Prilozi Instituta Za Arheologiju U Zagre PDF

UDK 902
ISSN 1330-0644
VOL 24/2007.
ZAGREB, 2007.
Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu

Str./Pages 1-522, Zagreb, 2007.
In honorem prof. dr. sc. eljko Tomii
Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007

Izdava/Publisher
INSTITUT ZA ARHEOLOGIJU
INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY
Adresa urednitva/Address of the editors office
Institut za arheologiju/Institute of archaeology
HR 10000 Zagreb, Ulica grada Vukovara 68
Telefon/phone ++385/01/61 50 250
Fax++385/01/60 55 806
e-mail: prilozi@iarh.hr
http://www.iarh.hr
Glavni i odgovorni urednik/Editor in chief
Kornelija MINICHREITER
Izvrni urednici/Desk editors
Daria LONJAK DIZDAR
Marko DIZDAR
Organizacijsko tehnika pripomo/Organization technical support
Katarina BOTI
Urednitvo/ Editorial commitee
Marko DIZDAR, Goranka LIPOVAC VRKLJAN, Tajana SEKELJ IVANAN
Izdavaki savjet/Editorial advisory board
Dunja GLOGOVI (Zagreb), Ivor KARAVANI (Zagreb), Timotej KNIFIC (Ljubljana,
SLO), Laszlo KVACS (Budapest, HUN), Kornelija MINICHREITER (Zagreb), Mladen
RADI (Osijek), Aleksandar RUTTKAY (Nitra, SK), Ivanica SCHRUNK (Minneapolis,
USA), eljko TOMII (Zagreb), Ante UGLEI (Zadar)
Prijevod na engleski/English translation
Sanjin MIHELI, Tamara LEVAK POTREBICA, Vladimir Peter GOSS, Ivanica SCHRUNK
Prijevod na njemaki/German translation
Nikolina MATETI PELIKAN
Prijevod na hrvatski/Croatian translation
Erna FERENDA LUBURI (njemaki jezik), Vlatko MIRSAD (slovaki jezik)
Lektura/Language editor
Marijan RIKOVI (hrvatski jezik)
Andy TOMLINSON (engleski jezik)
Ulrike STEINBACH (njemaki jezik)
Korektura/Proofreades
Marko DIZDAR
Grafiko oblikovanje/Graphic design
Roko BOLANA
Raunalni slog/Layout
Hrvoje JAMBREK
Tisak/Printed by
REPROGRAPH d.o.o., Zagreb
Naklada/Issued
600 primjeraka/600 copies
Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007

Sadraj
Contents/Inhaltsverzeichnis
UVODNA RIJE
A Word of Introduction
13
BIBLIOGRAFIJA
BIBLIOGRAPHY
19
POPIS MENTORSTVA ZA MAGISTERIJE I

DOKTORATE
THE MENTORSHIP LIST FOR MASTER THESES AND

DOCTORAL DISSERTATIONS
20
TABULA GRATULATORIA
TABULA GRATULATORIA
21
K. Minichreiter
Bijelo slikani linear A stupanj starevake kulture u
Hrvatskoj
K. Minichreiter
The White-painted Linear A Phase of the Starevo
Culture in Croatia
35
T. Teak-Gregl
Ponovno o lasinjskoj boici iz Vrlovke
T. Teak-Gregl
Another look at a Lasinja Culture Bottle from
Vrlovka
41
H. Kalafati, T. Hrak
arni grob ranog bronanog doba s lokaliteta
Selci- akovaki- Kaznica: zvonasti pehari na jugu
Karpatske kotline?
H. Kalafati, T. Hrak
Early Bronze Age urn grave from the Site of Selciakovaki Kaznica: Bell Beakers on the South of
the Carpathian Basin?
49
Z. Markovi
O ranobronanodobnim nalazima iz Novih
Perkovaca kod akova
Z. Markovi
ber frhbronzezeitliche Funde aus Novi Perkovci
bei akovo
59
S. Karavani
Sluajni nalaz bronanog pojasa iz naselja
Makovac-Crinjevi (Nova Gradika)
S. Karavani
Zufallsfund eines Bronzegrtels aus der Siedlung
Makovac-Crinjevi (Nova Gradika)
69
D. Lonjak Dizdar
Bronani kotli iz Drave kod Koprivnice
D. Lonjak Dizdar
Bronzebecken aus der Drau bei Koprivnica
R. otari, H. Potrebica, A. Brigi

Neposredno datiranje botanikih uzoraka
u arheolokom kontekstu - biljni ostaci s
prapovijesnog lokaliteta Kaptol-Gradci kod Poege
(Hrvatska)
R. otari, H. Potrebica, A. Brigi

Direct Dating of Botanical Samples in an
Archaeological Context Plant Remains from the
Prehistoric Site of Kaptol-Gradci near Poega
(Croatia)
S. Kovaevi
Karakteristini nalazi kasnohaltatskog naselja u
Zbelavi kod Varadina i fibula tipa Velem
S. Kovaevi
Characteristic Finds from the Late Hallstatt
Settlement at Zbelava near Varadin and a Velemtype Fibula
79
89
113
N. Majnari-Pandi
Bronano prstenje iz latenskog groblja na Ciglani u
Donjem gradu u Osijeku
N. Majnari-Pandi
Bronze Fingerrings from the La Tne Cemetery at
Ciglana in the Lower Town in Osijek
121
M. Dizdar
Bikonini lonci sa stepeniasto ralanjenim
ramenom s groblja Zvonimirovo-Veliko polje
M. Dizdar
Biconical pots with a stepped shoulder from the
Zvonimirovo-Veliko polje cemetery
145
D. Glogovi, M. Menui
Osvrt na fibule tipa Jezerine u Hrvatskoj povodom
novih nalaza iz Dragiia
D. Glogovi
A Look at the Jezerine-type Fibulae in Croatia in
View of New Finds from Dragii
153
I. Radman Livaja
In Segestica...
I. Radman Livaja
In Segestica...
173
I. Oani Rogulji
Keramika tankih stjenki s tri odabrana poloaja u
Vinkovcima
I. Oani Rogulji
Thin-walled Pottery from Three Chosen Positions
in Vinkovci
181
M. Zaninovi
Beneficiarii consularis na podruju Delmata
M. Zaninovi
Beneficiarii consularis in the territory of the
Delmatae
185
N. Cambi
Dvije bronane figurice iz Muzeja Franjevakog
samostana u Sinju
N. Cambi
Two Bronze Figurines from the Museum of the
Franciscan Monastery in Sinj
193
Z. Brusi
Lux in nave
Z. Brusi
Lux in nave
203
B. Migotti
Ulomci kariastog oklopa kao amuleti na
kasnorimskom groblju trbinci kod akova
B. Migotti
Fragments of a Chain Mail as Amulets in the Late
Roman Cemetery at trbinci near akovo
213
K. Jelini
Kasnoantike narukvice od staklene paste s
lokaliteta Virovitica-Kikorija jug
K. Jelini
Glass Paste Bracelets from late Antiquity from the
Site of Virovitica-Kikorija South
221
R. Matijai
Jo jednom o Kastrilu na premanturskom rtu
Kamenjak (Medulin)
R. Matijai
Another Look at Kastril on the Premantura Cape of
Kamenjak (Medulin)
229
V. Begovi Dvorak, I. Dvorak Schrunk,

I. Tutek
Crkva Sv. Marije, graena uz castellum u uvali
Madona, Brijuni, Kasnoantiko i bizantsko
razdoblje
V. Begovi Dvorak, I. Dvorak Schrunk

I. Tutek
The Church of St. Mary and Castellum in Madona
Bay, Brijuni, Late Roman and Byzantine period
241
S. Cigleneki
Via publica in druge komunikacije med Celejo in
Neviodunom v poznorimskem obdobju
S. Cigleneki
Via publica and other communications between
Celeia and Neviodunum in the Late Roman period
251
E. Marin
Mozaik u oratoriju sv. Venancija u Lateranskoj
krstionici
E. Marin
Mosaik im Oratorium des Hl. Venantius im
lateranischen Baptisterium
257
B. iljeg
Ranokranski mramorni korintski kapiteli iz
Dubrovnika
B. iljeg
Early Christian Marble Corinthian Capitals from
Dubrovnik
263
T. Fabijani
Ranokranske pticolike fibule u svjetlu
neobjavljenih nalaza iz Danila i Podumaca
T. Fabijani
Early Christian Bird-shaped Fibulae in the Light of
Unpublished Finds from Danilo and Podumci
273
A. Uglei
Najnoviji germanski nalazi seobe naroda iz
sjeverne Dalmacije
A. Uglei
The Latest Germanic Finds from the Migration
Period from Northern Dalmatia
277
M. Ilki
Nalazi seobe naroda i ranog srednjeg vijeka iz
Sotina
M. Ilki
Funde der Vlkerwanderung und des
Frhmittelalters aus Sotin
289
M. Gutin
Rani srednji vijek od alpskih obronaka do Panonije
M. Gutin
The Early Middle Ages from the Alpine Slopes to
Pannonia
301
P. alkovsk
Problematika pravokutnih i elipsoidnih zemunica
kod Slavena
P. alkovsk
Problm obdinkovitch a ovlnych zemnc u
Slovanov
309
M. Hanuliak
Poruovanie telesnch zvykov zomrelch vo
vel'komoravskom prostred z zemia Slovenska

M. Hanuliak
Zerstrung von Krperresten der Verstorbenen
im gromhrischen Milieu aus dem Gebiet der
Slowakei
317
T. Knific
Zgodnjesrednjeveki pozlaeni predmeti z Gradia
nad Baljem (Slovenija)
T. Knific
Early Mediaeval Gilded Artefacts from Gradie
nad Baljem (Slovenia)
327
C. Blint
O slinostima tipova prikaza
C. Blint
A trgy- s kptpusok hasonlsgairl
405
J. Beloevi
Osvrt na karolinke maeve tipa H sa ireg
podruja dalmatinske Hrvatske
J. Beloevi
Rckschau auf karolingische Schwerter des
Typus H aus dem Groraum des Dalmatinischen
Kroatiens
419
T. Sekelj Ivanan
Jo jedan nalaz ranokarolinkog koplja s krilcima iz
ljunare Jegeni kraj Koprivnice
T. Sekelj Ivanan
Another Find of an Early Carolingian Winged
Spearhead from the Gravel Extraction Plant of
Jegeni near Koprivnica
429
M. Jarak
Ulomak arhitravne grede iz zvonika franjevakog
samostana na Koljunu
M. Jarak
A Fragment of an Architrave from the Franciscan
Monastery on Koljun
437
G. Fusek
Okov korica knjige iz groba u Nitri-indolki
G. Fusek
Buchdeckelbeschlag aus einem Grab in Nitraindolka
443
V. Gaparac Gunjaa, A. Miloevi

Dva nova zanimljiva srednjovjekovna grobna
nalaza iz okolice Sinja
V. Gaparac Gunjaa, A. Miloevi

Zwei neue interessante mittelalterliche Grabfunde
aus der Umgebung von Sinj
453
T. Tkalec
Vojakovaki Osijek-Mihalj, srednjovjekovni
arheoloki kompleks na gornjem toku Glogovnice
T. Tkalec
Vojakovaki Osijek-Mihalj, a Mediaeval
Archaeological Complex on the Upper Course of
the Glogovnica
473
J. Belaj
Jesu li postojale upe na podruju ivanovakog
belskog preceptorata 1334. godine?
J. Belaj
Were there Parishes in the Territory of the Bela
Preceptory of the Hospitallers in 1334?
481
I. Fiskovi
Neki primjeri Damnatio memoriae u naoj staroj
skulpturi
I. Fiskovi
On the Examples of Damnatio Memoriae from
the Croatian Heritage
499
V. P. Goss
Spomenici umjetnosti kao povijesni dokumenti
V. P. Goss
Monuments of Art as Historical Documents
503
M. laus, M. Novak
Sluaj venerinog sifilisa u novovjekovnom
horizontu grobova kraj crkve Svetog Lovre u
Crkvarima
M. laus, M. Novak
A Case of Venereal Syphilis in the Modern Age
Horizon of Graves near the Church of St. Lawrence
in Crkvari
511
KRATICE
ABBREVIATIONS / ABKRZUNGEN
519
NAPUTCI AUTORIMA
INSTRUCTION FOR AUTHORS
Uvodna rije
A Word of Introduction
Sve nas je iznenadilo da je ve stigla 65. obljetnica ivota naeg

dragog kolege sa studija, fakultetskog profesora i ravnatelja Instituta za arheologiju, prof. dr. sc. eljka Tomiia. U znak zahvale za
sve dosadanje uinjeno, odluili smo posvetiti mu ovaj broj naeg
asopisa, Prilozi Instituta za arheologiju u Zagrebu, u kojem je od
njegovih prvih brojeva obnaao dunost glavnog i odgovornog
urednika.
We were all taken by surprise that our dear colleague from our
university days, a university professor and Director of the Institute
of Archaeology, Professor eljko Tomii is already celebrating his
65th birthday. As a token of our gratitude for all he has done, we
have decided to dedicate to him this volume of our journal, Prilozi
Instituta za arheologiju u Zagrebu (Contributions of the Institute of
Archaeology in Zagreb), whose editor-in-chief he has been from the
time of its very first volumes.
Tijekom izuzetno plodnog ivota dole su do punog izraaja njegove neprijeporne ljudske i strune vrline, bilo kao profesora koji
zna vrlo uspjeno prenijeti svoju ljubav za arheologiju mladim
generacijama, bilo kao ravnatelja Instituta, radujui se novim otkriima i uspjesima svakog od nas. Svojom svestranou, irinom,
radnom energijom i iznimno vrijednim rezultatima, afirmirao je i
zaduio hrvatsku arheologiju vrstim temeljima hrvatskog ranog
srednjovjekovlja, ukazujui na hrvatske prostore kao nezaobilazni
dio europskog kulturnog naslijea.
During his exceptionally fruitful life his unquestionable human and

professional virtues have found full expression. As a professor he
was able to successfully convey his love of archaeology to younger
generations. As Director of the Institute he was always enthusiastic
about the new discoveries and successes of each of us. Through his
versatility, broad-mindedness, energy and exceptional achievements, he affirmed Croatian archaeology and indebted it by laying firm foundations for the Croatian early Middle Ages, showing
Croatian territories to be an integral part of the European cultural
heritage.
Na slavljenik, prof. dr. sc. eljko Tomii, roen je 1942. u Poegi,

a od 1944. godine ivi u Zagrebu, gdje je stekao temeljno kolsko
obrazovanje i maturirao. Na Filozofskom fakultetu Sveuilita u
Zagrebu studirao je i diplomirao 1965. godine na Odjelu za arheologiju. Od 1965. do 1970. radio je kao kustos Arheolokog odjela
Gradskog muzeja u Varadinu, a od 1972. do 1985. godine obnaao
je dunost ravnatelja Muzeja Meimurja u akovcu.
Tijekom muzejske djelatnosti pokrenuo je opsene konzervatorske
radove na spomenikom kompleksu Starog grada Zrinskih u akovcu, u kojem su odravana zasjedanja hrvatskog Sabora. Kao
pionir arheologije Varadina i Meimurja obavio je ezdesetak
samostalnih izloaba i bio tuma kulturne prolosti. Posebice
uspjena istraivanja obavio je na ranosrednjovjekovnim grobljima starohrvatskog doba na prostoru Kalnikog prigorja, slavonske
Podravine (okolice Virovitice i Slatine) te Meimurja, koja su otvorila nove poglede na etnogenetske procese Hrvata. Ta su istraivanja
obogatila i fundus kulture Hrvatske nezaobilaznim tvarnim dokazima njezine ranosrednjovjekovne opstojnosti i na prostorima
Mure, Drave, Dunava i Save.
Godine 1984. magistrirao je kod prof. dr. sc. Milana Preloga s temom: Relacije ivota od prapovijesti do 12. stoljea u Meimurju.
Doktorirao je 1990. godine na Filozofskom fakultetu Sveuilita u
Zagrebu, a mentor mu je bio dr. sc. Zdenko Vinski. Tema doktorskog rada naslovljena je: Arheoloka slika meurijeja Mure, Drave, Dunava i Save u svjetlosti materijalnih izvora bjelobrdskog kulturnog kompleksa. Godine 1990. izabran je u zvanje znanstvenog
suradnika, 1994. u vieg znanstvenog suradnika, 2000. izabran je
prvi put u znanstveno zvanje znanstvenog savjetnika, a u svibnju
2005. godine drugi put za znanstvenog savjetnika, trajno zvanje.
Od 1986. godine djeluje u Institutu za arheologiju, dravnoj znanstvenoistraivakoj ustanovi Republike Hrvatske. Nakon to je
obnaao dunost v.d. ravnatelja tijekom Domovinskog rata, od
1. listopada 1995., ustrojem javne ustanove Republike Hrvatske
Instituta za arheologiju (IARH), njezin je prvi ravnatelj i tu dunost
jo uvijek vrlo uspjeno obnaa u svojem drugom mandatu. Kao
utemeljitelj i idejni tvorac Instituta za arheologiju svojim izuzet-
Professor eljko Tomii was born in 1942 in Poega. Since 1944

he has been living in Zagreb, where he completed his primary and
secondary education. He studied at the Faculty of Humanities and
Social Sciences of the University of Zagreb, graduating from the
Department of Archaeology in 1965. From 1965 to 1970 he worked
as a curator in the Department of Archaeology in the Varadin City
Museum, and from 1972 to 1985 he was Director of the Museum of
Meimurje in akovec.
During his museum career he launched comprehensive conservation works at the monumental complex of the Old City of the
Zrinski family in akovec, which hosted the sessions of the Croatian
parliament (Sabor). As a pioneer of archaeology in Varadin and
Meimurje he organized around sixty individual exhibitions and
was a cultural history interpreter. Particularly successful among
his excavations were those at the early medieval cemeteries of the
early Croatian period in the territory of the Kalnik Prigorje, Slavonian
Podravina (surroundings of Virovitica and Slatina) and Meimurje,
opening new views on the ethnogenetic processes of the Croats.
These excavations also enriched the corpus of Croatian culture by
factual evidence of its early medieval presence also in the area of the
Mura, Drava, Danube and Sava rivers.
In 1984 he was awarded a masters degree under the mentorship
of Professor Milan Prelog with a thesis entitled Relations of Life
from Prehistory to the 12th Century in Meimurje. He obtained his
Ph.D. in 1990 at the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences of
the University of Zagreb, where his mentor was Dr Zdenko Vinski.
His dissertation was entitled The Archaeological Image of the Area
between the Mura, Drava, Danube and Sava Rivers in the Light of
the Material Sources of the Bijelo Brdo Cultural Complex. In 1990 he
was appointed to research associate, in 1994 to senior research associate, in 2000 he was appointed scientific advisor for the first time
and in May 2005 for the second time, as a permanent appointment.
Since 1986 he has worked at the Institute of Archaeology, a national
research institution. During the Homeland War he performed the
duty of Acting Director and after the Institute of Archaeology was
established as a public institution of the Republic of Croatia on October 1st 1995, he became its first Director, a duty he is still performing
very successfully in his second term of office. His outstanding efforts
nim zalaganjem omoguio je njegovo djelovanje kao samostalne

javne ustanove, otvorene najboljim mladim strunjacima. Tako je
danas u Institutu zaposleno 24 djelatnika - 13 doktora i 6 magistra
znanosti, meu kojima je 6 znanstvenih novaka.
Do 2005. godine voditelj je znanstvenog programa trajne istraivake djelatnosti Instituta: Geneza i kontinuitet materijalne
kulture Hrvata i znanstvenog projekta: Srednjovjekovno arheoloko naslijee Hrvatske (5.-16. st.), koje je odobrilo Ministarstvo
znanosti, obrazovanja i porta Republike Hrvatske. Svojim znanstvenim projektom ukljuen je u veliki interdisciplinarni kolaborativni projekt (koordinator dr. sc. M. laus), kojemu su se pridruila
tri projekta HAZU-a, dva projekta Instituta za arheologiju i jedan
projekt Odjela za arheologiju Sveuilita u Zadru.
Iz irokog dijapazona znanstvenog zanimanja njegova projekta - Srednjovjekovno arheoloko naslijee Hrvatske (5.-16. st.),
izdvajaju se teme: juna Panonija tijekom seobe naroda; vojno
graditeljstvo (kastra) epohe cara Justinijana I. (6. st.) na istonojadranskom priobalju; hrvatsko rano srednjovjekovlje (geneza i
kontinuitet materijalne kulture ranih Slavena i Hrvata; interakcije
Hrvata, Avara, Franaka i Bizanta); bjelobrdski kulturni kompleks
(10.-13. st.); hrvatski kasni srednji vijek (arheoloka batina vitekih
redova templara i ivanovaca; plemiki utvreni gradovi i sakralno
graditeljstvo kontinentalnog dijela Hrvatske).
Razvio je zamjetnu i iroko razgrananu arheoloku terensku istraivaku djelatnost organiziranjem brojnih arheolokih iskopavanja
i rekognosciranja (vie od 80 kampanja) diljem Hrvatske (Meimurje, Hrvatsko zagorje, Slavonija, otok Krk, Pag, Rab). Voditelj
je projekta viegodinjih arheolokih istraivanja na lokaciji Dvor
knezova Ilokih i Odescalchi u Iloku, koji je dijelom velikoga projekta: Istraivanje, obnova i revitalizacija kulturne batine Ilok Vukovar - Vuedol, ugovorenog izmeu Vlade Republike Hrvatske
i Razvojne banke Vijea Europe.
Predsjednik je Sekcije za arheologiju i kulturnu batinu u okviru
Znanstvenog vijea za daljinsku interpretaciju HAZU-a, a ujedno i
urednik njegova glasila Bilten.
Od 1986. godine (od 3. do 23. broja) obnaa dunost glavnog i
odgovornog urednika uglednoga znanstvenog asopisa Prilozi
Instituta za arheologiju u Zagrebu, koji je prepoznat kao najvia
razina asopisa (kategorija a1) u podruju humanistikih znanosti
za polje arheologije, koji se po vrsnoi izjednauju sa slinim europskim. Od 2005. glavni je i odgovorni urednik strunog glasila
Anali Instituta za arheologiju i edicije Monografije Instituta za arheologiju. Godine 1999. bio je urednik zbornika radova Slatina, koji
je okupio dvadesetak vrsnih znanstvenika. Takoer je suraivao
kao autor priloga u edicijama Leksikografskog zavoda Miroslava
Krlee, odnosno kao recenzent Hrvatskoga povijesnog atlasa.
Autor je dviju knjiga, a koautor u devet knjiga te pisac vie od
stotinu izvornih i strunih radova, objelodanjenih u Hrvatskoj i
inozemstvu. Knjiga Panonski periplus predstavljena je na Sajmu
knjiga u Frankfurtu (2001.).
Predstavnik je Republike Hrvatske u meunarodnoj Konferenciji
Castrum Bene, (arheologija kasnog srednjovjekovlja u dravama
Srednje Europe od Baltika do Jadrana), a djeluje i kao suradnik
meunarodnog projekta o Avarima u Srednjoj Europi (Archologie
der Awarenzeit in Mitteleuropa - ADAM II.). Bio je voditelj hrvatske
skupine arheologa u sklopu dvogodinjeg meunarodnog projekta Hrvatske i Slovenije (1997.-1998.). U okviru Europskog komiteta
za slavensku arheologiju voditelj je Povjerenstva za bjelobrdski
kulturni kompleks. Surauje s Institutom za arheologiju Slovake
akademije VED u Nitri, a takoer je redovni gost i suradnik Instituta za arheologiju Maarske akademije znanosti u Budimpeti.
Od Centra izvrsnosti Instituta za arheologiju Slovake akademije
znanosti u Nitri, koji je ujedno sredite europske Mree centara
izvrsnosti (ukljuene su vodee institucije Austrije, eke, Ma-
10
as the initiator and founder of the Institute of Archaeology have

made it possible for the Institute to function as an independent public institution, open to the best young experts. Today the Institute
employs 24 people 13 of them with a Ph.D. and 6 with a masters
degree, of which 6 are junior researchers.
Until 2005 he headed the scientific programme of the Institutes
permanent research activity: Genesis and Continuity of the Material Culture of the Croats and the scholarly project: Medieval
Archaeological Heritage of Croatia (5th-16th cent.), approved by
the Croatian Ministry of Science, Education and Sports. Through
his project he participates in a large interdisciplinary collaborative
project (coordinated by Dr. M. laus), which was joined by three
projects of the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts (HAZU), two
projects of the Institute of Archaeology and one project of the Department of Archaeology of the University of Zadar.
Several topics stand out from the wide scope covered by his project
The Medieval Archaeological Heritage of Croatia (5th-16th
cent.): southern Pannonia during the Migration Period; military
architecture (castra) during emperor Justinian I (6th cent.) on the
eastern Adriatic coast; the Croatian early Middle Ages (genesis and
continuity of the material culture of the early Slavs and Croats; the
interactions of the Croats, Avars, Franks and Byzantium); the Bijelo
Brdo cultural complex (10th-13th cent.); the Croatian late Middle
Ages (the archaeological legacy of the chivalric orders of the Knights
Templar and Knights Hospitaller; aristocratic fortified towns and
sacral architecture of continental Croatia).
He developed a notable and extensive archaeological fieldwork
activity by organizing numerous archaeological excavations and
surveys (more than 80 campaigns) throughout Croatia (Meimurje,
Hrvatsko Zagorje, Slavonia, the islands of Krk, Pag and Rab). He is
the project manager of long-term archaeological excavations at the
site of the Palace of the Ilok princes and the Odescalchi Palace in Ilok,
forming part of the large project: Research, Reconstruction and Revitalisation of the Ilok Vukovar Vuedol Cultural Heritage, that is
the subject of an agreement between the Croatian Government and
the Council of Europe Development Bank.
He is the President of the Section for Archaeology and Cultural Heritage within the CASA Scientific Council for Telemetry and Photointerpretation, and is also the editor of its bulletin Bilten.
Since 1986 (from issue number 3 to 23) he has been editor-in-chief
of the renowned scholarly journal Contributions of the Institute of
Archaeology in Zagreb (Prilozi Instituta za arheologiju u Zagrebu),
which has been recognized as a journal of the highest rank (category a1) in the area of the humanities for the field of archaeology,
equal in quality to similar European journals. Since 2005 he has
been editor-in-chief of the professional bulletin Annals of the Institute of Archaeology and the publication Monographs of the Institute
of Archaeology. In 1999 he was the editor of the collection of papers
Slatina, which brought together some twenty outstanding scholars.
He also contributed as an author to the publications of the Miroslav
Krlea Lexicographic Institute and as a reviewer of the Croatian
Historical Atlas.
He is the author of two books and co-author of nine, as well as
the author of more than a hundred original and expert papers
published in Croatia and abroad. His book Pannonian Periplus was
presented at the Frankfurt Book Fair in 2001.
He represents the Republic of Croatia in the international Castrum
Bene Conference (the archaeology of the late medieval period in the
countries of Central Europe from the Baltic to the Adriatic Sea), and
he is also active as an associate of the international project on the
Avars in Central Europe (Archologie der Awarenzeit in Mitteleuropa
- ADAM II.). He headed the Croatian group of archaeologists within
a two-year international Croatian-Slovenian project (1997-1998).
Within the European Committee for Slavic Archaeology he is the
leader of the Commission for the Bijelo Brdo Cultural Complex. He
collaborates with the Institute of Archaeology of the Slovak Academy VED in Nitra, and he is also a regular guest and associate of the
Institute of Archaeology of the Hungarian Academy of Science in
Budapest. It was his efforts that led the Quality Centre of the Institute
of Archaeology of the Slovak Academy of Sciences in Nitra, also the
arske, Njemake, Slovake), okupljenih oko realizacije velikoga

znanstvenog programa: Najstarija povijest srednjeg Podunavlja,
njegovom je zaslugom prepoznata ukupna znanstvena djelatnost
i prinos Instituta za arheologiju Republike Hrvatske. Stoga mu je,
kao ravnatelju Instituta za arheologiju, uruen poziv za sveano
potpisivanje Ugovora o pristupanju europskoj Mrei centara izvrsnosti za prostor Karpatske kotline u oujku 2006. godine. Program
obuhvaa razdoblje do 2008. godine, a integriran je u Sedmi okvirni program Europske unije.
Od 2007. godine voditelj je znanstvenog programa Hrvatsko srednjovjekovno arheoloko naslijee u europskom kontekstu (5.-17.
st.) u kojem su programski objedinjeni znanstveni projekti Instituta
za arheologiju, Odjela za arheologiju Sveuilita u Zadru, odnosno
HAZU-a (antropologija). Program obuhvaa arheoloku i antropoloku batinu srednjeg vijeka dugog trajanja na povijesnim
prostorima Hrvata, uz afirmaciju njihova kontinuiranog doprinosa
europskoj kulturi na srazu hrvatske srednjoeuropske i sredozemne
sastavnice.
Sudjelovao je priopenjima na brojnim meunarodnim znanstvenim skupovima u Austriji (Graz, Mogersdorf), Maarskoj (Budimpeta), Njemakoj (Bamberg), Poljskoj (Gdanjsk), Sloveniji (Ljubljana),
Ukrajini (Lavov), a redoviti je sudionik brojnih znanstvenih skupova
Hrvatskog arheolokog drutva i Meunarodnog istraivakog
centra Sveuilita u Zagrebu (Pula-Medulin).
U okviru djelatnosti na edukaciji mladog znanstvenog narataja,
mentor je petorici doktoranada, desetorici magistranada i brojnim diplomantima na sveuilitima u Zagrebu (Filozofski fakultet,
Hrvatski studiji) i Zadru. Ujedno je uestalo lan Povjerenstava za
ocjene disertacija, odnosno magistarskih radova pri sveuilitima
u Zagrebu i Zadru kao i za njihove obrane. U Institutu za arheologiju znanstveni novaci su u okviru njegova znanstvenog projekta
dosegnuli tri doktorata znanosti i tri magisterija.
Profesor je na Hrvatskim studijima Sveuilita u Zagrebu od njihova utemeljenja, kao voditelj kolegija Hrvatsko arheoloko naslijee. Od 1998. godine proelnik je Odjela kroatologije na Hrvatskim
studijima, a od 1996. do 1999. gostujui profesor za arheologiju
hrvatskoga srednjovjekovnog razdoblja pri Filozofskom fakultetu
Univerze u Ljubljani, sa samostalnim kolegijem Hrvatski rani srednji vijek. Od 1997. do 2003. bio je predava u okviru poslijediplomskog studija arheologije srednjovjekovnog razdoblja na Odsjeku
za arheologiju Filozofskog fakulteta Sveuilita u Zagrebu. Godine
2001. pozvan je kao predstavnik Hrvatske u Bamberg, na Peti
europski kongres profesora srednjovjekovne arheologije (ESTMA),
gdje je odrao pozivno predavanje o stanju hrvatske arheologije
srednjovjekovnog razdoblja. Od akademske godine 2002./2003.
gostujui je, a od 2004. naslovni redoviti profesor na Odsjeku za
arheologiju Sveuilita u Zadru.
Odlukom Ministarstva znanosti, obrazovanja i porta Republike
Hrvatske izabran je za zamjenika predsjednika Podrunog vijea
za humanistike znanosti pri Nacionalnom znanstvenom vijeu za
razdoblje 2005.-2008. godine, a ujedno je i lan tog povjerenstva
za polje arheologije. Takoer je lan Povjerenstva za dravne nagrade za znanost za podruje humanistikih znanosti za razdoblje
2005.-2008. godine.
Odlukom Ministarstva znanosti, obrazovanja i porta izabran je
za izvjestitelja u postupku procjene nekolicine programa visokog
obrazovanja, uklopljenih u postupak prihvaanja Bolonjske deklaracije.
Od 2004. godine lan je Povjerenstva za konzerviranje skulpture
boice Minerve iz Varadinskih Toplica, odlukom Ministarstva kulture Republike Hrvatske.
Od lipnja 2005. godine, odlukom Muzeja grada Zagreba, lan je
Povjerenstva za valorizaciju, ocjenu i izradu smjernica za prijedlog
seat of the European Network of Quality Centres (includes the leading institutions from Austria, Czech Republic, Hungary, Germany,
Slovakia), gathered around the realization of a large scientific programme: The Earliest History of the Middle Danube Basin, to recognize the overall scientific activity and contribution of the Institute
of Archaeology of the Republic of Croatia. He was thus invited, as
Director of the Institute of Archaeology, to participate at the signing
ceremony of the Institutes accession to the European Network of
Quality Centres for the Carpathian Basin in March 2006. The programme covers the period until 2008, and it has been integrated in
the European Union Seventh Framework programme.
Since 2007 he has been the manager of the scientific programme
Croatian Medieval Archaeological Heritage in the European Context
(5th-17th cent.), which brings together the scientific programmes of
the Institute of Archaeology, the Department of Archaeology of the
University of Zadar and of the CASA Department of Archaeology
(Anthropology). The programme includes the archaeological and
anthropological heritage of the Middle Ages of long duration in
the historical territories of the Croats, affirming their continuing contribution to European culture at the junction of the Croatian Central
European and Mediterranean components.
He has participated with contributions at numerous international
scholarly conferences in Austria (Graz, Mogersdorf), Hungary (Budapest), Germany (Bamberg), Poland (Gdansk), Slovenia (Ljubljana),
the Ukraine (Lavov), and he regularly takes part in numerous
scholarly conferences of the Croatian Archaeological Society and
the International Research Centre of the University of Zagreb (PulaMedulin).
As part of his activities in educating the younger generation of scholars, he is mentor to five doctoral candidates, ten masters candidates
and numerous graduands at the universities in Zagreb (Faculty of
Humanities and Social Sciences, Croatian Studies) and Zadar. He is
also a frequent member of the commissions for the assessment of
dissertations and masters theses, as well as their defense, at the universities in Zagreb and Zadar. At the Institute of Archaeology junior
researchers participating in his project have obtained three doctoral
and three masters degrees.
He has been a professor at the University of Zagreb Croatian Studies
since their foundation, as director of the course Croatian Archaeological Heritage. Since 1998 he has been the head of the Croatian
Studies Department of Croatology, and from 1996 to 1999 he was
visiting professor for Archaeology of the Croatian Medieval Period at
the Faculty of Arts of the University in Ljubljana, with an independent course entitled The Croatian Early Middle Ages. From 1997 to
2003 he was a lecturer in the post-graduate programme of medieval
archaeology at the Department of Archaeology of the Faculty of
Humanities and Social Sciences of the University of Zagreb. In 2001
he was invited to Bamberg as the Croatian representative at the Fifth
European Congress of Professors of Medieval Archaeology (ESTMA),
where he gave an invited lecture on the state of the Croatian medieval archaeology. Since the academic year 2002/2003 he has been
visiting professor, and since 2004 a Full Adjunct Professor at the
Zadar University Department of Archaeology.
By decision of the Croatian Ministry of Science, Education and Sports
he was elected vice-president of the National Scientific Councils
Regional Council for the Humanities for the period 2005-2008, and
he is also a member of that commission for the field of archaeology.
He is also a member of the Commission for National Science Awards
for the Humanities for the period 2005-2008.
The Ministry of Science, Education and Sports has appointed him
rapporteur in the process of the assessment of several higher education programmes included in the process of adopting the Bologna
declaration.
In 2004, the Croatian Ministry of Culture apponited him member of
the Commission for the Conservation of the Sculpture of the Goddess Minerva from Varadinske Toplice.
Since June 2005, by decision of the Zagreb City Museum, he has
been a member of the Commission for the Evaluation, Assessment
and Creation of Guidelines for the Proposal of the Presentation of
11
prezentacije arheolokih lokaliteta Park Gri i Vranicanijeva poljana, na Gornjem gradu, u Zagrebu.
Za knjigu Hrvati i karolinzi (skupina autora) dobitnik je Strossmayerove nagrade za 2001. godinu. Knjiga i tematska izloba
istog naslova nastali su 2000. godine u okviru europskog projekta:
Karlo Veliki - stvaranje Europe. Hrvatski segment projekta ukljuen je u akcije Njemake (Paderborn), Italije (Brescia), Katalonije
(Barcelona) i Engleske (York). Godinja Nagrada Hrvatskog arheolokog drutva Dr. Josip Brunmid za 2002. godinu dodijeljena
mu je za osobite zasluge u istraivanju keltskog i starohrvatskog
nalazita Zvonimirovo-Veliko polje u opini Suhopolje kraj Virovitice.
Archaeological Sites of Gri Park and Vranicanijeva Poljana, at the

Upper Town in Zagreb.
For the book The Croats and the Carolingians (group of authors) he
received the Strossmayer Award for 2001. The book and thematic
exhibition of the same title were created in 2000 as part of the European project: Charlemagne the Making of Europe. The Croatian
segment of the project was included in the presentations in Germany (Paderborn), Italy (Brescia), Catalonia (Barcelona) and England (York). The annual Dr Josip Brunmid award of the Croatian
Archaeological Society for 2002 was presented to him for his special
contribution in the excavation of the Celtic and early Croatian site
of Zvonimirovo-Veliko Polje in the Suhopolje municipality near
Virovitica.
I na kraju, prof. dr. sc. eljku Tomiiu estitamo od srca ovaj znaajan jubilej, a nai radovi u ovom broju Priloga neka budu zajednika estitka i znak velike zahvalnosti za njegovu ljudsku toplinu,
predanost struci i veliku odanost svojoj zemlji.
Radujemo se i oekujemo jo mnogo uspjenih zajednikih godina
suradnje!
And finally, we extend our most heart-felt congratulations to Professor eljko Tomii on this important jubilee, and it is our wish that
our papers in this volume of the Contributions be taken as our joint
congratulations and a token of our great gratitude for his human
warmness, dedication to the profession and great loyalty to his
country.
We look forward to many more successful years of cooperation!

Glavna i odgovorna urednica / Editor in chief:

Kornelija Minichreiter
12
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18
POPIS MENTORSTVA PROF. DR. SC. ELJKA TOMIIA ZA MAGISTERIJE I

DOKTORATE
THE MENTORSHIP LIST OF PROF. ELJKO TOMII FOR MASTER THESES AND DOCTORAL
DISSERTATIONS
MAGISTERIJI
1998.
Kreimir FILIPEC, Srednjovjekovno groblje u akovu
1999.
Goran JAKOVLJEVI, Raa i upna crkva Uznesenja Blaene Djevice Marije u Novoj Rai u svjetlu povijesnih i arheolokih
istraivanja
Suzana JAKOVAC, Ostavina Karolinga na tlu Hrvatske juno od Gvozda
2001.
Sanja BOEK, Srednjovjekovna groblja na Makarskom primorju
Tanja KOLAK, Arheoloka topografija Like od prapovijesti do srednjega vijeka
Juraj BELAJ, Arheoloko nasljee vitekih redova u sjeverozapadnom prostoru sredinje Hrvatske
Bartul ILJEG, Vojna arhitektura Justinijanovog doba na sjevernom Hrvatskom primorju
2002.
Ivan ILE, Predromanika otoka Koloepa
2004.
Tatjana TKALEC, Srednjovjekovna gradita u Hrvatskoj
DOKTORATI
1999.
Tajana SEKELJ IVANAN, Arheoloka slika naselja savsko-dravskog meurjeja Hrvatske od 10. do 13. st.
2003.
Vladimir SOKOL, Sistematizacija periodizacija i kronologija materijalne kulture naunica u Hrvatskoj u srednjem vijeku
2005.
Juraj BELAJ, Arheoloka provjera nazonosti templara i ivanovaca oko Ivanice
2006.
Maja PETRINEC, Groblja na redove VIII.-IX. stoljea na podruju ranosrednjovjekovne Hrvatske
Bartul ILJEG, Prouavanje kasnoantike naseljenosti Hrvatskog primorja primjenom metode daljinskog istraivanja
19
TABULA GRATULATORIA
Vitomir Belaj, Zagreb
Darina Bialekov, Nitra
Rajko Brato, Ljubljana
eljko Demo, Zagreb
Uwe Fiedler, Berlin
Mislav Jei, Zagreb
Miljenko Jurkovi, Zagreb
Ivor Karavani, Zagreb
Lszl Kovcs, Budapest
Pavao Rudan, Zagreb
Alexander Ruttkay, Nitra
Mechthild Schulze-Drrlamm, Mainz
Mikls Takcs, Budapest
Tivadar Vida, Budapest
20
Bijelo slikani linear A stupanj starevake kulture u Hrvatskoj

The White-painted Linear A Phase of the Starevo Culture in Croatia
Izvorni znanstveni rad
Prapovijesna arheologija
KORNELIJA MINICHREITER
Institut za arheologiju
Ulica grada Vukovara 68
10 000 Zagreb
kornelija.minichreiter@iarh.hr
Original scientific paper

Prehistoric archaeology
UDK/UDC 902.2(497.5-37 Sl. Brod)
90314(497.5-37 Sl. Brod)6345
Primljeno/Received: 30. 03. 2007.
Prihvaeno/Accepted: 10. 09. 2007.
Sliku razvitka starevake kulture u njezinim poetnim stupnjevima znatno su izmijenila i nadopunila desetogodinja sustavna arheoloka istraivanja naselja na Galovu u Slavonskom Brodu. Rezultat
istraivanja potvruje da je i sjeverna Hrvatska u ranom neolitiku bila integralni dio sredinjeg prostora razvitka ove kulture ve od njezina najstarijeg stupnja.
Otkrie posuda s bijelo slikanim vegetabilnim, kapljiastim i linearnim motivima u dvije radne zemunice 205 i 207 i velikoj grobnoj jami 9 s tri kostura u starevakom naselju Galovo u Slavonskom Brodu, uvrstilo je ove objekte u stariju fazu naselja. Njihov kronoloki poloaj, odreen prema stilskim
odlikama arheoloke grae, potvrdila su datiranja metodom 14C, kojom su utvrene tri faze izgradnje objekata u naselju. Najstarijoj fazi pripadaju zapadni kultni objekti 149 i 389, radne zemunice
205 i 207 i velika grobna jama 9, datirani u vrijeme od oko 6100 do 5700 cal BC. Srednjoj fazi pripada
radna zemunica 155 datirana priblino od 5760 do 5630 cal BC, dok najmlaoj fazi pripadaju stambena zemunica 37 i mala grobna jama 15 datirani od oko 5380 do 4960 cal BC. Ovim datiranjima
potvrena je pretpostavka S. Dimitrijevia o postojanju starije faze s bijelo slikanim motivima na
posudama u okviru poetnog, pred barbotinskog stupnja razvitka starevake kulture linear A
na prostorima sjeverne Hrvatske. Usporedbom s istovrsno oslikanim posuem u rano neolitikim
naseljima Donja Branjevina II i III, Magarei Mlin kod Apatina, Grivac, Divostin I a-c, Drenovac I b,
Zmajevac, Starevo I, Gura Baciului I b, Anzabegovo I i Govrlevo I, potvrena je pripadnost naselja
na Galovu u Slavonskom Brodu fazi bijelo slikanih motiva linear A stupnja na poetku razvitka starevake kulture unutar sredinjeg prostora starevakog kulturnog kompleksa.
Kljune rijei: rani neolitik, bijeli linear A stupanj, starevaka kultura, Slavonski Brod, Galovo,
Hrvatska
The picture of development of the Starevo culture in its incipient phases was significantly altered
and complemented by the ten-year long systematic archaeological excavations of the settlement at
Galovo in Slavonski Brod. The excavation results confirm that northern Croatia in the early neolithic
also belonged to the central territory of development of this culture from its very earliest phase.
The discovery of vessels with white-painted vegetative drop-shaped and linear motifs in the two
work-pits 205 and 207 and in the large burial pit 9 with three skeletons in the Starevo settlement of
Galovo in Slavonski Brod, places these structures in the earlier phase of the settlement. Their chronological position determined by means of the stylistic features of the archaeological material was
confirmed by 14C dating, which helped to establish three phases of construction of the structures in
the settlement. The earliest phase comprises the western cult structures 149 and 389, the work-pits
205 and 207 and the large burial pit 9, dated to the time around 6100 to 5700 cal BC. Work-pit 155,
dated to the time from approximately 5760 to 5630 cal BC, belongs to the middle phase, while the
residential pit 37 and the small burial pit 15, dated from around 5380 to 4960 cal BC belong to the
latest phase. These dates corroborate S. Dimitrijevis assumption regarding the existence of an earlier phase with white-painted motifs on vessels in the context of the incipient pre-barbotine phase
of development of the Starevo culture, Linear A, in the territory of northern Croatia. A comparison
with identically painted vessels from the early neolithic settlements at Donja Branjevina II and III,
Magarei Mlin near Apatin, Divostin I a-c, Drenovac I b, Zmajevac, Starevo I, Gura Baciului I b,
Anzabegovo I and Govrlevo I, backs up the attribution of the settlement at Galovo in Slavonski Brod
to the phase of the white-painted motifs of the Linear A phase at the beginning of the development
of the Starevo culture within the central territory of the Starevo cultural complex.
Key words: early neolithic, white Linear A phase, Starevo culture, Slavonski Brod, Galovo, Croatia
21
K. MINICHREITER, Bijelo slikani linear A stupanj starevake kulture u Hrvatskoj, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 21-34.
Problem poetka razvitka starevake kulture na cijelom

podruju njezina rasprostiranja jo uvijek nije do kraja rijeen. U njezinom sredinjem dijelu rasprostiranja na podruju Srbije (ukljuujui Vojvodinu i Kosovo), gdje su evidentirana 46 naselja i obavljena brojna manja istraivanja, neobjavljivanje cjelokupne arheoloke grae kao i nedostatak
sustavnih arheolokih istraivanja pojedinih nalazita jo
uvijek ostavljaju otvoreno pitanje odreivanja kronolokih
i stilskih odlika poetnih stupnjeva ove kulture. U prikazu
dosadanjih rezultata istraivanja rano neolitikih naselja i
raspravi o problemu kulturne stratigrafije neolitika na podruju Srbije, S. Peri navodi da se u buduim arheolokim
istraivanjima moe oekivati potvrda postojanja monokromnog ili pred barbotinskog stupnja. Dalje ukazuje da su
naselja iz poetnih faza razvitka starevake kulture oznaena kao protostarevo i starevo I. stupanj, mogla postojati
istodobno u blizini jedno pokraj drugog i tako biti kronoloki istovremena (Peri 1999, 31, 33). To upotpunjuje miljenje M. Garaanina da je starevaka kultura nastala kao
simbioza balkansko-srednjopodunavskog i neto slabijeg
utjecaja balkansko-anadolskog kompleksa (Garaanin 1979,
104). Takoer i D. Srejovi u prilog ovom miljenju analizira
arheoloku grau faza IIIa i IIIb na Lepenskom viru, ukazujui na iste keramike vrste i usku vezu protostareva i stupnja
Starevo I. (Srejovi 1969, 176-178). Protostarevaka naselja,
kojima kronoloki pripadaju i naselja skupine Gura Baciului,
sastavni su dio kulturnog kompleksa Starevo-Krs- Cri.
Temeljem istraivanja naselja u Lepenskom viru na erdapu, Donjoj Branjevini u Bakoj, Divostinu u Pomoravlju,
Rudniku na Kosovu, te Dobanovcima i Lugu u donjem toku
rijeke Save, smatralo se da naselja poetnih stupnjeva starevake kulture nastaju u istome vremenskom razdoblju
samo na podrujima Srbije, Vojvodine i Kosova (Peri 2002,
43). Meutim, sliku razvitka starevake kulture u njezinim
poetnim stupnjevima znatno su izmijenila i nadopunila
desetogodinja sustavna arheoloka istraivanja ranoneolitikog naselja na Galovu u Slavonskom Brodu, iji rezultati
potvruju kako je i sjeverna Hrvatska bila integralnim dijelom sredinjeg prostora razvitka ove kulture ve od njezina najstarijeg stupnja. Sretna okolnost potpuno ouvanog
jednoslojnog naselja, otkrivenog na dubini od 80 cm ispod
dananje povrine zemljita, omoguila je potpuno sagledavanje i obavljanje znanstvenih analiza neoteenih raznovrsnih objekata s cjelovitim inventarom u njima. Tako su re1
zultati mjerenja ugljena metodom 14C potvrdili u junom
dijelu istraenog naselja dvije faze (vertikalna stratigrafija),
a u sjevernom treu fazu (horizontalna stratigrafija) izgradnje objekata, to je prvi znanstveno utemeljen prikaz horizontalne stratigrafije jednog od najstarijih ranoneolitikih
naselja kontinentalne Hrvatske (Minichreiter, Krajcar Broni
2006, 5-16). Stilske i kronoloke odlike arheoloke grae pokazuju sva prepoznatljiva svojstva predbarbotinskog stupnja linear A, ije je postojanje S. Dimitrijevi ve prije trideset godina pretpostavio kao poetnu pretklasinu fazu
The problem of the beginning of the development of the

