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So a “proper” manifestation replaces an improper one. In what is probably the fastest-growing religion of| our time, Pentecos jon of “The Word!” isthe evidence for the proper and prior internalization of Goe's word (Coleman 2000: 17) So for a wide spectrum of cultural practices, from psychoanalysis to Melanesian religion and Penteco sm, the external he practice of explan: being saved. ‘Another cultural logic that connects mat ‘emerged in recent work on the concept of fe societies try to police the boundaries between should be mani ies saw fetishism as impl al people's respect for the autonomy of ings, analogous to a sense of objects having “agency” in the contemporary theories of Gell and Latour. But to call indigenous peoples fetishists was to which becomes, im that these were misunderstandings, certainly not to regard them as philosophers blessed by a better appreciation of the agency of things. Foster (1998) notes the colonial authorities’ desie to represent the use of money as body decoration by New Guinea highlanders asa kind of naive misunder- standing of what money properly “is” there is our own sense of rat when derivatives traders seem too far removed from recognizable assets, or when we read how Islam creates banks with different principles of mn. These all seem to threaten accepted conventions the sign and the signified. We want to regard other and capacity of money, not as dif- ferent, but as wrong (Ma This leads usin turn to a more general consideration of semiotics, and also to a greater concern with the moral dimension that seems to constantiy permeate these assumptions about what is sign and what is signified. We can discern a consistency in these diseus- ns, a desire to protect one particular signified, which is ourselves. It is as though the proper hierarchy of representation needs to be maintained as a semiotic dualism: on the one hand, the material sign that gains autonomy as ‘mere representation; onthe other, the human signified that gains authen- ticity to the degree that it transcends the paltry attempts by objects to sig- ‘These issues are brought out with particular clarity by the contributions 90 DAN problem within semiotics itself and the assumptions behind continuing to privilege ourselves as the subject. Fortunately both of them discuss this issue with respect to the same ynship: the one between ourselves and our clothing, ion the edifice of argument being constructed by this volume could not be maintained, because he speaks directly to tis isue of implied systems and levels of representation. ‘We cannot escape the dominant relationship between immaterality and materiality being understood as one of representation, where we tend to speak of coins and statues as signs or tokens. But if our very understanding of the nature of representation is such that it privileges the immaterial, that much harder to give respect to as merely material culture. Fortunately, Maurer's chapter has already dem- ‘onstrated the parochial nature of our treatment of representation, by show- ing how in Islamic finance there are very different ways in which this rela tionship is seen—not asa hierarchy based upon abstraction but more as an alliance between the material and immaterial as means to conceptualize the divine. Ina very diferent but parallel argument Keane suggest itis entirely possible to construct a theory of signification in which materiality is inte- ‘gral, not subservient. Following Charles Sanders Peirce he constructs an approach tothe sign tat takes the tangible and sensual aspect of our engage- ‘ment with the world and respects its evident centrality to the way we think and practice in the world. He acknowledges the role of materiality in causa- tion whether or not we notice its effects. Often this consists of the co- presence of qualities, that happen to go togeth: lightness and wood in a canoe, or of whi n to be a significant ings. We subsequently have to come to terms with ion, which orients us toward some things and some resemblances and not others, constraining and inviting possible ways of acting, Finally his chapter speaks to the essential historicity of interpretation, which takes its orientation from the past and creates a propensity toward the future, often ugh expectation and modes of acceptance. Within thi Keane calls the openness of things, which makes them so proficient to ‘guiding our futures, So signs cannot be considered immaterial representa- tions ofa lower material presence. Rather, they are themselves what he calls the semiotic ideologies that guide practice. thout Keane's contri nature ofhuman act resemblance between actin INTRODUCTION a1‘To appreciate the signi reflecting upon that common story about the emperor who has no clothes, ‘because in many respects the gist of Keane's argument is that we also need to finally acknowledge that the clothes have no emperor. We assume that to study texture and cloth is by default to study symbols, representations, and surfaces of society and subjects. In an older social anthropology, clothes are commonly signs of social relations. Anything else would be a fetishism of them as objects. But ashe shows, ifyou strip away the clothing, you find no such “thing” as society or social relations lurking inside. The clothing did and for the persons rather, there was an integral phenomenon which was the clothing/person. This same point is then generalized into a critique I Just not necessarily a vicarious ance of these rather abstract ideas, it is worth clothes are not a cover for subj representative of society. In one blow wee nate not just the emperor but, ple. ‘These material 3t superficial cover for that which they also our status as meze “subjects” ing just a person wearing sari, because the dynamism and demands of the sari may transform everything from the manner in which she encounters other people to her sense of what it isto be modern oF rational (Banerjee and Miller 2003). Social relations exist in and through our ly unexpected ways that cannot be intention. traced back to some clear sense of wi Different people have an extraordinary power to delineate surface and denigrates surfaces a son” was supposed to lie deep within oneself. 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They have thereby hammered in what should be the ast nails the coffin whose contents [now propose to consider. Who or ‘one that has considerable implications for our understanding of what the discipline has been and could be. Although I concede that things never were quite this simple, for a momen foundations of contempo: rary social science to one partic as: Durkheim’s Elementary ‘of modern anthropology was at the ism that viewed same moment that Durkheim desacra- "The socal sciences become devoted to for what we now call society, social co bury. 199) castigated American anthropol- term culture. What he entirely missed was the I tendency to reification exists within Bri ogy for degree to which a th social anthropology, but around the tin terms society and socal relations, which are justas subject to reification as is the term culture in the United States. Even inthe heydey of 970s structuralist and Marxist approaches to anthro such as Mary Douglas structural analysis icatious role as the order of signs tha must always ret tions, and even Althusserian modes of production were seen as “social relation fand for social only properly grounded in these sam ion, permits agency for objects only as a matter of inference not as an inherent property of objects themsel i then, that tands as the béte noire of Latourian science studies, a bastion of he wants to confront, or that Strathern excavates the reification (see also in his vecent The Social C. n of What? In this volume we are con: ceed with the rites of burial of the subject, and its consequences, but jenty of others have already had a hand in the death, Indeed, the term ized or appar- cently neutral. We are rather more readily aware that we have constructed a constructed subject or society. than that we are dealing wi Ye can hardly be s Jong encouraged the social subject to retain a reified pos clse should be reduced. Behind this may lie an assumption that stance to the world depends upe ourselves and our essential humanism, Yet just dethronement of the previous essent cult retaining some fundamental it could be argued that the dethronement of humanity, for the further development of mn consisted of the stead of religion, we now look to gain ‘maturity by burying the corpse of our imperial majesty: society. In both 1 is premised on a refusal to have our morality gilt edged by an emperor, But then who or what climbs up upon the now empty pedestal? Itis es- sential that the pedestal remains empty. As Keane shows, the clothes should have no emperor—no emper hrone, For example, some ion of a New Age “Gaia,” even less sullied by materialism, a Vision of earth mother as “super(ior)-man,” thet heals without conventional medicine, cures poverty without industrial agriculture, and communicates Pure thoughts of caring motherhood. But subj the male subject: the future ies n human modesty about being human, Upon abdication ofthis throne we can lower our sights and face up to that which created us—that is, the processes of objectification that create ‘oar sense of ourselves as subjects and the institutions that co ‘bat which are always appropriations of the materiality by constituted. postfeminist the future is no more the female ‘as argued at the beginning of this chapter, the con-avaddde dows .oa{qns puv s199{qo sv 0 aysinoy} axe Aqfmnboy}os YA. 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