1

THECHINESEBORDERWOOLTRADEOF18801937

JamesA.Millward

CONTENTS

I.

INTRODUCTION

II.

PRODUCTION

1
9

III. COLLECTION

20

IV.

TRANSPORT

V.

BAOTOU

VI.

TIANJINANDTHEWORLD

37
45

TABLES,CHARTSANDDIAGRAMS
GLOSSARY
BIBLIOGRAPHY

55

69

78
80

I.INTRODUCTION
In1879,amannamedGeTuzitraveledfromTianjinthroughtheInner
MongolianOrdosonaninvestigationforBritishmerchantsofthe
commercialpossibilitiesofthenorthwest.InShizuishan,onthewestern
legoftheYellowRiver'sgreatoxbow,Genoticedasmallgroupofthe

Iamindebtedtotheguidanceandassistanceofseveralpeoplein
writingthispaper.ForemostamongthemareProfessorsDieterKuhnand
JonathanLipmanandfellowgraduatestudentFanIchun.

localinhabitantssmearingwhatlookedlikeearthintohanksofsheep's
wool.Heaskedthemwhattheyweredoing.
"Soakingitwithshittoputonthecrops,"theyreplied.Bemused,
Geaskedthemwhytheydidnotsellthewoolandmakesomemoneyfromit.
Thelocalsanswered,
"Exceptformakingfeltsthisstuffhasnootherusethere'sno
waytosellit.Allwecandoissoakitwithshit."
GeTuzisoonthoughtupawaytoturnatidyprofitoffofthis
messystateofaffairs,andheapproachedhisinnkeeper,amannamedXu
Cunrong,toactasgobetweeninalargepurchaseofwool.Promising
repaymentandaheftycommission,GepersuadedXutoguaranteehis
purchaseoncreditof400,000cattiesofsheep'swoolattwotaelsof
2
sliverperpicul.
Togethertheycollectedthewoolinamonth,andGe

transporteditonboatsdowntheYellowRivertoBaotouandthenoverland
toTianjin,whereheissaidtohavesoldittotheforeignersforten
timeswhathepaidforit.
Nowarichman,GereachedaformalagreementwiththeEnglish
merchantsandheadedwestagainthistimeamplysuppliedwithcashto
clearhisdebtandtomakefurtherwoolpurchases.Heencountered
troubleinPugebeiwan,wherehisprogressbroughthimtoterritoryunder
thecontrolofthebanditZhangJiayun(alsoknownasZhangSan).Again

Onecatty(
jin
)equalsapproximately1.33poundsonepicul(
dan
)
equalsonehundredcatties,thatis,133poundsor60.5kilograms.These
arethetheoreticalequivalentsinpracticeinChina,particularlyin
theborderregions,considerablevariationwaspossibledependingon
localusageoreventhecommodityunderconsideration.
2

availinghimselfoftheresourcesoftheproprietorofalocalinn,Ge
contactedZhangSanandofferedhim1000taelsinreturnforpassage
throughhisterritory.ZhangwasimpressedenoughtowanttomeetGe
Tuzi,andafteraconferenceintheinnthetwoemergedfriends.Zhang
notonlygrantedpassage,butprovidedGewithanarmedescortthrough
theOrdos.
BackinShizuishan,Gepaidoffhisdebtandopenedupshopundera
signthatread"Gaolin
yanghang
"(CollinsandCo.,Ltd.,foreignfirm).
Thatyearhethrewhimselfintothetaskofcollectingwoolandhides,
purchasingthemdirectlythistime,withcash.Once,havingheardthat
XiningwoolwasofbetterqualitythanthelocalNingxiavariety,he
outfittedandsentZhangSanandhismentotheGansu/Qinghaiborder
region.
OnhisreturnfromTianjinthefollowingyear,Gebroughtwithhim
severalmenfromGuangdongwhoconsolidatedandexpandedthescopeofhis
operationsasabranchofaforeignfirm.Soon,however,Gaolinwas
joinedinShizuishanbyacompetitor,Renji
yanghang
(ForbesandCo.,
foreignfirm),whowithgreatercapitalresourcesandemployeesfrom
3
TianjinsooneclipsedGe'srelativelysmallenterprise.

***
Theabovestory,toldin1964byanold
maotou
(workerinwool
3

LiuTingdong,"DiguozhuyiyanghangzaiShizuishan"(Imperialist
foreignfirmsinShizuishan),
NingxiaWenshiZiliao
,vol.10.(n.p.:
n.p.,1981),pp.182184.Note:Chinesecharactersforcitationsof
ChineseandJapanesematerialsappearinthebibliography.Aglossary
listscharactersfornamesandtermswhichappearinthetext.

shipping,packingorprocessing)toaresearcherfromtheHistorical
MaterialsResearchCommitteeoftheNingxiaPeople'sPolitical
ConsultativeConference,maynotbestrictlytrueitreadsmorelikea
4
legendtoaccountfortheoriginsoftheChinesewooltrade.
Besidesthe

implausibliityofthefinancialarrangements(notraveler,freshintoa
Chinesefrontiertown,couldborroweightytaels,letaloneeight
thousand),thereisthequestionofwhyShizuishanpeasants,who
apparentlyvaluedwoolsolittle,wouldhavequantitiesofitonhandat
all.Woolmixedwithnightsoilandcompostedmightmakegoodfertilizer
nonetheless,thedetailofpeasantsrubbingwoolwithdirtorfecesis
reminiscentofapracticecommonduringtheheightofthewooltradein
China.Asweshallseebelow,suchmethodsofadulterationwerecommonly
practicedbyproducersormiddlemeninordertoincreasetheweightof
thewoolbeforeweighingandsale.Amemoryassociatedwithdealingin
woolmayhaveemergedinthisstoryinchangedform.

Despiteitsmythiccharacter,thestoryofGeTuziisenlightening

Thereareotherlegendaryaccountsoftheoriginsofthewooltrade.
InHezhou,Gansu,astorywastoldthatamerchantfromGaoyangDistrict
inHebeifirstalertedtheforeignfirmstothepresenceofwooland
henceprofitstobegatheredinChina.DuringtheGuangxuperiod
(18751908)themerchantwasinvolvedinexportingstrawbraidfrom
TianjinOnce,onatriptoLondon,helearnedthatBritain'stextile
industrywasshortofwool,soonhisnexttripthemerchantbrought
samplesfromnorthwesternsheepandcamels.TheBritishimperialists
"drooled"atthesightofthewoolanddispatchedpeopletoChinato
organizetheXintaixing(WilsonandCo.)
yanghang
toexploitthis
resource.QinXianzhou,MaShouli,ZhangZhida,"Diguozhuyiyanghangzai
Gansulueduoboxuenongminshiliaosanze"(threepiecesofhistorical
materialonimperialistforeignfirms'predaciousexploitationof
agriculturalandnomadicpeoplesinGansu),
Gansuwenshiziliaoxuanji
,
vol.8(Lanzhou:Gansurenminchubanshe,1980),p.175.

inthatithighlightssignificantaspects,albeitinasymbolicway,ofa
flourishingepisodeoftradeinwoolfromChina'sbordersbetweenthe
1880sandthelate1930s.
Firstofall,theattitudeattributedtothenativesofShizuishan
thatwoolisworthlessismorethananarrativedevice.TheChinesevery
earlyinventedspinningandweavingtechnologyandappliedittosilkand
avarietyofbastfibers(suchasramieandhemp)afterthethirteenth
centurycottontechnologybecameimportantandeventuallytookprideof
placefromthebastfibers.YettheChineseneverseemtohaveused
woolentextilesforgarmentstoanyextent.Peopleinthenorthwestern
andwesternregionsofChinadidmanufacturewoolentextilesasearlyas
theneolithicperiod,andwovencarpetshavebeencommoninthenorthwest
uptorecenttimesChineseusedtheskinsofsheepandgoatswiththe
attachedfleeceforgarmentswherethesewereavailable,andwoolwas
feltedtomakehatsandfootwear.Butwoolengarmentswerenever
popular,paddedouterwearofsilk,cottonothervegetablefiberbeingthe
commoncoldweatherchoice.Ananswerforwhythiswassomaybefound
inthe"DiscoursesonSaltandIron,"whichcontaintheremark,"wooland
feltgoodsdonotaddsubstancetosilk,"withinapassagedecryingthe
economicdangersofimportingsuchexoticsintoHanWudi'sempirewhen
theproductsofChina'sfarmerswoulddojustaswell.Thedifficulties
andcostofshippingheavywoolcomparedtothebroadareaofChina
suitableforagriculturalproductionofvegetablefibersdictatedthat
5
woolwouldnotcatchonthereasitdidinEurope.

HuanKuan,
YanTieLun
,j.1,chapter2,
Wanyouwenku
ed.,vol82

Itwasonlyinthenineteenthcentury,andthenbyimported
technology,thatwoolbegantobewovenextensivelyinChinaforuseas
clothing.ItwasZuoZongtangwhoasgovernorgeneralofShaanxiand
Gansuestablishedin1879whatwasprobablythefirstChinesewoolen
mill.ZuoemployedGermanmachineryandadvisorstosetupthemillin
Lanzhouwhererawsheep'sandcamels'woolcouldbecheaplyobtained.
(Theoperationwasnotanimmediatenoragreatsuccessthewoolbrought
inwasfilthyandwatersuppliesatthesitewereinadequatebutwhen
SirEricTeichmanpassedthroughLanzhouin1917andwasgiventwo
camels'hairblanketsmanufacturedatthemill,heconsideredthemtobe
6
of"highquality.")

Asecondilluminatingfacetofthe
maotou
'sstoryisthesenseit

(Shanghai:Shangwu1936),p.5.TranslationfromHuanK'uan,
Discourses
onSaltandIron
,ed.,trans.EssonM.Gale(Leyden:E.J.Brill,Ltd.,
1931),p.15.IamindebtedtoProfessorDieterKuhn,Universityof
Heidelberg,whosepersonalcorrespondenceprovidedmewiththis
information.Dr.Kuhn,whoisatworkontheforthcoming"Textiles"
sectionof
ScienceandTechnologyinChina
,alsoincludedthefollowing
remarks."Inthe
HouHanshu
(j.86,pp.285758)ismentionofthe
"tribe"Ranmangmakingfeltedarticlesfromthe"wool"ofhornlessyaks
(
maoniu
).The
BookofDocuments
mentions"woollenarticles"(inthe
tributestoYu).Theyaredifficulttodefine,ofcourse.Inthe
Tiangongkaiwu
of1637isashortsubsection"WoollensandFelt."
Althoughthereareanumberofreferencestowoolinvarioustextual
worksanddictionaries(
Shuowenjiezi
,
Yupian
...)Iassumethatwoolas
materialforgarmentswasregardedasinferior."(11November,1987).

GideonChen(Ch'enCh'it'ien),
TsoTsungt'ang,PioneerPromoterof
theModernDockyardandWoolenMillinChina
(NewYork:Paragon,1938),
pp.5772.(OriginallypublishedinBeiping:YenchingUniversity
DepartmentofEconomics,1938.)SirEricTeichman,
TravelsofaConsular
OfficerinNorthwestChina
(Cambridge,CambridgeUniversityPress,1921),
p.116.
6

conveysthatthewooltradeinChinabegansuddenly,withthediscovery
byforeignfirmsoftheresourcesofwoolavailableinthemoredistant
hinterlandsofthetreatyports.Asmentionedabove,woolwasnot
consumedtoanynoticeableextentbyChina'ssedentaryHanpopulation
withlittledomesticdemand,then,itawaitedtheadventofaforeign
markettoprimetheenginesofcommercethatbroughtwooldownfromthe
pasturesofTibet,Qinghai,XinjiangandMongolia.Russiafirst
purchasedwoolfromtheAltairegionofXinjiangandfromOuterMongolia
intheearly19thcentury,butitwasnotuntilthelate1870sand1880s
thatsizeableamountsofwoolbegantopassthroughChinafromInnerAsia
totheportsfromwhichitwasexported:Tianjinprimarily,butalsothe
YangziRiverportsfromChongqingdown.Oncestartedthetradegrew
rapidly,increasingfrom4,500piculsexportedin1880to43,000in1885
7
toover135,000in1891.

AnothercharacteristicoftheChinesewooltradethatemergesfrom
thetaleofGeTuzi'senterpriseisthelargenumberofintermediaries
involvedinitsoperation.Gehimselfisamiddleman,an
investigatorturnedcompradorefurtheringtheinterestsofhisforeign
employers(alongwithhisown).Despitehisambitionand
resourcefulness,hecanfunctiononthefrontieronlywiththeassistance
ofinnkeeperswhoknowthelocalpeopleandcustoms,presumablyspeakthe
localdialectorlanguageaswellasaformofChinesecomprehensibleto
outsidersandinotherwaysbridgethegapbetweenthenearbyproducers

BasedonImperialMaritimeCustomsdata.SeetableIV.

andthemerchantarrivedfromafar.Suchcrossculturalfigureswere
cruciallinksintheChinesewooltrade,andmanywereinfact
proprietorsofinns,theseestablishmentsprovidingconvenientlocalefor
negotiations(asinGe'sliaisonwithZhangSan)andevenexchangeof
goods.The
maotou
'sstorydoesnotreferspecificallytotheclassof
intermediariesinvolvedinshippingthewool,bylandcaravanorbyboat
downriverbutsomeofthedangersinherentinthattransportation
processareapparentintheappearanceandroleofthebanditleader
ZhangSanasboththreattoandprotectorofthetradeinwool.
Thefinalclueaboutthenatureofthewooltradetobedrawnfrom
thislegendisitspotentialasalucrativeenterprise,giventhe
plentifulsupplyofwoolatlowpricesintheborderlandsandthebrisk
demandinthetreatyports.Forthisreasonforeignersatfirst,and
later,Chinesemerchants,investedinwooltransactions.Butthe
potentialforprofitinthetradedependedhighlyuponinternational
demand,whichfromthepointofviewofChinesetradersornomadic
producersmusthaeseemedacapriciousmasterindeed.Theprofitability
ofthewooltradealsovariedwiththecostofgettingwooltomarket.
Initiallyattractivebecausetherawproductcouldbeshippedtotreaty
portsfreeoflocalandprovincialtaxes,woolexportbecameless
profitableasthedeclineofeffectivecentralpowerintheseconddecade
ofthetwentiethcenturyputanendtothispriviledge.
IntheremainderofthispaperIwilltraceanddetailtheChinese
borderwooltradethatblossomedbetweenthe1880sandthe1930s.Of

course,thetypesofcommercialtransactionsandagentsthroughwhich
woolwasrelayeddidnotremainstaticthroughoutthisperiod.AsI
followtheborderwoolgeographicallyandcommerciallyfromsheepto
ship,asitwere,Iwillalsoattempt(whereavailablesourcespermit
thislevelofdetail)toshowhowthepatternofthetradechanged
chronologicallyateachpointofexchangebetweenthehandsofMongols,
TibetansandothernomadstothoseofEuropeans,AmericansandJapanese
inthetreatyports.

