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Jalita Moore, Jeanne Lynch, Ben van der Horst

Culture and International Security


April 1st, 2015
The Moro Conflict in the Philippines
Introduction
The Philippines is not a typical country that people associate with Islamic conflict
or conflict at all. However the Filipino people have been struggling with identity and
religious conflict since the 16th century. As a country with centuries of indigenous as well as
colonial history, it becomes difficult to grasp onto a national identity. This is the struggle
that the Moro people faced when the Spanish colonizers arrived, and what Filipino people
still grapple with today.
Through our research we looked at the conflict of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front
and newer Islamic actors to analyze the effect this has had on the developing Filipino
identity. The creation of a national identity is crucial to the development of a nation, and
conflicting identities with little accommodation or cooperation has the potential to severely
harm peoples culture. However in our research we found that the idea of a Filipino identity
also largely enhanced this conflict, and so we aimed to further develop how identities
perpetuate conflict as well. The Moro conflict in the Philippines seems to be resolved, but
the after effects are still very damaging to Filipinos. New Islamic organizations such as
Abu-Sayyaf have risen, and they are going back to violent terrorist tactics; hundreds of
thousands of people are still internally displaced throughout the region, many in the newly
created self-governing Moro region; and the Philippines still struggles to find and maintain
its national identity.

Historical Background
Before the Spanish reached the Philippines and implemented their colonial plan,
there was a long tradition of tribal groups with individual rule.1 Because of the diverse
Geography, many of the tribal groups had different ethnic identities they adopted, and many
different languages; these self-governing groups were called datus.2 The makeup of the
Philippines is people who in the 14th and 15th century migrated there from mainland Asia.
This includes people from China and Indonesia. Because of the formation of society,
Filipino identity is largely based on cultural history and historic processes.3
Islam was introduced in the 15th century by traders moving through the region. The spread
was largely concentrated in the southern Philippines in Mindanao and the Sulu Archipelago
on Brunei and Borneo.4 Islam slowly started to spread inland and closer to the capital of
Manila through various Islamic institutions, including cultural and political. What Islam
was lacking however, was a real stable structure for both government and cultural unity.5
For many it did not offer much that the datus didnt.6
1 Samual K. Tan, A History of the Philippines (Quezon City: Philippines Press, Kindle Edition,
2011), 120.
2 Ibid, 147.
3 Tan, A History of the Philippines, 165.
4 Carolina G. Hernandez, Philippines: Pre-Spanish History, Last modified February 24, 2015,
http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/456399/Philippines/272987/Sports-andrecreation#toc23713.
5 Tan, A History of the Philippines, 147.
6 Ibid.

Because of the weak control that Islam was able to obtain, it made it easier for the Spanish
to exert their influence when they arrived to colonize. Spanish colonization began in the
16th century. By 1571 there were numerous permanent Spanish settlements, and by the late
1590s Spain had almost complete control over the coastal regions.7 As soon as the Spanish
settled they began to spread Roman-Catholicism. The Catholic Church held a lot of power
in the Philippines, even politically and socially, as it controlled many of the social programs
such as schools.8 Unlike Islam, many Filipinos did take to Christianity and it slowly became
adopted as a part of what forms identity today.9
However, this was not a peaceful process. For the 300 years that the Spanish ruled, they
were in almost constant conflict with the Moro people. Moro was a term given to the
Muslim population by the Spanish. The Moros, mostly living in the Mindanao region by
this time, felt very threatened by the Spanish colonizers. Violence often broke out between
the forces, as the Moro people were fighting for independence.
The outbreak of the Spanish-American War marked the end of Spanish rule in the
Philippines. The Treaty of Paris in 1898 officially handed control of the Philippines to
America. Though the United States had been so focused on ending colonization across the
globe, congress gave approval with the stipulation that it would be part of Manifest
Destiny.10 With this colony over 4000 miles away, the US also inherited the still angry
7 Hernandez, Philippines: Pre-Spanish History.
8 Ibid.
9 Tan, A History of the Philippines, 156.
10 Jennifer Marie McMahon, The American Colonization of the Philippines and the SelfExamination, Self-Presentation and Re-Presentation of American Identity, Order No. 9986360,
City University of New York, 2000.