Starevo culture in the entire territory of its distribution has still
not been resolved in a satisfactory manner. In its central distribution area in the territory of Serbia (including Vojvodina and
Kosovo), where 46 settlements were documented and numerous minor excavations were carried out, the failure to publish
the archaeological material in its entirety as well as the lack of
systematic archaeological excavations of individual sites still
leave open the question of the determination of chronological
and stylistic features of the incipient phases of this culture. In
his overview of the so far obtained results of the excavations
of the early neolithic settlements and the discussion about
the problem of the cultural stratigraphy of the neolithic in
the territory of Serbia, S. Peri states that future archaeological excavations will probably corroborate the existence of the
Monochrome or pre-barbotine phase. He then points out that
the settlements from the incipient phases of development of
the Starevo culture marked as Protostarevo and Starevo I
phases, may have existed simultaneously side by side and thus
be chronologically contemporary (Peri 1999, 31, 33). This complements M. Garaanins opinion that the Starevo culture came
about in the symbiosis of the Balkan-Central Danubian influence and a somewhat milder influence of the Balkan-Anatolian
complex (Garaanin 1979, 104). Likewise, D. Srejovi, in favour
of this opinion analyses the archaeological material of phases
IIIa and IIIb at Lepenski Vir, pointing to the same pottery types
and the close relationship between the Protostarevo and
Starevo I phases (Srejovi 1969, 176-178). The Protostarevo
settlements, which, chronologically speaking, comprise also
the settlements of the Gura Baciului group, are an integral part
of the Starevo-Krs-Cri cultural complex. On the basis of
the excavation of the settlements at Lepenski Vir in the Iron
Gorge, at Donja Branjevina in Baka, Divostin in Pomoravlje
(the Morava river basin), Rudnik in Kosovo and Dobanovci and
Lug on the lower course of the Sava river, it was believed that
the settlements of the incipient phases of the Starevo culture were established in the same chronological period only
in the territories of Serbia, Vojvodina and Kosovo (Peri 2002,
43). However, the picture of the development of the Starevo
culture in its incipient phases was significantly altered and
complemented by the ten-year long systematic archaeological
excavations of the early neolithic settlement at Galovo in Slavonski Brod, the results of which confirm that northern Croatia
formed an integral part of the central territory of development
of this culture already from its earliest phase. The fortunate
occurrence of a completely preserved single-layer settlement, discovered at the depth of 80 cm below the present-day
ground surface, enabled a comprehensive study and scientific
analyses on various undamaged structures, together with a
complete inventory within. Thus, the results of radiocarbon
1
measurements confirmed two phases (vertical stratigraphy)
of construction in the southern part of the excavated settlement, as well as the third phase (horizontal stratigraphy) in
the northern part, which makes it the first scientifically based
presentation of the horizontal stratigraphy of one of the oldest
1. Mjerenja na uzorcima ugljena iz istraenih objekata na Galovu svake godine nakon istraivanja obavlja dr. sc. Ines Krajcar Broni u Laboratoriju
za mjerenje niskih aktivnosti u Institutu Ruer Bokovi u Zagrebu.
1. Measurements of charcoal samples from excavated structures at Galovo were carried out on an annual basis after the excavation by Ines
Krajcar Broni, Ph.D. in the Laboratory for Measurements of Lowlevel Radioactivity in the Ruer Bokovi Institute in Zagreb.
22
K. MINICHREITER, The White-painted Linear A Phase of the Starevo Culture in Croatia, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 21-34.
razvitka starevake kulture (Dimitrijevi 1979, 237). Otkrie

posua s bijelo slikanim motivima u dvije radne zemunice
205 i 207 i velikoj grobnoj jami 9, koji su datirani metodom
14C u najstariju fazu naselja od oko 6100 do 5700 cal BC (sl.
1), opet su potvrdila i drugu pretpostavku S. Dimitrijevia, tj.
da je poetkom stupnja linear A fino posue ukraavano bijelo slikanim motivima - bijeli linear A (Dimitrijevi 1974, 69;
Dimitrijevi 1979, 242). Stoga S. Dimitrijevi imenuje linear
A bijelim linearnim stupnjem, a linear B tamnim linearnim
stupnjem (Dimitrijevi 1979, 241-242). Prema kronolokoj
2
podjeli S. Dimitrijevia , linear A stupanj, kao drugi po redu,
uslijedio bi nakon prvog monokroma, meutim, jo uvijek
na podruju Hrvatske, a niti Srbije, nije otkriveno naselje
u kojem bi se monokromna keramika mogla izdvojiti kao
poseban stupanj (Peri 1999, 23). Zbog toga, pri sadanjem
stanju istraivanja, stupanj linear A moe se smatrati poetnim stupnjem razvitka starevake kulture.
Radna zemunica 205 (sl. 1-2) bila je u tlocrtu izduenog oblika, pravcem sjever-jug, dimenzija 7 x 5 m, ukopana u zdravicu od tadanje povrine naselja u prosjeku do
1 m. Oblikovanje i organizacija njezinih unutarnjih prostora
jasno pokazuju da je zemunica bila radnog karaktera. Vrlo
praktino i racionalno rasporeeni radni prostori morali su
zadovoljavati potrebama obavljanja raznovrsnih poslova,
kao to su: peenje kruha, glinenog posua i izradi tkanina.
Kupolasta kruna pe 761 bila je izgraena uza zapadne stijenke zemunice, na sjevernoj strani bio je vertikalni tkalaki
stan 496, a na istonoj, pored prilaznih stepenica, lonarska pe izduena oblika 257, iji je vrh bio u ravnini gornjeg
rubnog dijela zemunice (sl. 3). Ulaz u zemunicu bio je na
sjeveroistonoj strani, a inile su ga dvije stepenice, svaka
visine 20 cm. Zemunica se sastojala od sjevernog i junog
prostora. U sjevernom dijelu bile su pei i tkalaki stan, a u
junom dijelu ravne povrine (prikladne za kretanje) i nia
(moda polica) za odlaganje predmeta ili sjedenje. Stijenke
zemunice bile su na zapadnoj, junoj i jugoistonoj strani
strmo ukopane do 1 m od rubnog dijela objekta. Po dnu
zemunice na sjevernoj, sjeveroistonoj i istonoj strani naeni su nizovi rupa od okomitih drvenih kolaca. Isto tako, po
sredini zemunice od SZ do JI (dulja os zemunice) u nizovima
rupa otkriveni su ostaci ukopanih okomitih drvenih stupova
(promjera 30-40 cm) glavnih sredinjih nosaa krovne konstrukcije. Na dva mjesta mogli su se uoiti i nizovi poprenih nosaa, poredanih okomito na sredinju konstrukciju. U
sjevernom dijelu zemunice bila su tri prostora. Sjeverni mali
prostor (S-J 0,70 m i I-Z 1,25 m) u ravnini dna zemunice bio
je malo udubljen kao polica ostava i oblikovan sa sjeverne strane do ulaznih stepenica iza tkalakog stana 496 (sl.
2). Ispred ove police bio je tkalaki stan 496 jer su u dvije
skupine naeni glineni utezi (oko 30 komada), uz ostatak
njegova drvenog okvira (nekoliko greda uruenih jedna na
drugu), u duini od 60 cm i promjera 30 cm. Kalibrirani radiokarbonski datumi datiraju ostatke drvene grede (ugljen)
u razdoblje izmeu 5790 5660 cal BC (6850 60 BP). Iza
2. Podjela S. Dimitrijevia: pred klasini stupnjevi su monokrom i linear A
ili bijeli linear. Ranoklasini stupnjevi su linear B (tamni linear) i girlandoid. Kasnoklasini stupnjevi: spiraloid A i spiraloid B.
early neolithic settlements in continental Croatia (Minichreiter,

Krajcar Broni 2006, 5-16). The stylistic and chronological traits
of the archaeological material exhibit all the recognizable features of the pre-barbotine Linear A phase, whose existence
was assumed by S. Dimitrijevi already thirty years ago as the
incipient pre-classical phase of development of the Starevo
culture (Dimitrijevi 1979, 237). The discovery of vessels with
white-painted motifs in the two working pits 205 and 207 and
the large burial pit 9, dated by the 14C method to the earliest
phase of the settlement from around 6100 to 5700 cal BC (Fig.
1), also confirmed S. Dimitrijevis second assumption, i.e. that
in the beginning of the Linear A phase fine pottery was decorated with white-painted motifs White Linear A (Dimitrijevi
1974, 69; Dimitrijevi 1979, 242). S. Dimitrijevi consequently
named Linear A the White Linear phase, whereas Linear B became the Dark Linear phase (Dimitrijevi 1979, 241-242). In S.
Dimitrijevis chronological classification2 the Linear A, as the
second in line, followed after the Monochrome. However, up
to the present no settlements have been discovered in the territory of Croatia, or Serbia, in which the monochrome pottery
could be distinguished as a separate phase (Peri 1999, 23).
Therefore, at the present-day level of research, the Linear A
phase can be considered the incipient phase of development
of the Starevo culture.
Work-pit 205 (Fig. 1-2) had an elongated ground plan,
with a north-south orientation. It measured 7 x 5 m, and it was
buried into the virgin soil to the depth of 1 m on average from
what was then the surface of the settlement. The design and
organization of its interior spaces clearly demonstrate that the
pit-house was used for working purposes. The very practically
and rationally arranged work spaces had to satisfy the requirements of carrying out diverse tasks, such as: baking bread,
firing clay vessels and producing textiles. The dome-shaped
bread oven 761 was constructed along the western wall of the
pit-house. The vertical loom 496 stood at the northern side,
while in the east, next to the access stairs stood an elongated
pottery kiln 257, with the top at level with the upper edge of
the pit-house (Fig. 3). The entrance to the pit-house lay on the
northeastern side. It was made up of two steps, each 20 cm
high. The pit-house consisted of northern and southern rooms.
The northern one contained the oven, the kiln and the loom,
while the southern part comprised flat surfaces (suitable for
movement) and a niche (perhaps a shelf) for depositing various objects or for sitting. The pit-house walls were steeply dug
at the western, southern and southeastern side to the depth
of up to 1 m from the edge of the structure. The bottom of
the pit-house on the northern, northeastern and eastern sides
revealed several series of holes from vertical wooden stakes.
Likewise, several series of holes with the remains of dug-in
vertical wooden posts (30-40 cm in diameter) belonging to
the main central supports of the roof were discovered along
the centre of the pit-house from NW to SE (the longer axis of
the pit-house). Several series of transverse supports, lined
perpendicular to the central construction, were discerned at
two spots. The northern part of the pit-house contained three
2. The classification by S. Dimitrijevi: the pre-classical phases are Monochrome and Linear A or the White Linear. The early classical phases
are Linear B (Dark Linear) and Girlandoid. The late classical phases:
Spiraloid A and Spiraloid B.
23
Sl. 1
Slavonski Brod, Galovo, tlocrt objekata prve faze u stambenom i ukopnom prostoru s C14
datiranjem (crte M. Gregl)
Fig. 1 Slavonski Brod, Galovo, ground plan of the structures of the first phase in the residential and burial zone
with C14 dates (drawing by M. Gregl)
Sl. 2 Slavonski Brod, Galovo, radne zemunice 205 i 207 (snimio J. Sudi)
Fig. 2 Slavonski Brod, Galovo, work pit-house 205 and 207 (photo by J. Sudi)
24
drvene grede bila je po cijeloj njezinoj duini glinena pregrada visine 20 cm, koja je vjerojatno u donjem dijelu podupirala tkalaki stan. Kruna pe 761 bila je svojom stranjom
polovicom ukopana u stijenku zemunice, dok je prednji dio
bio u zemunici (sl. 2). Ostaci ugljena ispred krune pei datirani su u razdoblje 5800 5715 cal BC (6875 35 BP). Mali
prostor ispred krune pei bio je ukopan 40 cm, dimenzija
1,40 m (S-J) x 1,00 m (I-Z), u kojem je bio debeli sloj pepela,
a prema sredini zemunice skupina gruboga i finog posua,
bojanog crvenom bojom s tamno i bijelo slikanim motivima
(sl. 4,1-1a,2). Na jednom ulomku je bijelom bojom na crvenoj podlozi izvedena kompozicija sloenog motiva, pa se
uz pravocrtne iroke trake kao metope nalaze polukrune
tanke linije poput latice, ispunjene kosim tankim crtama (sl.
4,2). Ovaj motiv najsliniji je ulomku iz II. horizonta Donje
Branjevine (Karmanski 2005, T. LXXXVII,8), a moe se usporediti i s apstraktnim biljnim motivima iz horizonta I u Anzabegovu (Gimbutas 1974, Fig. 19; Gimbutas 1976, Fig. 24;
Tasi 2006, 166,1-10,12,15). Na drugom ulomku rubnog dijela
zdjele na nozi obod je ukraen motivom mree koji s donje
strane obrubljuje iroka vodoravna traka (sl. 4,1a-b). Najsliniji ukras mree po rubnom dijelu posude naen je u Starevu (Aranelovi Garaanin 1954, T. XV,4; Garaanin 1979,
T. XX,5). Motiv mree u dvije razliite kombinacije oslikane
su posude naene samo na dva lokaliteta i to preko cijele
povrine posude u Donjoj Branjevini horizont II (Karmanski
2005, T. LXXXIV,4,7-8) ili kao ispuna irokih traka ili viseih
trokuta u Donjoj Branjevini II (Karmanski 2005, T. LXXXIV,1)
i u naselju Govrlevo I. horizont u okviru skupine Anzabegovo-Vrnik (Bilbija 1986, 35-36; Zdravkovski 2006, Fig. 1). U
inventaru radne zemunice 205 meu keramikom naene
3
su kotane alatke, dvije glaane kamene sjekire i idol (Minichreiter 2007, u tisku). U jugozapadnom dijelu zemunice
bila je ravna povrina (0,80 x 1,20 m) koja je mogla sluiti
kao polica za pripravu kruha, a takoer i za odlaganje gotova kruha nakon peenja. Ovaj mali prostor ravne podne
povrine, oblikovan uz stijenku zemunice, bio je na svojem
rubnom dijelu prema sreditu zemunice odijeljen niskom
glinenom ogradom (visine 20 cm), koja se od 60 cm svoje
ukupne rubne duine protezala samo u duini od 40 cm, tako da je 20 cm preostalo za pristupni dio na policu. Juni
dio zemunice inila su tri radna prostora i ovdje je bila najvea ravna podna povrina 3,00 m (SZ-JI) x 1,50 m (JZ-SI) iz
koje su bile dostupne sve police i obje pei u zemunici. Vezana uz ovaj prostor u junom rubnom dijelu bila je podna
povrina 1,40 x 1,50 m, s ukopanom malom niom u stijenku
zemunice, dimenzija 0,70 m (S-J) x 1,10 m (I-Z), poviena 40
cm od dna podne povrine zemunice, koja je mogla sluiti
za sjedenje ili kao polica. U jugoistonom dijelu zemunice,
ispred lonarske pei, bio je malo udubljen prostor (1,20 x
1,20 m), prikladan za stajanje ispred pei.
Radna zemunica 207 (sl. 1-2) nadovezala se na sjeveroistonoj strani na radnu zemunicu 205 (Minichreiter 2006,
3. Prema ocjeni dr. sc. A. Durmana, ovaj predmet slian pintaderi predstavlja idol, a urezani nizovi cik-cak linija simbolino predstavljaju vodu.
rooms. The small northern room (N-S 0,70 m and E-W 1,25 m)
level with the pit-house bottom was somewhat recessed in the
form of a shelf/storage space, and shaped at the northern side
next to the entrance steps behind loom 496 (Fig. 2). Loom 496
stood in front of this shelf, as evidenced by two groups of
clay weights (around 30 pieces) found next to the remains of
its wooden frame (several beams collapsed on one another) in
the length of 60 cm and with a diameter of 30 cm. Calibrated
radiocarbon dates place the remains of the wooden beam
(charcoal) in the period between 5790 and 5660 cal BC (6850
60 BP). Behind the wooden beam along its entire length ran
a 20 cm high clay partition, which probably served as the support of the lower part of the loom. The back of bread oven 761
was dug into the pit-house wall, while the front lay inside the
pit-house (Fig. 2). The charcoal remains in front of the bread
oven were dated to the period between 5800 and 5715 cal
BC (6875 35 BP). The small space in front of the bread oven,
dug 40 cm deep and measuring 1,40 m (N-S) by 1,00 m (E-W),
was filled with a thick layer of ash. Toward the pit-house centre
there was a group of coarse and fine pottery, coloured in red
with dark and white-painted motifs (Fig. 4,1-1a,2). The decoration on one sherd is composed of a complex motif painted in
white on a red background: there are wide linear bands, and
metopes formed by thin semicircular lines resembling petals,
which are filled with thin slanting lines (Fig. 4,2). This motif
bears the greatest similarity to a sherd from horizon II at Donja
Branjevina (Karmanski 2005, Pl. LXXXVII,8), and it can also be
compared with abstract floral motifs from horizon I at Anzabegovo (Gimbutas 1974, Fig. 19; Gimbutas 1976, Fig. 24; Tasi
2006, 166,1-10,12,15). A rim sherd from a footed bowl has the
rim decorated with a grid motif, bordered in the lower part by
a wide horizontal band (Fig. 4,1a-b). The most similar decoration of the grid running along the rim of the vessel was found
in Starevo (Aranelovi Garaanin 1954, Pl. XV,4; Garaanin
1979, Pl. XX,5). Vessels painted with a grid motif in two different combinations were found only on two sites: over the entire
surface of the vessel in horizon II at Donja Branjevina (Karmanski 2005, Pl. LXXXIV,4,7-8) or the fill of wide bands or hanging
triangles at Donja Branjevina II (Karmanski 2005, Pl. LXXXIV,1)
and in horizon I at the Govrlevo settlement in the context of
the Anzabegovo-Vrnik group (Bilbija 1986, 35-36; Zdravkovski
2006, Fig. 1). Bone tools, two polished stone axes and an idol
were found among the pottery in the inventory of the work-pit
3
205 (Minichreiter 2007, in press). The southwestern part of the
pit-house contained a flat surface (0,80 x 1,20 m) that may have
served as a shelf for preparing bread and also as a place where
finished loaves were deposited following baking. This small
area with a flat floor surface, formed next to the pit-house wall,
was divided on its edge toward the pit-house centre by a low
clay partition (20 cm high). Although it was altogether 60 cm
long, the partition extended only 40 cm in length, so that 20
cm were left as the access to the shelf. The southern part of
the pit-house was made up of three work spaces, and this is
also where the largest flat floor surface lay 3,00 m (NW-SE)
x 1,50 m (SW-NE), giving access to all the shelves as well as
3. Dr A. Durman believes that this object resembling a pintadera is in fact
an idol, while the incised series of zigzag lines are a symbolic representation of water.
25
29-32) i zajedno su inile jednu cjelinu. Povezuju ih lonarska pe 257 kao i nizovi rupa od velikih drvenih stupova
koji su vjerojatno drali zajedniku krovnu konstrukciju. Na
istodobnost ove dvije radne zemunice ukazuje i slinost
u njihovu inventaru - posue sa slikanim motivima koji su
izvedeni bijelom bojom na crvenoj podlozi. Zemunica je u
tlocrtu bila izduenog oblika, pravcem sjever-jug, dimenzija 7 x 6 m, ukopana u prosjeku 60 cm u zdravicu. Sastojala
se od pet radnih prostora: dva manja u sjevernom dijelu,
zatim dva vea u sredinjem dijelu (zapadni i istoni) i posebno oblikovana plitka jama 795 u njezinu junom dijelu.
Uzdu njezine sredinje osi od sjevera prema jugu otkriven
je niz rupa od 5 velikih okomitih drvenih stupova (promjera 25-30 cm), na koji su se u pravcu sjevera nadovezala jo
etiri stupa dva na kosu sjevernu stijenku zemunice i dva
izvan njezinog rubnog dijela. U zapadnim i jugozapadnim
unutarnjim prostorima zemunice, koji su bili smjeteni u neposrednoj blizini susjedne zemunice 205, bile su ukopane u
odreenim razmacima rupe od velikih drvenih stupova, pa
pretpostavljamo da je zemunica imala otvorenu nadstrenicu zajedniku sa susjednom zemunicom 205. Otvorena
nadstrenica bila je potrebna radi lonarske pei 257, krune
pei 793 i ognjita 853 koji su se nalazili u ovim prostorima.
Ulaz u zemunicu inila je stepenica na njezinoj jugoistonoj
strani. U sjeverozapadnom prostoru zemunice, uz njezine
okomite zapadne stijenke bila je ukopana manja plitka jama dimenzija 1,80 x 1,40 m, u kojoj se nalazilo ognjite 853,
iji su ostaci ugljena datirani kalibriranim radiokarbonskim
4
datumima u razdoblje 6350 5600 cal BC (7080 360 BP).
Ostaci ognjita komadi peene zemlje i nekoliko ulomaka
posuda bili su na povrini veliine 0,90 m (S-J) x 1,10 m (I-Z).
Ispod ognjita, u plitkoj jami ispunjenoj crnom zemljom, bio
je poloen vei ulomak lonca S profila, koji je po trbuhu bio
ukraen otiscima prsta i plastinim naljepcima, a po obodu
posude otiscima prsta. Uz strme sjeverne stijenke zemunice,
sjeveroistono od ognjita 853, bila je plitko ukopana jama
dimenzija 0,80 m (S-J) x 1,30 m (I-Z). U ovom prostoru, u gornjim slojevima, naeni su komadi peene zemlje. Njihovu
namjenu nije bilo mogue utvrditi. U zapadnom prostoru,
dimenzija 2,30 m (S-J) x 2,00 m (I-Z) sredinjeg dijela zemunice, otkrivena je, uz jugozapadni rubni dio, kruna pe 793
malih dimenzija od koje se ouvala samo osnovica i oko 10
cm stijenke kalote. Osnovica pei bila je 0,70 m (S-J) i 0,50
m (I-Z), a debljina stijenke 5 cm. Ostaci ugljena uz krunu
pe datirani su kalibriranim radiokarbonskim datumima u
razdoblje izmeu 5720 5550 cal BC (6710 100). Nasuprot
ovom prostoru, u istonom dijelu zemunice, bila je najvea
prostorija 1,60 m (S-J) x 2,40 m (I-Z), prva sa sjeverne strane
do ulazne stepenice u zemunicu. Na istonoj strani bila je
pri njezinu dnu, poput nie, uzdu stijenke zemunice izduena jama ukopana 20 cm. U ovoj nii naene su ivotinj-
the oven and the kiln. Connected with this space at the southern edge was a floor surface measuring 1,40 x 1,50 m, with a
small niche recessed into the pit-house wall, measuring 0,70 m
(N-S) x 1,10 m (E-W), raised 40 cm from the bottom of the pithouse floor, which may have served as a seat or a shelf. In the
southeastern part of the pit-house, in front of the pottery kiln,
there was a slightly depressed space (1,20 x 1,20 m), suitable for
standing in front of the kiln.
4. Mjerenja na uzorcima ugljena iz zemunice 207, koja je istraena 2006.

godine, obavila je dr. sc. Ines Krajcar Broni u Laboratoriju za mjerenje
niskih aktivnosti Instituta Ruer Bokovi u Zagrebu tijekom prosinca
2006. i travnja 2007. godine, u okviru suradnje na zajednikom projektu Prapovijesni identitet prvih zemljoradnikih kultura kontinentalne
Hrvatske. Mjerena su tri uzorka: ifra IRB, Z-3801,B-313; Z-3802,B-314
i Z-3803,B-315.
4. The measurements of charcoal samples from pit-house 207, excavated in

2006, were carried out by Ines Krajcar Broni, Ph.D., in the Laboratory
for Measurements of Low-level Radioactivity of the Ruer Bokovi
Institute in Zagreb during December 2006 and April 2007, as part of the
collaboration on the joint project Prehistoric Identity of the First Farming Cultures of Continental Croatia. Three samples were measured:
Code IRB, Z-3801,B-313; Z-3802,B-314 and Z-3803,B-315.
26
Work pit-house 207 (Fig. 1-2) extended on the northeastern side from the work pit-house 205 (Minichreiter 2006, 29-32)
and together they formed a single unit. They are connected by
pottery kiln 257 as well as a series of holes from large wooden
posts which probably supported a shared roof. The contemporaneity of these two work pit-houses is indicated also by the
similarity in their inventory pottery with motifs painted in
white on a red background. The pit-house had an elongated
ground plan with a north-south orientation. It measured 7 x
6 m and was dug 60 cm on average into the virgin soil. It consisted of five work spaces: two smaller ones in the northern
part, two larger ones in the central part (the western and the
eastern one) plus a specially designed shallow pit 795 in its
southern part. A series of holes from 5 large vertical wooden
posts (25-30 cm in diameter) were discovered along its central
axis from the north to the south. A further four posts continued from this line to the north two from the slanting northern wall of the pit-house and two that lay outside its edge. In
the western and southwestern interior spaces of the pit-house,
situated immediately next to the neighbouring pit-house 205,
holes from large wooden posts were dug at regular intervals,
which leads us to believe that the pit-house had an open roof
which it shared with the neighbouring pit-house 205. The
open roof was necessary because of pottery kiln 257, bread
oven 793 and hearth 853, located in these rooms. The entrance
to the pit-house consisted of a step at its southeastern side. A
smaller shallow pit measuring 1,80 x 1,40 m lay along the vertical western wall in the northwestern room of the pit-house.
Inside the pit was hearth 853, with charcoal remains that produced a calibrated radiocarbon date between 6350 and 5600
4
cal BC (7080 360 BP). The remains of the hearth pieces of
burnt clay and several fragments of vessels were spread over a
surface measuring 0,90 m (N-S) x 1,10 m (E-W). A large sherd of
an S-profiled pot, decorated across the belly with fingertip impressions and plastic applications, and with fingertip impressions on the rim, was placed beneath the hearth into a shallow
pit filled with black soil. A shallow pit measuring 0,80 m (N-S)
x 1,30 m (E-W) was dug along the steep northern wall of the
pit-house, northeast of hearth 853. Pieces of burnt soil were
found in the upper layers of this room. It was not possible to ascertain their function. The small bread oven 793, of which only
the base and the side of the dome up to the height of 10 cm
remained, was discovered along the southwestern edge in the
ske kosti - prvi vratni kraljeak goveda i donja eljust mlae

5
ovce (1,5-2,5 godine) . S june strane ulazne stepenice, u
junom dijelu zemunice bio je ukopan izdvojen prostor 795
plitka jama 1,80 (S-J) x 1,50 m (I-Z), ravnog dna, ukopana
50 cm od rubnog dijela zemunice. Po njezinom sjeverozapadnom, sjeveroistonom i junom rubnom dijelu bile su
plitko ukopane tri nie koje su mogle sluiti za sjedenje pri
obavljanju odreenih poslova. Ovdje su pronaeni komadi
obraenih ivotinjskih kostiju, a meu njima i kotana igla
ilo trokutasta presjeka s kojom su vjerojatno ivali konu
obuu i odjeu. Inventar zemunice 207 sadravao je lonce
i zdjele zaobljenog i S profila grube i fine povrine, istovrsne kao i u susjednim zemunicama i jamama otkrivenim
u naselju. Ukrasi na posuu grube fakture bili su izvedeni
tehnikom urezivanja paralelne linije (Minichreiter 2003,
sl. 4,4), utiskivanjem noktom, vrhom prsta ili tipanjem
s dva prsta (Minichreiter 2003, sl. 4,5,8-9), ubadanjem uskim
western room of the central part of the pit-house, which measured 2,30 m (N-S) x 2,00 m (E-W). The oven base measured 0,70
m (N-S) by 0,50 m (E-W), and the dome was 5 cm thick. The
remains of charcoal next to the bread oven were dated by the
radiocarbon method to the period between 5720 and 5550 cal
BC (6710 100). The largest room, measuring 1,60 m (N-S) by
2,40 m (E-W), lay opposite this room, in the eastern part of the
pit-house, the first from the northern side next to the entrance
step into the pit-house. An elongated pit dug 20 cm deep, like a
niche, lay at the eastern side, near the bottom of the pit-house.
This niche yielded animal bones a cattle atlas and the man5
dible of a young sheep (aged 1,5-2,5). The separate dug-in
space 795 a shallow pit measuring 1,80 (N-W) x 1,50 m (E-W),
with a flat bottom, dug 50 cm from the edge of the pit-house
lay south of the entrance step in the southern part of the pithouse. Three shallow niches that may have served as seats for
various tasks were dug along the northwestern, northeastern
Sl. 3 Slavonski Brod, Galovo, lonarska pe 257 (snimila K. Minichreiter)

Fig. 3 Slavonski Brod, Galovo, pottery kiln 257 (photo by K. Minichreiter)
tapiem (Minichreiter 2003, sl. 5,1,3) i plastinim modeliranjem amorfni naljepci i plastina traka s otiscima prsta
(Minichreiter 2003, sl. 6,7-9). Posude fine fakture bile su u
veini obojane crvenom bojom s pravolinijskim ornamentima tamnosmee boje s vanjske i unutarnje strane, obojene prije peenja, pa se boja dobro ouvala. Ulomak posude
obojene crvenom bojom po cijeloj vanjskoj povrini bio je
s unutarnje strane samo na rubnom dijelu ukraen irokom
crveno obojenom trakom. Meu ulomcima zdjela otkriveno je nekoliko s motivima oslikanih bijelom bojom na crvenoj podlozi (sl. 4,3-5) kao i u susjednoj radnoj zemunici
205 (Minichreiter 2006, 31). Bijela boja je nanesena na posude nakon peenja pa se slabo ouvala, no vidljivi su ostaci
pravolinijskih motiva koji su moda dio rafiranih (crtkanih)
trokuta kao na ulomcima u horizontu III iz Donje Branjevine
(Karmanski 2005, T. LXXXVIII,5). Na drugom ulomku je ouvan motiv najvie nalik maslinovoj granici, slian motivima
iz Anzabegova (Gimbutas 1974, Fig. 19; Gimbutas 1976, Fig.
and southern edge of the pit-house. Pieces of worked animal

bones were found there, including bone awls an awl with a
triangular cross-section, probably used for sewing clothing
and footwear from animal hide. The inventory of pit-house 207
contained rounded and S-profiled pots and bowls with coarse
and fine surface finish, identical to those in the neighbouring
pit-houses and pits discovered in the settlement. The decoration on coarse pottery was executed by incision parallel lines
(Minichreiter 2003, Fig. 4,4), impression with a fingernail, fingertip or pinching with two fingers (Minichreiter 2003, Fig.
4,5,8-9), stabbing with a narrow rod (Minichreiter 2003, Fig.
5,1,3) and plastic modelling amorphous applications and a
plastic band with fingertip impressions (Minichreiter 2003, Fig.
6,7-9). Vessels of fine texture were mostly coloured in red with
dark brown rectilinear ornaments on the outside and inside. As
they were coloured prior to the firing the colour has remained
well preserved. A fragment of a vessel coloured red over the
entire outer surface was decorated in the interior only on the
5. Analizu ivotinjskih kostiju obavila je dr. sc. Tajana Trbojevi Vukievi

iz Zavoda za anatomiju, histologiju i embriologiju Veterinarskog fakulteta
u Zagrebu.
5. The analysis of animal bones was carried out by Tajana Trbojevi

Vukievi, Ph.D., from the Institute of Anatomy, Histology and Embryology of the Faculty of Veterinary Medicine in Zagreb.
27
25; Garaanin 1979, T. XIII,1,4) i Grivca (Dimitrijevi 1974, 75;

Garaanin 1979, T. XX,10; Tasi 2006, 166,14). U inventaru
zemunice meu posebnim nalazima otkriveni su: dio glinenog utega (Minichreiter 2006, 30), glineni prljen koji je
mogao sluiti kao nakit ili kao zamanjak na vretenu (Minichreiter 1999, T. 1,2; Karmanski 2005, T. CVII, T. CVIII,3-5,7), te
glineni disk bez rupe koji S. Karmanski uvrtava u projektile za praku u lovu na ivotinje (Karmanski 2005, T. CII,1).
Istovrstan predmet otkriven je u stambenoj zemunici 153, a
analogne primjerke nalazimo i u naseljima Lnycsk-Bcsfapuszta u Maarskoj (Kalicz 1990, T. 17,9,11) i Anza u Makedoniji (Gimbutas 1976, 148). Uza sjeveroistoni dio krune
6
pei 793 otkrivena je donja eljust ovce starije od 4 godine
i epasta noga visine 9 cm, koja je pripadala rtveniku tip 4
veih dimenzija (Minichreiter 2004, 11-12, sl. 7,4). Ovo je trei
nalaz ovakve vrste u naselju (prva dva naena su u radnoj
zemunici 155) i ostaje otvoreno pitanje zato su u sva tri sluaja naene samo po jedna noga rtvenika veih dimenzija
koji pripadaju rtvenicima tipa 4.
Izmeu radnih zemunica 205 i 207 bila je lonarska pe
257 po svojem obliku jedinstvena meu do sada otkrivenim u ranoneolitikim naseljima (sl. 2-3). U gornjem dijelu
je ua i izgleda kao izduene lonarske pei u grobnoj jami
9 obredno ukopnog prostora (Minichreiter 1999, 15, sl. 6) i
u radnoj zemunici 155 na Galovu (Minichreiter 2004, sl. 4), a
takoer kao pei u zemunicama 12 i 14 starevakog naselja
u Zadubravlju (Minichreiter 1992, sl. 15). U svojem donjem
dijelu je veih dimenzija, s tim da je na sjeverozapadnoj
strani znatno proirena. Ukupna visina je 63 cm, a duina
180 cm. Gornja irina je 40 cm, a donja 110 cm. Debljina stijenke je 5-10 cm. Sjeverozapadna strana kalote je uruena i
bolje zapeena od jugoistone koja je ostala sive boje, jer je
bila ukopana u zdravicu i nije se prepekla s vanjske strane.
Konstrukcija pei je oblikovana tako da je najprije nainjena
rijetka mrea od svinutih iba koje su oblijepljene s vanjske
strane grudama gline, pa spaljene. Tako su s unutarnje strane na stijenkama pei na svakih 10 cm ostali vidljivi otisci
debljeg iblja. Prednji dio pei (jugozapadni) imao je otvor
za loite koji je bio okrenut prema sreditu zemunice 205.
U unutranjosti pei na dnu su naeni veliki komadi peene
zemlje, dijelovi lonaca grube i fine fakture, malo kamenih
izraevina i malo spaljenih kostiju. S velikom vjerojatnou moe se pretpostaviti da su u ovoj pei, pored posuda
grube fakture, pekli i posude fine fakture s bijelo slikanim
uzorcima.
Trei objekt u kojem su naeni ulomci posuda s bijelo
oslikanim motivima bila je velika grobna jama 9 (sl. 1) u
kojoj su bile izgraene dvije obredne pei i ukopana tri ljudska kostura (Minichreiter 2002, 67-68, sl. 2-4). Grobna jama,
duine 15-16 m i irine 5-7 m, bila je smjetena u posebno
izdvojenom obredno-ukopnom prostoru, omeenom polukrunim drvenim ogradama 7, 20 i 73 unutar naselja (Minichreiter 2001, sl. 3). Ovakvo odvajanje jama s pokojnicima
drvenim ogradama unutar naselja na Galovu u Slavonskom
Brodu prvi je poznati sluaj meu ranoneolitikim naselji6. Vidjeti biljeku 5.
28
rim with a wide red-coloured stripe. Among the fragments of

bowls there were several bearing motifs painted in white on a
red background (Fig. 4,3-5), same as in the neighbouring work
pit-house 205 (Minichreiter 2006, 31). White paint was applied
to vessels after firing so it was poorly preserved, but remains are
visible of rectilinear motifs, perhaps forming part of hatched
triangles, such as those on the sherds from horizon III at Donja
Branjevina (Karmanski 2005, Pl. LXXXVIII,5). Another fragment
bears a preserved motif most resembling an olive twig, similar
to those from Anzabegovo (Gimbutas 1974, Fig. 19; Gimbutas
1976, Fig. 25; Garaanin 1979, Pl. XIII,1,4) and Grivac (Dimitrijevi
1974, 75; Garaanin 1979, Pl. XX,10; Tasi 2006, 166,14). Special
finds in the inventory of the pit-house included: a fragment
of a clay weight (Minichreiter 2006, 30), a clay spindle-whorl
that may have also been used as jewellery (Minichreiter 1999,
Pl. 1,2; Karmanski 2005, Pl. CVII, Pl. CVIII,3-5,7), and a clay disc
without a hole, classified by S. Karmanski as a sling missile used
for hunting game (Karmanski 2005, Pl. CII,1). An identical object
was discovered in residential pit-house 153, and analogous
specimens were also found in the settlements of LnycskBcsfapuszta in Hungary (Kalicz 1990, Pl. 17,9,11) and Anza in
Macedonia (Gimbutas 1976, 148). The mandible of a sheep
6
aged over 4 was found next to the northeastern segment of
bread oven 793, as well as a 9 cm high plug-shaped foot belonging to a large-size altar of type 4 (Minichreiter 2004, 11-12,
Fig. 7,4). This is the third find of this type in the settlement (the
first two were found in the work pit-house 155) and the question remains open as to why in all three cases only one foot of
a large-size altar belonging to type 4 altars was found.
Pottery kiln 257, unique in terms of shape among those
discovered so far in the early neolithic settlements, stood between work pit-houses 205 and 207 (Fig. 2-3). With its narrower
upper portion it resembles elongated pottery kilns from burial
pit 9 within the ritual-burial space (Minichreiter 1999, 15, Fig. 6)
and from work pit-house 155 at Galovo (Minichreiter 1992, Fig.
15). It grows larger towards the base and on the northwestern
side it widens considerably. Its total height is 63 cm and length
180 cm. The upper width is 40, and the lower 110 cm. The sides
are 5-10 cm thick. The northwest side of the dome is collapsed
and better fired than the southeastern one, which remained
grey as it was dug into the virgin soil and did not overfire on
the outside. The kiln was constructed by first building a sparse
trellis of bent twigs coated with lumps of clay on the outside
and then fired. In this way traces of wider twigs remained visible on the interior sides of the kiln at 10 cm intervals. The front
(southwestern) part of the kiln had a firebox open toward the
centre of pit-house 205. In the interior of the kiln large pieces
of fired earth were found on the bottom, as well as sherds of
pots of coarse and fine texture, few stone implements and few
burnt bones. It is more than likely that this kiln, in addition to
coarse-textured vessels, was used also for firing vessels of fine
texture with white-painted motifs.
The third structure that yielded sherds of vessels with
white-painted motifs was the large burial pit 9 (Fig. 1), which
contained two ritual kilns and three buried human skeletons
(Minichreiter 2002, 67-68, Fig. 2-4). The burial pit, 15-16 m long
6. See note 5.
ma starevakog kulturnog kompleksa. Velika grobna jama

imala je samo jedan ulaz, posebno oblikovan, od dvije stepenice na istonoj strani svojeg sredinjeg prostora. Ulaz
s istone ili jugoistone strane bio je pravilo u naseljima u
7
Zadubravlju i Slavonskom Brodu. Odabir ovakva poloaja
ulaza na sredini istone strane grobne jame 9 u ovaj veliki
prostor ima svoje logino objanjenje. Ulaskom u grobnu
jamu posjetitelji su mogli boraviti samo u ovom sredinjem
prostoru, jer su u sjevernom i junom bili ukopani pokojnici. U sredinjem prostoru vjerojatno su obavljali obredne
gozbe, na to ukazuje skupina od desetak posuda veih
dimenzija, a uz njih i ulomci posuda obojanih crvenom bojom i ukraenih bijelo slikanim cvjetnim, pravolinijskim i
kapljiastim motivima (sl. 4,6-9). Analogije ovako ukraenim
posudama nalazimo u horizontima II i III Donje Branjevine
na posudama s kapljiastim (Karmanski 2005, T. LXXXII, T.
LXXXV,1, T. LXXXVI, 1-11), cvjetnim (Karmanski 2005, T. LXXXVI,3) i pravolinijskim motivima (Karmanski 2005, T. LXXXVIII,4). Takoer, analogije nalazimo u Gura Baciului horizont
IB u pravolinijskim (Lazarovici, Maxim 1995, PC II,6, PC III,4;
Lazarovici 2006, Fig. 27,7, Fig. 29,4) i kapljiastim motivima
(Vlassa 1972, T. 16,1; Lazarovici, Maxim 1995, PC I, PC II; Lazarovici 2006, Fig. 24,1-9), kao i u Anzabegovu I horizont (Tasi
2006, 166,13) u pravolinijskim motivima. U sredinjem dijelu grobne jame 9 sa skupinom posuda (Minichreiter 2001,
sl. 8; Minichreiter 2002, sl. 4) naeni su i ostaci ivotinjskih
kostiju i kamenih alatki, meu kojima se istie sjekira s ru8
pom (Teak Gregl 2007, u tisku), a ispod nje komadi peene zemlje glatke povrine na svojoj gornjoj strani, za koje
9
pretpostavljamo da su bili dijelovi rtvenih stolova. Ispod
ove skupine bio je u zdravicu kultno ukopan govei rog (Minichreiter 2001, sl. 8), koji je istovjetan ukopu goveeg roga
na dnu zemunice 10 u Zadubravlju (Minichreiter 1992, 19)
i obrednom ukopu ivotinjskih kostiju ispod podnice kue
K-1 u Obrima I u Bosni (Benac 1973, 16). U junoj polovici
grobne jame 9 (juno od ulaza) otkrivene su tri skupine posua, ivotinjskih kostiju i kamenih alatki, grupirane u jednakom meusobnom razmaku od 2,5 do 3 m (kao vrhovi
istokranog trokuta istona, juna i zapadna skupina).
Skupina posuda i ivotinjskih kostiju s ukopanim rogom po
poloaju sjeverno od njih (nedaleko ulaza u sreditu grobne
jame) ini s ovim trima skupinama gotovo pravilan kvadrat.
U sredini izmeu ovih skupina posuda bio je ukopan mu7. U velikom broju zemunica na zapadnoj strani unutarnjeg prostora naen
je uz stijenke zemunice oko 20 cm debeo sloj rahle zemlje, koji su najvjerojatnije nataloili u zemunicu jaki zapadni vjetrovi, to povezujemo s
injenicom da je ulaz u zemunice uvijek bio postavljen na istonoj strani.
Ovakvi klimatski uvjeti do sada su utvreni samo u ranoneolitikim
naseljima Posavine u Zadubravlju i Slavonskom Brodu.
8. Do ovog otkria smatralo se da su se prve sjekire s rupom proizvodile tek
u II. stupnju sopotske kulture koja slijedi vremenski nakon starevake.
Nalaz sjekire s rupom u ranom stupnju starevake kulture pomie
poetak proizvodnje ovih sjekira za oko tisuu godina unatrag.
9. Komadi peene zemlje debljine oko 5 cm, glatke povrine na gornjoj
strani, u pravilu su naeni sa skupinama posua, to je upuivalo da su
oni dio ravne podloge (poput stola) na kojem su stajale posude. Ovome u
prilog ide otkrie cjelovitog ovakvog predmeta ravne podloge dimenzija
30 x 40 cm u stambenoj zemunici 37 u sjevernom dijelu naselja.
and 5-7 m wide, was situated in a detached ritual/burial zone