II.PRODUCTION
ThestoryofGeTuziissilentaboutonelinkinthechainthatcomprised
theChinesewooltrade:thefirstone.Infact,theproducersofthe
wool,forthemostpartnomadicherdsmenlivingonthefringesofthe
desertsoramongthemountainrangesandplateausofChina'snorthand
8
west,
areleftinhistoriographicshadowbyChineseandJapaneseaccounts

moreconcernedwithChinesetradersandtheirinteractionwithforeign
firms.Anotherimportantreasonbehindthisisthatthemobilenatureof
nomadicpastoralists'livesandtheremotenessoftheareasthey
inhabitedprecludedcloseobservationoftheirsocietyandeconomy,
especiallywithregardtoquantitativeestimatesofherdsize,wool

InmanyprovincesofChinapropersmallamountsofsheep'swoolwere
producedbysedentaryHanorHuiasasupplementtotheirincomefrom
crops,orinplacesasanexclusiveeconomicactivity.Neitherin
quantitynorinquality,however,didthisproductapproachthat
collectedfromnonChinesepastoralnomads.

production,andsoforth.Forthesereasons,inordertopicturethe
livesofnomadicresidentsoftheborderlandswemustrelyonthe
miscellanyofethnographicinformationcontainedinthenarrativesof
travelerswhopassedthroughtheborderregionsduringthisperiod,the
onesidedaccountsofChineseinvolvedinsomestageofthetrade,the
secondaryreportsofChineseandJapaneseinvestigators.Eventhen,it
isimposibletodomorethanspeculateonhownomadswereeffectedbythe
9
developmentofaninternationaldemandfortheirherds'wool.

Nomadsraisednumerousbreedsofwoolbearinganimalsthroughout
thedesert,steppeandmountainenvironmentonChina'sborders.Chinese
sourcesidentifythreemajorclassificationsofsheep,aswellasmany
subbreedsandcrossbreedswithinthesecategories.Thelargest
category,theMongolianorfattailedsheep(sonamedbecauseitstores
fatinitstailforwinteruse)hadthewidestdistributionandlargest
populationin1950mostofthesheepinInnerMongoliaandManchuria,
northernandcentralChina,aswellasintheKhotanregionofXinjiang
werefattailedsheep.ThisbreedwasalsointroducedintotheTsaidam,
byimmigratingMongolbannersattheendofMingperiod.Hardy,fecund
andgoodeating,fattailedsheepwerepopularamongnomads.The
travelingmissionaryEvaristeHuc's"embarassmentwasextreme,"however,
whenin1844hisMongolhostsofferedhimthefattytailalone,that
beingtothemthechoicestparthecouldnotstomachthe"greatwhite

InwritingthispaperIhavenotconsultedworksinRussianon
MongolianandCentralAsianpastoralsociety.Doingsowouldhaveadded
moreethnographicdetailtomyanalysishere.

massoffat."10Thewoolofthefattailedsheepisshortandcoarseand
provedoflesscommercialvaluethanthatofotherbreeds.
TheTibetanorsmalltailedsheep,nativetoTibetandfromthere
introducedtoQinghai,southwestGansu,Sichuan,andtheYunGuiplateau,
wastheonlyChinesesheeptorivalthemerino(aSpanishbreednow
raisedinternationally)inqualityandquantityofwoolproduced.(Most
ofthewoolexportedfromChina'snorthwestduringtheboomofthe
1880s1930swasfromthissheep,anditwaspraisedbyforeignwool
merchantsforitscurliness,flexibility,lengthofstaple,clearcolor,
andscarcityofcoarseor"dead"fibers).
Thethirdmajorbreedofsheep,theKhazaksheep,originatedin
whatisnowtheSovietrepublicofKhazakistanandwasbroughtto
Xinjiangbynomadicgroupsveryearly.Itwasdistributedthroughout
Xinjiang(thoseraisedintheAltairegionwereconsideredthefinest)
withsomealsoinGansu,QinghaiandNingxia.Asthenamesuggests,
thesesheepwereherdedprimarilybyKhazaks.11
ItwasmainlytheMongolswhoraisedtheBactriancamelsthat

EvaristeHucandJosephGabet,
TravelsinTartary,ThibetandChina
duringtheYears184456
,trans.W.Hazlitt,2ndrpt.ed.(Chicago,
1900),p.65.

10

11

Theprecedingdiscussionofbreedsofsheepfollowsthesesources:
XuKangzu,
Zhongguodimianyangyuyangmao
(China'ssheepandwool),2nd
ed.(Shanghai:Yongxiangyinshuguan,1952),pp.1344ZhouZhenhe,
Qinghai
(Qinghai),rpt.ed.(Taibei:Shangwuyinshuguan,1970),p.233
ZhangZhiyi
et.

al.
,
Xibeiyangmaoyuxumushiye
(Thewoolandpastoral
industryoftheNorthwest)(HongKong:Zhongguoguohuoshiyebaowushe,
1941),p.2.SeealsoChinChienYin,
WoolIndustryandTradeinChina
,
mimeo.(Shanghai:Universityl'Aurore,1937).

providedthemainmeansoftransportationacrossthedesertandsteppeof
MongoliaandXinjiang.Thesebeastsarestrongeralthoughless
aggressivethantheonehumpeddromedariesofArabiaandtheSahara,and
duringthecoldmonthsproduceaheavycoatofwool.Largehooveskeep
thecamelfromsinkingintothesand,evenwhencarryingloadsof300400
cattiesLongeyelashes,doubleeyelidsandavalveinthecurvednostril
passageaffordtheanimalprotectionfromflyingsand.Uptoforty
kilogramsoffatstoredinthehumpsallowsthecameltoliveforover
twoweekswithoutwaterinthedesert.Resilientagainsthunger,thirst,
heatandcold,theBactriancamelwasthusincomparabletransportover
soft,climaticallyextremeterrain.
Ifthecamelwastheshipofthedesert(
shamozhizhou
),Tibetan
yaksweresurelythebargeofthehighplateau.Theywereinfactnot
fullbloodedyaksatall,butahybridofyakandoxen.Inadditionto
usingthemfortransport,Tibetanswovetheirwoolintoclothfortents.12
Eachoftheregionsdescribedabovecouldalsosupportgoats,
particularlyinmountainousareas.Thesegoats'long,softundercoat
providedanequivalenttocashmere,butwasmarketedthroughChinaonly
insmallquantities.Theouterhairwastwistedintocord.
Despitetheenvironmentaldifferencesandvarietiesofherd
compositionadoptedbyeachgroup,nomadsinthelandsborderingonChina
sharedasimilarpatternoflife,basedonthenecessitesprovidedby
andtherequirementsoftheherds.Milkandproductsderivedfromit
RobertB.Ekvall,
CulturalRelationsontheKansuTibetanBorder
(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,1939),p.54.
12

madeupthemostimportantitemsinallInnerAsiannomads'diet.These
weresupplementedbygrain(forwhichthepastoralistsbarteredwool,
hidesandotherproducts)andsomemeat.Animaldungservedastheonly
sourceoffuelinenvironmentswherevegetationwasscarce.Theanimals
alsoprovidedclothingfornomadicTibetans,forexample,asheepskin
drapedoveroneshoulderandcinchedatthewaistservedasgarmentand
bedding.13
WoolwasoneofthemostimportantresourcesoftheInnerAsian
nomadiceconomy.Evenbeforethepossibilitiesfortradeinwool
increasedinthenineteenthcentury,wool,intheformoffelt,was
crucialasthemateralusedintheconstructionofyurtsandotheritems.
Tomakefelts,nomadswouldfirstcollectthewoolfromthesheepin
placesthiswasaccomplishedbyshearingwithscissors(themethod
preferredbyforeignwoolmerchants)butmoreoftennomadscombed,cut
withknivesorsimplypulledthewooloffwiththeirhands.Althoughthe
irregularstaplelengthcausedbysuchmethodspresentedanobstacleto
spinningandweaving,itwasofnoconsequenceinfeltmaking.Thenomads
beattherawwoolwithsticksatgreatlength,laidthecompactedwoolon
awovenmatorscreenandsoakeditwithhotwater.Next,theyrolled
thematandlayerofwoolaroundawoodenpole,securedit,andafter
fasteningropestotheendsofthepoledraggedthisdevicebyhandor
fromhorsebackforhoursoverthesteppe.Asthewoolrolledinthemat,

Forphotographsofnomadssoclad,seeJosephF.Rock,
The
AmnyeMachhenRangeandAdjacentRegions
(Rome:InstitutoItalianoperil
MedioedEstremoOriento,1956),platesIX,LXVIII.
13

itwascompressedintoasturdysheetoffeltonetothreeinchesthick.
(Somenomadgroups,suchastheKirghiz,accomplishedthisrolling
procedurewitharopemechanismpulledfromoppositesidesbytwo
people.)Woolistheonlynaturalfibertrulysuitedtofeltinginthis
manner.Therearerowsofscalesalongeachfiberthatfacethesame
directionandstaycakedwithgreasewhileonthesheephowever,the
initialbeatingrandomlyalignsandcompressesthefibersthehotwater
removesthegrease,causingthescalestobendawayfromthetrunkofthe
woolfiber.Thefinalprocessofrollingclosesthescalesoncemore,
thistimesothattheyareallfirmlyenmeshedwithotherscalesand
fibers.14
Theanimalsinnomads'herdsneededagoodsupplyofgrass
throughouttheyear,andthisrequirementdeterminedtheseasonal
migratorypatternoftheirherders.Duringthewarmermonths,thenomads
pasturedtheirherdsintherichergrasslandsofhigherelevationsin
thewinter,mostgroupsretreatedtocampsinvalleys,nearforests,and
otherplacesthataffordedprotectionfromtheweather.Thetimesof
yearwhennomadicgroupstradedtheirwool,hidesandotherproductsfor
itemsfromChinadependedupontheirdistancefrombordersettlements,
difficultyoflocalcommunicationandotherfactors,butwereinvariably
closelylinkedtothescheduleofthenomads'seasonalmigrations,and,
inparticularduringtheperiodweareconsidering,withthetimingof

ErnestWatson,
ThePrincipleArticlesofChineseCommerce
,China,
theMaritimeCustomsSpecialSeriesno.38(Shanghai:Statistical
DepartmentoftheInspectorateGeneralofCustoms,1930),p.21,25.
14

woolproduction.
Inmostplaces,woolwasgatheredfromthesheeponceortwicea
year:inearlyspringandperhapsagaininlatesummerorearlyautumn.
Generally,thewooltakeninthespringwaslongeranddenser,andhence
ofgreatervalueforthelongdistancetrade.(Inplaceswherenomads
"harvested"woolbiannually,suchasinInnerMongolia,theshorter
autumnfleecewasforthenomads'ownuse,orusebylocalborder
inhabitants.)Thusformanynomads,theirmajorexportproductwasready
togoonthemarketinspringorsummer,justastheywerepreparingto
leavetheirwintercampsforthehighpasturesandcouldbrooknodelay
insellingitoff.Norwasthenomad'sneedfortradeasgreatatthis
timeofyearasitwasintheautumn,whentheyhadtoputawaysupplies
forwinter.Inmanyborderareas,nomadsmadetheirpurchasesfrom
sedentarysocietyintheautumn,oncreditChinesemerchants
accomodatedthenomadseagerly,acceptingpaymentwithinterestinterms
ofthefollowingspring'swool.Tibetantradingcaravanssoldundera
similardisadvantage,despitethefactthattheybroughtwooltomarket
intheautumnthetimeofyearwhentravelinTibetwaseasiestandmen
werefreefromherdingtaskstomakethetrip.Theyaksintheir
caravansneededpastureorfodder,andtheformerwasscarceandthe
latterexpensiveontheborder.Withthecaravan'senginerunning,soto
speak,thenomadicTibetanshadtoconcludetheirsalequickly.
Inanotherwayaswell,pastoralnomadicsocietiesinInnerAsia
(orelsewhere),havebeenatadisadvantageintradingwithsedentary

peoples.Thisisbecauseingeneralherdsmentradeinordertosupply
themselveswithnecessities,whiletheproductstheyhaveofferedin
exchangearenotvitaltosedentarysocieties.15Afteracareerdevoted
toconsiderationofthehistoryoftheinteractionbetweenChineseand
InnerAsianpeoples,OwenLattimorehasgeneralizedthatthroughits
history,theChineseempire'smainreasonsfortradewiththenomadswere
politicalandstrategic,noteconomic.16Andindeed,abrieflookatthe
typesofproductsexchangedbeforetheboominwoolexplainswhythiswas
so.Pastoralistsproducedmuchwoolanddairyproductsneverhighly
desiredinChinaaswellasanimalskins.Tradeinlivestock,meatand
hideswasmoreimportantbutlimitedbythefactthatsellingtheseitems
entaileddepletionoftheherdsman's"capital",hisherds.Inaddition,
nomadscouldoffertheChineseavarietyoffurs,medicinalherbsand
otherproducts,dependingontheenvironmentinwhichtheherders
traveledintheirmigratorycycles.(Forexample,Tibetanscollected
rhubarbandwapatiantlersforsaleontheSichuanborderthenomadsof
MongoliaandXinjiang,notedfalconers,broughtthepeltsofsmall
mammalsandthoseinwesternManchuriasuppliedginseng,waxandhoneyto
northernChina.)Inreturn,thenomadsneededgrain,cloth,metaltools,
weapons,andcookingutensils.(Andsomenecessary"luxuries",suchas
15

Foradiscussionofthisquestionthatdrawsuponwideranging
examples,seeA.M.Khazanov,
NomadsandtheOutsideWorld
(Cambridge:
CambridgeUniversityPress,1984),p.212,
passim
.
OwenLattimore,"Herdsmen,farmers,urbanculture,"in
Pastoral
ProductionandSociety,ProceedingsoftheInternationalMeetingon
NomadicPastoralism,Paris,13December,1976
(NewYork:Cambridge
UniversityPress,1979),pp.481,4834.
16

thebrickteaconsumedinprodigiousquantitiesbyTibetansand,bythe
19thCentury,Mongolsaswell,orsilksforlamaistsacraluse).These
productsweremoreelementaltonomadiceconomiesthanwerethegoods
nomadsexportedtotheChinese.(Theonegreatexceptiontothis
imbalanceinthehistoryofChinesebordertradewasthesupplyingof
horsesfortheChinesemilitary.SinceatleastShangtimes,theChinese
neededasteadysupplyofthestrong,fasthorsesthatonlythesteppes
couldprovide.Butthislargescaletradetendedtobehandledby
specializedorelitenomadgroups,andprobablyexertedlittleinfluence
onthecommonpastoralist'sbalanceoftrade.17)Thisinherent
inequalityofnomadicChineseexchangeissummedupbyaChinesesaying
inusealongtheMongolianborderaroundtheturnofthecentury:

kouwaisandabao:heicha,chaomi,lanpi'ao.18
Theexchangeofhorsesfortea(
chamahushi
)becamearegular
featureofTibetanChineserelationsasearlyastheTangdynasty,during
theSongbecameanofficiallysupervisedandregulatedenterprise,and
wascontinuedundertheMingasthe
chamasi
.Interestingly,themost
importantnorthwesternsitesoftheteahorseexchangeduringtheSong
andMingperiods(Xining,Taozhou,Hezhou,GanzhouandMinzhou)became
majorcentersofthewooltradeinlateQingandRepublicantimes.In
Mongolia,horsefairsatwhichtheMongolnobilitytradedhorsesforsilk
andotherluxurieswhilecommonersconductedasidelinetradeinstaples
beganinthe15thcentury.MorrisRossabi,"TheTeaandHorseTradewith
InnerAsiaduringtheMing,"
JournalofAsianHistory
(Wiesbaden),4:2
(1970),pp.135167HenrySerruys,"SinoMongolTradeduringtheMing,"
JournalofAsianHistory
(Wiesbaden),9:1(1975),pp.4452Xie
Mingliang,GuoJianfan,"Xikangbianchajianshi"(Abriefhistoryof
Xikang`bordertea'),
Sichuanwenshiziliaoxuanji
,vol.8(n.p.:n.p.,
n.d.),pp.173174.
17

