potential Dynasty XIII monuments into chronological order (Table 5. 1247 Dodson. The Canopic Equipment." pp. "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau." p. 1249 Dodson. "Tombs of the Kings. 29-36. 8." p. the sarcophagus chambers become deeper and the monuments progress from north to south within each location. may indicate that the monument belonged to a ruler with this same name (Amenemhet). 43. 8). p. Dodson suggests that Amenemhet IV is a candidate for being the owner of this tomb. 38. located to the southeast of the pyramid of Amenemhet II at Dahshur. 27. After the Pyramids. and the precise order of these tombs is unclear since several combinations are possible (Lepsius LIV. Swelim and Dodson. Dodson argues that the pyramids to the north and northwest (DAS 2 and 16) of the tomb of Ameny Qemau belong to two of the kings 1245 Dodson. and DAS 16).AAa. 1248 See Chapter 3. there could be problems with these exclusions since private individuals with these names do not always use both in their inscriptions (Dodson. pp. However. "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau.1245 His methodology centers around the concept that the complexity of the tombs increases." p. After the Pyramids. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga.1249 Next. 31. such as Sekhemkare Amenemhet. p. p.A." p. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga.

Dodson's chronological proposal for the Late Middle Kingdom royal funerary monuments. between Amenemhet IV and this ruler.1. he excludes Amenemhet IV from possible ownership of the Dodson. 15. and all possible owners are noted according to the von Beckerath/Franke chronologies. 43. "Tombs of the Kings." p. After the Pyramids. 369 . p. The structures are listed from North to South.Sequence Reign Number Khendjer Khendjer 8 Intef/ "Unfinished" 9 Sobekhotep III/ Pyramid Neferhotep I Amenemhet IV/ Pyramid SE l o r 3 Sekhemkare Amenemhet of Amenemhet II Awibre Hor Awibre Hor 6 DAS 2 Amenemhet IV/ lor 2 Nefrusobek/ (Dodson's South Wegaf/ Dahshur A) Amenemhet Senebef/ S ekhemrekhutawy/ Sehotepibre/ Sankhibre Ameny Intef Amenemhet DAS 17 (Dodson's South Dahshur B) 2 or 3 Ameny Qemau North Mazghuna South Mazghuna 4 5 7 Nefrusobek/ Wegaf/ Amenemhet Senebef/ S ekhemrekhutawy/ Sehotepibre/ Sankhibre Ameny Intef Amenemhet Ameny Qemau Hotepibre Saharnedjeritef/ Khaankhre Sobekhotep II Sedjefakare Kay Amenemhet/ Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet Table 5.1250 Because this scholar believes that the DAS 2 (Dahshur A) was built first.

30. as potential owners of this tomb. 30.1252 Also." pp. 14. 31. Dodson believes that the northernmost pyramid at Mazghuna." p. and Dodson places his tomb between the two Mazghuna pyramids since it displays a sarcophagus design similar to the earlier monuments while the burial chamber has a gabled roof like those of South Mazghuna and Khendjer. p." p. 1252 370 . "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. 38. who was buried in a reused shaft tomb. 27." pp. 38." p. which are to the north of the pyramid of Ameny Qemau. 33.17) before Khendjer. Dodson believes that of Ameny Qemau is the earliest with its simple sarcophagus and overall plan. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. 1256 Dodson. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga.1251 As for the excavated tombs. appears in the Turin KingList (7. DAS 2 and 16. 43. 31. 38. the possessor of the former is a king that fits between Ameny Qemau and Awibre Hor. "Tombs of the Kings." pp. 35-36. Using the same logic. 14-15." pp." p. dates to within a few reigns after it. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. Hotepibre Saharnedjeritef and Khaankhre Sobekhotep II. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. The Canopic Equipment. "Tombs of the Kings. 31. 1253 Dodson. whom he believes had relatively long reigns. 40.1253 Awibre Hor. which is a more complicated version of that of Ameny Qemau at Dahshur. 14. 28. p. 9.1255 Since Dodson places the shaft tomb of Awibre Hor between the pyramids of North and South Mazghuna. there are no indications as to how 1251 Dodson. 30. pp. After the Pyramids. are placed prior to his following Dodson's northto-south chronological principle within each location. pp. 43. After the Pyramids. After the Pyramids. Dodson chooses the two kings. 1255 For common features with the Mazghuna pyramids." p. 13. The Canopic Equipment. p.1256 However. see Aufrere. "Le roi Aouibre Hor. 1254 Dodson. "Tombs of the Kings. The Canopic Equipment. p.DAS 17 (Dahshur B).1254 The structure of this tomb is reminiscent of those with a Type 2 sarcophagus (North Mazghuna and Ameny Qemau). Dodson.

is positioned between the first few reigns after Ameny Qemau and that of Khendjer. After the Pyramids. 35." p. 35. 29. the South Mazghuna pyramid. has a deeper and larger burial chamber than that at Mazghuna." pp. 1261 Dodson. 33. pp. 371 . 33. 29. pp. pp. at Sakkara.20 in the Turin King-List. the South Mazghuna pyramid follows the tomb of Awibre Hor. 10-11. 10-11. Finally. Note that the change in the structure of the sarcophagus is due to the use of sand lowering system rather than to increase the space for funerary goods. 14.1257 Saharnedjeritef and Sehotepibre each had two years on the throne.1261 Also. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. which has a deeper burial chamber than that of Ameny Qemau with room for the placement of goods above the coffin. 14. pp.1262 Jequier had preliminarily assigned this tomb to 1257 Ryholt. 40-41. 40-41. 338-339. The Canopic Equipment. 31. The two kings with known regnal lengths are Sankhibre Amenemhet and Khaankhre Sobekhotep II. 38. After the Pyramids. pp. though the latter lacks significant archaeological monuments. except the number of attestations. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga." p.1259 Dodson considers Sekhemrekhutawy Khabaw (H) and Sedjefakare Amenemhet as the likely builders of the monument at South Mazghuna. After the Pyramids. Thus. pp." pp. 12.long the reigns of these rulers were. though certainly this area would have served such a purpose 1258 secondarily. each with four years. The Canopic Equipment. as well as its northern neighbor with its more complex sand lowering system for the sarcophagus. 1262 Dodson. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. more specifically being between Awibre Hor and the latter ruler. 1259 Dodson. 1260 Dodson. Political Situation.43. Khendjer himself can be placed after the other two kings discussed above in position 7. According to Dodson. "Tombs of the Kings. "Tombs of the Kings.1260 The similarly-structured Khendjer pyramid. the "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara (to the south of the tomb of Khendjer) is dated to well after the reign of Khendjer due to the size and the increased complexity of its halls and chambers." pp.

67-68. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu elNaga. 90). Great Monuments. 31." p. who have conducted general overviews of the architectural aspects of pyramids. "Tombs of the Kings.C. he thinks that the tomb shows far too many advances and must be assigned to a later king such as Sobekhotep III or Neferhotep I.Semenkhkare Imyremeshaw. 437. 32. p." p. 91. This evidence makes him the last king of Dynasty XIII known to have had a large funerary monument. 1264 372 . 44. 38. Edgar found the head of a late Dynasty XII or early Dynasty XIII king's statue out of context at Kom el-Hisn (Silverman. 1268 For example. as kingship weakened." p. 1266 Dodson. Dodson believes that there may have been a royal cemetery in the Delta region. "Royal Head with White Crown. the sample size of the corpus of royal funerary inscriptions. C. p. 43. There is no evidence for Dynasty XIII royal tombs at this site. 44."pp. it is certain that this king had a pyramid. 26 Also. pp. Dodson. "Tombs of the Kings. 1265 Dodson. p.1267 II. and the structure of the government fragmented. see Verner. n. 36. 15. are reluctant to place them in any defined order. Problems with Dodson's Chronological Arrangement Dodson's chronological arrangement of the tombs is not widely accepted. Fouilles a Saqqarah. He then suggests that other royal figures may have also been buried outside of the Memphite region. as many Egyptologists." p.1263 Though Dodson agrees that this tomb must date to after the reign of Khendjer.1266 Dodson also considers that the cemeteries of the Dynasty XIII kings may have been moved southwards with the last being at Dra Abu el-Naga near Thebes. After the Pyramids. available for Dodson or any other scholar to use 1263 Jequier.B. where this and another uninscribed pyramidion were found. The Canopic Equipment. 1267 Dodson.1264 Due to the fact that a large fragment of a pyramidion of Merneferre Ay was found in the Delta." p. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. "Tombs of the Kings.

Ryholt. Thus. 43.B. p.1272 As discussed in Chapter 1. if regarded as more simple due to its use of a Type 2 sarcophagus.4. Amenemhet III. 31. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. his prenomen remains unknown. "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau. the tomb of Ameny Qemau. 1271 Dodson. 285).". Political Situation. Section IV. so it is difficult to make a correspondence between rulers and monuments based upon this document. "son (sj) of Qemau" allows for him to be placed after this king with some degree of certainty. since the royal cemetery was often moved from one site to another (Lehner. Though Dodson recognizes that the Hawara monument has this basic system. whereby the tombs become more complex over time. he may be listed as Amenemhetre in line 7.7. After the Pyramids. 1270 1272 1272 Dodson. "Tombs of the Kings. 329-330. 1273 1274 373 ." p.1276 he ignores this problem due to the fact that this earlier monument lacks built-in coffin and 1269 Swelim and Dodson." pp. p.1274 often rely on a model." p.1271 Nonetheless." pp. Ameny Qemau's nomen does not appear as such in this document. 7. 14.1275 However. 31. Dodson. and his canopic jars provided the only evidence that he existed. 29-36. as well as other scholars. After the Pyramids. moving in sequential order over the terrain of the Memphite region. The Canopic Equipment. Dodson. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga.8 is known to have used the phrase. one must note that the first tomb to display the Late Middle Kingdom characteristics including the sand lowering system was the Dynasty XII ruler. 1276 Dodson.1273 Dodson." p. who is found in Turin King-List 7. p. Swelim and Dodson. For example. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. p.12 9 Another major caveat to the chronological assignment of royal funerary structures is that the order of the rulers in the Turin King-List is still debated. is actually a regression in progress. 83. the fact that Hotepibre Saharnedjeritef. "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau. order to create a meaningful chronological typology is too small. Pyramids. 326-329. at Hawara. Scholars have also questioned the method of ordering tombs according to their geographical positions.

supposedly the most advanced of all. Stadelmann. 432-433. Verner argues that the latter is later than the former. Agyptischen Pyramiden. 374 .1277 He also stresses the fact that the passageways in the southern tomb are more complex. Though Verner has criticized Dodson's chronological placement of the Late Middle Kingdom corpus. due in part to the fact that the southern monument has the same structure as that in the complex at Hawara. his own dating of the Mazghuna tombs is hampered by his belief that these monuments must belong to the last kings of Dynasty XII. While Dodson places South Mazghuna after North Mazghuna. Stadelmann dated South Mazghuna from the end of Dynasty XII to the beginning of Dynasty XIII based on its likeness to Hawara. Interestingly. something. other scholars have also used the designs of the sarcophagus chamber to arrange the tombs in chronological order. 437. p. Like Verner. while placing the northern one into Dynasty XIII.canopic niches in its monolithic quartzite base. pp. which cannot itself nullify the significance of the displayed technological development.1278 Meanwhile. Great Monuments. The chronological framework of the Late Middle Kingdom tombs may not be tied to the structure of the sarcophagus chamber and may have a more standardized form than acknowledged in the past. assigning a date based on the corridor arrangement rather than the structure of the burial chambers. it is clear that the development of the architecture may be more complicated than it would first appear. but many have come to different conclusions than Dodson. 247-248. thus. incorporates both types of sarcophagi in its two-burial chamber design. It is also important to realize that the "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara. Thus. Hayes argues that the Mazghuna pyramids are closer in 1277 1278 Verner.

13). Thus. Next. The plan of the corridors leading to the sarcophagus with portcullises and changes in level are the characteristics of the royal funerary monuments of the era.3)." p. A sequence for the tombs based upon an analysis of the available architectural evidence would appear to represent a valid starting point. 4. the ones at South Mazghuna are all within a single pit. Lehner also thinks that the pyramid at North Mazghuna may date well into Dynasty XIII (Lehner.3). The location of the entrance to the tomb remained in the south. and a tomb model 1279 to the pyramids at South Sakkara because of their structural similarities.C. 3. 3. Pyramids. S9 at Abydos appears to be an abbreviated form of the pyramid at South Mazghuna with a tightly arranged substructure as well as a chapel on the eastern side of the enclosure (Fig. S10 likely closely follows S9 since the latter is located in the primary position next to the tomb of Senwosret III. II. 375 . In turn. 43. it is likely that the pyramid at South Mazghuna was constructed either at the end of Dynasty XII or the beginning of Dynasty XIII (Fig. The plan of the substructure of this monument is a condensed form of that found at Hawara. any further development of a chronological order can serve as little more than a suggestion unless further archaeological investigations take place at these sites. 285). Suggestions for the Order of the Tombs There are many possible combinations for the order of the excavated Late Middle Kingdom tombs from Amenemhet III through Dynasty XIII. p. "Egypt: From the Death. but rather than being constructed in separate trenches. The Pyramid of Amenemhet III at Hawara is the first example of the Late Middle Kingdom tomb type as defined in this thesis (Fig.

should be in. which were then combined within this monument.12). The "Unfinished" Pyramid also follows the linear plan but has two burial chambers. 3.11). The pyramid of Merneferre Ay was likely the last of Dynasty XIII and was relatively small as indicated by the slope of the pyramidion. Khendjer's tomb may be the next in the sequence. 3. this example is a linear expansion of that of Ameny Qemau including the Type II sarcophagus. It is likely that other unidentified Dynasty XIII tombs between Khendjer and Ay may also be relatively small in size. Whichever order these tombs. 376 . 4. 3. there is little doubt that they are closely related chronologically. This arrangement confirms that the two sarcophagus types were contemporary and may have represented different religious ideas (or two different manifestations of the same idea). The tomb of Awibre Hor likely follows that of Ameny Qemau since the level of the sarcophagus and its arrangement mimic that of the former king's pyramid (Fig. It is also possible that S9 and S10 were constructed after the monument of Ameny Qemau at Dahshur (Fig. However.9). one of each type (Fig.15). Interestingly. as he returns to the Amenemhet III model with a Type I sarcophagus (Fig. The following royal tomb may be North Mazghuna since it also has the wooden door (Fig. The general form of this tomb is the same as S9 except it is less condensed and has the simpler Type II sarcophagus type.6). 3. both of these pyramids also had a wooden door at the base of the stairs leading to the tomb.closely resembling S10 was found in an early Dynasty XIII context in the funerary complex of Amenemhet III at Dahshur (Figs. 3.4. 3.17).

funerary equipment of a princess Neferuptah.1. pp. Great Monuments. 1281 Di. In this manner. though certain special forms were present (S. 1987). Thus.J. Die Pyramidenanlagen. 29. "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt. p. "Nagib Farag. Bard. Encyclopedia of the Archaeology) of Ancient Egypt (New York.A. 161. Pyramids. and the objects from within are often in mixed contexts. "Renaissance. 182183. it is essential to discuss the nature of the known tombs of royal women and private officials from the period.Unfortunately. Williams argues that this monument was simply a stone chamber with no shaft or pyramid.. Callender. 746. Holzl.A. The Canopic Equipment. Allen. 365. 170. this princess was interred in her own small pyramid within the region. 105-106. Habachi. 44.. Dodson. Neferwptah. pp. like the royal examples." p. 430. 1. L. Gateway. later. Encyclopedia. "The Date of Senebtisi at Lisht and the Chronology of Major Groups and Deposits of the Middle Kingdom. 199-200. "Queens' Ware. Williams." Serapis 3 (1975-1976). Franke. 47). Studia Aegyptiaca 10 (Budapest. 1282 Farag and Iskander. Pis. Neferwptah.1282 Thus. her body was laid within the burial chamber 2 kms southeast of Hawara once preparations had been Callender. though a superstructure of unknown type may have originally topped it. Janosi. Farag and Iskander. Neferuptah At Hawara. Lehner. The Discovery of Neferuptah. 79-81. p. p." Studies on the Middle Kingdom.12. pp. 170.Zaky Iskander. 15-16. Kahun. p. Note that human skin and mummy wrappings were found within the flooded sarcophagus of Neferuptah within her pyramid. Unlike the tombs of earlier princesses. 67-70. III. 1999). 13-14. "Hawara. ed.III. Petrie. Arnold. B. "Renaissance. 377 . The excavators. was found within the burial chamber of the king. it is certain that this tomb was used for her body. it will be possible to determine the uniqueness of royal funerary'provisions. pp. Tombs of Royal Women III. Farag and Iskander. pp.128 However. who may have been a sister or daughter of Amenhotep III. p. there are few datable court and private tombs for this period. pp. Vemer. and Hawara.A. Uphill." p. this one contained no queen's ware." in K. making it difficult to piece together the original contents of the tombs." p. suggested that the monument had no entrance because the princess was already dead when it was constructed." p. Tombs of Royal Women and Private Officials Before turning again to the royal tombs of the Late Middle Kingdom. Gurob.

107-115. and the excavators found many objects de Morgan. 38-39. p. 138-139. and the structure was built above her remains. For a discussion of the similarities and differences in the contents of this tomb. "Le roi Aouibre Hor. 136. which were located in similar positions to that of Awibre Hor (exterior foot and head). 1286 de Morgan. 378 . p." p. Topographical Bibliography III (2). "Date of Senbtisi. pp.1285 Like the tomb of the ruler. that of Awibre Hor. the proximity of the burials may indicate that the princess was the daughter or possibly even the wife of this king. p. The burial of this princess was found in the shaft tomb to the west of the interment of king. 54. which blocked the entrance to the burial chamber.1286 This hallway ended in a stone wall. the Child). "Tombs of the Kings. The burial chamber was almost intact. 107. 44. 1284 Cron and Johnson." pp. "De Morgan at Dahshur. CT 788a and PT 638. that of Nubheteptikhered appears to have been enlarged and reshaped for her burial.2." p. p." p. have been proposed to date to Dynasty XIII. Typologie der Sarge. 42. 62. which were found in Dynasty XII royal contexts. 249.1283 Though there is no reference to Awibre Hor in her tomb. Awibre Hor in the pyramid complex of Amenemhet III at Dahshur. her coffin contained two texts. is relatively certain. only one. Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894. III. Da 2 C and Da 4 C. Spells. Cron and Johnson. Fig." p. that of Nubheteptikhered (Nebhotepti. 60. For further bibliography concerning the tomb and its contents. 240. Dodson. 1285 Lesko. and others. with a vaulted. Pis. 889. see Aufrere.made.6 m in length. Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894. brick ceiling. Da8.A. Princess Nubheteptikhered Though several female burials. see Porter and Moss. The gallery itself was 14. Williams.1284 Also. See also Lapp. It had been the location of the interment of a member of the court during the reign of Amenemhet III. "De Morgan at Dahshur.

the canopic box rested with its decoration matching that of the former. pp. the princess wore a silver diadem. A second case contained jars (two types). On the 1287 de Morgan. which held ointments. crook. in which black powder was preserved. all of which had collapsed to powder. The mummy itself was also in bad condition as most of the flesh had deteriorated due to humidity. and the hands rested upon the pelvis. including a cartonage funerary mask. and an object of unknown identity. In death. The canopic jars were made of alabaster and had lids in the form of human heads. a beaded collar with golden falcon terminals. "Queens' Ware. Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894. and a carnelian net. 379 . The body was laid in an extended position with the head at the north and the feet at the south.)." p. 47). inlaid with precious stones and metals.within the room. three scepters and canes. The sandstone sarcophagus was located in the floor of the burial chamber beneath the pavement stones. 1288 de Morgan. etc. The funerary mask had been adorned with a uraeus and a vulture. four platters. The head was turned to the east. eight arrows. Figs. Allen. parts of bird and bovine bones. Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894. Allen suggests that the publication of the pottery may show queen's ware. canes of various varieties (was. 251-262. S. The body had been covered with gilded plaster. To the east of the southern end of the coffin. and two alabaster jars. a silver mirror with a blue-painted. These items included eight ceramic jars. pp. 108-110. 110-115. though this is not certain (S. other objects included a dagger. one plate.J. upon which the items described above sat. a flagellum. a long. Figs. leaving only the skeleton. The coffin was made of wood and was decorated with bands of inscribed gold leaf. rectangular case housing a mace. bracelets of gold and valuable beads. Each vessel was labeled with the name of its contents. two of which contained small bowls holding organic material. Within the coffin. 263-269. wooden handle. most of which were poorly preserved and had fallen from their original positions.