within the settlement, delimited by semicircular wooden fences 7, 20 and 73 (Minichreiter 2001, Fig. 3). Such detachment of
burial pits by means of wooden fences within the settlement
at Galovo in Slavonski Brod is the first known example among
early neolithic settlements of the Starevo cultural complex.
The large burial pit had only one entrance, with a specific
shape, consisting of two steps at the eastern side of its central
space. An entrance from the eastern or southeastern side was
7
the rule in the settlements at Zadubravlje and Slavonski Brod.
Such a choice for the entrance position at the centre of the
eastern side of burial pit 9 into this large space has a logical explanation. After entering the burial pit, visitors could stay only
in this central space, as the northern and the southern ones
were used for burials. The central space was probably used for
ritual feasts, as indicated by a group of some ten large vessels
and next to them also sherds of red-coloured vessels decorated with white-painted floral, rectilinear and drop-shaped
motifs (Fig. 4,6-9). The analogies for vessels decorated in this
manner are found in horizons II and III at Donja Branjevina
on the vessels with drop-shaped motifs (Karmanski 2005, Pl.
LXXXII, Pl. LXXXV,1, Pl. LXXXVI, 1-11), floral (Karmanski 2005, Pl.
LXXXVI,3) and rectilinear motifs (Karmanski 2005, Pl. LXXXVIII,4). Analogies are likewise found at Gura Baciului, horizon IB,
in rectilinear (Lazarovici, Maxim 1995, PC II,6, PC III,4; Lazarovici
2006, Fig. 27,7, Fig. 29,4) and drop-shaped motifs (Vlassa 1972,
Pl. 16,1; Lazarovici, Maxim 1995, PC I, PC II; Lazarovici 2006, Fig.
24,1-9), as well as at Anzabegovo, horizon I (Tasi 2006, 166,13)
in rectilinear motifs. Remains of animal bones and stone tools
were found in the central part of burial pit 9 with a group of
vessels (Minichreiter 2001, Fig. 8; Minichreiter 2002, Fig. 4).
8
Prominent among the stone tools is a shaft-hole axe (Teak
Gregl 2007, in press), below which were found pieces of burnt
soil with a smooth upper surface, which in our opinion rep9
resented pieces of sacrificial tables. A cult burial of a cattle
horn lay beneath this group (Minichreiter 2001, Fig. 8), identical to the burial of a cattle horn at the bottom of pit-house 10
at Zadubravlje (Minichreiter 1992, 19) and the ritual burial of
animal bones beneath the floor of the house K-1 at Obre I in
Bosnia (Benac 1973, 16). Three groups of vessels, animal bones
and stone tools, grouped at the 2,5-3 m interval (like the points
of an equilateral triangle the eastern, southern and western
groups) were revealed in the southern half of burial pit 9 (south
of the entrance). The group of vessels and animal bones with
7. A layer of soil around 20 cm thick was found along the pit-house walls
in a large number of pit-houses at the western side of the interior space.
This was most probably deposited in the pit-houses by strong western
winds, which has to do with the fact that the entrance into the pit-houses
always lay on the eastern side. Such climatic conditions have so far been
documented only in the early neolithic settlements of Posavina (the Sava
Basin) in Zadubravlje and Slavonski Brod.
8. Until this discovery it was believed that the first shaft-hole axes were produced only starting from phase II of the Sopot culture which chronologically follows the Starevo culture. The discovery of a shaft-hole axe in the
early phase of the Starevo culture shifts the beginning of the production
of these axes some thousand years earlier.
9. Pieces of burnt soil, around 5 cm thick, with a smooth upper surface, are
generally found with groups of vessels, which indicated that they formed
part of a flat surface (like a table) on which the vessels stood. In favour
of such a conclusion speaks the discovery of a complete object of this
kind a flat surface measuring 30 x 40 cm in residential pit-house 37 in
the northern part of the settlement.
29
10
karac bez glave starosti 25-30 godina , u zgrenom poloaju (I-Z ili Z-I), okrenut prema sreditu zemunice. Zbog loe
ouvanosti kostiju nije se moglo utvrditi je li kostur leao na
lijevom ili desnom boku. Kostur je bio zatrpan zemljom izmijeanom s ulomcima posua i kamenim alatkama, meu
kojima je na 15 cm iznad kostura (s njegove sjeverne strane na koju je bio okrenut licem prema sreditu zemunice),
otkriven minijaturni rtvenik u obliku ivotinje sa rtvenom
posudicom na leima (Minichreiter 1999, T. 2). Uz kostur je
takoer naena i grudica okera.
Uz vanjski rub sjevernog prostora grobne jame 9, na
udaljenosti od 7 i 11 m sjeverozapadno od ulaza, bile su izgraene dvije izduene pei 30 i 31 (Minichreiter 2001, sl.
9-11), a izmeu njih na dnu grobne jame ukopana dva ljudska kostura u zgrenom poloaju. Mukarac (cijeli kostur)
starosti blizu 40-50 godina leao je na lijevom boku pravcem S-J, s licem okrenutom prema istoku, a juno od njega
bila je ukopana ena (bez glave) starosti blizu 35-40 godina,
na lijevom boku, pravcem I-Z okrenuta prema sreditu jame. Dvije pei samo su oblikom nalikovale lonarskim peima izduena oblika, dok je nain izgradnje, poloaj i sadraj
u njima bio namijenjen obrednoj svrsi (Minichreiter 2001, sl.
9-11; Minichreiter 2002, sl. 3). Pei su bile izgraene na rubnom dijelu grobne jame, i to s otvorom za loite s vanjske
strane grobne jame. Unutranje stijenke pei inio je tanki
sloj prepeene gline, to ukazuje na njihovu povremenu
uporabu. U unutranjosti su otkriveni ulomci kupe na nozi
velikih dimenzija (visina noge 12,5 cm, promjer donji 20,5
cm i promjer gornji 16 cm) koja je najvjerojatnije sluila pri
kultnim obredima. U sjeveroistonom prostoru grobne jame 9, uz njezin rub (oblikovan kao stepenica banak), bila
je izgraena jo jedna pe 31 u obliku izduenog pravokutnika na udaljenosti oko 4 m istono od pei 30. Orijentacija
obiju pei je ista i obje su imale loite na sjevernoj vanjskoj strani grobne jame. Pe 31 graena je na isti nain kao
i susjedna pe 30, samo neto veih dimenzija i puno loije
ouvana. Izgleda da je u vrijeme koritenja nekoliko puta
obnavljana i dograivana, na to upuuje nekoliko injenica. Ukupna duina pei 31 iznosi 2,70 m (S-J), a u kraoj fazi
bila je dugaka samo 2 m, jer na sjevernoj strani nedostaje
podnica u duini od 65 cm. U kraoj pei podnica se sastojala od sloja peene gline premazane jo jednim slojem sirove
gline, a u junom dijelu je preko ova dva sloja trei premaz
gline (ukupna debljina 9 cm). Razina podnice nije vodoravna nego se sputa prema jugu za 15 cm. irina unutarnjeg
prostora pei je 50 cm, ouvana visina stijenki do 60 cm, a
debljina do 15 cm. Pe je u svojem junom dijelu neto ira
i zavravala je kalotom. Jugozapadno od june pei na dnu
zemunice otkriveno je malo vatrite (krug peene zemlje
promjera 50 cm) na kojem su u obliku atora bile poslagane
sirove oblice, visine 30 cm i promjera oko 5 cm. Ovo malo
vatrite vjerojatno je simboliki predstavljalo kuno ognji-
the buried horn, situated north of those (close to the entrance

in the centre of the burial pit) forms an almost regular square
with these three groups. A headless man, aged 25-30 10, was
buried in the middle of these groups of vessels in a contracted
position (E-W or W-E), facing the centre of the pit-house. Due
to the poor preservation of bones it was not possible to ascertain whether the skeleton lay at its left or right side. The skeleton was covered by soil mixed with pottery fragments and
stone tools, among which was discovered a miniature altar
in the shape of an animal with a small sacrificial vessel on the
back, 15 cm above the skeleton (on the northern side, which he
was facing, toward the centre of the pit-house) (Minichreiter
1999, Pl. 2). Also, a small lump of ochre was found next to the
skeleton.
Two elongated kilns 30 and 31 were built along the outer
edge of the northern space of burial pit 9 at a distance of 7
and 11 m northwest of the entrance (Minichreiter 2001, Fig.
9-11). Between them, at the bottom of the burial pit, two human skeletons were buried in a contracted position. The man
(complete skeleton), aged around 40-50, lay on the left side
with a N-S orientation, his face turned towards the east. A
(headless) woman aged around 35-40 lay south of him, on the
left side, oriented E-W towards the centre of the pit. Only the
shape of the two kilns resembled the elongated pottery kilns,
whereas the construction method, their position and contents
were meant for ritual purposes (Minichreiter 2001, Fig. 9-11;
Minichreiter 2002, Fig. 3). The kilns were built at the periphery of the burial pit, with the fireboxes on the outside of the
burial pit. The interior walls of the kilns consisted of a thin layer
of overfired clay, which indicates that they were occasionally
used. Sherds of a large-size footed cup (foot height 12,5 cm,
lower diameter 20,5 cm, upper diameter 16 cm), most probably used in cult rituals, were found inside the kiln. Another
kiln 31, in the shape of an elongated rectangle, was built in
the northeastern zone of burial pit 9, along its edge (shaped
like a step a bank) at a distance of approximately 4 m from
kiln 30. The orientation of both kilns is the same and both had
a firebox at the northern outer side of the burial pit. Kiln 31
was constructed in the same manner as the neighbouring kiln
30, only it was somewhat larger and far more poorly preserved.
It appears that it was reconstructed and rebuilt on several occasions during the time of its use. Several facts speak in favour
of such a conclusion. The total length of the kiln is 2,70 m (N-S),
but in the shorter phase it was only 2 m long, for on the northern side the floor is missing in the length of 65 cm. The floor in
the shorter kiln consisted of a layer of burnt clay coated with
another layer of raw clay. In the southern part, the third coat
of clay was applied over the first two layers (the total thickness was 9 cm). The floor level is not horizontal but descends
to the south for 15 cm. The width of the interior space of the
kiln is 50 cm, the preserved height of the sides is up to 60 cm,
and thickness up to 15 cm. The kiln is somewhat wider in the
southern part and is topped by a dome. A small fireplace (a
circle of burnt soil with a diameter of 50 cm) was discovered
10. Antropoloke analize svih kostura na Galovu obavio je mr. sc.Mario

Novak iz Odsjeka za arheologiju Zavoda za povijesne i drutvene znanosti
Hrvatske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti u Zagrebu.
10. Anthropological analyses of all the skeletons from Galovo were carried
out by Mario Novak MSc from the Department of Archaeology of the
Institute for Historical and Social Sciences of the Croatian Academy of
Sciences and Arts in Zagreb.
30
1a
Sl. 4
Slavonski Brod, Galovo, posue s bijelo slikanim uzorcima: 1, 1a, 2 radna zemunica 205; 3-5 radna zemunica 207; 6-9 velika grobna
jama 9 (snimili M. Gregl i K. Minichreiter)
Fig. 4 Slavonski Brod, Galovo, pottery with white-painted patterns: 1, 1a, 2 work pit-house 205; 3-5 work pit-house 207; 6-9 large burial pit 9
(photos by M. Gregl and K. Minichreiter)
31
te, oblikovano u blizini enskog kostura ukopanog u ovom

dijelu grobne jame. Kako je izgledala krovna konstrukcija
grobne jame 9, govore u prilog rupe od malih kolaca koje su
mjestimino naene po rubovima grobne jame na zapadnom obodu njezina sredinjeg dijela. S obzirom na to da
unutar velikog prostora grobne jame nisu naene rupe od
okomitih debljih stupova (kao u stambenim zemunicama u
naselju), ostaje otvoreno pitanje kako je ovaj veliki prostor
(15 x 5 m) bio natkriven i je li uope bio natkriven ili samo u
jednom svojem dijelu, s obzirom na susjednu malu grobnu
jamu 15 koja je imala unutar i izvan svojeg prostora velike
stupove i trijem (Minichreiter 2001, sl. 6). S. Dimitrijevi je
pri objavi Gornjih Brezovljana predloio dvije mogunosti
krovne konstrukcije iznad zemunica (Dimitrijevi 1978, 84,
sl. 8-9), to moe posluiti kao jedna od mogunosti natkrivanja i velike grobne jame 9 na Galovu. Moda je velika
grobna jama 9 u svojem sjevernom dijelu izmeu dviju pei
bila prekrivena vodoravno poloenim oblicama (koje imaju
uporite na stepenici) u visini prapovijesnog humusa. Tako
sloene oblice mogle su biti zatrpane zemljom i preko njih
poloena slama ili trska u obliku plitkog krova na dvije vode. Na ovakvu mogunost prekrivanja sjevernog prostora
grobne jame ukazuje nekoliko elemenata: pei imaju loite
izvan grobne jame i pristup peima je s vanjske strane, unutar grobne jame su dva ljudska ukopa preko kojih se sigurno
nije hodalo, a u ovom sjevernom dijelu nisu otkrivene skupine glinenog posua (obredne rtve), to opet ukazuje na
to da pristup ovom sjevernom prostoru nije bio doputen.
Sredinji i juni dio grobne jame je, zasigurno, bio natkriven krovnom konstrukcijom u obliku atora koja je prekrivala ovaj prostor, gdje je mogue da su manje skupine ljudi
obavljale rtvene obrede. Na ovo ukazuju skupine posua
koje su otkrivene samo u ovim prostorima grobne jame.
Ostaci ugljena iz sjevernog dijela velike grobne jame 9 datirani su kalibriranim radiokarbonskim datumima u razdoblje
5810 5620 cal BC (6835 110 BP).
Horizont bijelo slikanog posua s obiljejima linear A
stupnja u okviru starevakog naselja na Galovu u Slavonskom Brodu uklapa se stilski i kronoloki u rane stupnjeve
razvitka starevake kulture na prostoru cijelog kulturnog
kompleksa. Vremenske paralele mogu se utvrditi s horizontima II i poetkom horizonta I (odnosno III) u Donjoj Branjevini (Karmanski 1979, 4-5; Karmanski 2005, 72), gdje su
najjae vidljivi elementi balkansko-anadolskog kompleksa
u horizontima III (monokromna keramika) i II (bijelo slikama
keramika), zatim utjecaj srednje podunavske Krs kulture,
a horizonti III II preslojeni su materijalom klasine starevake kulture (Karmanski 1979, 4-17; Karmanski 2005, 65-67).
U neolitikom naselju Magarei Mlin kod Apatina postojao
je tanak sloj s bijelo slikanim posuem, koji V. Lekovi kronoloki opredjeljuje u stupanj Linear A prema S. Dimitrijeviu, odnosno Protostarevo prema D. Srejoviu (Lekovi
1988, 79-80). U Pomoravlju je samo u protostarevakim
naseljima Grivac, Divostin, Drenovac i Zmajevac otkriveno
posue s bijelo slikanim ornamentima. U Grivcu su meu
32
southwest of the southern kiln. The 30 cm high and around 5

cm wide raw poles were piled on the fireplace in the shape of a
tent. This small fireplace was probably a symbolic representation of a household hearth, formed close to the female skeleton buried in this part of the burial pit. A conclusion as to how
the roof of burial pit 9 was structured can be drawn from the
holes made by small stakes, found here and there along the
edges of the burial pit on the western edge of its central part.
Considering that holes from thicker vertical posts (like those in
the residential pit-houses in the settlement) were never found
within the large zone of the burial pit, the question remains
open as to how this large zone (15 x 5 m) was covered and
whether it was covered at all or only partly, taking into account
the neighbouring small burial pit 15, which had large posts and
a porch on the inside and outside (Minichreiter 2001, Fig. 6). In
his publication of Gornji Brezovljani S. Dimitrijevi proposed
two possibilities of a roof construction above the pit-houses
(Dimitrijevi 1978, 84, Fig. 8-9), which can be taken as one of
the possibilities for the canopy of the large burial pit 9 at Galovo. Perhaps the large burial pit 9 was covered in its northern
part between the two kilns with horizontally laid beams (supported on the step) at level with the prehistoric humus. Beams
laid in this way could have been covered with soil, and then
straw or reeds could have been placed over them in the shape
of a shallow gabled roof. Several elements point to such a possibility for a cover of the burial pits northern area: the fireboxes of the kilns lie outside the burial pit; the access to the kilns
is from the outer side; there are two human skeletons within
the burial pit, over which certainly nobody walked; no groups
of pottery (ritual sacrifices) were found in this northern zone,
which again suggests that the access to this northern zone was
forbidden. There was surely a roof in the shape of a tent covering the central and the southern parts of the burial pit, where
smaller groups of people possibly performed sacrificial rituals.
This is indicated by groups of vessels discovered only in these
zones of the burial pit. The charcoal remains from the northern
part of the large burial pit 9 were radiocarbon-dated to the period 5810-5620 cal BC (6835 110 BP).
The horizon of white-painted pottery with features of the
Linear A phase in the context of the Starevo settlement at Galovo in Slavonski Brod fits in terms of style and chronology into
the early phases of development of the Starevo culture in the
entire territory of the cultural complex. Chronological parallels
can be established with horizon II and the beginning of horizon I (i.e. III) at Donja Branjevina (Karmanski 1979, 4-5; Karmanski 2005, 72), where elements of the Balkan-Anatolian complex
most strongly come to the fore in horizons III (monochrome
pottery) and II (white-painted pottery); furthermore, the influence of the middle Danubian Krs culture, while horizons III
II were overlaid by material of the classical Starevo culture
(Karmanski 1979, 4-17; Karmanski 2005, 65-67). There was a
thin layer with white-painted pottery in the neolithic settlement at Magarei Mlin near Apatin, which V. Lekovi chronologically attributed to the Linear A phase after S. Dimitrijevi
or Protostarevo after D. Srejovi (Lekovi 1988, 79-80). In Pomoravlje (the Morava Basin), pottery with white-painted ornaments was discovered only in the Protostarevo settlements at
finim posuem otkriveni ulomci s bijelo oslikanim motivima

(Stankovi 1990, 61), meu kojima se javlja i motiv maslinove
granice koji je karakteristian za Anzabegovo I i II (Dimitrijevi 1974, 75). Na neolitikom naselju Divostin utvreno je
pet faza od kojih I a-c pripadaju protostarevakoj, a II a-b
vinanskoj kulturi (Bogdanovi 1986, 169-175; Bogdanovi
1988, 55). Faze I a i b kronoloki su paralelne s Protostarevom II (Peri 1999, 23) i u fazi I b uz impreso ukraavanje na
grubom posuu, fino posue je oslikano bijelim linearnim
motivima (Dimitrijevi 1974, 74). U neolitikom naselju Drenovac S. Vetni je otkrio vinanski i starevaki sloj u kojem
se moglo izdvojiti est horizonata (Vetni, 1974, 125-137).
Bijelo oslikani pravolinijski motivi na crvenoj povrini posuda pripadaju horizontu Drenovac I b koji je istodoban sa
Starevom I (Vetni, 1974, 128-129, T. II,3,9, T. X,1,6). U naselju Starevo otkriveni su meu posudama i ulomci s bijelo
slikanim motivima mree, trokutima ispunjenim mreom i
linijama u kombinaciji s girlandama (Aranelovi Garaanin
1954, 83, T. XV; Garaanin 1979, T. XX,1-8). Prema ocjeni S.
Dimitrijevia, ovi uzorci pripadaju girlandoidnom stupnju
(Dimitrijevi 1974, 74). Horizont IB u Gura Baciului istoban
je s Donjom Branjevinom II, na to ukazuju pored ostalih i
slini kapljiasti i linearni bijelo slikani motivi (Vlassa 1972,
T. 15,1-2, T. 16,1; Lazarovici, Maxim 1995, PC I-IX; Lazarovici
2006, Fig. 24,27,29). Kronoloke i stilske usporedbe nalaze
se i u Anzabegovo-Vrnik skupini: horizont I naselja Anzabegovo, gdje su posude slikane vegetabilnim motivima koji
su esto puta izvedeni apstraktnim geometrijskim likovima
(Gimbutas 1974, Fig. 19; Gimbutas 1976, Fig. 24-25; Garaanin 1979, T. XIII,1-4; Tasi 2006, 166,1-10,12,15; Zdravkovski
2006, 102). Ovoj skupini pripada i naselje Cerje kod Govrleva, gdje su u horizontu I posude slikane bijelom bojom
i to motivima irokih traka i trokuta ispunjenih mreastim
motivima (Bilbija 1986, 35-36; Zdravkovski 2006, Fig. 1).

Posude s bijelo slikanim motivima u dvije radne zemunice 205 i 207 i velikoj grobnoj jami 9 s tri kostura u starevakom naselju na Galovu u Slavonskom Brodu, kronoloki
je uvrstilo ove objekte u najstariju fazu naselja, to su potvrdila i datiranja metodom 14C. U naselju su datirane tri faze
izgradnje objekata. Najstarijoj fazi pripadaju zapadni kultni
objekti 149 i 389, radne zemunice 205 i 207 i velika grobna jama 9 datirani u vrijeme od oko 6100 do 5700 cal BC.
Srednjoj fazi pripada radna zemunica 155 datirana priblino
od 5760 do 5630 cal BC, dok najmlaoj fazi pripadaju stambena zemunica 37 i mala grobna jama 15 datirana od oko
5380 do 4960 cal BC (Minichreiter, Krajcar Broni 2006, sl.
2-4). Ovim datiranjima potvrena je pretpostavka S. Dimitrijevia o postojanju starije faze s bijelo slikanim motivima na
posudama u okviru poetnog stupnja razvitka starevake
kulture lineara A na prostorima sjeverne Hrvatske.
Grivac, Divostin, Drenovac and Zmajevac. Sherds with whitepainted motifs were discovered among fine pottery at Grivac
(Stankovi 1990, 61), including the motif of an olive twig, characteristic for Anzabegovo I and II (Dimitrijevi 1974, 75). In the
neolithic settlement at Divostin five phases were documented,
of which phases I a-c belong to the Protostarevo and II a-b
to the Vina culture (Bogdanovi 1986, 169-175; Bogdanovi
1988, 55). The phases I a and b are chronologically parallel with
Protostarevo II (Peri 1999, 23) and in phase I b, in addition to
the impresso decoration on coarse pottery, fine pottery was
painted with white linear motifs (Dimitrijevi 1974, 74). In the
neolithic settlement at Drenovac S. Vetni discovered a layer of
the Vina and Starevo cultures in which six horizons could be
distinguished (Vetni 1974, 125-137). White-painted rectilinear
motifs on a red background of vessels belong to horizon Drenovac I b, contemporary with Starevo I (Vetni, 1974, 128-129,
Pl. II,3,9, Pl. X,1,6). Sherds with white-painted motifs of a net,
net-filled triangles and lines in combination with garlands were
discovered among the vessels in the settlement at Starevo
(Aranelovi Garaanin 1954, 83, Pl. XV; Garaanin 1979, Pl.
XX,1-8). S. Dimitrijevi believes that these patterns form part of
the Girlandoid phase (Dimitrijevi 1974, 74). Horizon IB at Gura
Baciului is contemporary with Donja Branjevina II, as indicated,
in addition to other motifs, also by the similar drop-shaped
and linear white-painted motifs (Vlassa 1972, Pl. 15,1-2, Pl. 16,1;
Lazarovici, Maxim 1995, PC I-X; Lazarovici 2006, Fig. 24,27,29).
Chronological and stylistic comparisons are also found in the
Anzabegovo-Vrnik group, horizon I of the Anzabegovo settlement, where the vessels were painted with vegetative motifs,
frequently effected by abstract geometric figures (Gimbutas
1974, Fig. 19; Gimbutas 1976, Fig. 24-25; Garaanin 1979, Pl.
XIII,1-4; Tasi 2006, 166,1-10,12,15; Zdravkovski 2006, 102). This
group includes also the settlement at Cerje near Govrlevo,
where vessels painted in white with motifs of wide bands and
triangles filled with net motifs were found in horizon I (Bilbija
1986, 35-36; Zdravkovski 2006, Fig. 1).
On the basis of vessels with white-painted motifs found
in work pit-houses 205 and 207 and the large burial pit 9 with
three skeletons in the Starevo settlement at Galovo in Slavonski Brod, these structures were placed chronologically in the
earliest phase of the settlement, which was further corroborated by 14C dates. Three phases of construction were dated
in the settlement. The earliest phase comprises western cult
structures 149 and 389, work pit-houses 205 and 207 and the
large burial pit 9, dated to the time from around 6100 to 5700
cal BC. The middle phase encompasses residential pit-house
37 and small burial pit 15, dated from around 5380 to 4960
cal BC (Minichreiter, Krajcar Broni 2006, Fig. 2-4). These dates
confirm S. Dimitrijevis assumption about the existence of an
earlier phase with white-painted motifs on vessels within the
incipient phase of development of the Starevo culture Linear
A in the territory of northern Croatia.
33
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34
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Hrvatskoj, HistrAntiq 8, Pula, 63-72.
Minichreiter K., 2003, Prilog poznavanju ornamentike na gruboj keramici starevakog naselja na Galovu u Slavonskom Brodu, PrilInstArheolZagrebu 20, Zagreb, 15-26.
Minichreiter K., 2004, Radionica glinenih predmeta i tkanine u naselju
starevake kulture na Galovu u Slavonskom Brodu, PrilInstArheolZagrebu 21, Zagreb, 5-18.
Minichreiter K., 2006, Slavonski Brod, Galovo, arheoloka istraivanja
2005, AIA II/2006, Zagreb, 29-32.
Minichreiter K., 2007, Slavonski Brod, Galovo, deset godina arheolokih
istraivanja, MIA 1, Zagreb, u tisku
Minichreiter K., Krajcar Broni I., 2006, Novi radiokarbonski datumi rane starevake kulture u Hrvatskoj, PrilInstArheolZagrebu 23,
Zagreb, 5-16.
Peri S., 1999, Vieslojna neolitska naselja i problem kulturne stratigrafije neolita na teritoriju Srbije, Starinar n.s. XLIX/1998, Beograd,
11-38.
Peri S., 2002, Der kurturelle Charakter und die Chronologie der
Starevo-Elemente im Neolithikum der westlichen Balkanregionen, Starinar LI, Beograd, 9-43.
Srejovi, D., 1969, Lepenski vir, Beograd
Stankovi S., 1990, Grivac vieslojno naselja (iskopavanja 1989. god.),
GlasnikSAD 6, Beograd, 60-63.
Tasi N., 2006, Anzabegovo a key for the Chronology of the Neolithic of
the central Balkans, u: Homage to Milutin Garaanin, ur. N. Tasi ,
C. Grozdanov, Beograd, 159-170.
Teak Gregl T., 2007, Glaana kamena orua u: K. Minichreiter, Slavonski
Brod Galovo, deset godina arheolokih istraivanja, MIA 1, Zagreb,
u tisku
Vetni S., 1974, Poeci rada na ispitivanju kulture prvih zemljoradnika
u srednjem Pomoravlju, Poeci ranih zemljoradnikih kultura u
Vojvodini i srpskom Podunavlju, Materijali X, Beograd, 123-168.
Vlassa N., 1972, Eine Frhneolithische Kultur mit Bemalter Keramik der
Vor-Starevo-Krs-Zeit in Cluj, Gura Bacului, Siebenbrgen, PZ
47/1, Berlin-New York, 174-197.
Zdravkovski D., 2006, New aspect of the Anzabegovo-Vrnik cultural
group, u: Homage to Milutin Garaanin, ur. N. Tasi , C. Grozdanov,
Beograd, 99-110.
Ponovo o lasinjskoj boici iz Vrlovke

Another look at a Lasinja Culture Bottle from Vrlovka

UDK/UDC 903.02(497.5-37 Kamanje)636
TIHOMILA TEAK-GREGL
Odsjek za arheologiju
Filozofskog fakulteta Sveuilita u Zagrebu
Ivana Luia 3
HR 10 000 Zagreb
ttgregl@ffzg.hr
Bogato ukraena keramika boica lasinjske kulture potie autoricu na neka razmatranja o lasinjskoj kulturi i njezinu odnosu s retz-gajarskom kulturom.
Kljune rijei: lasinjska kultura, retz-gajarska kultura, eneolitik, keramika boica
A richly decorated ceramic bottle of the Lasinja culture prompts the author to certain reflections
about the Lasinja culture and its relation with the Retz-Gajary culture.
Key words: the Lasinja culture, the Retz-Gajary culture, the eneolithic, a small ceramic bottle
Iako eljka Tomiia danas uglavnom prepoznajemo

kao jednog od vodeih srednjovjekovaca u hrvatskoj
arheologiji, prisjetila sam se ovom prigodom dva njegova
rada iz podruja prapovijesti. Kao mladi kustos radio je
u varadinskom i akovekom muzeju i kako to ve biva,
morao se baviti svim arheolokim razdobljima. Tako je 1969.
godine izveo zatitna istraivanja dva lasinjska lokaliteta, a
to su Brezje kod Varadina i Kr-Cerje Tuno kod Ivanca. O
tim je nalazitima i izvijestio u Arheolokom pregledu za
1969. god. (Tomii 1969). Stoga mi se kao prapovjesniarki,
uinilo prikladnim povodom njegova jubileja posvetiti mu
lanak upravo s tematikom lasinjske kulture. A boica iz
pilje Vrlovke svakako je jedan od najreprezentativnijih
keramikih nalaza lasinjske kulture. No ima jo jedna zgodna
sluajnost slina je bikonina boica pronaena upravo
na malo prije spomenutom lokalitetu Cerje Tuno, dodue
u ranijim istraivanjima Stjepana Vukovia (Vukovi 1954).
Boici iz Vrlovke, meutim, ve dulje vrijeme neki autori
odriu ovu atribuciju lasinjskoj kulturi (Markovi 1986, 22;
Markovi 1994, 98; ukovi 1986, 9), a njihovo se miljenje
citira i u najnovijoj literaturi (Veluek 2004, 261).
Even though eljko Tomii is today most readily recognized as one of the leading medievalists in Croatian archaeology, on this occasion I remembered two of his works
concerning prehistory. As a young curator he worked in the
Varadin and akovec Museums and, as is often the case, he
had to deal with all archaeological periods. In 1969, for instance, he conducted rescue excavations at two sites of the
Lasinja culture: Brezje near Varadin and Kr-Cerje Tuno
near Ivanec. He reported on these sites in the Arheoloki
pregled (Archaeological Review) for 1969 (Tomii 1969).
Therefore, being a prehistorian myself, I deemed it appropriate on the occasion of his jubilee to dedicate to him a
paper dealing precisely with the topic of the Lasinja culture.
And the small bottle from the Vrlovka cave is certainly one
of the most representative ceramic finds of the Lasinja culture. What is more, there is another interesting coincidence
a similar small biconical bottle was found precisely at the
aforementioned site of Cerje Tuno, albeit in earlier excavations by Stjepan Vukovi (Vukovi 1954). The bottle from
Vrlovka, however, has for a long time now been denied attribution to the Lasinja culture by some authors (Markovi
1986, 22; Markovi 1994, 98; ukovi 1986, 9), whose opinion is quoted in the most recent literature (Veluek 2004,
261).
Boicu iz Vrlovke prvi je objavio Stojan Dimitrijevi u

izuzetno vanom lanku o problemu neolitika i eneolitika u
sjeverozapadnoj Jugoslaviji, u kojemu je zapravo i definirao
pojam lasinjske kulture i dao joj spomenuto ime: Lasinjska
kultura, koju je zasada najprikladnije nazivati prema
najkarakteristinijem lokalitetu Lasinja (na Kupi), dosad
The bottle from Vrlovka was first published by Stojan

Dimitrijevi in his seminal work on the problem of the neolithic and eneolithic in northwestern Yugoslavia, in which
he effectively defined the concept of the Lasinja culture and
gave it the mentioned name: the Lasinja culture, for which
it is at present most appropriate to use the name of the most
characteristic site Lasinja (on the Kupa river), is presently the
35
T. TEAK-GREGL, Ponovo o lasinjskoj boici iz Vrlovke, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 35-40.
je najbolje poznata kulturna grupa u razdoblju neolita i

eneolita na spomenutom podruju (Dimtrijevi 1961).
best known cultural group in the neolithic and eneolithic periods in the mentioned territory (Dimitrijevi 1961).
Poblie okolnosti nalaza boice nisu poznate. S.

Dimitrijevi navodi tek da je spilju Vrlovku kod Ozlja
istraivala skupina speleologa 1958. god. i tom prilikom
nala i neto keramikih, veim dijelom neukraenih
predmeta, a meu njima i jednu vrlo lijepu malenu boicu
1
(Dimitrijevi 1961, 33). Meutim, prapovijesne nalaze iz
Vrlovke prvi spominje Emil Laszowski u svojoj knjizi Grad
Ozalj i njegova okolina 1929. god., iako je ve i prije
pisao o pilji Vrlovki u Narodnim novinama i Prosvjeti. U
spomenutoj knjizi izrijekom kae da je on sam u pilji naao
raznog prethistorikog i rimskog orua i ulomaka posuda
(hrbine, terracotta), pak i rimske novce cara Claudijana II.
(Laszowski 1926, 94). Spominje i nalaze ljudskih kostiju.
Nothing more specific is known about the discovery of

the bottle. S. Dimitrijevi states only that the Vrlovka cave
near Ozalj was investigated in 1958 by a group of speleologists,
who found on that occasion some ceramic, mostly undecorated objects, including a lovely small bottle (Dimitrijevi 1961,
1
33). However, the prehistoric finds from Vrlovka were first
mentioned by Emil Laszowski in his book The Town of Ozalj and its Surroundings in 1929, even though he had previously already written about the Vrlovka cave in Narodne
Novine and Prosvjeta. In the mentioned book he explicitly
states that in the cave he himself found various prehistoric
and Roman tools and fragments of vessels (sherds, terracotta), as well as Roman coins of emperor Claudian II. (Laszowski 1926, 94). He also mentions finds of human bones.
Razraujui oblike keramikih posuda, S. Dimitrijevi

u citiranom radu, navodi bikoninu boicu kao jedan od
posebno karakteristinih predmeta za lasinjsku kulturu,
spominjui osim Vrlovke nalaze iz Cerja Tunog, Brezja
kod Zrea i Drulovke (Dimitrijevi 1961, 42). Godine 1979.
u sinteznom Dimitrijevievu poglavlju o lasinjskoj kulturi u
sklopu Praistorije jugoslavenskih zemalja III, svoje je mjesto
ponovo nala boica iz Vrlovke (Dimitrijevi 1979, 159-160).
Meutim, 1986. god. Z. Markovi je iznio drukije miljenje o
kulturnoj atribuciji boice: Meu neobjavljenim materijalom
iz Vrlovke postoje takoer elementi srodni lenelskim
kulturama, a jedini primjerak s ukrasima poznata boica s
bogatom dekoracijom i bijelo inkrustiranim ornamentima
svojim izgledom i dekoracijom sugerira nam recgajarsko
shvaanje ornamentiranja, dakle, jedno evoluirano-lasinjsko
shvaanje, kakvo niti na jednom lasinjskom lokalitetu na
kojemu su pronaene boice ne postoji. Stoga ovaj lokalitet
ne ubrajamo u lokalitete lasinjske kulture na tome podruju.
I neto kasnije, 1994. god. Z. Markovi ponavlja miljenje
da boica iz spilje Vrlovke, prije pripisivana lasinjskoj kulturi,
vjerojatno pripada Vinjica tipu Retz-Gajary kulture, istiui
slinost njezine ornamentike s nekim primjercima Mondsee
tipa Retz-Gajary kulture, po emu potpuno odudara od svih
do sada poznatih lasinjskih boica (Markovi 1994, 98).
Boica iz Vrlovke po mom je shvaanju ipak lasinjska.
To u prvom redu sugerira njezin oblik, takvih boica nema
nigdje u kontekstu retz-gajarskih tipova, dok su prisutne
na veem broju nedvojbeno lasinjskih lokaliteta. S druge
strane, ukras doista pokazuje ispreplitanje stilskih obiljeja
lasinjske i retzgajarske kulture, kako je to ve davno utvrdio
2
i S. Dimitrijevi (Dimitrijevi 1979, 177-178).
Dakle, mogue je stilske slinosti nai i na materijalu koji
navodi Z. Markovi u Mondsee tipu Retz-Gajary kulture, ali
1. S. Dimitrijevi boicu opisuje: Potpuno sauvana bikonina boica s
poliranom prevlakom od oker do tamnosive boje. Glina sadri primjese
pijeska. Ukraena urezivanjem, kratkim zarezima i ubadanjem. Bijela
inkrustacija vrlo dobro sauvana. Visina 9 cm, promjer usta 3-3,4 ramena
5,6-6,5 dna 1,3 cm.
36
Developing the classification of the ceramic vessel

shapes, in the quoted paper S. Dimitrijevi describes the
small bottle as one of the objects particularly characteristic for the Lasinja culture, mentioning in addition to Vrlovka
also the finds from Cerje Tuno, Brezje near Zree and from
Drulovka (Dimitrijevi 1961, 42). The small bottle from Vrlovka again found its place in Dimitrijevis 1979 synthetic
chapter on the Lasinja culture within the Prehistory of Yugoslav Lands III, (Dimitrijevi 1979, 159-160). However, in
1986 Z. Markovi offered a different opinion regarding the
cultural attribution of the bottle: Among the unpublished
material from Vrlovka there are also elements akin to the
Lengyel cultures, while the only decorated piece the famous
small bottle with rich decoration and white-incrusted ornaments points by virtue of its shape and decoration to the
ornamental concept of the Retz-Gajary culture, meaning an
evolved Lasinja concept, not present on any site of the Lasinja
culture where bottles were found. Therefore, we do not include
this site among the Lasinja sites in that territory.
Somewhat later, in 1994, Z. Markovi reiterated his
opinion that the bottle from the Vrlovka cave, previously
attributed to the Lasinja culture, probably belongs to the
Vinjica type of the Retz-Gajary culture. He pointed out the
similarity of its ornamental design with certain specimens
of the Mondsee type of the Retz-Gajary culture, by which
it contrasts entirely from all so far known Lasinja bottles
(Markovi 1994, 98).
Even so, in my opinion the bottle from Vrlovka belongs
to the Lasinja culture. This is primarily suggested by its
shape, as there are no bottles of this kind within the context of the Retz-Gajary types, whereas they are present in
a considerable number of sites that undoubtedly belong
to the Lasinja culture. On the other hand, the decoration
indeed shows intertwining of stylistic features of the Lasinja and Retz-Gajary cultures, as had been determined by S.
2
Dimitrijevi long ago (Dimitrijevi 1979, 177-178).
It is therefore possible to find stylistic resemblances also
in the material mentioned by Z. Markovi in the Mondsee
type of the Retz-Gajary culture, but that still does not mean
1. Dimitrijevis description of the small bottle: A completely preserved
small biconical bottle with a polished slip ranging from ochre to dark
grey. The clay contains additions of sand. Decorated with incision, small
notches and stabbing. White incrustation very well preserved. Height 9
cm, diameter of the mouth 3-3,4, of the shoulders 5,6-6,5 cm, of the base
1,3 cm.
T. TEAK-GREGL, Another look at a Lasinja Culture Bottle from Vrlovka, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 35-40.
to jo uvijek ne znai da boicu iz Vrlovke treba smjestiti

u kontekst retz-gajarske kulture. Naalost, kao to je ve
reeno, arheoloki kontekst nalaza boice nije poznat.
Osim nje, iz Vrlovke potjee jo neto ulomaka nedvojbeno
prapovijesne keramike. Neki od njih pokazuju obiljeja
kasne lenelske keramike, dok su ostali netipini pa ih
nije mogue kulturoloki opredijeliti. No injenica da na
nedalekom Starom gradu u Ozlju, osim keramikih nalaza
kasne lenelske kulture, ima i tipinih nalaza lasinjske
kulture, slino kao i u Movernoj Vasi, oblinjem slovenskom
lokalitetu, jasno govori da je spomenuti pokupski prostor
naseljen nositeljima lasinjske kulture (Teak-Gregl 1993;
Budja 1992). Tipinih, pak, Retz-Gajary nalaza zasad nema
potvrenih, to naravno ne znai da ih u budunosti nee
biti primjerice, A. Veluek horizonte 8 i 9 u Movernoj Vasi
pripisuje keramici s brazdastim urezivanjem, kako on naziva
Retz-Gajary kulturu (Veluek 2004, 250-251).
to se samog oblika posude tie, ona ima paralele u
nalazima iz Cerja Tunog, iz Brezja kod Zrea, Drulovke
(Koroec 1958-1959), i nekoliko nalaza slinih bikoninih
boica s podruja Krievaca, uvijek u okruju tipino
lasinjskih nalaza. Ondje je na lokalitetima Bukovje i
Beketinec pronaeno ukupno 6 primjeraka, 3 gotovo cijele
i tri ouvane samo u donjem dijelu (Homen 1985). Boice
iz Beketinca potjeu iz iskopavanja provedenih 1979.
god. Lokalitet je nedvojbeno lasinjski (Homen 1980) kao i
lokalitet dralovi-Dolina kod Bjelovara gdje je pokusnim
iskopavanjem 1984. takoer pronaena jedna bikonina
keramika boica (Geri 1990, 71, sl. 3). Promotrimo li
dobro krievake primjerke vidjet emo da se u osnovnoj
koncepciji nimalo ne razlikuju od ozaljskog. Rije je o izrazito
bikoninim oblicima, s jako naglaenim prijelomom, uskim
otvorom te proirenim obodom. Na naglaenom ramenom
dijelu nalaze se dvije uice, a jo dvije rupice nalaze se na
proirenom obodu otvora posuda. Razlika je samo u znatno
bogatijem ukrasu na ozaljskoj boici u odnosu na skromni
ukras krievakih boica, no kod svih je primjeraka ukras
izveden kombinacijom urezivanja i ubadanja. Njihovu je
funkciju pokuao razjasniti Z. Homen zahvaljujui injenici
da je u jednoj od njih bila zemlja s jasno vidljivim tamnim
i pomalo masnim tragovima (Homen 1985). Sadraj boice
dao je analizirati na Farmaceutsko-biokemijskom fakultetu
u Zagrebu. Naalost, ouvana koliina tvari bila je vrlo
mala i k tome pomijeana sa zemljom, to je oteavalo
that the Vrlovka bottle should be placed in the context of the

Retz-Gajary culture. Unfortunately, as has already been said,
the archaeological context of the discovery of the bottle is not
known. Apart from the bottle there are several other sherds
of indisputably prehistoric pottery originating from Vrlovka.
Some show features of the late Lengyel culture, while the remainder is untypical and therefore unsuitable for a cultural attribution. However, the fact that nearby, at the Castle in Ozalj,
in addition to the ceramic finds of the late Lengyel culture one
also encounters typical finds of the Lasinja culture, similar to
Moverna Vas, a Slovenian site lying nearby, clearly speaks that
the mentioned territory along the Kupa river basin (Pokuplje)
was populated by the bearers of the Lasinja culture (TeakGregl 1993; Budja 1992). On the other hand, so far there have
been no documented finds of the Retz-Gajary culture, which
of course does not mean that none will be found in the future
e.g. A. Veluek attributes horizons 8 and 9 at Moverna Vas
to the furrow-incision ware, the name he uses for the RetzGajary culture (Veluek 2004, 250-251).
When it comes to the exact shape of the vessel, it has parallels in the finds from Cerje Tuno, Brezje near Zree, Drulovka
(Koroec 1958-1959), and several finds of similar biconical small
bottles from the Krievci area, always in the context of typical
Lasinja finds. There, at the sites of Bukovje and Beketinec, altogether 6 pieces were found: 3 almost complete vessels and
three that are preserved only in the lower part (Homen 1985).
The small bottles from Beketinec come from the excavation
conducted in 1979. The site indisputably belongs to the Lasinja culture (Homen 1980) same as the site of dralovi-Dolina
near Bjelovar, where the 1984 sondage excavations likewise
yielded a small biconical ceramic bottle (Geri 1990, 71, Fig.
3). If we look carefully at the pieces from Krievci we will see
that their basic concept does not in the least differ from the
Ozalj concept. Their shape is markedly biconical, with a highly
pronounced break, narrow mouth and widened rim. The pronounced shoulder has two suspension loops, and there are a
further two perforations on the widened rim of the mouth of
the vessels. The only difference lies in the far richer decoration
on the Ozalj bottle in comparison to the modest decoration
of the Krievci bottles, even though all the pieces bear decoration effected by a combination of incision and stabbing. Z.
Homen attempted to shed light on their function owing to
the fact that one of them contained soil with clearly visible
dark and somewhat greasy traces (Homen 1985). He had the
content of the bottle analyzed at the Faculty of Pharmacy and
Biochemistry in Zagreb. Unfortunately, the preserved quantity of the matter was too small and, what is more, mixed with
soil, which made the analysis more difficult. The chemical
method of identification based on analytical and spectro-
2. Ukraavanje finog posua daje bitne osobine ovog stupnja i njegova

dekorativnog stila. Taj se trend manifestira u nekoliko glavnih odrednica....nastup krivolinijskih uzoraka girlandi, popunjenih paralelnim
snopovima linija, nastup tzv. ljestviastih uzoraka koji podsjeaju na
bodrogkereszturske, takoer i motiva bodljikave ice; itav dekorativni
sustav je sloeniji, a u njemu vidnu ulogu igraju meandarski uzorci koji
u mnogome podsjeaju na stilska rjeenja poznata iz bodrogkeresturske
kulture. Kasna ili baroknoklasina faza lasinjske kulture vrijeme je
punog procvata lasinjske kulture, njena najindividulanija etapa, vrijeme
kada se ona izvukla iz jednolinosti i nematovitosti u keramografskom
stvaralatvu, iz previe velike privrenosti kasnoneolitskoj tradiciji.
Kada se kae baroknoklasina, onda se, naravno, misli na tip nalaza
poput onih iz Gradca i Novoselca kod Pleternice, Lasinje i Vrlovke,
koji bitno odskau iz dosadanje fizionomije lasinjske kulture, prije
svega, svojim smislom za raskoniji pristup ukraavanju keramikih
proizvoda.
2. The decoration of fine pottery lends the essential features of this phase
and its decorative style. This trend finds expression in several main determinants...the appearance of curvilinear patterns garlands, filled with
parallel bundles of lines, the appearance of the so-called scale-shaped
patterns reminiscent of the Bodrogkeresztr ones, also the barbed wire
motifs; the entire system of decoration is more complex, with a prominent
role played by the meander motifs in many respects reminiscent of the
stylistic concepts known from the Bodrogkeresztr culture. The late or
baroque-classical phase of the Lasinja culture is the time of the full flourishing of the Lasinja culture, its most individual period, the time when it
escaped the monotony and unimaginativeness in ceramographic design
and an all too strong adherence to the late neolithic tradition. The term
baroque-clasical naturally refers to types of finds such as those from
Gradac and Novoselec near Pleternica, from Lasinja and Vrlovka, which
differ considerably from the previous physiognomy of the Lasinja culture,
primarily by virtue of their disposition toward a more lavish approach to
decoration of ceramic objects.
37
Sl. 1 Lasinjska boica iz Vrlovke (snimio G. Vrani)