JosephusvanOost,
DictonsetProverbsdesChinoisHabitantla
MongolieSudouest
(Shanghai:Impr.del'OrphelinatdeT'ousewe,1918),
p.97.
18

ThethreegreattreasuresinMongoliaarebricktea,
roastedmillet,andarottenleatherovercoat.
NotethattwooutofthreetreasuresareoriginallyChinese,andthe
Chinesethinklittleofthethird.
Inthelatenineteenthcentury,woolbecamethemajorproduct
exportedfromnomadicareasintoChina.Yetasanexportwooldiffers
qualitativelyfromhorses,otherlivestock,meat,milkproducts,hides,
furs,andsoforth.Foronething,becausewoolisastapleresourceof
thepastoraleconomy,thefirstsuchtoenjoyademandemanatingfrom
southandeastoftheborderzone,itwasmoreeasilyavailabletocommon
nomadsthanthoseitemsfortradewhichhadtobehuntedorgathered.
Second,woolwasmorerapidlyreplenishablethanlivestockinasenseit
wasinterestonthepastoralists'capital,andtradingwoolawaydidnot
involvesuchrisksasnomadscouldincurwhentheyreducedthesizeof
theirherdsthroughsaleofmeat,hidesoranimalsonthehoof.
Becauseoftheuniquenessofwoolasanitemofnomadicexport,
then,thequestionariseswhetherthenoveltyoflargedemandforwool
perse
(asopposedtootheritemssoldtoChinesebynomads),hada
specialeffectonInnerAsiansocietywhereitinteractedwithChina.
Unfortunately,thescarcityofhistoricalandethnographicdataonthe
nomadicsocietiesofChina'sborderlandsatthisperiodprecludesallbut
speculativeanswerstothisquestion.HistoriansofMongoliahave
claimedconvincinglythattheextensiveChineseeconomicpenetrationinto
Mongoliainthenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturieshadtheeffect
ofimpoverishingthearea,especiallythroughextensivepracticeof

usury.OwenLattimorehasevenarguedingeneraltermsthatthedemand
fromtheChinesetreatyportsforwoolandotheritemsacceleratedthis
processbyraisingthepriceinMongoliaofsuchbasicstaples.19But
thiscastsonlyindirectlightontheeffectsontheMongoliannomadic
producersthemselves,andtellsusnothingaboutotherborderareas.In
particular,theQinghaiGansuborderregionwassubjecttomuchless
ChinesemigrationandeconomicpenetrationthanMongolia,yetexportof
woolfromthe1880stothe1930swasmuchgreater.Thereareinfact
hintsthattradeinwoolandotherpastoralproductsforwhichChina's
incorporationintotheworldeconomycreatedincreaseddemandallowedthe
accumulationofasurplusinsilveronthesteppe(seepage25).
However,confidentanswerstothisquestionmustawaitdetailedstudies
ofbordereconomiesbyanthropologistsandhistoriansandwillprobably
varydependingonjustwhereinthenomadicareasonelooks.20
OwenLattimore,
NationalismandRevolutioninMongolia
(NewYork:
OxfordUniversityPress,1955),pp.1421,particularlypp.1617.For
anunabashedlypolemicaccountoftheeffectsofChinesepenetration,see
WilliamA.BrownandUrgungeOnon,trans.,
HistoryoftheMongolPeople's
Republic
(Cambridge:EastAsianResearchCenter,HarvardUniversity
Press,1976).
19

20

AcasesimilartothatoftheChineseInnerAsianwooltrademaybe
foundinSomaliafromthe1830stothe1950s.Somaliannomadshad
exchangedanimalandwildgoods(primarilygheeandgatheredvegetable
products)foragriculturalandmanufacturedgoodssincebeforethe
thirteenthcentury.AftertheBritishoccupationofAdenin1839,
however,thepresenceofBritishtroopssuddenlycreatedademandfor
meatwhichSomalianpastoralistsendeavoredtofulfillthroughincreased
livestocktrade.Theultimateresultsofthetrade(whichcontinued
afterthe1950sduetoArabdemand),asinterpretedbyJeremySwift,were
1)strengtheningandconsolidationofaclassofintermediariesandthe
creationofawealthyurbanlivestocktradingclassand2)
stratificationanddivisionofSomalipastoralsociety,aswellasthe
breakdownofmanycustomsandinstitutions(weddinggifts,mutual
insurance,andsoon)rootedinfreeexchangeofanimalsnowinshorter

III.COLLECTION
Inthissection,Iwilltracethemovementofwoolseveralstepsfurther
byexaminingthetransactionsthroughwhichthewoolchangedhandsnear
thebordersinpreparationforitsjourneytoBaotouorChongqing.
Accurateassessmentsofthevolumeofwoolproductionandtradefromthe
borderregionsarevirtuallyimpossibleduetothescatteredand
arbitrarynatureofextantstatistics(seetableI).21Iamable,
however,tooutlineinsomedetailthestagesintheprocessofexchange,
whereeachtookplace,thecommercialinstitutionsandsocialgroups
involved,andthechangesthispatternunderwentduringtheperiod
18801938.
Itisusefultoviewthepurchase,concentrationandtransshipment

supply.JeremySwift,"TheDevelopmentofLivestockTradinginaNomad
PastoralEconomy:theSomaliCase,"
PastoralProductionandSociety
,pp.
448463.
Thiscomparison,whileprovocative,isproblematicbecausethe
commodityforwhichthesuddendemandaroseintheSomaliancasewasa
relatively"nonrenewable"resource,livestock,whilewoolcouldbe
tradedinincreaseamountswithoutdangerouslydepletingherdsize.
21

Estimatesareavailableinmanysources,butdifferastoplaceand
time,sothatcomparisonisimpossible.Moreover,themeansbywhich
figureswereobtainedoftenamountedtolittlemorethanguesswork.For
example,toestimatetheamountofwoolmarketedintheNorthwest(
xibei
)
inanaverageyearintheearly1930s,theinvestigatorZhangZhiyitook
hisestimatesofregionalsheeppopulations,multipliedthembythe
estimatedaveragequantityofwoolproducedbyeachsheepinagiven
year,andsubtractedanestimateoftheamountofwoolusedlocallyby
nomadicandsedentarypastoralists.Tohiscredit,Zhangcitesavariety
ofotherestimates,includingproductionfiguresforthevarious
northwesternprovinceswheretheycontradicteachother,Zhangattempts
toevaluatedifferingresults.Zhang,
et.

al.
,pp.8,10,12.Other
estimatesaresummarizedinTableI.

ofwoolfromChina'sborderregionsintermsofaroughhierarchyof
"central"places,inwhichthevolumeofwoolhandledincreasedandthe
typeofcommercialtransactiondifferedateachhigherlevel.Asmight
beexpectedwithtradeinabulkycommoditythroughroughterrain,
"centrality"ofaplaceinthishierarchywasassociatedwithlocation
alongthefewlandandwaterroutessuitableforthetransportofwool.
Thefourtypesofplaceinthehierarchyare1)producers'markettowns,
wherenomads(orsedentarywoolproducerssuchasthoseineasternGansu)
tradedtheirwoolandhides2)collectiontransshipmentcenters,where
largequantitiesofwoolwerebroughtfrom(1)bybrokersandmerchants
tobesoldtoothermerchants,bulkedandtransshipped3)themajor
collectiontransshipmentcentersofXining,ShizuishanandBaotou,which
differfrom(2)primarilyinscale,butalsooccupycrucialpositionson
themajorwesteastwaterwayand,moreover,whereconsignmentsofwool
werenotonlybulked,butalsoprocessedtosomeextentbefore
transshipmentand4),theexportcitiesofTianjinandtheless
important(intermsofwoolhandling)Chongqing,wheretheforeign
companiesthatexportedtheborderwoolwerebased,andwhereevenwool
boundforChinesewoolenmills(inthe1920sand1930s)wasfirst
accumulatedbeforefinalshipment.Therelationshipbetweenfunction
andtypeofplacewasnotasrigidasthisschematicdescription
suggests.Manylargerproducers'markettownswerealsothesiteof
exchangeofwoolbetweentheinitialbuyerandalongdistancemerchant
orevenofabrokeredexchangebetweenproducersandrepresentativesof

foreignfirms.Collectiontransshipmentandmajor
collectiontransshipmentcentersalsoservedtheirimmediatehinterlands
asproducers'markets.Iproposethishierarchicalscheme,then,onlyto
aidinexplainingingeneraltermsthecomplextransactionsgoverningthe
borderwooltrade.
InthissectionIwilldiscuss(1),(2),andthemajor
transshipmentcentersexceptforBaotou.Thatuniquetown,andtheview
fromthetreatyports,Iwilltakeupinlatersections.
Inadditiontothesegeographicaldistinctions,atemporaldivision
markedthecourseofthewooltradeinthenorthwest.Fromthe1880s
untilthe1920sforeignexportersofwool,hidesandotherborder
productsmaintainedanindirectpresenceintheGansuQinghairegion,
easternGansu,theAlashan(Ningxiaafter1912),andtheOrdos(after
1912,southernSuiyuan)throughcompradorelikeagentsengagedin
collectingwoolfortheexportmarket.Bythelate1920s,however,faced
withanonslaughtofenvironmentaldisasters,warsandcommunalviolence,
politicalinstabilityandrejuvenatedtaxcollection,theforeignfirms
withdrewtheirpurchasingagenciesfromthenorthwest.Thetasksof
collectingwoolonthebordersandshippingiteastwardforsalewere
thereaftertakenonbysmallHuicompanies.

Producersgenerallytradedtheirwoolforgrainandmanufacturesin
smallmarkettownsonornearthesteppe.(IncentralTibetandQinghai,
nomadsalsodealtfromtheircampswithtravelingHuimerchants,trading

theirwoolandothergoodsfortea,cloth,silks,cookingpots,andso
on.22)Theseproducers'marketsvariedsomewhatinsizedependingonthe
depthofthehinterlandtheyserved,theirlocationrelativetomajor
transportationroutes,andsoon.Travelershaveleftussomeaccounts
ofproducers'markettowns,suchasEricTeichman'sdescriptionofEboon
theGansuQinghaiborder.Thephysicalsituationofthissettlementis
analogoustoitseconomicrole:thesmallwalledChinesetownlay
perchedontheedgeoftheQinghaiplateau,astridearoutethat
connectedTibetwiththeGansucorridorthroughtheDubiankoupass.In
alldirectionsextendedthevastgrasslandswhereTibetansgrazedtheir
herdsandpitchedtheirtents.ThecommunityofChinesespeakingHui
whomTeichmanencounteredweresolelyinvolvedincollectionofwooland
othersteppeproductswhichtheytransportedforsaleindistanttowns
belowtheplateau.23
TeichmanhadalreadytraveledthroughLabrang,amajorLamaist
monasticcommunityontheXiariverneartheGansuQinghaiborder,and
describedthebazaarthatservedasaproducers'marketlargerthanEbo.
Here,inthemid1930s,theChinesejournalistandtravelwriterFan
Chiangjiangnotedthegreatquantitiesofwoolbroughtintothedusty
marketbyTibetansandsoldtoHuimerchantsfromHezhou(nowLinxia).
Interestingly,FancommentedthatmanyoftheTibetansdoingtheactual
sellingwerewomenrightlyorwrongly,Faninterpretedtheunrestrained
22

Ekvall,pp.5558.

23

Teichman,pp.161167.SeealsothestarkphotographsinRock,
platesIIIandIV.

demeanoroftheseTibetanwomenassignsofa"looserelationship"with
theChinesetraders.24
TheGuomindangagentMaHot'ienstayedintheMongoliantownof
BayanDalai("Baisingto"),asettlementconsistingofatempleandafew
yurtssetonaplainsparselyinhabitedbynomadsandtheircattle,
camelsandsheep.TenChinesemerchantsfromGansuandBeijinglivedin
thetown,theoutsidesoftheiryurtspiledhighwithstacksofwooland
theinteriorsarrayedwithsuppliessuchaswouldbefitafrontier
generalstoreincountlessAmericanwesterns.Thesetraders,
representingthefirmsofXinYuanHaoandHeYiHe,exchangedtheir
sadlery,boots,hats,rollsofcloth,woodenandironarticlesforwool
andsheepskinswhichtheyshippedbacktoChina.Therehadbeenoverone
hundredsuchtradinghousesinBayanDalai,themerchantscomplainedto
Ma,untilhightaxesfollowingthe1921Mongolianrevolutiondroveall
buttheremainingfewoutoftheMongolianwoolbusiness.25

Thetradingsettlementsinthesethreedescriptionseachdisplay
theessentialcharacteristicsofwoolproducers'markettowns.Ineach,
nomadicproducerscameintodirectcontactwithChinesemerchants.The
usualmeansofexchangewasbarter,althoughasnomadiceconomiesinsome
areasbecamemonetizedlumpsilverandvariouscurrenciesbegantobe
Teichman,p.144.FanChangjiang,
Zhonguodixibeijiao
(China's
northwestcorner)(Tianjin:DagongBaoguan,1936),pp.8788.Joseph
RocktookaphotooftheLabrangmarketplacein(plateXVIII).
24

MaHot'ien,
ChineseAgentinMongolia
,trans.,ed.JohnDefrancis
(Baltimore:JohnHopkinsPress,1949),pp.1718.Originallypublished
asMaHetian,
Neiwaimenggukaochariji
(diaryofaninvestigationof
InnerandOuterMongolia)(Nanjing:XinYaxiyaxuehui,1932).
25

used.And,althoughthispointisnotmentionedexplicitlybythe
travelers,inorderfortradetobepossibleoneparty,usuallythe
buyer,hadtoenjoysomeproficiencyinthelanguageofthenomadsas
wellasalocalChinesedialect.
Theexchangeofwoolcouldworktothedisadvantageofthe
producers,asanothersayingoftheMongolianborderlandsattests:

Biankeqingdazi,dazichidazi26

EvenwhenaborderagenttreatsaMongol,
theMongolstillpaysthebill.

Bymostreports,pricesofferedtotheproducerswerelow.27Moreover,
wheneverpossibleChinesemerchantspreferredtoprovidegoodsoncredit,
takingwool,hidesorlivestockasrepaymentwithinterestwhenthese
productswerereadyforcollectionlaterintheyear,usuallyspringor
summer.Withthebuyersdeterminingthetermsofthesale,yearafter
year,nomadscouldnotgetfarahead.28Ontheotherhand,somesources
mentionthatinplacesnomadsenjoyedafavorablebalanceoftradeandat
thesetimesaccumulatedasmallsurplusinsilver.29
26

Oost,p.191.

27

AccordingtotheinvestigatorZhangZhiyi,beforethestartofthe
secondSinoJapanesewar,intheGansuQinghaiborderareaonebrickof
teafetchedanaverageoftwohundredcattiesofwool(Zhang
et
.
al
.,p.
15).SinceoneQinghaisheepproducedtwotothreecattiesofwool
annually,thatpricerepresentstheyearlyproductofeightysheep.
ZhouZhenhe,p.205.OwenLattimore,
MongolJourneys
(London:
JonathanCape,1941),pp.189190.
28

29

ZhouZhenhe,p.205.Ekvall,p.58.

