Chapter 16 The World in the Age of European

Expansion 1492-1763
Section 4 Trade and Empire in Africa
In Africa, as in Asia, Europeans initially encountered well-organized and
powerful states with which they could establish trade relations. At first
such trade centered on gold, ivory, and other luxury items. However, as
Europeans began to establish plantation economies in the Americas, the
slave trade in West Africa became the centerpiece of European and African
cultural interaction.
Trade and Empire in West Africa
During their great age of overseas exploration, Europeans first made
landfall in Africa. Here the Portuguese traded as they advanced down the
coast in search of gold and the route to Asia. Local African traders found
the Portuguese trade goods highly desirable. In exchange, they offered
gold, ivory, and slaves. At first the Portuguese were less interested in the
slaves than in the gold and ivory. As they began to grow sugar in the
Atlantic islands, however, the Portuguese increasingly became interested in
African slaves for labor.
With the discovery of the Americas and the establishment of
plantations, the market for slaves grew rapidly, eventually becoming more
important than the gold trade. As competing Europeans from England,
France, the Netherlands, and Denmark established their own coastal bases,
the flow of Africans across the Atlantic dramatically increased. This
Atlantic slave tradei[lxiv] soon dominated all relations between Europe
and western Africa.
War, technology, and the slave trade. The Atlantic slave trade was in
many ways simply an extension of the internal traffic in slaves already
widespread in much of Africa. The usual means of obtaining slaves in
African societies was through warfare or raiding. Particularly as African
states rose to power by conquering their neighbors, the many wars they
generated produced large numbers of slaves.
New methods of warfare in West Africa in the 1400s and 1500s contributed
significantly to the formation of states and the building of empires, and so
also to the development of the slave trade. The most important of these
innovations came first from the Islamic north. Muslims introduced cavalry

into West Africa. With cavalry, many new states began to emerge in the
savanna lands along the deserts edge, and elsewhere where the terrain was
suitable for horses. The state of Bornu, around Lake Chad, soon imported
guns and mercenaries from the Ottoman Empire to help its expansion.
To the southwest of Bornu, Oyo imported horses from the Sudan
and created a powerful cavalry that allowed it to dominate other Yoruba
groups all the way south to the coast until the mid-1800s. Farther west,
Dahomey, a subordinate state of Oyo, adopted the same cavalry warfare
and eventually established its own rule down to the coast. Throughout the
1600s and 1700s, Oyo and Dahomey sent huge numbers of slaves
southward to the coast for sale.ii[lxv] Between 1680 and 1740, for example,
Dahomey sent about 20,000 slaves a year for sale along the so-called Slave
Coast.
European influences. While Dahomey and Oyo owed their rise to
developments coming from the Islamic north and east, other peoples rose to
power as a consequence of the European presence on the African coast. In
the 1600s, for example, the Akan people settled in the region centered on
present-day Cte dIvoire (Ivory Coast) and Ghana.iii[lxvi] Akan merchants
traded gold, textiles, slaves, and salt to peoples farther north. The arrival of
Europeans caused the slave trade to become more important than the gold
trade. By 1726 a confused English visitor could remark: "Why this is called
the Gold Coast, I do not know."iv[lxvii]
Trade with the Europeans also strongly influenced Akan political and social
organization. The introduction of new crops from the Americas, including
corn and new types of yams, led to population growth in the 1500s and
1600s.v[lxviii] Equally important was the introduction of new weapons,
particularly guns. One Akan group, the Asante, purchased guns with gold
and slaves and used them to conquer their neighbors all the way to the
coast. Wealthy Asante kings ruled until the 1800s, and long continued to
provide slaves for the coastal trade.
Just as Native North American Indians adapted themselves to the fur trade,
many Africans took advantage of the European arrival to become
intermediaries, or middlemen controlling the slave trade in the African
interior. Both Oyo and Dahomey, for example, once they were established,
became increasingly oriented toward producing slaves for the European
trade. This growing dependence on the slave trade had important and often
devastating effects. Even when they were not at war, many African rulers
organized raiding expeditions to continue supplying slaves for the trade.
Olaudah Equiano, born in Benin and kidnapped into slavery around 1745,
described the wars caused by the slave trade:

They appear to have been irruptions [raids] of one little state or district
on the other to obtain prisoners or booty. Perhaps they were incited to
this by those [African] traders who brought the European goods . . .
amongst us. Such a mode of obtaining slaves in Africa is common. . . .
When a trader wants slaves he applies to a chief for them and he tempts
him with his wares. It is not extraordinary if on this occasion he yields
to the temptation.vi[lxix]
The Kongo Empire. Along the central regions of the western coast, the
initial Portuguese contacts had even more dramatic consequences. The
Kongo kingdom of Central Africa, for example, at first welcomed European
trade and influence. When the Portuguese first arrived in the late 1400s,
Kongo was at the height of its power.vii[lxx] As in most African states,
slavery was a common practice.
In the early 1500s the Kongo ruler Nzinga Mbembaa Catholic convert
who took the name Afonso Iestablished Catholicism as the kingdoms
official religion, and encouraged missionaries from Portugal to spread
Christianity. As the Portuguese became increasingly interested in the
Kongo as a major source of labor for their sugar plantations, however,
Afonso began to complain about their behavior. Afonso was particularly
alarmed by the Portuguese tendency to seize people without regard to their
status. In 1526 he wrote to the Portuguese monarch, urging his "royal
brother"viii[lxxi] to stop the traffic in slaves:
We cannot reckon how great the damage is, since the . . . [slave]
merchants daily seize our subjects, sons of the land and sons of our
noblemen and vassals and our relatives. . . . Thieves and men of evil
conscience take them . . . and cause them to be sold: and so great, Sir, is
their corruption . . . that our country is being utterly depopulated.ix[lxxii]
The Portuguese paid little heed to the request, and the depopulation
continued.
Conflict in East and South Africa
While the slave trade increasingly shaped European relations with Africans
on the western coast, in East Africa a different pattern emerged. Once they
arrived in the Indian Ocean, the Portuguese tried to establish their own
control over the regions trade. They began by taking cities along the east
African coast. However, they were never strong enough to seize full control
of the region. In addition, although trade in slaves flourished in East Africa,
it remained minor compared to the more important trade in gold, ivory, and
other goods.
The Portuguese were most successful in tapping the trade of the strong

African state, whose rulers were known as the Mwene Mutapa, which had
emerged in the Zambezi River Valley, north of the old empire of Greater
Zimbabwe.x[lxxiii] Organizing the trade from his rich agricultural lands and
mines to the coast, the Mwene Mutapa commanded tribute from all traders
in his lands as well as from his subjects. The arrival of Portuguese traders
in the early 1500s soon weakened the empire, however.
Within a half century, the Portuguese had involved themselves in rebellions
of local rulers against the emperor. In 1629 the Portuguese negotiated a
treaty with a new emperor they had helped bring to power. The treaty gave
the Portuguese a monopoly of trade in the empire, and the ruler was
ordered to pay the Portuguese tribute. Soon, however, the weakened
Mwene Mutapa was challenged by a rival dynasty and Portuguese
influence declined.
Farther north along the coast, the Portuguese position was even
weaker. In the 1640s the Muslim Ya'rubi dynasty of Oman, along the south
Arabian coast, set out to drive their Portuguese competitors from the Indian
Ocean once and for all.xi[lxxiv] In 1650 the Omanis formed an alliance with
the Swahili city-states in East Africa. Combining forces, they began to
drive the Portuguese from their coastal forts. By the mid-1700s, although
they retained a foothold in present-day Mozambique, Portugal was no
longer a major East African power. In their place, Muslim merchants once
again controlled most of the coastal trade as well as dominating the slave
trade in the interior.
Portugals weakness soon invited other competitors to establish themselves
in Africa and the Indian Ocean region. As part of their infiltration of the
Portuguese trading empire in Asia, the Dutch also decided to obtain a
foothold on the African coast. In 1652 the Dutch East India Company
founded the first permanent European colony in sub-Saharan Africa when it
settled the Boers at the Cape of Good Hope.xii[lxxv]
Nomadic Khoi and San peoples, who herded animals and fished, sparsely
populated the area. Within a decade the Boers had settled in as landowners,
forcing labor from the local African peoples and importing slaves from
other regions. Increasingly uneasy under company control, however,
eventually many Boers migrated into the interior. There they established
themselves on the land just as other European settlers were doing in North
America.
Author Commentary:
African and European Slavery

Africans had long practiced slavery before European traders arrived.