Moro regions. There was also a growing Catholic nationalist movement that wanted to be
free from imperialism.11 To try and subdue these grievances the US promised the
Philippines independence as soon as a stable self-ruling government was set up. However,
that time looked to not be coming and the Filipinos were angry.12
The US was working towards independence for the Philippines since they gained control.
The Jones Act of 1916 set a date that the Philippines would become independent, but
unfortunately the House blocked this bill. During the time of U.S. rule education greatly
expanded, almost half of expenditures were spent of education, and most teachers were
trained from the US. Other initiatives to improve things such as economic opportunity and
trade policy were less successful. The goal of the US was to prepare the Philippines for
self-government; however that was not as simple as they had thought because of the
inherent issues of trying to transition a country to democracy. They suffered from problems
of corruption and lack of political knowledge. Regardless, Filipino political parties
prospered.13
In 1934, President Roosevelt signed a bill that transitioned the Philippines to a
commonwealth to prepare them for economic and political independence.14 The transition
did not run smoothly, and the onset of World War II brought new rule from the Japanese.

11 A Conflicted Land: Rebellions, Wars, and Insurgencies in the Philippines, Last modified June,
2003, http://www.pbs.org/frontlineworld/stories/philippines/timeline.html.
12 Ibid.
13 Hernandez, Philippines: Pre-Spanish History.
14 A Conflict Land: Rebellions, Wars and Insurgencies in the Philippines.

The Japanese gained control in 1941 and ruled only until the end of WWII in 1945.15 The
United States regained control and granted sovereignty to the Philippines in 1946.16
The large amount of foreign imperialism has most certainly played a role in how national
identity is today and the groups in which conflict has stemmed.
Actors
Identifying the actors in this conflict is very important because there are many
acting concurrently, however they all want slightly different things. It is necessary to see a
breakdown of each actors goals and tactics.
The Moro-National Liberation Front (MNLF) was founded in the 1960s and became
active in 1973. Their goal was to gain independence for people in the Mindanao region.
They had a separate military faction called the Bangsamoro Army which is still active
today. Bangsamoro is a political term to describe the different ethnic identities of the people
in the Southern Philippines and Mindanao region.17
The Moro-Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) is the most prominent separatist group in the
region. They were formed in 1977 as a split from the MNLF based on differing goals. The
main goal of the MILF is to create an Islamic caliphate in the Mindanao and Sulu

15 Hernandex, Philippines: Pre-Spanish History.


16 A Conflict Land: Rebellions, Wars and Insurgencies in the Philippines.
17 Janes World Insurgency and Terrorism, Moro-National Liberation Front, Last modified April
26, 2013, https://janes.ihs.com/CustomPages/Janes/DisplayPage.aspx?
DocType=Reference&ItemId=+++1320819.

Archipelago region.18 While the MNLF wanted autonomy, they were not searching
specifically for an Islamic state.
Since its founding the MILF has used various terrorist tactics in conflict with the
government. However through the years the organization has realized that a fully sovereign
Islamic caliphate in the region was not going to happen and so instead of escalating the
conflict, in 2009 they switched their goal to obtaining a self-governing region in the
Philippines, without full sovereignty. Though violence continued for the following four
years, in 2013 a peace deal was signed between the government and the MILF, and in 2014
they were granted the self-governing region of Bangsamoro, with very limited control by
the central government.19
Abu-Sayyaf is one of the most current threats in the Philippines, and was founded in 1991.
They are a Sunni militant group operating in the Southern Philippines whose goals are very
much aligned with that of Al-Qaeda and Jemaah Islamiyah; the necessity of a global jihad
and the formation of a fully independent Islamic state. Abu-Sayyaf was unsatisfied with the
deal that the MILF made and do not consider them true Muslims.20 Tactics used by AbuSayyaf are violent and have recently turned to the criminal side such as more and more
frequently being involved in kidnapping for ransom.21
18 Janes World Insurgency and Terrorism, Moro-Islamic Liberation Front, Last Modified July
25, 2013, https://janes.ihs.com/CustomPages/Janes/DisplayPage.aspx?
DocType=Reference&ItemId=+++1320759.
19 Ibid.
20 Janes World Insurgency and Terrorism, Abu-Sayyaf Group, Last Modified March 12, 2014,
https://janes.ihs.com/CustomPages/Janes/DisplayPage.aspx?DocType=Reference&ItemId=++
+1320727.
21 Ibid.