Oncecollectedbythebuyer,thewoolwaspackedintowhatever
bundlesweremostconvenientforthelocalmeansoftransportation.In
Qinghaiandthenorthwestingeneral,thismeantthatthelongstapled
woolwastwistedintoropesthatfoldedthesofterinnerwithinthe
coarseroutercoat.(Fromthisenfoldingorcoveringprocessderivedone
oftheprevalentnamesforwoolfromthisregion,
taomao
.)Theropes
werewrappedintobundlesweighingsixtytoseventycattieswithcords
madeofgoathair,thenpackedonthebacksofanimalsto
collectiontransshipmentcenters.Bytheendofthisjourneyandafter
whatithadbeenthroughtogettomarketinthefirstplace,thewool
wasusuallyasodden,filthymess.30
Althoughcollectiontransshipmentcentersoftenservedasprimary
woolmarketsaswell,Ihavedistinguishedthetwobecause
collectiontransshipmentcenterswerethesiteofthenexthigherlevel
transactioninthewooltrade,thatbetweenlocalprocurersofwooland
themerchantsinvolvedwithmovingwooloverthenext,longeststageof
itsjourney.Thesecenterswereintownsorcitiesofconsiderablesize
andeconomicimportancetheywerenotnecessarilylocatedontheborders
ofwoolproducingdistricts,thoughneitherweretheytoofaraway.Most
important,theylayalongmajorlandandwatertransportationroutes
leadingfromtheborderlandsintoChina.OntheTibetSichuanand
QinghaiGansubordersthecombinedbrokerageinnundersingleownership
becameanimportantinstitutionfacilitatingtheexchangeofwool.

30

Chin,pp.46,70.

Themostimportantwoolcollectiontransshipmentcentersincluded
DajianluandSongpanalongtheSichuanTibetborderSuzhou(Jiuquan),
Ganzhou(Zhangye),Jingyuan,Datong,Huangyuan,Tangor,Guide,Hezhou
(Linxia),OldTaozhou,Lanzhou,Tianshui,Zhangjiachuan,Pingliang,
Yongdeng,andLiangzhou(Wuwei)inGansuQinghaiZhongning,Zhongwei,
Wuzhongbao,Ningxia(Yinchuan),Shizuishan(Shizuizi),Yingdingyuanand
DengkoualongtheYellowRiverbetweentheAlashanandOrdosKhotan
(Hezhen),Kuchar(Kuche),HamiandBarkul(Zhenxi)inXinjiangYulinand
ShenmuinShaanxiKhobdo,UliassutaiandUrga(Kulun)inOuterMongolia.
31

IntheNorthwest,twocitieshandledwoolinsuchvolumethatthey

maybeconsideredinaclassbythemselves,asmajor
collectiontranshipmentcenters.Xiningcollectedwooltransshippedfrom
northoftheYellowRiverinQinghai,includingtheregionsofthe
TsaidamandaroundtheQinghailake.ShizuishanontheYellowRiverin
InnerMongoliaconcentratedthewoolshipmentsfromsurroundingregions
insideandoutsidetheRiver'sloop.Inbothplaceswoolwasdriedand
thenprocessedsomewhat,eithersiftedtofreeitofimpuritiesor
perhapsfurtheradulteratedtoincreaseitssaleweight.Thenitwas
Chin,p.4849Liu,
passim
Zhou,pp.199200OgawaKunan,
"Hotoniokeruhimoten,hisho"(
pimaodian
and
pizhuang
inBaotou),
Mantetsuchosageppo
21:11(Nov.1941),p.80.
Thisisnotacompletelist.Ihaveincludedtownsonthebasisof
referencebytravelersorinvestigatorstothevolumeofwool
transshippedandtypesofcommercialfunctionsundertakenineachplace.
Becauseoftheconcentrationofsourcematerialsdealingwiththe
GansuQinghaiborder,thisregionisoverrepresentedonmylist,whileI
havefailedtoincludemanycollectiontransshipmentcentersfromother
regions.
31

packedforshipmentoverlandorbyriver(seesectionIV).InShizuishan
after1915theforeignfirmsofXintaixing(Wilson)andRenji(Forbes)
jointlyoperatedaprocessingpackingplantthatemployedover1500
workerstountwistthewoolropes,siftoutexcessdirt,washanddrythe
woolbeforepackingitfortransshipment.32
Closeexaminationofthecommercialroleof
collectiontransshipmentcentersrevealsthecomplexworkingsof
crossculturaltradeinaction.Dajianlu,twelvedayswestofChengduby
premoderntransportalongtheoldroadtoLhasa,hadservedsincethe
midQingperiodasthemainentrepotfortheexportofChinesebricktea
toTibet.WoolwasonlyoneofmanyproductstradedbyTibetanshere,
includingmusk,deerantlers,golddustandmedicinalherbs.Butby
1896,fiveyearsafterChongqingopenedasatreatyportaBritishfirm
openedagenciesinDajianluandwarehousesinChongqingforhandling
wool.33TheYangziRiveroutletforTibetanwooldevelopedfromthistime
on,suppliedbythemuleandyakcaravansofHanChineseandTibetan
merchantsthatconveyedincreasingquantitiesofthetwistedcoilsof
taomao
intoDajianlu.Whenitcameinduringmidsummerorlateautumn,
woolmetteain"ramshackleinns"knownlocallyas"kettlehouses"
(
guozhuang
).34Theproprietoroftheseinns,oftenawoman,servedas
32

Liu,p.192193.

33

Chin,pp.6162.

34

TheTibetantermforthenomadicunitthatsharesacampfireand
food(i.e.eatsfromthesamepot)is
waka
,literally"kettleat."
ChinesetradersinTibetadoptedaloantranslationofthisterm(
guozi
)
torefertotheirown,similar,unit.(Ekvall,p.62.)The
guo
in
guozhuang
,then,maysignifythesocialratherthantheculinarykettle,

brokerandinterpretertomerchantshailingfrombotheastandwest.In
additiontotheseservicesandaccommodation,the
guozhuang
provided
specialscalesforweighingwool,antlers,medicinalherbs,andsoon.
The
guozhuang
profitedfromthedealsconcludedunderitsroofthrougha
commissionoffourpercent,scalefees,aswellaschargesleviedonHan
merchantsforroomandboard.(ItissaidthatTibetansstayedfree.)35
Afterexchange,woolwasreadiedfortransshipmenttoChongqing,perhaps
bydryingorrepacking.CleaningthewoolwasdifficultinDajianlu
becauseoftheicywatertemperature.
Thecommercialactivitiesofcollectiontransshipmentcentersin
thenorthwesternwoolproducingregionsweremorecomplexbeforethe
1920scompradoresfortheTianjinforeignfirmswerepresentinforceand
obtainedtheirwoolthroughavarietyofpossiblecommercialchannels,
dependingonthetypeandoriginofthewooltheydemanded,howsoonthey
wantedit,thetimeofyear,thelocationoftheagencyandotherfactors
(seeTableII).These
yanghang
branchagencies,or
waizhuang
,might
themselvessendoutpurchasers(called"smallbosses,"
xiaolaoban
)to
makeloanstotheproducersandcollectwoolinrepaymentthiswas
commonlythecaseintheareasofInnerMongoliaaroundShizuishan.36Or
theymightdealwiththepredominantlyHuiwoolmerchants(
maofanzi
or

sothattheinnwasa"houseofbusinessfor'kettles'."
Chin,p.63ErnestHenryWilson,
ANaturalistinWesternChina,
withVasculum,CameraandGun
(London:MethuenandCo.,Ltd.,1913),vol.
1,pp.205208Xie,Guo,pp.176179.
35

36

Liu,p.186.

dafanzi
)basedincollectiontransshipmentcenters.Uponreceiptofan
orderandanadvanceoftwentytosixtypercentofthepurchaseprice,
the
maofanzi
senttheirbuyers(
xiaofanzi
)totheproducers'markettowns
orsmallercollectiontransshipmentcenters.Here,the
xiaofanzi
stayed
inbrokerageinnscalled
xiejia
.Likethe
guozhuang
ontheTibetSichuan
border,
xiejia
fulfilledthetriplefunctionofaccommodation,brokerage
andinterpreting.Adifferencelay,however,inthat
xiejia
tookorders
forwoolandcashadvances.Withthemoney,theinnkeepersortheir
employeesboughtgoodstotradewiththenomadsinexchangeforwool
(whichmightnotbedeliveredtothe
maofanzi
untilsixmonthsorone
yearlater).Fortheirservices,
xiejia
tookacommissionoftwo
percent.(English,JapaneseandChineseaccountsofthe
xiejia
allpoint
outthattheinnkeepersthusreapedthisprofitwithlittlecapital
besidestheirbilingualability.)
Maofanzi
likewiserequired
compensation,sotheforeignfirmsoftensenttheirownpersoneltodo
businessthrough
xiejia
.
Whentheyneededwoolurgently(tofillanorderbeforethe
freezingoftheYellowRiverdelayeddeliverytoTianjin,forexample)
the
yanghang
brancheshadathirdmethodforbuyingwool.Theycouldbuy
itdirectlyfromwoolmerchantsonthemarketinXining,amajor
collectiontransshipmentcenter.Thismethodhadtheadvantageof
allowingthe
waizhuang
toviewthegoodsbeforepurchasingandsavedthem
theriskofadvancinglargesumsofmoneyto
maofanzi
and
xiejia
.
However,merchantsbringingwoolintoXininghadnoguaranteedmarket,

andsochargedahigherpricetocoverpotentiallossontheir
speculation.Ingeneral,the
waizhuang
availedthemselvesofthisXining
spotsalemarketonlyforsmallscalepurchasesofwool(seeDiagramIa).
37

Waizhuang
werelocatedinmanynorthwesterntowns(seeTableII)

andstaffedbycompradorsorcompradors'agents(calledbyoneinformant,
"
maibandimaiban
").Theseemployeesoftheforeignfirmscorrespondto
the"upcountrypurchasers"relieduponextensivelybysuchconcernsas
AugustineHeardforprocurementofteaandsilk.38Mostwerenativesof
Tianjin,oreven(aswithGeTuzi'sstaff)ofplacesasfarawayas
Guangzhou.Moreover,theyappeartohavebeenprimarilyHanChinese.39
Inthefirststageofthewooltrade,these
compradors'agentsdidwellbytheirpositions.ThosewhocametoHezhou

37

Chin,pp.60,1067Liu,p.186Miyazaki,p.79Zhou,pp.
204205.
SeeYenp'ingHao,
TheCompradorinNineteenthCenturyChina:Bridge
betweenEastandWest
(Cambridge:HarvardUniversityPress,1970),pp.
7582.
38

39

Guangzhouimmigrantsworkedforthelargestforeigncompaniesin
Tianjin,includingJardineMatheson,ButterfieldandSwire,William
Forbes,theRussoAsiaticBank,andtheHongkongandShanghaiBanking
Corporation.GailHershatter,
TheMakingoftheWorkingClassin
Tianjin,19001949
(Ph.D.dissertation,StanfordUniversity,1982),p.
57.Atleastthreeofthese
yanghang
(Jardine,Forbes,andtheHongkong
andShanghaiBank)hadwoolcollectingoperationsintheChinese
interior.
On
waizhuang
,seeLiu,
passim
,andQin,Ma,andZhang,pp.175181.
Inparticular,seepage181whereZhangZhidaliststhenamesofseveral
"
laoban
"inchargeofoperationsforvarious
yanghang
inZhongwei,
ZhongningandHaiyuan,inGansu.All,hesays,arefromTianjinnoneof
thesurnamesarethosecommonlyassociatedwithHuifamilies(i.e.Ma,Hu
orAn).

neartheendoftheGuangxureignperiod
allboughtofficialposition,woreabrassbandontheir
caps,anddidn'tevennodwhentheysawtownordistrict
officials.Theyledextravagant,sumptuouslives.The
XintaixingfirmhadabossinLanzhouIthinkhisnamewas
WangSandiewhoentertainedeveryrankofofficialtobe
foundinthecity....Athisnightlybanquetstherewere
alwaysfamouscourtesansattendingthewine,andmahjoong,
andopiumsmoking....[Theagents]spentsolavishly,no
officialcouldcompete....Theforeignfirmsusedonlythe
bestimportedtools.[Themanagers]dressedelegantlyand
changedthreetimesaday.Allyearlongtheyretained
tailorsintheirhomestomakethemnewclothes.40
Therewasalsobusinesstobeaccomplished.Wherethe
waizhuang
agents
didsodirectly,thisconsistedofcollectingwoolandreadyingitfor
shipmenttoBaotouandTianjin.Whereintermediaries,the
maofanzi
and
xiejia
,wereinvolved,the"uplandpurchasers"hadtonegotiateprices
andputintheirorders.Thelocalwoolmerchantsmetamongthemselves
tosetaskingpricesforwool,sotherepresentativesoftheforeign
firmsmetaswelltodeterminewhattheywouldoffer.(InHezhouat
least,the
waizhuang
collaboratedtopurchasewool:whenthewoolwas
delivered,itwasallocatedaccordingtohowmuchmoneyeachfirmhad
invested.Xintaixing(WilsonandCo.)wasthelargestbuyer,usually
takingaboutfiftypercentofthewool.)Whenintheautumn(the
hagglingseasonintheNorthwest)the
waizhuang
and
maofanzi
heldprice
negotiations,thediscussions,knownas
kaizhuang
,wereoften
disputatious.Onceapricehadbeensettledupon,however,theforeign
firms'
laoban
advancedthenecessarycash.41
40

Qin,Ma,andZhang,pp.177178.

41

Chin,p.105Qin,Ma,Zhang,pp.176,181.Between1911and1921,
thewholesalepriceforacattyofwoolinZhongningwasabout"six
fen

Ihaveuncoveredlittleinformationonhowmonetarytransfersfrom
Tianjinwererealizedwhatisavailabledescribesonlyhowfundswere
suppliedtoforeignagenciesinShizuishan.Becausetheprocurementof
woolrequiredcashadvances,usuallyinsilver,duringthefirstyearsof
thewooltradetheforiegncompaniesundertookdeliveriesofsilverto
thismajorcollectiontransshipmentcenterthemselves,employingthe
servicesofGuihuaarmedescortcompaniesforprotectionenroute.Later
theybegantousethelarger"nativebanks"(
qianzhuang
)andChinese
goodsmerchants(
shangdian
)whohandledsomefinancialbusiness.Still
later,the
yanghang
employedtheirowngangsofguardstoaccompany
silvershipments,andfinally,aftertheextensionoftelegraphservice
tothenorthwest,theywereabletoconductdirect,longdistance
financialexchangeswithBeijingandTianjinforlocalmerchantsand
governmentinnorthwesttowns.Byprovidingpublicandprivatefinancial
servicessuchascurrencyexchangeandcredit,the
waizhuang
wereeven
abletoearncommissionfeesofuptotenpercent.42
Undertheunequaltreaties,foreignfirmswereallowedtotransport
goodsboundforexportfromthetreatyportsthroughChinawithoutpaying
localtransporttaxes(
lijin
).TheTianjinofficesofthe
yanghang
reportedtheirwoolorderstotheMaritimeCustomsandthetypeand
amountwasrecordedonaformknownasthe"triplecertificate"

ofsilver"(Qin,Ma,Zhang,p.181).InQinghaibetween1919and1926
thepricerangedbetweeneightandtentaelsforonehundredcatties
(Zhou,p.200).
42

Liu,p.187.