African slavery included a wide range of relationships, from voluntary
service to the enforced captivity of prisoners of war. The way in which
slaves were acquired determined the way they could be treated. In most
African societies, slaves that had been bought or captured in war were
considered to have no rights at all. They were often used as plantation
labor, or even, in some societies, used as human sacrifices. Those born into
slavery, on the other hand, were usually considered a part of the local
community, with certain rights and obligations.
Some African communities allowed slaves to buy back their
freedom, or granted it in cases of exceptional service. Sometimes slaves
could rise to positions of prominence in society. According to one African
proverb, "A slave who knows how to serve succeeds to [inherits] his
master's property."xiii[lxxvi] In Muslim states particularly, slaves had
guaranteed rights under Islamic law, such as the right to marry and to own
property.
Europeans too had long practiced slavery, particularly in the Mediterranean
region. During the Renaissance period, Italian merchants bought,
transported, and sold European slaves from Black Sea ports. In the 1500s
and 1600s, many European slaves were sold in Bristol, England, to work in
the sugar plantations of the Caribbean. While Islam and some traditional
African societies recognized slaves as human beings with certain rights,
most Europeans considered them little more than property, like work
animals, to be bought and sold for their labor, with practically no rights at
all.xiv[lxxvii] Such attitudes especially prevailed where non-Christian slaves
were concerned. As a result, although the institution of slavery was familiar
to them, most Africans shipped to the Americas were probably not prepared
for the realities of slavery in their New World.
The Middle Passage
The Atlantic slave trade was a vital link in the growing chain of trade
binding Africa, the Americas, and Europe. European merchants shipped
iron and cotton goods, weapons, and liquor to Africa, where they were
exchanged for slaves or gold. African slaves were then transported across
the Atlantic to the Americas. On American plantations and in mines, the
slaves became the prime producers of goods sold throughout the world.
Brazilian merchants shipped slave-grown tobacco to Africa to buy more
slaves. At the same time, other merchants shipped tobacco, sugar, rum, and
cotton produced by slave labor to Europe, where they bought manufactured
goods to sell in the Americas.xv[lxxviii]
Before they could be forced to labor in the Americas, the enslaved Africans

had to survive the long and brutal journey across the Atlantic known as the
Middle Passage. Chained together on crude platforms between decks,
many did not survive. Supplies of food and water were often inadequate
and contaminated by bacteriathe consequent dysentery was a major
cause of death on long voyages. Measles and smallpox epidemics also
frequently broke out. One British captain warned a colleague to avoid
having the slaves sicken and die apace, as it happened aboard the Albion
frigate, as soon as their yams were spent.xvi[lxxix]
Some slaves mutinied to gain their freedom. Others voluntarily chose
death. After a rumor circulated that the captives "were first to have their
Eyes put out, and then to be eaten," more than 100 slaves on the British
ship Prince of Orange jumped overboard in 1737. According to the captain,
more than 33 drowned because they would not endeavor to save
themselves, but resolved to die.xvii[lxxx] Despite the death rate, at the
height of the trade between 1741 and 1810, European slavers, mostly
British by that time, carried an average rate of about 60,000 slaves a year,
the majority of them young men. Although estimates vary, recent studies
indicate that around 10 million Africans were forcibly taken across the
Atlantic between 1451 and 1870.xviii[lxxxi]
Once ashore in the Americas, the slaves fared no better. A Jesuit priest in
Cartagena, a busy port in Spanish America, described a group of slaves just
off a ship:
They arrive looking like skeletons; they are led ashore, completely
naked, and are shut up in a large court or enclosure . . . and it is a great
pity to see so many sick and needy people, denied all care or assistance,
for as a rule they are left to lie on the ground, naked and without
shelter.xix[lxxxii]
The slaves were next led to the auction block, where a crowd of prospective
buyers could examine them, like livestock.
Consequences of the Slave Trade
The forced migration of millions of Africans to the Americas through the
slave trade has been called the African diaspora. Through this diaspora, or
dispersal, African culture took firm root throughout the Americas, as slaves
and free blacks became integral members of the new American societies.
Brazilian Africans, for example, mixed with the Portuguese and Native
Americans and created a thriving hybrid culture. Food preparation, samba
music, dances, folk tales, and child-rearing practices reflected African
influences.xx[lxxxiii] Africans also influenced politics. In the early 1600s a
group of African runaways formed their own state, called Palmares in

northeastern Brazil. For almost a century, the village residents of Palmares

fought off Brazilian troops and maintained their independence.
In the cities of Spanish America, Africans quickly adapted to Spanish
culture. At the same time, they kept memories of their home kingdoms
alive by forming self-help organizations, including religious brotherhoods
and neighborhood associations with locally elected "royal" leaders.xxi
[lxxxiv]
In the Caribbean, Africans far outnumbered European settlers. Conditions
on sugar plantations were often harsh, with disease, overcrowding, brutal
discipline, and poor diets leading to high mortality rates. Sometimes
Africans were able to resist. In Jamaica, for example, Cudjoe, the leader of
a group of runaways, raided English plantations until his group was granted
its own territory in 1739.xxii[lxxxv]
In North America, too, Africans contributed their own heritage to the newly
emerging colonial society. Although those in northern colonies tended to
adapt to English culture, Africans on southern plantations maintained many
of their own traditions. For example, African languages influenced the
Gullah and Geechee dialects of South Carolina, Georgia, and northeastern
Florida. Africans also brought with them African techniques for growing
rice, indigo, and cotton. Many African cultural forms, such as their rich
tradition of folk tales and songs, became an integral part of an emerging
American culture.xxiii[lxxxvi]