The New Peoples Army (NPA), unlike the other main actors, is not an Islamic group, but a
military faction of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP). It was formed in 1969
and has been going after the main goal of the party which is to establish the Philippines as a
communist state. The NPA uses tactics based on the Maoist doctrine. They rely on guerilla
warfare insurgency in the rural areas to try and impose their agenda. Their activity has
peaked and leveled in the years since its creation. Recently the threat has begun to lower
after a slight peak in 2014 after the signing of the peace agreement with the MILF and the
creation of the Islamic Bangsamoro region.22
Philippine Ethnic and Cultural Diversity
The Philippines is an ethnically and religiously diverse country where peoples'
identities are determined by a multitude of different factors, including religion, ethnicity,
history, language and island of origin. According to encyclopedia Britannica, the Philippine
archipelago includes some 7,100 islands and over 100 culturally and linguistically distinct
groups.23 Each island and each region has its own unique ethnic group that is either a
historical Polynesian tribe, or a related to prior ruling states. As a result of this enormous
ethnic diversity, forming a national identity based on a common historical ethnic heritage
has been very difficult.24
22 Janes World Insurgency and Terrorism, New Peoples Army, Last Modified February 10,
2015, https://janes.ihs.com/CustomPages/Janes/DisplayPage.aspx?DocType=Reference&ItemId=++
+1320726.
23 Encyclopdia Britannica Online, s. v. "Philippines", accessed March 31,
2015,
http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/456399/Philippines/23727/Plantand-animal-life.
24 Ibid.

Religious Diversity
Despite this enormous ethnic and linguistic diversity, there is very little religious
diversity. 92% of the Philippine population identify themselves as being Christian; 83% of
which are Roman Catholic and 9% are Protestant. The next and third largest religious
following is Islam, which comprises only 5% of the population. The remaining 3% of the
population are Buddhist, Hindu, Jewish or followers of local animist religions.25 The
western province of Bangsamoro on the island of Mindenao, which is the largest southern
island in the archipelago, and a few smaller islands to the west are the only parts of the
country that have a majority of Muslims, or the Moro people. Religion, thus, is the primary
source of national identity for the majority of Filipinos.
Religious Conflict
If you look at the map outlining the majority religious followings in the Philippine
provinces, Christianity dominates almost every region of the Philippines except for the
Muslim dominated southwest. The Philippine Muslim population, also called the Moro, are
only concentrated on the western portion of the island of Mindenao and a chain of smaller
islands just to the west. This division in religious geographical dominance dates back to the
Spanish conquest of most of the Philippines in the 1500s, when they forced the majority of
the Philippine population to convert to Catholicism.26 The Moro Sultanates were the
25 World Directory of Minorities and Indigenous Peoples, Philippines
Overview, http://www.minorityrights.org/3462/philippines/philippinesoverview.html.
26 Guide to the Philippines conflict. BBC News, December 18, 2009.