(
sanlianbiao)
.The
sanlianbiao
wasdeliveredtothe
waizhuang
inwool
collectiontransshipmentcenters,anditthenaccompaniedthewoolback
totheportasan"inlandtransitpass"whichintheoryexcusedthe
shipmentfromtaxationenroute.Inthiswaytheforeignfirmspaidonly
theone,modestMaritimeCustomsTaxonshipmentsofwool.

Troublebeganfortheforeignagenciesenjoyingthistaxsystemas
earlyas1913,whenMaQi,theHuiwarlordofQinghai,establishedan
officialwoolandhidebureau:theQinghaiPimaoGonggujuattemptedto
forbidthedirectsaleofwooltothe
waizhuang
andtoplaceanexport
taxonthecommodity.Thisinterferenceapparentlydidnotimpedetrade
inwoolgreatly,however,fortheyears19191926arereferredtoasthe
"goldenageofQinghaiwool."43Thebureaumayevenhaveprovedusefulto
buyersbyprovidingguaranteeingweight,qualityandultimatedeliveryof
woolorders.44
The
dujun
ofGansu,ZhangGuangjian,imposedamoreseriousburden
onthetrade.In1915or1916,justafewyearsafterhisinstallation
intheprovince,Zhangcollected15,000taelsfromeachofninelocal
woolandhidemerchantstoestablishaprovincialwoolmonopoly.This
monopoly,theGansuPimaoGongmaibu,atfirstleviedataxofonetael
perpicultheraterosequicklyoverthenextfewyearsasZhang
consolidatedhisabilitytocollectit.AtaxofficeinShizuishan
between1916and1919tripledtherateoftaxationonoutboundshipments

43

Zhou,p.200.

44

Miyazaki,p.79.

ofwoolafterZhangstationedadetachmentof30soldiersthereto
tighteninspectionprocedures.Woolshipmentsthatdidnotcorrespondin
typeorquantitytotherecordonthe
sanlianbiao
werefinedand/or
confiscated.LocalpowerholdersinSuiyuanandChaharbegantoemploy
similarmethodstoenhancetheirrevenuethroughtaxonthewooltradeas
thecontrolofthecentralChinesegovernmentdisintegratedinthe
warlordstrugglesofthesecondandthirddecadesofthecentury.
Withlocaltaxationandofficialcontrolofthetradecuttinginto
theprofitablityandscopeoftheirinterioragencies,andwithbanditry
andseizurebywarlordarmiesofmeansoftransportationinnorthand
northwesternChinacontributingtotherisksofthealreadyhazardous
processoftransshipingwooleastward,theforeignfirmschoseto
withdrawtothesecurityofTianjin.The
waizhuang
leftHezhouin1920
between1921and1926theyleftShizuishanthoseinZhangjiachuanwere
goneby192627.45Chinesecompanies,usuallyHuiownedandoperated,
tookoverthebusiness.Inplaces,includingtheHuangyuan,Guideand
DatongareaofQinghai,the
xiejia
expandedoperationstoincludelong
distancetradewithBaotou.Elsewherethelocal
maofanzi
ortraveling
merchantsfromothernorthChinatownstookonthetradeinwooland
hidesfromthenorthwest:Hezhou's
maofanzi
prosperedafterthe
waizhuang
departedtradersfromHenanandShaanxijoinedlocalmerchants
intransportingandmarketingwoolcollectedinZhangjiachuan,andthey
werejoinedbymerchantsfromXundeinHebeiinincreasingnumbersinto

45

Qin,Ma,Zhang,p.178Liu,p.197.

the1930s.46

IV.TRANSPORT
Aftertheconsignmentsofwoolweredeliveredandconcentratedin
collectiontransshipmentcenters,thenextstagewastoshipthem
eastwardtothecitieswheretheyweretobeexportedorusedinthe
manufactureofcarpetsor,later,woolens.Communicationsinthe
borderlandsandinnorthChinaasawholeweremoredifficultthanin
southandcentralChina,whereadensesystemofwaterwaysallowedfor
relativelyrapidandinexpensivetravelandshipping.Nevertheless,
Chinesetraderscouldaccommodatetheincreasedvolumeofeastboundwool
inaflexiblecommunicationsnetworkthatexploitedavailable
geographicalandanimalresources.Becausetransportwithinthisnetwork
requiredspecializedequipmentandexpertiseaswellasherdsofanimals,
merchantsinthewooltradecontractedouttotransporthouses(
tuohu
or
fashang
)fortheconveyanceoftheirwoolandhidestoeasternmarkets.
WoolaccumulatedinSongbanandDajianluwastakenonyakand
mulebacktothenearestnavigablewaterways,andfromtheredownthe
tributariesoftheYangzitoChongqing,whereitwascleaned,driedand
packedforexportbyforeignfirms.47Inotherareasthroughwhichthe
borderwooltradepassedhowever,camelandraftwereitsmainmeansof

46

Chin,p.60Qin,MaandZhang,p.178Zhou,p.204.

47

ForadescriptionoftheroutesfromSongban,seeWilson,p.143.
Dajianlu(nowKangting),wasconnectedwithLhasaandChengdubyan
importantlandroute.

transportation.
MuchofthewoolproducedinXinjiangandOuterMongolia(andsome
fromtheGansucorridor)founditsultimatemarketsnotinTianjinbutto
thenorthandwest.RussianandUzbekmerchantsinXinjiang,for
example,in1926and1927exported120,000piculsofrawwooltothe
SovietUnion.48Nevertheless,someXinjiangwoolwasexportedthrough
Tianjin.British,AmericanandGermanfirmsinthenineteenteensacted
throughrepresentativesinXinjiangtopurchasewoolandotherproducts,
andthispracticecontinueduntilatleast1930.49Woolfromthefarwest
wasshippedbycameltoGuihuaorBaotoualongtheworld'scaravanroute
parexcellence
,theGreatWestRoad(Daxilu).BeginninginUrumchi
(Dihua)andJitai(Guchengzi),thisrouteleadeastward,skirtingbutnot
climbingmountainrangesandpassingthroughwellwateredgrasslands
throughoutitslength.Itwasevenflatenoughforcarttraffic.50
CaravancompaniesfromGuihuaandBaotouhadpliedtheGreatWest
Routeanditsvariousspurs(anorthernvariationpassedthroughKobdo,
UliassutaiandUrga,andthemoresoutherlySmallWestRoutewasused
duringtimesoftroublealongtheGreat)andsolinkednorthChinawith
48

Chin,pp.5556.

49

TongBao,"WaishangzaiXinjiangdiyanghang"(Thecompaniesof
foreignmerchantsinXinjiang),
Xinjiangwenshiziliaoxuanji
,vol.2
(Urumchi:Xinjiangrenminchubanshe,1979),p.16263.
50

ForanextremelydetaileddescriptionoftheGreatWestRoute,the
SmallWestRoute,andtheirvariations,seeShenShide,"Guihuachengdi
tuoyun"(ThecameltransportofGuihua),
Neimengguwenshiziliao
,vol.12
(Tuoketuo:Tuoketuoyinshuachang,1984).SeealsoOwenLattimore,
The
DesertRoadtoTurkestan
(Boston:Little,BrownandCo.,1929),pp.
5052.

OuterMongolia,DzungariaandtheTarimsinceQianlongtimes.51Afterthe
1880s,alongwithtransportationhousesbasedinGansu,theytookonmuch
oftheoverlandshipmentofwoolfromalloverthenorthwest.In
additiontotheXinjiangroutes,theseincludedroutesfromtheGansu
corridorpassingtheAlashantoShizuishan,orfromtheXiningareato
ShizuishantownviathebanksoftheYellowRiver.FromShizuishanto
Baotou,caravanseithercutacrosstheOrdosdirectlyorfollowedthe
bankoftheriveraroundtothenorth,throughWuyuan,wherethegrazing
wasbetter.ManyofthecaravancompaniesbasedinInnerMongolia,
particularlythesmallerones,wererunbyHui
tuohu
fromLanzhouor
thoseinHuangyuanthatmadeuseoftheTsaidamtopasturetheircamels
werealmostentirelyMuslimoperated.52Thisfactisreflectedinthe
typicaldietseatenby"camelpullers"travelingineachdirection:
throughMongolia,thecaravancrewatemostlymilletfriedwithbuttera
Mongolfood.OnroutessouthofGuihua,however,muttonwasthestaple,
supplementedbynoodles,bothofwhicharetypicalHuifare.53
Despitethesedifferences,theorganizationandroutineofChinese

Thehistoryofthedevelopmentofthecaravancompanies(
tuohu
)
thatpliedtheseroutesisamajortopicinitsownright.Seethe
entireissueof
NeiMengguwenshiziliao
,vol.12,whichisdevotedto"Lu
MengshangDashengkui"(TheDashengkui:travelingmerchantsinMongolia).
51

52

Zhangp.22Zhou,p.227.AccordingtoZhangZhiyi,therewere
fifteen
tuohu
inLanzhouca.1936,mostofthemHui.Accordingtoa
Europeansource,therewerethirtycaravancompaniesinBaotouin1926,
organizedintoaguildknownastheMawangshe.Anonymous,"Paotowchen,
theGatewayoftheNorthwest,"
ChineseEconomicMonthly
,3:5(May1926),
p.204.
53

Shen,p.187.

caravansplyingtherouteseastfromXinjiangornortheastfromGansuand
Qinghaiwerebroadlysimilar.54"Strings"(
lian
)oftwelvetoeighteen
camelswereledbyone"camelpuller"thestringswerepairedinto
bazi
forthepurposesofloadingandunloading,asthestrengthoftwo
camelpullerswasrequiredtoliftthetwinbundlesofupto200catties
ofwoolontotheframethatheldloadstothecamels'humps.A
fang
,or
"tent,"consistedofeight
bazi
,andwasthebasicorganizationalunitof
thecaravan.Whenincamp,thoseofthesixteenherdersnotonwatch
duty,thecaravanleader,thecook,hisassistant,andsevenoreight
dogssleptina
fang
.55Chinesecaravanstraveledbynightandcampedand
grazedthecamelsfrommiddaytosunseteachday.Whileontheroadthe
camelpullersoftenspunorknitcamels'hair,asurprisingskilltaught
tothem,accordingtoonesource,byfleeingWhiteRussiansoldiers.56
Thishobbywasmadepossible,inpart,bythefactthatChinesecaravan
companies,unlikeMongols,didnottravelduringthehotseason,but
ratherpasturedthecamels(evenfeedingthemamixtureofgreenmung
beansoupandsesameoiltocooltheir"internalheat")andusedtheir

54

MongolcaravansdifferedfundamentallyinmanyrespectsfromChinese
ones.SeeLattimore'sdiscussionin
MongolJourneys
,pp.13839,14760.
Thesourceofthisoralaccount,ShenShide,wasclearlyusing
fang
tomeanboththephysicalstructureandtheunitofmenwhosleptinit
andtraveledtogether(Shen,p.186).Insimilarfashion,"tent"or
"yurt"isusedamongmanyInnerAsiannomadicgroupstodesignatea
socialunit.
55

56

Lattimore,1929,pp.38,5758.Asearlyas191011,however,
DouglasCarruthersnoticedcamelpullersspinningwool,whichcastsdoubt
onthetheoryofaWhiteRussianorigintothispastime.Carruthers,p.
454.

sparetimetorepairequipmentandgathershedwool.57
Thisseasonalityofcaravanshippinghadinterestingconsequences
fortheborderwooltrade,foritneatlycomplementedtheyearlyschedule
ofrivertransport.TheYellowRiverfreezesinitsupperreaches
betweenDecemberandMarchandisinfloodfrommidJuneuntilJuly.
Thustheriverwasnavigableforlargewoolladenboatsforonly150200
daysoutoftheyear.58Camelcaravanswereslowerandmorecostly,59but
couldtakeconsignmentsofwooltoBaotouduringthecoldseasonof
SeptembertoAprilifnecessary.
Woolshipmentsbyriverbegansoonafter
qingming
,whentheice
brokeup.Workershiredbywoolcompaniestookthewool,whichhadbeen
pilingupinto"woolmountains"aroundXiningonbothbanksoftheHuang
Riversincethepreviousautumn,andloadeditontoskinrafts,the
conveyancemostcommonlyusedontheroughuplandriversofthisborder
regionsinceancienttimes.Theserafts,locallycalled
huntuo
(the
Mandarinnameis
pifa
),wereconstructedfromskinsremovedwithout
splittingfromdecapitatedcowsandsheep.Aftertheanimal'sthroathad
beencut,airwasblownintoasmallincisioninahindquarterandthe
57

Shen,p.187.

Zhang
et
.
al
.,p.15.MaTinggao,"Baotoujiaotongyunshuye
genggai"(AbroadoutlineoftheBaotouCommunicationsandShipping
Industry),
Baotouwenshiziliao
,vol.5(n.p.:n.p.,n.d),p.102.
58

59

Inthe1920sandearly1930s,camelcaravantookfortydaysversus
twentyfivebyraftundergoodconditionscaravanshippingcostfrom
threetofivetaelsmorethanriverfreightchargesforabout280
catties.ImanagaSeiji,
Chugokukaikyoshijosetsu
(Anintroductionto
thehistoryofIslaminChina)(Tokyo:Kobundo,1966),p.101Chin,p.
109.

carcassfloggeduntiltheskinseparatedfromandcouldbedrawnoffthe
fleshandbones.Thehideswerescrapedcleanandthenformedintobags
bysealingtheopeningsleftbythehead,frontlegsandhindquarters.
Theskinwasthenfilledwithvegetableoilandsaltandsealed,which
curedthehidefromtheinsideout.Beforeinflatingthebagsthe
boatmenorwoolhandspackedthemwithupto150cattiesofwool.(This
prevalentpracticemayhaveoriginatedasawayofsmugglingwoolnot
coveredbyaninlandtransitpassfromtheMaritimeCustoms.)Once
packed,inflatedandsealed,thecowhidebagswerelinedbellyupinto
arraysofonehundredandtwentyandlashedtogether.(Raftsconstructed
withsheepskinsemployedfewerbagsthesehideswerelighterand
sheepskinraftsthereforewereusedprimarilyforshorthauls.)Wooden
planksorlogslaidlengthwiseatopthebagsservedasamakeshiftdeck
forcrew,passengersandadditionalcargo.60Likethepontoonrafts
employedbytoday'sprofessionalriverrunners,the
pifa
hadashallow
drafttocleartheshoalsoftheHuangandupperYellowrivers,was
flexible,couldbesimplyrepaired,andwaseasilytransportedoverdry
landafterdeflation.Unlikepontoonrafts,
pifa
weremadeoflocally
availableproductsrafttravelontheHuangandYellowRiversthus
representedaremarkableadaptationtoandexploitationofcombined

60

Chin,p.108.OgawaKonan,"Hotoniokeruhimoten,hisho"(Thewool
andhidedealersofBaotou),
MantetsuChosaGeppo
,21:11(Nov.1941),p.
75G.R.G.Worcester,"TheInflatedSkinRaftsoftheHuangHo,"
Mariner'sMirror
,43:1(Feb.1957),pp.7374.Forphotographsofthese
rafts,seeW.RobertMoore,"RaftLifeontheHwangHo,"
National
GeographicMagazine
,61:6(June1932),pp.74352,andRock,plates
LXIXa,b.

geographicandanimalresources.
MostboatsputinatXiningandfloateddownrivertomeetthe
YellownearLanzhou.SomeraftscarryingwoolfromTaozhou,Hezhouand
XunhuabegantheirjourneyontheXiariver,joiningtheYellowat
Yongjing.GansuHuiboatmen,manyfromthetownsofGaolanandDaohe,
maneuveredtheraftsthroughrapidstoLanzhou,wherethevesselswere
linkedintolarger,500bagraftscapableofcarrying60,00070,000
cattiesofwool.61
PastLanzhouthereweremoregorgesandrapidstobeshotonce
belowZhongwei,however,shallowsandfiercewindsfromtheOrdoswere
theproblem.(TeichmanranagroundhereandFanChangjianginhis
sheepskinraftwassobuffetedbywindsthatdespitethefluvialpromise
ofhisnamehedisembarkedandprocededbyshank'smare.62)After
Ningxia,largewoodenscows,the
minchuan
,joinedtheraftsontheriver,
conveying30,00040,000cattieseachofwoolfromInnerMongoliato
Baotou.