Section 4 Review
IDENTIFY and explain the significance of the following:
Atlantic slave trade
Slave Coast
Olaudah Equiano
Nzinga Mbemba
Middle Passage
African diaspora
LOCATE and explain the importance of the following:

Cte dIvoire
Ghana
Benin
Oyo
Dahomey
Zimbabwe
Cape of Good Hope
1.Main Idea How did slavery in the Americas differ from slavery in
Africa?
2. Main Idea How did the slave trade intensify violence in Africa?
3. Geography: Location Why do you think most of the African slave
trade originated in West Africa and Central Africa?
Chapter Review
Reviewing Terms
From the following list, choose the term that correctly matches the
definition.
Battle of Lepanto
captaincies
African diaspora
encomienda
Northwest Passage
Middle Passage
1. naval engagement in 1571 fought between the Ottoman Empire and the
Spanish and Italians, in which the Ottoman fleet was destroyed
2. tracts of land granted by the Portuguese king to donataries in Brazil
3. supposed trade route, thought by Europeans to exist across North
America to the East Indies
4. sea voyage transporting slaves from Africa to the Americas, on which the

Africans suffered terribly

5. system of organization in the Spanish colonies of the Americas, under
which colonists were given land and a number of Native Americans to
use as laborers
Reviewing Chronology
List the following events in their correct chronological order.
1. Spanish conquistadors conquer the Aztec.
2. Pedro Cabral discovers Brazil.
3. British colonists found the settlement at Jamestown, Virginia.
4. The Portuguese are allowed to establish a trading station at the Chinese
port of Macao.
5. The Dutch establish their first colony in Asia at Batavia.
Understanding the Main Idea
1. Why were Europeans able to increase their power in India by the 1700s?
2. How did the Spanish and Portuguese organize their colonies in the New
World?
3. Why did Japan and China seek to limit contact with Europeans?
4. What were the ultimate results of Europeans' search for the Northwest
Passage?
5. What pattern did Europeans follow in their trade in Asia?
Thinking Critically
1. Hypothesizing. What possible problems might overseas trade and
colonization have caused among the European nations?
2. Synthesizing. How did trade become more global in the 1600s and
1700s?
History Through the Arts:
Japanese Popular Culture Under the Tokugawa

In the cities of Tokugawa Japan, the samurai transformed themselves from

country warriors to bureaucrats schooled in the Confucian classics.
Merchants, though officially the despised lowest class, wielded increasing
power by selling goods throughout the country and lending money to the
samurai. The growth of cities and the increasing wealth of merchants and

artisans led to the rise of a thriving popular culture.

By the early 1700s, new forms of literature, theater, and art catered
to the tastes of ordinary city residents. Publishing houses flourished as
literacy became widespread, even for the lower classes. Readers enjoyed
illustrated how-to books, travel books, and realistic romances with
commoners as heroes.
City dwellers flocked to Kabuki plays and puppet shows. The
earliest kabuki were plays that featured women performing lively new
dances. The conservative Tokugawa disliked such spectacles, agreeing with
one Confucian scholar's complaints:

The men wear women's clothing; the women wear men's clothing, cut
their hair, and wear a man's topknot, have swords at their sides, and
carry purses. They sing base songs and dance vulgar dances; their lewd
voices are clamorous.xxiv[lxxxvii]

The government banned women from performing in kabuki plays in 1629.

Thereafter male actors played women's roles in melodramatic plays about
heroic samurai and tragic love affairs.

Through Others' Eyes

First Impressions
When the Spanish first began arriving on the shores of Mexico, the Native
Americans probably observed with amazement the strange-looking
creatures who bore little resemblance to any people the Mexicans had ever
seen. From their ships and horses to their outward appearances, attempts
were made to describe these strange visitors. An Aztec scout watched from
the shore as the Spaniards fished from a small boat. The scout returned to
his Aztec ruler with this report:

"[T]hey . . . then entered a small canoe and reached the two enormous
towers [the Spanish ships] and climbed inside; there must have been about

fifteen of them, with a kind of coloured jackets, some blue, some brown
and some green and some of a dirty colour, . . . Some had a pinkish hue,
and on their heads they had coloured pieces of cloth: these were scarlet
caps, some very large and round like small maize cakes, which must have
served as protection against the sun. Their flesh was very white, much more
than ours, except that all wore a long beard and hair to their
ears."xxv[lxxxviii]

Paul Coles, The Ottoman Impact on Europe. HB & World. Copyright P.H. Coles and
Thames & Hudson, London, 1968. pp. 162-195.
1

[1]

[2]

Shaw, p. 191 and p. 203.

