Clare Ehlbeck

Chinese History Research Paper

5 December 2014
The Communist Party and Chinese peasants since 1949
On October 1, 1949 the Peoples Republic of China was established by Mao Zedong. It
was on this day that the Communist party came to power (Schoppa, pg 305). Mao strongly
believed in the power and worth of peasants. He understood that peasants were the backbone of
China. Because of this, everything Mao did was in the interests of the peasants (Gifford, pg 55).
Maos ideas revolutionized the lives of Chinese peasants. Even if his plans did not always
succeed, Mao had the support of the peasants. After Maos death in 1976, the Communist
idealogy began to erode to the point where government officials have become predatory, no
longer caring for the well-being of the peasants (Gifford, pg 56). This change in ideology has
had an enormous impact on the lives of Chinese peasants since Maos death.
Maos ideas for a communist China were adopted from Marxism. Marxism focuses on
the power struggles within a society (Schoppa, pg 175). In order to produce an efficient,
prosperous, and powerful China, Mao understood that he had to cater to the peasants. Instead of
trying to make money at the expense of peasants, Mao tried to improve the lives of peasants
through land reform, barefoot doctors, and the Great Leap Forward.
In contrast, after Maos death, the government became predatory. Instead of attempting
to uplift China through the peasants, the government began to ally with the wealthy and
prosperous middle class living in urban China (Gifford, pg 56). The well-being of the peasants
was once again of no concern to the Chinese government. This is seen through the lack of
services provided to peasants (inaccessible healthcare), high taxes, and other injustices.

The Communist Party gained power in 1949 due largely to the support of the peasants.
The peasants supported Communism because for once, they were important. Mao issued a land
reform in 1932 which took land from rich peasants and land lords and redistributed it to tenant
farmers and poor and middle peasants (Chen et al, pg 290). Before communism, land ownership
was concentrated. Rich landlords owned the land and would rent it out to peasants for a very
high price (1/2 of their harvest).Although this land reform greatly benefitted the peasants, it
alienated the wealthy.
The freedom that the peasants felt was short-lived. Mao began the Great Leap Forward
in 1957 and it lasted through 1959. The Great Leap Forward ultimately failed, largely due to
famine. Harvest did not increase, but the communes wanted to make it seem like they were
meeting their quota, so they exaggerated their harvest. These exaggerated harvests caused taxes
on crops to increase. Each commune had to pay an elevated price, and they in turn were left with
less food to feed the commune. The effects of the Great Leap Forward were both positive and
negative. Mao had the interest of the peasants at heart. The Great Leap Forward failed due to
faulty plans and ideas, not to intentionally hurt the peasants.
The Great Leap Forward promoted a utopian idea of society where an increase in
efficiency and products produced would help to jumpstart China. Everyone would receive equal
pay, and there would be no job specialization. This means that farmers would work in the
countryside during harvest season, but during the winter they would work in the factories in the
cities. Attention had to be given to work directly related to production (Chen, pg 422). This was
thought to increase the production of goods and crops and therefore improve the economic status
of the nation.

Instead of landlords owning land and leasing it out to tenant farmers, the state took
ownership of the land. The government organized farmers into Peoples Communes. These
communes consisted of 10,000 households, which allowed the communes to take on large
projects such as water-conservatory projects. These communes grew rapidly due to both the
economic concern and an ever-increasing socialist and communist consciousness (Chen et al, pg
418-421). Communes were beneficial to peasant farmers because they could also share animals
and equipment that they would otherwise not have access to, but they placed restrictions on the
day-to-day lives of farmers. Farmers who had previously set their own work schedule, now had
to follow a set schedule.
The peoples communes brought families together in a way by promoting teamwork, but
it also decreased the importance of the family structure. Instead of individual families sharing
meals, all families came together for meals in the mess halls. The elderly were sent to
happiness homes and children were sent to daycare. Women no longer had to care for their
children while the men worked (Shoppa, pg 332). Women worked in factories alongside of men,
and many were given jobs of responsibility. The status of women improved greatly as a result.
As Mao stated, women hold up half the sky ( Gifford, pg 79). This was a step toward gender
equality, but at the cost of infringing upon family life and promoting the production of the state.
Another benefit of the Great Leap Forward was the improved healthcare for peasants.
Barefoot doctors received a short training session so that they could deliver basic healthcare to
peasants in rural areas. These doctors also worked as farmers. This added healthcare was
beneficial to peasants because it came at no cost to them. After Maos death, peasants had the
extra burden of paying for healthcare. Although healthcare from barefoot doctors was not
advanced and of the highest quality, it was free.