AllboatsenteredShizuishan,amudtownwhose

unprepossessingappearancebelieditsroleasajunctureoflandand
waterroutesandmajorcollectiontransshipmentcenterforthewool
trade.Besideswoolcollectionandprocessing,Shizuishansubsistedon
thecustomofriverineandcaravantravelersabouttosetoffuponthe
lastlegofthetriptoBaotou.Onlytheinnkeepersandtaxcollectors,
61

Zhou,p.206Ogawa,p.74.MaTinggao,p.103,estimatesthe
freightcapacityoftheraftsatonly10,000catties.Raftsofvarious
sizescouldcarrybetween20,000and100,000catties(Imanaga,p.101).
Teichman,p.184FanChangjiang,
Zhongguodixibeijiao
(China's
northwestcorner)(Tianjin:Dagongbao,1936),p.312.
62

FanChangjiangremarked,weremorenumerousthantheprostituteswho
rushedoutatthefirstsoundofhorseshoovesorcamelbells.63Some
vesselscarryingwoolforforeignfirmswereabletoavoidthetax
barriers,atleast,bymeansofawhiteflagemblazonedwiththe
characters"
baohu
"(protect),andoftenEnglishorGermanequivalentsas
well.64
DownstreamfromShizuishanbanditrywasaperennialhazard.
MongolsshotatEricTeichmanfromtheriverbanksin1917After1922,
whentheGelaohuistruckadealwithMaFuxiang,aHuigeneralthen
occupyingBaotou,groupsofmounted,armed"BrothersandElders"occupied
thetownsandcountrysideonbothsidesoftheYellowRiverfromDengkou
toBaotou.Onlythosemerchantswhobought"protection"inBaotoufrom
theGelaohuicouldexpecttheirshipmentsofwoolandhidestoget
throughunmolested.65
Therewereothermethodsbywhichwoolwastransportedfrom
collectiontransshipmentcenterstoBaotouandTianjin.Woolfrom
southeasternGansu,forexample,traveledbyoxcarttoXianandfrom
therebyrailtoTianjin.WoolcollectedinShaanxi'smainwool
producingregions,YulinandShenmu,waslikewisetransportedtoits

63

Fan,p.339.

64

Qin,MaandZhang,p.177.

65

Teichman,p.191LiuChonggao,ChengJinghua,andPangZizheng,
"Baotoudiqudigelaohui"(TheGelaohuiintheBaotouarea),ed.YiFei,
Baotouwenshiziliao
,vol.5(n.p.:n.p.,n.d.),pp.4345.

destination,Baotou,byoxcart.66Butbyfarthelargestportionofthe
woolshippedtoBaotoufromQinghaiandGansuwasshippedbyriver.
AccordingtoanexpertinthedevelopmentofBaotou'scommunications
network,duringthehighpointofthewooltradewiththenorthwest,
everyyearaboutthreehundredskinrafts,mostlyshippingwool,and
betweeneightandtwelvehundred
minchuan
,floatedfromQinghaito
Baotou.67Afterarrivalandunloadingthere,raftsweredisassembledand
theskins,emptiedoftheirbootlegwool,packedoverlandbacktothe
borders.Thetimbersweresold,andhidebagstooworntobereused
(usuallyafterthethirdtrip)becameshoeleather.

V.BAOTOU
Theentrepotintowhichthisstreamofeastboundwoolandotherproduce
emptied,aptlynamed"Baotou"headpointofparcelswasatownof"mud
wallsandmudhousesonthesideofatreelesshill"renderedpicturesque
byitsculturaldiversityandboomingcommerce.Becauseofitssituation
betweentheYinMountainsofInnerMongoliaandtheYellowRiver,Baotou
wasthenaturalmeetingplaceforHanandMongolcultureaswellastrade
itemsbothgroupsheldfestivalswithinthetown.Therewasalsoa
sizeableHuipopulationinandaroundBaotou,mostlymigrantsfromthe
lateQingandespeciallyafterthe1923completionoftheBeisuiRailway.
Huitradersfromthenorthwestmadetemporaryhomesherewhilemarketing

Zhang
et
.
al
.,p.16Ogawa,p.74.

66

67

MaTinggao,p.102.

theirconsignmentsofwool,hides,ormedicinesMuslimrestaurantscould
beidentifiedthroughoutthetownunderthe"
QingzhenHuihui
"sign,with
itsArabicequivalentpaintedalongside.Batteriesofshopsawaitedthe
customeronthecommercialstreets,eachwithitsownsignboardsand
easilyrecognizedtrademarks:sixfoothighwhite,pinkorredcandles
outsidethechandlers'shopslongbannersandheadsizedblackballsto
representpillsinfrontoftheapothecariesgiantsaddleshungfromthe
saddlers'andfortheMongolcobbler,acolossalleatherboot.68
Baotou'simportanceasamercantilecitybeganduringtheYongzheng
andQianlongreignperiodsoftheQing,whenthearea,aMongolholding
duringtheMing,wasbroughtunderunifiedChinesecontrol.Merchants
basedinBaotouandinGuihuatotheeasthelpedprovisiontheQianlong
Emperor'scampaignsinChineseTurkestan.Accordingtoanencyclopedic
studybytheMantetsuinvestigatorOgawaKunan,thefirstwoolandhide
merchantsinBaotouweretheChenfamilyfromShanxi,whoestablishedthe
Gongyidianin1832.TheseShanximerchantsboughtwoolandother
productsinBaotouforsaleinShanghai,JiaozhouandNingbo,and
althoughmanyfirmsspecializinginhidesopenedupduringthefollowing
years,thesmallscaleGongyidiananditsoffshootsweretheonlydealers
inwooluntiltheTongzhiperiodanotherindicationoftherelative
unimportanceofwoolinChinauntillateinthenineteenthcentury.

68

Wulsin,pp.5463ShinobuIwamura,"TheStructureofMoslem
SocietyinInnerMongolia,"
FarEasternQuarterly
,8:1(Nov.1948),pp.
4344.YiFei,"Baotoujiushangjiadehuangzi,zhaopaijiqita"(Baotou
merchants'emblems,shopsigns,etc.),
Baotouwenshiziliao
,vol.6(n.p.:
n.p.,n.d.),p.159.

Tianjinwasopenedasatreatyportin1860,however,andwhenBaotou
merchantsfeltthetugofinternationaldemandforChinesewoolandhides
intheearly1880s,woolandhidebrokerscalled
pimaodian
,alongwith
hidemerchantsknownas
pizhuang
,beganopeningshopsoneafteranother
toprovidefortheneedsofforeignagenciesnewlyarrivedinthetown.69
InlateGuangxutherewerefourteenorfifteen,intheearlyRepublican
periodthereweretwentytwoortwentythree,andbytheeveoftheFirst
WorldWarinEurope,therewerethirtywoolconcernsinBaotou.70
BaotouhadacompetitorforthelongdistancetradefromXinjiang
andMongoliaGuihua(Guisui,modernHohot)hadtraditionallybeenthe
easternterminusofcaravantrafficalongtheGreatWestRoadandother
routes.ButasteledatingfromtheDaoguangperiod(18211850)foundin
atempleinBaotou(theGuandiMiao)containsanadmonitionthat
shipmentsofwool,hides,horsetailsandmedicinesshouldbetaxedin
GuihuabeforecomingtoBaotou.Fromthisstatement,Ogawaconcluded
thatBaotouhadbeensiphoningoffGuihua'sshareofthebordertrade
sincethisearlytime.(In1848theQinglocalauthoritiesstopped
buckingthistrend,andestablishedabranchtaxofficeinBaotou.)The
perennialgrowthintherelativeimportanceofnorthwesternwooland
Baotou'scommandinglocationontheYellowRiveronlyimprovedits
positionvisavisGuihua.Theextensionofrailcommunicationsasfar
69

TheseincludedrepresentativesofWilson,Forbes,Tianjude,
Tianjuren,Xintaihe,Ruijiandothers(Ogawa,p.74)Fortheearly
commercialhistoryofBaotou,
pimaodian
,and
pizhuang
,seeOgawa,part1,
21:7(July1941),pp.6878Imanaga,pp.8390MaTinggao,pp.99100.
70

Imanaga,p.86Chin,pp.111112.

asZhangjiakou(Kalgan)in1905helpedfurther,foralthoughGuihuais
closertoZhangjiakouthanisBaotou,therailroadbroughtthegoodsof
bothcities"nearer"toeasternports.Itwasin1923,however,withthe
completionofaspuroftherailwayasfarasBaotou,thatthiscity's
supremacyas"GatewayoftheNorthwest"wasfirmlyestablished.Allraft
andboattrafficstoppedhere,andatleastseventypercentofallgoods
shippedfromthewestweretranshippedhereforultimatedestinationsin
BeijingorTianjin.Thepopulationmorethandoubledto150,000,andthe
Shanximerchantsfacednewcompetition:TianjinandBeijingbased
firms.71
Baotou'sdevelopmentwaslinkedbothtothegrowthofthenorth
Chinatransportationnetworkandthedemandforthewoolthattraveled
alongit.Bythe1930s(theperiodcoveredinOgawa'sstudy)the
pimaodian
hadevolvedahighlyspecializedprocessformediatingthe
exchangeofwoolbetweenthe
xiluke
,ormerchantsfromthewestwhocome
tosell,and
dongluke
,theeasternmerchantswhocametobuy.Weknow
littleaboutintermediatestagesinthisdevelopmentinparticular,
thereisnoinformationaboutthefunctionofthe
pimaodian
duringthe
periodwhenforeignagenciescontrolledwoolcollectionandtranshippment
intheNorthwest.ThesystemIwilldescribebelow,then,isbasedon
71

Ogawa,21:7(July1941),pp.73,75Imanagapp.83,86Kwan
Manbun,"TheRegionalEconomyofTianjin"(unpublishedseminarpaper,
StanfordUniversity,1982),p.54Ma,pp.101102Anonymous,
"Paotowchen,theGatewayoftheNorthwest,"
ChineseEconomicMonthly
,3:5
(May1926),p.202.ForthehistoryoftheconstructionoftheBeisui
railway,akeylinkinthenorthChinacommunicationsnetwork,see
MatsumotoTachio,"Heisuitetsuro"(TheBeisuiRailway),
Mantetsuchosa
geppo
,16:4(April1936),pp.12341(summarizedinpartinKwan,p.30.)

Ogawa'sdescriptionofwoolbrokerageinBaotouaftertheforeignfirms
hadrestrictedtheiroperationstopurchasingwoolinBaotouorin
TianjinfromChinesemerchants.72
SellersofwoolcametoBaotoufrommanydirections,aswehave
seenintheprecedingsection.TheyincludedHuiandHanmerchantsfrom
GansuandQinghaitradersofvariousethnicities,suchasUzbekorHan,
fromXinjiangShanxiHanmerchantscartingwoolfromShenmuandYulin
andthetradersofthe
Mengguhang
,againoriginallyfromShanxi,bringing
theirpurchasesfromOuterMongolia.73Whethertheyfirstapproachedthe
cityfromitswestornorthwestgates,orviaGuandukousouthofthe
riverorNanhaizi(Baotou'sriverport),theyweremetbythe
pimaodian
's
runners.These"riverrunners"and"gaterunners"(
paochengmen
and
paohe
)thenreturnedtothe
pimaodian
'sheadquartersinBaotoutoreport
thearrivalofasellerandtheapproximatequantityandtypeofwoolfor
sale,andtofilloutrequiredpaperwork,includingapreliminarytax
statementthatwasforwardedtotheBaotoutaxoffice.The
pimaodian
sentmenbackwiththerunnertoassistinbringingthemerchantandhis
72

Itseemslikelythatduringthepre1920sphaseofthewooltrade
pimaodian
playedarolegenerallysimilartothatIdescribebelow,
servingasbrokersbetweensuppliersandbuyers.Infact,oneofthe
reasonsforeignfirmsopenedinlandagenciesinsuchplacesas
Shizuishan,HezhouandZhangjiachuaninthe1880smayhavebeento
circumventtheBaotouintermediariesandobtainthesuperiornorthwestern
wooldirectly.WiththeirretrocessionandreplacementbyHuimerchants
fromthenorthwest,anotherlayerofbrokeragearoseinBaotouto
accommodatetheneedsofHuimerchantssellingwoolinthatcity.
73

AccordingtoOgawa'sestimatesforbeforetheMarcoPoloBridge
Incident(July,1937)therewere300400regular
xiluke
fromGansuand
QinghaisellinginBaotouandanother100200fromplaceswithinacloser
radiustothecity.Ogawa,21:11(Nov.1941),p.80.

goodsintothecity,wherehewashousedonthepremisesofthe
pimaodian
andhiswooltemporarilystoredinthecourtyard.Around1926anEnglish
investigatorvisitedanddescribeda
pimaodian
:
Opentoawideandhighporchisaspaciouscourtyardwith
fiveorsixparlorsonthenorthwherebusinessis
transacted,andwithaboutadozenbedroomsforvisiting
clientsontheothertwosides.Behindtheparlorsstand
severalrowsofhouseswherefoodsarestoredandregular
customersmaketheirtemporaryabode.74
Thewoolwasweighedandthentakentoawarehousewherethe
pimaodian
guaranteeditagainsttheft,loss,ordamage.
The
pimaodian
providedfoodandlodgingandadvancedfundstocoverall
thesellers'costsduringhisstayinBaotou,includingtaxesonthewool
andtheoutlayrequiredtosupplyhimwithmanufacturesforsaleafter
hisreturntotheborders.75Thiswasnecessary,becausemerchants
arrivingfromthewoolproducingregionsoftenhadinvestedhighlyinthe
woolitselfandhadlittlecashuntilthebrokercompletedthesale.
AsrepresentativesoflargeChineseorforeignfirms,the
dongluke
wereinabetterfinancialposition.Theygenerallydidnotrequirethe
financialservicesof
pimaodian
,norweretheyrestrictedtodealing
solelythroughonebroker.Nevertheless,becauseoftheconvenienceof
residinginthesameplacewheretheytransactedbusiness,manywool
buyersalsostayedin
pimaodian
.Fortheirpart,the
pimaodian
didtheir