Fig. 1 Lasinja Bottle from Vrlovka (photo by G. Vrani)
analizu. Kemijskom metodom identifikacije utemeljene na

analitikim i spektroskopskim metodama te gravimetrijskom
analizom utvrena je prisutnost organskih tvari u tragovima,
te nekih anorganskih kationa i aniona (kobalt, aluminij,
cink, eljezo). Spektri nuklearno magnetske rezonancije,
NMR, uputili su na postojanje estera, kojima pretee mogu
biti eterina ulja. Njihovu prisutnost, meutim, nije bilo
mogue dokazati izravno, kao ni prisutnost nekih mirisa
anorganskog podrijetla, jer je rije o tvarima koje na zraku
hlape i u doticaju s kisikom oksidiraju te prelaze u neke
svoje derivate. Dakle, jedini zakljuak provedene analize
jest da se u boici najvjerojatnije dralo kakvo eterino
ulje ili mirisi. Boice posebnoga oblika, opremljene s dvije
uice na istaknutome ramenom dijelu te jo dvije manje
na izvuenom rubu usta, to sugerira da su se vjeale ili
nosile u ruci, po svoj su prilici koritene pri nekim posebnim
obredima. Kojim i kakvim, teko je rei jer jo uvijek vrlo
malo znamo o duhovnim aspektima lasinjske kulture.
Zasada najzanimljiviji pokazatelj toga segmenta ivota
lasinjske populacije uoen je u Ajdovskoj jami, piljskom
lokalitetu koji je sluio ukopnom ritualu (Koroec P. 19801981). I boica iz Vrlovke potjee iz pilje, prostora koji je tek
povremeno koriten u odreene svrhe, bilo kao pribjeite
u vremenima razliitih opasnosti, bilo kao obredni prostor.
Moda su nositelji lasinjske kulture, koji su ivjeli u iroj
okolici pilje, to je potvreno i na ozaljskom starom gradu
i u Movernoj Vasi, pilju koristili za neke sasvim osebujne
rituale o kojima je nijemi svjedok ostala tek jedna keramika
boica. No ono to se ini daleko vanijim jest injenica da
38
scopic methods and the gravimetric analysis established the

presence of organic matter in trace elements as well as certain
inorganic cations and anions (cobalt, aluminium, zinc, iron).
The nuclear magnetic resonance (NMR) spectra indicated the
existence of esters, which may have originated from essential
oils. However, it was not possible to establish their presence
directly, just as in the case of certain scents of inorganic origin,
because these are substances that volatilize in air, and oxidize
in contact with oxygen, transforming into certain derivates.
Therefore, the only conclusion of the conducted analysis is
that the bottle probably served as a container for essential oils
or scents. Small bottles of specific shape, equipped with two
perforated lugs on the pronounced shoulder and a further
two smaller ones on the everted rim of the mouth, suggesting
that they were suspended or carried in hand, were in all likelihood used during specific rituals. Which rituals and of what
nature, it is still difficult to say, because we still know very little about the spiritual aspects of the Lasinja culture. For the
time being, the most interesting indicator of that segment of
life of the Lasinja population has been observed in Ajdovska
Jama, a cave site used for a burial ritual (Koroec P. 1980-1981).
The Vrlovka bottle also comes from a cave, a space only occasionally used for certain purposes, either as a refuge during
times of peril or as a ritual zone. Perhaps the bearers of the
Lasinja culture living in the wider surroundings of the cave,
as has been testified both at the Castle in Ozalj and at Moverna Vas, were using the cave for some entirely idiosyncratic
rituals which left a single mute witness in the shape of a small
ceramic bottle. But what appears to be far more important is
the fact that the small bottle from Vrlovka raises the question
of the relationship between the Lasinja and the Retz-Gajary
culture as well as the question of the existence of two types
T. TEAK-GREGL, Another look at a Lasinja Culture Bottle from Vrlovka, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 35-40.
boica iz Vrlovke namee pitanje odnosa lasinjske i retzgajarske kulture kao i pitanje postojanja dva Retz-Gajary tipa
na podruju Hrvatske. Naime, nedavno je jasno pokazano
kako jedan od lokaliteta koji su S. Dimitrijeviu posluili
za definiranje Kevderc-Hrnjevac tipa, a to je Kevderc,
ima i nalaza keramike ukraene brazdastim urezivanjem
(Veluek 2004, 236-240). Dakle, glavna odrednica razlike
izmeu spomenuta dva tipa, prisutnost, odnosno odsutnost
tehnike brazdastog urezivanja, otpada. ini se da je i
tamo slina situacija kao u Drljanovcu, gdje je A. Durman
utvrdio prisutnost oba tipa u istom objektu (Durman 1982,
39-40, 43). Inae u kronolokom smislu S. Dimitrijevi vidi
djelominu istodobnost lasinjske i retz-gajarske kulture,
smatrajui Vinjica tip paralelnim ranoklasinoj Lasinji IIa, a
Kevderc-Hrnjevac Lasinji III (Dimitrijevi 1979a, 363-364).
Piui o odnosu retz-gajarske i lasinjske kulture S.
Dimitrijevi (1979a, 364) kae: Na tlu sjeverne Jugoslavije
napose su zanimljivi odnosi retz-gajarske i lasinjske kulture. Kao
to je lasinjska kultura utjecala na retz-gajarsku kulturu, tako je
dolo i do povratnog utjecaja. Taj reverzibilni proces se napose
iskazuje u najmlaoj, baroknoj etapi lasinjske kulture (Lasinja
III), kada dolazi do stvaranja jednog bujnog dekorativnog stila
uz upotrebu inkrustacije. Tom prilikom e se nerijetko iskazivati
frapantne srodnosti izmeu ove dvije manifestacije.
Kakav je, zapravo, relativno-kronoloki odnos lasinjske i
retz-gajarske kulture? Upoznali smo ve kod S. Dimitrijevia
pretpostavku o barem djelominoj istodobnosti dviju
pojava, odnosno ak djelominom njihovu suivotu.
Slino miljenje iskazuje i A. Durman na temelju nalaza iz
Drljanovca (Durman 1982, 42). Meutim, u novije vrijeme A.
Veluek, temeljito razradivi nalaze s podruja Slovenije,
uzevi u obzir stratigrafske podatke i radiokarbonske
datume, pledira za prioritet lasinjske kulture u odnosu na
keramiku s brazdastim urezivanjem tj. retz-gajarsku, iako
navodi neke lokalitete u Sloveniji i Austriji koji bi mogli
svjedoiti i o njihovoj djelominoj istodobnosti (Veluek
2004, 250-260).
Za rjeavanje pitanja odnosa tih dviju kultura od
posebnog bi znaenja bio vieslojni lokalitet Pepelana kod
Virovitice. Ondje je K. Minichreiter izdvojila tri graevinska
horizonta Retz-Gajary kulture, meusobno odijeljena
vrstim podnicama, uvjetno ih odredivi kao Retz-Gajary I,
II i III (Minichreiter 1990, 29-37). Smatra kako ova injenica
mijenja dosadanju sliku o populaciji Retz-Gajary kulture
za koju se smatralo da je nomadska (Dimitrijevi 1980, 54).
Trajnost naseljavanja kao i ne iskljuivo nomadski karakter
Retz-Gajary kulture potvruje i A. Veluek temeljem nalaza
iz Slovenije (Veluek 2004, 232). Meutim, kada je Pepelana
u pitanju, ono malo grae koja je objavljena, ne pokazuje
uvjerljivo da je rije o Retz-Gajary kulturi. Osobno uoavam
znatno vie lasinjskih elemenata. Uostalom, i sama K.
Minichreiter u opisu keramikih nalaza vrlo esto istie kako
su imitacija lasinjskih (Minichreiter 1990, 32). Tako za jednu
tipinu lasinjsku zdjelu, koja je meutim iznimno ukraena,
kae da je lasinjskog oblika s retz-gajarskim ukrasom. No
takvih urezanih ukrasa imamo i na nalazima tipine lasinjske
kulture. Takoer, istie jo neke oblike, primjerice, vjedra
of the Retz-Gajary culture in the territory of Croatia. To clarify,

it has recently been clearly demonstrated that one of the sites
used by S. Dimitrijevi for the definition of the Kevderc-Hrnjevac type the Kevderc site also produced finds of pottery
decorated with furrow-incisions (Veluek 2004, 236-240).
Therefore, the main determinant of difference between the
two mentioned types the presence or absence of the furrow-incision technique, is no longer valid. It appears that the
situation there is similar to the one in Drljanovac, where A. Durman established the presence of both types within the same
structure (Durman 1982, 39-40, 43). Regarding chronology, in
Dimitrijevis opinion the Lasinja and Retz-Gajary cultures are
partly synchronous, with the Vinjica type parallel to the early
classical Lasinja IIa, while the Kevderc-Hrnjevac type is parallel
with the Lasinja III (Dimitrijevi 1979a, 363-364).
Writing about the relationship between the Retz-Gajary
and the Lasinja culture Dimitrijevi (1979a, 364) says: In the
territory of northern Yugoslavia the relationship between the
Retz-Gajary and the Lasinja culture is highly interesting. Just as
the Lasinja culture influenced the Retz-Gajary culture, there was
influence in the other direction as well. This reversible process is
most obvious in the latest, baroque stage of the Lasinja culture
(Lasinja III), when a lavish decorative style including the use of
incrustation comes into being, and when a striking resemblance
will often be apparent between these two manifestations.
What is in fact the nature of the relative-chronological relationship between the Lasinja and the Retz-Gajary culture?
We have already learned of Dimitrijevis assumption about
the contemporaneity, at least partial, of the two phenomena,
even of their partial coexistence. A similar opinion is put forward by A. Durman on the basis of the discovery from Drljanovac (Durman 1982, 42). However, recently A. Veluek, having
thoroughly analyzed the finds from the territory of Slovenia,
having considered the stratigraphic data and radiocarbon
dates, argued for the priority of the Lasinja culture with respect to the furrow-incision ware, i.e. the Retz-Gajary culture,
even though he mentioned certain sites in Slovenia and Austria that might bear testimony also to their partial contemporaneity (Veluek 2004, 250-260).
The multi-layer settlement of Pepelana near Virovitica
plays a special role in clarifying the relationship of these two
cultures. K. Minichreiter distinguished three construction
horizons of the Retz-Gajary culture, separated one from another by solid floors, to which she applied the names of RetzGajary I, II and III (Minichreiter 1990, 29-37). In her view this
fact changes the picture valid until now about the Retz-Gajary
population, previously considered nomadic (Dimitrijevi 1980,
54). The permanence of settlement and a not-exclusively nomadic character of the Retz-Gajary culture is also corroborated by A. Veluek on the basis of the finds from Slovenia
(Veluek 2004, 232). However, when it comes to Pepelana,
the little material that has been published does not offer satisfactory proof that we are dealing with the Retz-Gajary culture. Personally, I perceive many more elements belonging to
the Lasinja culture. Actually, in her description of the ceramic
finds, K. Minichreiter herself often stresses that they are an
imitation of the Lasinja ones (Minichreiter 1990, 32). Thus, in
the case of a typical Lasinja bowl, which is however decorated
in an exceptional way, she says that it has a Lasinja shape with
a Retz-Gajary decoration. However, we find such incised decorations even on the finds of the typical Lasinja culture. Also,
she points to some other shapes, e.g. buckets with a beaked
spout, bowls on a higher bell-shaped foot, high feet imitating
39
s kljunastim izljevom, posude na vioj zvonolikoj nozi,

visoke noge koje imitiraju lasinjske itd. ak i kod ukrasa vidi
imitacije lasinjskih ukrasa. Dakle, u najmanju ruku horizont
Retz-Gajary I se, sudei prema objavljenom materijalu,
daleko vie pokazuje kao lasinjski nego retz-gajarski, a ini
se da to vrijedi i za horizont II, dok je III neto drukiji. No
kako je objava jo uvijek preskromna, teko se moe neto
vie rei. K. Minichreiter Pepelanu pripisuje Vinjica tipu,
mada se nigdje ne vidi, niti u tekstu ne spominje brazdasto
urezivanje (Minichreiter 1986, 32). Z. Markovi spomenute
horizonte smjeta u okvire hrnjevakog tipa (Markovi 1994,
98). Stoga moemo zakljuiti da e tek potpuna i temeljita
obrada i objava keramikog materijala iz Pepelane rijeiti
pitanje njegove kulturne pripadnosti te odnosa lasinjske
i retz-gajarske kulture. Vaan doprinos tom pitanju bilo
bi i radiokarbonsko datiranje kako lasinjskih tako i retzgajarskih nalaza na podruju Hrvatske, ali tim datumima
zasad ne raspolaemo.
the Lasinja ones etc. Even in the decorations she sees imitations of those in the Lasinja culture. Therefore, horizon RetzGajary I, judging by the published material, exhibits, to say the
least, far more Lasinja features than those of the Retz-Gajary
culture, and it appears that the same would apply for horizon
II, whereas horizon III is somewhat different. Nevertheless, as
the publication is still too modest, it is difficult to say anything
more. K. Minichreiter attributes Pepelana to the Vinjica type,
even though furrow-incision is nowhere to be seen, nor is
it mentioned in the text (Minichreiter 1986, 32). Z. Markovi
places the mentioned horizons within the frame of the Hrnjevac type (Markovi 1994, 98). We can therefore conclude that
only a comprehensive and thorough analysis and publication
of the ceramic material from Pepelana will solve the question
of its cultural affiliation and of the relationship between the
Lasinja and the Retz-Gajary culture. An important contribution to that question would consist of the radiocarbon dates
of the Lasinja finds as well as those of the Retz-Gajary culture
in the territory of Croatia, but these dates are presently not at
our disposal.
Budja M., 1992, Peatniki v slovenskih neolitskih naselbinskih kontekstih,
Poroilo XX, Ljubljana, 95-111.
ukovi L., 1986, Arheoloka topografija karlovake regije. u: Arheoloka
istraivanja na karlovakom i sisakom podruju, IzdanjaHAD 10,
Zagreb 9-18.
Dimitrijevi S., 1961, Problem neolita i eneolita u sjeverozapadnoj Jugoslaviji., OpuscA V, Zagreb, 5-85.
Dimitrijevi S., 1979, Lasinjska kultura, PJZ III (Eneolit), Sarajevo, 137-183.
Dimitrijevi S., 1979a, Retz-Gajary kultura, PJZ III (Eneolit), Sarajevo,
343-367.
Dimitrijevi S., 1980, Zur Frage der Retz-Gajary-Kultur in Nordjugoslawien und ihrer Stellung im pannonischen Raum, BerichtRGK 61,
Frankfurt a. M., 17-88.
Durman A., 1982, Prilog stratificiranju Kevderc-Hrnjevac tipa retz-gajarske kulture, OpuscA 7, Zagreb, 37-47.
Geri B., 1985, Probno iskapanje lasinjskog naselja na lokalitetu Dolina
kod dralova, MuzVjes 8, Koprivnica, 41-44.
Geri B., 1989 (1990), Rasprostranjenost naselja lasinjske kulture na
bjelovarskom podruju, u: Arheoloka istraivanja u Podravini i
kalniko-bilogorskoj regiji, IzdanjaHAD 14, Koprivnica, 69-73.
Homen Z., 1980, Lasinjski naseobinski elementi i novi nalazi iz Beketinca,
MuzVjes 3, Koprivnica 1980, 42-48.
Homen Z., 1985, Prilog prouavanju lasinjskih keramikih boica,
MuzVjes 8, Koprivnica, 44-47.
Homen Z. 1990, Lokaliteti lasinjske kulture na krievakom podruju, u:
Arheoloka istraivanja u Podravini i kalniko-bilogorskoj regiji,
IzdanjaHAD 14, Koprivnica, 51-69.
40
Koroec J., 1958- 1959, Miniaturne steklenice v neolitu Jugoslavije, AVes

IX-X/1, Ljubljana, 3-13.
Koroec P., 1980-1981, Neuere archologische Forschungen in der Hhle
Ajdovska jama bei Nemka Vas in Verbindung mit dem Totenkult,
AIug XX-XXI, Beograd, 12-16.
Laszowski E., 1929, Grad Ozalj i njegova okolina, Zagreb
Markovi Z., 1977, Problem eneolita u naikoj regiji prilog genezi i
stupnjevanju lasinjske kulture, Aves 27, Ljubljana, 42-68.
Markovi, Z., 1980, Kr kod Beketinca i zavretak neolita u sjeverozapadnoj Hrvatskoj, Poroilo 8, Ljubljana, 27.
Markovi Z., 1983, Prilog poznavanju razvijene i kasne lasinjske kulture u
sjeverozapadnoj Hrvatskoj, PodrZbor 83, Koprivnica, 251-262.
Markovi Z., 1986, Neki problemi geneze i razvoja lasinjske kulture, u:
Arheoloka istraivanja na karlovakom i sisakom podruju,
IzdanjaHAD 10, Zagreb, 19-29.
Markovi Z., 1994, Sjeverna Hrvatska od neolita do bronanog doba, Koprivnica
Minichreiter K., 1990., Prvi rezultati arheolokih istraivanja u Pepelanama godine 1985., u: Arheoloka istraivanja u Podravini i kalnikobilogorskoj regiji, IzdanjaHAD 14 (1989), Zagreb, 19-39.
Teak-Gregl T. 1993, Prapovijesno nalazite Ozalj-Stari grad, OpuscA 17,
Zagreb, 165-183.
Tomii ., 1969, Kr, Cerje Tuno Ivanec eneolitsko naselje lasinjske
kulture, ArhPregl 11, Beograd, 33-35, T. XII.
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Zagreb, 135-141.
arni grob ranog bronanog doba s lokaliteta Selci-akovaki - Kaznica: zvonasti

pehari na jugu Karpatske kotline?
Early Bronze Age urn grave from the Site of Selci-akovaki Kaznica: Bell Beakers on the
South of the Carpathian Basin?
Hrvoje Kalafati
HR-10000 Zagreb
hrvoje.kalafatic@iarh.hr


UDK/UDC 903.5(497.5-37 akovo)6373
Tomislav Hrak
Arheoloki muzej Osijek
Trg Svetog Trojstva 2
HR-31000 Osijek
tomislavhrsak@gmail.com
U radu se objavljuje arni grob ranog bronanog doba otkriven prilikom zatitnih istraivanja na
lokalitetu Kaznica-Rutak pored Selaca - akovakih. Fragment ukraene zdjele pronaen u ari
omoguuje stavljanje cijelog nalaza u kontekst irih i kompleksnih veza meu kulturnim grupama
ranog bronanog doba Karpatske kotline i ireg europskog prostora.
Kljune rijei: rano bronano doba, vinkovaka kultura, kultura zvonastih pehara, Karpatska
kotlina, arni grob, kronologija
The article presents the Early Bronze Age urn grave discovered during the rescue excavations on
the site of Kaznica-Rutak near Selci-akovaki. The fragment of a decorated bowl found in the urn
enabled us to place the entire find into the context of a wider and more complex network of links
between various cultural groups of the Early Bronze Age in the Carpathian Basin and a wider European region.
Key words: Early Bronze Age, Vinkovci culture, Bell Beaker Culture,Carpathian basin, urn grave,
chronology
Tijekom jeseni 2005. i proljea 2006. godine, Muzej akovtine proveo je zatitna arheoloka istraivanja na lokalitetu Selci akovaki Kaznica-Rutak.1 Arheoloki lokalitet nalazi se na trasi autoceste Beli Manastir-Osijek-Svilaj,
dionica akovo-Sredanci, juno od sela Selci akovaki.
Nalazite je smjeteno na gredi koja se prua u smjeru jugoistok sjeverozapad i koja se na svojoj sjevernoj strani
strmo sputa prema potoku Kaznici, dok je na junoj strani
blagi pad prema niskom i vodoplavnom movarnom podruju. Apsolutna nadmorska visina na samom vrhu grede
iznosi 110,13 metara (sl. 1). U istraivanjima je otkriveno naselje kasne starevake i rane sopotske kulture, a pronaeno je i nekoliko objekata iz mlaih razdoblja.
Tijekom probnih istraivanja 2005. godine u centralnom je rovu, na samom kraju june padine, pronaen
paljevinski grob. Grob tada nije izvaen nego je zatien i
pokriven zemljom te ostavljen za sustavno istraivanje. Kada se oistila povrina oko groba ustanovljena je slijedea
stratigrafska slika. Ispod humusnog sloja debljine oko 30
cm, nalazio se tanki sloj plavosive boje debljine do 10 cm
During the fall of 2005 and the spring of 2006 the Museum of akovtina conducted a series of archeological
rescue excavations on the site Selci akovaki KaznicaRutak.1 This archeological site was situated on the route of
the highway Beli Manastir-Osijek-Svilaj, section akovoSredanci, on the south of the village of Selci akovaki.
The site was placed on the ridge stretching in the direction of southeast-northwest; its northern side was steeply
sloping towards the brook of Kaznica, while the southern
slope was milder and ended up in a low swampy area. The
absolute height above sea-level at the top of the ridge was
110.13 meters (Fig. 1). In excavations was discovered settlement of Late Starevo Culture and Early Sopot Culture, and
few features from later periods.
During the preliminary research in 2005, a urn grave
was found in the central ditch on the far end of the southern slope. The burial site was not excavated then, but was
covered with soil and preserved for later systematic re-
1. Istraivanja su vodili prof. Ivo Pavlovi, kustos Muzeja akovtine i

zamjenik voditelja Tomislav Hrak.
1. The research was organized by professor Ivo Pavlovi, the curator of the
Museum of akovtina, and his deputy was Tomislav Hrak.
41
H. Kalafati, T. Hrak, arni grob ranog bronanog doba s lokaliteta Selci-akovaki - Kaznica, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 41-47.
Sl. 2 Fotografija groba in situ s vidljivim crveno peenim loncem poloenim na kosti u ar (snimio T. Hrak)i
Fig. 2 Photography of the urn grave in situ, with visible red-baked
pot lying on the bones in the urn (photo by T. Hrak)
Sl. 1
Karta s oznaenim lokalitetom i mjestom nalaza

paljevinskog groba
Fig. 1 Map with the marked site of the urn grave
koji je recentna vodena naplavina. Ispod nje nalazio se tamnosmei sloj debljine 10-20 cm koji takoer predstavlja
naplavinu koja je nastala djelovanjem vode koja je ispirala zemlju s june padine i taloila je u podnoju. U tom je
sloju pronaen poneki ulomak keramike, litike ili kunog
lijepa koji je tamo doao djelovanjem vode ili oranjem.
Paljevinski grob ukopan je u donji tamnosmei sloj, a lei na zdravici. Otvaranjem vee povrine oko groba, vie
nije pronaen nijedan paljevinski grob, a u tamnosmeem sloju nije bilo tragova nikakvih objekata. Na povrini
groba uoeni su tragovi spaljenih ljudskih kostiju, te ostaci
jedne ukraene zdjele i jo jedne crveno peene posude.
Prilikom pranjenja are i konzervacije nalaza, pronaen je
fragment jo jedne posude izmeu spaljenih kostiju.
NALAZI:
1. ara (T. 1,1)
Kao ara iskoriten je lonac tamnosivo-crne boje. Lonac
je sauvan u visini od samo 11 cm, ima promjer dna 15 cm,
a promjer trbuha na najviem sauvanom dijelu 35,5 cm.
Debljina stijenke je 1 cm, a dna 1,2 cm. Faktura je hrapava,
u strukturi keramike ima dosta kvarcita. Povrina ima obradu slinu barbotinu. Keramika je dobro peena.
2. Lonac (T. 1,2)
U ari, na spaljenim kostima pokojnika, naena je posuda crveno peenih stijenki, mekane fakture dimenzija 18 x
20 cm. Promjer na rubu joj je oko 18 cm.
3. Fragment ukraene zdjele zaobljenog tijela (T. 2, sl.
3)
Zdjela ima promjer na rubu 34 cm. Debljina stijenke
42
search. When the area around the burial site was cleaned,
the following stratigraphic situation was uncovered. Under the level of humus which was around 30 centimeters
deep, there was a thin blue-grey layer measuring up to 10
centimeters, probably an alluvium. Under it, there was a
dark brown layer 10-20 centimeters wide, which also presented an alluvium formed by washing out of the soil from
the southern slope and its sedimentation at the foot of the
ridge. A few pieces of ceramics, lithics or lime were found
in this layer, washed out by water or brought there during plowing. The burial site was buried in the lower dark
brown layer and was lying on the layer of sterile soil. When
the larger area around the site was opened no other urn
graves were found and there were no traces of any objects
in the dark brown layer. On the surface of the grave some
traces of burnt human bones were found as well as the
fragments of a decorated bowl and of another example of
red-baked earthenware. During the emptying of the urn
and conservation of the finds another fragment of pottery
was found among the bones.
FINDS:
1. Urn (T. 1,1)
A dark grey-black pot was used as the urn. Only the
lower part of the pot, 11 centimeters high, was preserved,
the diameter of the pot at its bottom was 15 centimeters
and at its belly, at the highest preserved section, was 35.5
centimeters. Its outer wall was 1 centimeter thick and the
thickness of the bottom was 1.2 centimeters. The texture
was rough and the ceramics contained a lot of quartz. The
surface was produced in the similar way as barbotine. Ceramics was well baked.
2. Pot (T. 1,2)
Inside the urn, on the burnt bones of the deceased, a
pot with red-baked walls was found, of soft texture, measuring 18 x 20 centimeters. The diameter of its edge was
around 18 centimeters.
3. Fragment of the decorated bowl with rounded body
(T. 2, Fig. 3)
H. Kalafati, T. Hrak, Early Bronze Age urn grave from the Site of Selci-akovaki Kaznica, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 41-47.
The diameter of the bowl at its edge was 34 centimeters. The wall was 1 centimeter thick. The fragment was
light grey and yellow, of soft texture and the ceramics contained certain amount of quality quartz sand. The outer
surface was decorated with three parallel horizontal lines,
performed by the technique of sticking. Under these lines
there was a double zig-zag line also done by sticking. On
the flattened upper edge of the bowl there was a zig-zag
decoration performed by sticking which resembled the
technique of furrowed incision.
4. Fragment of a dish (T. 2,2) measuring 8.2 x 9 centimeters, brown-grey in color, the diameter at its opening 17
centimeters. The surface was smooth.
Sl. 3 Ulomak zdjele ukraene urezivanjem (snimio H. Kalafati)

Fig. 3 Fragment of the bowl decorated by incision (photo by H.
Kalafati)
iznosi 1 cm. Fragment je svijetlo-sive i ute boje, mekane

je fakture, u strukturi keramike ima vrlo finog kvarcnog pijeska. Vanjska strana je ukraena s tri vodoravne paralelne
crte izvedene ubadanjem. Ispod crta je dvostruki cik-cak
motiv izveden ubodima. Na zaravnjenom gornjem rubu
zdjele izveden je cik cak ukras ubadanjem koje podsjea
na brazdasto urezivanje.
4. Fragment posude (T. 2,2) dimenzija 8,2 x 9 cm smee-sive boje, promjer na ustima iznosi 17 cm. Povrina keramike je uglaana.
KULTURNA ATRIBUCIJA I KRONOLOKA RAZMATRANJA
ara i fragmenti dviju neukraenih posuda iz groba
pripadaju repertoaru keramike uobiajene za vinkovaku
kulturu. Zbog slabe ouvanosti i injenice da fragmenti nisu ukraeni, vrlo je teko odrediti direktne analogije.
Rekonstruirani profili i faktura posuda ipak omoguavaju
donoenje odreenih relevantnih zakljuaka. Veliki lonci u
funkciji are esta su pojava, tj. pravilo u pogrebnom ritusu
vinkovake kulture, kako u slavonsko-srijemskom prostoru,
tako i na irem prostoru. U grobovima vinkovake kulture
iz Osijeka (imi 2001), Vinkovaca (Kalafati 2006) te Drljanovca kod Bjelovara (Majnari-Pandi 1981), veliki lonci s
barbotinom takoer su koriteni kao are. Fragmentarno
sauvane posude iz are imaju brojne analogije od Iloka
i Gradine na Bosutu (Tasi 1968; 1984), preko Vinkovaca
(Dimitrijevi 1982), do lokaliteta Brznce u jugozapadnoj
Transdanubiji (Bondr 1995) i naselja Mak kulture u Budimpeti (Kalicz-Schreiber 1994, 57-59).
Ukraena zdjela zaobljenog tijela ve na prvi pogled
odstupa od uobiajene slike ranog bronanog doba na
jugu Karpatske kotline. Cik-cak ukras poznat u vinkovakoj i Mak kulturi izvodi se u pravilu urezivanjem. U Mak kulturi posude iji ukras sadri ukras kao na ovoj zdjeli,
kombiniraju motive trokuta s cik-cak motivom, a ukraava
se i unutranjost posude centralnim zvjezdolikim motivom
(Kulcsar 1999). Cik-cak ukrasi kombinirani s trakama i dru-
CULTURAL ATTRIBUTION AND DISCUSSIONS ON

CHRONOLOGY
The urn and the fragments of the two undecorated
dishes from the burial site belonged to the repertoire of
the ceramics common for Vinkovci culture. Due to the
poor state of preservation and the fact that the fragments
were not decorated, it was difficult to determine their direct analogies. The reconstructed profiles and textures
of the dishes did, however, enable us to come to certain
relevant conclusions. Large pots used as urns were quite
common, i.e. they were almost a rule in the burial rites of
Vinkovci culture in the region of Slavonia and Syrmia as
well as in a wider region. In the burial sites of Vinkovci culture from Osijek (imi 2001), Vinkovci (Kalafati 2006) and
Drljanovac near Bjelovar (Majnari-Pandi 1981), large
pots with barbotine were also used as urns. The fragments
of the preserved dishes from the urn have numerous analogies - from Ilok and Gradina on the river of Bosut (Tasi
1968; 1984), through Vinkovci (Dimitrijevi 1982), to the
site Brznce in the Southwest of the Transdanubia region
(Bondr 1995) and the settlements of Mak culture in Budapest (Kalicz-Schreiber 1994, 57-59).
The decorated bowl with rounded body at the first
instance deviated from the common image of the Early
Bronze Age from the south of the Carpathian Basin. The
zig-zag decoration known in Vinkovci and Mak culture
was usually done by incision. In Mak culture the interior
of pots, which were decorated in the same way as this
bowl and were usually combining the motifs of triangles
with the zig-zag motif, was decorated with a central starshaped motif (Kulcsar 1999). The zigzag decorations combined with bands and other motifs and centered around
specific points were characteristic for the Bell Beaker Culture (Heyd 2007). The preserved fragment of this bowl,
however small, was specific enough to conclude that the
bowl belonged to the Bell Beaker Culture. Very similar motifs were common in the Csepel group (Endrdi 1992, 191)
and Morava group of the Bell Beakers Culture (Ondrek,
Dvok, Matejikova 2005, T. 76,94-96). The finds of the
post-Vuedol cultural horizon from the lake-dwelling communities of the Ljubljansko Barje provided us with the best
possible evidence on the intertwining of different cultural
influences (Koroec P., Koroec J., 1969; Parzinger 1984).
At the beginning of the 1970-ies, R. Schreiber-Kalicz defined a group of finds from the Danube Island of Csepel,
43
gim motivima, zonalno koncipirani, karakteristini su za

kulturu zvonastih pehara (Heyd 2007). Sauvani fragment
ove zdjele, iako malen, dovoljno je signifikantan za opredjeljivanje u kulturu zvonastih pehara. Vrlo slini motivi esti su u Csepel grupi (Endrdi 1992, 191) i moravskoj grupi
kulture zvonastih pehara (Ondrek, Dvok, Matejikova
2005, T. 76,94-96). Nalazi postvuedolskog kulturnog horizonta iz sojeniarskih naselja Ljubljanskog Barja najbolje
svjedoe o isprepletanju meusobnih kulturnih utjecaja
(Koroec P., Koroec J. 1969; Parzinger 1984).
R. Schreiber-Kalicz poetkom 1970-ih definirala je grupu nalaza pronaenu u Budimpeti na dunavskom otoku
Csepel i stare nalaze iz Tokola kao posebnu manifestaciju
kulture zvonastih pehara koja se na tom prostoru razvija
zajedno s narevskom kulturom te ju je nazvala Csepel
grupa narevske kulture (Kalicz-Schreiber 1973; 1973a;
1976; 1981). R. Schreiber-Kalicz smatrala je kako je rije
o spoju rane narevske kulture i elemenata sa zapada, s
mnogo utjecaja Mak i vinkovake kulture.
Kasnije su se, nakon veih istraivanja, razvila miljenja
da je Csepel grupa samostalna kulturna cjelina koja pripada
ranom bronanom dobu IIa maarske kronoloke podjele i
nije dio narevske kulture jer iste zajednike oblike djeli i s
vinkovakom i s Mak kulturom (Endrdi 1992; 2003).
S. Forenbacher (1993) u lanku o apsolutnom datiranju
poetka ranog bronanog doba u srednjoj Europi donosi osam radiokarbonskih datuma za Csepel grupu kulture
zvonastih pehara i odmah apostrofira problem protezanja
grupe kroz cijelo 3. tis. pr. Kr. to se ini malo vjerojatno
s obzirom na prostornu ogranienost grupe. Nepouzdana
skupina uzoraka i nejasna povezanost nalaza pripisanih
kulturi zvonastih pehara i onih pripisanih ranoj narevskoj
kulturi ini ove datume problematinim. S. Forenbaher
iznosi pretpostavku da moda dio uzoraka jednostavno
pripada narevskoj kulturi. U lanku je narevska kultura
zastupljena s pet datuma koji pokrivaju vrijeme druge polovice 3. tis. pr. Kr.
J. Mller i S. Willigen (2001) su u svojoj velikoj studiji o
radiokarbonskim datumima za zvonaste pehare utvrdili
da kultura zvonastih pehara u srednjoj Evropi poinje iza
2500. god. pr. Kr. Maarske datume ne odbacuju jer velik
dio nalaza vezan za danas poznate datume nije objavljen
pa se ne moe unaprijed suditi o njima.
Analize zvonastih pehara iz Maarske i eke metodom
neutronske aktivacije (Rehman, Robinson, Shennan 1992)
pokazale su da se proizvode lokalno i da nisu roba kojom
se trguje na dalekim relacijama, barem ne u srednjoj Europi. Suvremena istraivanja na ljudskim kostima metodom
izotopa stroncija pokazuju da su ljudi iz srednje Europe
migrirali na vee udaljenosti u vrijeme kulture zvonastih
pehara (Price, Grupe, Schrter 1998), pa ne treba uditi nalaz te kulture iz okolice akova 300 km junije od dosad
poznatih nalazita.2
Grob iz Selaca-akovakih pripada sredini 3. tis. pr. Kr.,
kada se u slavonsko- srijemskom prostoru razvija vinkovaka kultura. Grobni ritus i ara pripadaju vinkovakoj kulturi,
dok ansambl grobnih priloga potvruje dinamine kulturne veze sjever-jug koje je ta kultura njegovala.
near Budapest and the old finds from Tokol as a special

manifestation of the Bell Beaker Culture, which developed
in this region together with Nagyrev culture, and dubbed
it the Csepel group of Nagyrev culture (Kalicz-Schreiber
1973; 1973a; 1976; 1981). R. Schreiber-Kalicz thought that
this was a part of the early Nagyrev culture and the elements from the West, with numerous influences from
Mak and Vinkovci culture.
Later, after some significant researches, an opinion was
formed that the Csepel group was an independent culture
which belonged to the early Bronze Age of the IIa Hungarian chronology and that it was not a part of Nagyrev culture since it shared the same elements with both Vinkovci
and Mak culture (Endrdi 1992; 2003).
In his paper on absolute dating of the beginning of the
Bronze Age in Central Europe, S. Forenbacher (1993) suggested eight radioactive-carbon dates for Csepel group
of the Bell Beakers Culture and pointed to the problem of
the possible existence of the group during the whole of
the third millennium B.C. which seemed highly improbable due to the limited geographical distribution of the
group. The set of unreliable samples and unclear connections between finds ascribed to the Bell Beaker Culture
and Nagyrev culture made these dates highly problematic. S. Forenbacher suggested that maybe some of these
samples simply belonged to Nagyrev culture. The paper
presented Nagyrev culture through five dates covering the
period of the second half of the third millennium B.C.
In their large-scale study on radiocarbon dating of the
Bell Beakers, J. Mller and S. Willingen (2001) established
that the Bell Beaker Culture in Central Europe started after
the year of 2500 B.C. However, they did not dismiss Hungarian dating since a large number of finds, linked to now
established dating, was not published and hence they
could not be pre-dated.
The analyses of the bell beakers from Hungary and
Czech Republic by the method of neutron activation (Rehman, Robinson, Shennan 1992) showed that the bell beakers were produced locally and that they were not used as
goods for trade over large distances, at least not in Central
Europe. Recent research on human bones by the method
of the isotope of strontium established that the population
of Central Europe migrated to quite remote areas (Price,
Grupe, Schrter 1998), so therefore the item found belonging to that culture in the vicinity of akovo, 300 kilometers
to the south of the previous known finds2, should not be
such a big surprise.
The urn grave from Selci-akovaki belonged to the
middle of the third millennium B.C. when Vinkovci culture
was developed in the region of Slavonia and Syrmia. The
burial rit and urn belonged to Vinkovci culture, while the
array of other items confirmed the dynamic cultural links
between North and South which were characteristic for
this culture.
2. U zatitnim arheolokim istraivanjima na tvravi u Petrovaradinu zadnjih godina takoer su otkriveni fragmenti zvonastih pehara. Iscrpnu
objavu nalaza priprema prof. Jovo Koledin kojem zahvaljujemo na informaciji.
2. In the last few years, fragments of bell beakers were found in the archeological rescue excavations on the fortress in the town of Petrovaradin. The
detailed analysis is being prepared by Prof. Jovo Koledin, whom should
we thank for this piece of information.
44
Bondr M., 1995, Early Bronze Age Settlment Paterns in South-West
Transdanubia, Antaeus 22, Budapest, 197-264.
Czebreszuk J., Szmyt M., (eds.), 2003, The Northeast Frontier of Bell Beakers, Proceedings of the symposium held at the Adam Mickiewicz
University, Poznan (Poland), May 26-29 2002, BAR IntSer 1155, Oxford
Dimitrijevi S., 1982, Die frhe Vinkovci-Kultur und ihre Beziehungen
zum Vuedoler Substrat im Lichte der Ausgrabungen in Vinkovci
(1977-78), OpuscA 7, Zagreb, 7-36.
Endrdi A., 1992, The settlement and cemetery of the Bell-Beaker Culture in the district of Szigetszentmiklos, u: Regeszeti kutatasok az
M0 autopalya nyomvonalan, BTM Mhely 5, Budapest, 63-200.
Endrdi A., 2003, The Late Phase of the Bell Beaker-Csepel Group in
Hungary, u: The Northeast Frontier of Bell Beakers, Proceedings of
the symposium held at the Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznan
(Poland), May 26-29 2002, ed. J. Czebreszuk, M. Szmyt, BAR IntSer
1155, Oxford, 265-276.
Figler A., 1994, Die Fragen der Frhbronzezeit in Nordwest-Transdanubien, (szaknyugat-Dunntl korai bronzkornak krdsei), u: Die
Fragen der Bronzezeit, Archologische Konferenz des Komitates
Zala und Niedersterreichs 3, Keszthely, 5.-7.10.1992, (A bronzkor
krdsei, Zala megye s Als-Ausztria rgszeti konferencii 3,
Keszthely, 1992, 10. 5-7.), hrsg. R. Mller, H. Windl, ZalaiM 5, Zalaegerszeg, 21-38.
Forenbaher S., 1993, Radiocarbon dates and absolute chronology of the
central European Early Bronze Age, Antiq Vol. 67, No. 255, London,
218-220, 235-256.
Heyd V., 2007, When the West meets the East: The Eastern Periphery of
the Bell Beaker Phenomenon and its Relation with the Aegean
Early Bronze Age, u: Between the Aegean and Baltic seas-Prehistory across borders, Proceedings of the International Conference,
Bronze and Early Iron Age Interconnections and Contemporary
Developments between the Aegean and the Regions of the Balkan Peninsula, Central and Northern Europe, University of Zagreb,
11-14 April 2005, Lige, Aegaeum 27 (2007), 91-103.
Kalafati H., 2006, arni grob vinkovake kulture s lokaliteta Vinkovci
Duga ulica 40, PrilInstArheolZagrebu 23, Zagreb, 17-28.
Kalicz-Schreiber R., 1976, Die Probleme der Glockenbecherkultur in Ungarn, u: Glockenbechersymposium Oberried 1974, hrsg. J. N. Lanting, J. D. van der Waals, Bussum/Haarlem, 183-215.
Kalicz-Schreiber R., 1981, Mglichkeiten zur feineren Gliederung der
Nagyrv-Kultur in Budapest, u: Die Frhbronzezeit im Karpatenbecken und in den Nachbargebieten, Internationales Symposium
Budapest-Velem 1977, hrsg. N. Kalicz, R. Kalicz-Schreiber, Budapest, 81-86.
Kalicz-Schreiber R., 1989, Die lteste Bronzezeit in Nordwestungarn und
ihre Beziehungen, u: Das neolithikum und die frheste Bronzezeit
(C14 3000-2000 b.c.) in Mitteleuropa: kulturelle und chronologische
Beziehungen, 14. Internationales Symposium, Univerzita Karlova,

hrsg. M. Buchvaldek, E. Pleslov-tikov, Praehistorica 15, Praha,
249-259.
Kalicz-Schreiber R., 1991, A Somogyvr-Vinkovci kultra dl-szaki
irny kzvett szerepe a korabronzkorban, (Die Vermittlungsrolle in Sd-Nord Richtung der Somogyvr-Vinkovci Kultur in der
frhen Bronzezeit), BpR 28, Budapest, 9-43.
Kalicz-Schreiber R., 1994, Siedlungsfunde und ein Brandgrab der frhbronzezeitlichen Mak-Kultur in Budapest, (A korabronzkoi
maki kultra telepleletei s hamvasztsos srjaBudapesten), u:
Die Fragen der Bronzezeit, Archologische Konferenz des Komitates Zala und Niedersterreichs 3, Keszthely, 5.-7.10.1992, (A
bronzkor krdsei, Zala megye s Als-Ausztria rgszeti konferencii 3, Keszthely, 1992, 10. 5-7.), hrsg. R. Mller, H. Windl, ZalaiM
5, Zalaegerszeg, 39-60.
Koroec P., Koroec J., 1969, Najdbe s koliarskih naselbin pri Igu na
Ljubljanskem barju, Arheoloki katalogi Slovenije svezak 3,
Ljubljana
Kulcsr G., 1999, A kora bronzkori bels dszes talpas tlak elterjedse
a Dunntlon, The Early Bronze Age internally decorated bowls
from the Transdanubia, Savaria 24/3 (1998-1999), Szombathely,
115-139.
Majnari-Pandi N., 1981, Urnengrab der Vinkovci Kultur aus Drljanovac, AIug XX-XXI, Beograd, 37-39.
Mueller J., Willigen S., 2001, New radiocarbon evidence for european Bell
Beakers and the consequences for the diffusion of the Bell Beaker
Phenomenon, u: Bell Beakers Today, Trento, 59-81.
Ondrek J., Dvok P., Matejikova A., 2005, Die Siedlungen der Glockenbecherkultur in Mhren, Katalog der Funde, Pravk supplementum 15, Brno
Parzinger H., 1984, Die stellung der uferrandsiedlungen bei Ljubljana im
neolithischen und frhbronzezeitlichen Kultursystem der mittleren Donaulnder, AVes XXXV, Ljubljana, 13-63.
Price T. D., Grupe G., Schrter P., 1998., Migration in the bell beaker period of central Europe. Antiq Vol. 72, No. 276, London, 405-411.
Rehman F., Robinson V. J., Shennan S.J., 1992, A neutron activation study
of bell beakers and associated pottery from Czechoslovakia and
Hungary, PamArch LXXXIII/2, Praha, 197-211.
Schreiber R., 1973, A harangednyek npe Budapesten, (Die Glockenbecherkultur in Budapest), Budapest
Schreiber R., 1973a, Frhbronzezeitliche Grberfelder von Tkl, Archrt
102 (1975), Budapest, 187-204.
imi J., 2001, Bronano i starije eljezno doba na podruju grada Osijeka, OsjZb XXIV-XXV (1996-1999), Osijek, 23-42.
Tasi N., 1968, Die Vinkovci-Gruppe eine neue Kultur der Frhbronzezeit
in Syrmien und Slawonien, AIug IX, Beograd, 19-30.
Tasi N., 1984, Die Vinkovci-Kultur, u: Kulturen der Frhbronzezeit das Karpatenbeckens und Nordbalkans, hrsg. N. Tasi, Beograd, 15-32.
45
T. 1
T. 1: Paljevinski grob iz Selaca - akovakih

Pl. 1: Urn grave from the site of Selci - akovaki
46
T. 2
T. 1: Paljevinski grob iz Selaca - akovakih

Pl. 1: Urn grave from the site of Selci - akovaki
47
O ranobronanodobnim nalazima iz Novih Perkovaca kod akova

ber frhbronzezeitliche Funde aus Novi Perkovci bei akovo

ZORKO MARKOVI
HR 10000 Zagreb
zorko.markovic@iarh.hr
UDK/UDC 902.2(497.5 N.Perkovci)