See also Liischer. pp. Hoffmeier. Today. Swelim and Dodson report that there are no bird hieroglyphs represented on the canopic jars of this princess (Swelim and Dodson." pp. 42. Williams. Other Princesses In recent years." p. 1291 Dodson. and Keminebu at the Amenemhet II pyramid complex at Dahshur and that of 1289 1290 Dodson. The court tombs. J. 31). pp. include those of Ita and Khenmet." The symbol for the duck is likely abbreviated due to space rather than indicating a further development in the evolution of mutilated hieroglyphs. there has been a debate concerning whether other examples of Dynasty XIII royal female burials have been found. 290 The style of the coffin and canopic box was also of a later Middle Kingdom style with curved end-boards." p. though already in existence before his reign. 328. often. which possibly date to Dynasty XIII." commonly found in later versions as well as using ddmdwto introduce the formulae. The Canopic Equipment. However. 83-84. 328). exchanged hip cwy for sjp-si. "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau. but not always. "Problems. For example. the texts are found in three columns and contain later forms of the spells. 380 . some scholars have dismissed a number of examples originally proposed by Williams to date to this time period. "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau. "The Coffins of the Middle Kingdom. Untersuchungen. "Date of Senebtisi". 1292 B. Ryholt. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. n. 72-76. It should be noted that the Other inscriptions in the burial chamber do have the mutilated birds expected for the time period." p. Swelim and Dodson. "Tombs of the Kings.3. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. The Canopic Equipment. p. pp." p.1291 III. Dodson originally also dated these tombs to Dynasty XIII before later reassigning many of them to Dynasty XII." p.A. Williams." pp. Williams used the coffin styles and the characteristics of the funerary equipment to suggest a Dynasty XIII date for these tombs.1980 canopic jars. 103-115. 32-33. the former carrying the idea of an "protective embrace. Political Situation. within the reign of their associated royal funerary complex (Dodson. 74. 33. discussed above. something not found in the tomb of Awibre Hor. 27. 30. there is the head of a duck in the phrase "king's daughter. like the chest of Awibre Hor. the canopic jars of Nubheteptikhered. 24.K.

and Nubheteptikhered and Senebtisi. p.1294 As Williams noted. Thus. n." pp. 1293 Dodson. Dodson. which has been ignored by scholars or has not been incorporated into a previous discussion. and arched with rectangular ends (Nubheteptikhered and Senebtisi). with only one precisely datable specimen (Awibre Hor). 74. "Non-Royal Burials. arched without rectangular ends (Ita and Khenmet). "Senebtisi." pp. dates to late Dynasty XII. With the use of this information. 32. Williams. especially in the Late Middle Kingdom. PI. L6a. Dodson has suggested that the members of the court desired to be buried near the affluent Dynasty XII kings. pp. 286. 268. "Teti Pyramid Cemetery." LA 5 (1984). 1296 Dodson. coffin lid shapes have included flat (Awibre Hor). he established the order: Awibre Hor. n. Simpson. 848. The Canopic Equipment. Neferwptah. pp. certainly cannot provide for a reliable chronological typology.Senebtisi in the mortuary installation of Amenemhet I at Lisht. 83-85. See also W. 32-33. 1297 Lapp.K. 42-43. 271-272. 269.129j This phenomenon is found in the tombs of officials from the time period. 1294 381 . while Lapp argues for a late Dynasty XII to Dynasty XIII date. "Tombs of the Kings. Typologie der Sarge. The structure of these objects later evolves into truly "arched" versions that continue into the Second Intermediate Period. who were buried in underground structures. "Date of Senbtisi. It should be noted that such a small sample of royal coffins. which extended beneath the walls of the funerary complex of Teti at Sakkara. one must rethink the dating of the tombs of these royal women using other material. p. 42-43. Ita and Khenmet." 1295 Farag and Iskander." pp. who also studied coffin types. 38.45-47. when a relatively large amount of experimentation is visible on many cultural fronts. states that the style of the coffin and canopic box of Senebtisi. 267. Silverman. as well as styles of maces and flails. with its curved upper and flat under sections.

.l894-1895. Pis. However. Typologie der Sarge. 60-62. Da8. though Khenmet's possessions greatly outnumbered those of Ita. DA18. the quantity and materials (including lapis lazuli and other highly expensive items) of the objects within the tomb were greater than those of Nubheteptikhered. since Nubheteptikhered was buried adjacent to the king. First of all. a structure and quality of workmanship rare for Dynasty XIII. "De Morgan at Dahshur." BASOR 290 (1993). included significant layers of precisely cut Tura limestone over the monument. rather than having reused older tombs. 180-181. the hemispherical cups shown in the excavator's drawings appear to be quite shallow. 286-287. Abb. near the reign of Amenemhet II.C. pp. 2. 1903).The tombs of the princesses Ita and Khenmet likely date to Dynasty XII. See also Lapp. which had been formed from a stela of a Dynasty XII prince. the hieroglyphs used near the body of the deceased in the tomb of Ita and Khenmet were not mutilated. these two women appear to be the original occupants of the burials.E. some important differences are present. pp." pp. Next. (Vienna. Finally. "Keramikbearbeitung in Dahschur 1976-1981. 382 . However. L6a. Second. ca. 2500-1400 B. see de Morgan. Fouilles a Dahchourl894-1895. Also. Amenemhet-Ankh. 1299 de Morgan. buried deep within the sand. 36-37).1298 Though these tombs are similar in content to that of Nubheteptikhered of Dynasty XIII. "Granulation and Glass: Chronological and Stylistic Investigations at Selected Sites. which are part of the same monument. 17-18. Cron and Johnson. 96-110. (1982). Lilyquist." MDAIKSZ. Figs. indicating that they are of a relatively early date. Fouilles a Dahchour. Do. 51-56. 105. 5-12. the structure of the monument.pp. pp. 40-68. DalO. possibly showing a difference in status. who must therefore For the publication of the tomb. something completely inconsistent with the current data for Dynasty XIII royal family burials. Lilyquist suggests that the jewelry may date to Amenemhet III (C. Arnold. it must be noted that in the area with Khenmet's burial there was a paving stone. it would be expected that her tomb was well-furnished for her time. Fig.

35.1300 though the date of this monument may well have been earlier in the era. Cron and Johnson. 104-105." p. pp. "Der Schatzmeister Amenhotep und eine weitere Datierungshilfe fur Denkmaler des Mittleren Reiches. de Morgan. Ryholt. Chapter 30B appears on Keminebu's tomb. The more eastern of these contained the interments of Queen Keminebu and an official by the name of Amenhotep. Scepter. p. pp. 28." pp. "Problems. A Study of the Typology and Conceptual Development of Middle Kingdom Standard Class Coffins (Leiden. Figs. 187. The hieroglyphs in these passages are mutilated. Williams.1303 The tomb of Senebtisi was located between the enclosure wall and a mastaba to the west of the pyramid of Amenemhet I. 5-11. "De Morgan at Dahshur. The Book of the Dead or Going Forth by Day (Chicago. Figs. pp. Hayes. Fragments of inscriptions from objects from the burial chamber revealed the names of the (latest?) owners. 88. 1301 113-115). To the south of the tombs of Ita and Khenmet. as it does in that of Nubheteptikhered. 79. pp. 113-117. 1304 Porter and Moss. "Date of Senbtisi. which several scholars date to the reign of Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV or later. However. 69-71. W. Two Treasurers. Doss. 1974). Personendaten. Arnold has suggested that this tomb 1300 Williams. p.predate her death. were two additional monuments. 42-43. It has been proposed that Keminebu belongs to Dynasty XIII due to the popularity of her name at this time and the treasurer Amenhotep may be matched to that on a seal type. 1303 Lapp. 105. 260. Allen. Untersuchungen. 83. Fouilles a Dahchour en 18941895 (Vienna.1304 Do. 285. 57-58. 1988). 1903)." pp. Dal 8. Fig. p. indicating a Dynasty XIII date.1301 These tombs had suffered great damage at the expense of tomb robbers." p. Fouilles a Dahchour en 1894-1895.1302 Also. T. J. p. 180-181. 383 . p. Political Situation. Note that inscriptions from Amenhotep's burial chamber were composed of mutilated hieroglyphs (de Morgan. Chests of Life. p. 40. 1302 Franke. Typologie der Sdrge. Topographical Bibliography IV. whether they represent late Dynasty XII or Dynasty XIII cannot be determined. Willems. the Book of the Dead. 87a. Grajetzki." BSEG 19 (1995). n. possibly indicating that they are of a later date than the original complex. pp. H. 43. Liischer. "Date of Senbtisi. pp.G. 70.

Arnold. ceramics. there are no mutilated hieroglyphs.1306 Meanwhile. 134. 2728. and Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV). Ryholt pushes the date of this woman into the first decade of Dynasty XIII." p. 17. 1309 See the concerns of Lilyquist regarding the use of style of limited objects to date this group in C. Senwosretl. 1307 1308 Ryholt. which is stratigraphically associated with it and can be dated to Dynasty XIII. The furnishings of the tomb of Senebtisi are similar to those of Nubheteptikhered and Awibre Hor. "Dolphin Vase. Political Situation. and Nubheteptikhered (Awibre Hor). Keminebu (late Dynasty XII/Dynasty XIII). placing her in the reign of Amenemhet III. pp. "The Tombs of the Queens. 37. "Patterns of Change. prior Neferuptah. Lilyquist. It has become clear that the dating of the royal tombs of the Late Middle Kingdom must be approached with the use of a multitude of data including context. 114." Serapis 5 (1979). 126. PI." p.122. 114. pp. However. 1306 Bourriau. n. Senebtisi. pp.1305 Bourriau has narrowed this time period further. 131). Mace and Winlock.1307 This correlation could be further supported by the more recent argument of Bourriau that the tomb of Senebtisi belongs to early Dynasty XIII based upon the fact that her tomb was likely constructed after a house. Menwadjre Sahathor. p. 110. 182.1310 1305 Di. 83-84. and style of objects. "A Note on the Date of Senebtisi and Other Middle Kingdom Groups. Bourriau.dates from late Dynasty XII to early Dynasty XIII based upon the rim shape of a Marl C jar." p. 1310 Note that Dodson now believes that all of these tombs are Dynasty XII except for the last (Dodson. Fig.1309 The analysis discussed above must end with the following chronological suggestion: Ita and Khenmet (Amenemhet II). n. noting that Senebtisi's burial chamber does not contain objects with mutilated hieroglyphs. in order to argue that she is'likely the grandmother of the brother kings (Khasekhemre Neferhotep I. Senebtisi (early Dynasty XIII). 264. 384 .

108. the plans of very few of these tombs are published. Thus." pp. Unfortunately." pp.1314 The provisions within these tombs are fairly standardized including some royal insignia. 11. 58. found outside of royal funerary structures. p. Burial Customs. Franke. Private Elite Tombs Many private elite burials of the Late Middle Kingdom appear to be in reused and often modified tombs in Dynasty XII royal pyramid complexes.1311 Often. Petrie. and coffin styles in the north and south begin to diverge. Encyclopedia. Pis. and dating these individuals within this relatively short expanse of time is often difficult if not impossible. 54-55. see the tomb of Amenysoneb at Hawara. "Inscribed Blocks from Tomb Chapels at Hawara.III. 43-44. Personendaten.p. these structures are made up of three rooms and do not resemble the form of royal monuments.1316 1311 For forms of elite tombs earlier in the Middle Kingdom. FioreMarochetti. 1315 Grajetzki. there is a decrease in the amount of goods produced specifically for tombs during the Late Middle Kingdom. Gurob.B. Burial Customs. p. the objects themselves often come from both primary and secondary burials within the tombs or are in very disturbed contexts. 125. 17. 385 . and Hawara. Instead. 16-34. pp. "Tombs of the Nobles in the Middle Kingdom. For an example at Lisht. This man likely lived during the reign of Khendjer. 1314 Grajetzki.'1312 Others-. are also remarkably different than those of kings. see Silverman.10. pp. pp. His tomb was topped with a chapel displaying offering scenes (rare at this time) (E. 221. 54. 18. In other cases. Arnold. however. Kahun. early scholars focused upon the objects found within them. Also. a shaft leads to the tombs of multiple people like in the case of those in the funerary complex of Khendjer. p. "Multiple Burials. Doss. it is difficult to discern the architectural development of private tombs in the Late Middle Kingdom. see Di. See also Grajetzki." JEA 86 (2000). 1316 Grajetzki.1315 Overall. 364-381. Burial Customs.12-14). 1312 For example.

The wig." pp. Tomb Type From the descriptions and definition of the tomb corpus in Chapter 3. "Coffin Texts from Bersheh. may not have been considerably different from those of elite private tombs. There appears to have been a distinct difference in the nature of a royal tomb.C. it is clear that the elements of the Dynasty XIII tombs became standardized in ways in which the Kamrin. Cosmos. Burial Customs. 10. the appearance of items including royal insignia within tombs and ideology concerning the Osirian afterlife. it is unlikely that any of the Late Middle Kingdom pyramids were the tombs of anyone other than deceased kings. The Tombs of Royal Women and Private Officials and the Power of Kingship Most of the royal family members and upper elite were buried in reused tombs dated to Dynasty XII. p.1317 Lower level burials lacked the royal insignia. Grajetzki. 140-141. These structures do not seem to have the same characteristics of royal tomb substructures including that of Awibre Hor. likely indicating that the king was superior in status both in living society as well as in death. It would appear that the king and his family likely set the example for the items to be included in these tombs. as represented by the furnishings in the tomb of Awibre Hor. p. Silverman. containing daily life objects instead. D. was a continuing phenomenon dating at least to the end of the Old Kingdom.III.1318 IV. Rather than being an infringement on the king's power. 59. 386 . Though it is possible.P. The contents of the royal tombs.

The 'Heb-sed court'. The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead (Austin. 550. Hommages a Jean LeclantI: Etudes Pharaoniques. 387 . Agyptisches Worterbuch I (Mainz. 2. Das Aegyptische Todtenbuch der XVIII. Grapow. 1886). the shape of the tombs of the Late Middle Kingdom rulers resembles the hieroglyph for wsht(uBroad Court") (Fig.O.Dynasty XII monuments never had. Going Forth By Day. 33-48. 1981). 366-367. including those thought to be measures of security. "Zoser's Funerary Monument. many of the components. 498. it is suggested here that a change began to occur in the reign of Amenemhet III. see E.G. 280. p. 24-28). "Reading a Pyramid. The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt. Interestingly. Khafra and Menkaura during the Old Kingdom." 1320 Di. 200. pp. bis XX. 97-102. "The Significance of Royal Funerary Architecture in the Study of 13th Dynasty Kingship. p. Valley of the Kings (New York. originating with the Djoser complex which has a sed festival court (Hawass. 389. McCormack. 136. 383." BACE 8 (1997). 1322 For a translation. Berger. 1987. Dynastie (Berlin. which was inscribed on heart scarabs 1319 See also D. Hannig.. 1972). 1321 R. Romer. A. Allen. Goedicke. University of Pennsylvania. "Funerary Establishments of Khufu. et al. 632. Chapter 30. Bibliotheque d'Etude 106/1 (1994).73-96). 366. Worterbuch der dgyptischen Sprache (Leipzig. pp. 545. 3 (New York. p. 2003).1 23 In the Middle Kingdom.1319 Also. 1926-1950). 2001)." in D. R. pp. reinterpreting features as religious elements. 29-34. For the text of this section. 1960). Worterbuch. may have served more of a religious purpose than a practical one. While the origins of such components are certainly from the height of the Middle Kingdom. J.1320 Interestingly.B. Note that Old Kingdom pyramid complexes had a symbolic palace associated with the sed festival. Arnold ("Tombs: Royal Tombs." pp.. This term is found in contexts including palaces. Grofies Handworterbuch (Mainz.1322 This term is also used for a chamber in the royal tombs of the New Kingdom in the Valley of the Kings. ed. pp. "Konigliche Vorstellungen I. 200. The Egyptian Book of the Dead Documents in the Oriental Institute Museum at the University of Chicago (Chicago. 5. J. Naville." in C. p. 361-365. see T. pp. Faulkner. 1995). Redford. in the New Kingdom. pp. 427) argues that the hidden passages and blocking stones are measures of security derived from those of Dynasty XII. p.P. temples. pp. pp. Erman and H. and (later) kings' tombs. Chapter 125 of the Book of Going Forth by Day (Book of the Dead) sets the judgment of the dead before Osiris in the wshtmiHy ("Broad Hall of the Two Maats"). Ropler-Kohler argues that these features reflect the hours of the Amduat beginning with Senwosret II (RoBler-Kohler. Allen.1)." dissertation. and it may be the case that the design of these structures in royal funerary monuments was meant to ideologically place the deceased in the court (wshi) of Osiris. 216-217. S202. H. 6. 1323 Erman and Grapow.

1. ed. SqlBe. For a translations of this spell.1324 Thus. Quirke. Dahshur.1326 Likewise.. pp. are always encased in limestone. ed. Dal8. Quirke. other aspects of the royal funerary monuments of the Late Middle Kingdom also appear to reflect religious ideas about the afterlife rather than being practical architectural features. Dendera. Grallert and W..1325 antechamber Un burial chamber corridor on eastern side J ti Figure. eventually finding the limestone and then would likely hit 388 . T. The Oxford Essential Guide to Egyptian Mythology (New York." in D. T13c. this design was not an effective guard against thieves. p. refers to the judgment of the dead in the domain of the god. Abydos. 5. "Book of the Dead 'Chapter 178': a Late Middle Kingdom Compilation or Excerpts?. Life and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt during the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period (London. "Judgment of the Dead. Going Forth by Day. 2007). Allen." in S. 1326 Weigall remarked that the limestone ceilings of S9 were short-sighted. pp. B9c. Grajetzki. 39-40. pp. Die. 174.G. Lapp. For example. T7c. Typologie der Sarge. 2002)." Besides the overall shape of the tombs. especially since the concealing of the entrances drove people to look in the sand. and Thebes during the Middle Kingdom. As is evident from the robbers' tunnel found in the "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara. it may be the case that the concept of the wsMmJcty as envisioned in the later Book of the Dead had already evolved and influenced the shape of the royal tomb.G. The Hieroglyph for wsht"Broad Court. 100-122. Redford. 280. Bersha. Allen. Going Forth by Day.and other objects. 1325 See S. 242-243.B. the Type A quartzite portcullis stones. many of which remained opened. see T. 246-247: Da3c. especially since chapters of this compilation began to emerge in Sakkara. Papyrus ofMwty. p. the 1324 S. Cairo Stela 20520.

acting as doorways. these level changes often add up to six.1327 Curiously. Texte zum Amduat I(Geneve. and the "Unfinished" Pyramid). Ropier-Kohler understood the doorways as being important in the architecture of the tombs from Senwosret II through Dynasty XIII. 1516). 3. also leads one to suspect that there are other purposes for these structures. "Konigliche Vorstellungen I. often after entrance stairwells or shafts." pp. may have less to do with the portcullis stones themselves.1329 the sarcophagus chamber right away despite the closed porculli (Weigall. than with the changes in levels within the tombs. the latter integrates both sarcophagi types. such as the Book of the Hidden Chamber. their placement. half the number of hours in the night as the sun god and the deceased king journey through the netherworld (See Table 5. Ropier-Kohler. See Ropier-Kohler." See also Hornung. but she missed the significance of the changes in level beginning with Amenemhet III at Hawara. 389 . Wegner. the changes in level seem to play less of a role in determining the "hours. "Amduat Tomb. "Tomb and Cemetery. 1987).ceilings of many of the corridors and chambers were also limestone.2 and Appendix III). It may be the case that texts." pp. see Wegner.73-96. Also. requiring it to have a more complicated plan. The reality of the matter. Though the portcullis stones likely had some security implications. North Mazghuna. "Konigliche Vorstellungen I. however. North Mazghuna and the "Unfinished" Pyramid are more complex and may represent a variation of the more standard types discussed above. allowing robbers to simply smash into the structures after removing the brick material above. are associated with these particular architectural manifestations of the netherworld." Fig. "Amduat Tomb." 9 For the possible relationship between this book and the tomb of Senwosret III at Abydos.1328 In the tombs with more linear plans (S9." and several options have been proposed. 1328 For the interpretation of late Dynasty XII-XIII royal tombs as Amduat tombs see. especially since they were larger than the other monuments (the "Unfinished Pyramid" is almost double the size of the other Dynasty XIII royal funerary monuments).