[3]Use the following as an anno, suggesting that the teacher make this point further on in
the chapter after Spanish colonization in the Americas has been discussed: As vast
amounts of silver from the Americas began to enter the Mediterranean economies through
Spain, growing inflation undermined Ottoman financial stability. It was for this reason that
the Janissaries had been paid with melted down ornaments in 1589.
3

[4] http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/3/36/Odanobunaga.jpg/200pxOdanobunaga.jpg
4

[5]

http://www.samurai-archives.com/image/hideyo1.jpg

[6] Quoted in Andrew C. Ross, A Vision Betrayed: The Jesuits in Japan and China, 15421742, Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, 1994, p. 77.
6

1
2
3
4
5

xxvi

[i]Stanford J. Shaw, History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey, vol. I, p. 97.
[ii] Shaw, pp. 172-173.

xxvii

[iii] Jack Beeching, The Galleys at Lepanto, Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1982,
p. 209.
xxviii

[iv] Bernard Lewis, The Muslim Discovery of Europe. W.W. Norton & Company. New
York and London, 1982. pp. 43-44.
xxix

[v] Shaw, p. 180 and 188.

xxx

[vi] Thomas M. Barker, Double Eagle and Crescent; Vienna's Second Turkish Siege and
its Historical Setting. State University of New York Press, Albany, New York, 1967. p.
245.
xxxi

[vii] Bernard Lewis, The Muslim Discovery of Europe. W.W. Norton & Company. New
York and London, 1982. pp. 41-42.
xxxii

xxxiii

[viii] Shaw, p. 224.

[ix] Bailey W. Diffie and George D. Winius, Foundations of the Portuguese Empire,
1415-1580. University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 1977, p. 181.
xxxiv

[x] Bailey W. Diffie and George D. Winius, Foundations of the Portuguese Empire,
1415-1580. University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 1977, p. 227-228.
xxxv

[xi] Bailey W. Diffie and George D. Winius, Foundations of the Portuguese Empire,
1415-1580. University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 1977, p. 254.
xxxvi

[xii]Bailey W. Diffie and George D. Winius, Foundations of the Portuguese Empire,

1415-1580. University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 1977, pp. 257-258.
xxxvii

[xiii] Try to use the following as photo caption: Anxious to maintain a monopoly over
the eastern trade, the Portuguese allowed only king's ships to trade with the Estado da
India, as they called their Asian empire. Royal merchantmen, accompanied by armed
escorts, carried black pepper, cinnamon, ginger, cloves, nutmeg, and mace to Lisbon.
Though expensive in lives and resources, the spice trade yielded handsome profitsfor
example, it provided 39 percent of the Crown's income in 1518.Lyle N. McAlister, Spain
xxxviii

and Portugal in the New World, 1492-1700. University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis,
1984, p. 252.
[xiv]C.R. Boxer, Portuguese Society in the Tropics; The Municipal Councils of Goa,
Macao, Bahia, and Luanda, 1510-1800. The University of Wisconsin Press, Madison and
Milwaukee, 1965, p. 42; Bailey W. Diffie and George D. Winius, Foundations of the
Portuguese Empire, 1415-1580. University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 1977, p.
396.
xxxix

[xv] C.R. Boxer, Portuguese Society in the Tropics; The Municipal Councils of Goa,
Macao, Bahia, and Luanda, 1510-1800. The University of Wisconsin Press, Madison and
Milwaukee, 1965, p. 53.
xl

xli

[xvi] Stanley Lane-Poole, Medieval India Under Mohammedan Rule, p. 416-417.

[xvii] Hermann Kulke and Dietmar Rothermund, A History of India, Barnes & Noble
Books, Totowa, New Jersey, 1986, p. 225.
xlii

[xviii] Jonathan D. Spence, The Search for Modern China, W.W. Norton & Company,
New York and London, 1990, p. 67, notes that Kangxi was 42 in 1696, but otherwise I
could not find a firm year of birth. Grollier's on-line Encyclopedia (available through
UTCAT) confirms: b. May 4, 1654, d. Dec. 20, 1722.
xliii

[xix] Jonathan D. Spence, Emperor of China; Self-Portrait of K'ang-Hsi, Vintage Books,

Random House, New York, 1988, p. xi, notes that Kangxi began his reign in 1661.
However, on pp. 107-108, Kangxi says he was eight when he put on mourning for his
father (I assume he became emperor around this time) ??
xliv

[xx] Jonathan D. Spence, Emperor of China; Self-Portrait of K'ang-Hsi, Vintage Books,

Random House, New York, 1988, p. 8. I am using the pinyin version of the emperor's
name (Kangxi) instead of the Wade-Giles.
xlv

[xxi] Jonathan D. Spence, The Search for Modern China, W.W. Norton & Company,
New York and London, 1990, pp. 67-68.
xlvi

[xxii] Jonathan D. Spence, The Search for Modern China, W.W. Norton & Company,
New York and London, 1990, pp. 71-72.
xlvii

xlviii

[xxiii]Add Anno comparing this process with what was going on in Europe.

