Running head: MALE INTERCOLLEGIATE ATHLETES

Student Life in American Higher Education:

Male Intercollegiate Athletes
Cole Whited
Oregon State University

MALE INTERCOLLEGIATE ATHLETES

Student Life in American Higher Education: Intercollegiate Male Athletes

Intercollegiate athletics is an extremely significant, and arguably vital, part of the public
view of higher education (Chu, Segrave, & Becker, 1985). More specifically, college sports are
highly commercialized (Jozsa Jr., 2013), are sources of entertainment for alumni and general fans
(Fleisher III, Goff, & Tollison, 1992), and collegiate athletic teams are often marketing tools for
prospective students and donors (Chu et al., 1985). For instance, my interest in attending Oregon
State University (OSU) began after watching the OSU Baseball team win the College World
Series two years in a row. Without knowing anything about the campus, the town of Corvallis, or
even what programs the university offered, I felt a connection to OSU just by becoming a fan of
their baseball program. This is a simple example, but it highlights the idea that intercollegiate
athletics are highly engrained in, and viewed as a reflection of, higher education institutions.
Although the development of intercollegiate athletics has many positive influences on
institutions, students, and campus life, it has also been associated with much controversy
throughout its history (Chu et al., 1985). One student population that has been significantly
impacted by the development of intercollegiate athletics is that of male intercollegiate athletes, as
they have been a presence within organized college sports since they began in the 1800's (Back,
2009; Chu et al., 1985), and male athletes seem to face unique issues regarding academic failure,
exploitation (Denhart, Villwock, & Vedder, 2009), and social connectedness (Howard-Hamilton
& Sina, 2001). Given that male intercollegiate athletes are an important population to the world
of higher education (Harmon, 2010), the remainder of this paper will be dedicated to describing
the student life of intercollegiate male athletes. I will begin by describing the historical
development of college sports through the 1970's and the impact certain historical events have
had on the lives of male intercollegiate athletes. I will then discuss the current literature

MALE INTERCOLLEGIATE ATHLETES

surrounding the student life of male athletes in college today, followed by my thoughts on
possible future issues facing male college athletes. To conclude, I will provide a summary as well
as suggestions for future research.
Past Student Life
The past student life of intercollegiate male athletes is highly engrained in the history of
intercollegiate athletics, so, in this section I will describe the history of intercollegiate athletics
while drawing connections to the student life of male athletes. I will include descriptions of
historical events such as the involvement of President Theodore Roosevelt in collegiate athletics
and the desegregation rulings of the 1950's. Through reading this section, as well as the two
sections that follow, it should be reasonably painless to see how the student life of male
collegiate athletes has changed since organized sports were first introduced to higher education
institutions.
Organized athletics is said to have evolved in response to collegiate men's desire to
escape the dull academic requirements of the university and to utilize their new found discovery
of muscle and physical condition (Rudolph, 1990). However, as early as the 1780's, it was
common for faculty to feel as though organized athletics were unscholarly, un-gentleman like,
and dangerous (Rudolph, 1990). Despite the faculty resistance, German immigrants in the 1840's
and 50's initiated a "gymnastic movement" in the United States, bringing athletics to the
forefront of college students' (and their institutions') minds (Rudolph, 1990). According to
Rudolph (1990) however, something was still missing; students complained that gymnasiums
were not pleasurable and were too business-like, but that enjoyment could come via competition
with other men or other college's teams. Consequently, a crew race between Harvard and Yale
was planned in 1852, and intercollegiate athletics began (Chu et al., 1985). The first