W (west). North Mazghuna. . Diagram showing the hours and their associated components within each monument. U (up). S (south). The actual hours are shown with the transitions being in parentheses. the "Unfinished" Pyramid and S10 are omitted. and D (Down). E (east). Directions are indicated as N (north).1 2 3 4 5 6 Hawara Stairs D/N (Portcullis U) Corridor N (Wooden Door) Corridor D/E (Portcullis U) Corridor U/N-W (Portcullis U) Antechamber W Corridor/ (Floor Passage D) Sarcophagus S Khendjer Stairs D/E (Portcullis U) Stairs D/E (Portcullis U) Corridor D/E (Floor Passage D) Corridor N (Ceiling Passage U) Antechamber W Corridor/ (Floor Passage D) Sarcophagus S South Stairs D/N Mazghuna (Portcullis U) Stairs D/N (Portcullis U) Corridor? E (Floor Passage D) Corridor N (Ceiling Passage U) Antechamber W Corridor/ (Floor Passage D) Sarcophagus S Ameny Qemau Corridor W (Portcullis U) Corridor W (Stairs D/N) Corridor N (Stairs D/W) Corridor W Antechamber S • (Portcullis) Sarcophagus S S9(2) Corridor W (Portcullis U) Corridor W Corridor N (Floor Passage D) Corridor W Corridor S (Portcullis D) Corridor/ Sarcophagus S Model Shaft Base W (Threshold) Corridor W Stairs/Corridor D/N.Corridor W-S Antechamber Corridor/ (Floor Passage D) W (Portcullis U) (Floor Passage? D?) (Floor Passage D) Sarcophagus S Table 5.2.

The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt (Oxford. Life and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt during the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period (London. Textes des Pyramides et Textes des Sarcophages ("Cairo. 2007). ed. Excerpts?. cannot be determined with certainty. 2004). 241-257. Yale Egyptological Studies 3 (New Haven. Religion and Philosophy in Ancient Egypt. Lesko. J. Life and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt during the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period (London.P." in S." JNES 19. Grallert and W. 2001). 100-122. Grallert and W. 39-43." in L'Egyptologie en 19791 (Paris. "Pyramid Texts. Baines. 1982)." in W. Redford. 391 . '"Book of the Dead Chapter 178': a Late Middle Kingdom Compilation or Excerpts?. 95-97. Bickel and B. 22. pp.1330 During part of the Old Kingdom (starting with Dynasty V). Mathieu. pp." in S. "Investigation. through which the architectural features of the tomb became used during the funeral and presumably the daily perpetuation of the afterlife. Federn.K. they may have been recited during the funeral at this time. "The Texts on Egyptian Middle Kingdom Coffins. it is clear that religious texts and architectural components were used together in royal funerary structures. including Papyrus Bulaq 18. 8).1331 Thus." pp. Simpson. A New Approach.B.. 5-28. Grajetzki. Wegner has suggested that papyrus versions of the Book of the Hidden Chamber may have existed in late Dynasty XII (Wegner. It has been suggested that these texts were placed in tombs for religious purposes. 2007). ed." p. "Reading a Pyramid. "Amduat"). "The Cosmology of the Pyramid Texts. ed. already at this earlier date. Grajetzki.. related to obtaining an afterlife (Quirke. Silverman. Coffin Texts from Bersheh. These texts were often associated with specific parts of the pyramid as they related to symbolic special orientation of each architectural component. Processes. unlike in the New Kingdom. pp.. when these texts were painted on the walls of royal tombs. The means. pp. with the transitions between "hours" being represented by changes 1330 W.pp. "The 'Transformations' in the Coffin Texts.However. 8-110.. 1989). and Locations of Early Mortuary Texts. 100-122. See also S. ed." in S. Allen. pp. It should also be noted that eight secular documents have been found in private tombs of the Late Middle Kingdom/Second Intermediate Period. pp. The stairway leading down into the tomb may have been connected to Re's descent into the netherworld at sunset. Quirke. However. This same sort of link between location and spell is also found in the Coffin Texts and the Book of Two Ways (on the floor most of the time) (L. Index. 25. pp. 25-26. These hieroglyphic resources provided the king with certain spells aimed at keeping the rulers' spirit and body protected and giving him the tools necessary to obtain a successful afterlife. J. 129-141). D'un Monde a VAutre. Pyramid Texts lined the walls of the rulers' tombs." in D. "Modeling Sources. one can imagine the general scene. pp.

For the concept of the unification of Osiris and the deceased ruler in the Old Kingdom pyramid of Unis (J. For hours 4-5. "Royal AmduatTomb").in level. "Konigliche Vorstellungen II. 71-80. Van Buren." in J. 73-96. RoBler-Kohler concerning the Amduat tomb type that develops from the reign of Senwosret II through Dynasty XIII and into the New Kingdom is valid in some respects. 24-25). Di Arnold." Gestermann. Gestermann. such as that of Pepyankh. Legitimacy. "Konigliche Vorstellungen II. O'Connor." pp.1332 It should be noted that the discussion by U. pp. pp.1334 For the tomb as a depiction of the underworld. Allen. The approach to the burial chamber would have been the most important. eds. Also. 392 . 87-94. the Abydos tomb of Senwsoret III and that of Amenemhet III at Hawara. While the Late Middle Kingdom type (the wsht) tomb continued into Dyansty XIII through the model established by Amenemhet III.E. "Amduat Tomb. p. O'Connor has suggested that the structure of some Old Kingdom private tombs. Wegner. 27-31. which texts of the early New Kingdom associate with the uniting of the gods Re and Osiris with the deceased king. See also. 97-110.1333 There are common ideas between the features of the pyramid of Senwosret II." pp. "Konigliche Vorstellungen I. as this space marks the sixth hour of the night. 139-151. pp. may reflect the cosmological layout of the afterlife (D. 33-35). 1333 RoBler-Kohler. "Konigliche Vorstellungen I"." p. pp. 87-94. "Reading a Pyramid. pp. 2000). 199. the Amduat type. 73-88. Every tomb from the reign of Amenemhet III on has an approach running from the east to the west. The Cosmos of Khnumhotep IIat Beni Hasan (London." pp. "Amduat Tomb. see Hornung. Richards and M. "Hidden. However. it is likely that the architectural manifestation of the Amduat tomb (or the emphasis) diverged after the reign of Senwosret III. Valley." Figures 1 and 3 in the RoBler-Kohler article ("Konigliche Vorstellungen") do not reflect the architectural realities of the tombs from Amenemhet III (Hawara) into Dynasty XIII. Valley. Hornung. and Wealth in Ancient States (Cambridge. 17. 392. 393. 1999). See also RoBler-Kohler. 71-80. the scenes show a steady decent whereas the tombs have points of increased as well as decreased elevation. Encyclopedia. pp. J.. 235. 1334 See Wegner." pp.P. Mortuary Temple. often ending at an elevation not far from where the interior of the tomb began. Kamrin. 97-110. Figure 2 misses one critical aspect of the Late Middle Kingdom tomb corpus as it shows the approach to the antechamber as being from west to east. "Society and Individual in Early Egypt. as constructed by Senwosret III ceased to exist until the Dynasty XVIII kings resurrected it after entering this tomb. Order. Wegner notes that quartzite may have been used in the Senwosret III tomb in areas where associations with the solar cycle were desired and suggests that the tomb of this king at Abydos is similar to the New Kingdom conception of the netherworld found in The Book of the Hidden Chamber (Wegner.

would have been able to achieve the same royal afterlife as those who possessed the more elaborate tombs. a select group of these will be discussed including locations.Another important issue that remains is whether or not a ruler. see Silverman. the placement of royal tombs in the Old and Middle Kingdoms indicates the location of the political capital. Hetep.1335 V. 393 . Location In the past. 268. For these and similar examples such as Intefoker and Senwosretankh at Lisht. and sinusoidal walls. Sahathoripy. "Non-Royal Burials. 267. this king was buried within the tomb complex of Amenemhet III at Dahshur in order to take advantage of the provisions of this Dynasty XII ruler in order to achieve a position in his afterlife much like some Middle Kingdom officials (Ihy. reuse of Dynasty XII supporting facilities. pyramid pairs. n. 4. V. Below. other features of the Late Middle Kingdom royal funerary monuments may be significant in religious or practical ways. 269. The Significance of Selected Components of Late Middle Kingdom Royal Tombs Besides the presence of the wsht tomb type. Verner. "Teti Pyramid Cemetery. p. and Sekweskhet) at Sakkara presumably wished to accomplish with their tombs extending under the walls of the pyramid of Teti at Sakkara. terracing. monument size. the possible locations of Late Middle Kingdom royal tombs in the Delta have been used to support the theory that Egypt broke up into numerous polities ruled by contemporaneous kings during Dynasty XIII. 271-272. In general. Possibly.1336 However. Political Situation. such as Awibre Hor. buried without a complete wsht tomb. a second location near the Silverman. in the case of Senwosret III of Dynasty XII." pp. Great Monuments." Ryholt. 32. p.A. 70.

the Dynasty XIII kings were buried in the vicinity of earlier kings often being intimately connected with the funerary complex of a Dynasty XII ruler. the Dynasty XVI/XVII kings chose the form and location of their tombs according to those of the earlier Dynasty XI rulers. Great Monuments. However.1340 It appears that the Dynasty XIII kings may not have been able to set up their 1337 1338 Verner. including the tomb and supporting temples as well as establish a funerary estate to pay for the labor and offerings needed for the cult.important religious site of Abydos was chosen. 631-633. "Royal Head. who may have served as a historical president in order to the legitimize the new line of kings there. V. Following these models. 31-85. Reuse of Earlier Pyramid Towns and Temples Another important aspect of any royal funerary complex is the cult that continued after the king's death in order to support his spirit in the afterlife. It is likely that this king wished to connect himself to the ancient kings of Dynasties I and II and the god Osiris himself. 1340 For the Old Kingdom. Certainly." pp." p. "Funerary Establishments. p. there is no evidence of a royal cemetery at this site.1337 Thus. Arnold.1338 However. See also Di. the discovery of Dynasty XIII pyramidions in the Delta is likely the result of plundering by the Hyksos rather than the existence of a nearby royal. see Hawass. 573-599. 90).1339 In ideal circumstances. Hawass. "Funerary Establishments. the king would build his complex. See Section VI. 394 . 423-557. 434. There was royal activity in the Western Delta during late Dynasty XII/Dynasty XIII as illustrated by the statue head of a king found at Kom el-Hisn (Silverman. like Abydos. Great Monuments." pp.B. Late Middle Kingdom cemetery." pp. Thebes may be a location where Dynasty XIII king's tombs may be discovered in the future since a Dynasty XII ruler had constructed a funerary monument there. 58. "Cult Complexes. 631-633. 1339 Verner. p.

It actually appears that." p. this policy must have prolonged the activity at the Dynasty XII sites and possibly some of the Old Kingdom complexes. "Non-Royal Burials". However. 1342 In Dynasty XII at Sakkara. See Silverman. 386). 161-178. which the kings of Dynasty XIII may Wegner notes that royal Dynasty XIII tombs tend to be near those of Dynasty XIT kings (Wegner. with the combination of environmental and political factors. 17. "The 'Cenotaphs. O'Connor suggests that these institutions may have displayed more economic power than the large funerary monuments themselves. 395 . officials were buried within the sacred space of the Pyramid of Teti.own independent valley temples to house their funerary cults.1343 Thus. if the Dynasty XIII kings could not afford such self-sufficient provisions. "Political Systems. For the Old and Middle Kingdoms. the towns and temples associated with Dynasty XII funerary establishments often contain material through the reigns of at least some Dynasty XIII rulers. and people of various social levels established cenotaphs around those of more powerful individuals. while allowing the kings of a less economically successful time to enjoy the benefit of a funerary cult they otherwise would have been unable to afford. 1343 O'Connor. Thus. In effect.1341 'In other words. This situation may imply that the Dynasty XIII kings were unable to provide for their own funerary estates.1342 For this reason. "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity." p. one must contemplate the effect of the economic limitations on the king's afterlife. it is likely that the majority of the Dynasty XIII cults existed in conjunction with those of the earlier kings. which included temples and priests along with towns and the fields and treasury to support them. rather than have their own elaborate cults and their associated buildings.'" pp. it may indicate that they did not carry the political and economic clout of their predecessors. O'Connor. Terrace of the Great God. Simpson. some or most Dynasty XIII kings may have appended their tombs to the better-equipped Dynasty XII complexes.

differ. Pyramids. Arnold. n. 1345 396 . 183.1345 It also might be notable that Amenemhet's predecessor. North and South Mazghuna. one at Sakkara and another at Lisht (Do. Thus. D. while having different sarcophagus forms (one had Type 1 and the other Type 2). there are also factors. Lehner. "Non-Royal Burials"). 102. V. DAS 2 and DAS 16. "Amenemhet. who often studied monuments in close proximity. and S9 and S10). 1346 It is also possible that Amenemhet I built two pyramids. one must be cautious in matching similar measurements and features within the monuments. The Question of Pyramid Pairs In his discussion of the pyramids of Amenemhet III at Dahshur and Hawara. p. it is interesting that many of them occur in sets of two (Khendjer and the "Unfinished" Pyramid. both sarcophagus structures are housed in a single monument. First of all.P. a pyramid at Dahshur and a funerary complex at South Abydos. The question arises as to if such a pattern is significant and whether or not each set might belong to a single king. since the styles and methods of each investigator. Senwosret III also had two tombs.have had to face.1344 it is not surprising that certain economic cutbacks were necessary even for the royal burial." p. the two pyramids at each site contain similarly constructed elements. each set may 1344 See Chapter 7. which imply that the dual monument situation is coincidence. 20.1346 In looking at the remaining Late Middle Kingdom tombs. Silverman. in the "Unfinished" Pyramid at South Sakkara. Lehner ponders if these two distinctly different monuments were constructed for religious purposes rather than simply to replace the former with the latter due to its architectural faults. Unfortunately.C. Interestingly. In several of the cases listed above. and DAS 17 and Ameny Qemau.

1348 Also. 397 . pp. the other tombs for this era 1347 F. 77. if there are missing funerary structures. 20." p. n.appear more unique than it is in reality. Arnold. a comparison of the control notes from the pyramids at South Sakkara reveals no matches in the names of officials working at the complexes. his monument at Lisht was considerably smaller that those of the powerful Dynasty IV kings. When Amenemhet I reintroduced the pyramid as a royal tomb at the beginning of Dynasty XII. 15-17 1349 Di. chronological sequence or the decreasing availability of suitable land for large monuments in the Memphite region. it is an idea that should be kept in mind in future studies of these structures and their significance. Arnold. Arnold. they may appear in clusters along with the already known monuments as. Also. the rulers' tombs can be compared to those of private individuals to determine the status of the king in society. there is no means of proving or rejecting the possibility that Late Middle Kingdom royal funerary monuments occur in pairs. Control Notes." p. Finally. V.1347 At this point in time. 176-183. suggesting that the monuments were not constructed simultaneously. The Size of the Tombs One method for determining the relative power of the king through time is through observing the sizes of the royal funerary complexes. is the case near the pyramid of Ameny Qemau (with DAS 2 and 16).D. Other reasons for the close proximity of two or more monuments may be family groups.1349 Similarly. at any specific point. However. Lehner. 102). p. It is also possible that Amenemhet I began the construction of a pyramid at Sakkara before abandoning it in favor of building another funerary monument closer to the new capital at Itjatawy (Do. "Amenemhet I. Pyramids. "Cult Complexes.

it is important to remember. Thus. the exclusive architectural style of the royal tombs. However. The most complete monument was that of Khendjer. 63-64. 1351 According to Dodson the monument were either unfinished or quarried (Dodson. which was comparable in size to those of the Dynasty XII kings. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga. Arnold.1350 However. and the overall nature of the pyramid complex became part of the expression of the king's power in Dynasty XII. Verner." p. the power of the king must be related to that of the elite. and his complex certainly was smaller than the Dynasty XII predecessors (no valley temple has been found). the power of a king cannot be determined." pp. "Cult Complexes. the "Unfinished" tomb at South Sakkara would have had a pyramid. see Di. Unfortunately." p. as well as their locations seem to indicate that the power of the kings continued to be relatively high. Finally. 432. see Quirke. Some scholars see the diminutive size and small associated structures of Dynasty XIII monuments as an indication of a decline in royal power. 84. On the other hand. Though the remainder of the complex was not yet begun. Great Monuments. p. well into the Late Middle 1350 For example. one should keep in mind the relativity of power. it is possible that the size of this monument would have rivaled those of the Amenemhet's and Senwosret's had it been completed. 398 . the size of the temples was greatly expanded. that sort of comparison is difficult considering the dire state of preservation for both the royal and private tombs from this period. In a time of economic problems. 27). "Visible and Invisible. Instead. that no Dynasty XIII monument seems to have been finished.(as well as for the rest of the Old Kingdom) were also relatively small for a but the emphasis turned to the mortuary temples. despite the fact that the pyramids were small and had more economical mudbrick cores. based upon comparisons to eras of great wealth for the polity. For arguments against using this approach for art and literature.