[xxiv]Wetterau, World History, p. 271.

xlix

[xxv] Miguel Leon-Portilla (ed.), The Broken Spears; The Aztec Account of the Conquest
of Mexico, Beacon Press, Boston, 1962, p. 41.
l

li

[xxvi]Jon Manchip White, Cortes and the Downfall of the Aztec Empire, p. 217.

[xxvii] Miguel Leon-Portilla (ed.), The Broken Spears; The Aztec Account of the
Conquest of Mexico, Beacon Press, Boston, 1962, p. 77.
lii

[xxviii] Miguel Leon-Portilla (ed.), The Broken Spears; The Aztec Account of the
Conquest of Mexico, Beacon Press, Boston, 1962, p. 84.
liii

[xxix] Miguel Leon-Portilla (ed.), The Broken Spears; The Aztec Account of the
Conquest of Mexico, Beacon Press, Boston, 1962, p. 85.
liv

[xxx] Miguel Leon-Portilla (ed.), The Broken Spears; The Aztec Account of the Conquest
of Mexico, Beacon Press, Boston, 1962, p. 99.
lv

[xxxi] Miguel Leon-Portilla (ed.), The Broken Spears; The Aztec Account of the
Conquest of Mexico, Beacon Press, Boston, 1962, p. 109.
lvi

[xxxii] Miguel Leon-Portilla (ed.), The Broken Spears; The Aztec Account of the
Conquest of Mexico, Beacon Press, Boston, 1962, p. 149.
lvii

[xxxiii]Hernan Cortes, Letters From Mexico, transl. and ed. by Anthony Pagden, pp.
106-107.
lviii

[xxxiv]Coe, Snow, and Benson, Atlas of Ancient America, p. 150.

lix

[xxxv] John H. Parry and Robert G. Keith (eds.), New Iberian World: A Documentary
History of the Discovery and Settlement of Latin America to the Early 17th Century,
Volume IV, The Andes, Times Books and Hector & Rose, New York, 1984, p. 46; and Mark
A. Burkholder and Lyman L. Johnson, Colonial Latin America, Oxford University Press,
New York, 1990, p. 44.
lx

[xxxvi] John H. Parry and Robert G. Keith (eds.), New Iberian World: A Documentary
History of the Discovery and Settlement of Latin America to the Early 17th Century,
Volume IV, The Andes, Times Books and Hector & Rose, New York, 1984, p. 46.
lxi

[xxxvii] This needs to be verified. John H. Parry and Robert G. Keith (eds.), New Iberian
World: A Documentary History of the Discovery and Settlement of Latin America to the
Early 17th Century, Volume IV, The Andes, Times Books and Hector & Rose, New York,
1984, p. 47, states that Atahualpa was captured in November 1533. Mark A. Burkholder
and Lyman L. Johnson, Colonial Latin America, Oxford University Press, New York,
1990, p. 45, states November 1532. Benjamin Keen and Mark Wasserman (eds.), A
History of Latin America (Third Edition), Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston, 1988, pp.
68, notes that Cuzco was captured in November 1533 after Atahualpa's death. 1532 seems
more reasonable, given date of Spanish departure and that Atahualpa was held hostage for
lxii

many months before he was killed.

[xxxviii] Mark A. Burkholder and Lyman L. Johnson, Colonial Latin America, Oxford
University Press, New York, 1990, p. 46.
lxiii

[xxxix] John H. Parry and Robert G. Keith (eds.), New Iberian World: A Documentary
History of the Discovery and Settlement of Latin America to the Early 17th Century,
Volume IV, The Andes, Times Books and Hector & Rose, New York, 1984, p. 84.
lxiv

[xl] John H. Parry and Robert G. Keith (eds.), New Iberian World: A Documentary
History of the Discovery and Settlement of Latin America to the Early 17th Century,
Volume IV, The Andes, Times Books and Hector & Rose, New York, 1984, p. 138.
lxv

[xli] Lyle N. McAlister, Spain and Portugal in the New World, 1492-1700. University of
Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 1984, p. 267.
lxvi

[xlii] Lyle N. McAlister, Spain and Portugal in the New World, 1492-1700. University
of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 1984, p. 282. William McNeill, Plagues and Peoples, p.
180 (Diana Walkers volume).
lxvii

lxviii

[xliii]Coe, Snow, and Benson, p. 23.