903.23-033.6(497.5 N.Perkovci)6373
Velika zatitna arheoloka istraivanja nalazita Kravina kod Novih Perkovaca 2005. i 2006. godine, na trasi autoceste Budimpeta-Ploe (Koridor Vc), na povrini oko 18000 etvornih metara,
rezultirala su pronalaenjem ostataka brojnih objekata. Jamski objekt SJ 263/264 predstavlja
zatvorenu cjelinu iz ranog bronanog doba, Br A2. U jami su pronaeni i podjednako zastupljeni
nalazi licenskokeramike kulture i junopanonske inkrustirane keramike, uz poblie neidentificirane
keramike nalaze. Meutim, u jami je pronaen i jedan primjerak vra rane vatinske kulture, a te
nalaze datiramo na kraj ranog bronanog doba, bez obzira na injenicu to licenska keramika nema
motiv valovnice.
Kljune rijei: Novi Perkovci kod akova, sjeverna Hrvatska, kraj ranog bronanog doba, licenska
keramika, junopanonska inkrustirana keramika, vatinska kultura
Umfangreiche archologische Schutzgrabungen am Fundort Kravina bei Novi Perkovci in den
Jahren 2005 und 2006, an der Trasse der Autobahn Budapest-Ploe (Korridor Vc) auf einer Flche
von ca. 18000 Quadratmetern resultierten in der Entdeckung von berresten zahlreicher Objekte.
Das Grubenobjekt SJ 263/264 stellt eine geschlossene Anlage aus der Frhbronzezeit Br A2 dar. In
der Grube wurden gleichmig vertretene Funde von Litzenkeramik und der sdpannonischen inkrustierten Keramik zusammen mit nicht nher identifizierten Keramikfunden freigelegt. Unterdessen
wurde in der Grube auch ein Exemplar eines Kruges der frhen Vatin-Kultur gefunden, und diese
Funde datieren wir ungeachtet dessen, dass die Litzenkeramik kein Wellenlinienmotiv aufweist, an
das Ende der Frhbronzezeit.
Schlsselwrter: Novi Perkovci bei akovo, Nordkroatien, Ende der Frhbronzezeit, Litzenkeramik
sdpannonische inkrustierte Keramik, Vatin-Kultur
Godine 2005. i 2006. provedena su velika zatitna arheoloka istraivanja na dijelu autoceste Budimpeta-Ploe,
Koridor Vc, nalazite Kravina kod Novih Perkovaca, juno
od akova. Lokalitet je smjeten na niskim breuljcima
nedaleko sela. Ukupno je u tri dijela istraeno oko 18 000
etvornih metara povrine, s oko 600 stratigrafskih jedinica
(stambene, radne i otpadne jame, pei, te stupovi kao dijelovi nadzemne arhitekture). Na iskopavanju je evidentirano
blizu 300 posebnih (izdvojenih) nalaza kao i uzorci kosti,
ugljena i zemlje za analizu (Markovi, Boti 2006; Markovi,
1
Boti 2007). Na ovome mjestu pozabavit emo se nalazima
iz jamskog objekta SJ 263/264, koji pripada ranom bronanom dobu, s nalazima licenskokeramike kulture, junopanonske inkrustirane keramike (dalje: JPIK) te vatinskim
In den Jahren 2005 und 2006 wurden umfangreiche Schutzgrabungen an einem Teilstck der Autobahn Budapest-Ploe, Korridor Vc, Fundort Kravina bei Novi Perkovci, sdlich von akovo,
vorgenommen. Die Fundstelle liegt an niedrigen Hgeln unweit
des Dorfes. Insgesamt wurden in drei Etappen ca. 18.000 Quadratmeter mit ca. 600 stratigraphischen Einheiten (Wohn-, Arbeitsund Abfallgruben, fen und Pfeiler als Teile der oberirdischen
Architektur) untersucht. Im Laufe der Ausgrabungen wurden ca.
300 gesonderte Funde sowie Exemplare von Knochen, Kohle und
Erde fr die Analyse registriert (Markovi, Boti 2006; Markovi,
1
Boti 2007). An dieser Stelle werden wir uns mit den Funden aus
dem Grubenobjekt SJ 263/264 befassen, das zur Frhbronzezeit
gehrt, mit Funden aus der Kultur der Litzenkeramik, der sdpannonischen inkrustierten Keramik (in der Folge: SPIK) und mit dem
Import aus Vatin-Kultur. Diesen kurzen Beitrag widme ich dem Jahrestag von Prof. Dr. Sc. eljko Tomii, dessen besondere Aufmerksamkeit der Untersuchung auch von prhistorischen Funden galt,
1. Probno iskopavanje je vodio dr. sc. Boko Marijan iz Zadra. Voditelj prve
dvije etape istraivanja bio je dr. sc. Zorko Markovi, a tree etape Katarina Boti, danas oboje u Institutu za arheologiju u Zagrebu. Na terenu
je radila i brojna struna ekipa, sastavljena od diplomiranih arheologa i
studenata iz Zagreba i Zadra (v. citiranu literaturu).
1. Die Probegrabung wurde von Dr. sc. Boko Marijan aus Zadar geleitet.
Leiter der ersten beiden Etappen der Ausgrabungen war Dr. sc. Z.
Markovi, und Leiterin der dritten Etappe Katarina Boti, beide heute
beim Institut fr Archologie in Zagreb. Vor Ort war auch ein groes
Team von Experten Diplomarchologen und Studenten aus Zagreb und
Zadar ttig (s. anschlieende Literaturliste).
49
Z. MARKOVI, O ranobronanodobnim nalazima iz Novih Perkovaca kod akova, PRIL. INST. ARHEOL. ZAGREBU, 24/2007, STR. 49-58.
importom. Ovaj kratki prilog posveujem obljetnici prof.

dr. sc. eljka Tomiia, koji je posebnu pozornost kod svojih istraivanja obraao i prapovijesnim nalazima, pa i onim
licenskim iz okolice Varadina i iz Meimurja (Tomii 1985,
27, sl. 9,3), jer je na tim prostorima dugi niz godina uspjeno
2
radio i istraivao.
U istraivanjima lokaliteta Kravina kod Novih Perkovaca
2005. i 2006. godine ustanovljeni su objekti i nalazi sljedeih
kultura: neolitike starevake i sopotske, u nejasnim okolnostima i elementi vinkovake kulture, zatim nalazi licenske
i JPIK-a s vatinskim importom iz kraja ranog bronanog doba, kao i nalazi poetnih faza kulture polja sa arama iz starije faze kasnog bronanog doba (Markovi, Boti 2006).
Jamski objekt SJ 263/264 (sastoji se od glavnog jamskog
objekta i manjih jamica uz njega, SJ 253, 255 i 259, a pribline dimenzije su oko 13 x 9 m) dao je priblino jednak broj
ukraenih nalaza licenske keramike i JPIK. Licenska keramika
u pravilu je crne boje i uglaana, no moe biti i crvene boje (od naknadnog gorenja). Oblici koji su prepoznatljivi su
duboke terine s rukom izmeu vrata i ramena (T. 2,4), kao
i s pseudodrkicom na spoju vrata i ramena (T. 2,3), obine
zdjele (T. 1,8) te neto grublje amfore relativno irokog ukraenog vrata (T. 1,1,6), s tunelastom rukom ukraenom okomitim ili horizontalnim nizovima koso spletenih otisaka niti
(T. 2,2, T. 3,2). Moda su zastupljeni i vrevi, ali to je prema
manjim ulomcima tee uoljivo (T. 1,4,7,9, T. 4,10). Zanimljivo je da nema motiva valovnice od otisaka spletenih niti,
ali ni okomitih ranih otisaka. Zastupljen je iskljuivo desno
nagnuti otisak koso spletene niti.
Terine (T. 2,3-4) imaju dobre analogije na nalazitu Pikornica kod Koprivnikog Ivanca (Markovi 2003, T. 10,3-4).
Amfore s licenski ukraenim rukama na trbuhu (T. 2,2, T.
3,2) imaju takoer analogije na Pikornici (Markovi 2003,
T. 10,5), ali i na Grabrovcu u akovu (Markovi 2003, T. 8,2),
te u Podgorau kod Naica (Majnari-Pandi 1977, T. 3,1, T.
6,3, T. 7,1). Eventualni vrevi (ovdje T. 1,4,7,9, T. 4,10) imaju
takoer analogije na vie strana: Vindija (Markovi 2003, T.
7,1), Pikornica (Markovi 2003, T. 11,2), Koprivnica-Cerine 3
(Markovi 2003, T. 12,5), Gue (Majnari-Pandi 1977, T. 1,2)
te Podgora (Majnari-Pandi 1977, T. 4,1,5). No analogije
terinama i vrevima nalazimo, npr. i u Drassburgu, u Austriji
(Benkovsky-Pivovarova 1981, T. 3,1-4). Kako je vidljivo iz navedenih analogija, slinosti naem materijalu postoje s nalazima A i B stupnja licenskokeramike kulture, tj. u gotovo
itavom trajanju (izuzev faze protolicen). Stoga ovu vrstu
nalaza samu za sebe i nije lako datirati.
No kada govorimo o licenskokeramikoj kulturi u sjevernoj Hrvatskoj, valja podsjetiti i na njezinu genezu. Ona,
naime, slijedi vinkovaku kulturu (prvu pravu ranobronanodobnu kulturu, Markovi 2003, 120-122). Ovdje, meutim,
izuzimamo tzv. kasnovinkovaki Bebrina-tip, jer se pokazalo
da se u materijalnoj kulturi radi o skupini Greani-Barice iz
najranije kasnobronanodobne kulture polja sa arama sjeverne Hrvatske i sjeverne Bosne (Markovi 2003, 122). Nakon
vinkovake kulture B stupnja (Vinkovci, Sarva), ovdje slijedi
licenskokeramika kultura polivalentne geneze (to znai da
potjee od vinkovake, ljubljanske i Kisapostag-kulture, uz
snane utjecaje kasnovrpastih (nurkeramikih) kultura:
darunter auch der Litzenkeramik aus der Umgebung von Varadin

und aus Meimurje (Tomii 1985, 27, Abb. 9,3), wo er viele Jahre
lang erfolgreich arbeitete und forschte.2
In den Ausgrabungen von 2005 und 2006 am Fundort Kravina
bei Novi Perkovci wurden Objekte und Funde der folgenden Kulturen freigelegt: neolithische Starevo- und Sopotkultur, unter unklaren Umstnden auch Elemente der Vinkovci-Kultur sowie Funde der Litzenkeramik und der SPIK mit einem Vatin-Import vom
Ende der frhen Bronzezeit, wie auch Funde der Anfangsphasen
der Urnenfelderkultur aus der lteren Phase der Sptbronzezeit
(Markovi, Boti 2006).
Das Grubenobjekt SJ 263/264 (bestehend aus einem Hauptobjekt und den kleineren Gruben daneben, SJ 253, 255 und 259,
Flche ungefhr 13 x 9 m) erbrachte ungefhr die gleiche Anzahl
an verzierten Funden der Litzenkeramik und der SPIK. Die Litzenkeramik ist in der Regel schwarz und geglttet, sie kann aber auch
von roter Farbe sein (als Folge des nachtrglichen Brennens). Die
identifizierbaren Formen sind tiefe Terrinen mit einem Griff zwischen Hals und Schulter (T. 2,4), wie auch mit einem Pseudogriff
an der Verbindung zwischen dem Hals und den Schultern (T. 2,3),
gewhnliche Schsseln (T. 1,8) sowie etwas grbere Amphoren
mit einem relativ breiten, verzierten Hals (T. 1,1,6), mit tunnelfrmigem Griff, verziert mit vertikalen oder horizontalen Reihen von
Abdrcken schrg geflochtener Fden (T. 2,2, T. 3,2). Vielleicht sind
auch Krge vertreten, dies ist aber anhand der kleineren Fragmente schwieriger festzustellen (T. 1,4,7,9, T. 4,10). Interessanterweise
gibt es keine Motive von Wellenlinien aus Abdrcken von geflochtenen Fden, aber auch keine vertikalen frhen Abdrcke. Es ist
ausschlielich der nach rechts geneigte Abdruck der schrg geflochtenen Fden vertreten.
Die Terrinen (T. 2, 3-4) haben gute Analogien am Fundort
Pikornica bei Koprivniki Ivanec (Markovi 2003, T. 10,3,4). Amphoren mit litzenartig verzierten Griffen am Bauch (T. 2,2, T. 3,2)
haben ebenfalls Analogien in Pikornica (Markovi 2003, T. 10,5),
aber auch in Grabrovac in akovo (Markovi 2003, T. 8,2) sowie
in Podgora bei Naice (Majnari-Pandi 1977, T. 3,1, T. 6,3, T. 7,1).
Die eventuellen Krge (hier T. 1,4,7,9, T. 4,10) haben auch Analogien an mehreren Stellen: Vindija (Markovi 2003, T. 7,1), Pikornica
(Markovi 2003, T. 11,2), Koprivnica-Cerine 3 (Markovi 2003, T.
12,5), Gue (Majnari-Pandi 1977, T. 1,2) und Podgora (MajnariPandi 1977, T. 4,1,5). Allerdings finden wir Analogien fr Terrinen
und Krge auch etwa in Draburg in sterreich (Benkovsky-Pivovarova 1981, T. 3,1-4). Wie aus den angefhrten Analogien ersichtlich, gibt es hnlichkeiten mit unserem Material bei den Funden
der A- und B-Stufe der litzenkeramischen Kultur, d.h. whrend fast
ihrer gesamten Dauer (auer der Phase Protolitzen). Daher ist es
nicht leicht, diese Art von Funden isoliert zu datieren.
Wenn aber von der litzenkeramischen Kultur in Nordkroatien
die Rede ist, sei auch ihre Genese erwhnt. Sie folgt nmlich der
Vinkovci-Kultur (der ersten frhbronzezeitlichen Kultur, Markovi
2003, 120-122). Hier wird inzwischen der sogenannte Bebrina-Typus der spten Vinkovci-Kultur ausgenommen, da es sich gezeigt
hat, dass es sich bei der materiellen Kultur um die Greani-BariceGruppe aus der frhesten sptbronzezeitlichen Urnenfelderkultur
Nordkroatiens und Nordbosniens handelt (Markovi 2003, 122).
Nach der Vinkovci-Kultur der Stufe B (Vinkovci, Sarva) folgt hier
die litzenkeramische Kultur mit vielschichtiger Genese (d.h. dass
sie von der Vinkovci-, Ljubljana- und Kisapostag-Kultur stammt
und unter starkem Einfluss der spten schnurkeramische Kultur
(Schnurkeramik) steht: Markovi 2003, 130), whrend die gleichzeitige SPIK hier fremd ist und aus dem ungarischen Gebiet kommt.
2. Sugestije za noviju literaturu o vatinskoj kulturi zahvaljujem mr. sc.

Dariji Lonjak Dizdar i dr. sc. Marku Dizdaru (oboje iz Instituta za arheologiju u Zagrebu). Na crteima materijala zahvaljujem Miljenki Gali iz
Arheolokog muzeja u Zagrebu.
2. Fr die Vorschlge zur neueren Literatur ber die Vatin-Kultur bedanke

ich mich bei Mag. sc. Daria Lonjak Dizdar und Dr. sc. Marko Dizdar
(beide vom Institut fr Archologie in Zagreb). Fr die Zeichnungen des
Materials bedanke ich mich bei Miljenka Gali vom Archologischen
Museum in Zagreb.
50
Z. MARKOVI, ber frhbronzezeitliche Funde aus Novi Perkovci bei akovo, PRIL. INST. ARHEOL. ZAGREBU, 24/2007, STR. 49-58.
Markovi 2003, 130), dok je istodobni JPIK ovdje stran, te

dolazi iz maarskog podruja.
Junopanonska inkrustirana keramika (JPIK) ima smeu boju, te razne nijanse sive, sve do crne boje, kao i bijelu
inkrustaciju. Zastupljena je s etanim vrevima i loniima
(T. 2,5-6, T. 4,4, T. 5,1, moda i T. 3,3), te zdjelicama slinim
alicama (T. 3,6-7). Ukrasi su razliiti: rovaeni ljebovi postavljeni vodoravno, porubno ukraeni trokutiima (T. 2,5-6,
T. 3,3,8, T. 4,4), vertikalni ljebovi (T. 3,1,6-7, T. 5,1), kosi i luni
ljebovi (T. 3,1,7), vertikalni nizovi trokuta (T. 5,1), male horizontalne valovnice (T. 2,5-6). Nema inae karakteristinih
koncentrinih krugova.
Prema N. Majnari-Pandi, kod ove kulture efektno su
profilirani etani oblici, a bogata bijela inkrustacija sastojala
se od smjese istucanih koljki, vapnenca i svojevrsnog ljepila. Motivi nisu strogo geometrijski, uz koncentrine krugove
javljaju se i biljni motivi, to podsjea na tekstilne uzorke od
veziva (Majnari-Pandi 1998, 181). I. Bona naglaava da u
junoj skupini (JPIK) ukraavanje pokriva najee cijelu gornju povrinu posuda koje imaju esto duboki i iroki leaj za
inkrustaciju. Ukraavanje je vodoravno, ali i okomito. est
je cik-cak motiv, motiv arkada te W i M-motivi (Bona 1975,
208). G. Bandi navodi da JPIK ima vrlo bogato inkrustirane
nalaze, sa irokim lijebom, naroito na gornjem dijelu tijela
(rame, vrat), te ukras u obliku vujih zubi (Bandi 1984, 271).
Oblici imaju analogije meu etanim vrevima u tipologiji J. imi (imi 2000, oblici C1/a-d), kao i meu zdjelicama (imi 2000, B1d). Analogije etanim vrevima nalazimo i meu materijalom koji donosi G. Bandi (Bandi 1984, T.
80,4,8-9). Etanim vrevima analogije nalazimo i u materijalu koji donosi I. Bona (Bona 1975, T. 244,16,18, T. 260,12), kao
i analogije ukraenim dnima (priblino Bona 1975, T. 260,11)
te arkadama (Bona 1975, T. 252,9). Ope slinosti postoje i
u materijalu JPIK s Grabrovca u akovu (Pavlovi 1984, sl.
3,4-9, sl. 4,1-9; Martinec 2002, T. 5-8).
Meu ostalim nalazima koje se ne moe lako pripisati licenskoj keramici ili JPIK-u, a u fakturi imaju i primjese
usitnjenih kamenia, nalazi se uglavnom posue crvene,
smee i sive do crne boje. Trbuni dio eljasto ukraene
amfore (T. 4,6) te ruka amfore s trbunog dijela ukraena s
dva lijeba, dok su uokolo eljasti ukrasi (T. 4,2), pripadaju
amforastim veim oblicima koji se veu uz obje ove kulture.
Nadalje, zastupljeni su trbuni dio lonca s vodoravnim otiscima prsta ukraenom gredastom aplikacijom (T. 3,5) kao i
piramidalni uteg (T. 4,1) te konina zdjela sa zadebljanim i
zaravnjenim rubom (T. 4,3) ili bombasta zdjela (T. 2,8). No
tu su jo i lonci i lonii s rukom izmeu oboda i ramena
ili trbuha (T. 1,5, T. 4,7,9), lonci sa zaravnjenim i zadebljano
izvijenim obodom iznad ruke (T. 4,5) kao i alice-zdjelice (T.
4,8), te oblici slini loniima s pseudodrkicom uz obod (T.
2,7) ili plastinom roastom aplikacijom na ramenom dijelu
(T. 3,9) kao i vei lonci s malo izvijenim i zadebljanim obodom (T. 3,4, T. 5,2).
Analogije amforama sa ljebljenim rukama na trbuhu
(T. 4,2) nalazimo na lokalitetu Pikornica kod Koprivnikog
Ivanca (Markovi 1981, T. 6,8), a eljastom vertikalnom
ukrasu na trbuhu (T. 4,6) na oblinjem lokalitetu Vratnec l
kod Koprivnice (Markovi 2003, T. 15,8-9) te oblicima PIK iz
Maarske (Bandi 1984, T. 78,1-3).
Posebno se izdvaja sivi ranovatinski vr s dvije ruke od
oboda do ramena te ukrasom na ramenom dijelu, koji se sastoji od metopa obrubljenih vodoravnim i okomitim crtama,
unutar kojih se nalaze iscrtkani trokutii (T. 5,3). Izvrsne ana-
Die sdpannonische inkrustierte Keramik (SPIK) ist von brauner Farbe mit verschiedenen Nuancen von Grau bis Schwarz wie
auch mit weier Inkrustation. Sie ist mit etagenfrmigen Krgen
und Tpfchen (T. 2,5-6, T. 4,4, T. 5,1, vielleicht auch T. 3,3) sowie tassenhnlichen kleinen Schalen vertreten (T. 3,6-7). Die Verzierungen sind unterschiedlich eingekerbte, horizontal liegende Rillen,
am Rand mit kleinen Dreiecken verziert (T. 2,5-6, T. 3,3,8, T. 4,4),
vertikale Rillen (T. 3,1,6,7, T. 5,1), schrge und bogenfrmige Rillen
(T. 3,1,7), vertikale Dreiecksreihen (T. 5,1), kleine horizontale Wellenlinien (T. 2,5-6). Es kommen keine sonst charakteristischen konzentrischen Kreise vor.
Nach N. Majnari-Pandi sind bei dieser Kultur die Etagenformen effektvoll profiliert, und die reiche weie Inkrustation bestand
aus einer Mischung aus zerkleinerten Muscheln, Kalkstein und einer Art Lehm. Die Motive sind nicht streng geometrisch, neben
konzentrischen Kreisen kommen auch Pflanzenmotive vor, was an
Webmuster im Ton erinnert (Majnari-Pandi 1998, 181). I. Bona
weist darauf hin, dass in der sdlichen Ansammlung (SPIK) die Verzierung meistens die gesamte obere Flche der Gefe bedeckt,
die hufig eine tiefe und breite Aussparung fr die Inkrustation haben. Die Verzierungen sind vertikal, aber auch horizontal. Hufig
sind Zickzack-, Bogen- oder W- und M-Motive (Bona 1975, 208). G.
Bandi gibt an, dass SPIK sehr reich inkrustierte Funde aufweist, mit
breiter Rille, besonders am oberen Teil (Schulter, Hals), und eine
Verzierung in Form von Wolfszhnen (Bandi 1984, 271).
Analogien fr diese Formen gibt es unter den Krgen in der
Typologie von J. imi (imi 2000, Formen C1/a-d) sowie unter
den Schalen (imi 2000, B1d). Analogien fr etagenfrmige Krge
finden wir auch unter den von Bandi verffentlichten Bestnden
(Bandi 1984, T. 80,4,8-9). Analogien fr Etagenkrge finden wir
ebenfalls unter den von I. Bona verffentlichten Bestnden (Bona
1975, T. 244,16,18, T. 260,12), genauso wie Analogien fr verzierte
Bden (ungefhr Bona 1975, T. 260,11) und Bgen (Bona 1975, T.
252,9). Allgemeine Parallelen gibt es auch bei den SPIK-Bestnden
aus Grabrovac in akovo (Pavlovi 1984, Abb. 3,4-9, Abb. 4,1-9;
Martinec 2002, T. 5-8).
Unter den brigen Funden, die nicht leicht der Litzenkeramik
oder SPIK zugeordnet werden knnen, und die in ihrer Faktur
auch Beimischungen von zerkleinerten Steinchen enthalten, befinden sich Gefe in berwiegend roter, brauner und grauer bis
schwarzer Farbe. Der Bauch einer kammartig verzierten Amphore
(T. 4,6) und der Griff der Amphore an der Bauchseite ist mit zwei
Rillen verziert, whrend rings herum kammartige Verzierungen
verlaufen (T. 4,2); sie gehren zu den greren amphorenartigen
Formen , die mit den beiden erwhnten Kulturen verbunden sind.
Weiterhin vertreten sind der Bauchteil eines Topfes mit horizontalen Fingerabdrcken, verziert mit einer balkenfrmigen Applikation (T. 3,5) und ein pyramidenfrmiges Gewicht (T. 4,1) sowie eine
konische Schale mit dickem und eingeglttetem Rand (T. 4,3) oder
eine bombenfrmige Schale (T. 2,8). Hier sind aber auch Tpfe
und Tpfchen mit Griff zwischen Rand und Schulter oder Bauch (T.
1,5, T. 4,7,9), Tpfe mit eingeglttetem und breit herausragendem
Rand oberhalb des Griffes (T. 4,5) und tassenhnliche Schalen (T.
4,8) sowie topfhnliche Formen mit einem Pseudogriff am Rand (T.
2,7) oder einer plastischen hornartigen Applikation an der Schulter (T. 3,9), wie auch grere Tpfe mit etwas ausgezogenem und
verdicktem Rand (T. 3,4, T. 5,2) vertreten.
Analogien fr Amphoren mit gerillten Griffen am Bauch (T. 4,2)
finden wir am Fundort Pikornica bei Koprivniki Ivanec (Markovi
1981, T. 6,8), und fr die kammfrmige vertikale Verzierung am
Bauch (T. 4,6) am nahe gelegenen Fundort Vratnec l bei Koprivnica
(Markovi 2003, T. 15,8-9), sowie bei den Formen der PIK aus Ungarn (Bandi 1984, T. 78,1-3).
Insbesondere ragt der graue frhvatinzeitliche Krug heraus,
mit zwei Griffen vom Rand zur Schulter und einer Verzierung am
Schulterteil, bestehend aus mit waagerechten und senkrechten Linien umrandeten Metopen, innerhalb derer sich schraffierte Drei-
51
logije obliku nalaze se u materijalu iz Surina (Vinski-Gaspatini 1973,T. 3,8), no djelomice ve i u fazi Ljuljaci I (Protovatin)
iz Bubnja kraj Nia (Bogdanovi 1996, 102, T. 2,5,7), ali priblino i meu materijalom Perjamo (Mori, Mokrin) kulture
u Mokrinu (Giri 1971, T. 12, gr. 41,1, T. 38, gr. 127,1, T. 68, gr.
259,4, vatinski pehar iz gr. 276, T. 32,2). Stilski su srodni i neukraeni primjerci amforica ranovatinske kulture iz Vinkovaca (Dizdar 2002, kat. br. 107-109). Posebno upozoravamo
na izvrsne analogije s nalazima iz Golokuta kod Vizia (Tasi
1981, T. 1,1) te Gradine na Bosutu (Tasi 1981, T. 1,6), s lokaliteta gdje postoji i ukraavanje ramenog dijela. Slini oblici,
prema N. Tasiu, ubrajaju se u glavne rane oblike vatinske
kulture (Tasi 1981, T. 5A,4-5). Meutim, pribline analogije
nalazimo jo i u materijalu kasne Perjamo kulture iz Ostojieva (Giri 1984, T.8,8). Takoer, moramo spomenuti izvrsne
analogije na Gomolavi, njezinoj fazi IVa (Petrovi 1986, 31,
kat. br. 79, 81). Za ranu vatinsku kulturu analogije i datum iz
Iloka donosi D. Lonjak-Dizdar: 1890-1730 BC, to priblino
odgovara i datumima iz Ljuljaka i Paneva (Lonjak-Dizdar
2007). N. Majnari-Pandi smatra kako je do pojave vatinske kulture dolo u razvijenoj fazi ranog bronanog doba,
kada se vatinska panevako-omoljika faza u Banatu stvara s osloncem na raniji razvoj mokrinske skupine, ali s utjecajima iz jugoistoka. Ova se kultura moe svrstati u niz tzv.
kantharos-kultura, koje se u srednjem Podunavlju javljaju u
ranom bronanom dobu, ali nastavljaju ivot i u srednjem
bronanom dobu. Njezina baza su poljoprivreda i stoarstvo, ali i razvijena metalurgija (Majnari-Pandi 1998, 179,
bilj. 34).
U akovtini ovo nisu prvi poznati nalazi niti jedne od
nabrojenih kultura. Prije je utvrena nazonost licenske
keramike na lokalitetima trbinci (Markovi 1984, 22, sl.
5,5), Vikovaki vinogradi (Markovi 1984, 22, sl. 5,6) te na
lokalitetu Grabrovac (Pavlovi 1984; Martinec 2002; Markovi 2003, 128, T. 8-9). U najnovijim zatitnim iskopavanjima
lokaliteta Selci akovaki takoer licensku keramiku, kao i
na Grabrovcu i u Novim Perkovcima, nalazimo povezanu s
3
JPIK-om (neobjavljeno). Takoer, od prije je poznata nazonost vatinske kulture (ili moda samo importa) u akovtini,
i to na lokalitetima: Satnica, Osatina i Trnava te Budrovci-Jabuanje (Markovi 1984, 23, sl. 5,8), gdje je meu sluajnim
nalazima zastupljen i PIK (Markovi 1984, sl. 5,7). U Novigradu na Savi pronaena je licenska keramika zajedno s materijalom PIK-a i razvijene vatinske kulture (Majnari-Pandi
1984, 66, sl. 3). Iz ovih analogija izuzimamo nalaz licenske
keramike i razvijene vatinske kulture iz Vinkovaca, jer se tamo oito radi ve o Belegi kulturi (Majnari-Pandi 1984,
68).
Kako je vidljivo iz ovih injenica, nalazi licenske keramike i PIK-a nisu u akovtini izuzetak ve pravilo. K tomu
moemo pribrojiti i sporadine nalaze vatinske kulture.
Prema analogijama sudei, u naem sluaju se na nalazitu
Kravina kod Novih Perkovaca blizu akova radi o ranoj fazi
vatinske kulture, to bi datiralo i posredno ostali materijal
iz jame SJ 263/264 u Br A2 stupanj, premda ovdje manjka
licenski motiv valovnice, toliko karakteristian za rane licenske stupnjeve. No isto tako se u stupanj Br A1/A2 morala
datirati jama s lokaliteta Grabrovac kod akova (licenski stupanj A-1), premda niti u njoj nije bilo valovnice, koja je pak
3. Zatitna iskopavanja u Selcima 2005. i 2006. godine vodili su Ivo Pavlovi
i Tomislav Hrak.
52
eckchen befinden (T. 5,3). Ausgezeichneten Analogien fr diese

Form begegnen wir beim Fundgut aus Surin (Vinski-Gasparini
1973, T. 3,8), zum Teil aber auch schon in der Phase Ljuljaci I (Protovatin) aus Bubanj bei Ni (Bogdanovi 1996, 102, T. 2,5,7), annhernd allerdings auch unter dem Fundgut der Perjamo- (Mori-,
Mokrin-) kultur in Mokrin (Giri 1971, T. 12, Grab 41,1, T. 38, Grab
127,1, T. 68, Grab 259,4, Vatin-Pokal aus Grab 276, T. 32,2). Stilistisch
verwandt sind auch die unverzierten Exemplare der Amphoren
der Frh-Vatin-Kultur aus Vinkovci (Dizdar 2002, Kat.-Nr. 107-109).
Vor allem sei auf die ausgezeichneten Analogien mit den Funden
aus Golokut bei Vizi (Tasi 1981, T. 1,1) sowie aus Gradina am Fluss
Bosut hingewiesen (Tasi 1981, T. 1,6) von einem Standort, wo
auch die Verzierung am Schulterteil vorkommt. hnliche Formen
gehren nach Tasi zu den bedeutendsten Frhformen der VatinKultur (Tasi 1981, T. 5A 4-5). Unterdessen begegnen wir hnlichen
Analogien auch unter den Bestnden der spten Perjamo-Kultur
aus Ostojievo (Giri 1984, T.8,8). Daneben seien die ausgezeichneten Analogien von Gomolava in ihrer Phase IVa erwhnt (Petrovi
1986, 31, Kat.-Nr. 79, 81). Analogien fr die frhe Vatin-Kultur aus
Ilok sowie ihren Zeitpunkt verffentlichte D. Lonjak-Dizdar: 18901730 BC, was sich ungefhr auch mit dem Zeitabschnitt aus Ljuljaci
und Panevo berschneidet (Lonjak-Dizdar 2007). N. MajnariPandi ist der Meinung, dass die Vatin-Kultur in der entwickelten
Stufe der Frhbronzezeit entstand, als sich im Banat in Anlehnung
an die frhere Entwicklung der Mokrin-Gruppe, aber auch unter
Einflssen aus dem Sdosten die Panevo-Omoljica-Phase der
Vatin-Kultur entfaltete. Diese Kultur lsst sich in die Reihe der sogenannten Kantharos-Kulturen einordnen, die im zentralen Donauraum in der Frhbronzezeit vorgekommen waren, aber auch bis in
die Mittelbronzezeit hinein weiter existierten. Ihre Basis bildeten
Landwirtschaft und Viehzucht, aber auch eine entwickelte Metallurgie (Majnari-Pandi 1998, 179, Funote 34).
Es sind dies nicht die ersten bekannten noch die einzigen
Funde der erwhnten Kulturen im akovo-Gebiet. Bereits vorher
war das Vorkommen der Litzenkeramik an den Fundorten trbinci
(Markovi 1984, 22, Abb. 5,5), Vikovaki vinogradi (Markovi 1984,
22, Abb. 5,6) sowie Grabrovac (Pavlovi 1984; Martinec 2002;
Markovi 2003, 128, T. 8-9) festgestellt worden. In den jngsten
Schutzgrabungen am Standort Selci akovaki finden wir Litzenkeramik genauso wie in Grabrovac und in Novi Perkovci in Verbindung mit SPIK (unverffentlicht).3 Auch das Bestehen der VatinKultur (oder vielleicht nur ihres Imports) ist im akovo-Gebiet von
frher bekannt, und zwar an folgenden Fundorten: Satnica, Osatina und Trnava sowie Budrovci-Jabuanje (Markovi 1984, 23, Abb.
5,8), wo unter den Zufallsfunden auch PIK vertreten ist (Markovi
1984, Abb. 5,7). In Novigrad na Savi wurde Litzenkeramik zusammen mit dem Fundgut der PIK und der entwickelten Vatin-Kultur
(Majnari-Pandi 1984, 66, Abb. 3) freigelegt. Von diesen Analogien ausgenommen ist der Fund der Litzen-Keramik und der entwickelten Vatin-Kultur aus Vinkovci, da es sich dort offensichtlich
schon um die Belegi-Kultur handelt (Majnari-Pandi 1984, 68).
Wie aus den angefhrten Tatsachen hervorgeht, stellen Funde von Litzenkeramik und PIK im akovo-Gebiet keine Ausnahme, sondern eher die Regel dar. Auch die sporadischen Funde der
Vatin-Kultur knnen wir hier hinzufgen. Anhand der Analogien
handelt es sich in unserem Fall, am Fundort Kravina bei Novi Perkovci in der Nhe von akovo, um die frhe Phase der Vatin-Kultur,
was indirekt auch das brige Fundgut aus der Grube SJ 263/264
in die Stufe Br A2 datieren wrde, obwohl hier das fr die frhen
Litzen-Stufen charakteristische Litzen-Motiv einer Wellenlinie
fehlt. Aber ebenso musste die Grube vom Fundort Grabrovac bei
akovo (Litzen-Stufe A-1) in die Stufe Br A1/A2 datiert werden,
obwohl auch keine Wellenlinien vorkamen, die jedoch dann im
3. Die Schutzgrabungen in Selci 2005 und 2006 wurden von Ivo Pavlovi
und Tomislav Hrak geleitet.
zabiljeena na drugom dijelu tog nalazita (Markovi 2003,

128, bilj.7), a na istom lokalitetu i u jami registrirani su i rani
okomiti otisci spletene niti. Stoga je realno nalaze iz jame SJ
263/264 na Kravini datirati u licenskokeramiki stupanj A-2,
tj. u vrijeme Br A2, kako e sugerirati i nedostatak okomitih
otisaka spletene niti, ali i ranovatinski import te nedostatak
izrazito kasnih elemenata JPIK-a ili skupine Szeremle (koja
je na lokalitetu Breki u Podgorau bila zajedno s kasnom
licenskom keramikom: Majnari-Pandi 1977, 73). Ako e se
dokazati da je tona teorija o kronolokoj prednosti motiva
valovnice u licenskoj keramici, teorijski valja pretpostaviti
postojanje tog motiva u nekom od objekata ovog nalazita
koji nisu bili zahvaeni zatitnim istraivanjima na podruju
trase meunarodne autoceste kod Novih Perkovaca 2005. i
2006. godine.
zweiten Abschnitt des Fundortes dokumentiert wurden (Markovi

2003, 128, Funote 7), und am gleichen Standort und in derselben
Grube wurden auch frhe vertikale Abdrcke eines geflochtenen
Fadens registriert. Daher ist es realistisch, die Funde aus der Grube
SJ 263/264 von Kravina in die Stufe A-2 der Litzenkeramik, d.h. in
die Zeit Br A2 zu datieren, worauf wohl schon das Ausbleiben der
vertikalen Abdrcke der geflochtenen Fden, aber auch der Import der Frh-Vatin-Kultur sowie das Fehlen der ausdrcklich spten Elemente der SPIK oder der Gruppe Szeremle (die am Standort Podgora zusammen mit der spten Litzenkeramik vorkam:
Majnari-Pandi 1977, 73) hinweisen. Sollte sich die Theorie ber
den chronologischen Vorrang des Motivs der Wellenlinie in der
Litzenkeramik als richtig erweisen, so knnte man theoretisch die
Existenz dieses Motivs in einem der Objekte an diesem Fundort,
die in die Schutzgrabungen im Gebiet der Trasse der internationalen Autobahnstrecke bei Novi Perkovci 2005 und 2006 nicht mit
einbezogen waren, vermuten.
LITERATURA / LITERATUR :
Bandi G., 1984, Die Kultur der Transdanubischen Inkrustierten Keramik,
u: Kulturen der Frhbronzezeit des Karpatebeckens und Nordbalkans, ed. N. Tasi, Balkanoloki institut SANU, Posebna izdanja 22,
Serija Balcano-Pannonica, Beograd, 267-281.
Benkovsky-Pivovarova Z., 1981, Zum neuesten Forschungsstand ueber die Litzenkeramik in Oesterreich, MittArchInst 2, Budapest,
29-38, T. 1-4.
Bogdanovi M., 1996, Mittelserbien in der Bronzezeit und die VattinaKultur, u: The Yugoslav Danube Basin and the neighbouring Regions
in the 2nd millenium B.C., ed. N. Tasi, Serbian Academy of Science and Arts, Institute for Balcan Studies, Special Editions No 65,
Belgrade-Vrac, 97-108.
Bona I., 1975, Die mittlere Bronzezeit Ungarns und ihre suedoestlichen Beziehungen, ArchHung s.n. IL, Budapest
Dizdar M., 2002, Bronano doba, u: Iz kolijevke rimskih careva-Vinkovci u
svijetu arheologije, katalog izlobe,Vinkovci, 31-37.
Giri M., 1971, Mokrin, nekropola ranog bronzanog doba, DissMonB XI,
Kikinda- Beograd
Giri M. 1984, Die Maros (Moris, Mures)-Kultur, u: Kulturen der Frhbronzezeit des Karpatebeckens und Nordbalkans, ed. N. Tasi, Balkanoloki
institut SANU, Posebna izdanja 22, Serija Balcano-Pannonica, Beograd, 33-58.
Lonjak Dizdar D., 2007, A Contribution to Understanding the Relations
(or Lack of Relations) between the Croatian Danube Region and
the Aegean at the Beginning of the Second Millenium BC, u:
Between the Aegean and Baltic Seas, Prehistory across borders, ed.
I. Galanaki, H. Tomas, Y. Galanakis, R. Laffineur, Proceedings of the
International Conference: Bronze and Early Iron Age Interconnections and Contemporary Developments between the Aegean
and the Regions of the Balkan Peninsula, Central and Northern
Europe, University of Zagreb, 11-14 April 2005, Aegaeum 27, Liege,
315-322.
Majnari-Pandi N., 1977, Prilog problematici licenske keramike u Jugoslaviji, AVes 27/1976, Ljubljana, 68-96.
Majnari-Pandi N., 1998, Bronano i eljezno doba, u: Dimitrijevi S.,
Teak-Gregl T., Majnari-Pandi N., Prapovijest, Zagreb, 161-358.
Markovi Z., 1981, Novi prilozi poznavanju prethistorije u Podravini, PodrZb 81, Koprivnica, 193-213.
Markovi Z., 1984, Neka pitanja neolitika, eneolitika i bronanog doba
naikog kraja i akovtine, IzdanjaHAD 9, Zagreb, 13-29.
Markovi Z., 2003, O genezi i poecima licenskokeramike kulture u sjevernoj Hrvatskoj, OpuscA 27, Zagreb, 117-150.
Markovi Z., Boti K., 2006, Zatitna arheoloka iskopavanja kod Novih
Perkovaca, ObavijestiHAD XXXVIII/3, Zagreb, 49-53.
Markovi Z., Boti K., 2007, Lokalitet: Kravina, HAG 3, Zagreb, 18-20.
Martinec M., 2002, Bronanodobna naseobinska jama s lokaliteta Grabrovac, OpuscA 26, Zagreb, 275-312.
Pavlovi I., 1984, Rezultati arheolokih iskopavanja na lokalitetu Grabrovac u god. 1980, IzdanjaHAD 9, Zagreb, 53-61.
Petrovi J., 1986, Bronzano doba, u: Gomolava, katalog izlobe, Novi Sad,
31-35.
imi J., 2000, Kulturne skupine s inkrustiranom keramikom u bronanom
dobu sjeveroistone Hrvatske, Biblioteka Slavonije i Baranje 2,
Zagreb-Osijek
Tasi N., 1981, Die Vatin-Kultur und ihr chronologhisches Verhaeltnis zu
den Kulturen von Vinkovci und Mori und zur Kultur der Transdanubichen inkrustierten Keramik, MittArchInst 2, Budapest,
199-206, T. 1-5.
Tomii ., 1985, Sumarni osvrt na rezultate arheolokih istraivanja
prostora Meimurja u razdoblju od 1972. do 1982. godine (II),
MuzVjes 8, Koprivnica, 26-36.
Vinski-Gasparini K.,1973, Kultura polja sa arama u sjevernoj Hrvatskoj,
Monografije 1, Zadar
53
T. 1
3
2
T. 1: Novi Perkovci-Kravina, SJ 263/264
54
T. 2
55
T. 3
4
5
10
56
T. 4
1
2
4
3
7
8
10
57
T. 5
58
Sluajni nalaz bronanog pojasa iz naselja Makovac-Crinjevi (Nova Gradika)

Zufallsfund eines Bronzegrtels aus der Siedlung Makovac-Crinjevi (Nova Gradika)
SNJEANA KARAVANI
10 000 Zagreb
snjezana.karavanic@iarh.hr

UDK/UDC 903.05:671.22](497.5 Makovac)637
U radu se analizira sluajni nalaz bronanog pojasa iz naselja Makovac-Crinjevi kod Nove
Gradike koji je ukraen nizovima sitno iskucanih toaka. Na osnovi analize tehnike i motiva
ukraavanja donose se paralele sa slinim nalazima u regiji i srednjoj Europi. Pretpostavlja se, na
osnovi nalaza iz ostave Makovac, da je u naselju postojao jo jedan pojas koji svojim motivima i
nainom ukraavanja nalikuje pojasu iz Slavonskog Broda Livadieva ulica.
Kljune rijei: bronano doba, Makovac, naselje, pojas, nonja
Im vorliegenden Beitrag wird der Zufallsfund eines mit Reihen von punzierten Pnktchen verzierten Bronzegrtels aus der Siedlung Makovac-Crinjevi bei Nova Gradika analysiert. Anhand der
Analyse der Ziertechnik und -motive werden Parallelen zu hnlichen Funden in der Region sowie in
Mitteleuropa gezogen. Die Hortfunde aus Makovac lassen darauf schlieen, dass es in der Siedlung
einen weiteren Grtel gab, dessen Motive und Verzierungen dem Grtel aus der Livadieva-Strae
in Slavonski Brod hnlich sind.
Schlsselwrter: Bronzezeit, Makovac, Siedlung, Grtel, Tracht
Godine 1997. poelo se sa sustavnim istraivanjima lokaliteta Makovac-Crinjevi, o ijim smo rezultatima ve izvjetavali u znanstvenim publikacijama (Karavani, Mihaljevi
2001; Karavani et al. 2002; Karavani 2005). Te je godine
jedan od studenata arheologije na povrini zemlje, nedaleko od sonde, pronaao dobro ouvani bronani predmet
za kojega se pretpostavljalo da je pripadao ostavi iskopanoj
sluajno na oblinjoj oranici (Karavani, Mihaljevi 2001).
Pretpostavka je da se radi o ukraenome bronanom pojasu (sl. 1).
Im Jahr 1997 begannen systematische Ausgrabungen am

Fundort Makovac-Crinjevi, von deren Ergebnissen bereits in
wissenschaftlichen Publikationen berichtet wurde (Karavani,
Mihaljevi 2001; Karavani et al. 2002; Karavani 2005). Dieses Jahr
fand ein Archologiestudent an der Erdoberflche in der Nhe des
Sondageschnitts einen gut erhaltenen bronzenen Gegenstand,
von dem man vermutete, dass er zu den zufllig auf dem benachbarten Acker ausgegrabenen Hortfunden gehrte (Karavani,
Mihaljevi 2001). Vermutlich handelt es sich um einen verzierten
Bronzegrtel (Abb. 1).
Bronani pojas je ouvan u cjelini. Njegov opseg je oko

40 cm, a irina 4,5 cm. Na svojoj prednjoj strani ima ukras
izveden iskucavanjem (tzv. getribenes Dekor prema I. Kilian-Dirlmeier (1975)). Nizovi toaka nalaze se uz gornji i donji
rub, a sa strane i u sredini je u istoj tehnici izvedeni motiv
sunanog sata. Te motive povezuju dva unakrsno postavljena niza toaka. Sa strane se nalaze tri okomita niza toaka
kojima se zavrava prednji ukraeni dio pojasa. Na nekim
drugim pojasevima na ovom su se mjestu nalazile rupice
za zakovice pomou kojih se bronani pojas privrivao na
konu ili tekstilnu podlogu. Na stranjoj strani pojas nije bio
ukraen nego je bio spojen bronanim trakama, tako da je
Der Bronzegrtel ist vollstndig erhalten. Sein Umfang betrgt ca. 40 cm, seine Breite 4,5 cm. An der Vorderseite weist er
eine durch Punzierung angebrachte Verzierung auf (sogenanntes
getriebenes Dekor nach I. Kilian-Dirlmeier (1975)). Die Punktreihen
befinden sich am oberen und unteren Rand, whrend an den Seiten und in der Mitte in der gleichen Technik das Motiv einer Sonnenuhr erscheint. Diese Motive verbinden zwei gekreuzte Punktreihen. An den Seiten befinden sich drei vertikale Punktreihen,
in denen das verzierte Vorderteil des Grtels endet. An einigen
anderen Grteln befanden sich an dieser Stelle kleine Lcher fr
Nieten, mit welchen der Bronzegrtel auf einer Leder- oder Textilunterlage befestigt wurde. An der hinteren Seite war der Grtel
nicht verziert, sondern mit Bronzebndern verbunden, so dass es
59
S. KARAVANI, Sluajni nalaz bronanog pojasa iz naselja Makovac-Crinjevi (Nova Gradika), Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 59-67.
Sl. 1 Bronani pojas iz naselja Makovac-Crinjevi

Abb. 1 Bronzegrtel aus Siedlung Makovac-Crinjevi
dosta upitno njegovo otvaranje i zatvaranje.