A. allowing for the pyramid to rise substantially above the enclosure walls as well as providing the attached temples with a terraced appearance found at the tomb of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep of Dynasty XL As a continuation of this practice. However. 51. Like in S9. Uphill has argued that at least some Dynasty XII pyramids were built upon platforms. Terracing Though smaller than the Dynasty XII pyramids. pp. terracing was likely needed to correct for the uneven ground rather than serving simply as an architectural feature of the tomb.A.A. III.1355 This structure may indicate that this area was terraced. Gateway. This sort of structure is not found to the north where the ground is lower and the base for the enclosure wall is constructed differently than on the southern end. Quirke argues that the status of the king in Papyrus Bulaq 18 and the Kahun Papyri suggests that the he was considered on a level similar to that of the great kings from the Old and Middle Kingdoms. 63-64. 1354 See Chapter 3. 1353 399 .1352 V.E. 11-12. 63-71. the tombs at Hawara and South Sakkara and possibly others may also have been built upon a platform. the other examples of terracing in the Late Middle Kingdom 1352 Quirke. Similarly. section V. and IV. in this case. Uphill. which contained sand at a level higher than that of the floor to the east and within the enclosure. section II.Kingdom. "Visible and Invisible. 1355 See Chapter 4. The excavations of S9 revealed a wall to the local south of the tomb.A. especially if the pyramidion of Merneferre Ay represents such a structure. royal tombs of Dynasty XIII had some of the same characteristics as these monuments." pp.

pp. 400 . Ancient Egyptian Construction. et al. 1939). Ancient Egyptian Construction. 63. "Soil. For example. 97-101. and visual screens. p. until further examination of these sites occurs.. 5. 1933). pp. 1970). 213. Arnold. Encyclopedia. Holscher.1356 However. Sliwa. TZW. "Z Badan Nad Osadnichtwem Okresy Sredniego Paristwa I II Okresu PrzejsciowegO W Qasr el-Sagha. 176-183. making them well-suited for these temporary purposes. pp." p. Egyptian Exploration Society Memoir 40 (London. J. Kemp. It appears that sinusoidal walls served as temporary enclosure walls. "Qasr el Sagha. Since much of the best areas had already been used by earlier kings and private individuals. Clarke and Engelbach. the reasons for the terrace. The Significance of the Sinusoidal Walls Excavation has revealed sinusoidal walls in both royal and settlement environments dating to Dynasties XI through XVIII.(Amenemhet IIP pyramid at Hawara and the tomb of Khendjer and the "Unfinished" pyramid at South Sakkara) may have been a result of the uneven ground upon which many of the pyramids were built. The Temples of the Eighteenth Dynasty (Chicago. Fouilles a Saqqarah. Ayrton. PL 3). they have stated that the sinusoidal Di. Vercoutter. 18. Mur Sinusoidalny. p. Mortuary Temple. p. pp. Pendlebury. these structures are often in less desirable locations. Thus. pp. 206. Frankfort and J. 12. 39. they are most prevalent in and near the funerary complexes of the late Dynasty XII-XIII kings. V. scholars have also proposed ritual ones. 1358 Clarke and Engelbach. which required adjustments before and during the construction of these tombs. 213.1357 Studies have shown that wavy walls could be constructed using fewer bricks and resources than equivalently stable rectangular ones. "A Study of Middle Kingdom State Activity. visual or structural." p. J. dividers between active areas. 70-71). The City ofAkhenaten II.S. 383-384.F." Meander 40 (1985).D. Abydos III. 5 Besides the practical explanations for the appearance of sinusoidal walls. Note that sinusoidal walls have also been used in Upper Egypt in modern times as Holscher has pointed out (U. Wegner. pp. Mirgissa I (Paris. 88. retaining walls. 377-378. pp. Jequier. whether religious. p. One example was found at Amarna (H. cannot be confirmed.

p. Lehner. or reed fences. stone palace facade walls. which was only one brick high at the time of excavations. 186. Jequier. Pyramids.1361 He insists that this was the final height of the wall and that it had a ritual function beneath the street under which it was found. 3. David. 24. Bietak.enclosure walls in the royal monuments at South Mazghuna and South Sakkara may symbolically represent the primordial watery abyss. The Capital of the Hyksos. A. sinusoidal walls appear to have been temporary structures with the more substantial ones being abbreviated versions of more ideal forms.1362 Thus. where such structures made up a temporary enclosure wall. Religious Ritual at Abydos (Guildford." "Qasr el-Sagha. 13. leaving only the base behind.1360 It is also possible that more substantial sinusoidal walls were intended to imitate similar palace facade structures. 1924). 1973). and the bricks were reused." p. these walls should still be considered to be abbreviated forms of the more formal ones found in earlier pyramid complexes. the sinusoidal wall was close to the enclosure of the town. G. possibly indicating that it was replaced by this structure and originally served as the wall surrounding the settlement. since he found one in the western settlement at Qasr el-Sagha. pp. 206. 64-65. pp. Sinusoidal walls have also been found in the Late Middle Kingdom levels of Tell el-Dab'a. within which there are often wave patterns. 10. Fig. It is possible that the wall was removed. Nonetheless. Sliwa suggests that sinusoidal walls in the context of cities may have been ritual in nature. Manuel d'Archeologie Egyptienne (Paris. Figs.1359 The watery abyss theory is based upon the parallel with later temple enclosure walls. Sliwa.R. However. 17. 401 . p. both in residential and tomb contexts. 11. "Mur Sinusoidalny.

Political Situation. the date of the destruction of the tomb seems to have been relatively soon after their construction. See Chapter 3. 1363 1364 See Chapter 3. The Destruction of the Tombs All of the Late Middle Kingdom royal funerary monuments suffered from quarrying and plundering. p.A. and VII. Unfortunately. 379. 16-17.E.1366 Thus.E... there are Dynasty XVIII pit graves. there was no evidence of any ceramic material between Dynasty XIII (or early Dynasty XVI/XVII) and the Roman Period (there are a number of Late Period or Greco-Roman tombs nearby).. Sections V. the coffin. In other words. which has been reported from these sites that might shed light upon the specific date of their destruction. 13 Swelim and Dodson. 402 ." p. IV. there is no indication of New Kingdom activity there. VI. who then took their booty to the Delta with them (Ryholt.G. S9... 144-145). Abydos III.F. 1366 Ayrton. and S10 were heavily damaged.1364 Thus. pp. et al. this event occurred either during the Second Intermediate Period or in the early years of the New Kingdom. Wegner. Another interesting facet of the material from the excavations of S9 was that the contents of the tomb appear to have remained at the site. Even the substructures of tombs such as the pyramid of Ameny Qemau. The "robbers" seemed to have been more interested in destroying the contents of the tomb rather than taking the items.E.1365 At tomb S9 at South Abydos. and VII.VI.. there is only a small amount of material. the Mazghuna tombs. The pit graves were found at South Sakkara (Khendjer and Unfinished) and South Mazghuna. 334.D. 369. Ryholt suggests that the royal tombs were looted and destroyed by the Hyksos. it is likely that if these monuments were destroyed at the same time. Section V. Chapter 4. pp. Within several of the monuments in the Memphite region. "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau. Sections III. Numerous wooden fragments from unrecognizable objects (possibly furniture. Mortuary Temple. n.

139-140. 1 . Every item from within the tomb was scattered around the debris and was in small to tiny fragments. faience. In order to remove the upper parts (limestone) of substructure. pp. 1367 The partial excavation of this tomb in 2003 was difficult even with a crew of 50-100 men." MDAIKA1 (1991). p.1367 It is likely that this activity occurred during the rival Hyksos or contemporaneous Theban Dynasties (XV or XVI/XVII) or some time prior to the construction of the pyramid of Ahmose at Abydos.. It is likely that the Hyksos invaded the pyramid of Merneferre Ay since his pyramidion has been found in the Delta. two colossal statues of Semenkhkare Imyremeshaw. and calcite and other stone vessels. 133. record evidence that the Hyksos sacked temples and other monuments in Egypt. The degree of the destruction must have been extreme due to the problems Weigall had in reconstructing its plan. excavators found a sphinx of Nubkaure Amenemhet II (originally from Heliopolis). "Zur Zerstorungsgeschichte der Pyramiden. a sphinx of Khakhaure Senwosret III. et a]. Literary sources of later times. Abydos III. 265. n.1368 In fact. Arnold. Amelineau had stopped his work at S9 before reaching the tomb because of such issues (Ayrton. "Hyksos Rule. Political Situation. Section XI.B. some of which may have been purely propaganda. 13). four sphinxes of Nymaatre Amenemhet III. At the site of the Dynasty XXI/XXII capital (Tanis). there must have been an organized workforce sanctioned by an authority with sufficient power to demolish this tomb in broad daylight. Also. 1368 Bietak. See Di.a. Note that pottery dated to the Hyksos was found in the pyramid of Amenemhet III at Dahshur. Such objects included pottery. It is also likely that a large force would have been needed in order to remove the bricks and sand from the top of S9 in order to reach the tomb. 11. 1369 Ryholt. 23. were found. the Hyksos king Apepi may have maintained a policy of taking components from Middle Kingdom monuments and transferring them to Avaris and abroad. 84.). some of which were burned. See Chapter 3." p. Here. 403 . small fragments of the mummy were distributed over the site. p. a similarly sized pit would have had to have been dug by the invaders.and etc. gilded plaster. Sand continuously poured into the excavated area from above. 111.

Habachi. 18." p. 76." (1999). 138. p. other evidence (see note 1269) implies that the Hyksos clearly appropriated statuary of Dynasty XIII kings and. which had originated primarily from the Temple of Ptah at Memphis." p. 56. Drioton and Vandier. originally from Heliopolis. "Second Intermediate Period." p. "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau. 1372 Swelim and Dodson." p.1370 Most likely. n. For the inscriptions on the statues of Imyremeshaw and Sobekhotep IV. see Delange. nos. Some scholars. Manuel d'Archeologie Egyptienne: Les Grandes Epoques II. have been found in the Levant and Crete (Bietak. Statues Egyptiennes du Moyen Empire. Ryholt. the Hyksos capital) by the Third Intermediate Period builders in their search for reusable stone for their construction projects. 334. 404 . 153. A sphinx of Maakherure Amenemhet IV and a statue or sphinx of Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV. Chronicles. 1955). 37. p. Ryholt. 172. Statues of Sobekhotep IV were also found at Tanis (Bourriau.468. Political Situation. Other statues. 45. pp. 196. pp. "Renaissance.and monuments of Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV. "Social History. p. p. Historische-Biographische. "Hyksos. however. pp. 196. 113. 17-19. "Hyksos Rule. L'Egypte. have suggested that it marks the location of a missing Dynasty XIII tomb in the Delta.1372 and may represent evidence that the Hyksos destroyed the tomb of this king. Petrie. 285. "Renaissance." p. 225). I l l . p. 13. Other possible evidence for the deliberate pillaging of Middle Kingdom royal mortuary establishments includes graffiti showing Asiatics within the pyramid of Senwosret III and the relocation of sphinxes of Amenemhet III to Avaris. were recovered in modern times in Beirut (Bietak. p. For one of these statues. n. n. 379). 927. History. pp. Vandier. Hornung. 133. n. Callender. 1373 Kemp. 77. Clayton. a site.1371 had been recovered from the site of Tell el Dab'a (Avaris.1373 Nonetheless." pp. in so doing. 92. p." p. Callender. which is near Tell el-Dab'a (Avaris). possibly originally from this king's funerary 1370 Bourriau. 258. 172). 215. both private and royal. Blocks from Old and Middle Kingdom rulers as well as from the reign of Sobekhotep III were reused in Osorkon I's Entrance Hall at Bubastis (L. "Second Intermediate Period. see Helck. Bietak. One of the potential clues for the date of the destruction of the Dynasty XIII royal monuments is the location of the pyramidion of Merneferre Ay from Khataana. "The SoCalled Hyksos Monuments Reconsidered. "Hyksos Rule. History. 379. Political Situation. 602-603). 83. J." p. this statuary. part 2 (Paris." SAK 6 (1979). Political Situation. may have destroyed their funerary monuments. 111. 1371 Ryholt. which had been taken by this Hyksos ruler. 68. p.

" p. 49). and the king had control over it. Second Stela.13'5 During the wars between the Hyksos and the Dynasty XVII kings. For this reason. since there is evidence that the Nubians conducted raids as far north as Karnak. suggest that these statues were from this region. "Renaissance. Redford suggests that the destruction at East Karnak may have occurred during Dynasty XIII due to "restless bands of Nubians (?)" that may have been taking advantage of the weakened political scene in Egypt as possibly described in a stela of Sekhemre Sankhtawy (Iykhernofret) Neferhotep. 113.1377 Here. 253. 103. Redford. "Second Intermediate Period. Political Situation. 96. p.B. Fouilles a Dahchour en 1894-1895. see the evidence clearly states in the Kamose Stela (Habachi. Egypt. 138-140. figs. 1377 Bourriau. Redford found a destruction layer near the top of the Dynasty XIII strata in the ancient town at East Karnak. pp. de Morgan. 172.1376 it is more likely that these objects were removed either from an Egyptian fort to the north or from a site within Egypt itself. In 1976. 167. D. Some scholars. though venues such as Elephantine are more likely to have been the sites of such thievery. especially in the south. 92-96. however." JSSEA 11 (1981). 1375 For the later Dynasty XVII alliance with the Hyksos. "Interim Report on the Excavations at East Karnak (1979 and 1980 Seasons). 147-148. p. 165. It is during such raids that certain statues and monuments may have been taken to the south. The Hyksos may have had some help from the Nubians in the destruction and raiding of some monuments." p. Canaan and Israel. statues of Sobekhotep IV were found beyond the third cataract. pp. a small trench showed that House A had been burnt and was then deserted. there were also invasions into Upper Egypt from the south by a coalition led by the Kushites. 85. Ryholt also notes that Ahmose's Unwetterstele may refer to destruction of monuments by Ryholt.complex at Dahshur. pp. 204. Redford. 1376 Callender. Akhenaten. 98-100. pp. 405 .

Pyramids. See also Dodson. pp.A. Hardy and A. pp. 1379 Davies. "From Dahshur to Dra Abu el Naga.1378 Also. "A Storm During the Reign of Ahmose. Pyramidenanlage. 146-153. 1381 Di." pp. the pyramids of Dynasty XVII were relatively steep. 41-43. 188-189. pp. Winlock. Ryholt. p. Goedicke. Political Situation. Political Situation. 427." A&L 3 (1992). "The Chronology of the Thera/Santorin Explosion. located at Dra Abu el-Naga on the west bank of Thebes. pp. Winlock found a pyramid near Deir el-Bahari in 1913. 32-33.1381 The pyramids of the kings of Dynasty XVII may continue a Theban tradition initiated by the rulers of Dynasty XI including those found at el-Tarif and that of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep at Deir el Bahari. H." p." in D.1383 These Dynasty XVII royal monuments included a chapel whether cut into the bricks of the pyramid or from the limestone below. The effects of the Santorini (Thera) volcanic eruption have also been suggested as the cause of this storm (E. "Problems. Renfrew. Tombs of Dynasty XVII .C. "Sobeknacht. are much different than those of Dynasty XIII. after which the exact location of any of the tombs was lost. reflecting the influence of local tradition rather than the continuation of the wsht style. pp. Williams. in turn.E. The burial chamber itself was reached through a shaft from 1378 Ryholt. 1990). p. 1380 406 .. "Tombs. pp. Mariette excavated in this royal necropolis in 1859-1860. "Royal Tombs. 16-22. 176." pp. Thera and the Aegean World III. H. 3 (London. 60-61). Arnold. After the Pyramids. 234. 1382 Polz and Seiler. Lehner. until Polz recently began to reinvestigate the area. Davis. 217-277. as well as those for the future Nubian and Meroitic kings. 1383 Dodson.N. 18-19.raids into the Dynasty XIII territories (mentions pyramids directly). The royal tombs of Dynasty XVII. the model for the superstructures of private tombs of the New Kingdom. 143-145. the stela of Sobeknakht revealed that the Nubians (Kushites) attacked Southern Egypt and proceeded at least as far as El Kab." JEA 10 (1924).1379 VII. eds. Like these structures. providing." pp. After being discovered by nearby villagers in 1827.

174. however. The coffins. 1386 S. retained coffins. were completely smashed in antiquity. It is interesting that in Dynasty XX. from which they came. which developed in the Late Middle Kingdom including the sarcophagus with the arched lid with the additional pieces on the ends. the tombs of the Dynasty XVII rulers were still intact as revealed through the papyri recording tomb robberies {Leopold II and Amherst Papyrus)}3 5 Today. jewelry. Catalogue des Manuscrits. see Bellion. These earlier structures. where they were studied. pp.outside the visible monument. the first king of Dynasty XVIII did build a cenotaph. The objects of the early Dynasty XVII rulers followed the style. which have been robbed in modern times. 1998. including a pyramid. Polz finds these monuments in relatively good condition. along with their belongings. "Monuments of Ahmose at Abydos." dissertation. Even monuments. even though the exact nature of the tombs. canopic boxes. remain unknown. 1385 407 . pp." Egyptian Archaeology 4 (1991). and other items from the tombs were taken by robbers. as far as the architecture is concerned.1386 1384 Ikram and Dodson. and portcullises valued during Dynasty XIII. at the site of Abydos. However. 5-6. "The Cults of King Ahmose at Abydos. University of Pennsylvania. Mummy. changes of level. The condition of this material is in stark contrast to what excavators have found at Dynasty XIII monuments. For more bibliographic information concerning these texts. a new form known as the rishi coffin emerged. 3-5. 204-205. Ahmose. Later in the period. fortunately some are now in museums. connecting him with the Late Middle Kingdom rulers buried there and the god Osiris. The substructure was simple without all of the turns. and other items. Harvey. pp. It is obvious that the reverence for the Dynasty XVII monuments was not extended to those of Dynasty XIII if they had indeed survived the rule of the Hyksos.

and the resulting publications can erroneously suggest that they are concurrent due to the style and interests of the investigator.1388 VIII. 160. caution should be exercised. 7-8. it is 1387 Ryholt. There was a pyramid in the causeway of the funerary temple of Thutmosis III (Ryholt. it is probable that the tombs of these initial Theban kings are minimal in size and elaboration. even with the regime change in this region.E. Excavations at Deir el-Bahari 1911-1931 (New York. 176. Suggestions as to the arrangement of the excavated tombs can be made. but they differ greatly according to each scholar. 137. Political Situation. who has analyzed them. pp.1387 However.The Dynasty XVII royal tombs are small and show that the economic difficulties of the Dynasty XIII kings continued in the south. 1942). Also. no tombs of Theban Dynasty XVI have been found. With so many missing and unexcavated royal tombs. it is important that further archaeological research be conducted into the pyramids of the Dynasty XIII kings. Ryholt does believe that the tombs were in the region of Dra Abu el-Naga and that they were destroyed by the-Hyksos when. Winlock. since pyramids in close proximity to one another were often excavated by the same scholar. and they do not appear in the tomb robbery papyri. p. When comparing the tombs of the kings to those of royal women or officials. according to his theory. Methods involving the chronological placement of tombs within each location should be dismissed in favor of those focused upon the architectural features of the tombs. Conclusions The precise chronological order of the Late Middle Kingdom royal tombs is uncertain. they invaded the Theban region. Political Situation. !)• 1388 408 . H. However. pp. Fig. ending Dynasty XVI. In fact.

272. TIBe.clear that the main difference in these funerary provisions was the nature of the architecture. M7c. M42c. Sq2Sq. 102-103 (Da4c. M8c. T7c. the importance of the royal tomb was primarily the form of the substructure. At that point. The objects buried with Awibre Hor are comparable to those from the tombs of high status women and court members. 282-289. The relatively consistent components of the Late Middle Kingdom royal funerary monuments suggest that the architectural form of the tombs was ideologically significant. 95. as they were in early Dyansty XVIII. Da2c. However. The kings were the only individuals with access to this tomb form. pp. Lesko. 62-63. Thus. 298-298. T3Be. Instead. See Lapp. taking artwork back to their capital at Avaris. S14c." In this context. Spells. SqlSq. Typologie derSarge. even if the more elaborate tombs of the kings of this period were equally provisioned. King Sewedjare Montuhotep 409 . T2Be. this architecturally rendered word likely denotes the court where the throne of Osiris was believed to be located in the netherworld. and Khendjer had CT 788 on his pyramidion. the body of the king becomes one with the figure of Osiris. this situation does not necessarily indicate that the rulers had lost power to the elite. The destruction of the Late Middle Kingdom tombs appears to have occurred with the fall of Dynasty XIII. the Hyksos may have ravaged these pyramids along with other monuments. 68. meaning "court. 84. The tombs at Abydos appear also to have suffered similarly during the Second Intermediate Period or 1389 It should be noted that Awibre Hor only had CT 788a and PT 638 on his coffin. 54-55. The core of these pyramids is reminiscent of the hieroglyphic representation for the word wsht. Private people had these texts plus other Coffin Texts and Pyramid Texts as well as passages from the Book of Two Ways and early chapters from the Book of the Dead. T13c. The Book of Going Forth by Day (the Book of the Dead) places the judgment of the dead in a specialized hall of this type (wsht-m3cty). 304-311. TlOc. pp. in this earlier context. 9-99.

early New Kingdom. 410 . the use of royal seals also becomes rare. the tradition of the wshttomb likely ended with the death of Merneferre Ay. the form of the Dynasty XVII tombs was drastically more simple than those of the Late Middle Kingdom. indicating either a change in the structure of the government or the collapse of the administration (Ryholt. Political Situation. 298-299.1390 1390 At the same time that the use of the wshttomb type likely ends. with whom they identified due to their situation of being Theban rulers. These rulers wished to follow the models of the Dynasty XI kings. personal communication). who wanted to reestablish the single Egyptian state. Interestingly. Thus.

and those related to wealthy estates. Symptoms of the loss of power of kings will also be evaluated. p.Chapter 6 Administration. Relationships between kings and the methods of indicating filiation will be explored as the nature of succession changed from the beginning to the middle of Dynasty XIII. royal scribe.state under the king included the vizier. in. including the king. temple positions. According to Quirke.1391 This chapter will explore the backgrounds and status of the top officials of the state. local government on behalf of the king. Section IV. collected taxes and drafted persons for corvee service. The Top Three Offices in the Late Middle Kingdom Governmental Structure The increased use of titles during the Late Middle Kingdom provides substantial information as to the operation of the government and the progression of the careers of the officials. The local administration also served the king and. the 1391 Pardey. fact. general. these small governments appeared to be set up in a fashion similar to that of the state but with less power and on a smaller scale. Officials. treasurer. and the chief lector-priest. 16. "Administration.1393 In some cases. local officials who answered directly to the vizier (the most powerful office beneath the king). See Chapter 6. 18. Introduction The pinnacle of the regular hierarchy of the . Mayors. titles from the Late Middle Kingdom are related to four spheres including national/court administration. 1392 411 . 1393 Quirke." p. Titles and Bureau.B. 9 II. and Operation of Kingship I.