exception, and were able to maintain their independence through fierce resistance until the
US victory in the Spanish American War. This is a cornerstone of the Moro identity that
separates them from other groups in the Philippines; they have struggled for centuries to
maintain religious and political autonomy of Mindenao Island against foreign powers and
the Christianized northern governments.27
The Bangsamoro region was created when a peace treaty was signed in 2014
between the Filipino government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. The area is not
completely sovereign, but it is a supervised, self-governed territory.28 In the Comprehensive
Agreement on Bangsamoro (CAB), it is stated that basic law will govern Bangsamoro with
the central government still having power over things such as citizenship, national security,
foreign policy, and trade relations.
The ruling party has implemented Shari'ah law and Shari'ah courts. However, in the
agreement it is stated that the customs and religions of the people indigenous to the
Bangsamoro region may be taken into consideration when dealing with issues related to the
justice system.29 Though it is too soon to say whether this will be respected, it is very
significant because hopefully with this inclusion, there will finally be an end to the cultural
brutality. The signing of this agreement and creation of this autonomous region is seen as a
27 Ibid.
28 Abuza, Zachary. The Moro Islamic Liberation Front and Security in
Southeast Asia. United States Institute of Peace. June 9, 2005.
29 Unson, John. "MILF's Plan to Form Political Party Gets More Support." Phil
Star. 30 May 2013. Web. 27 June 2013.
<http://www.philstar.com/nation/2013/05/30/948114/milfs-plan-form-politicalparty-gets-more-support>

huge success. Violence between the ALF and the MILF has ceased entirely.30 The outcome
of the peace treaty and CAB can be used as a model to help other areas with similar
conflicts facing their governments.
Despite these peace negotiations taking place over the past ten years, violence in the
region has continued as a result of the rise in global radicalized Islam that gained
momentum until just a few years ago. Numerous aspects of Filipino society make the
Philippines a "safe haven" for terrorism and therefore have allowed numerous terrorist
networks to settle there and for the influence of Al Qaeda to reach. The weak rule of law
from a fairly new government, the diverse terrain, and the existing domestic conflicts all
allow for these groups to settle and sometimes prosper.31 Although the past few years have
seen a decrease in their influence in the region, al Qaeda once held significant influence in
the Philippines through their two main regional affiliates; Jemaah Islamiyah (a Southeast
Asian Terrorist network) and Abu Sayyaf.32 The benefit of these groups connecting with Al
Qaeda is very large. For Jemmah Islamiyah they are able to obtain finances and weapon
supplies by pledging their allegiance to Al Qaeda.33 Abu Sayyaf is less financially
connected, however by associating themselves with Al Qaeda they gain some recognition
30 Moss, Trefor. Philippines Fighting Rages as Peace Efforts Hangs in Blanace.
Wall Street Journal, March 17, 2015.
31 On the trail of al Qaedas Southeast Asian Soldiers. France 24 English:
Reporters, June 23, 2011.
32 Fisher, Max. Al-Qaedas world: A fascinating map of the groups shifting
global network. Washington Post. February 4, 2014
33 On the trail of al Qaedas Southeast Asian Soldiers. France 24 English:
Reporters, June 23, 2011.

and credibility. As of 2013, it is believed that the Jemmah Islamiyah group still had over
5,000 pledged members.34 While their resources are dwindling, their ability to affect the
political process is still prominent. Just recently, a counterterrorism raid conducted by the
Philippines government, assisted by former MILF fighters, resulted in the death of forty
four police officers. This incident has the possibility to shake the hard fought for peace
agreement that was recently reached. In a statement condemning the recent attacks, MILFs
former second in command, Ghazali Jhafaar, articulated we have sympathy for the forty
four, but you cant compare that to the thousands of lives lost in Mindenao over the years.
Resistance to Modernity
Like many other people groups around the world, the Moro people in the
Philippines have struggled to adapt to modernity and globalization. They are a poor people
who have seen little benefit from the technological innovation and economic growth from
globalization and international trade. Like the Sandinistas in Mexico, the Moro people see
globalization as a threat to their culture and way of life. They believe that the values that
come along with modernity are in direct conflict with their Islamic culture and way of life.
This is, in combination with other factors, a large source of conflict. They are a group who
have received little from the Philippine's economic development, and the disproportionate
benefits of development, which has most greatly rewarded the Christian Philippine
population, ties into a long-standing political and ideological antagonism between the Moro
people, and the liberal world order. However, the new peace deal has offered the Moro