[xliv] Marvin Lunenfeld, 1492: Discovery, Invasion, Encounter: Sources and

Interpretations. D.C. Heath and Company, Lexington, Massachusetts, 1991, pp. 304-305.
lxix

[xlv] Lyle N. McAlister, Spain and Portugal in the New World, 1492-1700. University of
Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 1984, p. 271.
lxx

[xlvi] Ted Morgan, Wilderness at Dawn: The Settling of the North American Continent,
Simon & Schuster, New York, p. 66.
lxxi

[xlvii] Oliver A. Rink, Holland on the Hudson; An Economic and Social History of
Dutch New York, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, 1986, p. 28.
lxxii

[xlviii] Henri and Barbara van der Zee, A Sweet and Alien Land; The Story of Dutch
New York, The Viking Press, New York, 1978, p. 8.
lxxiii

[xlix] Henri and Barbara van der Zee, A Sweet and Alien Land; The Story of Dutch New
York, The Viking Press, New York, 1978, pp. 10-11; Ted Morgan, Wilderness at Dawn:
The Settling of the North American Continent, Simon & Schuster, New York, p. 153;
Oliver A. Rink, Holland on the Hudson; An Economic and Social History of Dutch New
York, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, 1986, p. 70.
lxxiv

lxxv

[l] Ted Morgan, Wilderness at Dawn: The Settling of the North American Continent,

Simon & Schuster, New York, p. 299.

[li] Gary B. Nash, Red, White and Black; The People of Early North America, Prentice
Hall, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1992, pp. 107-108.
lxxvi

[lii] Ted Morgan, Wilderness at Dawn: The Settling of the North American Continent,
Simon & Schuster, New York, p. 116.
lxxvii

[liii]GET ART SHOWING VIRGINIA TOBACCO FARMING, WITH SPECIAL

EMPHASIS ON THE FACT THAT NATIVE AMERICANS HAD TAUGHT IT TO THE
SETTLERS.
lxxviii

[liv] Gary B. Nash, Red, White and Black; The People of Early North America, Prentice
Hall, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1992, p. 50.
lxxix

[lv] Ted Morgan, Wilderness at Dawn: The Settling of the North American Continent,
Simon & Schuster, New York, p. 124.
lxxx

lxxxi

[lvi]Who Built America? volume I, pp. 71-72.

[lvii] Selma R. Williams, Divine Rebel; The Life of Anne Marbury Hutchinson, Holt,
Rinehart and Winston, New York, 1981, p. 76.
lxxxii

[lviii] Selma R. Williams, Divine Rebel; The Life of Anne Marbury Hutchinson, Holt,
Rinehart and Winston, New York, 1981, p. 116.
lxxxiii

[lix] Selma R. Williams, Divine Rebel; The Life of Anne Marbury Hutchinson, Holt,
Rinehart and Winston, New York, 1981, p. 149.
lxxxiv

[lx] Selma R. Williams, Divine Rebel; The Life of Anne Marbury Hutchinson, Holt,
Rinehart and Winston, New York, 1981, p. 161.
lxxxv

[lxi] Ted Morgan, Wilderness at Dawn: The Settling of the North American Continent,
Simon & Schuster, New York, p. 104.
lxxxvi

lxxxvii

[lxii]Atlas of the North American Indian, pp.74-75.