Unfortunately. (Peabody. 176." p. II.1398 Through these delegates. Hornung. Sasson." p.1396 According to these textual sources.1394 The following sections will evaluate the offices and known careers of the kings. 1397 Leprohon. p. "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt. Callender. 743. XIX. The Role of the King The role of Middle Kingdom rulers in domestic and foreign contexts was described in the Hymns to Senwosret III. "Ancient Egyptian Religious Iconography. ed. 81. p. viziers and treasurers of Dynasty XIII. Civilizations of the Ancient Near East 3. "Kingship. the treasury. many state activities were undertaken such as tax collection." p. MA. "Legal and Social." in J.monuments of these officials or their associates allows for the precise dating of their careers.A. 37." p. Lorton." p. p.1395 as well as in Merikare. 273. in reality.1397 Though the king was responsible for all the facets of the operation of the state. "Renaissance. it is difficult to place the officials into specific reigns. p. 354. 1995). MA. te Velde.M. 412-413. Priests. p.M. mining. Teeter.. the judicial system. "Theology. Sasson. 1398 Leprohon. Robins. Franke. and Worship in Ancient Egypt. 1731. military 1 94 Grajetzki." p. "Kingship. 1725. ed.. he distributed power amongst court and local elite. and the Stela of Sehotepibre at Abydos. Civilizations of the Ancient Near East 3 (Peabody. Hochsten Beamten.1. and the religious sphere. Religion. Teaching of Amenemhet. 1995). 273. 261. monumental construction. "Royal Ideology. Two Treasurers. 1395 412 . "Royal Ideology. "Legitimation." p." in J. The King II. the military.A. the ruler was at the apex of the administrative bureaucracy. after the reign of Sobekhotep IV." pp. quarrying. Quirke. O'Connor and Silverman. 286. The relationships between these offices as well as that of their counterparts in the Second Intermediate Period will be addressed in order to come to a greater understanding of the nature of kingship during Dynasty XIII.

Priests. Bonheme and Forgeau." p.A. However. and the administrative units within Nubia. ed. and Rituals: an Overview.campaigns. Les Secrets. for the period when this sort of analysis would be the most useful. Schafer. allowing members of their order to become rulers. 131. religious estates.2. Theological Principles. When the office of kingship was passed from father to son. 9. domestic policing.E. it is interesting to pursue the backgrounds of these men in order to determine which branches of the government may have profited from the loss in power of kingship. p. 1997). the vizier and other state officials. new methods for achieving royal legitimacy were developed to attempt to overcome this turbulent period for kingship. 1400 Cruz-Uribe. p. II.1400 The shifts in the power between such groups and the ruler define the status of the institution of kingship through time. 1399 Baines. the traditional ideology of the position would have embraced the line of succession. However. "Practical Religion. B.. the military.E. "Temples. With the prospect of having multiple non-royal kings within Dynasty XIII. "Model for the Political Structure." pp. 107-112. as outlined in Chapter 2." in B. Temples of Ancient Egypt (Ithaca. such as during the majority of the Late Middle Kingdom/Second Intermediate Period." p. Important players could include segments of the Egyptian bureaucratic system such as royal family members. Leprohon. the information is so inconclusive that major mistakes are easily made. Tobin." p. and the complexity of the problem results in few studies to corroborate or disprove previous examinations. 278. 99.1399 The identity and nature of the power of these officials varied through time. local mayors. 80. p. judicial proceedings. 413 . "Royal Ideology. and religious rituals. 13. "Definition. Schafer. The Background of Kings Dynasty XIII appears to have been composed of many groups of kings or individual rulers who may or may not have been related to one another.

" It has also been suggested that Woserkare Khendjer may have been another foreigner. "Comparative Studies. Ryholt. Zweite. he suggests that the name imy-rc msc.R. his 17. "Thirteenth Dynasty. pp. "Overview. "Royal Power. based upon Semitic wkf. 232. C. "Royal Power." p. Drioton and Vandier." pp. n. Quirke suggests that this name may represent a "family tradition" rather than a connection to the military. Untersuchungen. 396. Political Situation. Egyptian Administrative and Private-Name Seals. L'Egypte. "Thirteenth Dynasty. 1402 Quirke." p. Von Beckerath has also suggested that Imyremeshaw may have been referred to by his former title because he was of foreign origin. the evidence points primarily toward military offices. Franke has suggested that Wegaf was previously the senior commander (imy-rmsc wf) of the same name found in a seal. "Investigation. PI. making it even more probable that he ascended to the throne from a military background since his name may be derived from a foreign word. Political Situation. 1401 Franke." p. 1443). Denkmdler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien IV (Leipzig. which is also the name of a private individual. p." p. Weigall. "Investigation. 50.1407 Alternatively. "Zwischenzeit. 285." p. This name has lead some scholars to believe that military usurpations occurred during Dynasty XIII (von Beckerath. 151-152. 1407 Quirke. "Zur Chronologie.For the few kings for whom information concerning their non-royal origins are available.1402 However. 39." p. 51. whose rise to power came through the military.1405 There is no evidence linking Khendjer to the military. 1406 Bietak. History. 220-221." p." pp. 1403 Ryholt. 231. See also Ryholt. 396. "Royal Power. 54. 1405 Ward. Political Situation. Quirke. Dynastie Agyptens. 54. Lepsius. p. Imyremeshaw (imy-r msc) can be translated as "overseer of the troops/gang" or "the general. XIX. 272. 52). pp. 414 . 131-132. pp.1401 It is also possible that this king was of foreign descent. 131-132. it may also be that case that the name is Egyptian: wglf. "Investigation. p. 34-35.1404 Ward points to Ugaritic and Canaanite parallels to the name and reveals that it means "swine" in Semitic tongues (hnzr). pp. a military title." pp."1406 However. who may have risen to power through the military is Imyremeshaw Semenkhkare. and his name could not be pronounced by Egyptians (von Beckerath. 13. Another king." p. 131. Petrie. Stock. "May he chew. For example. number 36. 249. p. 439. Martin. 1901). Pharaohs." pp. 232. 341. no. p. p. 209. 1404 Quirke. 219-220.

the grandfather of Neferhotep I. "Thirteenth Dynasty. 23-48. Political Situation." p. 761. Political Situation. 1412 Quirke. son of Montuhotep with the same titles." p. Essays. 48. "Review of P. Two Treasurers. Doss. with possible military links. Ward. "Vizier Ibi'. this king with a potential military background may have married into a family with direct connections to the office of the vizier. 100. Titles and Bureau. and it is likely significant that this term is used as his nomen at this point in Dynasty XIII. 439. "Royal Power. 225226. Sobekhotep III. 49-50. 130. For the ranking of this title. Sobekhotep III may have been the wcrtwntthkl ("officer of the ruler's crew") Sobekhotep. Dedusobek. 1410 Franke. 109.1410 Thus. Personendaten. pp."need not be considered literally. Egyptian Administrative and Private-Name Seals." DE 8 (1987). 1411 Berlev. Several scholars have linked Ibiaw with an imy-rmscwof the same name. p. A final king. it is interesting that these kings may have come from a family similar to that of the predecessor. a native Egyptian ruler. p. "Zur Chronologie. It is possible that support from his reign was derived from both departments of the government. Franke. Vernus Le Surnom au Moyen Empire. there is no evidence that the brother kings themselves or their father ever held a position in the military." p. Like that of Sobekhotep III. Ryholt. see Quirke. "Investigation. p. Ryholt." p. 246. Sahathor and Sobekhotep IV was a commoner." p. Quirke. it is likely that this name links this king or his family with the military. 69. p." p.1413 1408 S. 1413 Habachi. 396. "Royal Power.1411 However. Ryholt. 126.'" pp. Grajetzki.1409 Though Sobekhotep Ill's family was of common background as indicated by the title of his maternal grandfather (cnhw-n-nwt). 30. Before achieving the office of kingship. p. 131. pp. cnh n niwt.1412 Nonetheless. Political Situation."1408 Nonetheless. "Les Pretendus 'Citadins. Quirke. though his first wife. Senebhenas may have been the daughter of the vizier Senebhenaf. 222. numbers 575-588. p. 1409 415 . This relationship is visible on seals as indicated in Martin. Wahibre Ibiaw may have also had a military background. 282. p.

which some of the future kings may have held.'" in J." pp. von Beckerath. Quirke. "The Date of the 'Eloquent Peasant. 84. E. which was found in the Dynasty XVIII tomb of Rekhmire at Thebes (Tomb 100). 116. Hochsten Beamten. In at least one case. 6. Egyptian Non-Royal Epithets. O'Connor presents the date of the text as "uncertain" (O'Connor. Martin-Pardey. A time period that expanded between the blood decedents of the Dynasty XII kings and the localized rulers of late Dynasty XIII rulers when their kingdom broke apart with the emergence of Dynasties XIV and XVI. Kemp. this situation may indicate that these officials were usurpers in a time when internal and external factors threatened the state. Untersuchungen.. 41." p. eds. 175. H. "Social History. 1. is a high-ranking title in the national government (highest position of military). p.D. "Texts.Perhaps the possible military kings occur from the reign of Wegaf to that of Wahibre Ibiaw. the alliance between a military king and the office of vizier may have been sealed through marriage. p. and hurt wronly occur in the Late Middle Kingdom.B. Thus. there is no direct evidence connecting any Dynasty XIII king with the combination of these two titles. knbtyn w. The Vizier The composition. 183184). 23. It should be noted that the title imy-r msc in combination with htmw-bity. 2. n. 82-83). Berlev cites Dynasty XII as the earliest possible date of this story due to the use of the title "chief steward" (O. making their claim to power attractive to those in the other offices." in K.A.. Grajetzki. 28. 38. Form und Mass (Wiesbaden. 29-43. It allows for a direct understanding of the role of this official in the ancient Egyptian state during the Late Middle Kingdom. The terms Itwntthkl. suggesting 416 . ed. may have originally dated to Dynasty XIII.1414 Such a title suggests a high position in the court. Duties of the Vizier. 1415 Doxey." p. 85. pp. 49. 1987). Bard. Quirke notes that though the original text must have dated to the Late Middle Kingdom. "Administrative Bureaucracy. 1999).1415 The vizier was to meet with the king and the Quirke. Helck. Osing and G. 18. Titles and Bureau. "Investigation. pp. 60). "Investigation." p." pp. pp. Unfortunately. Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt (New York. Berlev. Zur Verwaltung. Dreyer. "Hyksos Period. 95. p. it cannot be certain whether or not parts of the document were amended (Quirke. p.

"Royal Power. Scarabs. see Martin. Zur Verwaltung. "On the Date of the 'Duties of the Vizier. 66." p. "Investigation. Titles and Bureau. For a list of viziers of the Late Middle Kingdom and information on the office. Iymeru Neferkare. p. 526 (Samont). Doss. Quirke. Doss. the Head of the South and the Abydos district and heard reports concerning these areas every four months. p. Doss. 745 (Dedumont Senebtify). He received reports concerning the opening and sealing of strongholds. 417 . disputes. For seals of Djedptah Dedutseneb and Ay. PI. 286. and districts. pp. 661 (Ibiaw). and Senebhenaf. 660. see Grajetzki. The vizier acted as judge and arbitrator of disputes and petitions.1733. pp. Resuseneb. Minhotep. Duties of the Vizier.P. Doss. Ibia. 62. p. 187.treasurer to discuss matters of the state. though he clearly was biased against the Late Middle Kingdom era. See also von Beckerath. referring to it as the "royal misery of the 13th Dynasty" (Van den Boom. Personendaten. 387-388. 369-381). p. 461 (Khenmes). Doss. Titles and Bureau. and expeditions and issued decrees. Ankhu.121-122. the condition of fortresses. pp. p. Quirke. Ay. pp." pp. 942. Hori. 339. 173 (Ankhu). 9-42. The vizier appointed officials in Upper and Lower Egypt. 565 (Aymeru). Doss. 83. 431. It should be noted that van den Boom had argued for the placement of this document in the reign of Ahmose. He also received accounting information in order to establish and collect taxes. 1775. p.1772. 46 (Ay). the office of the vizier handled administrative actions on behalf of the king. 1720. 1416 Helck."' Orientalia 51 (1982). Djedptah Dedutseneb. 19. pp." pp. as well as the archaism practiced at this time (G. Aymeru son of Ay. Samont Resuseneb. some information concerning the backgrounds of the occupants can be discerned (Table 6. Doss. Iuy. He sent military expeditions and was in charge of payments. 23). p. 660.1417 It would seem that the that this document is from that era (Quirke. pp. 97-100. 55. 387-388. pp. Doss. pp. 1417 Grajetzki. 254. He presented a more convincing argument as to the New Kingdom date of this text in an earlier article based upon language markers. Viziers of Dynasty XIII and possibly Dynasty XVII included: Khenmes. Hochsten Beamten. p. Quirke. and he enforced the corvee system. 319. p. Amenemhet. 136. 24 (Aymeru). Doss. Egyptian Administrative and Private-Name Seals. absence of any signs of the waret system. district councilors. p. Hochsten Beamten. 125. Doss. PI 1716. van den Boom. 137 .1778. Newberry. Doss. Titles and Bureau. "Investigation.?. Father of Ankhu. pp. 334-376). Doss. p. Iymeru Son of Ankhu. 398 (Resseneb). 26 (AyMeru/Neferkara). Thus.1416 Taking the analysis of viziers of the Late Middle Kingdom by Grajetzki and the discussion of bureaus and offices by Quirke. items entering and departing the Domain of the King as well as the Residence. Dedumont Senebtyfy. 132-133. Sobekaa Bebi. 661 (Senebhenaf). 51-64. He also sent envoys. 54. 111. 74.F. 189-196.1). 80 (Amenemhet). Untersuchungen. nos. Franke.

local governor local (son of iy above) overseer of the hnrt.f imy-rhnrt overseer of the hnrt dd-pth (dd. it might be assumed that at least some of the occupiers of this high office had shown exceptional ability as they performed their jobs within the jurisdiction of the office of the vizier. governor central). occupied offices related to the outer palace (where business was conducted within the court). viziers were chosen from the lower ranks of offices under the authority of this position. court outer palace elder of the portal.Name Titles Sector of Translation of Titles Government overseer of the half local (ties to dominion. the bureau of the vizier. whose previous positions are known. The known and possible viziers of Dynasty XIII whose previous positions have been wr md(w) sm cw chief of the tens of Upper Egypt bureau for workforce issue bureau for workforce issue bureau of the vizier Table 6. Even when a son became vizier after his father.1. hlty-c iy-mrw hity-c ib-icw imy-rhnrt ox hrp wsht imnw-m- smswhiyt. chief of the tens of bureau of the Upper Egypt vizier iy imy-rgs-pr. outer palace. The viziers. Thus. wr md(w) smcw mnw-htp hrp wsht rsw-snb ss wrn pty director of the broad outer palace court secretary to the bureau of the vizier vizier sbk-cibbi imy-rhnrt overseer of the hnrt snb-hnc. the bureau for workforce issue (also under the vizier). he seems to 418 . bureau for director of the broad workforce issue. or local administration (which reported to the vizier).

see Quirke. "Genealogical Chronology.1421 It should be noted that Ay and his son Aymeru were governors of El-Kab. prior to becoming viziers. Personendaten. The precise careers of Ankhu and Aymeru are not known though it is possible that Ankhu's father." p. and Senebhenaf). Later. 1419 Franke. Aymeru and Resuseneb were the sons of the vizier Ankhu. p. Three of the viziers held offices with the designation htmw-bity (Vo-iasx. 41-71. 192. 132. "Investigation.have first occupied a lower office. 122-123. Quirke. 1422 Bennett. it may be the case that he was the last southern vizier of Dynasty XIII.1420 Provincial backgrounds for viziers are present in late Dynasty XHI/early Dynasty XVI when the state system was at its weakest (Ay and Aymeru). 1423 Bennett. 1 x Grajetzki. "Investigation." pp. From this analysis." pp. son of the director of the broad court {hrp wsht) by the same name. 254. p. it is clear that the vizier was either chosen after serving some other capacity within the lower ranks of this office or was placed within this structure in order to gain essential experience. a member of his family sold the office of governor to another group.1422 However. Simontu.1418 The vizier with known family background which definitely did not include any holders of this office is Aymeru. "Royal Power." pp. 133. 419 . 124." pp. 398. The Treasurer The bureau of the treasury was concerned with the economic activity of the king 1418 For the ranking of officials within Papyrus Bulaq 18 and other sources. According to Bennett's chronology.C. Aymeru belongs to Dynasty XVI. Quirke. may also have been a vizier.1423 II. Doss. Sobekaabebi. 128-129. indicating a close relationship to the court. In contrast. Hochsten Beamten. 42. 1420 Habachi." p. "Genealogical Chronology. "Vizier Ibi'.

the treasurer was to report to the king and to confer with the vizier concerning that which has been relayed to him. 420 . 68. Mortuary Temple. Dated treasurers include: Imenw-Hetep (after Sobekhotep IV). Zur Verwaltung. 13th or 17th) (Grajetzki. Titles and Bureau. 261). Ay-Meru (son of Iy. see Franke. p. 4860. p. pp. Analyzing the titles of the treasurers of the Late Middle Kingdom is less Grajetzki. "Probleme. The office of the treasury was in charge of food production at the palace (sncw) and possibly also with expeditions. According to the Duties of the Vizier. Hochsten Beamten.2. For the use of rh-nswt as a rank title. Ay (Merhetepre Ini). Helck. 359. pp. Two Treasurers. Quirke has suggested that the pr hd (treasury) as well as the pr c3 (the residence) were aspects of the Inner Palace (Quirke. 19. 16). It seems that the treasury was also involved in the maintenance of the cult of the kings as evidence from the temple of Senwosret III at Abydos suggests. and the iry-ctwdpw. n. Name Titles imny hry-sst? h wt-ntr smiw snb-sw-m. 77-88. 1425 For a study of the prsnc of the Old Kingdom temples. Ib-iaw (Wahibre Ibiaw). Quirke. The Administration of Egypt. 119189. 343-351. including the rh-nswt. the imy-r st. pp." pp. The known and possible treasurers of Dynasty XIII whose previous positions have been discovered.1425 It was also represented at the sites of * monumental construction commissioned by the king. pp. "Domain of Pharaoh.1426 There appear to have been three or four levels of officials under the treasurer within this bureau. see Papazian.both inside and outside the palace. 353. 78. 1426 Wegner. Two Treasurers." pp. 106-107. 75-76. 1427 Grajetzki.c(i) imy-rpr-wr snb ssnpr-hd snbi rh-nswt Translation of Titles master of the secrets of the temple of Upper Egypt high steward Sector of Government temple secretary of the treasury one who is known to the king treasury treasury treasury Table 6.

p. 61. "Les Pretendus 'Citadins. "Probleme.1434 The father of a treasurer Senebi. pp. Quirke. 21. while one had worked in the sphere of temple administration. p. see Quirke. 43-78. 260. Two Treasurers. Senebsumai (snb-sw-m-c(i)). 1432 Grajetzki. "one who is known to the king. b. p. 149. Senebi (snbi) held the rank title. Titles and Bureau. 48-84. 1434 Quirke. 1433 Grajetzki. Hochsten Beamten.productive than that of the viziers due to the lack of information concerning the previous positions of these officials (Table 6. see Grajetzki. named Nebpewptah had previously held the same title as king Neferhotep's grandfather (cnh-n-niwt). 60. 6." pp." prior to becoming a treasurer. pp. 78. f-n. who dates prior to the reign of Neferhotep I. 23-48.1429 This office was high-ranking (associated with honorific title htmw-bity) and was associated with the administration of non-royal estates. Wegner. a. Titles and Bureau. Quirke. 343. was a high steward (imy-rpr wr) before he became treasurer. 5 1428 Senebi was included in the rock For a list of the treasurers and discussion of their titles. also has a clearly defined career. p.1428 Nonetheless.1430 Senebsumai's parents were not of high status but had ties to the military. 233. pp. 57-59. 41. three of the four treasurers with known backgrounds came from the bureau of the treasury. pp. who was roughly contemporary with the treasurer Senebsumai. 106-107.2). See Berlev. 78. pp.1432 Though this man did not become a treasurer. He began as a wdpw of relatively low rank and eventually reached the high status position of an overseer of sealers and high steward. Two Treasurers.'" pp. 46. "Grajetzki. 1429 Grajetzki.1 An official named Titi {titi). his career is another example of promotion under the authority of the treasurer. 30." pp. Hochsten Beamten. "Investigation. Hochsten Beamten. 5. 26. 1431 Grajetzki. 1435 This title reflects a low-level local position with possible ties to the military.1 33 This title was connected to the bureau of the treasury. Franke. Two Treasurers. Mortuary Temple. Titles and Bureau. p. 47. pp. For the ranking of this title. Two Treasurers. pp. Hochsten Beamten. 421 . Two Treasurers. rh-nswt.