MALE INTERCOLLEGIATE ATHLETES

intercollegiate baseball game took place in 1859 (Chu et al., 1985), and baseball became the
sport that satisfied the extracurricular demands of undergraduate students for the next ten years
(Rudolph, 1990). Then in 1869, the first intercollegiate football game was played between
Princeton and Rutgers, and thus began the still prevalent and important connection between
football and higher education (Chu et al., 1985).
Before moving to a discussion regarding the significance of intercollegiate football in
higher education, I want to take the time to draw some connections between the beginnings of
intercollegiate athletics and the student life of male athletes in college. As previously stated, the
introduction of intercollegiate athletics filled a void in the realm of academics for male college
students, as the routine, intellectually challenging world of higher education became monotonous
(Rudolph, 1990). Through intercollegiate athletics, men were able to fulfill their desires to
develop physically, be competitive, and to find personal enjoyment through extracurricular
activity (Rudolph, 1990). Second, note that I said male college students, as colleges were almost
exclusive to men (predominately White) until the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th
century (Back, 2009). Thus, intercollegiate athletics were designed for male college students,
with women even being banned from attending intercollegiate football games until 1885
(Rudolph, 1990). Now that we have drawn these connections, let's continue discussing the
history of intercollegiate athletics, granting special attention to intercollegiate football.
As collegiate football began increasing in popularity among faculty and administrators,
college campuses began to recognize that institutions could gain prestige through the publicity
received by their football teams, especially when they were successful (Chu et al., 1985). This
led to increased alumni donations and also attracted prospective students (Chu et al., 1985).
Unfortunately, regulation of the sport couldn't keep up with the increase in popularity and focus

MALE INTERCOLLEGIATE ATHLETES

on winning, as coaches, university faculty, and non-students would be placed on rosters, and
some individuals would play on multiple teams (Rudolph, 1990). Football became more about
business, and less about providing an avenue for male students to fulfill their extracurricular
needs (Chu et al., 1985). Fortunately, rules and regulations surrounding student eligibility and
participation were formed during the historic first meeting of "The Big Ten" that took place on
January 11, 1895 in Chicago (Chu et al., 1985).
In spite of these eligibility and participation regulations, much needed to be done to
increase the safety of football, as 18 Americans had been killed and 143 seriously injured while
competing in collegiate football events in 1905 (Chu et al., 1985; Rudolph, 1990). President
Theodore Roosevelt was outraged by the number of deaths and physical injuries occurring in
intercollegiate football, so he called a meeting in which Harvard, Yale, and Princeton presidents
and football coaches were invited (Shulman & Bowen, 2001). The meeting with President
Roosevelt led to a few rule changes including the invention of the forward pass (Shulman &
Bowen, 2001), and also spawned a meeting among 30 institutional representatives who would
form the, later termed, National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) (Chu et al., 1985). The
"Big Ten" meeting, the meeting with President Roosevelt, and the first NCAA meeting led to
increased safety within college football and allowed intercollegiate male athletes the opportunity
to "take back" intercollegiate sports. However, the business-like structure of intercollegiate
athletics still remained (Chu et al., 1985).
The 1920's are commonly referred to as "The Golden Age of College Sports," as
institutions of higher education began to accept intercollegiate athletics as an element of
education (Chu et al., 1985). This meant that intercollegiate athletic teams could receive
institutional funds, allowing sports, and the commercialization of sports, to grow (Chu et al.,

MALE INTERCOLLEGIATE ATHLETES

1985). With the increased commercialization of intercollegiate sports, some argued that the
perception of a college or university as respectable would become largely based on the
performance of athletic teams (Chu et al., 1985; Shulman & Bowen, 2001). As a result, Shulman
and Bowen (2001) state that two issues arose for collegiate athletes during this time: commercial
pressure was placed on athletes by alumni, and this pressure created the potential for academic
dishonesty. In other words, male athletes felt pressure to succeed in their sport (mostly football)
so that their institutions would be seen as good investments (either for prospective students or
donors), and this pressure influenced academically dishonest behavior such as cheating. In
addition, academic dishonesty may have come from faculty as well (passing student athletes
despite inadequate work) (Shulman & Bowen, 2001), although most universities argued that
these bad practices were not taking place on their campuses (Chu et al., 1985). Despite the rapid
growth of intercollegiate athletics in the 1920's, the Great Depression of the 1930's and World
War II led to budget cuts to athletic programs, coaches being released, and relaxed eligibility
restrictions (Chu et al., 1985). At the end of World War II in 1945, however, intercollegiate sports
picked up where it left off in the 1920's, and basketball became increasingly more popular
leading into the 1950's (Chu et al., 1985).
There were three important societal changes that took place between the 1950's and
1970's that impacted the state of intercollegiate athletics: increased popularity and accessibility
of the television, the desegregation rulings of 1954, and the passage of Title IX (I'll only touch on
this briefly) (Chu et al., 1985). As more individuals were able to afford televisions for their
homes, intercollegiate athletics (mostly men's basketball and football) became opportunities for
national public entertainment, and institutional marketing through athletics found a new medium
(Duderstadt, 2003). Although bringing intercollegiate athletics into the homes of American