Maos efforts to improve healthcare resulted in

an increased life expectancy from 35 years to 63 years between the years of 1949 and 1975. It
also resulted in the halving of the mortality rate of infants (Gifford, pg. 79).
Since Maos death in 1976, peasants have lost ground. The Communist Party has paired
with the wealthy citizens, ignoring the needs of the peasants (Gifford, pg, 56). Peasants no
longer receive healthcare services or land, and education prices and taxes are high. The main
goal of the government changed from providing for the poor to making money at any expense,
even the lives of peasants. An example of this can be seen in the AIDS epidemic in the province
of Henan (Gifford, pg 88).
In Giffords journal China Road, he writes that on his visit through the rural countryside
of China, it seems as if the communist revolution never happened. He speaks with a farmer who
explains the struggles of daily life. Peasant who were promised liberation by the Great Leap
Forward are still empty handed years later. The peasant states that taxes are his biggest concern.
Local official make their income by land grabbing and ruthlessly raising taxes on grain, land,
road taxes, etc. This poor farmer ends with stating that the Communist Party does him no good
(Gifford, pg 58-60). This comment is a stark difference from a comment that may have been
made by a peasant in Maos era. If the peasants, the largest population in China, do not support
the government, how can it be expected to successfully continue?
The predatory nature of the government can be reinforced in the AIDS epidemic that
occurred in the province of Henan. About 300,000 people in the village are infected with HIV.
This epidemic was caused by a government scheme to make farmers donate their blood for
money. In order to raise money for the government, blood vans were sent to numerous villages
around the country. Farmers could make immense amounts of money for selling their blood, and
this motivated them to continue to do so. Poverty as a result of high taxes was the driving force

behind why most people donated blood. As a result, more people began donating as well. The
problem occurred with the sanitation. Blood was pumped from an individual into a large vat,
along with everyone elses blood. Plasma was extracted, and the blood was pumped back into
the individual. An AIDS epidemic quickly resulted. The government quickly quieted the
epidemic, but they could not completely silence it. Although recently the central government has
attempted to control the problem, the local government of Henan still attempts to cover details in
the fear of looking bad (Gifford, pg 89-93). This issue highlights the idea that peasants are not
important to the government. This is just one example of how the government used the peasants
for their own gain, and the facts that instead of immediately trying to solve the problem, they
covered their tracks as not to look bad.
Although the government is corrupt, not all poor Chinese citizens have felt the
repercussions of a post-Maoist government. Gifford meets a poor man in Jiayuguan on his way
to Dunhuang. This man states that life is so much better now (Gifford, pg 212). Even though
the government is venal, they do not have as much control over Chinese lives as they used to.
China has still improved exponentially from the 1950s and 1960s. In urban China, even the
lives of the poor are improving to some extent. This greatly contrasts from the rural peasants
where their lives are still geared towards survival (Gifford, pg 137).
Throughout Chinese history, peasants have taken the brunt of suffering for the Chinese
people. Mao reformed China for the peasants by attempting to distribute land and resources to
them. This was seen in land reform, the Great Leap Forward, and barefoot doctors. Mao was
able to gain the support of Chinas largest population, peasants, because his campaign benefitted
the peasants. His reform was largely a fight against the rich to help the poor. Today, the lives of
peasants have yet again decreased in value to the Communist Party. After Maos death the

Communist Party allied with the rich and prosperous, using the peasants to make money in any
way possible as seen in the Henan AIDS outbreak. Although China may seem as if it has
improved since the 1950s and 1960s, peasants have not had the opportunity to appreciate the
benefits of Chinas ever-improving economy.

References
Chen, Janet, Pei-Kai Cheng, and Michael Lestz. The Search for Modern China: A Documentary
Collection. 3rd ed. New York: Norton, 2014. Print.
Gifford, Rob. China Road: A Journey into the Future of a Rising Power. New York: Random
House, 2007. Print.
Schoppa, R. Keith. Revolution and Its Past: Identities and Change in Modern Chinese History.
3rd ed. Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 2002. Print.