Za ukraavanje pojaseva i njihovo privrivanje na organsku podlogu sluili su razliiti tipovi predmeta. Prije
svega, valja spomenuti pojasne kope koje predstavljaju
dio remena, a sluile su za njegovo privrivanje i zakopavanje. One se sastoje od kuke ili trna i dijela koji se privrivao na stvarni remen ili pojas. Slinu konstrukciju imaju
tzv. Blechgrtel koji se razlikuju po veliini. Pojasevi od lima
sastoje se u cijeloj duini od trake od metalnog lima koja je
na jednome kraju imala kuku, a na drugom rupice. Postoje
jednostavne kope koje su imale samo kuku za privrivanje, dok su drugi tipovi s ploicom imali s jedne strane kuku,
a s druge male rupice za zakovice pomou kojih se kopa
privrivala na koni ili tekstilni pojas (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975,
1, Abb. 1). Postojao je jo jedan trn ispod ploice koji je mogao imati funkciju kuke.
Posebno pitanje je ono o proizvodnji pojasnih kopi i
pojaseva. Izravni dokaz za njihovu proizvodnju su kalupi za
lijevanje metala koji su pronaeni, npr. na prostoru Karpatske kotline na lokalitetu Tiszafred (David 2002, Abb. 2,1) i
Pecica (David 2002, Abb. 2,6-7). Proizvodnja pojasnih kopi
sastojala se od proizvodnje kalupa, lijevanja predmeta i njegove prerade te finijeg ukraavanja. Dijelovi ukrasa, kao to
su npr. rebra, bili su takoer lijevani, dok su drugi motivi bili
izvedeni graviranjem ili punciranjem (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975,
2). Pretpostavlja se da su za ovaj proces bila potrebna posebna radionika mjesta, najvjerojatnije u naseljima.
60
fraglich ist, wie er geffnet oder geschlossen wurde.

Zur Verzierung von Grteln und ihrer Befestigung auf organischen Unterlagen dienten verschiedene Typen von Gegenstnden. Vor allem seien Grtelschlieen erwhnt, die ein Bestandteil
des Grtels waren und zum Befestigen und Zuschnallen des Grtels dienten. Sie bestehen aus einem Haken oder Dorn und einem
Teil, der an dem eigentlichen Riemen oder Grtel befestigt wurde.
Eine hnliche Konstruktion haben die sogenannten Blechgrtel,
die sich der Gre nach unterscheiden. Blechgrtel bestehen in
ihrer gesamten Lnge aus einem Band aus Metallblech, der an
einem Ende einen Haken und am anderen Ende Lcher hatte. Es
gibt einfache Schnallen mit nur einem Haken zur Befestigung,
whrend andere Typen mit einem Plttchen auf einer Seite einen
Haken, auf der anderen Seite kleine Lcher fr Nieten hatte, mit
denen die Schnalle an dem Leder- oder Textilgrtel befestigt wurde (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, 1, Abb. 1). Es gab noch einen Dorn unter
dem Plttchen, der als Haken gedient haben drfte.
Ein Sonderthema stellt die Herstellung von Grtelschnallen
und Grteln dar. Ein unmittelbarer Beweis dafr sind Metallguformen, die etwa im Karpatenbecken am Fundort Tiszafred (David 2002, Abb. 2,1) und Pecica (David 2002, Abb. 2,6-7) gefunden
wurden. Die Produktion der Grtelschnallen bestand aus der
Herstellung der Guformen, dem Gieen der Gegenstnde, ihrer
Bearbeitung und Feinverzierung. Teile der Verzierungen, wie zum
Beispiel die Rippen, waren ebenfalls gegossen, whrend andere
Motive graviert oder punziert wurden (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, 2).
Vermutlich brauchte man fr diesen Prozess besondere Werksttten, die sich wahrscheinlich in den Siedlungen befanden.
S. KARAVANI, Zufallsfund eines Bronzegrtels aus der Siedlung Makovac-Crinjevi (Nova Gradika), Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 59-67.
Pojasne kope kulture polja sa arama mogle su biti lijevane, kovane ili izrezane od jednog komada lima (KilianDirlmeier 1975, 2). Za kope tipa Mrigen sigurno je da su
bile lijevane jer postoji jedan nalaz kalupa s nalazita Brison-St. Innocent (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, 80, T. 26,310). Ukrasna rebra na ovoj kopi su izvedena lijevanjem. Lijevane su
bile i pojasne kope tipa Wangen, Untereberfing i Wilten varijante 1, koje su djelomino bile ukraene urezanim i punciranim ukrasom (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, 2). Drugu fazu obrade
pojasnih kopi kovanjem pokazuju kope tipa Larnaud, Mhlau, Wilten varijante 2, Grnwald i Volders (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, 3). Treu fazu proizvodnje predstavljaju pojasne
kope koje su bile izrezane od jednog komada lima, a to su
tipovi Kelheim i Unterhaching. One su poslije bile ukraavane urezivanjem ili punciranjem. Njihova je proizvodnja
bila izvediva s vrlo jednostavnim sredstvima. O proizvodnji
tzv. Blechgrtel malo se moe rei samo na osnovi njihovih
vanjskih obiljeja. I. Kilian-Dirlmeier (1975, 3, T. 53,481-482)
spominje trake od lima koje pokazuju vrlo jasne tragove kovanja. Obje potjeu iz eke, a to su Drslavice i Lhotka Liblinska (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, 116). Ukraavanje pojasa od lima
moglo se provesti samo nakon gotova oblikovanja pojasa.
Kombinacija punciranih toaka i motiva urezanih linija karakteristina je za pojaseve tipa Sieding-Szeged. isti urezani ukras, djelomino zajedno s nizovima punciranih toaka,
zapoeo je na pojasevima tipa Riegsee rane kulture polja
sa arama. Ukrasi iz nizova gusto postavljenih punciranih
toaka na prednjoj strani pojasa poinju se javljati na pojasevima rane i starije kulture polja sa arama.
Prvi pojasevi, koji se mogu dovesti u vezu s kulturom
grobnih humaka, su pojasevi tipa Sieding-Szeged. Ovi pojasevi izraeni su od jedne elastine bronane trake koja
se prema krajevima suava. Pojas se zakopavao kukicom
na kraju. Ukraen je uglavnom bradaviastim izboenjem
(Buckel) kojeg okruuju ravni ili ee valoviti nizovi urezanih linija (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, 100). Predstavnici ovog tipa
pojasa su bronani pojasevi iz Siedinga (Kilian-Dirlmeier
1975, 100, T. 36-37; Neugebauer 1994, Abb. 88,3) i Pittena
(Neugebauer 1994, Abb. 88,2; Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, 101, T.
38-39). Datirani su u srednju fazu kulture grobnih humaka u
istonoj Austriji i Moravskoj. S istog podruja potjee i dijadem iz groba 26a u Pittenu (Neugebauer 1994, Abb. 87, Abb.
88,1) koji je ukraen samo urezanim ukrasom to ve nagovjetava motive koji se javljaju na pojasevima kulture polja
sa arama izvedenim tehnikom urezivanja. Inae, na groblju
Pitten pronaena su sveukupno tri dijadema, ovaj u grobu
26, drugi u grobu 111 i jedan kao sluajan nalaz (Neugebauer 1994, 152). Istim nainom ukraena je i jedna ukrasna
ploica u obliku maltekog kria (Neugebauer 1994, Abb.
86,2). Jedan nalaz ovog tipa pojasa potjee iz Chotina u Slovakoj (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, 100, T. 36-37). On se razlikuje
od austrijskih primjeraka po nizu dvostrukih spiralnih motiva koji prate urezanu valovitu liniju i bradaviasta izboenja.
Najvea gustoa pojaseva ovog tipa nalazi se na podruju
dananje Maarske, a to su nalazi iz Szentesa, Csabrendeka, nepoznatog nalazita Maarska, Debrecena-Fancsika,
Szegeda, Doroszme (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, 101). Jedan nalaz
ovog tipa pojasa postoji na podruju dananje Srbije i to je
Grtelschlieen der Urnenfelderkultur konnten gegossen,

geschmiedet oder aus einem Stck Blech ausgeschnitten sein
(Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, 2). Fr die Schnallen des Typus Mrigen ist
es gewiss, dass sie gegossen wurden, wie der Fund einer Guform
vom Fundort Brison-St. Innocent belegt (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, 80,
T. 26,310). Die Zierrippen an dieser Platte sind gegossen. Gegossen wurden auch die Grtelschnallen der Typen Wangen, Untereberfing und Wilten, Variante 1, die teilweise mit eingeritzter und
punzierter Verzierung geschmckt waren (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975,
2). Die zweite Phase der Verarbeitung der Grtelschnallen das
Schmieden belegen Schnallen der Typen Larnaud, Mhlau, Wilten- Variante 2, Grnwald und Volders (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, 3).
Die dritte Herstellungsphase stellten Grtelschnallen dar, die aus
einem Stck Blech ausgeschnitten wurden, dies sind die Typen
Kelheim und Unterhaching. Sie wurden nachtrglich durch Einritzung oder Punzierung verziert. Ihre Produktion konnte mit uerst
einfachen Mitteln erfolgen. ber die Herstellung der Blechgrtel
kann man nur aufgrund ihrer ueren Merkmale wenig sagen. I.
Kilian-Dirlmeier (1975, 3, T. 53,481-482) erwhnt Blechbnder, die
klare Schmiedespuren aufweisen. Die beiden stammen aus Bhmen, und zwar aus Drslavice und Lhotka Liblinska (Kilian-Dirlmeier
1975, 116). Das Verzieren der Blechgrtel war erst nach der Fertigstellung der Grtelform mglich. Eine Kombination mit punzierten Punkten und eingeritzten Linien ist fr die Grtel des Typus
Sieding-Szeged charakteristisch. Die reine eingeritzte Verzierung,
teilweise mit Reihen von punzierten Punkten, begann an Grteln
des Typus Riegsee der frhen Urnenfelderkultur. Verzierungen
aus Reihen von dicht aneinander gereihten punzierten Punkten
an der Vorderseite des Grtels kommen zuerst an den Grteln der
frhen und der lteren Urnenfelderkultur vor.
Die ersten Grtel, die in Verbindung mit der Hgelgrberkultur
gebracht werden knnen, sind Grtel des Typus Sieding-Szeged.
Diese Grtel sind aus einem elastischen Bronzeband angefertigt,
das an den Enden schmaler wird. Der Grtel wird mit einem kleinen Haken am Ende zugeschnallt. Er ist meistens mit einem Buckel verziert, der mit flachen oder hufiger wellenfrmigen Reihen
von eingeritzten Linien verziert ist (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, 100).
Diese Grtelformen sind durch Bronzegrtel aus Sieding (KilianDirlmeier 1975, 100, T. 36-37; Neugebauer 1994, Abb. 88,3) und
Pitten (Neugebauer 1994, Abb. 88,2; Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, 101,
T. 38-39) vertreten. Sie wurden in die mittlere Phase der Hgelgrberkultur in Oststerreich und Mhren datiert. Aus demselben
Gebiet stammt auch das Diadem aus Grab 26a in Pitten (Neugebauer 1994, Abb. 87, Abb. 88,1), das nur mit Einritzungen verziert
ist, was bereits die Motive an den Grteln der Urnenfelderkultur in
Ritztechnik, ankndigt. Ansonsten wurden am Grberfeld Pitten
insgesamt drei Diademe gefunden, das bereits erwhnte im Grab
26, das zweite im Grab 111 und eines als Zufallsfund (Neugebauer
1994, 152). Mit der gleichen Verzierungsmethode ist auch ein Zierplttchen in Form eines Malteserkreuzes geschmckt (Neugebauer 1994, Abb. 86,2). Ein Fund von diesem Grteltypus stammt aus
Chotin in der Slowakei (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, 100, T. 36-37). Er unterscheidet sich von den sterreichischen Exemplaren durch eine
Reihe von Doppelspiralmotiven, die der eingeritzten Wellenlinie
und den Buckeln folgen. Am dichtesten ist dieser Grteltypus auf
dem Territorium des heutigen Ungarn verbreitet, dabei handelt
es sich um die Funde aus Szentes, Csabrendek, vom unbekannten Fundort Ungarn, von Debrecen-Fancsik, Szeged, Doroszma
(Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, 101). Ein Grtel dieses Typus wurde auch
auf dem Gebiet des heutigen Serbien gefunden und zwar in Kriva
61
nalaz iz Krive Reke, koji u potpunosti odgovara tipu SiedingSzeged. Bronani pojas iz Szegeda ini se osobito zanimljivim, budui da osim uobiajenog naina ukraavanja karakteristinog za pojaseve ovog tipa nosi na sebi jo i motive
koji se kasnije javljaju na pojasevima i bronanim limovima
kulture polja sa arama to ih je I. Kilian-Dirlmeier (1975, T.
67-68) izdvojila kao pojaseve ukraene punciranjem. to se
tie pojasa tipa Sieding-Szeged, moe se na osnovi zatvorenih grobnih cjelina zakljuiti kako su ga nosili i mukarci
i ene, s tim da su ga kod ena pratile dvije igle, narukvica i
ogrlica. Grobni nalaz iz Csabrendeka s maem i kopljem govori u prilog tome da su ga nosili i mukarci (Kilian-Dirlmeier
1975, 102).
Prvi pojasevi kulture polja sa arama su oni tipa Riegsee
(Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, 104). Meutim, svi primjerci ovog tipa su fragmentirani pa je teko rei kakav je tono bio njihov oblik. Na osnovi fragmenata mogue je rei da se pojas
sastojao od jedne relativno jake trake lima koja je dobivena
kovanjem izlivenog komada. Jeziasti zavretak imao je na
kraju dugaku kuku, dok nam oblik drugog kraja pojasa nije poznat. Na duim stranama lim je kovanjem presavijen
kako bi se limeni pojas mogao privrstiti na podlogu od
organskog materijala. Pojasevi ovog tipa bili su ukraeni
motivom urezanih spirala postavljenim u pravilne redove.
Izmeu njih nalazili su se jo redovi urezanih linija ili toaka (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, 104). Ovom tipu pojaseva pripadaju primjerci sa sljedeih lokaliteta: Westendorf, Riegsee,
Uffing, Zips (Spi?), Drslavice, Volders, Lengyeltti, Velvary,
Riegerau, Haag (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 42,413-415,417-419,
T. 43,420-427). Kao to je vidljivo iz ovdje nabrojanih lokaliteta, sredite rasprostranjenosti ovih tipova pojasa nalazilo
se na podruju june Bavarske i sjevernog Tirola (KilianDirlmeier 1975, 106). Tu je sasvim sigurno bilo i radioniko
sredite, ali je to teko dokazati konkretnim nalazima kao i
kod maa tipa Riegsee. O datiranju ovog tipa pojasa moe
se samo rei kako pripada samom poetku kulture polja sa
arama i stupnju Riegsee ili Tirol I, to odgovara stupnju Br
D prema srednjoeuropskoj kronologiji.
Jo je jedan tip pojasa karakteristian za ranu kulturu
polja sa arama, a to je onaj ukraen punciranjem. I. KilianDirlmeier (1975, 107) istie da je tehnika ukraavanja i motiva glavna znaajka ovog tipa pojasa. Podjela na tipove i
inaice na osnovi tog ukrasa nije mogua prema njezinu miljenju. Zanimljivo je da primjerci ovog tipa pojasa potjeu
upravo iz Hrvatske, npr. pojas iz Slavonskog Broda-Livadieva ulica 7 (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T.44/45,428; Mikiv 1982,
T. 7,7-8). Pojas potjee iz ostave koja je pronaena u posudi,
a popraen je brojnim nalazima orua, oruja i nakita (Mikiv 1982). U vezi s ovim pojasom je jo jedan nalaz iz Makovca, ovaj put iz analizirane i objavljene ostave (Karavani,
Mihaljevi 2001, T. 9,1). To je komad bronanog lima koji je
opisan kao dio bronanog okova za drvene ciste (Karavani,
Mihaljevi 2001, 11, 13-14). Ali, ve se u toj objavi ukazalo na
sekundarnu upotrebu ovog komada lima. Pretpostavlja se
da je konani predmet nastao iz ulomaka razliito ukraenih
bronanih limova koji svojim nainom i motivima ukraavanja podsjeaju na ove pojaseve s poetka kulture polja sa
arama. Tako sada u Makovcu moemo raunati na dva po-
62
Reka, der vollstndig dem Typus Sieding-Szeged entspricht. Der

Bronzegrtel aus Szeged scheint besonders interessant zu sein,
da er neben der gewhnlichen, fr diesen Grteltypus charakteristischen Verzierungsart auch Motive aufweist, die erst spter an
Grteln und Bronzeblechen der Urnenfelderkultur vorkommen,
die I. Kilian-Dirlmeier (1975, T. 67-68) als die mit Punzierung verzierten Grtel klassifizierte. Zum Grtel des Typus Sieding-Szeged
lsst sich aufgrund der geschlossenen Grabanlagen schlieen,
dass sie sowohl von Mnnern als auch von Frauen getragen wurden, wobei sie bei Frauen von zwei Fibeln, einem Ohrring und
einer Halskette begleitet wurden. Der Grabfund aus Csabrendek
mit Schwert und Lanze spricht dafr, dass sie auch von Mnnern
getragen wurden (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, 102).
Die ersten Grtel der Urnenfelderkultur sind die des Typus
Riegsee (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, 104). Allerdings sind alle Exemplare dieses Typus nur bruchstckhaft erhalten, so dass es schwer zu
sagen ist, welche Form sie genau hatten. Anhand der Fragmente
kann man sagen, dass der Grtel aus einem relativ starken Blechband bestand, das durch Schmieden eines gegossenen Stckes
angefertigt wurde. Das zungenfrmige Ende hatte einen langen
Haken, whrend die Form des anderen Grtelendes nicht bekannt
ist. An den lngeren Seiten wurde das Blech durch Schmieden
gebogen, um den Blechgrtel an einen Hintergrund aus organischem Material befestigen zu knnen. Grtel dieses Typus waren
mit einem Motiv eingeritzter Spiralenreihen verziert. Dazwischen
befanden sich auch Reihen von eingeritzten Linien oder Punkten
(Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, 104). Zu diesem Grteltypus gehren die
Exemplare von den folgenden Fundorten: Westendorf, Riegsee,
Uffing, Zips, Drslavice, Volders, Lengyeltti, Velvary, Riegerau,
Haag (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 42,413-415,417-419, T. 43,420-427).
Wie aus den hier aufgezhlten Fundorten ersichtlich wird, liegt
das Verbreitungszentrum dieser Grteltypen im Gebiet von Sdbayern und Nordtirol (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, 106). Hier befand sich
ganz sicher auch ein Werkstattzentrum, was aber genauso wie
beim Schwert des Typus Riegsee schwer durch konkrete Funde
zu belegen ist. Zur Datierung dieses Grteltypus kann man nur
sagen, dass sie zum Anfang der Urnenfelderkultur und der Stufe
Riegsee oder Tirol I gehren, was der Stufe Br D nach der mitteleuropischen Chronologie entspricht.
Ein weiterer Grteltypus ist fr die frhe Urnenfelderkultur
charakteristisch, und zwar der durch Punzierung verzierte Typus.
I. Kilian-Dirlmeier (1975, 107) weist darauf hin, dass die Technik der
Verzierung und die Motive das Hauptmerkmal dieses Grteltypus
sind. Eine Klassifizierung in verschiedene Typen und Varianten
anhand der Verzierung ist ihrer Meinung nach nicht mglich. Es
ist interessant, dass die Exemplare dieses Grteltypus direkt aus
Kroatien stammen, zum Beispiel der Grtel aus der Livadi-Strae
7 in Slavonski Brod (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T.44/45,428; Mikiv 1982,
T. 7,7-8). Der Grtel stammt aus einer Gefdeponierung und wurde durch zahlreiche andere Hortfunde von Gerten, Waffen und
Schmuck begleitet (Mikiv 1982). Im Zusammenhang mit diesem
Grtel steht ein weiterer Fund aus Makovac, dieses Mal aus einem analysierten und verffentlichten Hort (Karavani, Mihaljevi
2001, T. 9,1). Es ist ein Stck Bronzeblech, das als Teil eines Bronzebeschlags fr Holzziste beschrieben wurde (Karavani, Mihaljevi
2001, 11, 13-14). Jedoch wurde bereits in dieser Verffentlichung
auf die sekundre Verwendung des Blechstcks hingewiesen.
Vermutlich ist das Endprodukt aus Fragmenten unterschiedlich
verzierter Bronzeblechstcke entstanden, die durch ihre Verzierungstechnik und Motive an die Grtel vom Anfang der Urnen-
Sl. 2 Bronani okov drvenih cisti iz ostave Makovac-Crinjevi (prema Karavani, Mihaljevi 2001, T. 9,1)
Abb. 2 Bronzebeschlag fr Holzziste vom Hort Makovac-Crinjevi (nach Karavani, Mihaljevi 2001, T. 9,1)
jasa koja su razliito ukraena. Ovaj nalaz iz Makovca (sl. 2)

ukazuje na povezanost novogradikog i brodskoposavskog
prostora na poetku kulture polja sa arama.
Zanimljiva je jedino injenica da su majstori upotrijebili komade jednog, tako rijetko nalaenog dijela nonje kao
to je taj pojas, za izradu druge vrste predmeta. Naime, malo je vjerojatno kako je taj ukras nastao naknadno, preko ve
iskucanih veih bradaviastih izboenja. Motivi ukrasa na
ovom pojasu odgovaraju ulomku iz ostave Slavonski BrodLivadieva ulica (Mikiv 1982, T. 7,7), a djelomino i onom
na velikom cjelovitom pojasu (Mikiv 1982, T. 8). To odgovara shematskom prikazu koji daje I. Kilian-Dirlmeier (1975, T.
67-68). Motivi u nizu ili u redovima koji se javljaju na pojasu
iz Makovca su klasificirani kao B1, B2, B12, a pojavljuju se jo
i samostalni motivi (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 68,1-3).
Drugi lokaliteti na kojima su naeni slini pojasevi
su Drslavice-ostava I (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T.44,429, T.
43,430-431, T. 44,433-434,437-438, T. 45,440-441,443-444, T.
46,452-453,456, T. 47,446,448-450) i Drslavice-ostava II/1963
(Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 46,455,457), zatim Peinci (KilianDirlmeier 1975, T. 43,432), Felsdobsza (Moszolics 1985, T.
47,33), Apagy (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 44,436, T. 46,451),
Novi Beej (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 45,439), Kamk nad
Vlatavou, ostava u posudi (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 45,442),
Maarska (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 46,445), Nyrbogdny
(Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 47,447), Bozsk (Kilian-Dirlmei-
felderkultur erinnern. Demzufolge knnen wir in Makovac mit

zwei unterschiedlich verzierten Grteln rechnen. Der Fund aus
Makovac (Abb. 2) weist auf den Zusammenhang zwischen dem
Territorium von Nova Gradika und Brodska Posavina am Anfang
der Urnenfelderkultur hin.
Interessanterweise haben die Meister Stcke eines seltenen
Teils der Tracht des Grtels verwendet, um einen vllig anderen Gegenstand herzustellen. Es ist nmlich kaum anzunehmen,
dass die Verzierung nachtrglich ber den schon punzierten greren Buckeln angebracht wurde. Die Verzierungsmotive an diesem Grtel entsprechen dem Fragment vom Hort Slavonski BrodLivadieva ulica (Mikiv 1982, T. 7,7), und zum Teil auch dem Motiv
an dem vllig erhaltenen groen Grtel (Mikiv 1982, T. 8). Dies
entspricht der schematischen Darstellung von Kilian-Dirlmeier
(1975, T. 67-68). Die aufeinander folgenden oder aneinander gereihten Motive, die am Grtel aus Makovac vorkommen, wurden
als B1, B2, B12 klassifiziert, und es kommen auch selbstndige Motive vor (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 68,1-3).
Weitere Fundorte hnlicher Grtel sind Drslavice-Hort I (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T.44,429, T. 43,430-431, T. 44,433-434,437-438,
T. 45,440-441,443-444, T. 46,452-453,456, T. 47,446,448-450) und
Drslavice-Hort II/1963 (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 46,455,457), dann
Peinci (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 43,432), Felsdobsza (Moszolics
1985, T. 47,33), Apagy (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 44,436, T. 46,451),
Novi Beej (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 45,439), Kamk nad Vlatavou,
Hort im Gef (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 45,442), Ungarn (KilianDirlmeier 1975, T. 46,445), Nyrbogdny (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975,
T. 47,447), Bozsk (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 46,454). Diesen Fun-
63
er 1975, T. 46,454). Tim nalazima potrebno je jo pridodati

nalaze iz ostave Poleovice (Sala 1997, T. 24,601-614,841, T.
25,615-621). Meu nalazima iz ostave Poleovice, M. Sala vidi
dva razliito ukraena tipa koja dijeli prema I. Kilian-Dirlmeier (1975) na pojaseve s tzv. gepunztem Dekor i na one s
getriebenem Dekor (Sala 1997, 42). Kod dva su primjerka
ouvane kukice za privrivanje pojasa na organsku podlogu (Sala 1997, T. 24,614, T. 25,620), s tim da je primjerak na T.
25,620 neukraen, pa ga M. Sala (1997, 42) zbog toga ne pripisuje niti jednom od navedenih tipova, nego pretpostavlja
da se radi o poluproizvodu. Sudei prema nalazu iz Makovca nisu samo neukraeni dijelovi sluili kao poluproizvodi,
nego i polomljeni ukraeni dijelovi pojasa. Jo je jedan primjerak dosta deformiran i polomljen (Sala 1997, T. 25,621).
Prema M. Salau (1997, 42) tipu s tzv. gepunztem Dekor
u ostavi Poleovice pripadalo je 16 dijelova i fragmenata, a
prema kompoziciji ukraavanja i irini izdvajaju se fragmenti
pod brojem 607, 608 i 614 kao jedan poseban pojas, a dijelovi 610-611 kao drugi pojas. Ako se izostave manji fragmenti 602 i 604, onda bi se itava kolekcija sastojala od oko 12
razliitih pojasa od lima. Njihova prvobitna irina je varirala
izmeu 90 i 132 mm, a debljina lima od 0,4 do 0,7 mm (Sala 1997, 42). Meu uglavnom fragmentiranim pojasevima
izdvajaju se dva bolje ouvana primjerka od 590 mm duine
(Sala 1997, T. 24,603) i jedan od 448 mm duine (Sala 1997,
T. 24,612b). Oba su primjerka bila prvobitno zarolana, s tim
da je kod br. 612 bio ouvan komad jantara (Sala 1997, 42).
U slinom stanju bio je i primjerak br. 605 (Sala 1997, T. 24)
koji je zanimljiv po tome to je bio naknadno popravljan,
a to govori o vrijednosti ovakvog dijela nonje i njegovoj
cijenjenosti od strane nositelja. Na isti nain je popravljan
jedan primjerak pojasa iz maarske ostave Mrok (Mozsolics 1985, 147, T. 92,36). U vezi s tim, M. Sala navodi (Sala
1997, 42) kako veina poznatih ulomaka iz ostava Drslavice
I-II ima u uglovima i na rubovima manje rupice ili otvore koji
naruavaju ukras i vjerojatno su nastali naknadno te moda
su sluili za privrivanje na organsku podlogu. Meutim,
zanimljivo je da se ovi otvori ne pojavljuju na ouvanijim i
cjelovitijim primjercima iz ostave Poleovice.
to se tie motiva koji se javljaju na pojasevima iz ostave Poleovice, oni imaju analogije u svim primjercima koje
navodi u toj skupini s gepunztem Dekor I. Kilian-Dirlmeier (1975, T. 67-69), ali se motiv kotaa pojavljuje kao paralela s rumunjskim primjercima u ostavama Uioara de
Sus i Gusterita II (Petrescu-Dimbovita 1978, T. 117,326, T.
200,1070,1072-1073, T. 201,1091) kao i na jednom manjem
ulomku iz ostave Drslavice I (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 43,431).
Jo je jedna ostava sadravala pojas sa slinim motivom, a to
je ostava Vajdcska (Kemenczei 1982, T. 1-5; Mozsolics 1985,
T. 207,1-2). Podruje Rumunjske je podruje na kojem se javlja najvei broj pojaseva ovog tipa. To su ostave Cehlut I u
kojoj se javljaju neukraeni primjerci koji oblikom podsjeaju na ovaj tip (Petrescu-Dumbovita 1978, T. 25A, 35-36),
zatim ostava Bleni (Petrescu-Dumbovita 1978, T. 53,83-86),
Band (Petrescu-Dumbovita 1978, T. 80B,22-23), Caransebes
(Petrescu-Dumbovita 1978, T. 87,50-62, T. 88,63-67), Dipa
(Petrescu-Dumbovia 1978, T. 98A,170), Giula (PetrescuDumbovia 1978, T. 103A,6-7), ve spomenuta ostava Gute-
64
den muss man noch die Funde vom Hort Poleovice hinzufgen
(Sala 1997, T. 24,601-614,841, T. 25,615-621). Die Hortfunde aus
Poleovice teilte M. Sala in zwei unterschiedlich verzierte Typen
ein, die er nach I. Kilian-Dirlmeier (1975) in Grtel mit gepunztem
Dekor und mit getriebenem Dekor klassifiziert (Sala 1997, 42).
Bei zwei Exemplaren sind Haken fr die Befestigung der Grtel
auf einer organischen Unterlage erhalten (Sala 1997, T. 24,614,
T. 25,620), wobei das Exemplar auf T. 25,620 unverziert ist, weshalb M. Sala (1997, 42) es keinem der erwhnten Typen zuordnet,
sondern vermutet, dass es sich um ein Halbfabrikat handelt. Wie
der Fund aus Makovac zeigt, dienten nicht nur unverzierte Teile
als Halbfabrikate, sondern auch zerbrochene verzierte Grtelteile. Ein weiteres Exemplar ist ziemlich deformiert und zerbrochen
(Sala 1997, T. 25, 621). Nach M. Sala (1997, 42) gehrten auch 16
Teile und Fragmente aus dem Hort Poleovice zum Typus mit gepunztem Dekor, und anhand der Komposition der Verzierungen
und der Breite ergeben Fragmente, die mit den Nummern 607,
608 und 614 gekennzeichnet wurden, einen Grtel, und die Teile
610-611 einen anderen Grtel. Wenn man die kleineren Fragmente 602 und 604 nicht bercksichtigt, dann besteht die gesamte
Kollektion aus ungefhr 12 verschiedenen Blechgrteln. Ihre ursprngliche Breite variierte von 90 bis 132 mm, die Blechstrke
von 0,4 bis zu 0,7 mm (Sala 1997, 42). Unter den berwiegend
bruchstckhaft erhaltenen Grteln ragen zwei besser erhaltene,
590 mm lange Exemplare (Sala 1997, T. 24,603) und ein 448 mm
langes Exemplar heraus (Sala 1997, T. 24,612b). Die beiden Exemplare waren ursprnglich gerollt, wobei bei Nummer 612 ein
Stck Bernstein erhalten war (Sala 1997, 42). In einem hnlichen
Zustand war auch das Exemplar Nummer 605 (Sala 1997, T. 24),
das interessant ist, da es nachtrglich repariert wurde, was auf
den Wert eines solchen Trachtteils und seine Wertschtzung seitens des Trgers hinweist. In gleicher Art und Weise ist ein Grtelexemplar aus dem ungarischen Hort Mrok repariert (Mozsolics
1985, 147, T. 92,36). In diesem Zusammenhang fhrt M. Sala an
(Sala 1997, 42), dass die meisten bekannten Fragmente aus den
Horten Drslavice I und Drslavice II in den Ecken und an den Rndern kleinere Lcher oder ffnungen haben, die die Verzierung
verunstalten und wahrscheinlich nachtrglich angebracht wurden, sie dienten zur Befestigung auf einem organischen Hintergrund. Allerdings ist es interessant, dass keine derartigen ffnungen an den besser und vollstndiger erhaltenen Exemplaren aus
dem Hort Poleovice vorkommen.
Die Motive von den Grteln vom Hort Poleovice haben Analogien bei allen Exemplaren, die I. Kilian-Dirlmeier in der Gruppe mit gepunztem Dekor auffhrt (1975, T. 67-69), aber das Radmotiv kommt parallel zu den rumnischen Exemplaren aus den
Horten Uioara de Sus und Gusterita II (Petrescu-Dimbovita 1978,
T. 117,326, T. 200,1070,1072-1073, T. 201,1091) sowie zu einem kleineren Fragment vom Hort Drslavice I (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T.
43,431) vor. In einem weiteren Hort wurde ein Grtel mit hnlichem Motiv freigelegt, und zwar im Hort Vajdcska (Kemenczei
1982, T. 1-5; Mozsolics 1985, T. 207,1-2). Auf dem Gebiet Rumniens
kommt die grte Anzahl von Grteln dieses Typus vor. Es sind
dies die Horte Cehlut I mit unverzierten Exemplaren, die ihrer
Form nach an diesen Typus erinnern (Petrescu-Dumbovita 1978,
T. 25A, 35-36), dann die Horte Bleni (Petrescu-Dumbovita 1978, T.
53,83-86), Band (Petrescu-Dumbovita 1978, T. 80B,22-23), Caransebes (Petrescu-Dumbovita 1978, T. 87,50-62, T. 88,63-67), Dipa (Petrescu-Dumbovia 1978, T. 98A,170), Giula (Petrescu-Dumbovia
1978, T. 103A,6-7), der schon erwhnte Hort Guteria II (Petrescu-
ria II (Petrescu-Dumbovia 1978, T. 117,323-328), Pecica II

(Petrescu-Dumbovia 1978, T. 126,41-42), Rbgani (Petrescu-Dumbovia, T. 131B,22-23), gdje se nalaze dva dijela pojasa koja su ostala nedovrena kao poluproizvodi. Zatim su
tu ulomci pojaseva iz ostave Suseni (Petrescu-Dumbovia
1978, T. 138,71-77), ostava plnaca II (Petrescu-Dumbovia
1978, T. 153) i poznata ostava i ovdje ve spomenuta Uioara de Sus (Petrescu-Dumbovia 1978, T. 200,1070-1073, T.
201,1074-1095).
S podruja Maarske potjee ostava Vajdcska (Kemenczei 1982, T. 1-6; Mozsolics 1985, 210-211, T. 205-207) u kojoj
su pored drugih bronanih predmeta naena i dva ulomka
bronanog pojasa (Kemenczei 1982, Abb. 1, T. 5; Mozsolics
1985, T. 207,1-2). Na jednom od ulomaka (Kemenczei 1982,
Abb. 1, T. 5; Mozsolics 1985, T. 207,1) nalazi se motiv kotaa
kao i na nekim drugim pojasevima ovog tipa.
Ovi tipovi pojaseva koncentriraju se na podruju sjeveroistone Maarske, Transilvanije i Banata i pojavljuju se posvuda, uglavnom u ostavama. Iz ovih karpatskih podruja
ire se prema sjeveru, sjeverozapadu i zapadu, tako da se
mogu pojedinano nai na podruju karpatske Ukrajine,
maarske Panonije i Slavonije, a javljaju se i na podruju
eke, Poljske i srednje Njemake (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T.
54-55). to se tie datiranja ovih pojaseva, veina autora
slae se kako su kratkog trajanja i da se mogu datirati na
sam poetak kulture polja sa arama. Tako ih T. Kemenczei
(1982) datira na podruju Transilvanije u stupanj Uriu Opalyi. Ta datacija je dosta opravdana, ako se uzme u obzir kompozicija i motivi ukraavanja koji jo uvijek podsjeaju na
one na predmetima iz srednjeg bronanog doba Karpatske
kotline. Karakteristian je svojevrstan horror vacui u ukraavanju koji je mogao oponaati motive na tekstilu i tkanju
te tako pridonosio vrlo osebujnoj i bogatoj ornamentici u
nonji na samom poetku kulture polja sa arama. Neki autori izriito povezuju te motive na predmetima iz srednjeg
bronanog doba s motivima koji se javljaju na istodobnoj
keramici (David 2002, 71). Slina tendencija prisutna je i
na pojasevima tipa Riegsee, koji su svi prekriveni motivima tekuih spirala koji se mogu nai na drci maeva tipa
Riegsee na poetku kulture polja sa arama. Pojava takva
ukraavanja s motivom stiliziranog bradaviastog izboenja
na bronanim predmetima u slavonskoj Posavini moda bi
se mogla dovesti u vezu s keramikom skupina Virovitica i
Barice-Greani.
Dumbovia 1978, T. 117,323-328), Pecica II (Petrescu-Dumbovia

1978, T. 126,41-42), Rbgani (Petrescu-Dumbovia, T. 131B,22-23),
wo sich zwei Grtelteile befinden, die nicht fertig gestellt worden
sind, sondern als Halbfabrikate erhalten sind. Des Weiteren haben
wir Grtelfragmente aus dem Hort Suseni (Petrescu-Dumbovia
1978, T. 138,71-77), dem Hort plnaca II (Petrescu-Dumbovia
1978, T. 153) und dem bekannten und hier schon erwhnten Hort
Uioara de Sus (Petrescu-Dumbovia 1978, T. 200,1070-1073, T.
201,1074-1095).
Vom Gebiet Ungarns stammt der Hort Vajdcska (Kemenczei
1982, T. 1-6; Mozsolics 1985, 210-211, T. 205-207), in dem neben
anderen Bronzegegenstnden auch zwei Fragmente eines Bronzegrtels gefunden wurden (Kemenczei 1982, Abb. 1, T. 5; Mozsolics 1985, T. 207,1-2). An einem der beiden Fragmente (Kemenczei
1982, Abb. 1, T. 5; Mozsolics 1985, T. 207,1) befindet sich das Radmotiv, wie auf manchen anderen Grteln diesen Typus.
Diese Grteltypen sind im Gebiet Sdostungarns, Siebenbrgens und des Banat konzentriert und kommen berall berwiegend in Horten vor. Aus den Karpaten breiten sie sich nach Norden, Nordwesten und Westen aus, so dass sie vereinzelt auch in
der Karpatenukraine, im ungarischen Pannonien sowie in Slawonien zu finden sind; sie kommen auch auf dem Territorium Tschechiens, Polens und Mitteldeutschlands vor (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975,
T. 54-55). Im Zusammenhang mit der Datierung dieser Grtel
stimmen die meisten Autoren darin berein, dass sie von kurzer
Dauer sind und an den Anfang der Urnenfelderkultur datiert werden knnen. So datiert sie T. Kemenczei (1982) im Gebiet von Siebenbrgen in die Stufe Uriu Opalyi. Diese Datierung ist ziemlich
gerechtfertigt, wenn man die Komposition und die Verzierungsmotive bercksichtigt, die noch immer an jene auf Gegenstnden
aus der mittleren Bronzezeit im Karpatenbecken erinnern. Charakteristisch ist eine Art Horror Vacui bei der Verzierung, die Motive in
Textilien und Gewebe nachahmen konnte, und somit zur uerst
eigenartigen und reichen Ornamentik der Tracht ganz am Anfang
der Urnenfelderkultur beitrug. Einige Autoren verbinden die Motive auf den Gegenstnden aus der mittleren Bronzezeit mit den
Motiven, die auf der gleichzeitigen Keramik vorkommen (David
2002, 71). Eine hnliche Tendenz kommt auch bei den Grteln
des Typus Riegsee zum Ausdruck, die alle von Motiven flieender
Spiralen bedeckt sind, die sich auch an den Griffen der Schwerter
des Typus Riegsee am Anfang der Urnenfelderkultur finden. Das
Vorkommen dieser Verzierungen mit dem Motiv eines stilisierten
Buckels an Bronzegegenstnden in der slawonischen Posavina
knnte man vielleicht mit der Keramik der Gruppen Virovitica und
Barice-Greani verbinden.
Pojas iz naselja Makovac-Crinjevi (sl. 1) svojim nainom

ukraavanja kao i motivima najvie odgovara tipu pojaseva s tzv. getriebenem Dekor koje je kao takve izdvojila I.
Kilian-Dirlmeier (1975, 112-115). To je skupina uglavnom fragmentarno ouvanih pojaseva, iji je ukras izveden na nain
da se puncom iskucavao s unutranje strane bronanog lima. Veina tih pojaseva ouvana je u ostavama kulture polja
sa arama u sjevernoj Hrvatskoj (Karta 1).
Tona svrha ovih bronanih limova prema I. KilianDirlmeier (1975, 113) prilino je upitna jer nemaju ouvane
kuke za zatvaranje pojasa, osim pojasa iz ostave Budinina
koji ima na kraju jednu ouvanu kuku (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975,
T. 46/47,460; Vinski-Gasparini 1973, T. 79,19). Ovaj je pojas
Der Grtel aus der Siedlung Makovac-Crinjevi (Abb. 1) entspricht aufgrund seiner Verzierungstechnik sowie der Motive am
ehesten dem Typus der Grtel mit getriebenem Dekor, wie von I.
Kilian-Dirlmeier bezeichnet (1975, 112-115). Diese Gruppe besteht
aus meistens bruchstckhaft erhaltenen Grteln, deren Verzierung mit einem Punzhammer an der Innenseite des Bronzeblechs
angebracht wurde. Die meisten Grtel wurden in Horten der Urnenfelderkultur in Nordkroatien gefunden (Karte 1).
Die genaue Funktion solcher Bronzebleche ist nach I. KilianDirlmeier (1975, 113) ziemlich fraglich, da keine Haken zum Schlieen des Grtels erhalten sind, auer bei dem Grtel aus dem Hort
Budinina, der am Ende einen erhaltenen Haken hat (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 46/47,460; Vinski-Gasparini 1973, T. 79,19). Dieser
Grtel ist aus sehr dnnem Blech gemacht, so dass man vermutet,
65
Karta 1 Ostave kulture polja sa arama u sjevernoj Hrvatskoj s nalazima pojaseva i pojasnih kopi: 1. Makovac-Crinjevi,
2. Slavonski Brod- Livadieva ulica, 3. Budinina, 4. Veliko Nabre, 5. Kapelna
Karte 1 Horte der Urnenfelderkultur in Nordkroatien mit Funden von Grteln und Grtelschnallen: 1. Makovac-Crinjevi,
2. Slavonski Brod-Livadieva ulica, 3. Budinina, 4. Veliko Nabre, 5. Kapelna
izraen od vrlo tankog lima pa se pretpostavlja kako je bio

stavljan na podlogu od tekstila. Meutim, nisu pronaene
nikakve rupice pomou kojih bi se privrivao. Jo je jedan
pojas iz ostave Budinina pripisan ovoj skupini, ali je neto
jednostavnijeg ukrasa (Vinski-Gasparini 1973, T. 79,20; Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 48/49,469). Za razliku od prvog pojasa,
koji je okomitim nizovima sitnih toaka podijeljen na nekoliko zona u kojima se nalaze koncentrini krugovi izvedeni
iskucavanjem, ovaj pojas nema te nizove nego samo etiri
krina motiva du cijeloga pojasa. Pojas iz ostave BingulaDivo (Vinski-Gasparini 1973, T. 86,7,17; Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975,
T. 49,470) slian je prvom pojasu iz Budinine, ali nije imao
nizove sitnih iskucanih toaka. Koncentrini krugovi na pojasu iz ostave Budinina mogli bi imati uzor u motivima na
pojasu iz Livadieve ulice koji su, pak, neka vrsta sunanog
ili cvjetnog motiva, to sasvim sigurno dolazi s prostora Karpatske kotline i ima svoje prototipe na ranijim nalazima iz
srednjeg bronanog doba (David 2002). Slina kompozicija
i motivi nalaze se na jo nekim ulomcima pojaseva, primjerice, na onom iz Apagya (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 44,436),
zatim na ulomku iz Novog Beeja (Kilian-Dirlmeier T. 45,439)
i iz Drslavica (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 45,440-441). Dakle, i
ovdje se radi o motivu koncentrinog kruga koji je mogao
imati simboliku sunanog kulta, ali je izveden na drugi nain, drugom tehnikom ukraavanja.
Iz ove skupine pojaseva najsliniji ovom iz Makovca jest
pojas iz ostave Kk (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 48/49,464, T.
66
dass er auf einer textilen Unterlage angebracht war. Es wurden aber

keine Lcher zu seiner Befestigung gefunden. Ein weiterer Grtel
aus dem Hort Budinina wurde in diese Gruppe eingegliedert,
der aber eine einfachere Verzierung hat (Vinski-Gasparini 1973,
T. 79,20; Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 48/49,469). Im Gegensatz zum
ersten Grtel, der durch vertikale Reihen von winzigen Punkten
in mehrere Zonen aufgeteilt ist, in denen sich punzierte konzentrische Kreise befinden, hat dieser Grtel keine Reihen, sondern
nur vier Kreuzmotive entlang des gesamten Grtels. Der Grtel
aus dem Hort Bingula-Divo (Vinski-Gasparini 1973, T. 86,7,17; Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 49,470) ist dem ersten Grtel aus Budinina
hnlich, jedoch weist er keine Reihen von winzigen punzierten
Punkten auf. Die konzentrischen Kreise am Grtel aus dem Hort
Budinina drften ihr Vorbild in den Motiven vom Grtel aus der
Livadieva- Strasse haben, die wiederum eine Art Sonnen- oder
Blumenmotiv zeigen: diese Verzierungstradition stammt gewiss
aus dem Karpatenbecken und hat seinen Prototyp in frheren
Funden aus der mittleren Bronzezeit (David 2002). Eine hnliche
Komposition und Motive weisen noch einige weitere Grtelfragmente auf, etwa das aus Apagy (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 44,436),
dann das Fragment aus Novi Beej (Kilian-Dirlmeier T. 45,439) und
aus Drslavice (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 45,440-441). Hier handelt es
sich also ebenfalls um das Motiv eines konzentrischen Kreises, der
der Symbolik des Sonnenkultes entstammen drfte, der aber hier
anders, mit einer anderen Verzierungstechnik, ausgefhrt ist.
Der Grtel, der in dieser Gruppe demjenigen aus Makovac
am hnlichsten ist, stammt aus dem Hort Kk (Kilian-Dirlmeier
1975, T. 48/49,464, T.65B,22; Mozsolics 1985, T. 192,1). Im Hort Kk
65B,22; Mozsolics 1985, T. 192,1). U ostavi Kk prisutan je jo

jedan pojas, ali on nije ukraen (Mozsolics 1985, T. 192,29).
Meutim, po svom obliku mogao bi pripadati neukraenom
primjerku skupine pojaseva ukraenih punciranjem.
Prvi pojas iz ove ostave ukraen je na svom prednjem
dijelu motivima izvedenim nizovima sitnih toaka dobivenih iskucavanjem. Na samim krajevima nalaze se okomiti
nizovi toaka koji oznaavaju kraj ukraenog dijela pojasa,
a na samom kraju nalaze se po dvije rupice pomou kojih
se pojas privrivao najvjerojatnije na podlogu od tekstila.
I na pojasu iz Makovca i na ovom pojasu nedostaju vee
bradaviasta izboenja (Buckeln) kakva nalazimo, npr. na
pojasu iz ostave Veliko Nabre (Vinski-Gasparini 1973, T.
44,3; Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 49,471). Takva se bradaviasta
izboenja nalaze kao ukras i na pojasu iz Fiad-Kr Puszta
(Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 48/49,472). Nizovi sitno iskucanih
tokica koje tvore odreene motive nalaze se jo na pojasevima iz Linza (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 47,461), Gyermely
(Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 48,462), Drslavice (Kilian-Dirlmeier
1975, T. 48,465) i s jednog nepoznatog nalazita u Maarskoj (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 48,466-467).
U zakljuku moemo rei da su u naselju Makovac-Crinjevi postojala vjerojatno dva razliita tipa pojasa, jedan s
ukrasom izvedenim iskucavanjem s unutarnje strane (sl. 1)
i drugi, iji su ulomci bili sekundarno upotrijebljeni za izradu druge vrste predmeta (sl. 2). Pretpostavlja se da je ovaj
posljednji doao u naselje zajedno sa sirovinom iz istonog
dijela Karpatske kotline ili kao import te vrste pojasa, koji
je kasnije iznoen i oteen. Na oba pojasa javljaju se motivi koji seu u ranija razdoblja, jo iz vremena Hajdusamson -Apa stila na istoku Karpatske kotline, a to su spiralni
motivi, motiv sunanog koluta ili stiliziranog bradaviastog
izboenja, motiv sunanog sata. Stoga s pravom moemo
rei kako je i prostor hrvatske Posavine na jugu Panonske
nizine bio ukljuen u mreu trgovine i prijenosa tehnolokih
i umjetnikih vjetina koja se odvijala na izmaku srednjeg i
poetku kasnog bronanog doba.
gab es noch einen, allerdings unverzierten Grtel (Mozsolics 1985,

T. 192,29). Seiner Form nach drfte er jedoch zum unverzierten Exemplar der Gruppe der punzierten Grtel gehren. Der erste Grtel aus diesem Hort ist am Vorderteil mit Motiven verziert, die aus
Reihen von winzigen punzierten Punkten bestehen. An den Enden befinden sich vertikale Reihen von Punkten, die das Ende des
verzierten Teils markieren, und ganz am Ende sind je zwei Lcher
angebracht, mit deren Hilfe der Grtel wahrscheinlich auf einem
textilen Untergrund befestigt wurde. Am Grtel aus Makovac
sowie an diesem Grtel fehlen grere Buckel, wie wir sie etwa
auf dem Grtel aus dem Hort Veliko Nabre finden (Vinski-Gasparini 1973, T. 44,3; Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 49,471). Die Buckel
verzieren auch den Grtel aus Fiad-Kr Puszt (Kilian-Dirlmeier
1975, T. 48/49,472). Reihen von winzig punzierten Pnktchen, die
bestimmte Motive bilden, befinden sich auch auf den Grteln aus
Linz (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 47,461), Gyermely (Kilian-Dirlmeier
1975, T. 48,462), Drslavica (Kilian-Dirlmeier 1975, T. 48,465) und
von einem unbekannten Fundort in Ungarn (Kilian-Dirlmeier
1975, T. 48,466-467).
Abschlieend knnen wir sagen, dass es in der Siedlung
Makovac-Crinjevi wahrscheinlich zwei verschiedene Typen von
Grteln gab, den einen mit Verzierungen, mit einem Punzhammer an der Innenseite ausgefhrt (Abb. 1), und den anderen, dessen Fragmente sekundr fr die Herstellung anderer Arten von
Gegenstnden verwendet wurden (Abb. 2). Vermutlich gelangte
letzterer mit dem Rohstoff aus dem stlichen Teil des Karpatenbeckens in die Siedlung oder als Import dieses Grteltypus, der
spter abgentzt und beschdigt wurde. Auf den beiden Grteln
kommen Motive vor, die in die frheren Perioden zurckgreifen,
noch in die Zeit des Hajdusamson-Ap-Stils im Osten des Karpatenbeckens: d.h. Spiralmotive, das Motiv des Sonnenreifens oder
der stilisierten Buckel, das Sonnenuhrmotiv. Daher knnen wir
mit Recht schlieen, dass das Gebiet der kroatischen Posavina im
Sden der Pannonischen Ebene am Handel sowie an der Verbreitung der technologischen und knstlerischen Fertigkeiten vom
Ende der mittleren und Anfang der spten Bronzezeit aktiv beteiligt war.
LITERATURA / LITERATUR:
David W., 2002, Die ltesten verzierten Bronzegrtelhaken der donaulndischen Bronzezeit, u: Anodos 2, Studies of the Ancient World
2/2002 in Honour of Mria Novotna, Trnava, 67-90.
Karavani S., Mihaljevi M., 2001, Ostava iz Makovca, VAMZ XXXIV,
Zagreb, 7-36.
Karavani S., Mihaljevi M., Kalafati H., 2002, Naselje Makovac-Crinjevi
kao prilog poznavanju poetaka kulture polja sa arama u slavonskoj Posavini, PrilInstArheolZagrebu 19, Zagreb, 47-62.
Karavani S., 2005, The Late Bronze Age Metallurgy in north Croatia, u:
The Bronze Age in Europe and the Mediterranean, Session 11, ed. R.
Laffineur, J. Driessen and E. Warmenbol, BARIntSer 1337, Oxford,
63-67.
Kemenczei T., 1982, Der Bronzefund von Vajdcska (Nordungarn), u: Studien zur Bronzezeit. Festschrift fr Wilhelm Albert v. Brunn, hrsg. H.
Lorenz, Mainz a. R., 151-161.