MALE INTERCOLLEGIATE ATHLETES

families could further add performance pressure to male athletes' lives, the NCAA recognized the
potential for monetary gain and gave approval for the competitions to be aired on live TV(Chu et
al., 1985).
In May of 1954 the historical case of Brown v. the Board of Education, in which the idea
of "separate but equal" was determined to be unconstitutional and illegal (Paul, McGhee, & Fant,
1984), influenced many changes regarding African-American access to education (Warren,
1954). This ruling also had an impact on intercollegiate athletics. According to Chu et al. (1985),
few Black athletes existed within intercollegiate athletics before 1954, with exceptions being
extremely gifted athletes like Jackie Robinson. However, after the ruling in favor of Brown, there
was a large increase in Black athletes on college campuses, and new aspects of student life arose
for male athletes (Chu et al., 1985). For instance, although Black students were allowed to
participate on intercollegiate athletic teams, racial discrimination was still a prominent issue for
these athletes, as was apparent in their overrepresentation for certain playing positions (Paul et
al., 1984). Furthermore, sports commentators would often favor White athletes and athletic
associations at institutions would monitor the social activities of their Black athletes, especially
by attempting to prevent interracial dating (Spivey, 1983). Along with the desegregation rulings,
the passage of Title IX in 1972 in which equal opportunity for women in athletics became federal
law allowed intercollegiate athletics to become more inclusive and diverse (Chu et al., 1985).
Although the passage of Title IX meant that some male athletic teams would need to be cut, over
the years this has hardly been the case (Anderson & Cheslock, 2004). Nonetheless, the changes
that occurred in the 1950's, 60's, and 70's impacted the state of intercollegiate athletics and the
student life of male athletes. Now that we have a strong understanding of the history of

MALE INTERCOLLEGIATE ATHLETES

intercollegiate athletics and male college athletes, let's turn to the present life of male athletes in
college.
Present Student Life
Intercollegiate athletics in today's day and age is argued to have numerous benefits to
universities and athletes, such that successful athletic teams can provide national exposure for
institutions and athletes can develop strong leadership skills through participation in their sport.
On the other hand, critics of intercollegiate athletics claim that those participating in
intercollegiate athletics focus too much on their sport and not enough on their academics, and
that athletes, especially those in football and basketball, are exploited by universities (Denhart et
al., 2009). In this section I will review some of the current literature associated with the pros and
cons of participating in collegiate athletics for males, such as the effect athletic participation has
on academic success, graduation rates, and social life for male athletes. I will also touch on a
recent scandal that occurred at the University of North Carolina (UNC) Chapel Hill, in which it
was found that UNC football players were receiving passing grades in classes that were
nonexistent (Lyall, 2014).
Academics.
Because of the "dumb jock" stereotype, it is often believed that male athletes are
academically unsuccessful and have low graduation rates in college (Denhart et al., 2009).
However, there seems to be a lot of conflicting information in the literature regarding academic
success and graduation rates for male collegiate athletes, and collegiate athletes in general
(Rishe, 2003). In an article written by Howard-Hamilton and Sina (2001), the authors state that
there is evidence indicating that male collegiate athletes, specifically football and basketball
players, do not obtain the same type of cognitive development benefits that other undergraduate

MALE INTERCOLLEGIATE ATHLETES

men receive from attending college. This does not seem to be the case for women collegiate
athletes (Howard-Hamilton & Sina, 2001). Furthermore, past research has led individuals such as
Wyatt (1999) to argue that graduation rates of college athletes are disconcerting, stating that only
4 out of 10 collegiate basketball players graduate within 6 years. However, it should be noted
that this statement was made in 1999 and universities have taken action to resolve this graduation
issue by enacting propositions such as the Southeastern (SEC) Conference proposal, in which
academic success of athletes dictates the number and dollar amount of scholarships an institution
can provide (Wyatt, 1999). To further complicate the matter, a study conducted by Denhart et al.
(2009) indicates that the overall graduation rates of collegiate student athletes are higher than
that of non-athletes, but when looking at male football and basketball players, graduation rates
are below the average. This is echoed by New (2014), although he added that graduation rates
(within 6 years) for collegiate athletes hit an all time high of eighty-four percent in 2013, which
is greater than that of non-athletes. Unfortunately, the graduation results for 2013 were released a
week following a report declaring that academic fraud had been committed by the UNC Chapel
Hill athletic department, which may have had an impact on these rates (New, 2014). I will touch
on this issue next.
In response to the distress related to the lack of academic success of collegiate athletes,
the NCAA has implemented reforms such as the SEC Proposal and the Academic Progress
Reform (APR) in order to incentivize academic success for collegiate athletes, coaches, and
institutions as a whole (Denhart et al., 2009). However, Denhart et al. (2009) states that these
reforms have led to things like "clustering," in which many athletes pursue majors that are
considered less vigorous than others so that they can focus more effort on their athletics. This
was taken a step further by the athletic department and academic advisors at UNC Chapel Hill, in