34. Two Treasurers. Wcgner. 1437 II. Hochsten Beamten. p. 220. the designating titles of the treasurer suggest that he was considered to be the highest official of those Franke. indicating that they were in the national government. "Investigation. 224. 4 1 . 42-78. 1-2. 246. p. 256. p. pp. Zur Verwaltung. Grajetzki. Two Treasurers." p. pp. "Thirteenth Dynasty. p. Other high officials. Fig. Ward.inscription showing Neferhotep I's family at Sehel. 48. Quirke." pp.1438 Treasures represented the state when they had this title and "sole companion" (swr-wcti) which differentiated them from their local counterparts as well as other officials in their seals. pp. 265. 24. this one also had the name of the rh-nswt. 77-88. 108." p. 224-225. Like a similar inscription at Wadi elHudi showing Sobekhotep IV and his family. pp. "Excavations at the Town. 51. "Bureaucracy. 67. Franke. Titles and Bureau. Titles and Bureau." pp. pp. 100. 130." pp.1441 However. nb-cnh. Two Treasurers. Quirke.1436 Sealings of this official were also found in the mayor's house at Abydos.D. 1439 Grajetzki. The Relationships between the Three Most Powerful Offices The use of honorific titles provides some insight into the ranking of the highest officials of the Egyptian government of the Late Middle Kingdom. pp. 396. 40. 39-43. "Royal Power." p. 1440 Grajetzki. 48-49. "Zur Chronologie. pp. Essays. Grajetzki. Hochsten Beamten. pp. 225-226. no. 260. 16. Hochsten Beamten." p. 2. 149.1440 Some scholars have suggested that the treasurer may have sometimes held as much power as the vizier during the Late Middle Kingdom. Political Situation. Quirke. who likely commissioned both monuments as well as his own statue in the shrine of Heqaib at Elephantine. 12. p. Ryholt. Titles and Bureau. including the treasurer. 1438 Grajetzki. had the title "seal bearer of the king" (htmw-bity). 19.38. Martin-Pardey. 29-30. The king held the highest office followed by the vizier.1439 The treasurer was the third most powerful person in the administration at this time. Two Treasurers. 422 . 37." p. pp. "Probleme. Helck. 1436 Grajetzki. 30. 118. "Investigation. Hochsten Beamten.

the treasurer's name and those of his officials often appear at sites related to expeditions and royal mortuary establishments (in the construction phase). It should be noted that no direct evidence exists to prove that Dynasty XIII kings served as treasurers or viziers prior to taking the throne. Nonetheless. it is unclear what happened to the others. some caution must be exercised as titles can often mask the reality of the situation. Though rare. which is likely too sporadic to provide anything more convincing than that from the titles discussed above. which were under his authority. 423 . Instead non-royal rulers were from military backgrounds or lower offices. It may be the case that viziers and treasurers were too close to the previous king to be involved in usurpations. the treasurer was in an office functionally parallel to the vizier and not under his authority. Therefore.beneath the level of the vizier. Unfortunately. For example. It may be the case that instances in which treasurers appear to outrank viziers may simply reflect the nature of these positions and the preservation of their names within archaeological contexts. these sites are often the best preserved and most significant evidence for the nature of the government in Dynasty XIII. Though some of the viziers appear to have served during multiple reigns. conclusions of ranking between the vizier and the treasurer must be derived from an overall understanding of the office as well as the provenience of the evidence. like in the case of the king.

263-264. Marriage between the Royal Family and Officials At least during some parts of Dynasty XIII. Two Treasurers. Hochsten Beamten. 263. Two Treasurers. 66. since the site is likely covered by substantial alluvium. 61-63. kings arranged for marriages between 4 2 Grajetzki. 1444 Grajetzki. Grajetzki surmises that.1444 Thus. pp. Untersuchungen. 1443 424 . pp. 1446 Grajetzki.1445 The use of this title may have little connection to the actual role of this office holder in the Middle Kingdom Egyptian state. the administrative capital that may never be recovered archaeologically. Grajetzki.E. 1445 von Beckerath. 36-38. Viziers and Treasurers of the Second Intermediate Period Only a few viziers are known for Dynasty XVII. 262. this office disappears from the record.1442 Grajetzki has noted that no monuments of treasurers can be dated between the reign of Sobekhotep IV and that of the Dynasty XVII king Kamose. with the downfall in the financial power of the ruler.F. one must consider such factors in the distribution of the power of late Dynasty XIII and the possibly contemporary Dynasty XVI rulers while recognizing that there is a substantial gap in the records from Itjatawy.p.1 4 Since the treasurer represented the economic wing of the office of kingship. p. He also that monuments of other major officials are only known from Thebes and areas to the south. Hochsten Beamten.II. 150. 66-67. 36-38. pp. Two Treasurers. pp. 262.1446 II. as well as modern settlement. 37. though some names are known through sealings. and it may only be the word used for an administrative title in the language of these Asiatic rulers. with only a few exceptions. Hochsten Beamten. Treasurers rather than viziers are known for Dynasties XIV and XV. pp.

1448 It is likely that the kings between Sobekhotep III and Merneferre Ay strengthened their hold on the state by incorporating important local families into the-national government through appointment and marriage. Bietak and E.1451 In turn." pp. showing favor to her children possibly due to her connection 1447 Franke. 246. 151. just like in Dynasty XIII." p. Czemy. Reditenes." Troy. For the dating and lineage of Nubkhas. 1451 Bennett. The eldest likely son of Ay. Political Situation. whose father (Dedusobek) and uncle (Nubankh) were important officials during the reign of Sobekhotep IV. "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt. 138. 1448 425 . 250. Nubia. 1449 For examples of officials from other areas who may have been married to Dynasty XIII princesses. 53. who married the vizier Ay. Essays. "Genealogical Chronology. "Review of Ward. Wahibre Ibiaw (or some king between Sobekhotep IV and Merneferre Ay) was married to Nebkhas. 230. Wegner. 160. "Genealogical Chronology. "Remarks. "Social History. eds. see Franke. p. pp. 21-22. 134-139.1450 Some scholars believe that the Dynasty XIII king.1449 Interestingly. during the reign of Merhotepre Sobekhotep VI. "Social and Historical Implications of Sealings of the King's Daughter Reniseneb and other Women at the Town of Wah-Sut" in M. 112. Crete and the Levant: Chronological and Historical Implications (Vienna. Patterns ofQueenship. J. "Remarks. towards the end of the dynasty.. Scarabs of the Second Millennium BC from Egypt." pp. see Ryholt. p. Franke.1447 In fact. "Genealogical Chronology. "King's Daughter. "King's Daughter. Merneferre Ay. 747." p. Kemp. this son died before his father. Sobekmose." p. El Kab and Thebes. the Dynasty XVI kings were connected to the families of El Kab and Edfu through marriage. Ward. 1450 Bennett. 1452 Bennett. However." p. 19-22. who then had children with a second wife." For other options. Essays. succeeded his father to the office of Governor of El-Kab." p. powerful families were located in Edfu." p.their daughters and important officials of the land. 221-240. Nebkhas bore a princess. 249. 2001)." pp. see Spalinger. Khonsu. Spalinger. "Zur Chronologie. Ay filed a junction shifting the office to his eldest son by Reditenes.1452 At this point. the region where a new dynasty would soon emerge. pp. whose father was likely the king.

1454 426 . his father Ay shifted the office of governor of El Kab to his younger brother. Where these rulers came from is still a mystery. Aymeru. where there is some indication that the royal family changed. The beneficial relationship of such marital arrangements would have affected both the king and his subject. 66. Djehuty's (Dynasty XVI/XVII) wife. pp. Bennett proposes that this king was the son of Merneferre Ay. there are no examples of any of these families producing a king on the throne. Other marriages between officials and princesses are known. p. see Bourriau. Pharaohs and Mortals." pp. the likely son of Ibiaw. After Ay the Younger died. 1455 Ryholt. maintaining important ties. 112-115." pp. 239-242. The office of governor remained in the family through much of the rest of the dynasty. 124-125. "Remarks. Here. Spalinger. his alternative reconstruction does not deny that a princess married an official at El-Kab. Countering reconstructions similar to the one cited above.1455 However. it is interesting to contemplate the fact that the new king (Merneferre Ay) married his daughter (Reditenes) to a presumed widower (Ay) of the princess (Khonsu) of an earlier ruler (Wahibre Ibiaw). The connection between the courts of Dynasties XIII and XVI/XVII to this town existed regardless of the specific relationships between the various groups. who may have served as a vizier during the reign of the Dynasty XVI king the contemporary royal family. Ryholt argues that Ay the vizier and Ay the governor of El Kab noted above are not the same person. who held the same office under the king 1453 Bennett. Mentuhotep was the daughter of the vizier Senebhenaf. Interestingly.1454 However. "Genealogical Chronology. whereas Wahibre Ibiaw had likely been a single king or the end of a different group. Political Situation. creating support for the ruler. as well as occupational security for the local families.

1457 Here. later provided a queen to a ruler." p. Das Heiligtium.Ein Vergleich. 121. the family. the status of a family remained high through the formation of a new group of kings at a new capital.1460 III. p. 313315. which broke away from the core. Ryholt. Another example of a princess marrying a local official has been found through excavations of the town associated with the funerary complex of Senwosret III at South Abydos. see Wegner. Monarchs. In fact. 661. 103.Wahibre Ibiaw. Franke. which had previously been granted a princess for one of its sons. in some cases that such links may have led to centers of power. Political Situation. 1458 For example." ZAS 117 (1990). in the mayor's house. 77. Filiation and the Question of Relationships between Kings In the sections above. viziers. 24-25. 1460 D. had military titles. Personendaten. the non-royal backgrounds and relative status of kings. p. 259. 79-80." pp. establishing their own rule based upon these differences. 119. 306. Mortuary Temple. pp. "Erste und Zweite Zwischenzeit . 1459 Spalinger.1459 adding another dimension to their importance. It is not known if the marriage of such women to rulers was also practiced in Dynasty XIII. For the sealings. Doss. "Royal Family. It may be the case that this princess was the daughter of Merneferre Ay. 125. Macadam. "Vizier Ibi'. treasurers and other officials was outlined. Franke suggests that these powerful officials of Dynasty XIII may have come to disagree with the policies of the kings." pp. in this case. 41-43. 126-128. pp. pp." pp. Though little information is known 1456 Bennett. whose sealings were found in large numbers in the mayoral residence. 69). Habachi.1456 Thus. Franke. 427 . the High Steward Nebankh's (Sobekhotep IV) niece married a successor of Sobekhotep IV (Dodson. 388. 660. Franke. "Genealogical Chronology. sealings of a Dynasty XIII princess were found. Doss. "Remarks. it has been noted that many of the El-Kab officials with connections to the royal family. It is likely that similar arrangements were made with officials throughout the country. Interestingly. pp. 387.1458 and.

III.fM. using the following: N sS¥ (N. an analysis of the ways in which kings may have linked themselves to one another through filiation or name structure will be presented." pp.n M (N. while those in the other two offices seem to have worked within the bureaus that they ultimately headed. it was not necessarily always ' present. Kings of non-royal origin appear to have had military backgrounds. "Relationships. N ir. whom F begot). This section outlines the chronological development of the phrases and discusses Ryholt's interpretation of double names.f F (his father F). In general. pp. 198-200.1461 The mother/son relationship is expressed. 428 . N ir. son of F. 198. where M is the name of the mother.concerning most of the occupiers of the top positions.n F (N. Though father-to-son inheritance of offices is sometimes apparent. Here. Chronological Methods of Filiation During the Late Middle Kingdom. whom M made/bore. father/son relationships could be expressed. and it.n/ms. some patterns did emerge. 1462 Robins. (his mother M). N is the name of the offspring) or mwt. F is the name of the father. the terms used for filiation evolved." C'dE 54. A.). "The Relationships Specified by Egyptian Kinship Terms of the Middle and New Kingdoms. The latter will then be used to determine if there are relationships between the kings of the Second Intermediate Period dynasties.1462 Obsomer sets a chronological sequence for the terms mentioned above (See Table Robins. 200. where N is the name of the offspring. a possible political reason for the reversal of the names of fathers and sons will be suggested. Finally.

187. irn F and N ir.n M in a stela dated to late Dynasty XII (stela oiNj-swhwj) using other criteria. ir(t). the term N ms(t) M returned along with the new term N ir(t)¥ (where the place of mother is replaced by the name of the father). 268." in W. leur classement. pp. Rosati. Reineke. Obsomer hypothesizes that the emergence of this term corresponds to the change from F siN to N siF. First International 429 . 1 64 For an example of the formula N ir. un corpus. 171.1464 These forms both correspond with F si N (displaying honorific transposition out of respect for the father).n M. Papyrus Reisner I (Boston.n. pp." p.f relatives). "The Chamberlain NJ-SW HWJ.F. see W. Schenkel. 1466 Obsomer. 35-40. une histoire des institutions. Thus. 86-88. D. Plate I.n M and F s/N. Obsomer. beginning with the end of line 2. is not possible because the relative does not follow the referent and the construction is awkward (suggesting the mother refers to the father). Malaise. replacing F &?N.n F. where the name of the individual always precedes that of both parents. ms. Kruchten." in C. Doss. Melanges egyptologiques au Professeur Aristide Theodorides (Bruxelles.K. 1465 At some point in Dynasty XIII.. 163-200). well-known as being a Middle Kingdom construction. p. 171).1466 1463 C.fprt-hrw et la Filiation ms(t). Silverman. for the dating of the stela. Ranke. 1465 For filiation in the early Middle Kingdom. Individu. 1993). the latter being used from year 32 in the reign of Senwosret I.6. that it is unclear whether or not double names represent N (si) F or an abbreviation of the pattern N (m.P.n/ir(t). ms(t).n M. See also M.n comme Criteres de Datation dans les Textes du Moyen Empire. ir(t). 9-10. He does note. pp.3). See also H. 276."' di. eds. see Franke. 1963). "Les monuments prives du Moyen Empire. Fruhmittelagyptischen Studien (Bonn. W. extending into Dynasty XIII. In the latter case.n M (both sdmw." p. 1962). "Filiation. Cannuyer and J. 75. p. presumably originating from the Old Kingdom F s/. the form *N siF. "Note. Die Agyptischen Personennamen II (New York..-M. Obsomer notes that it is uncertain whether the Middle Kingdom form indicates just the son or the son and the father (Obsomer. Simpson. however. 1952). Acts./N.n M preceded a form N ir. ed. societe et spiritualite dans I'Egypte pharaonique et copte." p. Personendaten.fnir)~N2. Obsomer claims that the N ir(t) F would not be compatible with F siN. where both names refer to the same person. "Filiation.n M.n M with N ms." Serapis 3 (1975-1976). the latter being a pattern known in the New Kingdom.1463 He shows that N ms.

(Hildesheim. Fischer. For further bibliographic information concerning this text.1 6 Though she relates this statement to fertility in ancient Egyptian art. 1467 Obsomer. Maxime VI. p. the Congress of Egyptology (Cairo." DE 17 (1990). The owner of this stela also has a block statue carrying his name (D. 117. 47. 99. Wildung. Varia: Egyptian Studies I (New York. In Obsomer's study. La Sagesse d'Ani. Bourriau. p. Obsomer's chronological outline of the filiative terms has great ramifications for Ryholt's reconstruction of the chronology of Dynasty XIII.k sJw." MDAIK 37 (1981). 332-333. "Problems in Interpreting Egyptian Art. Pharaohs and Mortals. Catalogue des Manuscrits. Analecta Orientalia 11 (Rome. Index.21. PL 111. 430 . Die Entwicklung undBedeutung des kuboiden Statuentypus. 127.3. 133. Essays.G." pp.) 1468 G. used in part to justify what may have been a difficult succession of the younger Table 6. 76.Obsomer believes that the earlier form F f&^N was used with royal names in the NesouMontou stela of Senwosret I. 1992). 1979). "to make sons" (with the verb ir) for her husband {iry stn. 1935). Robins notes that the Instruction of Any (Dynasty XVIII) describes it as a woman's duty.Jc). p. Schulz. R. p. I. see Bellion. The chronology of the filiative markers for the Late Middle Kingdom. E. 503507. pp. 451. son of Amenemhet I (many interpret this as a double dated stela). it is interesting to find this verb used in this manner. p. 140. 1976). 50. H. p. pp. p. "Nesou-Montou. Ward. showing that the phrase ir could also refer to the "making" (conceiving or growing) of a baby by the mother. 8. Suys. Robins. "Ein Wiirfelhocker des Generals Nes-Month. 24.

105. according to Ryholt. . Sankhibre Ameny Intef Amenemhet.. It is imperative to keep this in mind when deciding who is the son of whom. those Dynasty XIII kings without filiative nomens are considered by him to be 1470 usurpers. Hotepibre Qemau Saharnedjeritef.. Amenemhet Reniseneb. Seb Kay. Khutawyre Wegaf.exact point at which the shift in the order of the filiation formula occurs is unknown. Meanwhile. 1471 Ryholt. In Ryholt's interpretation of double (and triple) names in royal examples of Dynasty XIII.. Table 246. one could interpret the double names as indicators of filiation.1471 Those without filiation in the relevant period included: Sekhemkare Amenemhet. Woserkare Khendjer.i Djedkheperew. 1470 431 . the order of the names of the king and his father reflects the standard Middle Kingdom form F (sJ) N. Sekhemkare Amenemhet Senebef. He identifies nine potential instances of such double naming: Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet Sobekhotep I. Political Situation. 208.. Sehotepkare Intef V and Semenkhkare 1469 Ryholt. Misinterpreting these names could theoretically result in a reversed chronology." p. obviously. 207-209. "Royal Names. 101." p. Khaankhre Sobekhotep II. Ryholt's chronology of Dynasty XIII depends in part on his interpretation of these names. If this shift did occur some time during Dynasty XIII. Ryholt. Semenkhkare Nebnun. some being more certain than others. pp. Hor . to distinguish the "illegitimate" kings of his contemporary Dynasty XIV from those of rightful decent in Dynasty XIII.1469 All of the examples of supposedly filiative nomens are relatively early in Dynasty XIII and may indicate a common practice at that time. Political Situation. and Sedjefakare Kay Amenemhet. p. "Royal Names. Ameny Qemau. This system was used.