Kilian-Dirlmeier I., 1975, Grtelhaken, Grtelbleche und Blechgrtel der
Bronzezeit in Mitteleuropa, PBF XII/2, Mnchen
Mikiv J., 1982, Bronanodobna ostava iz Slavonskoga Broda-Livadieva
ulica, VMBP 5-6, Slavonski Brod, 167-179.
Mozsolics A., 1985, Bronzefunde aus Ungarn. Depotfundhorizonte von
Aranyos, Kurd und Gyermely, Akadmiai Kiad, Budapest
Neugebauer J. W., 1994, Bronzezeit in Oststerreich, St. Plten-Wien
Petrescu-Dmbovita M., 1978, Die Sicheln in Rumnien, PBF XVIII/1, Mnchen
Sala M., 1997, Der urnenfelderzeitliche Hortfund von Poleovice, Brno
Vinski-Gasparini K., 1973, Kultura polja sa arama u sjevernoj Hrvatskoj,
MonFfZadar 1, Zadar
67

DARIA LONJAK DIZDAR

HR 10000 Zagreb
daria-loznjak.dizdar@iarh.hr

UDK/UDC 902.034(497.5)(282.24 Drava)
903.24(497.5-37 Koprivnica)6377
Bronani kotli iz ljunare Gabajeva greda kraj Drave rijedak je primjer deponiranja
kasnobronanodobne metalne posude u vodu. Najslinija i najblia usporedba nalazi se u ostavi iz
Slavonskog Broda. Nalazi kotlia istog tipa i pripadajuih slinih trojnih ataa dokumentirani su na
prostoru sjeverne Maarske i Slovake, gdje su datirani od Ha A1 do Ha B1 vremena. Bronani kotli
iz Drave datira se u Ha A1 vrijeme prema nalazu iste atae u ostavi Slavonski Brod. S obzirom na
posebnost ova dva nalaza u meurijeju Drave i Save, kotlii s trojnim ataama mogu se promatrati
kao proizvod lokalnih radionica.
Kljune rijei: bronani kotli, starija faza kasnog bronanog doba, Drava, nalaz iz vode
Das Bronzebecken aus der Kiesgrube Gabajeva greda an der Drau ist ein seltenes Beispiel fr die
Deponierung eines sptbronzezeitlichen Metallgefes im Wasser. Die hnlichste und nchste Analogie wurde im Hort aus Slavonski Brod gefunden. Funde eines Beckens des gleichen Typus und der
entsprechenden dreifachen Appliken sind im Gebiet Nordungarns und der Slowakei dokumentiert,
wo sie von der Zeit Ha A1 bis zu Ha B1 datiert wurden. Das Bronzebecken aus der Drau wird anhand
des Fundes derselben Applik im Hort Slavonski Brod in die Zeit Ha A1 datiert. Im Hinblick auf die
Besonderheit der beiden Funde im Zwischenstromgebiet der Drau und der Save kann man Becken
mit dreifachen Appliken als Produkte lokaler Werksttten betrachten.
Schlsselwrter: Bronzebecken, ltere Phase der Sptbronzezeit, Drau, Wasserfund
Vodeni tokovi esto se istiu u arheolokoj znanosti kao

primjeri vodenih putova. Doline uz njih predstavljale su
najkrae i najpovoljnije prirodne prolaze, ali mnogo puta i
granice, odnosno razdjelnice kako u prapovijesti tako i danas. Upravo je rijeka Drava jedna od najvanijih poveznica u
kasnom bronanom dobu izmeu jugoistonog alpskog podruja i donjeg Podunavlja te srednje Europe i june Panonije. O vanosti Drave kao prometnog pravca i nizine uz nju,
kao ugodnog okolia za naseljavanje u kasnom bronanom
dobu, svjedoe brojni nalazi sa ireg prostora Podravine, odnosno slovenskog Podravlja.
Drava je tijekom vremena mijenjala svoj tok. Stoga su danas u dravskom krajoliku vidljiva brojna tresetita, movare
i rukavci kao posljedica estog mijenjanja toka hirovite rijeke. Kopanjem ljunka uz korito Drave nastala su brojna tzv.
antropogena jezera, odnosno ljunare. Bronani kotli (sl.
1), koji je tema ovog rada, pronaen je u ljunari Gabajeva
greda kod istoimena naselja u opini Hlebine (k. o. Novaka) kod Koprivnice (Karta 1). Pronaao ga je Josip Matijai
iz Botova (1979./1980. god.) na radilitu Prosenica I. (istono
Wasserlufe werden von den Archologen hufig als Beispiele fr Wasserstraen erwhnt. Die Flusstler stellten die
krzesten und gnstigsten natrlichen Wege, hufig aber auch
die Grenzen oder Grenzlinien, dar in der Vorgeschichte wie
auch heutzutage. Gerade der Fluss Drau stellte in der Sptbronzezeit eine der wichtigsten Verbindungen zwischen dem sdostalpinen Gebiet und dem Unterdonauland sowie zwischen
Mitteleuropa und Sdpannonien dar. Von der Bedeutung der
Drau in der Sptbronzezeit als Verkehrsroute und ihrer ansiedlungsfreundlichen Umgebung zeugen viele Funde aus dem
weiteren Gebiet der Podravina sowie aus dem slowenischen
Podravlje.
Im Laufe der Zeit nderte die Drau ihren Lauf. Daher sind
heute in der Draulandschaft zahlreiche Moore, Smpfe und
Altarme als Folge der hufigen nderungen im Lauf des launischen Flusses zu finden. Infolge des Kiesabbaus sind im
Draubett zahlreiche sogenannte anthropogene Seen beziehungsweise Kiesgruben entstanden. Das Bronzebecken (Abb.
1), das das Thema der vorliegenden Arbeit ist, wurde in der
Kiesgrube Gabajeva greda nahe der gleichnamigen Siedlung in
dem Ort Hlebine (Katastergemeinde Novaka) bei Koprivnica
(Karte 1), freigelegt. Entdeckt hat es Josip Matijai aus Botovo
(1979/1980) am Standort Prosenica I (stlich von Hlebine). Das
69
D. LONJAK DIZDAR, Bronani kotli iz Drave kod Koprivnice, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 69-78.
Bronzebecken wird in der Sammlung Zvijerac in Torec aufbe1

wahrt.
Sl. 1 Bronani kotli iz Drave kod Koprivnice (snimio H. Jambrek)

Abb. 1 Bronzebecken aus der Drau bei Koprivnica (foto H. Jambrek)
Sl. 2
Dno kotlia (snimio H. Jambrek)
Abb. 2 Boden des Beckens (foto H. Jambrek)
od Hlebina). Bronani kotli uva se u zbirci Zvijerac u Tor1

ecu.
Nalaz kasnobronanodobnog kotlia na podruju Hlebina ne iznenauje, budui da su na irem prostoru Koprivnice
zabiljeeni brojni nalazi koji se datiraju u stariju fazu kasnog
bronanog doba, odnosno pripadaju kulturi polja sa arama (Karta 2). Od nalaza u slinom kontekstu valja istaknuti
mnogobrojne nalaze iz oderice, ljunare koja se nalazi na
podruju izmeu Toreca i Botova (Markovi 2001, 296, sl. 1).
Iz oderice potjeu koplje i ma s jezicem za nasad, datirani
u stariju fazu kulture polja sa arama (Markovi 2001, 297, sl.
3) te koplje datirano u 11. st. pr. Kr. i no koji se moe datirati
najranije u 10. st. pr. Kr., dok iz ljunare Grab u Torecu potjee bronani bode iz 12. st. pr. Kr. (Glogovi, Miko 2001,
23-25, T. 1-2).
O naseljima u kojima su obitavali ljudi, iji su predmeti
pronaeni uz dravske obale, svjedoe rezultati istraivanja
istodobnog naselja Cerine VII. u blizini Toreca. Pokusno je
istraen dio naselja s jamskim i dijelovima nadzemnih objekata (Markovi 1995, 19, T. 1). U naselju je pronaena keramika s obiljejima virovitike skupine kao i skupine Zagreb1. Ovom prilikom najsrdanije se zahvaljujem gosp. Ivanu Zvijercu iz
Toreca na ustupljenom kotliu i podacima o okolnostima nalaza za
objavu.
70
Der Fund eines sptbronzezeitlichen Beckens auf dem Gebiet von Hlebine ist nicht berraschend, da in dem weiteren
Gebiet von Koprivnica zahlreiche Funde freigelegt worden sind,
die in die ltere Phase der Sptbronzezeit datiert werden beziehungsweise zur Urnenfelderkultur gehren (Karte 2). Von den
Funden aus einem hnlichen Kontext sei auf die vielen Funde
aus oderica, einer Kiesgrube vom Gebiet zwischen Torec und
Botovo, hingewiesen (Markovi 2001, 296, Abb. 1). Aus oderica
stammen auch eine Lanze und ein Griffzngen schwert, datiert
in die ltere Phase der Urnenfelderkultur (Markovi 2001, 297,
Abb. 3) sowie eine in das 11. Jahrhundert v. Chr. datierte Lanze
und ein Messer, das sich frhestens in das 10. Jahrhundert v.
Chr. datieren lsst, whrend aus der Kiesgrube Grab in Torec
ein Bronzemesser aus dem 12. Jahrhundert v. Chr. stammt
(Glogovi, Miko 2001, 23-25, T. 1-2).
Von den Wohnsiedlungen der Menschen, deren Gegenstnde an den Drauufern gefunden wurden, zeugen die Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen der gleichzeitigen Siedlung Cerine
VII. in der Nhe von Torec. Probegrabungen wurden in einem
Teil der Siedlung mit Gruben und Teilen von oberirdischen Objekten vorgenommen (Markovi 1995, 19, T. 1). In der Siedlung
wurde Keramik mit Merkmalen der Virovitica-Gruppe, wie auch
der Zagreb-Vrape-Gruppe nach K. Vinski-Gasparini gefunden,
und so datiert I. Kulenovi diese Siedlung in die Zeit Br D-Ha A1
(Kulenovi 2004, 322, T. 1-12). In der Umgebung von Koprivnica, am Standort Poljana, im Gebiet einer Siedlung, die von der
Sptbronzezeit bis zur jngeren Eisenzeit besiedelt war, wurde ein Hort aus Beilen und einer Sichel gefunden, der in die II.
Phase der Horte nach K. Vinski-Gasparini datiert werden kann
2
(Kulenovi, Alekovi 2003).
Von den Grberfeldern aus der lteren Phase der Sptbronzezeit im Gebiet von Koprivnica wurde um das Jahr 1930
3
zufllig ein Brandgrab in Novigrad Podravski, am Standort
Breanci, gefunden. Anhand der Keramikfunde wurde das Grab
in die II. Phase der Urnenfelderkultur in Nordkroatien datiert
(Vinski-Gasparini 1973, 74, 182, T. 25,1-2).
Anhand der Angaben zu den Siedlungen, Grberfeldern,
Horten und Zufallsfunden aus der Kiesgrube an der Drau lt
sich eine Vorstellung von der dichten Besiedlung des Koprivnica-Gebiets in der lteren Phase der Urnenfelderkultur gewinnen (Lonjak Dizdar 2005, Karte 2).
Das als Einzelfund in der Kiesgrube Gabajeva greda ent1. Bei dieser Gelegenheit mchte ich mich bei Herrn Ivan Zvijerac aus Torec
herzlichst fr das zur Verfgung gestellte Becken sowie fr die Angaben
zu den Fundumstnden fr die Verffentlichung bedanken.
2. Ein weiterer Hort ging in die Literatur als Fund aus der Umgebung von
Koprivnica ein; es handelt sich um den Hort Pustakovec, datiert in die
Zeit Ha A1, beziehungsweise in die Stufe II (Clados 1997, 174; Glogovi
2000, 106, Abb. 3), der spter als Hort aus Pustakovac in Meimurje
verffentlicht wurde (Hnsel 1999, Abb. 2). Da es sich um einen fr
das Museum fr Vor- und Frhgeschichte in Berlin erworbenen Hort
handelte, wusste man nicht sicher, von welchem Fundort genau der Hort
stammte, was jedoch nachtrglich erforscht und in der Literatur korrigiert
wurde (Hnsel 1999). Fr die mndliche Mitteilung im Zusammenhang
mit der Lsung dieses Problems bedanke ich mich herzlichst bei Prof.-Dr.
Nives Majnari-Pandi.
3. K. Vinski-Gasparini zweifelt an der Geschlossenheit dieser Grabanlage, da sich typologisch zwei Tpfe voneinander unterscheiden. Der
eine weist zweifelsohne eine mittelbronzezeitliche Form auf (VinskiGasparini 1973, 74, T. 25,1), whrend der andere anhand seiner Form
auf eine kontinuierliche Verwendung im Laufe der gesamten Dauer der
Urnenfelderkultur in Nordkroatien hinweist (Vinski-Gasparini 1973,
74, T. 25,2).
D. LONJAK DIZDAR, Bronzebecken aus der Drau bei Koprivnica, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 69-78.
Karta 1 Poloaj nalazita Gabajeva greda kod Koprivnice

Karte 1 Lage des Fundortes Gabajeva greda bei Koprivnica
Vrape, prema K. Vinski-Gasparini, te I. Kulenovi ovo naselje

datira u vrijeme Br D-Ha A1 (Kulenovi 2004, 322, T. 1-12). U
okolici Koprivnice, na lokalitetu Poljane, na podruju naselja
u kojem se ivjelo od kasnog bronanog do mlaeg eljeznog doba, pronaena je ostava koja se sastoji od sjekira i
jednog srpa i koja se moe datirati u II. fazu ostava prema K.
2
Vinski-Gasparini (Kulenovi, Alekovi 2003).
Od grobalja iz starije faze kasnog bronanog doba na koprivnikom podruju sluajno je otkriven jedan paljevinski
3
grob u Novigradu Podravskom, na poloaju Breanci, oko
1930. godine. Grob je, prema keramikim nalazima, datiran u
II. fazu kulture polja sa arama u sjevernoj Hrvatskoj (VinskiGasparini 1973, 74, 182, T. 25,1-2).
Prema podacima o naseljima, grobljima, ostavama i sluajnim nalazima iz ljunara uz Dravu, moe se dobiti slika o
gustoj naseljenosti koprivnikog kraja u starijoj fazi kulture
polja sa arama (Lonjak Dizdar 2005, Karta 2).
Bronani kotli, pronaen kao pojedinani nalaz u ljunari Gabajeva greda, zanimljiv je zbog svog mjesta nalaza u
vodi, a tipoloki se vee uz srednjoeuropske nalaze bronanog posua.
Bronani plitki kotli je zaobljenog tijela i ravnog ruba (T.
1). Na jednoj strani uz rub posude nalaze se bronani ureaj
za privrivanje ruke tzv. ataa s velikom krunom uicom i
tri manja pravokutna izdanka, koji zavravaju krunim uicama kroz koje je bronanim zakovicama privrena za tijelo
posude. Na suprotnoj strani posude su tri rupice kroz koje je
vjerojatno bila privrena identina ataa. Na dnu posude
2. Jo je jedna ostava ula u literaturu kao nalaz iz okolice Koprivnice, a
radi se o ostavi Pustakovec, datiranoj u Ha A1 vrijeme, odnosno u II.
stupanj (Clados 1997, 174; Glogovi 2000, 106, sl. 3) da bi kasnije bila
objavljena kao ostava iz Pustakovca u Meimurju (Hnsel 1999, Abb. 2).
Kako se radi o kupljenoj ostavi za Museum fr Vor- und Frhgeschichte u
Berlinu, nije se pouzdano znalo s kojeg tono nalazita ostava potjee, to
je naknadno istraeno i ispravljeno u literaturi (Hnsel 1999). Za usmeni
podatak o rjeenju ovog problema najljepe se zahvaljujem prof. dr. sc.
Nives Majnari-Pandi.
3. K. Vinski-Gasparini sumnja u zatvorenost ove grobne cjeline, jer se tipoloki
razlikuju dva lonca. Jedan nesumnjivo pokazuje srednjobronanodobni
oblik (Vinski-Gasparini 1973, 74, T. 25,1), dok drugi svojim oblikom
ukazuje na dugu upotrebu tijekom itavog trajanje kulture polja sa arama
u sjevernoj Hrvatskoj (Vinski-Gasparini 1973, 74, T. 25,2).
deckte Bronzebecken ist vor allem wegen des Fundortes im

Wasser bemerkenswert und typologisch mit den mitteleuropischen Funden von Bronzegefen verbunden.
Das flache Bronzebecken weist einen runden Krper und
einen flachen Rand auf (T. 1). Auf einer Seite am Gefrand
befindet sich eine brozene Vorrichtung zur Befestigung des
Griffs, einer sogenannten Applik mit einer groen runden se
und drei kleineren rechteckigen Sprossen, die in runden sen
enden, durch die sie mittels Bronzenieten am Gefkrper befestigt sind. An der entgegengesetzten Seite des Gefes befinden sich drei Lcher, durch die wahrscheinlich eine identische Applik befestigt wurde. Am Gefboden befinden sich die
berreste von Lchern, die kreisfrmig angeordnet sind und
an zwei Stellen strahlenartig zum Kreis verlaufen. An einem Teil
des Bodens befindet sich ein mit drei Bronzenieten befestigtes
Bronzeblechfragment, was zusammen mit den beschriebenen
Lchern am Gefboden auf sptere Reparaturen am Boden
des Beckens hinweist (Abb. 2, T. 1).
Gefdurchmesser: 23,5 cm; Gefhhe: 12 cm; Breite der
Applik: 5,7 cm; Hhe der Applik: 3,7 cm; Durchmesser der se
(auen): 2 x 1,5 cm, Durchmesser der se (innen): 1,7 x 1 cm;
Durchmesser der kleinen sen (auen): 1,5 cm; Durchmesser
der kleinen sen (innen): 1 cm; Durchmesser der Lcher am
Gefkrper: 0,5 cm; Durchmesser der Lcher am Gefboden:
0,3 cm.
Die abgerundete Krperform des Bronzegefes aus der
Drau entspricht dem Typus A nach der Klassifizierung G. von
Merharts (von Merhart 1952, 4) beziehungsweise den Varian4
ten A2 des Beckens nach der Klassifizierung P. Patays, wobei
die hnlichsten Analogien die Hortfunde von Keresztte und
Meznyrd sind (Patay 1990, 19, T. 1,3, T. 2,4). Im Allgemeinen
wird der Typus A nach der Klassifizierung G. von Merharts der
Karpatenbecken-Produktion zugeschrieben und in die ltere
Phase der Urnenfelderkultur datiert, wobei die Mglichkeit
nicht auszuschlieen ist, dass er bis in die Zeit Ha B1 vorkam
(von Merhart 1952, 4, 12, Karte 1). Bisher sind acht solcher Gefe bekannt, berwiegend aus dem Territorium Ungarns und
der Slowakei, und zwei stammen aus West- und Norddeutsch4. P. Patay isolierte die Variante A2 des Beckens, indem er die Klassifizierung G. von Merharts in Variante A1 der Becken mit bikonischem
Krper und Variante A2 mit rundem Krper unterteilte (Patay 1990,
18-21, T. 1-2).
71
Karta 2 Nalazita starije faze kulture polja sa arama na irem prostoru Koprivnice
Naselja: 1 Cerine VII, 2 Poljane; groblje: 3 Novigrad Podravski; sluajni nalazi: 4 Torec oderica, 5 Torec Grab, 6 Gabajeva greda
Karte 2 Fundorte der lteren Phase der Urnenfelderkultur im weiteren Gebiet von Koprivnica
Siedlungen: 1 Cerine VII, 2 Poljane; Grberfeld: 3 Novigrad Podravski; Zufallsfunde: 4 Torec oderica, 5 Torec Grab, 6 Gabajeva greda
nalaze se ostaci rupica poloeni u krug i na dva mjesta rasporeeni zrakasto od kruga. Na dijelu dna nalazi se ulomak
bronanog lima uvren trima bronanim zakovicama to,
uz opisane rupice na dnu posude, ukazuje na naknadne popravke dna kotlia (sl. 2, T. 1).
Promjer posude: 23,5 cm; visina posude: 12 cm; irina
atae: 5,7 cm; visina atae: 3,7 cm; promjer uice (vanjski): 2
x 1,5 cm, promjer uice (unutarnji): 1,7 x 1 cm; promjer malih
72
land (Acholshausen, Osternienburg). Anhand der Funde aus

Meznyrd und Nadap wird die Verwendung solcher Becken
in die Zeit Ha A1 datiert, und anhand der Grabfunde aus Achols5
hausen und Osternienburg steht fest, dass sie auch in der Zeit
5. Das Grab in Acholshausen datiert Ch. Pescheck an den bergang von
Ha A2 zu Ha B1 (Pescheck 1972, 49), obwohl er meint, dass das Becken
an sich sptestens an den Anfang der Stufe Ha A2 datiert werden kann
(Pescheck 1972, 45, Abb. 4,3).
uica (vanjski): 1,5 cm; promjer malih uica (unutarnji): 1 cm;

promjer rupica na tijelu posude: 0,5 cm; promjer rupica na
dnu posude: 0,3 cm.
Zaobljeni oblik tijela bronane posude iz Drave odgovara onima tipa A prema podjeli G. von Merharta (von Merhart
4
1952, 4), odnosno varijanti A2 kotlia prema podjeli P. Pataya, pri emu su najslinije paralele nalazi iz ostava Keresztte i Meznyrd (Patay 1990, 19, T. 1,3, T. 2,4). Openito se
tip A, prema podjeli G. von Merharta, pripisuje proizvodnji u
Karpatskoj kotlini i datira u stariju fazu kulture polja sa arama, s mogunou trajanja i u Ha B1 vremenu (von Merhart
1952, 4, 12, Karte 1). Dosad je poznato osam takvih posuda,
uglavnom s prostora Maarske i Slovake, od ega su dvije iz
zapadne odnosno sjeverne Njemake (Acholshausen, Osternienburg). Prema nalazima iz Meznyrda i Nadapa, upotreba ovakvih kotlia datira se u Ha A1 vrijeme, a izvjesno je
da su bili upotrebljavani i u Ha B1 vremenu prema nalazima
5
iz grobova u Acholshausenu i Osternienburgu (Patay 1996,
408). M. Novotn dri da se ovakvi kotlii moraju datirati
kasnije od starije faze kulture polja sa arama, jer za tako
ranu dataciju argumente ima samo nalaz kotlia iz ostave
Meznyrd u Maarskoj (Novotn 1991, 45-46). U toj ostavi
pronaen je kotli karakteristinog tipa posuda za Potisje i
Transilvaniju (Hellebrandt 2000, 228, Abb. 9,7, Abb. 11, Abb.
17-18), uz koji ostava jo sadri navalno oruje, obrambenu
opremu, dijelove nakita i bronanog posua pojedinca ili
obitelji, prema emu je datirana u Ha A1 vrijeme i dri se da
je skrivena od strane populacije Kyjatice kulture (Hellebrandt 2000, 228, 232). M. Novotn smatra da su kotlii rezultat
rada majstora koji ima odreenu praksu u izradi posua i
datirala bi ih u mlau fazu kulture polja sa arama (Novotn
1991, 46). Postoji jo jedan nalaz ovog tipa posude s podruja Slovake, ije okolnosti nalaza nisu posve poznate (Patay
1990, 19, T. 2,5). Upotrebu posuda varijante A2 P. Patay je,
prema zatvorenim nalazima u ostavama, datirao od poetka
Ha A stupnja do u Ha A2, dok je kao podruje rasprostranjenosti definirao prostor sjeverne Maarske i istone Slovake,
odnosno podruje Kyjatice kulture, u ijoj se starijoj fazi i pojavljuju ovakve bronane posude (Patay 1990, 20-21).
M. Novotn razlikuje tijela posude kotlia koji znaju imati
naglaeni prijelaz u gornji dio (bikoniki kao Vcszentlszl)
ili pak zaobljeno tijelo i uvueni rub (Osternienburg, Keresztte) (Novotn 1991, 43), kao to je sluaj i u primjerku iz
Drave. Dno im je udubljeno u sredini (Keresztte, Acholshausen). Kotlii su obino neukraeni, kao i ovaj primjerak iz
oderice, ili ispod ruba imaju puncirani ukras od tokica, linija i polumjeseca (Novotn 1991, 43). Ruka im je glatka i lunog oblika (Vcszentlszl, Szombathely-Operint) (Novotn
1991, 43). Dva ulomka ruba ovakvih kotlia pronaeni su u
Slovakoj u ostavi Bobrovec (Novotn 1991, 43, T. 8,46-47),
na prostoru luike kulture (Novotn 1991, 47). Veina autora
koja se bavila bronanim posuem dri da je njihova najvea
rasprostranjenost na prostoru sjeverne Maarske i Slovake,
odnosno na sjevernom pobreju Karpatske kotline (von Mer4. P. Patay je izdvojio varijantu A2 kotlia, ralanivi podjelu G. von Merharta na varijantu A1 kotlia koji imaju bikonino tijelo i varijantu A2,
gdje se radi o zaobljenom tijelu (Patay 1990, 18-21, T. 1-2).
5. Grob u Acholshausenu Ch. Pescheck datira u prijelaz Ha A2 u Ha B1
(Pescheck 1972, 49), iako misli da se sam kotli moe datirati najkasnije
na sam poetak Ha A2 stupnja (Pescheck 1972, 45, Abb. 4,3).
Ha B1 verwendet (Patay 1996, 408) wurden. M. Novotn ist der

Meinung, dass solche Becken spter als in die ltere Phase der
Urnenfelderkultur datiert werden sollten, denn Argumente fr
eine dermaen frhe Datierung bietet nur der Hortfund des
Beckens aus Meznyrd in Ungarn (Novotn 1991, 45-46). In
diesem Depot wurde ein Becken des fr das Theital und Transsilvanien charakteristischen Geftypus gefunden (Hellebrandt
2000, 228, Abb. 9,7, Abb. 11, Abb. 17-18), daneben auch Angriffswaffen, Verteidigungsausrstung, Schmuckgegenstnde und
Bronzegefe einer Einzelperson oder einer Familie, wonach es
in die Zeit Ha A1 datiert wurde, und es wird angenommen, dass
es von Angehrigen der Kyjatice-Kultur versteckt wurde (Hellebrandt 2000, 228, 232). M. Novotn meint, dass die Becken von
einem in der Gefherstellung erfahrenen Meister angefertigt
wurden und wrde sie in die jngere Phase der Urnenfelderkultur datieren (Novotn 1991, 46). Es gibt noch einen weiteren
Fund dieses Geftypus aus dem Gebiet der Slowakei, bei dem
jedoch die Fundumstnde nicht vollstndig bekannt sind (Patay 1990, 19, T. 2,5). Die Verwendung der Gefe der Variante
A2 datierte P. Patay anhand von geschlossenen Hortfunden
vom Anfang der Stufe Ha A bis in die Stufe Ha A2 und definierte
als deren Verbreitungsgebiet das Gebiet Nordungarns und der
Ostslowakei, d.h. das Gebiet der Kyjatice-Kultur, in deren lterer
Phase ebenfalls solche Bronzegefe vorkommen (Patay 1990,
20-21).
M. Novotn unterscheidet zwischen den Gefkrpern der
Becken, die hufig einen betonten bergang zum oberen Teil
(bikonisch wie Vcszentlszl) oder aber einen runden Krper
und eingezogenen Rand aufweisen (Osternienburg, Keresztte) (Novotn 1991, 43), wie auch bei dem Exemplar aus der
Drau. Ihr Boden ist in der Mitte nach innen gewlbt (Keresztte, Acholshausen). Die Becken sind normalerweise unverziert,
wie auch das Exemplar aus oderica, oder sie zeigen unter
dem Rand eine Punzierung aus Pnktchen, Linien oder Halbmonden (Novotn 1991, 43). Ihr Griff ist glatt und bogenfrmig
(Vcszentlszl, Szombathely-Operint) (Novotn 1991, 43). Zwei
Randfragmente solcher Becken wurden in der Slowakei im Hort
Bobrovec (Novotn 1991, 43, T. 8,46-47), auf dem Gebiet der
Lausitzer Kultur, entdeckt (Novotn 1991, 47). Die meisten Autoren, die sich mit Bronzegefen beschftigt haben, sind der
Meinung, dass sich ihr Verbreitungsgebiet berwiegend auf
dem Gebiet Nordungarns und der Slowakei beziehungsweise
im Norden des Karpatenbeckens befindet (von Merhart 1952,
63, Karte 1; Patay 1990, 187; Novotn 1991, 46).
uerst interessant ist die Vorrichtung zur Befestigung
des Griffs am Gef, die Applik. Das einzige Exemplar fr eine
Applik, wie die am Becken aus der Drau, wurde im Depot von
Slavonski Brod entdeckt, dessen Funde im Rmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseum in Mainz aufbewahrt werden (Clausing
2004, 104, Abb. 29,83). In diesem Depot ist die Applik nicht am
Gef selbst befestigt, sondern als gesonderter Fund entdeckt.
Es wurde auch ein Bronzeblechfragment gefunden, das Teil
des Gefkrpers sein drfte, an dem die Applik befestigt war
(Clausing 2004, 107, Abb. 29,84). Das Depot wurde in die II. Phase der Horte nach K. Vinski-Gasparini beziehungsweise in die
Stufen Br D und Ha A1 (Clausing 2004, 200) datiert. hnliche
Vorrichtungen zur Befestigung der Griffe wurden in Ungarn an
einigen Becken, die in den Kurd-Horizont datiert wurden, gefunden. Sie wurden in den Horten Meznyrd und Keresztte
registriert, whrend bei dem Gef aus Szombathely-perint
die Fundumstnde nicht bekannt sind (Mozsolics 1985, 49-50,
T. 150,8, T. 136,4, T. 285). Die Appliken haben eine Dreiecksform
73
hart 1952, 63, Karte 1; Patay 1990, 187; Novotn 1991, 46).
Vrlo je zanimljiv ureaj za privrivanje ruke na posudu
tzv. ataa. Jedini primjer ovakve atae, kakvu posjeduje kotli iz Drave, pronaen je u ostavi iz Slavonskog Broda koja se
uva u Rmisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseumu u Mainzu
(Clausing 2004, 104, Abb. 29,83). U toj ostavi ataa nije pronaena privrena na samu posudu, nego kao izdvojen nalaz.
Pronaen je i ulomak bronanog lima koji bi mogao biti dio
tijela posude na koju je ataa bila privena (Clausing 2004,
107, Abb. 29,84). Ostava je datirana u II. fazu ostava prema K.
Vinski-Gasparini, odnosno u Br D i Ha A1 stupanj (Clausing
2004, 200). Slini ureaji za privrivanje ruke pronaeni
su u Maarskoj na nekoliko kotlia datiranih u Kurd horizont.
Uoeni su u ostavama Meznyrd i Keresztte, dok kod posude iz Szombathely-perinta nisu poznate okolnosti nalaza (Mozsolics 1985, 49-50, T. 150,8, T. 136,4, T. 285). Te atae
su tzv. trokutastog oblika i zajednika su znaajka kotlia
skupine A u podjeli G. von Merharta (von Merhart 1952, 4),
pri emu se razlikuju one od uglatog trakastog lima (Acholshausen, Piliny), ili pak one poput zatvorenog trokuta (Vcszentlszl, Keresztte, Szombathely-Operint). Na rub su privrene dvjema zakovicama (Novotn 1991, 43). Zanimljivo
je da je u naselju Szregu (Szeged) pronaen kalup za lijevanje trokutastih ataa (Mozsolics 1985, 49, T. 274,2a-b). Neto
sloenije izvedbe su atae na bronanom kotliu iz ostave
Meznyrd, gdje se radi o obliku trokuta na ijem je svakom vrhu kruna uica za privrivanje zakovicama za tijelo
posude te vea uica koja se nalazi na jednoj vanjskoj strani
trokuta za koju bi se privrivala ruka (Patay 1990, T. 2,4).
Kod nalaza iz Nadapa radi se o krunoj atai i dvama manjim
krunim uicama kroz koje je ataa privrena zakovicama
za tijelo posude (Petres 1990, 87, T. 72,174). Ta dva nalaza Ch.
Clausing pribraja krunim ataama, iako su u podjelama ostalih autora i ta dva nalaza pribrojena trokutastom tipu ataa
(Clausing 2004, 104, Abb. 30,1-2). Atae trokutastog i srodnih
oblika su prethodnice tzv. krinim ataama koje se pojavljuju
u mlaoj fazi kulture polja sa arama (Ha B1) (Clausing 2004,
106). Nalaz atae iz ostave Slavonski Brod, iako najsliniji po
nekim detaljima, ipak se razlikuje od atae na kotliu iz Drave. Kruna uica kroz koju se privrivala ruka na primjerku
iz Slavonskog Broda znatno je vea od ove iz Gabajeve grede
i izdanci na brodskom nalazu nainjeni su puno nemarnije.
Kod dva izdanka izgleda kao da su naknadno privreni za
obru, dok je dravski primjerak izliven u jednom komadu.
Zakovice su na nalazu iz Slavonskog Broda dosta sitnije, a
primjerak iz Drave ima vee zakovice za privrivanje atae
na tijelo posude.
Bronani kotli iz Drave, prema obliku posude, moe se
svrstati u skupinu A prema podjeli G. von Merharta, odnosno u varijantu A2 prema P. Patayu. S obzirom na blisku paralelu za atau u ostavi iz Slavonskom Broda, nalaz bronanog
kotlia iz Drave moe se datirati u Ha A1 stupanj.
Ostali nalazi na prostoru sjeverne Hrvatske, koji bi mogli
6
upuivati na ostatke bronanog posua, vrlo su rijetki. U
ostavi Veliko Nabre zabiljeen je ulomak lima sa zakovicom
(Vinski-Gasparini 1973, T. 44,19) koji podsjea na trokutaste
und stellen ein gemeinsames Merkmal der Becken der Gruppe A in der Klassifizierung G. von Merharts dar (von Merhart
1952, 4), wobei zwischen den Appliken aus eckigem Blechband
(Acholshausen, Piliny) und denen in Form eines geschlossenen Dreiecks unterschieden wird (Vcszentlszl, Keresztte,
Szombathely-Operint). Am Gefrand sind sie mit zwei Nieten
befestigt (Novotn 1991, 43). Interessanterweise wurde in der
Siedlung Szreg (Szeged) eine Guform fr dreieckige Appliken entdeckt (Mozsolics 1985, 49, T. 274,2a-b). Etwas komplexer
sind die Appliken am Bronzebecken aus dem Hort Meznyrd
in Form eines Dreiecks mit je einer Ringse; an jeder Ecke zur
Befestigung mit Nieten am Gefkrper; an einer Auenseite
des Dreiecks befindet sich eine grere se, an der der Griff
befestigt werden konnte (Patay 1990, T. 2,4). Bei dem Fund aus
Nadap handelt es sich um eine runde Applik und zwei kleinere
runde Ringsen, durch die die Applik mit Nieten am Gefkrper befestigt ist (Petres 1990, 87, T. 72,174). Diese zwei Funde
ordnet Ch. Clausing den runden Appliken zu, obwohl in den
Einteilungen der anderen Autoren diese zwei Funde ebenfalls zum dreieckigen Typus von Appliken gerechnet wurden
(Clausing 2004, 104, Abb. 30,1-2). Dreieckige und verwandte
Appliken sind Vorlufer der sogenannten Kreuzappliken, die in
der jngeren Phase der Urnenfelderkultur (Ha B1) vorkommen
(Clausing 2004, 106). Obwohl anhand einiger Details am hnlichsten, unterscheidet sich der Hortfund der Applik aus Slavonski Brod doch von der am Becken aus der Drau. Die runde
se, durch die der Griff am Exemplar aus Slavonski Brod befestigt wurde, ist wesentlich grer als die aus Gabajeva greda,
und die Sprossen am Fund aus Slavonski Brod sind wesentlich
nachlssiger ausgefhrt. Bei zwei Sprossen sieht es aus, als seien sie nachtrglich an den Ring angebracht worden, whrend
das Exemplar aus der Drau aus einem Stck gegossen ist. Die
Nieten am Fund aus Slavonski Brod sind wesentlich kleiner, und
das Exemplar aus der Drau hat grere Nieten zur Befestigung
der Applik an den Gefkrper.
Das Bronzebecken aus der Drau lsst sich seiner Form nach
in die Gruppe A nach der Einteilung G. von Merharts beziehungsweise in die Variante A2 nach P. Patay eingliedern. Im
Hinblick auf die groe bereinstimmung mit der Applik aus
dem Hort in Slavonski Brod lsst sich der Fund des Bronzebeckens aus der Drau in die Stufe Ha A1 datieren.
Andere Funde auf dem Gebiet Nordkroatiens, die auf berreste von Bronzegefen hinweisen knnten, sind uerst
6
selten. Im Hort Veliko Nabre wurde ein Blechfragment mit
einer Niete registriert (Vinski-Gasparini 1973, T. 44,19), das an
die Appliken von Keresztte erinnert, die bei den Zufallsfunden
von Vcszentlszl, Szombathely-Operint und im Grab Osternienburg verzeichnet wurden (Clausing 2004, 106, Abb. 31,1-2,
Abb. 32,1-2).
Bronzegefe sind von siebzehn Horten und zwei Zufallsfunden in Kroatien bekannt und meistens in die Zeit Ha A1 datiert (Kaldenhoff 2003, 84, Abb. 2). Am zahlreichsten sind Eimer
und Zisten (Kaldenhoff 2003, Tab. 14), whrend gegenwrtig
zwei Becken aus dem schon erwhnten Hort Slavonski Brod
bekannt sind, und zwar ein Geffragment und eine Applik, die
mit der des Beckens aus der Drau identisch ist (Clausing 2004,
Abb. 29,83-84). Somit stellt das Becken aus der Drau den dritten
Fund dieses Typus von Bronzegeschirr auf dem Gebiet Nordkroatiens dar.
6. Veliko hvala na susretljivosti, uvidu u nalaze i ustupljenoj literaturi dugujem prof. Dubravki Balen-Letuni, muzejskoj savjetnici i voditeljici
Pretpovijesne zbirke Arheolokog muzeja u Zagrebu.
6. Mein groer Dank geht an Prof. Dubravka Balen-Letuni, Museumsrtin

und Leiterin der Vorgeschichtlichen Sammlung des Archologischen
Museums in Zagreb, fr ihre Freundlichkeit, Einsicht in die Funde sowie
fr die zur Verfgung gestellte Literatur.
74
atae kakve su zabiljeene u ostavi Keresztte, u sluajnim

nalazima Vcszentlszl, Szombathely-Operint i u grobu
Osternienburg (Clausing 2004, 106, Abb. 31,1-2, Abb. 32,1-2).
Bronane posude su poznate iz sedamnaest ostava i dva
sluajna nalaza u Hrvatskoj i uglavnom su datirane u Ha A1
vrijeme (Kaldenhoff 2003, 84, Abb. 2). Najbrojnija su vedra i
ciste (Kaldenhoff 2003, Tab. 14), dok su zasad poznata dva
kotlia iz ve spomenute ostave Slavonski Brod i to ulomak
posude i ataa koja je identina atai kotlia iz Drave (Clausing 2004, Abb. 29,83-84). Stoga je kotli iz Drave trei nalaz
ovakvog tipa bronanog posua na prostoru sjeverne Hrvatske.
Nalaz kotlia iz ljunare Gabajeva greda namee pitanje
zato je ovako izuzetan komad posua odbaen ili deponiran u Dravi. Metalno posue, nainjeno od bronce ili zlata,
ne predstavlja svakodnevni servis za jelo i pie, ve je ono bilo ekskluzivni proizvod bronano- i eljeznodobne Europe,
koriten u sveanim i ceremonijalnim prilikama (MetznerNebelsick 2003, 100). Stoga je esto prilagano u ostave s izuzetnim inventarom (Hnsel 1997, 83), osobito na podruju
jugoistonih Alpa i Karpatske kotline (Hansen 1994, 117).
Bronani kotli iz Drave je oteen; jedna ataa nedostaje, a dno je uniteno udarcem. Je li se kotli unitio tijekom
upotrebe, pa bio odbaen i tako dospio na mjesto nalaza ili
je sa svrhom bio deponiran u rijeku ili pripadajui rukavac,
teko je sa sigurnou rei. Treba istaknuti kako je na prostoru Karpatske kotline izuzetno rijetko bronano posue iz
starije faze kulture polja sa arama pronaeno u vodama i
movarama (Hansen 1994, 119, Abb. 64). Najblii primjer je
jedna zdjela iz Ljubljanice kod Bevke (inkovec 1995, 122, T.
36,263; Hansen 1994, 119). Radi se o bronanoj zdjeli s trakastom rukom koja je u Narodni muzej u Ljubljani pristigla
kao sluajni nalaz iz Ljubljanice. Zdjela je datirana u Ha A
vrijeme (inkovec 1995, 122). S. Hansen zasad taj sluaj ne
bi pribrojio nekoj lokalnoj pravilnosti (Hansen 1994, 119).
Unitenost bronanog kotlia moda se moe usporediti s
dragovoljnim unitavanjem predmeta u ostavama meurijeja Save i Drave, zapadne Maarske i Transilvanije, izmeu
ostalog i bronanih posuda. Za taj fenomen S. Hansen naglaava da pokazuje kako ti predmeti nisu bili namijenjeni
nekoj buduoj upotrebi, to je istodobno i vaan argument
protiv kulturno-povijesne teze kako su te ostave skrivane
zbog opasnosti (Hansen 1994, 122). On razlikuje dvije regije nalaza prema prilaganju bronanih posuda u ostavama:
junu (Transdanubija, meurijeje Save i Drave) i sjevernu
(Slovaka i sjeverna Maarska). I dok se u mlaoj fazi kulture
polja sa arama u junoj skupini ostava vie ne prilau bronane posude, one i dalje imaju itekako vanu ulogu u ostavama sjeverne skupine (Hansen 1994, 122).
Pohranjivanje posuda (keramikih i bronanih) u jezerima
i movarama zabiljeeno je na prostoru istone Njemake u
kasnom bronanom dobu, kada je ono povezano sa rtvenim obredima kasnobronanodobnih stanovnika oblinjih
naselja, kako bi udobrovoljili odreeno boanstvo s probranim komadima ivotinjskog mesa ili pak sa skupocjenim
sadrajem u tim posudama (mast, med ili zaini) (Czyborra
1997, 87-88, Abb. 2). Jedna takva ostava bronanog posua
otkrivena je u movari u Herzbergu u Brandenburgu i pripada mlaoj fazi kasnog bronanog doba (Czyborra 1997,
Mit dem Fund des Beckens aus der Kiesgrube Gabajeva