MALE INTERCOLLEGIATE ATHLETES

10

which students, roughly half of which were athletes, were enrolled in classes in the African
Studies department that were essentially non-existent (Lyall, 2014). These "phantom" classes
allowed student athletes to receive the grades they needed in order to remain eligible to compete
athletically, without needing to attend class, meet the professor, or complete assignments other
than one paper in which content was arbitrary (Lyall, 2014; New, 2014). These classes are said to
have been created and graded by Deborah Crowder, the African Studies department administrator
who retired in 2009, and "taught" by Julius Nyangoro who retired in 2012 once these classes
began to be questioned (Lyall, 2014). Is UNC Chapel Hill the only institution in which
fraudulent classes have taken place in order to bolster athletes' GPAs so that they can remain
eligible to compete? If not, can we rely on athletic eligibility as a measure of a university's
success in supporting their athletes (New, 2014)? Furthermore, are graduation rates of collegiate
athletes reflective of the knowledge they gain while attending a university? What this issue
brings to light is that athletes may struggle to succeed in the classroom, which can be a large
stressor since academic success is necessary for them to compete in a sport in which they are
often very passionate about (Lyall, 2014). This stress may be large enough that athletes readily
accept an opportunity to take a class that requires little to no work (Lyall, 2014). If competing in
athletics can affect the academic life of male athletes in such extreme ways, how does athletic
participation affect their social life? I will touch on this topic next.
Social life.
According to Howard-Hamilton and Sina (2001), athletes may find it difficult to build
relationships with individuals in classes and other places on campus. Similarly, it has been stated
that male athletes feel as though they miss out on the social aspects of college because they are
so involved in their sport (Kimball & Freysinger, 2003). This seems to be due to the fact that

MALE INTERCOLLEGIATE ATHLETES

11

college athletes often have full class loads in addition to practice, games that often require travel,
workouts, film study sessions, and other team functions (Martens, Dams-OConnor, & Beck,
2006). This leaves little time for athletes to socialize with individuals other than teammates.
Furthermore, Kimball and Freysinger (2003) highlight that non-athletes may not see studentathletes as anything more than athletes, and are thus unlikely to provide social support because
they are unable to relate or they lack an understanding of athletes' lives. Despite all of this, male
athletes are often in a position of social privilege, may frequently receive praise from parents, the
media, and peers (athletes and non-athletes) due to performance as an athlete (Martens et al.,
2006), form strong mentor/mentee relationships with coaches, and seem to be more satisfied with
their experience in college than non-athletes (Howard-Hamilton & Sina, 2001). A large social
factor that seems to have a positive impact on male athletes' lives (for the most part) are the
relationships formed with teammates (Martens et al., 2006). According to Kimball and
Freysinger (2003), teammates can provide social support and companionship through a shared
connection and passion for their sport. Additionally, traveling with other male athletes allows for
quality time with one another in a setting that does not involve the stressful responsibility of
schoolwork (Kimball & Freysinger, 2003). Unfortunately there are also aspects of athletes' social
lives, sometimes associated with peer pressure from teammates, that are negative in nature, such
as abuse of alcohol and other drugs (Martens et al., 2006) and engagement in riskier sexual
activities, such as having sex with multiple partners (Moore, Berkley-Patton, & Hawes, 2013).
Much of the literature states that there is a concern with the percentage of male college
athletes that drink alcohol, and more specifically binge drink, when compared to that of nonathletes (Moore et al., 2013). In a study conducted by Wechsler, Davenport, Dowdall, Grossman,
and Zanakos (1997), 61% of male athletes consistently engaged in binge drinking while only