[lxiii]Jordan, Conquering a Continent, p. 15

lxxxviii

i[lxiv]Atlantic slave trade versus trans-Atlantic slave trade: we use Atlantic slave trade as used by Curtin.
ii[lxv] For material on Oyo: B.A. Ogot (ed.), General History of Africa, Volume V: Africa from the Sixteenth
to the Eighteenth Century, UNESCO (Paris) and Heinemann International Literature and Textbooks
(Oxford) and University of California Press (Berkeley), 1992, p. 440ff; and from Basil Davidson, Africa in
History; Themes and Outlines, Collier Books, Macmillan Publishing Company, New York, 1974, p. 151ff.
iii[lxvi] B.A. Ogot (ed.), General History of Africa, Volume V: Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth
Century, UNESCO (Paris) and Heinemann International Literature and Textbooks (Oxford) and University
of California Press (Berkeley), 1992, pp. 400-433 for all material on the Akan.
iv[lxvii] B.A. Ogot (ed.), General History of Africa, Volume V: Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth
Century, UNESCO (Paris) and Heinemann International Literature and Textbooks (Oxford) and University
of California Press (Berkeley), 1992, p. 407.
v[lxviii] B.A. Ogot (ed.), General History of Africa, Volume V: Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth
Century, UNESCO (Paris) and Heinemann International Literature and Textbooks (Oxford) and University
of California Press (Berkeley), 1992, p. 425.
vi[lxix] Paul Edwards (ed.), Equiano's Travels; His Autobiography, The Interesting Narrative of the Life of
Olaudah Equiano or Gustavus Vassa the African, Frederick A. Praeger, New York, 1966, p. 9.
vii[lxx] For material on Kongo: B.A. Ogot (ed.), General History of Africa, Volume V: Africa from the
Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century, UNESCO (Paris) and Heinemann International Literature and
Textbooks (Oxford) and University of California Press (Berkeley), 1992, p. 547ff; and from Basil Davidson,
Africa in History; Themes and Outlines, Collier Books, Macmillan Publishing Company, New York, 1974, pp.
135-136.
viii[lxxi] Basil Davidson, Africa in History; Themes and Outlines, Collier Books, Macmillan Publishing
Company, New York, 1974, p. 136.
ix[lxxii] Paul Boyer, Todd and Curti's The American Nation, HRW, Austin, 1995, p. 42!!!
x[lxxiii] For material on Zimbabwe: B.A. Ogot (ed.), General History of Africa, Volume V: Africa from the
Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century, UNESCO (Paris) and Heinemann International Literature and
Textbooks (Oxford) and University of California Press (Berkeley), 1992, p. 647ff.
xi[lxxiv] For material on Omanis: B.A. Ogot (ed.), General History of Africa, Volume V: Africa from the
Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century, UNESCO (Paris) and Heinemann International Literature and
Textbooks (Oxford) and University of California Press (Berkeley), 1992, p. 767ff; and from Basil Davidson,
Africa in History; Themes and Outlines, Collier Books, Macmillan Publishing Company, New York, 1974, p.
170.
xii[lxxv] For material on South Africa: B.A. Ogot (ed.), General History of Africa, Volume V: Africa from the
Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century, UNESCO (Paris) and Heinemann International Literature and
Textbooks (Oxford) and University of California Press (Berkeley), 1992, p. 683ff; and from Basil Davidson,

Africa in History; Themes and Outlines, Collier Books, Macmillan Publishing Company, New York, 1974, pp.
170ff.
xiii[lxxvi] Basil Davidson, Africa in History; Themes and Outlines, Collier Books, Macmillan Publishing
Company, New York, 1974, p. 182.
xiv[lxxvii]Meltzer, Slavery, vol. II, pp. 51-53.
xv[lxxviii] Herbert S. Klein, African Slavery in Latin America and the Caribbean, Oxford University Press,
New York, 1986, 145-146. Klein notes that recent research has exploded the myth of triangular trade,
mainly on the grounds that the majority of the trade went from Africa to the Americas without any side trips
to Europe. See also the Atlantic commerce map in B.A. Ogot (ed.), General History of Africa, Volume V:
Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century, UNESCO (Paris) and Heinemann International
Literature and Textbooks (Oxford) and University of California Press (Berkeley), 1992, p. 77--I don't see any
triangles!
xvi[lxxix] Elizabeth Donnan, Documents Illustrative of the History of the Slave Trade to America, Volume II,
The 18th Century, Octagon books, New York, 1969, p. 15.
xvii[lxxx] Elizabeth Donnan, Documents Illustrative of the History of the Slave Trade to America, Volume II,
The 18th Century, Octagon books, New York, 1969, p. 460.
xviii[lxxxi] Curtin, The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census, pp. 265-268. Bob - Curtins figures seem fairly
conservative. The following reference cites 11-15 million. Can we verify in a reliable third source, since
Curtins study is from 1969? B.A. Ogot (ed.), General History of Africa, Volume V: Africa from the Sixteenth
to the Eighteenth Century, UNESCO (Paris) and Heinemann International Literature and Textbooks
(Oxford) and University of California Press (Berkeley), 1992, p. 82.
xix[lxxxii] Benjamin Keen and Mark Wasserman (eds.), A History of Latin America (Third Edition), Houghton
Mifflin Company, Boston, 1988, pp. 111-112.
xx[lxxxiii] Michael L. Conniff and Thomas J. Davis, Africans in the Americas; A History of the Black
Diaspora, St. Martin's Press, New York, 1994, p. 101.
xxi[lxxxiv] Michael L. Conniff and Thomas J. Davis, Africans in the Americas; A History of the Black
Diaspora, St. Martin's Press, New York, 1994, p. 57.
xxii[lxxxv] Cyril Hamshere, The British in the Caribbean, Harvard University Press, Cambridge,
Massachusetts, 19722, pp. 140-141.
xxiii[lxxxvi] Joseph E. Harris, Global Dimensions of the African Diaspora, Howard University Press,
Washington, D.C., 1993, pp. 100-103.
xxiv[lxxxvii] John Whitney Hall (ed.), The Cambridge History of Japan, Volume 4: Early Modern Japan,
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1991, p. 750.

xxv[lxxxviii]Nigel Davies, The Aztecs (Norman, Okla.: The University of Oklahoma Press, 1989), 239.
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