Anonymous,"TheWoolTradeinPaotow,"
ChineseEconomicJournaland
Bulletin
,12:1(Jan.1933),p.37.
74

75

Foracompletebreakdownoftaxesandcostsfacedbythemerchant
sellingashipmentofwoolinthelate1930s,seeOgawa,21:11(Nov.
1941),pp.8991.

besttoenticewoolandhidebuyerstotheirestablishmentsbyoffering
mealsandaccomodationgratisandkeepingtheTianjinfirmsposted
throughouttheyearbyletterandtelegramregardingstocksonhandand
marketconditions.Thelargestofthe
pimaodian
,theGuanghengxi,
stationedanemployeeinTianjinforthispurpose.Moreover,themanager
ofthe
pimaodian
,hisassistant,andaclassofemployeesknownas
"streetrunners"(
paojie
)canvassedforpotentialbuyersthroughout
Baotou.
Whenithadlocatedapotentialbuyer,the
pimaodian
beganatricky
processofnegotiationbetweenbuyerandseller,usuallymediatedbya
runner.Amidthebewilderingvarietyofwoolsavailable,seldomwasthe
sellerofferingwooloftheprecisequalityandquantitydesiredbythe
buyer76hencethebrokershadtojugglemultiplebuyersandsellersuntil
theyreachedafeasiblematch.The
pimaodian
thenallowedthebuyerto
inspectthewoolinthewarehouse.Afterexaminingitsplaceoforigin,
type,adulterationwithmiscelaneouswoolsandpercentageofadmixed
dirt,thebuyerofferedapriceperunitatwhichthebargaining,again
relayedbackandforthbyarunner,commenced.Whentheyhadagreedupon
aprice,buyerandsellerfinallymetinthecourtyardofthe
pimaodian
toweighthewooltogetherontheshop'sscalesandthencalculatethe
76

DistinctionsbetweenwoolsontheBaotouandTianjinmarketswere
madeonthebasisoftimeofgathering(springwool,autumnwool),
gatheringmethod(combed,clipped,pulled,takenfrompelts),packing
method(ballwool,ropewool,loosewool),producingregionsand
collectiontransshipmentcenters(Mongolwool,GanziwoolfromGanzhou,
SuziwoolfromSuzhou,Xiningwool,Yulinwool,etc.).Andofcourse,
therewerealsovarietiesoflambs'wool,camels'woolandgoats'woolto
contendwith.

totalsaleamount.
Thewoolwasthenentrustedtoindependentwoolpackers(
gongmaotou
)to
besiftedfreeofloosesandandbaggedinhempengunnysacksin
preparationforthecart,orlater,railjourneytoTianjin.
Foritsservices,the
pimaodian
tookatwopercentcommissionfrom
eachpartyinthetransaction.Thebuyerusuallysettledwiththe
pimaodian
immediatelytheseller,however,dependingonthemarketprice
ofwoolandthelengthoftimehehadspentenjoyingtheinterestbearing
"hospitality"ofthe
pimaodian
mighttakeanextensionontheloan.It
wastotheadvantageof
pimaodian
toextendcreditto
xiluke
inorderto
assuretheircontinuedbusinessinyearstocome.77
TheJapanesescholarImanagaSeijihasaddedacomplicating
dimensiontotheaboveviewoftheworkingsofthewooltradeinBaotou
byhighlightingtheexistenceofHuioperated
pimaodian
inthecity.Hui
pimaodian
ranalonglinessimilarto
pimaodian
underHancontrol,with
twoimportantdifferences.Firstofall,theHui
pimaodian
providedfood
andaccommodationonlytoHuimerchantssellingwoolandhidesinBaotou.
Indeed,therequirementofadherencetoIslamicdietarylawsandmutual
HanHuisuspicionwouldhavemadeitdifficultforHuitoresideanywhere
else,andthiswasprobablyafactorcontributingtothedevelopmentof
theseHuiversionsofBaotou'sinnbrokerageinstitution.Thesecond
differencewasthatHui
pimaodian
enjoyednodirectrelationswith

Intheprecedingdiscussionofthefunctionsofthe
pimaodian
,I
havereliedonOgawa,21:11(Nov.1941),pp.87110,andChin,pp.
114115.
77

buyers,butfoundamarketfortheirclients'woolonlythroughHan
pimaodian
and
pizhuang
.Bycustomaryarrangement,
pimaodian
didnot
chargeabrokeragefeetoanother
pimaodian
thatassistedincompletinga
deal.ThustheHui
pimaodian
couldneverearnmorethanatwopercent
commissionontheirtransactionsandtherefore,accordingtoImanaga,
operatedwithaslimmerprofitmarginthantheirHancompetitors.78
Theseconddifferencewasinpartaconsequenceofthefirst,since
thebuyerswereallHanandthuswouldnotchoosetostayinaHui
establishment.ButitmayalsohavestemmedfromthefactthatHui
pimaodian
developedlaterandconsequentlywereforcedtosqueezeintoan
establishedindustrybyacceptingasmallershareoftheprofits.
Informationonearly
pimaodian
ingeneralisscanty,andmaterialonHui
concernsmoreso.Itisespeciallydifficulttoestablishanexact
chronologyoftheiroriginsanddevelopment.Nevertheless,Imanaga
arguesonthebasisofOgawa'sdatathatHui
pimaodian
originatedasinns
andwarehousesforHuimerchantsfromtheNorthwest,anddevelopedtheir
brokeragefunctionsintandemwiththegrowthofinternationaldemandfor
theborderproducts.79Itseemsreasonabletosuggestfurther,therefore,
thattheHui
pimaodian
carvedouttheirnichewhenthewithdrawalof
directforeignpurchasersfromthenorthwestledtoanincreaseinthe
numbersofHuimerchantsshippingwoolfromQinghai,GansuandNingxia.
WiththegreaterinfluxofHuilongdistancetradersaccompanyingtheir

78

Imanaga,pp.9495,108,114.

79

Imanaga,p.109.

woolandhidesintoBaotou,Huiwarehouseownersandinnkeepersexpanded
thescopeoftheiroperationstoincludethoseadditionalservices
providedbytheestablished
pimaodian
totheirclients:processingof
localpaperwork(especiallytaxforms),creditadvancesandcanvassing
forbuyers.

VI.TIANJINANDTHEWORLD
Althoughinthepost1920sphaseofthewooltradetheyhadlittle
senseofthecomplexchainofcommercialtransactionsinvolvedin
bringingwooldowntothesea,80foreignmerchantsfromthe1880swere
alreadykeenlyawareoftheimportanceofwoolasanorthChineseexport
andtheirroleinmakingitone.Westernersinthetreatyportsalsohad
tales,likethatofGeTuzi,tocreditindividualswithfirstsettingin
motiontheChinesewooltrade.
"Inthelateseventies,Mr.Collinslistenedwithkeenears
tothestorieswhichcamedownfromtheplateauandKokonor
about`greatblobsofwool',andboundlessresourcesof
hides,peltsandfurs.Hisfirmgotintotouchwitha
wonderfulBelgianmanedGrassel,who,alongwitha
fellowcountryman,Mr.Splingaard,wasmorethananexpertin
theartofdealingwithChinese`borderers'andMongol
herdsmen.Theyputupasmallwoolcleaningplantandbegan
todosomethingintheExporttrade.Graduallythebusiness
grewandCollinsandCo.,atfirstanoffshootofG.W.
CollinsandCo.,waxedgreaterandricheruntilitbecameone
ofthegreatest`hongs'inTientsin."81

Anonymousarticlesinthe
ChineseEconomicJournalandBulletin
and
ChineseEconomicMonthly
didoutlineinsketchyfashiontheprocessI
havedescribedhere.Seeoccasionalcitationsthroughoutthispaper.
80

O.D.Rasmussen,
Tientsin:anIllustratedOutlineHistory
(Tianjin:
theTientsinPress,Ltd.,1925),p.83.
81

Actually,sporadic,smallscalewoolexportbeganinthe1860s
Likewise,thefirsttrulyexcitingstoriesheardbyBritishmerchants
probablycamenotfromQinghaibutfromnearerafieldtheGerman
consulateinTianjinandthe"blobs"concernedwerethoseofcamels'
wool.In1870theconsulateprocured"nativeproducememoranda"(the
firstofthe"inlandtransitpasses"or"triplecertificates")tocovera
Germanfirm'sshipmentofcamels'woolviaZhangjiakouandGuihua.In
thenextfewyearsGermanexportersrapidlyexpandedthispractice,
takingoutpassestoallowtaxfreetransitofcoal,camels'andsheeps'
woolaswellasotherpastoralproductsincludingyaktails(forwhicha
fadhaddevelopedinSanFrancisco).Surprisingly,Chineseprovincial
officialsforthemostpartrespectedthememoranda,althoughthis
entailedalossof
lijin
taxincomethatwas,accordingtoJamesHart,
thenMaritimeCustomsofficerinTianjin,"bynomeansinsignificant."
TheGermanfirm(unnamedintheCustomsreports)hadby1873already
installedanhydraulicpressinZhangjiakoutocompactandbalecamels'
woolbeforeshippingittoHongkongandthenLondon,whereitwasusedin
carpetmanufacture.82
Thetradeincamels'woolenjoyedamodestboomasotherfirms
beganpurchasingconsignments,eitherdirectfromChinesemerchantsin
Tianjin,orunderinlandtransitpass(whichmadebulky,relatively
ChinaImperialMaritimeCustoms,"Tientsin,"
ReportsonTradeatthe
TreatyPortsinChinafortheYear1873
(Shanghai:StatisticalDepartment
oftheInspectorateGeneralofCustoms).
Ibid
.,1874.Exportsfrom
Tianjinwereseldomshippeddirectly.Laterthemajorityofwoolexports
fromTianjinwerefirstroutedtoShanghaibeforeshippingto
destinationsoverseas.
82

inexpensiverawmaterialsfromtheinteriorprofitabletoexport).
Sheeps'wool,however,afterasmallstartintheearly1860s,hadproved
disappointingtotheforeignmerchantsbytheendofthedecade,andin
the1870swasnotexportedinquantitieslargeenoughtomeritmentionin
annualcustomsreports.Besidesarrivingverydirty,asyettheonly
availablesheeps'woolcamefromtheshortandcoarsefleecedMongolian
breed,notthefinerTibetanvariety.83
Dynamicgrowthintheexportofsheep'swoolbeganinthe1880s.
Collinsgambledonthefutureofthetradebyerectingamodern
presspackingplantinTianjinin1881(itwouldbeusedbyallexporters
untilotherpackingandcleaningplantsopenedinthe1900s).84In1884,
areductionintheUnitedStatestariffonlowgradewoolsprovedCollins
asoundinvestor,sincethischangefirstopenedthelargeAmerican
marketforcarpetwoolstotheexportersoftheChineseproduct.Itwas
thebeginningofalongrelationship:theUnitedStatesboughtthebulk
ofChinesesheep'swooluntilthelate1930s.85TheChinesewooltrade

Ibid
.,18661879.

83

84

Theprocessofhydraulicpackingwasemployedonsuchproductsas
wools,hides,cottonandjute.Itcouldcompresswooltothedensityof
water,packingfive"nativebags"ofaboutonepiculeachintoonetenth
theoriginalbulk.Theresultwasabaletencubicfeetinvolumeand
650poundsinweight,heldtogetherbymetalhoops.
Decennialreportson
theTrade,Industries,etc.ofthePortsOpentoForeignCommerceandon
theConditionandDevelopmentoftheTreatyPortProvinces,18921901
(Shanghai:StatisticalDepartmentoftheInspectorateGeneralofCustoms,
1902),p.537.
85

In1911theUnitedStatespurchased87%ofChinesewoolexportsin
1915,76%in1920,52%in1925,87%in1930,82%andin1934,90%.
Chin,p.101.

wasthuscloselylinkedtoU.S.demandandtradepolicy,andchangesin
eithercouldresultingoodprofitsfortheexportersorstocksofwool
pilingupinTianjingodownsandBaotouwarehouses.Similarly,tradein
otherpastoralproductswasdictatedbyfashion.Afterabetterquality
camels'woolbegantoarriveinBritain,itsprimarymarket,itbeganto
beusedincreasinglynotincarpetsbutforclothingthereafter,the
demandforcamels'woolinTianjindependedonsalesofJaegercoats.A
greatdemandarosein18801881forgoatskinrugstofurnishafleetof
PullmancarsforAmericanrailways.Oncethecarshadbeenoutfitted,
however,Chinesemerchantswerestuckwithstocksofunsellable
goatskins.86
Foreignexporterscontinuedtocomplainaboutthequalityofthe
Chineseproduct.WhenwoolarrivedinTianjin,mudmightcompriseupto
fiftypercentofitsweightcheapervarietiesweremixedinwithwhat
hadbeenordered.Evenlambskinswerenotimmunefromtampering,and
curlyfleecesoftenowedmoretoapplicationswithchopsticksofflour
andwaterthantonature.
Despitethesedrawbacks,however,inthe1890ssheeps'woolexports
pulledwayaheadofthoseofcamels'wool,gainingin1894theposition
ofTianjin'ssinglelargestexportbytoppingthe200,000piculmark.
TheCustomsreportforthisyearalsonotedwhatmayhavebeencommon
knowledgeamongdealersforsometime,thatwoolfrom"westKansu"was

"Tientsin,"
ReportsonTrade
...,18811884GailHershatter,
The
MakingoftheWorkingClassinTianjin,19001949
(Ph.D.dissertation,
StanfordUniversity,1982),p.41O.D.Rasmussen,p.286.
86

superiortothatcollectedclosertothecity.Asimilarproducthad
beentricklingdowntheYangzisincebefore1887andCustomsofficialsin
YichangandHankounoteditafter1891Britishtraders,atfirst
charteringChinesevesselsbecausetheirownsteamerscouldnotnavigate
thegorges,begantoprocurewoolandothergoodsdirectlyfrom
Chongqing.Thistreatyportcontinuedtorunapoorsecondbehind
Tianjininwoolexportsuntilthe1930sitstradeinwoolsuffered
continuallyfromerraticandexpensivesupplyfromtheTibetanborder(a
sceneofincreasingtensionthroughthesedecadesasTibet'spolitical
statusvivavisChinachanged),highfreightchargestoShanghai,and
the"wetandlamentablydirtycondition"ofthewool.Annualexports
fromChongqingneverexceeded40,000piculs.87
FearsamongTianjinmerchanthousesthatHankouwouldreplace
Tianjinasprincipleoutletforwoolfromthenorthwestasaresultof
theBoxerdisturbancesinnorthChinadidnotmaterialize88andTianjin's
woolexportscontinuedfairlysteadilythroughoutthefirsttwodecades
ofthetwentiethcentury.Still,theyremaineddependentonmarket

"Tientsin,"
ReportsonTrade
...,18901899"Chungking,"
Reportson
Trade
...,18911901"Ichang"and"Hankow,"
ReportsonTrade
...,
18811893.
Theinlandtransitpasssystemwasnotasextensivelyemployedin
SichuanasinnorthChina,andthereforeconsiderablygreaterquantities
ofwoolmayhavepassedfromTibetdowntheYangzitoShanghaithanwere
recordedintheCustomsreportsforChongqing,YichangandHankou.(Wool
exportsfromthelattertwoportsdeclinedtominimallevelsafter
Chongqingwasopenedasatreatyportin1891).
87