Ryholt. 55. 157-158. Note that Habachi suggests that some people carried a double name reflecting the reign in which they were born (Habachi.1473 his theory requires the double names to indicate both kinship and royal identifications. dual identification. Political Situation. 432 . or honorific names. pp. P. 1476 Franke. pp. Simpson. Statues Egyptiennes du Moyen Empire. An example of the use of double names to identify like-named relatives is that of a vizier Aymeru. Titles and Bureau." Rd'E 23 (1971). Ryholt. "Royal Names. 266)." p. rather than indicating lineage. Political Situation. 209. Vemus. Vermis concluded that double names can represent nicknames. Doss. Le Surnom. 25-26." pp. Personendaten. "Nonis Propres Juxtaposes au Moyen Empire. Thus. "Vizier Iymeru. p. legitimacy. Vermis. Le Surnom. Franke. Quirke. neither the first nor the second name matched that of a parent. Interestingly. 261-278. 353. 31. Doss. 1472 1473 1475 Ryholt. p. double names were often expressed with the use of the term rn. p. Vermis studied the use of double names as indicating filiation. 101. 229-230. p. Habachi. His father's name was also (the director of the broad court) Aymeru (hrpwsht i'y-wrw)}475 Also. 284. 592. especially to differentiate people of the same name. Delange. analyzing primarily private examples. Political Situation. 193-199. 4.1472 Though Ryholt has argued that royal double names indicate father-to-son succession and." p. "Vizier Iymeru.fnfr ("his good name"). 207-209. Haankhef Iykhernofret was a son of Sobekhotep IV and was named after his grandfather Haankhef. in a significant number of cases where the names of the father and mother were known. thus. family names. 7 In periods through Dynasty XII. which Vermis interprets as a common name." pp. pp. p. 68. the former being used in some (but certainly not all) private examples and the latter being unproven for any cases.Imyremeshaw. who could be referred to interchangeably as Aymeru Neferkare or Neferkare Aymeru (nfr-k3rc iy-mrw). "Dynasty XIII Stela. p. Personendaten.

131. leaving juxtaposed names instead. this expression was replaced by ddwn. p. referring to a worker's relationship to his superior. Quirke. as evident in the titles of this time. Often the first name in those juxtaposed expresses something about the person. The Administration of Egypt. vocation. pp. pp. Hayes.1481 Grajetzki points out that it is difficult to distinguish whether one or more individuals is the same person in different This phrase emerged in the Old Kingdom (Vermis. Le Surnom. Vermis. Le Surnom. 433 . 84. the phrase could be omitted. p. Le Surnom. 77 In Dynasty XIII. showing that this was their common name. Filiation could sometimes be false.1446 to denote the Egyptian name of Asiatic workers. double names can refer to a specific person. 109-110. Vermis' studies seem to reveal a very complicated situation in which the interpretation of juxtaposed names cannot be taken for granted. According to Hayes. the phrase. Vermis. 116. ddwn. suggesting that this phenomenon was due to the desire to be more specific. p. p.obtained by the person during life and pertaining to some identifiable characteristic (whether direct. or religion). Interestingly. 263. At times. Quirke notes that the double names occur far more often in the Late Middle Kingdom than previously. while the second is something outside [endophoric (himself or family) versus exophoric(king or god)]. A Papyrus.1478 In private examples. as well as indicating a family name." p. See also Vermis.1480 Thus.1479 Two names could also appear as alternatives for one another. Le Surnom. expression of parental relationship.f was used in Brooklyn Papyrus 35. especially if it is popular. which can sometimes lead to confusion with the rare occurrence of expressed filiation (A (sJ)B).f. 100. "In the Name of the King. 78-81).

4 He cautions against creating "ghost" reigns based upon this principle (such as Ryholt's inclusion of kings Seb and Kay). non-royal relatives. Allen. especially when the name is common. filiation is clear from the translation of the elements of the name: "Qemau's son Harnedjeritef. it may be the case that double names became common in this period because of the popularity of names in order to differentiate one person from another. "Royal Power." p. "In the Name of the King."1484 However. "Royal Names." n. 108-109. He argues it would be strange for this component to be within the cartouche especially since sirc is not written in this way. pp. at least in this case. ancestors. for the most part.1 5 Quirke argues that. 129-130.P. Kamal. For doubt concerning filiation and royal double names. see von Beckerath. differentiation for kings with the same or similar names. p. Besides filiation. 5-6. it is important to again consider the royal cases. For some of these options. 46. p. the nomen and prenomen. 1484 J. these royal double names could also possibly denote alternative names. see A. royal double names do not indicate that Ryholt's theory is valid. "Review Surnom. 101. Untersuchungen.1482 One must compare the titles that accompany the name in the different contexts to determine how many individuals are represented.monuments. "Turin. "Rapport sur le necropole d'Arabe-el-Borg. some royal double names in Dynasty XIII do indicate filiation. 1485 Quirke. see Quirke." p. see (Silverman. or even unrelated predecessors to the throne.1483 In all likelihood. He suggests that the only certain way to 483 Grajetzki. Ryholt argues that Saharnedjeritef is probably the full name without the si being separate. Two Treasurers. Thus. 1486 Quirke. 434 . In light of the use of double names by private individuals. Qemau Saharnedjeritef seems to indicate that." pp. 50. 264. For example. For an inscription with this king's name. 4). For the possible occurrence of sirc within the cartouche of Teti in the name of one of his pyramids in the tombs of lhy and Hetep." ASAE 3 (1902). grandfathers. 80." p. "Non-Royal Tombs." pp. Ryholt.

as they did in the private sphere. It is also possible that the object found here is an example of propaganda. which appears on a magic wand from Abydos. Sekhemkare Amenemhet Senebef. Von Beckerath and Quirke have suggested that Seb Kay. Later. 1491 J. p.P. but there 1487 are only two examples of this at this time (Nebhotepti and Aahotepti). von Beckerath. Quirke. 209. Political Situation. It is likely that double names used by kings had varying meanings.1489 Quirke later suggests that Seb Kay is a double name and that it may have been a child ruler due to his name being on a birth wand." p. 51. 263). p.Allen. only one king. 1492 Ryholt. the evidence is skewed. Quirke agrees with Ryholt that this is not the case (Quirke. Political Situation.identify royal parentage is the use of king's mother and king's wife for a queen. "Turin. n. Interestingly. However. 46. Ryholt. a bead. "Royal Power. Untersuchungen.1491 Also. Political Situation. Many of Sobekhotep I's monuments used double names." p. is referred to by a double nomens in the Turin King-List U92 Meanwhile. 103. 1489 435 . while a double name with Reniseneb is attested by his only preserved inscribed object. "In the Name of the King. 263. is short for Sedjefakare (Amenemhet). Ryholt notes that inscriptions of Sobekhotep I and Reniseneb always contain both. 130. This difference may be an accident of preservations. or it may suggest that some inscriptions may not have included the double 1487 1488 Ryholt." p. perhaps denoting a relationship to an Amenemhet of Dynasty XII. 40. the quality of the inscription on this object is poor and may not be as significant as it would first seem. 1490 Quirke. p. 101. but Ryholt rejects this idea. p. though double names are not listed as such in this document." p. "Royal Names. 208. 714. "In the Name of the King." pp. in which the names of the father and grandfather of Sedjefakare Amenemhet have been placed in cartouches to claim father-to-son succession to the throne. as in the case with the other kings. Candidates for such a move include Mersekhemre Ined (8. only one king is identified in the Turin King-List. "Investigation. Perhaps it refers to Ameny Qemau. Quirke has suggested that several kings in Dynasty XIII may be condensed into one ruler if a double name is assumed. Quirke. since they both have Sekhemkare as their prenomen. in these cases. Quirke also proposes that Amenemhet Senebef and Amenemhet (Ryholt 7." p. 214.6) and Mersekhemre Neferhotep (unplaced) and Merhotepre Sobekhotep VI and •Merhotepre Ini (entry for prenomen in 8. the inscription of Sekhemkare Amenemhet is the only attestation of this name combination.1493 In both of these cases." pp. Thus. there may have been a king with the name Sekhemkare Amenemhet Senebef. "Review Surnom. known through objects in his funerary monument at Quirke. Sekhemkare only appears in the first entry. 108-109. and it is likely that these were alternative nomens for these rulers. the identity of Amenemhetre in the Turin King-List must be addressed.7) may denote the same king. while Amenemhetre (a nomen rather than a prenomen) is in the second position." pp. 7. Quirke posits that it would be unusual for two kings to have same prenomen in one dynasty. especially when they are so close in chronological sequence. With the coalescence of Sekhemkare Senebef Amenemhet and Sekhemkare Amenemhet.4). such double names are definitely not filiative. If one were to interpret the name Amenemhet Senebef as a double name without filiation. 108-109. On a statue. "Review Surnom. in which Amenemhet and Senebef were alternative names for the same person. 436 .1494 In the Turin King-List.

It is interesting to contemplate the origin of this change and its purpose. p.n mwt-nswM "Son of Re. Figs. if this position is correct). 37).149 However. Ryholt defines three types of Dynasty XIII royal seals for the period between Sobekhotep III and Merneferre Ay. 34-37. it may also be the case that Ameny Qemau fits into 7/7 and has been written more formally by the authors of the sources for the Turin King-List.'495 Ryholt. argues that this name represents two kings. 70.P." pp. Political Situation. "Turin.Dahshur. At this point. F begot. belonging to kings from Sobekhotep III through Sobekhotep V. Allen. "ArchaeologicalAspects. while the latter is not preserved. 1498 Ryholt. M. 50. "p . as well as on an unprovenienced plaquette. PN (prenomen). Hornung and Staehelin. p. would indicate. 1499 Note that Sobekhotep III has both names in each seal (maternal and paternal) (Ryholt. N (nomen) whom the King's Wife. however. 5. when kings were not of royal blood. Fig. according to Obsomer's theory discussed previously. 1496 Ryholt. p. the use of the designation of father and mother with the verbs /rand msrespectively. 31. that the reversal between the order of the juxtaposed names of father and son occurred in or before the reign of Sobekhotep III.U91 This name may still show filiation with Senebef (possibly making Nerikare his prenomen or his brother. 1497 J."Good God. 49. the former being Sekhemkare Amenemhet.1498 The most frequent type. Skarabaen und andere Siegelamulette. "Pyramid of Ameny-Qemau. Political Situation. 31-35." pp. Ameny and his son Qemau. pp. whom the god's father. 437 . bore" and the father: ntrnfrFN ir. 50-51. Figs. If Ryholt's theory of filiative nomens is correct. 325-328. Political Situation. In these seals and sealings. display filiation. then the method of identifying a father changes in the middle of Dynasty XIII. Fischer. the formula revealing the mother is sirc N ms. there is no means of 1495 Swelim andDodson. 35." Obviously. See also.n itntrF.

263b.1502 The inscriptions of the sons of the vizier Ibiaw contain the later forms of filiation in the reign of Ibiaw or Merneferre Ay when this official served. Ryholt has suggested that Seth and possibly some of his predecessors had taken unfavorable actions. it is possible that the change in order of the formula F siN may have been prescribed by these kings in order to show their elevated'status above that of their non-royal fathers by placing their names in the first position. since stelae rarely have a king's name. 61-64." p. 1503 By Dynasty XVI/XVII.1500 It is uncertain as to why Sobekhotep III and the following three or more kings rejected practices of traditional legitimization and disassociated themselves from the previous rulers. "Vizier Ibi'. nn. the form used to denote filiation isS5*F.1501 He states that Sobekhotep III and Neferhotep I may have deliberately usurped monuments of Seth from Medamud and possibly Abydos. H. "Vizier Ibi'. 297. de Meulenaere. Political Situation. PI. Thus." pp. "A Score of Important Officials. 266-269 Figs. IV. 1501 Ryholt. controller of the hall. However. "La statue d'un contemporain de Sobekhotep IV. 264. "A Score of Important Officials. 261.determining whether the new wording developed in the royal or the private sector first. see Habachi. 115. 1502 Habachi. here one might note the fact that Sobekhotep III and the brother kings appear to have had no direct connection with the royal family/ies of preceding kings. 285-286. 1503 Habachi. see Habachi. 438 . to which the later kings reacted. Aymeru-Neferkare of the reign of Sobekhotep IV used the form N ir.3.307). 265. Aymeru. 4." PI. It is not clear when the change in filiative formulae occurred in the private sector.nF. 262. For other examples. B. it would seem that the change in the formulae for the 1500 For stelae dating to the period of the brother kings and displaying the formula N Jr. 266. pp. In one stela (MMA 22. pp. 1032-1033. However." pp. 47-56." BIFAO 69 (1971).n F and N siF to identify his father. there are some datable examples.A.

XIII. however. including the ones that might be expected in a system of circulating succession. pp. 265. "Two Steles of the Late Middle Kingdom from Tell Edfu. in the Stela of Horemkhauef (son of Herikhat. The first is that of Amenemhet. which seem to refer to a relationship with the 1504 R. Weill attempted to identify family groups based upon the structure of names in his early study (Weill. 1505 Bennett. For example. within family groupings. a comparison with these dynasties has also been performed. Here. including Ryholt's Abydos Dynasty." p. even though it is likely a part of Dynasty XVI. there are three main potential family groups shown here. which is made up of three members with the same nomen. "In the Name of the King. the later form of the offering formula is used along with the Nir.B. 325. Fig.1504 This private stela dates to Dynasty XVI during its overlap with Dynasty XIII." ASAE 23 (1923). wife Sobeknofru)." p. "Eleventh Dynasty. the prenomen and nomen of each king will be compared with those of other rulers to indicate familial relationships1506 or to determine if there are definable groups of kings. Analysis of Nomens and Prenomens An interesting method for identifying family lines within dynasties appears in Bennett's study of fratrilineal succession in Dynasty XVII. Thus. this group of names. Hori. Thus. 439 . 1506 Berlev states that it was customary for grandchildren to be named after their grandparents. Sekhemkare with Senebef.4 shows the matches grouped according to nomen and prenomen. "Structure. As one can see. that this suggestion is made regarding names that appear together indicating the appearance of brothers." p. one of which shares the prenomen. La Fin du Moyen Empire. 29. See also Quirke. pp. Engelbach. See Berlev. III. 185186. arranged according to Ryholt's chronology. Another relevant issue is that of how dynasties XII. 182. n F construction for filiation. and XVII are related. n.expression of filiation had been completed. 375. Note. Table 6. 267-519).

.f (imn-m-hit) shm-ki-rc 2/2 4/4 hrw. Correlations in the nomens and prenomens of kings of Dynasty XIII. Reign order numbers are from Ryholt and Franke (see Appendices I-II).i mr-htp-rc 30/28 34/28 ind {nfr-htp) mr-shm-rc 36/30 __/-- s. 12 10/9 (sbk-htp) shm-rc-hw-tiwv 1/16 16/? snb.4. cnh-ib-rc s.i imn-m-hJt • ./. — Table 6. w?d-tiwy h c-nfr-rc mr-htp-rc hc-htp-rc mr-kiw-rc 1/16 13/12 26/21 29/24 30/28 31/25 38/32 (sbk-htp) i-n..htp-ib-rc Dyn. Dynasty XII Amenemhets. with the Dynasty XII 440 .dB-k!-rc 4/4 8/7 20/15 nfr-htp hc-shm-rc mr-shm-rc 27/22 sbk-htp shm-rc-h w-Gwy hc-cnh-rc shm-rc-s. wld-ki-rc 11/10 37/31 s. a possible clue to the specific lineage of the members. Sehotepibre. Transliterated names are taken from Ryholt. One king with an unknown nomen shares his prenomen.Reign Number (Rvholt/Franke) Family Nomen Prenomen imn-m-htt shm-k3-rc s.

all display filiation with Amenemhet. the former name is likely short for Amenemhet. Sekhemkare Senebef. 6. while an additional two kings can be linked to it through their prenomens. As an exercise. one can take Ryholt's filiation occurrences." p. there are nine Dynasty XIII rulers in this group. Ined Mersekhemre. Here. these names may refer to a single king as mentioned before. For Ameny Qemau. two members have this nomen while one additional member. and bring additional kings into this family group (See Fig. and Qemau 1507 Ryholt. then it is possible to join these two groups together. then it is quite simple to take another step.15 7 The second possible family group is that of Neferhotep. 3. 16. Ryholt believes that the name was actually Hotepibre and was confused with that of Amenemhet I. making Neferhotep/Sobekhotep a group of thirteen. As one might notice. which may be problematic in reality. Since it is well-known that Khasekhemre Neferhotep I and Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV are brothers and that at least one of the following Sobekhotep was a member of the next generation of this family. These monarchs are Merhotepre Ini (sharing with Merhotepre Sobekhotep VI. Thus. 6. these names may belong to a single ruler as shown in Fig. Sekhemrekhutawy Sobekhotep. However. 441 . p. If the nomen and prenomen matches do indeed represent familial links. Political Situation.king. Seven rulers of Dynasty XIII share this name. "Hotepibre. shares his prenomen with Neferhotep Mersekhemre. Three kings. Amenemhet I.5) and a king with unknown prenomen. Sekhemrekhutawy (identical to Sekhemrekhutawy Sobekhotep I).5). The third set of kings is the largest and is centered around the nomen. Sobekhotep. and Reniseneb. the first of these examples brings the Neferhotep/Sobekhotep family together with that of Amenemhet.

cnh-ib-rc imn-m-h3t 8/7 hrw .1508 ' Von Beckerath. seen above to be the son of Ameny. Filiation imn-m-h3t Prenomen Nomen reian shm-rc-hw-tiwy shm-ki-rc sbk-htp snb. Dynasty XIII kings showing filiation according to Ryholt. cnh-ib-rc kmSw imn-m-hlt 518/7 in-it.5. Hotepibre Sahamedjeritef claims filiation with Qemau directly and can. Sankhibre Amenemhet shows filiation with Ameny.f rn. 76-78. who is proclaimed to be the father of Sankhibre Amenemhet. four kings used the nomen Intef.. and as has already been done before. he too is placed with the Amenemhet.. Handbuch.d8-kl-rc imn-m-htt 20/15 Table 6. also be placed in this group. Finally.also becomes affiliated with the Amenemhet family.. -£l-rc . then.i-snb 1/16 2/2 14/- imny (grandfather) s.f s. During Dynasty XI. The name of Intef appears again later in Dynasty XIII with the reign of Sehotepkare Intef (24/19). Another king. 90-81.. f 61- Jdy s. 442 . pp. The next patrilineal name association is that of Intef.i 17/- sb — kiy 13/19 kmlw htp-ib-rc si-hrw-nd-hr-it.

and H. N. List of kings with family links in the order of Ryholt's list. Hor.According to Ryholt's chronology. the king. Abbreviations are as follows: A.. Kay shows his father to be Seb.6. 443 . another family line also can also be linked to the Amenemhet's through filiation. Group Subgroup(s) A/S/N A/S/N A/S/N A/S/N A/S/N A/S/N A/S/N H A/S/N A/S/N H A/S/N A/S/N A/S/N A/S/N A/S/N A/S/N A/S/N A/S/N A/S/N A/S/N A/S/N A/S/N A/S/N H A/S/N A/S/N A/S A A A A A A H S A H S A A A A S N/S N/S N/S N/S S N/S N H S H Name Reign Sekhemrekhutawy Sobekhotep I 1/16 Sekhemkare Senebef 2/2 Sekhemkare Amenemhet 4/4 Qemau 5/~ Hotepibre Saharnedjeritef 61Sankhibre Amenemhet 8/7 Sehotepibre 10/9 Sewadjkare 11/10 Khaankhre Sobekhotep II 13/12 Reniseneb 14/Awibre Hor 15/14 S ekhemrekhutawy 16/Seb 18/Kay 19/Sedjefakare Amenemhet 20/15 Sehotepkare Intef 24/19 Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep 11126/21 Khasekhemre Neferhotep 27/22 Menwadjre Sahathor 28/23 Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV 29/24 Merhotepre Sobekhotep VI 30/28 Khahotepre Sobekhotep V 31/25 Merhotepre Ini 34/28 Mersekhemre Ined 36/30 Sewadjkare Hori 37/31 Merkawre Sobekhotep VII 38/32 . Sedjefakare Amenemhet claims that his father is Kay.. Meanwhile. Amenemhet. Sobekhotep. S. Thus. Reign numbers are listed as Ryholt/Franke..webenre Hor 53/- Table 6. these kings can be added to the total for the Amenemhet/Neferhotep/Sobekhotep family. Neferhotep.

since this is the part.Finally. there is an interesting pattern with the Amenemhet/Sobekhotep/Neferhotep group (Fig. which follows Dynasty XII most closely.. the Amenemhet line appears in the first half of the dynasty and phases out by Ryholt's twenty-four and Franke's king number nineteen. When the subfamily groups are plotted according to either Ryholt or Franke's chronology. it is beneficial to modify Ryholt's chronology. The next block includes the Neferhotep family from Khasekhemre Neferhotep through Khahotepre 444 . from Sewadjkare to Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep III. 6. The Amenemhet group extends from Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet Sobekhotep I to Sehotepibre (six kings with three uncategorized).kare shows filiation with a Hor.6). the groups are mixed or unidentified.webenre Hor. (53/--). there is no evidence of a link with the larger Amenemhet/Neferhotep/Sobekhotep family at this time. according to suggestions that have been made by various scholars. Meanwhile.. are shown in order to bring the chart closer to the Turin King-List. the names of kings. Sewadjkare Hori. At this point in the analysis. These lines are drawn to separate trends in the names of the kings. The Neferhotep family appears to be a subgroup within the larger Sobekhotep line (appearing between Ryholt 27-36 and Franke 22-30).. the Sobekhotep group occupies positions within the middle third of the dynasty (Ryholt 1.7. whose groupings cannot be determined. as it was written. The results of this more-condensed list are found in Figure 6. However.. in turn. This name matches perhaps that of Awibre Hor (15/14) and possibly Sewadjkare Hori (37/31) and . Not surprisingly. sporadically within 13-38 and Franke periodically between 12 and 32).. Meanwhile. a king with an incomplete name .. shares the same nomen as a king with an unknown prenomen (11/10). Also.