MALE INTERCOLLEGIATE ATHLETES

12

43% of non-athlete males did. These male athletes were also more likely to engage in use of
chewing tobacco, but less likely to use cigarettes or marijuana (Wechsler et al., 1997). Martens et
al. (2006) also states that male athletes are more likely than non-athlete males to experience
negative consequences of drinking, such as getting hurt or injured or sexually assaulting another
person. Furthermore, results from a study conducted by Moore et al. (2013) indicate that athletes
who binge drink more often, commonly have more sex partners as well. What leads male athletes
to engage in destructive behaviors such as binge drinking, risky sexual activities, and sexual
violence? Martens et al. (2006) argues that there is a culture of alcohol consumption within
athletics that may create a party mentality for athletes; that the close bonds with teammates
allows for easy influence of similar drinking and sex behaviors; and that the stress and pressure
that accompanies athletic participation may influence self-medication. Additionally, it has been
argued that the violent and aggressive nature of college athletics, especially in sports like
football, may influence violence beyond the sport by means of sexual assault and other behaviors
(Hill, Burch-Ragan, & Yates, 2001). It is recommended that student affairs professionals take it
upon themselves to work closely with athletes and administrators in athletic departments to
address these issues (Hill et al., 2001).
In sum, male college athletes today are seen as having high social status, and receive
praise from parents, the media, and peers (athletes and non-athletes) due to participation in
collegiate sports, especially when performing at a high level (Martens et al., 2006). They also
have the opportunity to form strong mentor/mentee relationships with coaches (HowardHamilton & Sina, 2001), and can create long lasting relationships with teammates (Martens et
al., 2006). However, there are also concerns with male participation in collegiate sports, such that
academic success and graduation rates are not meeting the expectations of some (Denhart et al.,

MALE INTERCOLLEGIATE ATHLETES

13

2009); relationships with peers, as well as engagement in campus activities outside of the athletic
world are/is low; and male athletes tend to engage in binge drinking, tobacco use, sexual
promiscuity, and sexual violence at higher rates than non-athletes (Hill et al., 2001; Moore et al.,
2013).
Future Student Life
With events such as the UNC Chapel Hill scandal taking place (Lyall, 2014); claims that
student athletes are overworked due to their full class loads, practice and workout schedules, and
travel requirements (Harmon, 2010; Martens et al., 2006); and arguments that academic success
and graduation rates of male athletes are abysmal (Wyatt, 1999), the state of collegiate athletics
for men could see many changes in the future. In order to address possible future changes, I will
touch on the three previously mentioned concerns by discussing the current literature on the
following topics: response to fraudulent classes take to bolster academic success for athletes,
payment of collegiate athletes, and solutions to academic success and graduation rates of male
athletes.
Response to UNC scandal.
After the discovery that the African Studies department at UNC Chapel Hill had been
providing fraudulent classes to roughly 3,100 students for the last 18 years, with half of the
students being collegiate athletes, the reputation of student-athlete success in both athletics and
academics at UNC has been tainted (Ganim & Sayers, 2014). What affects will this discovery
have on athletes at UNC and other universities subscribing to the academic requirements of the
NCAA? UNC has already taken action and has employed individuals called "checkers," who will
consistently attend classes to ensure that these classes are taking place (Dudash, 2014).
Furthermore, Dudash (2014) reports that university administrators are requiring that class syllabi

MALE INTERCOLLEGIATE ATHLETES

14

be audited on a regular basis. It is very possible that these procedures will be implemented at
other universities in order to ensure that athletes are being held to the same academic standards
as all other students, however I was unable to find any sources stating that this is the case. If
other universities do follow suit, is it possible that we will see a decline in male athlete (and all
athlete) GPAs as well as an increase in athlete ineligibility due to not meeting GPA requirements?
This could be the case, as it was found that the UNC Chapel Hill football team experienced its
lowest GPA in 10 years after the fraudulent classes run by Deborah Crowder were no longer
offered (Lyall, 2014).
Paid collegiate athletes.
As previously mentioned, student athletes are often overworked as they have full class
loads, demanding practice and workout schedules, and competition travel requirements that can
be quite strenuous (Harmon, 2010; Martens et al., 2006). In addition, despite the fact that
collegiate athletics are considered "amateur" sports, the NCAA has an annual revenue of roughly
$6 million each year from men's college basketball and football, which is more than what the
National Basketball Association (NBA) generates in a year (Brill, n.d.). So, these collegiate
athletes are treated as "professional" athletes through the entertainment they provide and the
money they generate for the NCAA, but are considered "amateurs" because they aren't
compensated for the millions of dollars that are generated from their athletic performance (U.S.
News & World Report, 2014).
This exploitation of collegiate athletes, mostly male football and basketball players, has
led to debates about whether or not these athletes should be paid to play. Some argue that
providing student athletes scholarships (especially full-rides) is enough compensation for their
athletic participation and can maintain the "amateur" ideal (Byers, 1997). However, Brill (n.d.)