34 Fisher, Max. Al-Qaedas world: A fascinating map of the groups shifting


global network. Washington Post. February 4, 2014

people and the Bangsamoro region new possibilities related to resource access and power
sharing that has brought a new wave of resources into the region.35
Analysis
In the first week of this course, the intersection between national identity and ethnic
heterogeneity was discussed. In the readings, it was found that people with identities that do
not align with the national identity of the country of residence or citizenship have difficulty
feeling a sense of national pride and belonging. This sense of allegiance to another country
is further exacerbated by discrimination and marginalization from the majority population,
which is perceived as a representation of the state. The majority-minority dynamic becomes
intensely felt throughout the social dynamics of the nation. This tension results into a
distillation of separate groups. Consequently, these identity groups advocate for the
preservation of their rights, independence, freedoms, and autonomy either within the state,
or beyond it. Each identity-groups conceptualization of the mentioned factors manifest
themselves differently, which makes the peace and negotiation process extremely difficult.
As a result, the inability to create a resolution leads the pre-existing tensions to evolve into
violent conflict.
The Moro people of the Philippines, and the many militant, radical, and terrorist
groups that emerged from them, exemplify how cultural differences break down into
conflict instead of contained pluralism. This is not to blame the Moro people for their
oppression or fault them for their grievances. Rather, using the Moro people as an example
demonstrates how resistance from marginalized people can take different approaches in a
35 Moss, Trefor. Philippines Fighting Rages as Peace Efforts Hangs in Blanace.
Wall Street Journal, March 17, 2015.

conflict. As noted earlier, the MILF, MNLF, Abu Sayyaf, and Al-Qaeda have different aims
to achieving freedoms for the Moro.
In this conflict, religion was not the cause of the conflict, nor was it a catalyst for it.
Religion illuminated the distinction between the indigenous and the modern people of the
Philippines. Like race and racism highlights class differences in the U.S., the Christian and
non-Christian binary show that not only are Christians more privileged, but that Christian
Philipinos has the support of the state. This signals that the state truly does not have the
Moro interests as a priority, and that the Moro must make demands to have the same access
to basic freedoms and social services as the Christians are granted theirs. This realization
led to militancy and radicalization in the 70s.
Benefits of Each Group
On the first groups to organize the Moro people, the Moro-National Liberation
Front, aimed to gain autonomy by becoming an independent entity. This demonstrated that
the MNLF did believe that there could be a successful integration of the Moro people and
culture into the dominant Colonized- Christian culture. Independence from the Phillipines
would rid them of obligations from the state that could put their culture, and their livelihood
at risk. One of the key elements of sovereignty is military capability. Seeing this, the MNLF
formed the Bangsamoro army. The Bangsamoro, of course, is not great in number
compared to the state army, but it shows presence, and solidarity within the group. On the
other hand, it signals to the state a willingness to fight or inflict a violent act onto someone
else. Instead of taking a cooperative approach (willingness to accommodate to the state),
the MNLF took on a nationalist approach towards their own identity by demanding respect
and autonomy.

The Militant Islamic Liberation Fronts approach aimed to gain autonomy by


formalizing their own identity with an Islamic State. The Islamization of the MILF has two
implications. This approach is much more drastic than the MNLFs approach not only
because of their emphasis on Islam, but because of the impact of implementing Shariah
law on relations with the Philippines. Secondly, the idea of Jihad has inspired group
members to plan and execute terrorist attacks. Signing a peace deal with the government
was a monumental step for the MILF. However, after gaining partial sovereignty for the
region of Bangsomoro, violence still continues to occur.
Despite the progress that the MILF made, this victory was not seen as a success
overall. Signing the treaty appeared to be annulling your commitment to radical Islamists
and terrorists. Abu-Sayyaf, who manages the Sunni militant group aims to strengthen ties
with Al-Qaeda and Jemaah Islamiya. Like with many extreme radical identity groups, they
either slowly fade out of society, or continue to reside in the community to antagonizing the
citizens and money laundering. Neither one of the options will bring peace and equality.
Abu-Sayyaf proves that marginalized groups should not resort to violence in order to get
what they want because the state becomes unwilling to accommodate terrorists out of fear
that their ideology will spread.
Agreements and Negotiations
The Comprehensive Agreement on Bangsamoro showed that the state is willing to
make some concessions with groups that held a minority identity with a few stipulations.
However, there was not enough progress felt to see a complete revival for the Moro people.
This is because this peace treaty still puts Bangsamoro under government occupation and