88

After1901somewoolshipments(ca.47,000piculsin1905)beganto
bedivertedtoJinwangdaoonthecoastabout150milesnortheastof
Tianjin.

conditionsinAmerica,fallinginquantityandvaluebecauseofaU.S.
financialcrisisin1907andawoolglutonAmericanmarketsin1910.
New,modestdemandfromChinesewoolenmillsinHubeiandShandongto
somedegreecompensatedforthe1910crisis,however,byabsorbingsome
oftheexcesswoolonthemarket.89Besidesthesefactories,theonly
otherdomesticChineseindustrytousewoolwasthatofsmallscale
carpetmanufacture.OperationsinBaotouandscatteredthroughoutGansu,
NingxiaandShaanxiwhererugweavingwasatraditionalcottageindustry
producedcarpetsthatfirstappearedinquantityontheinternational
marketinthe1910sas"Tientsincarpets,"aftertheirpointofexport.
AfteraTientsincarpetboombeganinthe1920s,somecarpetfactories
didopeninTianjin(threehundredandthreeworkshopsby1929),andhand
spinningofthewooltheyusedbecameamajorsourceofcasuallaborfor
womenandchildreninthatportcity.90
TheoutbreakoftheFirstWorldWarinEuropedroveupwoolprices
inTianjin,althoughvolumesexporteddidnotincreasedramatically.At
theendoftheWar,theU.S.andEuropeancountrieshadlargestocksof
woolonhandwhentheU.S.auctionedoffitsstockpileoflowgrade
SouthAmericanwoolin1920,thevolumeofexportsfromTianjinfellfrom
almost300,000theyearbeforeto84,000piculs,itlowestlevelsince
1893.Thiscrashrenderedmanyforeignexportersinsolvent.Yetthe

ChinaImperialMaritimeCustoms,"Tientsin"and"Chungking,"
Returns
ofTradeandTradeReportsfortheYear
(Shanghai:StatisticalDepartment
oftheInspectorateGeneralofCustoms),1908,1910.
89

90

Chin,p.9495Anon.,"Paotowchen,"p.204Hershatter,p.75.

followingyear,exportsshotuptoover400,000piculsasexporterstook
advantageofafavorableexchangerateandrespondedtorumorsthatthe
UnitedStateswouldsoonplaceatariffoffourcentsperpoundon
importedlowgradewool.SuchvolatilityintheTianjinwoolmarketwas
duetoitsexclusiverelianceontheUnitedStatesasabuyer.91
Wehavelittleevidencebywhichtoassesstheeffectsofyearby
yearfluctuationsintheinternationaldemandforwoolonthetradersand
commissionagentsinChina'sinterior.Whatindicationsthereare,
however,suggestthattheinfluenceofthesemarketshiftswasdilutedby
thetimelagrequiredtoshipwooltoTianjin.Political,militaryand
environmentalupheavalsinChinaandonthebordersseemtohavehad
greaterimpactonChinesewooldealersinland,especiallyafter1911.
Forexample,abusinessslumphurtthe
pimaodian
inBaotouintheyears
1918and1919,duringwhichtimesixconcernsclosedupshop.Meanwhile,
accordingtoCustomsreports,demandandpricesforwoolinTianjinhad
beenhighsince1915whileexporttotalsremainedsteady.Thissuggests
thattheslumpinBaotouwasdue,then,nottoanyflaggingofdemand,
butrathertoashortageofsupply,forwhichthedestructivecampaigns
ofBaiLang(WhiteWolf)inHenan,Shaanxiandespeciallyonthe
GansuQinghaiborderin1914mayhavebeenacontributingfactor.(Four
other
pimaodian
closedbetween1914and1917.)92Othereventsduringthe
"Tientsin,"
ReturnsofTrade
...,19141918"AnalysisofForeign
Trade,"
ForeignTradeofChina
,192022(Shanghai:StatisticalDepartment
oftheInspectorateGeneralofCustoms).
91

"Tientsin,"
ReturnsofTrade
...,19141918Ogawa,21:7(July
1941),chartfacingp.76.
92

nextyearsinnorthChinaandontheborderslikewiseeffectedthevigor
ofthewooltrade.The1921independenceofOuterMongoliaforthemost
parteliminatedthatsourceofwoolfromBaotou,andalsorestrictedand
increasedtheexpenseoftravelalongtheGreatWestRoad.(Diversions
ofMongolianandXinjiangwooltoRussiahadbeengoingonforsometime
woolproducedineasternMongoliaandManchuriawasshippeduntil1905
alongtheChineseEasternRailwaytoRussianmarketsinSiberia,and
laterbytheJapaneseviatheSouthManchurianRailwaytoDalian.)
ThecompletionoftheraillinktoBaotouprovidedaboosttothetrade
in1923,butwhenin1926Baotou,GuihuaandZhangjiakouwerecutoff
completelyfromOuterMongolia,Chinesemerchantsintheseimportant
tradingcenterssufferedlosses.Warsamongthemilitarists,rampant
banditryandgangsofdesertersinterruptednorthChineseriver,caravan
andrailtransportation.ThewarlordFengYuxiangoccupiedthearea
aroundBaotouduringthesecondhalfof1927,andthedeletariouseffects
ofhisarmy'sexactionswereexacerbatedbytheseveredroughtof1926
and1927.MaZhongying'srebellionaroundHezhoucausedmany
northwesternwoolmerchantstogobankrupt.93
Theseevents,combinedwiththerevivaloflocaland
provincialleveltaxationandmonopoliesonwool(sectionIII),resulted
inasteepdeclineinuseoftheinlandtransitpasssystembyforeigners
after1922.Inthatyear,fiftysevenmilliontaelsworthof"native
goods"leftChinaunder"triplecertificate"by1928,thefigurewas

93

Chin,p.112Ogawa,p.77.

onlysixmillion.94ThesedevelopmentsstruckattheheartoftheChinese
wooltrade:itssmallmarginofprofitabilityinlightofthehighcost
ofgettingittoTianjin.Shippingcostsandtheprofitsof
intermediariesaddedgreatlytotheminimumpriceofwoolsupplierscould
acceptinBaotouandTianjin.Byonesetofestimates,pricesinTianjin
couldreachonethousandpercentofthoseontheborder.95Inearlier
yearsthehigherpricesinTianjinweretoadegreedeterminedbybrisk
demand,butlaterwoolmerchantsfounditincreasinglydifficulttoturn
aprofitbecauseofthehighcostsofshipping.Around1935itcost
twentyChinesedollarsperpicultoshipwoolfromLanzhoutoTianjin,
evenwiththerailroadBycontrast,thefreightcostfromTianjinto
NewYorkwasonly$7.40,includingthreedollarsexportduty.96Chinese
woolwasofpoorerqualityandsimilarpricethanthelowgradewool
importedbytheUnitedStatesfromArgentina,withwhomChinajockeyed
forthepositionofAmerica'sprimarywoolsupplier.Chinesewool
maintaineditscompetitivenessaftertheFirstWorldWarprimarily
becauseofexchangerateswhichallowedittojustslipinunderthe
Argentinianproduct.Butthecollapseofpricesinternationallyafter

"Tientsin",
ForeignTradeofChina
,1928.

94

95

YearHezhoupriceTianjinprice(taels/picul)

1914343040
191820785070

(Source:Qin,MaandZhang,p.176.)
AlbertHenryRasmussen,"TheWoolTradeinNorthChina,"
Pacific
Affairs
,9:1(March1936),p.67.
96

1929combinedwithcontinuedincreaseinthecostsofgettingChinese
wooltoTianjininthefaceofmilitaryandprovincialtaxation,higher
transportationrisks,andsoforth,Chinesewoolbecametooexpensivefor
itsmarket.In1932China'sexportsofwoolwerethelowestsince1883
stocksofupto100,000piculslayinthegodownsofTianjin,Shanghai
andChongqing,muchofithavingbeenboughtatpricesapproachingfifty
HongKongtaelsperpicul,withthecurrentpriceattwentytwotaels.97
Afterabriefrallythrough1935and1937,thewooltradeto
Tianjinsufferedits
coupdegrace
aftertheMarcoPoloBridgeIncident
andtheoutbreakofopenhostilitiesbetweenJapanandChina.Japan
capturedBaotouandtookcontroloverthetradeinlivestock,hidesand
woolbymeansofa"woolpurchasingassociation"inTianjintheJapanese
monopolizedwooltradewiththeinterior,andfromOctober1938forbade
theexportofwoolfromtheport,presumablytomaintainwoolsupplies
foritsownwartimeuse.Butwoolwasnolongergettingthroughto
Tianjininanywherenearitsformerquantities.Accordingtoareportby
theassociationofHan
pimaodian
inBaotou,in1936twelvemillion
cattiesofwoolpassedthroughthatcityin1937thatnumberwasreduced
byalmostfiftypercent.By1939Baotoubrokeredlessthan1.5million
cattiesofwool.Onereasonforthisdecline,besidesthedisincentives
posedbyamarketplacedominatedbyanoccupyingforce,wasthatthe
NationalistChinesehadmeanwhileredirectedmuchofthewoolsupplyfrom
thesource.TheGuomindangTradeCommittee(
maoyiweiyuanhui
)in1937

ChinaMaritimeCustoms,
ForeignTradeofChina
,19291932.

97

establishedamonopolyinLanzhoutocollectwoolinthenorthwestand
shipittoHankouformanufactureorreexportviaShanghai.Afterthe
lossofWuhantotheJapaneseinOctober1938,thecommitteesoldits
wooltotheSovietUnionviatheXinjiangtownofXingxingxia.98

VII.CONCLUSION
Practicallysincetimebegan,thecashmeregoatherdersof
InnerMongoliahaveenduredalmostunbearableliving
conditions,inordertoobtaineventhesmallestamountsof
thatrareandpreciousfiber:WHITECASHMERE.Theycallit
WuMaoRong.And,untilrecently,soldit,without
hesitation,tothemillsoftheentireworld.Thatwas
yesterday.Today...forthefirsttimeincenturies,mostof
theworldcan`tbuy
any
oftherareWhiteCashmerefromthis
InnerMongoliangoat.But
we
haveit.Atapricethat`s
evenlessthanlastyear.Introducingourunder$100
"MIRACLE"CASHMERESWEATER.99
Asthisexcerptfromarecentmailordercatalogtestifies,times
havechangedfortheChinesewooltrade.Followingexperimentsthat
beganasearlyas1908,theNationalistChinesegovernmentafter1937
establishedmodelranchesinGansuaspartofitsprogramto"Developthe
ChinaMaritimeCustoms,
ForeignTradeofChina
,19331940Han
Huaixin,"Shengchuyajihangshiliao"(Historicalmaterialsonlivestock
brokerages),
Baotouwenshiziliao
(n.p.:n.p.,n.d.),p.94Zhang,pp.
1012,22.
98

99

"Lands'EndCatalog,"23:10(Sept.1987),pp.89.

Northwest"(
kaifaxibei
).Theseranchesenclosedpasturelands,promoted
diseasepreventivemeasuresforanimals,providedloansforanimal
husbandryandpropagandizedamongTibetansamnMongolsinanattemptto
allieviatewhatthegovernmentidentifiedasaprincipalproblemwith
woolproductionintheotherwiseidealborderareas:thenomadsraised
animalsformeat,notwool.100Centralgovernmentpolicysince1949has
continuedthetrendtowardsgreaterstatecontroloverpastoral
productionanddistributionofwoolandotherborderproducts.Agencies
forthecollectionofwool,hidesandotheranimalproducts,likethose
firstestablishedunderwarlordauspicesinthenorthwestinthe1920s,
havereplacedthecomplexsystemofbrokersandcommissionagentswho
handledthetransmissionofwoolacrossthegeographicandculturallines
thatseparatednomads,Hui,Han,andforeigntraders.Woolcannowbe
shippedbytruck,railandmotorizedboats,yetthehighcostsof
transportationfromtheborderstoindustrialcentersintheeaststill
presentsaproblem.SpinningandweavingmillsinHenantodayfindit
cheapertoimportwoolfromAustraliathanfromInnerMongolia101in
1984thevalueofChina's
imports
ofrawsheep'sandlamb'swoolwasten
timesthatofexports.Onlyexportsof"fineanimalhair"(including
cashmere),acommoditywithrelativelyhighvalueforitsweight,are
doingwellasituationtheebulientpassageabovedoubtlessreflects.102
Zhang,
et
.
al
.,pp.5152,5657.

100

101

Personalcorrespondence,Dr.DieterKuhn,Nov.281987.

CentralIntelligenceAgency,
China:InternationalTradeAnnual
StatisticalSupplement
,June,1986.By"raw"wool,Irefertothe
categoriesof"greasyorfleecewashedsheepsorlambswool"and"other
102

ThelessonsofChineseborderwoolgobeyondtheclaimthatChina
cannowproduceabettercashmerecardigan,however.Severalpoints
emergefromthissurveyofthelatenineteenthandearlytwentieth
centurytradeepisodethattouchuponimportantissuesintherecent
historyofChina.First,thecrucialroleofwoolandhidetradeinthe
moderngrowthofBaotouandevenTianjinshowsusthatlongdistance
tradewithInnerAsiawasanimportantfactorinChineseurban
developmentwellintorecenttimes,andcautionsusnottoneglect
continentallongdistancetradenetworksinourassessmentofthespatial
arrangementoftheChineseeconomy.103Second,althoughIhaveavoided
theword"imperialism"inmydiscussion,theveryfactoftheexistence
ofthewooltradefrom18801937istestimonytoageographically
extensiveandeconomicallysignificantformofforeignpenetrationin
China,atfirstdirect,laterincreasinglyindirect.Ifimperialismis
consideredameregrowthontheskinofChina,theninthecaseofthe
borderwooltrade,thatgrowthwouldbethedeeprootedplantarwart.
Third,thepresenceofthebiculturaland/orbilingualbrokersand
theirinnsateachbreakingpointinthetradehighlightsthecultural
divisionoflaborinvolvedincarryingthiscommodityfromtheInner

sheeporlambswool."In1984,exportsofthesecategorieswerevalued
at$9,651,000and$1,937,000respectivelyImportsamountedto
$102,291,000and45,271,000.Exportsof"fineanimalhair"equaled
$296,776,000.
103

KwanManbunincorporatessuchaperspectivewhenheincludesthe
MongolianandTibetanborderregionsinhisdefinitionofTianjin's
hinterland."TheRegionalEconomyofTianjin,"unpublishedseminar
paper,StanfordUniversity,1982.

AsianperipherytotheChineseandworldmetropolis.Inparticular,the
deepinvolvementofHuimerchantsintradingborderproducts,especially
afterthe1920s,isanimportantexplanationfortheincreasingeconomic
andsocialintegrationofthenorthwestandtheHuiwithHanChinafrom
thattime.104Moregenerally,theinvolvementandinterfacesofTibetans,
Mongols,Turkicgroups,HuiandHaninthestoryofthewooltrade
remindsusthatthehistoryofmodernChinamustbethehistoryofmany
peoples,notonlyoftheHan.

104

ThisisthecentralconclusionJonathanLipmanderivesfromhis
discussionoftheTibetTianjinwooltrade.Hesumsitupneatly:
"ThoughtheHuihadalwaysdealtwiththeHan,andwithChina,the
quantitativeincreaseinthewoolandhidetradeproducedqualitative
changesintherelationship."SeeLipman1980,pp.124128,131.