MALE INTERCOLLEGIATE ATHLETES

15

argues that times have changed now that millions of dollars are generated through television
deals, video game sales, game merchandise, etc., and not paying collegiate athletes a portion of
that revenue is criminal. Furthermore, it is contended that paying for the education of college
athletes' is inadequate because Bachelor's degrees are no longer as valued as they had been in the
past, and are definitely not worth the same as a professional athletes' salary (Brill, n.d.). In other
words, if the amount of money generated from the entertainment provided by collegiate athletes
is greater than or equal to that of professional sports, collegiate athletes should be compensated
in a similar manner. As this topic becomes more researched, questions arise about how payment
could be achieved (Martin, 2014) and if only athletes in high revenue-generating sports (men's
basketball and football) should be paid to play (Bowen, 2014). If these male athletes are paid to
play in the future, what will the effect be on their academic success? Will they be more likely to
devote themselves to their studies so that they can remain eligible to play and earn money? Or,
will they focus even more on their athletics since they are being paid? Regardless of the answers
to these questions, it should be obvious that a professional model of collegiate athletics would
have many effects on the student life of male athletes.
Methods to increase male athlete graduation rates.
As discussed in previous sections of this paper, there is often a concern with the
graduation rates of male athletes, especially those competing in intercollegiate basketball and
football (Denhart et al., 2009; Wyatt, 1999). With this in mind, the way male athletes in highrevenue sports (football and basketball) are supported at universities could, and arguably should,
change in the future (Feldpausch & ONeill, 2011). In a thesis written by Feldpausch and ONeill
(2011), the authors recommend that academic advising sessions should focus more on time
management skills, promotion of student-faculty relationships, and career counseling sessions

MALE INTERCOLLEGIATE ATHLETES

16

should highlight the importance of balance between academics and career endeavors. Although
these methods may not seem like anything new, the key here is that these areas of focus should
be prioritized by colleges and universities in order to increase the academic success and
graduation rates of male collegiate athletes.
It may also be prudent for universities to focus on improving support of Black male
athletes as it has often been found that they have the lowest graduation rates of all athletes
(Harper, Jr, D, & Blackman, 2013). Although they make up 58% of the population of collegiate
basketball and football players, the undergraduate population of Black males is only about 3%
(Harper et al., 2013), and black male athletes often feel isolated and disconnected from the
university and their peers (Melendez, 2008). In order to increase academic success and
graduation rates of Black male athletes, a good start may be to admit more Black male students
so as to provide an atmosphere of acceptance based on demographics. Although I was unable to
find literature on this solution specifically, Bimper, Harrison, and Clark, (2013) conducted a
study in which academically successful Black male athletes reported that they were able to find a
supportive community of Black students and faculty. Furthermore, academically successful
Black male athletes participated in academic advising sessions in which the advisor utilized
culturally relevant approaches (Bimper et al., 2013).
Conclusions and Future Research
Throughout the history of intercollegiate athletics, the issues faced by male college
athletes have been relatively unchanged. For example, once the popularity of sports like football
reached a point in which institutions could use college athletics as marketing tools and
organizations like the NCAA could reap monetary gain, intercollegiate sports became less about
meeting the extracurricular needs of students and more about the business (Chu et al., 1985).

