For HUL 30] The Sociology Of Religion claude Lévi-Strauss C Readings ) cuarrer LX Levi-STrauss, Claude. 1963 Structural Anthropology. . Vol. -I. New. York:: Pract The Sorcerer and His Magic Scere rowan wot of Con we derstand more clearly the psycho-physiological mechanisms under- ineluctable fate. Shortly thereafter, sacred rites are held to dispatch him to the realm of shedowe. 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Through the defendant, witcheraft and the ideas associated with it cease to exist as a diffuse complex of | poorly formulated sentiments and representations and become em- and richer than the satisfaction -of justice that would have been achieved by his execution. And finally, by his ingenious defense ewal coherence. is defense merely ingenious? Everything leads us to groping for's anertuge the defendant partici- th sincerity and—the word is not too strong—fervor in the acted between him and his judges. He is proclaimed a sor- ce sorcerers do exist, he might well be one. And how would he know beforehand the signs which might reveal his calling to him? Perhaps the signs are there, present in this ordeal and in the convulsions of the little git] brought before the court. For the boy, too, the coherence of the system and the role assigned to him in preserving i are values no les essential than the personal security which he risks in the venture, Thus we see him, with a mixture of cunning and good faith, progressively construct the impersona- tion which is thrust upon him—chiefly by drawing on his know!- The Sorcerer end His Magic 15 innocent boy finally to confess to the possession of supernatural powers that are already recognized by the group. ‘We muse consider at greater length another especially valuable document, which until now seems to have been valued solely for its linguistic interest. I refer to a fragment of the autobiography of a Kwakiut! Indian from the Vancouver region of Canada, obtained by Franz Boas’ Quesalid (for this was the name he received when he became a sorcerer) did not believe in the power of the sorcerers—or, more accurately, shamans, since this is a better term for their specific type of activity in certain regions of the world. Driven by curiosity abour their tricks and by the desire to expose them, he began to associate with the shamans until one of them offered to make him a member of their group. Quesalid did not wait to be asked twice, and his narrative recounts the details of his frst lessons, curious mixture of pantomime, prestidigitation, and empirical Imowledge, including the art of simulating fainting and nervous fits, the learning of sacred songs, the technique for inducing vomit- ing, rather precise notions of auscultation and obstetrics, and the use of “dreamers,” that is, spies who listen to private conversations and secretly convey to the shaman bits of information concerning schools of the Northwest Coast: The shaman hides a litle tuft of down in a comer of his mouth, and he throws it up, covered with blood, at the proper moment—after having bitten his tongue or made his gums bleed—and solemnly presents it to his patient and the onlookers as the pathological foreign body extracred asa result of his sucking and manipulations. His worst suspicions confirmed, Quesalid wanted to continue his ingury. Buc he was no looger fre. His apprentosship among the shamans began to be noised about, and one day he was summy moned by the family of 2 sick person who had dreamed of Que- |, salid as his healer. This first treatment (for which he received ne< payment, any more than he did for chose which followed, since he had not completed the required four years of apprenticeship) was an outsanding success. 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