law with the residual opportunity regulate needs and services for the basic livelihood of the
Moro.
Even though the Moro fight against modernity and all vices that may alter their
culture and livelihood, globalization has strengthened their fight through the Islamic
diaspora. Globalization has led to quicker and easier ways to communicate and share
information with other radical Muslims. The concept of global jihad is dispersed quicker as
a result. Ties to Al-Qaeda strengthens their military as well as strengthens their personal
sense of identity.

The question that is still unfolding is how we can reduce terrorist safe havens in the
midst of cultural conflict. For many countries, this could mean making more spaces
available for democracy and advocacy in the public sphere. For other countries, this could
mean providing more stability and resources for impoverished communities to reduce the
personal effects of inequality and segregation.
Solutions and Looking Forward
As the class saw in Restreppo, cultural intelligence is so crucial to preventing
conflict and calming conflict. This becomes especially important if a country is the
occupying or colonizing force. The lack of cultural understanding and intelligence can lead
to a break-down in communication and further exacerbate the conflict. Also, not knowing
the country culture can make decision making and public policy poor.
It should be emphasized that cultural intelligence should go both ways. The
oppressor is only looking out for itself, and the oppressed is doing the same. For this

reason, there should be a neutral of space (i.e. office, kinkos) where officials from both
sides can express their grievances and from there, and start to create an action plan.
Despite centuries of colonization, history, and calamity, the Moro people have held
their own with their visibility and existence. Moving forward, the Moro people should
disassociate themselves from radical extremist to make sure that they dont lose credibility.
They should also take advantage of this time period of victory to try to become more
politically active. I think that the Philipino government and the Moro people are willing to
work together creating a pluralistic society; unfortunately these things take time.

Works Cited
Frontline. A Conflicted Land: Rebellions, Wars, and Insurgencies in the Philippines. Last
modified June, 2003. http://www.pbs.org/frontlineworld/stories/philippines/timeline.html.

Hernandez, Caroline G. Philippines: Pre-Spanish History. Last modified February 24,


2015. http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/456399/Philippines/272987/Sports-andrecreation#toc23713.

Janes World Insurgency and Terrorism, Abu-Sayyaf Group, Last Modified March 12,
2014, https://janes.ihs.com/CustomPages/Janes/DisplayPage.aspx?
DocType=Reference&ItemId=+++1320727.

Janes World Insurgency and Terrorism, Moro-Islamic Liberation Front, Last Modified
July 25, 2013, https://janes.ihs.com/CustomPages/Janes/DisplayPage.aspx?
DocType=Reference&ItemId=+++1320759.

Janes World Insurgency and Terrorism, Moro-National Liberation Front, Last modified
April 26, 2013, https://janes.ihs.com/CustomPages/Janes/DisplayPage.aspx?
DocType=Reference&ItemId=+++1320819.

Janes World Insurgency and Terrorism, New Peoples Army, Last Modified February 10,
2015, https://janes.ihs.com/CustomPages/Janes/DisplayPage.aspx?
DocType=Reference&ItemId=+++1320726.

McMahon, Jennifer Marie. "The American Colonization of the Philippines and the SelfExamination, Self-Presentation and Re-Presentation of American Identity." Order No.
9986360, City University of New York, 2000.
http://search.proquest.com/docview/304589078?accountid=8285.

Tan, Samuel K. A History of the Philippines. Quezon City: Philippines Press, Kindle
Edition, 2011.

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