MALE INTERCOLLEGIATE ATHLETES

17

Furthermore, pressure placed on college athletes to perform and institutions to house successful
athletic teams has been associated with academic dishonesty, as was the case in the 1920's
(possibly earlier) (Shulman & Bowen, 2001) and, after the UNC scandal, appears to be the case
today. It seems as though institutions think more about what admitting an athlete can do for
them, versus what higher education can do for the athlete, as is apparent in the low graduation
rates of intercollegiate athletes over the years (Denhart et al., 2009). All of this is to say that
exploitation of intercollegiate athletes, especially males, is a real issue that deserves a mindful
solution (Jozsa Jr., 2013). Perhaps future research can assist in finding a solution to this problem.
In spite of the fact that intercollegiate athletics have been around since the 1800's,
questions and topics for future research still remain. For instance, the UNC scandal forces me to
question whether or not athletes are held at the same standards as general college students. Are
there other colleges and universities giving athletes a "free pass" in their academics? If so, are the
reported graduation rates even a reliable measure of student-athlete success? Additionally, can
student-athletes be paid to compete at the intercollegiate level while keeping the "amateur" ideal
of collegiate sports? Future research may answer these questions, however a few topics for
research come to mind. First, what can be done to improve the quality of the academic
experience, and increase the academic success rates, of Black male athletes? There is also a lack
of research looking at advising practices that take place for athletes once they have fulfilled the
four-year maximum of competing on an intercollegiate athletic team. Do advising practices
change or do they treat the athlete as if they are still competing? Can advising practices be better
directed towards this specific population so that male athletes are better able to graduate within 6
years? These questions are important, and research must take place so that these student-athletes
can be supported on college campuses.

MALE INTERCOLLEGIATE ATHLETES

18

References
Anderson, D. J., & Cheslock, J. J. (2004). Institutional Strategies to Achieve Gender Equity in
Intercollegiate Athletics: Does Title IX Harm Male Athletes? The American Economic
Review, 94(2), 307311.
Back, A. L. (2009). The Education of Girls and Women in the United States: A Historical
Perspective. Margaret Ferrara, The Student and the Teacher: Making a Match in the
Single Gender, 1113.
Bimper, A. Y., Harrison, L., & Clark, L. (2013). Diamonds in the Rough Examining a Case of
Successful Black Male Student Athletes in College Sport. Journal of Black Psychology,
39(2), 107130. doi:10.1177/0095798412454676
Bowen, F. (2014, April 9). Should college athletes get paid? The Washington Post. Retrieved
from http://www.washingtonpost.com/lifestyle/kidspost/should-college-athletes-getpaid/2014/04/09/5cfb4b2c-bf36-11e3-bcec-b71ee10e9bc3_story.html
Brill, J. (n.d.). Should College Athletes be Paid? Retrieved from http://povichcenter.org/shouldcollege-athletes-be-paid-should-there-be-an-age-restriction-for-pros/
Byers, W. (1997). Unsportsmanlike Conduct: Exploiting College Athletes. Ann Arbor, Michigan:
University of Michigan Press.
Chu, D., Segrave, J. O., & Becker, B. J. (1985). Sport and Higher Education. Champaign, IL:
Human Kinetics Publishers, Inc.
Denhart, M., Villwock, R., & Vedder, R. (2009). The Academics Athletics Trade-off: Universities
and Intercollegiate Athletics. Center for College Affordability and Productivity. Retrieved
from http://eric.ed.gov/?id=ED536276

MALE INTERCOLLEGIATE ATHLETES

19

Dudash, A. (2014, January 9). UNC responds to report condemning student-athletes reading
levels. The Herald Sun. Durham, NC. Retrieved from
http://www.heraldsun.com/news/x1401032237/UNC-responds-to-report-condemningstudent-athletes-reading-levels
Duderstadt, J. J. (2003). The Evolution of College Sports. In Intercollegiate Athletics and the
American University (pp. 6986). Ann Arbor, Michigan: The University of Michigan
Press.
Feldpausch, B. M., & ONeill, F. (2011). An investigation of need for academic support
programs for collegiate athletes. Northern Michigan University, Marquette, MI.
Retrieved from
https://www.goldrushskate.com/sites/DrupalEducation/files/UserFiles/Files/PreDrupal/SiteSections/Students/GradPapers/Projects/Deutsch_Bridget_MP.pdf
Fleisher III, A. A., Goff, B. L., & Tollison, R. D. (1992). The National Collegiate Athletic
Association. Chicago, Ill: The University of Chicago Press.
Ganim, S., & Sayers, D. (2014, October 25). UNC report finds 18 years of academic fraud to
keep athletes playing. Retrieved November 21, 2014, from
http://www.cnn.com/2014/10/22/us/unc-report-academic-fraud/index.html
Harmon, N. (2010). Bottom line: Overscheduled and overcommitted. About Campus, 14(6), 26
29. doi:10.1002/abc.20006
Harper, S. R., Jr, W., D, C., & Blackman, H. W. (2013). Black Male Student-Athletes and Racial
Inequities in NCAA Division I College Sports. Center for the Study of Race & Equity in
Education. Retrieved from http://works.bepress.com/cdwilliamsjr/1