Neferhotep. Ameny Qemau Hotepibre Qemau Saharnedjeritef .. Amenemhet. Hor.. Possible familial links shown...Group A/S/N A/S/N Subgroup(s) A/S A A/S/N A/S/N A A A/S/N A A/S/N H A H A/S/N A/S/N H A/S/N S* A H A A/S/N A A/S/N S* A/S/N A/S/N A/S/N A/S/N N/S* N/S* N/S* S A/S/N S* A/S/N H A/S/N N H S A/S/N H Name Sekhemrekhutawy Amenemhet Sobekhotep I Sekhemkare Amenemhet/Senebef Unknown King . Jewefni Sankhibre Ameny Intef Amenemhet Semenkare Nebnun Sehotepibre .. * non-royal parents.... 445 ..7. N. Amenemhet Reniseneb Awibre Hor Sedjefakare Amenemhet Khutawyre Wegaf Woserkare Khendjer Semenkhkare Imyremeshaw Sehotepkare Intef Meribre Seth Sekhemresewadjtawy Sobekhotep III (Montuhotep) Khasekhemre Neferhotep (Haankhef) Menwadjre Sahathor Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV Khahotepre Sobekhotep V Wahibre Ibiaw Merneferre Ay Merhotepre Sobekhotep Vl/Ini (father?) Sankhenre Sewadjtew Mersekhemre Neferhotep/Ined Sewadjkare Hori Merkawre Sobekhotep VII (14 kings) .. Nedjemibre Khaankhre Sobekhotep II (Neni) . List of kings with modifications to Ryholt's list. H. Sewadjkare .. Sobekhotep.. Abbreviations are as follows: A..webenre Hor (4 kings?) Table 6. . S..

are once again mixed. the fringe elements of the Dynasty XII family appears to continue and flourish in Dynasty XIII. Political Situation. if there were heirs with different royal fathers in the line of succession in group one.1509 However. Bell. Ryholt believes that the first kings of Dynasty XIII were sons of Amenemhet IV. who had short. 75. 262-263. beginning with Awibre Ibiaw. In sum. 214-215. though continuing in the practice of the times (possibly fashion). three are known to have had non-royal fathers. until the point where the names of the kings become too fragmentary to reconstruct in the Turin King-List. one can clearly see that the most stable times are characterized by the occupation of the office of kingship by a family. whom he thinks married into the Dynasty XI family. In Figure 6. This conclusion parallels those of Bell. who has noted that the names of Dynasty XIII kings may imply a Theban origin along with a relationship to the Dynasty XII rulers. The remainder of the kings. kingship became available to a wide range of relatives.8. It would seem that after the reign of Nefrusobek. The only other kings in this 1509 1510 Ryholt. 209-212. There is no evidence from this study that there were any defined family groups within this line. which evolves into the Sobekhotep family (including those of Neferhotep). patterns in names become more random. "Climate. unstable reigns. pp. 446 ." pp.1510 Another interesting trend is that of the seven kings with Sobekhotep as part of their names.Sobekhotep V. As stability breaks down. It is likely that the Amenemhet group (group one) was related to the kings of Dynasty XII. it may make more sense.

"Structure. i. 394." p. 260). Thus." p. overall (outside of N/S). 1514 Ryholt. some rulers were not affiliated directly with the royal line. It is probable that the kings of Dynasty XIII traced their origins back to either Amenemhet III or Amenemhet IV.1514 can be quantified. "Theban. n." p. 214.1513 Nonetheless. 447 . which others have noted. 23. p.1511 especially since Amenemhet is so common. Bell. 1273. 26. This conclusion is especially interesting since the use of non-royal filiation seems to function with the opposite message. See Bennett.e. Here. this group of kings was attaching itself to certain "family" groups symbolically. It should be noted that Wegaf links himself to a Senwosret in an inscription {Palette 1511 There is an unplaced Senwosret. Thus. One interesting omission in Dynasty XIII is the name Senwosret from Dynasty XII. Protocole. must be considered to be fragmentary and does not represent a single family. "Climate. see Postel. here. but this Dynasty XIII use of Sehotepibre is likely an example of honorific acknowledgement rather than a statement of familial origins. "Climate. the continuation of the Amenemhet line. The fact that non-royal parents as well as a non-royal grandfathers are known for several kings of Dynasty XIII presents a problem for reconstructing family groups with the use of names." p. this grouping. Political Situation." p. Quirke. if the use of nomen and prenomen in this way is a viable method. 287. p. von Beckerath. "Second Intermediate Period. this king is placed in Dynasty XVI with uncertainty. 260. at least.category are the brothers of Sobekhotep IV. it is possible that." p. "Thirteenth Dynasty. One king with an unknown nomen (10/9) shares his prenomen (Sehotepibre) with Amenemhet I of Dynasty XII. which scholars assign to either Dynasty XIII or XVI. It is difficult to comprehend how both familial origins could be true. 260. 1512 Bell suggests that the Dynasty XIII kings were from the extended family of Amenemhet III as well as the kings prior to his reign (Bell. 1513 For the use of this prenomen.

Das Entstehen einer eigenen Tradition. However. as Saharnedjeritef (13." GM159 (1997). "Notes. A Sankhibre (14. making them close in time (Drioton and Vandier. pp.151 III. this section will rely on Ryholt's labels for Dynasties XIV and Abydos and Ryholt and Franke for Dynasties XIII and XV. Drioton and Vandier suggest that the Senwosret referred to here is Seneferibre Senwosret. "Die Wahl des Konigsnamens in der Hyksoszeit.6/6) has the same prenomen. Beziige zu den thebanischen Herrschern und Schlussfolgerungen fur die Chronologie. possibly of the Amenemhet group. "Structure.37/31).6/-).24) with an unknown nomen shares his prenomen with the Amenemhet. 251. However." p. 43-51. L'Egypte. on Sehel island." p. 448 . The next correlation in prenomen probably serves as a reminder to the danger in performing such an academic exercise as this. p. Neferhotep I carved inscriptions similar to those of Senwosret III and sometimes even incorporated his name. Fig. Table 242). 1516 Habachi. and Franke and Bennett for Dynasty XVI/XVII. Political Situation.1515 Also. 1517 See N.C. "Neferhotep I Family. Hotepibre.11/10) and XVII (14. 77. it is unlikely that this match is in any way associated with 1515 Legrain. Also. This part will focus on the matches in nomens and prenomens between Dynasty XIII kings and others in the Second Intermediate Period. 285). now this king is considered to have been a member of Theban Dynasty XVI (Ryholt." p. who possessed filiation to Intef and Ameny.1517 Also. 251. 1518 Bennett. 202. Connections Between the Nomen and Prenomen across Dynasties The last section concentrated on the connections between DynastieS'XII and XIII.11) as well as one member of the family of Hor (13. p. Sewadjkare appears with kings of unknown nomen in Dynasties XIII (13.Rubensohri). Dautzenberg. 25.1518 Ryholt's Dynasty XIV has two matches within the prenomens. The Dynasty XV king Khamudi (15. which may link these names to the Amenemhet and Hor families.

A. though earlier. include those of Sekhemresewwosertawy Sobekhotep (16. and a later match with the Intefs (17.a familial relationship. Unfortunately.4.5/17. Sekhemrekhutawy. Nonetheless. Perhaps more relevant is the fact that this last name also hearkens back to that of the leaders of Theban Dynasty XL In support of this suggestion may be another Dynasty XVI example matching that of Dynasty XIII—Mentuhotep (13. which are familiar to those seen above.2). 16. As was shown above. it might be possible to see these links as a Theban branch of Dynasty XIII. However. there is a prenomen. while this branch of the family ruled from Thebes. However.3/17. He basis the Khabaw conclusion on the architrave with the name Hor also to connect the two (318). Section III.3). In sum. this king is not placed within this group of local rulers? Ryholt argues that there are three Sekhemrekhutawy's.4)—the name of Chapter 1. Dynasty XVI is a group of Theban kings.4/17.14-16/12-14). the Intef group may be associated with the Amenemhet family. the Dynasty XVI nomens. which may link one of the Sobekhotep's (13. it is interesting that these names appear only in Dynasty XVI and not XVII.1/16) to Pantjeny. 449 . Ryholt's Abydos Dynasty (likely part of Dynasty XVI) is full of fragmentary names. as this group of kings continued to hold the seat of kingship at Memphis. Several matched nomens in this group might indicate links to Dynasty XIII.5/-. this thesis has suggested that this dynasty has no direct association with Dynasty XIII.-/-.1519 Name preference and distant familial relationships could also be playing a part here. Sekhemresankhtawy Neferhotep (16. 16.

However. von Beckerath. "Les Successeurs. Sehotepibre (10) swsh-tiwy.D. 1522 Weill. These names are likely a style preference. while Sobekhotep II notes uniting the two This name was popular with kings throughout Dynasty XI (J." pp. with four having X-i'b #w^7(Senebef (2) mh-ib-Gwy. Hcmdbuch der Agyptischesn Konigsnamen. but it may be the case that there were many more. of the fourteen kings with preserved names (2 being partially preserved). they convey messages of keeping the land and appeased. cnh-ib-Uwy. For the most part. There is also one king in Dynasty XVI/XVII (Nebiriau I (6) swid-Gwy). The final interesting nomen is that of a Seneferibre Senwosret of Dynasty XVI. 153-154. An apparent earlier occurrence of this formula occurs with Senwosret II (ssm-tSwy).the last king of Dynasty XI. a name that does not appear in Dynasty XIII. Patterns in the Royal Titulary Horus names of the Dynasty XIII kings are not well-preserved. Amenemhet VI (8) shr-ttwyls. Awibre Hor (15) htp-ib-tiwy. Sehotepibre refers to expanding the borders (Byblos?). Amenemhet VII (20) hry-tp tiwy. Bennett suggests that Merneferre Ay and Merhotepre Sobekhotep VI are related due to the similarity in the construction of their prenomen.1522 III." p. Neferhotep I (27) grg-ttwy. All of these occurred within the first twenty-nine kings. Sobekhotep III (26) hw-tJwy. (Mainz. 21. nine contain the formula X tJwy. 156. Sobekhotep II (13) sm3-tiwy. "King's Daughter. 1521 Bennett. Weill had noted connections in the constructions of names within the Second Intermediate Period in general. pp. The use of this name certainly must relate to Theban Dynasty XI rather than to a family in Dynasty XIII. 450 . 76-81). Sobekhotep IV (29) cnh-ib ttwy). but some of the initial verbs are more "proactive. 1999). 5 In the meantime." For example.

Dynasty XII kings with this pattern are Nebty and Horus of Sobekhotep II shc msctan.& Nebty hkn mict for Amenemhet II (also Horus). i.f. Khendjer (22) uses a different form. Amenemhet III (it-iwct-8wy). Two kings have X-mict hk-mlet Amenemhet VI (8) and htp-hr-mlct Sobekhotep III (26). The last also has this pattern in the Horus name dd-hprw.fis found in two cases.lands. Of the 9 kings with Horus names X-tiwy. pp. This latter expression appears earlier as well in the Nebty names of Amenemhet I (shtp-tJwy). four had Nebty names X-ifw. Sobekhotep II13 kiw-ntrw and Awibre Hor (15) nfr-ntrw.e. Two Dynasty XVI kings have Nebty names built on this formula. Sobekhotep 1(1) cnh-ntrw. (Amenemhet VI (8) shm-hcw.f'and hcshm. Dynasty XII kings with this pattern are Senwsoret II Mp-nfrwand Amenemhet IV shm-ntrw. The next pattern is cnh-X with cnh-ntrwabove and cnh 1523 Postel.^ as those of the Dynasty XIII kings. 191. Three Dynasty XVI kings have this pattern in their Golden Horus names. wJh-mswt.1523 The Golden Horus names of three kings are X-ntrw. and Nefrusobek (st-shm-nbt-tiwy). 196. Amenemhet IV (shb-tiwy). The pattern dd-X is found in two cases: Sobekhotep II (13) ddhcw and Djedkheperew (17) dd-msw. scnh-ib-tlwy and sm3Gwy (Montuhotep II). Sobekhotep II (13) dd-hcw. Another pattern X-shm. and Sobekhotep III states his will to protect the two lands. Several Horus names match those from Dynasty XI kings including shr-tiwy (Intef I). 60. 384. Sobekhotep IV (29) widhcw). and g/g-^wy^Ijibchantre) while Mentuhotep III has the same Horus name pattern (scnh-tJwy. Senebef (2) it-shm. Awibre Hor (15) n£rhcw. X-mswt. 451 . Protocole. 255. like the Horus/Nebty name of Amenemhet I and the pattern of the Nebty names of Senwosret I c nh-mswt (also Horus and Golden) and Senwosret III ntr-mswt.

Three have X -hp-re (30. the exact familial ties are uncertain. 48. The most popular pattern X-k3-rc is also used for Senwosret I and Nefrusobek. 20. there is no sense of distinct groupings expected in such theories as circulating succession. 4. occurring seven times. and nfr(2). The components that appear most frequently are mr(9). evolving over time (though this may be deliberate misinformation). tying kings together when they who had no familial links to one another. 17. 37. 54) and seven with X-ib-rc(6. 25. Unfortunately. 10. I. 34) and two X-nfr-rc (29. In many cases. The link with Amenemhet of Dynasty XII is obvious. III. A r and shtpwere used in Dynasty XII. and some evidence indicates that some kings did not have a royal mother or father. 55. 9. Amenemhet was juxtaposed with a second nomen five times. shtp(2). htp(A). ?) and shm-rc-X-tlwy\s 3 (1. ?. 57. hc(A). scnh (2). Of these. shm (7). swld(3). ?) and X shm-rcis 3 (27. The most common nomen was Sobekhotep. Using Ryholt's list. 16.E. Additionally. 8. there are thirteen kings with the prenomen pattern X-iJ-rc(2. X-ib-rc was used by Amenemhet. it is likely that these relationships were symbolic. two of these with Ameny. 32). 15.tnptwwith parallels cnh-mswtoiSenwosret I and whm-mswtoiAmenemhet I. 33). Amenemhet three and Neferhotep two. with plural kcwfox Senwosret III and Amenemhet II. Results of the Study of Royal Names The above study of Dynasty XIII nomen and prenomen correlations would seem to indicate that Dynasty XIII was made up of one primary family. 11. 22. 31. and Senebmiew (?). 23. 3. The name Seneb was used in three names (Reniseneb (14). X-/2-r' is 5 (35. 26). Senebef (2). 12. ttwy (3). 36. Relationships in nomens and prenomens between dynasties show that there may 452 . 24.

who were able to assume the throne in their various localities.B.1525 This text states that the god Re came to the non-royal wife of a priest of the sun god to produce the future regents. determined their destiny.have been some actual or symbolic connections with families.1524 Meanwhile. The use of &-Rcduring Dynasty IV implies the same concept. in which this event occurs overtly. the traditional rules of heredity were bypassed.1526 J.F. 52. stating clearly that they were non-royal. through this concept. "Turin. In the first part of Dynasty XVI there are three kings with the name Sekhemre. to whatever degree that may have been. 453 . Allen.P. once fragmentation of the country occurred. The Westcar Papyrus is the first textual source. indicating that the division of traditional Dynasty XVII into two distinct units (XVI and XVII) is warranted. III. "Concept. which seems to be derived from the Sobekhoteps of Dynasty XIII. 157-158." pp. Thus. the later part of Dynasty XVII seems to have had little connections with the names of the rulers of Dynasty XIII. Redford. Thus." p. the fact remains that several steps were taken to distinguish some kings from the families of their predecessors. Also. a name. As has been discussed in previous sections. the fact that the mother of the three brothers was not royal was insignificant because Re. Section II. these kings may have intensified their use of divine marriage to compensate for their non-royal origins. See Chapter 2. Name Divisions and Changes in Royal Ideology Though there may have been some royal connections between the kings of Dynasty XIII. resulting in a series of unrelated kings. Some of the kings named their parents. their actual father.

At the same time that shifts occurred with royal succession and the selection of viziers. while viziers and treasurers were promoted within their offices. Likewise. Some of the viziers may have-inherited their ultimate positions from their fathers after having served within the office. they appear to have broken away from the north and formed their own Dynasty XVI. However. kings began to form alliances by marrying their daughters to local officials throughout Egypt. Interestingly. In the beginning. do not support the existence of a system such as circulating succession. whether or not they served in succession. Some of these families. After the reign of Merneferre Ay. The nomens of the kings of Dynasty XIII may suggest that the rulers wished to link themselves to Dynasties XI and XII and to one another despite the overt terms used by Sobekhotep III and the brother kings to demonstrate their non-royal origins. became particularly powerful during the reigns of the last successful kings of Dynasty XIII. however. Conclusions The analysis of titles and names of kings and officials reveals that the political nature of Dynasty XIII changed over time. such as that at El-Kab with its military connections. however. 454 . Later on.IV. kings were actually or symbolically connected to their predecessors. it is currently uncertain. These sometimes artificial links. it is unclear as to the origin of this new royal family in the south. viziers began to come from local offices that reported to the bureau of the vizier rather than from within. some of the kings may have had military backgrounds with no connection to the royal blood line. The situation of having many unrelated kings after the beginning of the dynasty resulted in the development of many new forms of legitimization.

455 .including the use of common names.

After the queen's reign of four years. In the following sections. the reign of Nefrusobek may indicate that there were no appropriate heirs upon the death of Amenemhet IV. Phase 1 The nature of the administration in Dynasty XIII is similar to that of late Dynasty XII. in the former. He believes that the viziers had actual control while the kings were symbolic rulers during the middle of Dynasty XIII.1). Neferhotep I then revitalized the power of kingship.Chapter 7 Conclusions: The Fall of Dynasty XIII I. Introduction Chapter 6 examined kingship and its power relative to the elite of Dynasty XIII. (Table 7. Section IV. This information refines the phases of Dynasty XIII outlined in Chapter 1. the development of each phase will be outlined in order to create a possible model for the fall of Dynasty XIII. 86. It is unclear exactly why the former is divided from the latter in the Turin King-List. This model focuses on the political situation alone and includes the division between Wegaf and the preceding kings. the reigns of the kings are significantly shorter. 456 . there may have been 1527 Gundlach also created a less-detailed model for the fall of Dyansty XIII within a greater