MALE INTERCOLLEGIATE ATHLETES

20

Hill, K., Burch-Ragan, K. M., & Yates, D. Y. (2001). Current and Future Issues and Trends
Facing Student Athletes and Athletic Programs. New Directions for Student Services,
2001(93), 6580. doi:10.1002/ss.6
Howard-Hamilton, M. F., & Sina, J. A. (2001). How College Affects Student Athletes. New
Directions for Student Services, 2001(93), 3545. doi:10.1002/ss.3
Jozsa Jr., F. P. (2013). College Sports Inc.: How Commmercialism Influences Intercollegiate
Athletics. New York, NY: Springer.
Kimball, A., & Freysinger, V. J. (2003). Leisure, Stress, and Coping: The Sport Participation of
Collegiate Student-Athletes. Leisure Sciences, 25(2-3), 115141.
doi:10.1080/01490400306569
Lyall, S. (2014, October 22). U.N.C. Investigation Reveals Athletes Took Fake Classes. The New
York Times. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2014/10/23/sports/university-ofnorth-carolina-investigation-reveals-shadow-curriculum-to-help-athletes.html
Martens, M. P., Dams-OConnor, K., & Beck, N. C. (2006). A systematic review of college
student-athlete drinking: Prevalence rates, sport-related factors, and interventions.
Journal of Substance Abuse Treatment, 31(3), 305316. doi:10.1016/j.jsat.2006.05.004
Martin, J. (2014). Should college athletes be paid for performance? Retrieved November 21,
2014, from http://blogs.seattletimes.com/opinionnw/2014/10/30/should-college-athletesbe-paid-for-performance/
Melendez, M. C. (2008). Black Football Players on a Predominantly White College Campus:
Psychosocial and Emotional Realities of the Black College Athlete Experience. Journal
of Black Psychology, 34(4), 423451.

MALE INTERCOLLEGIATE ATHLETES

21

Moore, E. W., Berkley-Patton, J. Y., & Hawes, S. M. (2013). Religiosity, Alcohol Use, and Sex
Behaviors Among College Student-Athletes. Journal of Religion and Health, 52(3), 930
940. doi:10.1007/s10943-011-9543-z
New, J. (2014, October 29). Graduation rates for athletes hit record high @insidehighered.
Retrieved November 18, 2014, from
https://www.insidehighered.com/news/2014/10/29/graduation-rates-athletes-hit-recordhigh
Paul, J., McGhee, R. V., & Fant, H. (1984). The Arrival and Ascendence of Black Athletes in the
Southeastern Conference, 1966-1980. Phylon (1960-), 45(4), 284297.
doi:10.2307/274909
Rishe, P. J. (2003). A Reexamination of How Athletic Success Impacts Graduation Rates:
Comparing Student-Athletes to All Other Undergraduates. American Journal of
Economics and Sociology, 62(2), 407427. doi:10.1111/1536-7150.00219
Rudolph, F. (1990). The American College and University: A History. Athens, GA: The
University of Georgia Press.
Shulman, J. L., & Bowen, W. G. (2001). The institutionalization and regulation of college sports
in historical perspective. In The Game of Life: College Sports and Educational Values
(pp. 128). Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Spivey, D. (1983). The black athlete in big-time intercollegiate sports, 1941-1968. Phylon
(1960), 44(2), 116125. doi:10.2307/275023
U.S. News & World Report. (2014). Should NCAA athletes be paid? Retrieved November 21,
2014, from http://www.usnews.com/debate-club/should-ncaa-athletes-be-paid
Warren, C. J. E. (1954). Brown v. board of education. United States Reports, 347, 483.

MALE INTERCOLLEGIATE ATHLETES

22

Wechsler, H., Davenport, A. E., Dowdall, G. W., Grossman, S. J., & Zanakos, S. I. (1997). Binge
drinking, tobacco, and illicit drug use and involvement in college athletics. Journal of
American College Health, 45(5), 195200. doi:10.1080/07448481.1997.9936884
Wyatt, J. B. (1999, August 13). Our moral duty to clean up college athletics. The Chronicle of
Higher Education. Retrieved from http://chronicle.com/article/Our-Moral-Duty-to-CleanUp/22004/