greda erhebt sich die Frage, aus welchem Grund ein derart auerordentliches Stck Geschirr in die Drau geworfen oder darin
deponiert wurde. Metallgefe aus Bronze oder Gold waren
kein alltgliches Ess- und Trinkgeschirr, sondern sie wurden als
exklusive Produkte im Europa der Bronze- und Eisenzeit bei
festlichen und zeremoniellen Gelegenheiten verwendet (Metzner-Nebelsick 2003, 100). Daher wurden sie hufig Depots mit
auerordentlichem Inventar beigegeben, vor allem auf dem
Gebiet der Sdostalpen und des Karpatenbeckens (Hansen
1994, 117).
Das Bronzebecken aus der Drau ist beschdigt; eine Applik
fehlt, und sein Boden ist durch einen Schlag zerstrt. Ob das
Becken im Laufe des Gebrauchs beschdigt und dann weggeworfen wurde und in dieser Weise an den Fundort gelangte,
oder ob es zu einem bestimmten Zweck in dem Fluss oder
dem dazugehrigen Nebenarm deponiert wurde, kann man
schwerlich mit Gewissheit sagen. Es sei darauf hingewiesen,
dass im Gebiet des Karpatenbeckens Bronzegefe aus der
lteren Phase der Urnenfelderkultur uerst selten in Gewssern und Smpfen gefunden werden (Hansen 1994, 119, Abb.
64). Das nchste Beispiel ist eine Schssel aus Ljubljanica bei
Bevka (inkovec 1995, 122, T. 36,263; Hansen 1994, 119). Es
handelt sich um eine Bronzeschssel mit bandfrmigem Griff,
die als Zufallsfund aus der Ljubljanica in das Narodni muzej in
Ljubljana gelangte. Die Schssel wurde in die Zeit Ha A datiert
(inkovec 1995, 122). S. Hansen vermag diesen Fall gegenwrtig
keiner lokalen Ordnungsmigkeit zuzurechnen (Hansen 1994,
119). Die Beschdigung des Bronzebeckens lsst sich vielleicht
durch absichtliches Beschdigen von Gegenstnden darunter
auch Bronzegefen in Depots im Zwischenstromgebiet der
Save und der Drau, sowie aus Westungarn und Siebenbrgen,
erklren. Dieses Phnomen fhrt S. Hansen als Beweis dafr an,
dass diese Gegenstnde nicht fr eine zuknftige Verwendung
bestimmt waren, was gleichzeitig ein bedeutendes Argument
gegen die kulturhistorische These darstellt, dass diese Horte
vor einer Gefahr versteckt wurden (Hansen 1994, 122). Anhand
der beigegebenen Bronzegefe in den Horten unterscheidet
er zwischen zwei Fundregionen: einer sdlichen (Transdanubien, Zwischenstromgebiet der Save und Drau) und einer nrdlichen (Slowakei und Nordungarn). Und whrend in der jngeren
Phase der Urnenfelderkultur in der sdlichen Hortgruppe keine
Bronzegefe mehr beigegeben werden, spielen sie weiterhin
eine uerst wichtige Rolle in den Horten der nrdlichen Gruppe (Hansen 1994, 122).
Die Aufbewahrung von (Keramik- und Bronze-) Gefen
in Seen und Smpfen wird auf dem Gebiet Ostdeutschlands
in der Sptbronzezeit verzeichnet, als dies mit Opferriten der
sptbronzezeitlichen Einwohner der benachbarten Siedlungen
verbunden ist, um eine bestimmte Gottheit mit auserlesenen
Stcken von Tierfleisch oder aber mit dem kostbaren Inhalt
dieser Gefe (Salbe, Honig oder Gewrze) gndig stimmen
zu knnen (Czyborra 1997, 87-88, Abb. 2). Ein solcher Hort mit
Bronzegefen wurde auch im Sumpf in Herzberg in Brandenburg entdeckt, und in die jngere Phase der Sptbronzezeit
eingeordnet (Czyborra 1997, 88; Metzner-Nebelsick 1997, Abb.
3). Auf dem Gebiet von Dnemark und in der norddeutschen
Tiefebene kommen sehr hufig Horte mit exklusiven Bronzegefen in Smpfen oder Mooren, in der Nhe von Flssen oder
Seen, vor (Metzner-Nebelsick 2003, 106, Abb. 6). Diesen Horten
sind meistens zwei Gefe (Eimer und Becken) beigegeben,
genauso wie im Karpatenbecken, wo auch groe Gefe Becken und Eimer berwiegen, whrend Schsseln seltener sind
(Metzner-Nebelsick 2003, 107-108).
75
88; Metzner-Nebelsick 1997, Abb. 3). Na podruju Danske i

sjevernonjemake ravnice vrlo su este ostave ekskluzivnih
bronanih posuda u movarama ili vlanim podrujima, u
blizini rijeka ili jezera (Metzner-Nebelsick 2003, 106, Abb. 6).
U tim ostavama uglavnom su priloene dvije posude (vedro
i kotli) kao i u Karpatskoj kotlini, gdje takoer prevladavaju
velike posude kotlovi i vedra, dok su zdjele rjee (MetznerNebelsick 2003, 107-108).
Kao prilog u grobovima u kasnom bronanom dobu
bronano posue pojavljuje se na podruju izmeu Elsassa
i zapadne Slovake u mukim elitnim grobovima (Hansen
1994, 117, Abb. 64), to se na prostoru june Njemake i eke opet javlja u 8. st. pr. Kr., kao nain pokapanja ranoeljeznodobnih elita prema uzorima iz kasnog bronanog doba,
odnosno 13.-12. st. pr. Kr. (Metzner-Nebelsick 2003, 108). Zasad na prostoru june Panonije nema zabiljeenih grobova s
bronanim posuem u starijoj fazi kasnog bronanog doba.
U kontekstu rtvovanja nalazi se razmjena izmeu boanstva i ovjeka pri emu, u usporedbi s ostalim materijalnim vrijednostima, ekskluzivni karakter ostava posuda ukazuje na odreeni status onoga koji rtvuje. Ostave posua su
u razmjeni s boanstvom u slinom odnosu kao i razmjena
darova izmeu prijateljskih obitelji, odnosno zajednica koja
rtvuje ne eli se udaljiti u svojem drutvenom statusu od
sfere boanskog. Stoga i kontekst nalaza ostava bronanog
posua u vodenom okoliu (movarama, tresetitima i blizinama rijeka) u sjevernoj i srednjoj Europi ukazuje na slian
odnos, kao i nain deponiranja (posude za pie), to asocira
na plodnost zemlje i molitvu za to (Metzner-Nebelsick 2003,
111). Mitska funkcija rijeka, kao spoj izmeu ivota i smrti,
posebno je bila naglaena na prostoru gdje je prirodni ciklus
rijeke tijekom godine bio jamevina svakodnevnom ivotu
(npr. Nil) (Torbrgge 1972, 96). Vode su vjerojatno bile viene
u ta stara vremena kao realne prirodne pojave i kao mitska
mjesta, zbog ega su i postajale mjesto rtvovanja (Torbrgge 1972, 123). U prilog pretpostavci kako je bronani kotli
pohranjen u Dravi kao rtveni dar, ide i teorija W. Kubacha
o nalazima pojedinanih predmeta na topografski vanim
mjestima deponiranja (Kubach 1985, 179). To potkrepljuju
nalazi ostalih bronanih predmeta, mahom oruja u oblinjim dravskim ljunarama Grabu i oderici (Markovi 2001,
297; Glogovi, Miko 2001, 23-25, T. 1-2), koji opet nisu usamljena vrsta nalaza u vodenom kontekstu na irem prostoru
(npr. Gornja Austrija, Slovenija) u vrijeme starije faze kasnog
bronanog doba, kada su osobito brojni pojedinani nalazi
oruja ili orua upravo u rijekama i prostorima uz njih (Erbach-Schnberg 1985; inkovec 1995). Treba napomenuti kako
se najvei broj nalaza iz rijeka na prostoru Gornje Austrije
moe datirati u Br D-Ha A1 stupanj (Erbach-Schnberg 1985,
170), kao to je sluaj i s malim uzorkom oruja pronaenim
uz Dravu na koprivnikom prostoru. U taj kronoloki okvir
pribraja se i nalaz bronanog kotlia iz ljunare Gabajeva
greda kraj Drave, rijeke za koju moda treba uzeti u obzir
znaenje koje je kao dio svakodnevnog okolia, ali i udljive prirode imala u duhovnom ivotu onodobnih stanovnika
Podravine. Stoga nalazi dragocjenih bronanih predmeta
u rijeci, njezinim rukavcima i ljunarama uz nju ne moraju
nuno biti sluajnost
76
Als Grabbeigaben kommen Bronzegefe in der Sptbronzezeit im Gebiet zwischen Elsass und Westslowakei in vornehmen Mnnergrbern vor (Hansen 1994, 117, Abb. 64), was auf
dem Gebiet von Sddeutschland und Tschechien wieder im 8.
Jahrhundert v. Chr. als eine Bestattungsart der frheisenzeitlichen Elite vorkommt, nach Vorbildern aus der Sptbronzezeit
beziehungsweise dem 13.-12. Jahrhundert v. Chr. (Metzner-Nebelsick 2003, 108). In Sdpannonien sind bisher keine Grber
mit Bronzegefen aus der lteren Phase der Sptbronzezeit
dokumentiert.
Im Kontext der Opferungen steht der Austausch zwischen
Gottheit und Mensch, wobei im Vergleich zu den sonstigen
materiellen Werten der exklusive Charakter der Gefdepots
auf einen bestimmten Status des Opfernden hinweist. Hortfunde von Gefen stehen im Rahmen des Austausches mit
der Gottheit in einem hnlichen Bezug zueinander wie beim
Austausch von Geschenken zwischen befreundeten Familien
die opfernde Gemeinschaft mchte sich nmlich in ihrem
gesellschaftlichen Status nicht von der Sphre des Gttlichen
entfernen. Daher weist auch der Kontext der Hortfunde mit
Bronzegefen in den Gewssern (Smpfe, Moore oder in der
Nhe von Flssen) Nord- und Mitteleuropas auf einen hnlichen Bezug hin, wie auch die Art des Deponierens (der Trinkgefe), was assoziiert wird mit der Fruchtbarkeit der Erde und
das Gebet darum (Metzner-Nebelsick 2003, 111). Die mythische
Funktion der Flsse als Verbindung zwischen Leben und Tod
war insbesondere auf einem Gebiet betont, wo der natrliche
Zyklus des Flusses im Laufe des Jahres eine Garantie fr das
Alltagsleben darstellte (z.B. der Nil) (Torbrgge 1972, 96). Die
Gewsser wurden in diesen uralten Zeiten wohl als reale natrliche Erscheinungen und gleichzeitig auch als mythische Orte
betrachtet, weshalb sie zu Opfersttten wurden (Torbrgge
1972, 123). Fr die Vermutung, dass das Bronzebecken in der
Drau als Opfergabe hinterlegt worden war, spricht auch die
Theorie von W. Kubach ber die Funde von Einzelgegenstnden an topographisch wichtigen Deponierungsorten (Kubach
1985, 179). Dies belegen auch die Funde sonstiger Bronzegegenstnde, berwiegend Waffen, in den nahe gelegenen Kiesgruben an der Drau Grab und oderica (Markovi 2001, 297;
Glogovi, Miko 2001, 23-25, T. 1-2) , die wiederum keine vereinzelten Wasserfunde aus dem weiteren Gebiet (z.B. Obersterreich, Slowenien) in der lteren Phase der Sptbronzezeit sind,
als Einzelfunde von Waffen oder Werkzeugen direkt in Flssen oder in den benachbarten Gebieten besonders zahlreich
sind (Erbach-Schnberg 1985; inkovec 1995). Es sei darauf
hingewiesen, dass die grte Zahl der Wasserfunde auf dem
Gebiet Obersterreichs sich in die Stufe Br D-Ha A1 datieren
lsst (Erbach-Schnberg 1985, 170), genau so wie das kleine, an
der Drau im Koprivnica-Gebiet entdeckte Muster einer Waffe.
Zu diesem chronologischen Rahmen zhlt auch der Fund des
Bronzebeckens aus der Kiesgrube Gabajeva greda an der Drau,
einem Fluss, dessen Bedeutung als Teil des alltglichen Umfeldes, aber auch wegen seines launenhaften Charakters fr das
geistige Leben der damaligen Einwohner der Podravina man
bercksichtigen sollte. Daher drften die Funde wertvoller
Bronzegegenstnde im Fluss sowie in seinen Nebenarmen und
Kiesgruben nicht unbedingt ein Zufall sein.
Das Bronzebecken aus der Drau ist ein auerordentlicher
Wasserfund von Bronzegegenstnden auf dem Gebiet Nordkroatiens. Aufgrund der sehr starken Parallelen mit der Applik
aus dem Hort Slavonski Brod lsst sich der Fund in die Zeit Ha
A1 beziehungsweise in die Phase II. der Horte datieren. Das
Bronzebecken gehrt anhand seiner Form zur Variante A2 nach
Bronani kotli iz Drave izuzetan je nalaz bronanog posua u vodi na prostoru sjeverne Hrvatske. Prema vrlo bliskim paralelama s ataom iz ostave Slavonski Brod, nalaz se
moe datirati u Ha A1 vrijeme, odnosno II. fazu ostava. Bronani kotli, prema svom obliku, pripada varijanti A2 prema
P. Patayu, koja je u upotrebi u Ha A stupnju. Zanimljivo je
istaknuti kako su dva jedinstvena nalaza ovakvih ataa pronaena na prostoru meurijeja Drave i Save, gdje se moda
moe nagovijestiti neki lokalni oblik.
Uz Dravu je itav radni vijek vrsto vezan na svear, prof.
dr. sc. eljko Tomii. Radio je u Gradskom muzeju Varadin i
Muzeju Meimurja u akovcu, a kasnije istraivao nalazita u
Zvonimirovu kod Virovitice i Ciganki kod Slatine te pokrenuo
brojne projekte kojima je cilj istraivanje arheoloke batine u Podravini u srednjoeuropskim okvirima. Stoga, uz 65.
obljetnicu ivota, estitamo naem svearu na dosadanjim
postignuima u znanstvenom i strunom radu te mu elimo,
uza zdravlje, plodonosne brojne godine koje su pred njim.
P. Patay, die in der Stufe Ha A in Gebrauch war. Es ist ein interessanter Hinweis, dass zwei einzelne Funde solcher Appliken
auf dem Gebiet des Zwischenstromgebiets der Drau und Save
entdeckt wurden, wo man vielleicht eine lokale Form andeuten
knnte.
Mit der Drau ist sein ganzes Arbeitsleben lang unser Jubilar,
Prof. Dr. eljko Tomii, verbunden. Er war beim Stadtmuseum
von Varadin sowie beim Meimurje-Museum in akovec ttig,
untersuchte danach die Fundorte in Zvonimirovo bei Virovitica
und Ciganka bei Slatina und initiierte zahlreiche Projekte, die
die Erforschung des archologischen Erbes in der Podravina im
mitteleuropischen Rahmen zum Ziel hatten. Daher gratulieren
wir unserem Jubilar zu seinem 65. Geburtstag und darber hinaus auch zu den bisherigen Ergebnissen seiner wissenschaftlichen und beruflichen Arbeit, und wir wnschen ihm nicht nur
gute Gesundheit, sondern auch zahlreiche fruchtbare Jahre,
die ihm noch bevorstehen mgen.
Clados C., 1997, Pustakovec Bez.Varsand, Jugoslawien (Pustakovec, Kot.
Koprivnica, Kroatien), u: A. & B. Hnsel, Gaben an die Gtter, Bestandskatalog, Berlin, 174-176.
Clausing C., 2004, Ein urnenfelderzeitliche Hortfund von Slavonski Brod,
Kroatien, JbRGZM 50/1 (2003), Mainz, 47-205.
Czyborra I., 1997, Gefdeponierungen Speise und Trank fr Gtter
und Menschen, u: A. & B. Hnsel, Gaben an die Gtter, Bestandskatalog, Berlin, 87-92.
Erbach-Schnberg M.-C., 1985, Bemerkungen zu urnenfelderzeitlichen
Deponierungen in Obersterreich, AKorrBl 15/2, Mainz, 163-178.
Glogovi D., 2000, Novoobjavljena ostava Pustakovec i ostale prapovijesne ostave iz sjeverozapadne Hrvatske, PrilInstArheolZagrebu
17, Zagreb, 103-111.
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Toreca pokraj Koprivnice i njihova spektrometrijska analiza, PrilInstArheolZagrebu 18, Zagreb, 21-31.
Hnsel A., 1997, Das metallene Tafelgeschirr im Opfer, u: A. & B. Hnsel,
Gaben an die Gtter, Bestandskatalog, Berlin, 83-86.
Hnsel A., Ein lterurnenfelderzeitliches Depot aus Pustakovec, Kot.
akovec, Kroatien, ActaPraehistA 31, Berlin 1999, 76-92.
Hansen S., 1994, Studien zu den Metalldeponierung whrend der lteren
Urnenfelderzeit zwischen Rhnetal und Karpatenbecken, UPA 21,
Bonn
Hellebrandt M., 2000, Die Bronzefund von Meznyrd, ActaArchHung
LI (1999/2000) 1-4, Budapest 2000, 207-234.
Kaldenhoff K., 2003, Bronzezeitliche Metallgefsse in Kroatien, Hausarbeit
zur Erlangung des Grades einer Magistra Artium der Philosophischen Fakultt der Westflischen Wilhelms-Universitt Mnster,
Westfalen
Kubach W., 1985, Einzel- und Mehrstckdeponierungen und ihre Fundpltze, AKorrBl 15/2, Mainz, 179-185.
Kulenovi I., 2004, Arheoloka istraivanja na naselju Cerine VII kod Koprivnice, PodrZb 2004, Koprivnica, 315-328.
Kulenovi I., Alekovi M., 2003, Novi nalaz ostave bronanih predmeta s
lokaliteta Poljane kod Koprivnice, OpuscA 27, Zagreb, 157-163.
Lonjak Dizdar D., 2005, Naseljenost Podravine u starijoj fazi kulture po-
lja sa arama, PrilInstArheolZagrebu 22, Zagreb, 25-58.

Markovi Z., 1995, Osvrt na nekoliko novopronaenih nalazita iz
koprivnike Podravine, MuzVjes 18/19, Varadin, 19-25.
Markovi Z., 2001, Arheoloki nalazi iz ljunara otkrivaju najstariju povijest Podravine, Hrvatske vode 9 (2001) 36, Zagreb, 295-300.
von Merhart G., 1952, Studien ber einige Gattungen von Bronzegefen, Festschrift des Rmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums
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Patay P., 1996, Einige Worte ber Bronzegefe der Bronzezeit, u: Studien
zur Metallindustrie im Karpatenbecken und den benachbarten
Regionen, Festschrift fr Amlia Mozsolics zum 85. Geburtstag,
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Pescheck Ch., 1972, Ein reicher Grabfund mit Kesselwagen aus Unterfranken, Germania 50/1, Berlin 1972, 29-56.
Petres . F., 1990, Anhang. Die Bronzegefsse aus dem Depotfund von
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77
T. 1
T. 1
T. 1
78

Neposredno datiranje botanikih uzoraka u arheolokom kontekstu - biljni ostaci

s prapovijesnog lokaliteta Kaptol-Gradci kod Poege (Hrvatska)
Direct Dating of Botanical Samples in an Archaeological Context Plant Remains from
the Prehistoric Site of Kaptol-Gradci near Poega (Croatia)

UDK/UDC 903.28:581.48](497.5-37 Poega)
RENATA OTARI
Sveuilite u Zagrebu
Prirodoslovno-matematiki fakultet
Bioloki odsjek
BOTANIKI ZAVOD S BOTANIKIM VRTOM
Maruliev trg 20/2
HR - 10000 Zagreb
renata@botanic.hr
HRVOJE POTREBICA
Sveuilite u Zagrebu
Filozofski fakultet
I. Luia 3
HR 10000 Zagreb
hpotrebi@ffzg.hr
ANDREJA BRIGI
Sveuilite u Zagrebu
Prirodoslovno-matematiki fakultet
Bioloki odsjek
ZOOLOGIJSKI ZAVOD
Rooseveltov trg 6, HR-10000 Zagreb
andrejab@biol.pmf.hr
Arheoloka nalazita u blizini mjesta Kaptol kod Poege predstavljaju jedan od najznaajnijih kompleksa
haltatske kulture u ovom dijelu Europe. Tijekom 2001. i 2002. god. istraivan je tumul 1, smjeten na
istonom rubu nekropole lokaliteta Kaptol-Gradci. Tumul je bio pravilnog oblika s prosjenom visinom
od 1,5 m i promjerom 12-14 m i predstavlja zatvorenu grobnu cjelinu u ijoj se sredini nalazila komora
suhozidne konstrukcije, priblinih dimenzija 4,5 x 4 m i prosjene visine oko 1,25 m, koja je vjerojatno
bila vanjska obloga drvenog sanduka, odnosno komore u kojoj je pokojnik bio pokopan. ini se da je
komora bila konceptualno podijeljena u dva dijela, a u njezinoj unutranjosti je naena nakupina pepela
s kostima pokojnika, te brojni prilozi. Analiza metalnih nalaza i brojnih keramikih ostataka datira ovaj
tumul u razdoblje Ha C1, odnosno u prvu polovicu 7. st. pr. Kr., a datiranje radioaktivnim ugljikom u doba
810.-420. god. pr. Kr.
Uz ostale nalaze, u sjeverozapadnom kutu grobne komore pronaena je mala, na nekoliko mjesta
napuknuta, keramika zdjelica ispunjena sjemenkama, koja po svojim znaajkama takoer pripada
haltatskom razdoblju. Prva pretpostavka bila je da je posrijedi grobni prilog, no zbunjivao je sastav
biljnih ostataka radilo se o sitnim sjemenkama iskljuivo samoniklih biljaka (Euphorbia cyparissias/
dulcis i Euphorbia sp. 36%; Vicia/Lathyrus tip 1 i 2 29%; Trifolium tip 1 i 2 17%; Geranium dissectum 12%; Viola sp. 1%; Carex sp., Scirpus sp. i dr. 5%). Jo je neobinija bila injenica da je znatni
dio sjemenki, koje bi trebale biti stare oko 2700 godina proklijao. AMS-datacija neproklijalih sjemenki
pokazala je starost manju od 50 godina, to znai da se radi o recentnoj kontaminaciji. Kako se radi
o zatvorenom grobnom kompleksu i nema materijalnih dokaza da je posudica naknadno unesena u
nekom od mlaih povijesnih razdoblja, odbaen je ljudski faktor. Zbog injenice da su biljni ostaci gotovo
iskljuivo vezani za haltatsku keramiku posudicu, u prvi mah se odbacivala mogunost da je posrijedi
nakupina ivotinjskog podrijetla. Ipak, daljnjom analizom utvreno je kako se najvjerojatnije radi o ostacima mravinjaka napuknuta haltatska zdjelica posluila je mravima kao sklonite, slino kamenu,
pukotini stijena i dr., i dobar zaklon za njihovo skladite sjemenki.
Kljune rijei: tumul, grobni prilozi, biljni ostaci, mravi sjemenari, haltat,Kaptol-Gradci, Hrvatska
79
R. OTARI, H. POTREBICA, A. BRIGI, Neposredno datiranje botanikih uzoraka Kaptol, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 79-88.
The archaeological sites near the village of Kaptol near Poega are among the most important complexes
of the Hallstatt culture in this part of Europe. Tumulus 1, situated at the eastern edge of the necropolis of the
Kaptol-Gradci site was excavated during 2001 and 2002. The tumulus was of regular shape with an average
height of 1,5 and a diameter of 12-14 m. It is a closed grave assemblage with a drywall grave chamber in the
centre, measuring approximately 4,5 x 4 m and 1,25 m high on average. The chamber was probably an outer
casing of the wooden coffin, i.e. a chamber in which the deceased was buried. It seems that the chamber was
conceptually divided into two parts. A heap of ash with the bones of the deceased as well as numerous grave
goods were found in its interior. The analysis of the metal finds and numerous ceramic remains dates this
tumulus to the Ha C1 period, that is, the first half of the 7th century B.C., while the radiocarbon dates yielded
an age between 810-420 B.C.
In addition to other finds, a small ceramic vessel filled with seeds was found in the northwestern corner of the
grave chamber. It was cracked in several places and by virtue of its features it also belongs to the Hallstatt
period. The first assumption was that it formed part of grave goods, but the composition of plant remains
was puzzling these consisted of small seeds of exclusively wild plants (Euphorbia cyparissias/dulcis and
Euphorbia sp. 36%; Vicia/Lathyrus type 1 and 2 29%; Trifolium type 1 and 2 17%; Geranium dissectum
12%; Viola sp. 1%; Carex sp., Scirpus sp. etc. 5%). An altogether more unusual fact was that a considerable
part of the seeds, which are supposedly 2700 years old germinated. The AMS-dating of ungerminated seeds
showed an age of less than 50 years, which means that this was a recent contamination. As this is a closed
grave complex without any material evidence that the vessel was introduced later during subsequent historical periods, the human factor has been discarded. As the plant remains are almost exclusively connected
with the Hallstatt ceramic vessel, at first the possibility was rejected that the heap was produced by animal
action. However, further analysis established that in all likelihood these were the remains of a subterranean
ant nest the cracked Hallstatt vessel was used by ants as a shelter, similar to a stone, a crack in the rock etc.,
and a good cover for their store of seeds.
Key words: tumulus, grave goods, plant remains, harvester ants, Hallstatt, Kaptol-Gradci, Croatia
UVOD
Nalazita u blizini mjesta Kaptol kod Poege (sl. 1) predstavljaju jedan od najznaajnijih kompleksa haltatske
kulture u ovom dijelu Europe. Nekropola na poloaju emernica istraivana je u razdoblju od 1965. do 1971. god., a
posljednji ciklus sustavnih istraivanja koji uz ovo obuhvaa
i nalazita na lokalitetu Gradci, poeo je 2001. god. i kontinuirano se odvija svake sezone, ukljuivi i 2007. god.
U ovom e radu biti predstavljeni rezultati arheobotanikih analiza vezanih za arheoloko istraivanje lokaliteta Kaptol-Gradci (4526N, 1743E, sl. 1) 2001. i 2002. god.,
a odnose se na tumul 1 koji je smjeten na istonom rubu
nekropole to se smjestila u neposrednoj blizini utvrenog
naselja na obroncima Papuka, nadmorske visine izmeu
400 i 450 m.
Istraeni tumul bio je pravilnog oblika s prosjenom visinom od 1,5 m i promjerom koji zbog pada terena varira
izmeu 12 i 14 m. U sredini tumula nalazila se komora suhozidne konstrukcije izgraena na terenu koji je niveliran
lomljenjem izdanaka prirodne stjenovite podloge gnajsa.
Suhozidna konstrukcija bila je priblinih dimenzija 4,5 x 4 m
u najirem donjem dijelu i prosjene visine oko 1,25 m. ini
se da je komora bila konceptualno podijeljena u dva dijela. U
junom dijelu suhozidne konstrukcije, zid je bio kalcificiran
u toj mjeri da je razdvajanje kamenja pri razgradnji iziskivalo
velike napore. U tom dijelu komora je bila ispunjena slojevima gara, vjerojatno s pogrebne lomae i dijelovima namjerno lomljenih keramikih posuda. Vano je napomenuti
da unato velikom broju pronaenih posuda u ovom dijelu
komore, svakoj je nedostajao barem jedan dio. Za razliku
od takve situacije, u sjevernom dijelu komore nije uoena
80
INTRODUCTION
The sites in the vicinity of the village of Kaptol near
Poega (Fig. 1) make up one of the most important complexes of the Hallstatt culture in this part of Europe. The
necropolis at the position of emernica was excavated
between 1965 and 1971, and the latest cycle of systematic
excavations, which in addition to this one comprises also
the positions at the site of Gradci has started in 2001 and
continued every year, including 2007.
This paper will present the results of archaeobotanical
analyses connected with the archaeological excavation of
the Kaptol-Gradci site (4526N, 1743E, Fig. 1) in 2001 and
2002, and they refer to tumulus 1, situated at the eastern
edge of the necropolis, which lies in the immediate vicinity of the fortified settlement on the slopes of the Papuk
mountain, between 400 and 450 m above sea level.
The excavated tumulus had a regular shape with an
average height of 1,5 m and a diameter that varies between 12 and 14 m due to the inclination of the terrain. A
drywall chamber built on soil leveled by the breakage of
the outcrops of natural rocky substrate gneiss stood
in the centre of the tumulus. The drywall structure measured approximately 4,5 x 4 m in the widest lower part, and
it was around 1,25 m high on average. It seems that the
chamber was conceptually divided in two parts. The wall
in the southern part of the drywall structure was calcified
to such extent that the separation of stones during the deconstruction required great effort. This part of the chamber was filled with layers of charcoal, probably from the fu-
R. OTARI, H. POTREBICA, A. BRIGI, Direct Dating of Botanical samples Kaptol, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 79-88.
Sl. 1 Geografski poloaj lokaliteta Kaptol-Gradci

Fig. 1 The geographic position of the site Kaptol-Gradci
keramika u gornjim slojevima, a na dnu je pronaena cjelina koju moemo smatrati grobom (sl. 2). U sjeveroistonom
dijelu pronaeno je nekoliko veih komada kamena koji su
vjerojatno upali kroz drveni pokrov komore, a izmeu njih
su pronaene tri plitke zdjele. Ispod jednog veeg kamena
u sjeveroistonom kutu, na malom uzvienju od prirodne
kamene podloge, pronaena je velika nakupina pepela
izmijeanog s kostima, za koje je antropolokom analizom
utvreno da su pripadale pokojniku. Uz taj veliki kamen, u
samom kutu komore pronaena je eljezna sjekira s ruicama, dok je ispod kamena u nakupini pepela i kostiju pronaena bronana fibula sa zadebljanjima na narebrenom luku
i dva prstenasta privjeska od bronane ice, eljezni noi i
dva keramika prljenka. U sjeverozapadnom kutu komore,
pronaena je samo jedna mala zdjelica ispunjena sjemenjem (sl. 3) (Potrebica 2002).
neral pyre, and with pieces of deliberately broken ceramic

vessels. It is important to mention that in spite of a large
number of discovered vessels in this part of the chamber,
each lacked at least one piece. In contrast to this situation,
there was no perceived pottery in the upper layers in the
northern part of the chamber, while an assemblage that
can be considered a burial was discovered at the bottom
(Fig. 2). Several larger pieces of stone that probably fell in
through the wooden cover of the chamber were found in
the northeastern part, and three shallow bowls were found
among them. A large heap of ash mixed with bones was
found beneath a larger stone in the northeastern corner,
on a small elevation of natural bedrock. The anthropological analysis determined that the bones belonged to the
deceased person. An iron trunion axe was found adjacent
81
Istraivanjem drugih grobnih humaka na istom nalazitu utvrdili smo da je suhozidna konstrukcija vjerojatno bila
vanjska obloga drvenog sanduka, odnosno komore u kojoj
je pokojnik bio pokopan, a ije tragove zbog propadljivosti
materijala rijetko moemo neposredno utvrditi. U ovom sluaju je vidljivo da se kamena obloga komore u potpunosti
oslanjala na neto to je ouvalo sredinji prostor koji je po
propadanju drvene komore zasula zemlja iz nasipa samog
tumula. Utvren je relativno velik broj posuda (oko 21), to
je velik broj kad se usporedi s ostalim grobnim cjelinama
na ovom lokalitetu, ukoliko izuzmemo kneevski tumul 6.
Meutim, veina tih posuda je namjerno fragmentirana i
nabacana bez nekog vidljivog reda te se ini da su u komoru prilagani samo vei ili manji dijelovi posuda. Ovoj cjelini
je za sada, kako dimenzijama, tako i unutranjom organizacijom najsliniji tumul 7 na istoj nekropoli. Iako pljaku ne
moemo u potpunosti iskljuiti, kao razlog za takvu situaciju drugi elementi ju ine manje vjerojatnom. Prapovijesni
pljakaki prodori u unutranjost tumula uglavnom dolaze
sa strane i jasno su uoljivi na nekoliko slinih kamenih obloga na ovoj nekropoli, to u primjeru tumula 1 nije sluaj.
Takoer, pljakae, bez obzira je li rije o prapovijesti, antici, srednjem vijeku ili modernom dobu, nikada ne zanima
keramika koja u sluaju pljake ostaje razbacana na mjestu
prodora, to je isto bilo dokumentirano u nekoliko slinih
sluajeva na ovoj nekropoli. Meutim, u nasipu tumula 1
pronaen je tek jedan ulomak keramike! Osim toga, taj ulomak nije se mogao povezati niti s jednom posudom pronaenom unutar komore, a kojima, s druge strane, katkad
nedostaje i do jedna treina. Veoma slina struktura tumula
7 ukazuje kako je prije rije o specifinom grobnom ritualu,
negoli o naknadnom poremeaju grobne cjeline (Potrebica
2006, 61-64). Ostaci keramike, pa i mala izdvojena zdjelica
ispunjena sjemenjem, svojim se obiljejima u potpunosti
uklapaju u lokalnu proizvodnju, na to ukazuje i vrlo esto
premazivanje povrina posuda grafitom.
Svi nalazi upuuju na zakljuak kako rije o cjelini koja
pripada meu najstarije do sada pronaene na obje nekropole oko Kaptola. Ovaj tumul se prema materijalu (metalnim nalazima i keramikim oblicima) datira u razdoblje Ha
C1 odnosno u prvu polovicu 7. st. pr. Kr., dok je veina dosadanjih nalaza pripadala razdobljima Ha C2 i Ha D1, odnosno drugoj polovici 7. i prvoj polovici 6. st. pr. Kr. Zbog
dobivanja okvirne apsolutno kronoloke slike izvreno je i
uzorkovanje materijala za datiranje radioaktivnim ugljikom
koje je dalo rezultat 810.-420. god. pr. Kr.

Spomenuto je da je tijekom iskopavanja, u sjeverozapadnom kutu nekropole, pronaena jedna mala zdjelica
ispunjena sjemenjem (sl. 3), koja po svojim obiljejima pripada haltatskom razdoblju. Kako je pukla na nekoliko mjesta zbog pritiska nasipa tumula, za arheobotaniku analizu
uzorkovani su sadraj zdjelice, te zemlja oko posudice i gar
ispod nje. Paralelno s tim uzeti su i uzorci nasipa tumula iz
razliitih dijelova komore. Ukupna volumna koliina analiziranih uzoraka iz cijele komore iznosi 58 litara, od kojih je 8
litara izuzeto ispod, oko ili iz same zdjelice. Uzorci su proce-
82
Sl. 2 Tlocrt komore s oznaenim poloajem zdjelice sa sjemenkama

Fig. 2 The ground plan of the chamber with the marked position of
the small bowl with seeds
to that large stone, in the very corner of the chamber, while

a bronze fibula with several disks on the ribbed bow and
two annular pendants of bronze wire, a small iron knife
and two ceramic spindle-whorls were found in the heap of
ash and bones beneath the stone. A small bowl filled with
seeds was the only object discovered in the northeastern
corner of the chamber (Fig. 3) (Potrebica 2002).
The excavation of the other grave barrows on the same
site helped us determine that the drywall structure was
probably the outer casing of the wooden coffin, i.e. the
chamber in which the deceased person was buried, and
whose traces can rarely be directly ascertained owing to
the perishable nature of the material. In this case it was
apparent that the stone casing of the chamber entirely
leaned on something that preserved the central space
which was filled by the soil from the fill of the tumulus after the wooden chamber had decayed. A relatively large
number of vessels (around 21) were documented, which
is quite a high number when compared to the remaining grave assemblages on this site, with the exception of
princely tumulus 6. However, a good part of those vessels
were deliberately broken and scattered about with no apparent order and it seems that only larger or smaller parts
of vessels were deposited into the chamber. In terms of dimensions as well as interior organization tumulus 7 in the
same necropolis is at present the most similar assemblage
to this one. Although we cannot entirely rule out looting
there are other elements that make it a less probable cause
for such a situation. Prehistoric looting incursions into the
interior of tumuli mostly come from the side and are clearly
Sl. 3 Fotografija zdjelice sa sjemenkama: A) in situ, B) nakon

rekonstrukcije
Fig. 3 A photograph of the small bowl with seeds: A) in situ, B) after
reconstruction
sirani na uobiajeni nain za ispiranje preko sita, a koritena

su sita veliine oka mree 2.5, 1 i 0.3 mm.
REZULTATI I RASPRAVA
Od 12 uzoraka uzetih na razliitim mjestima u komori tumula 1 (uzorak 1- komora; B-3; 10,52-10,58; 28. 04. 2002;
gar ispod zdjele 2 i keramike pored / uz. 2 - komora; B-4;
10,49; 28. 04. 2002; sadraj zdjele 4 / uz. 3 - komora; B-4;
10,54; 28. 04. 2002; kod zdjele 4 / uz. 4 -komora; B-4;
10,49; 28. 04. 2002; gar ispod zdjele 4 / uz. 5 - komora; B-3;
10,55; 28. 04. 2002 / uz. 6 - komora; B-3; 10,87-10,74;
26. 04. 2002 / uz. 7 - komora; C-2; 11,19-11,09; 25. 04. 2002
/ uz. 8 - komora; C-3, B-3; 10,49; 27. 04. 2002. + K / uz.
9 - komora; C-3; 10,66; 26. 04. 2002 / uz. 10 - komora;
C-3; 11,15; 25. 04. 2002 / uz. 11 - komora; C-4; 10,55;
26.04.2002 / uz. 12 - komora; B-2/3; 10,64; 28. 04. 2002;
laka frakcija - spaljene kosti), samo ih je est sadravalo
ostatke sjemenki i plodova (Tab. 1).
Izdvojeno je ukupno 1026 nekarboniziranih i neproklijanih biljnih ostataka, ouvanih u odlinom stanju, a njih
98,8% potjee iz keramike zdjelice i njezine neposredne
blizine. Budui da je zdjelica pukla na nekoliko mjesta, pretpostavljeno je da su nalazi oko i ispod posudice dio rasuta
sadraja zdjelice, to potvruje i gotovo identini sastav.
perceptible in several similar stone casings in this necropolis, which is not the case with tumulus 1. Moreover, the
looters, irrespective of the period prehistory, antiquity,
the Middle Ages or the Modern Age, are never interested
in pottery. In the case of looting, usually left scattered on
the spot of incursion which was also documented in several similar cases in this necropolis. However, the fill of tumulus 1 yielded merely one fragment of pottery! Furthermore, that fragment could not be connected to any vessel
found within the chamber, even though they sometimes
lack up to a third of their mass. The highly similar structure
of tumulus 7 indicates that this is sooner a case of a specific
burial ritual than of a subsequent disturbance of the grave
assemblage (Potrebica 2006, 61-64). The features of the
pottery remains, including the separate small bowl filled
with seeds, entirely match the local production, which is
also indicated by the fact that the surfaces of vessels are
frequently coated with graphite.
All the finds point to the conclusion that this assemblage is among the oldest ones found so far on both necropolises around Kaptol. Based on the material (the metal
finds and the ceramic forms), this tumulus is dated to the
Ha C1 period, that is, the first half of the 7th cent. B.C.,
whereas the majority of the finds discovered until now belonged to the Ha C2 and Ha D1 periods, i.e. the second half
of the 7th cent. B.C. and the first half of the 6th cent. B.C. In
order to obtain a general picture regarding absolute chronology the material was sampled for radiocarbon dating,
which yielded the age of 810-420 B.C.

It has already been mentioned that a small bowl filled
with seeds (Fig. 3) was discovered during the excavations
in the northwestern corner of the chamber. As it cracked
in several places due to the pressure of the tumulus fill,
the contents of the small bowl, the soil surrounding it and
the charcoal below it were sampled for archaeobotanical
analysis. In parallel with this we also sampled the fill of the
tumulus from various parts of the chamber. The total volume of the analyzed samples from the entire chamber was
58 litres, of which 8 litres were taken from below, around
or within the bowl itself. The samples were processed in
the usual manner for Wet - sieving, using 2.5, 1 and 0.3 mm
mesh sizes.
THE RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Only six out of 12 samples taken at various spots within
the chamber of tumulus 1 contained the remains of seeds
and fruits (Pl. 1): sample 1 - chamber; B-3; 10,52-10,58;
28/04/2002; charcoal beneath bowl 2 and adjacent pottery / sam. 2 - chamber; B-4; 10,49; 28/04/2002;
contents of bowl 4 / sam. 3 - chamber; B-4; 10,54;
28/04/2002; next to bowl 4 / sam. 4 -chamber; B-4;
10,49; 28/04/2002; charcoal beneath bowl 4 / sam. 5 chamber; B-3; 10,55; 28/04/2002 / sam. 6 - chamber;
B-3; 10,87-10,74; 26/04/2002 / sam. 7 - chamber; C-2;
11,19-11,09; 25/04/2002 / sam. 8 - chamber; C-3, B-3;
83
Sl. 4 Neki od biljnih ostataka naenih u haltatskoj keramikoj

posudici: A) Trifolium sp. tip 1, B) Viola sp. i C) Vicia/Lathyrus sp. tip 2
Fig. 4 Some of the plant remains found in the Hallstatt ceramic vessel: A) Trifolium sp. Type 1, B) Viola sp. and C) Vicia/Lathyrus
sp. type 2
Uzorci iz ostalih dijelova komore ili nisu sadravali biljne

ostatke ili su tek pojedinani i drukijeg sastava (Tab. 1) i
pretpostavlja se da su u grobnu komoru dospjeli sluajno.

Budui da su nalazi biljnih ostataka (sl. 4) prvenstveno vezani za keramiku zdjelicu, koja svojim obiljejima
pripada haltatskom razdoblju, prva pretpostavka je bila
da su posudica i njezin sadraj dio grobnih priloga. Sadraj
zdjelice u najveem postotku (36%) ine sjemenke mljeike
(Euphorbia cyparissias/dulcis i Euphorbia sp.), sjemenke mahunarki (Vicia/Lathyrus tip 1 i 2 29%, te Trifolium tip 1 i 2
17%) i sjemenke iglice (Geranium dissectum 12%), dok su
puno manjim udjelom zastupljeni ostaci ljubice (Viola sp.
1%) i ostalih (Carex sp., Scirpus sp. i dr. 5%), pa je mogue
da su ti manje-vie pojedinani nalazi sluajna primjesa (sl.
5).
Sadraj zdjelice prilino je iznenadio, budui da se radi
o sitnim sjemenkama iskljuivo samoniklih biljaka i teko je
pretpostaviti koji je smisao ovakva grobnog priloga. Jo je
vee iznenaenje bila injenica da znatni dio sjemenki, koje
bi trebale biti stare oko 2700 godina proklijao. Materijal je
uzorkovan na samom lokalitetu 28. travnja 2002., tako to
su sadraj zdjelice i uzorci sedimenta iz komore stavljeni u
plastine vreice i kartonsku kutiju u kojoj su 9. svibnja 2002.
dostavljeni na analizu. Ve tada, pri preuzimanju uzoraka,
bilo je vidljivo da je znatni dio biljnog materijala poeo klijati (sl. 6A). Uzorci su ostavljeni jo tjedan dana, a zatim su
klijanci izdvojeni i posaeni u cvjetni lonac, dok je ostatak
uzoraka ispran i izdvojen je preostali biljni materijal. S vremenom su se klijanci razvili u napredne biljice, s time da su
dominirali Vicia i Geranium (sl. 6B). Sve biljke koje su proklijale, razvile su zdrave i snane stabljike i listove, ali u prvoj
vegetacijskoj sezoni nijedna nije procvala. Tek je jedan primjerak iglice (Geranium) preivio do sljedee sezone u kojoj je bujno cvao i stvarao plodove, te na kraju vegetacijske
sezone i on nestao.
84
Sl. 5 Udio pojedinih biljnih svojti naenih u i oko haltatske

keramike zdjelice
Fig. 5 Proportion of individual plant taxa found in and around the
Hallstatt ceramic bowl
10,49; 27/04/2002. + K / sam. 9 - chamber; C-3; 10,66;

26/04/2002 / sam. 10 - chamber; C-3; 11,15; 25/04/2002
/ sam. 11 - chamber; C-4; 10,55; 26/04/2002 / sam. 12
- chamber; B-2/3; 10,64; 28/04/2002; light fraction
burnt bones).
A total of 1026 non-carbonized and ungerminated
plant remains were separated, excellently preserved, and
98,8% of those come from the small ceramic vessel and the
space immediately around it. Considering that the small
bowl cracked in several places, it was assumed that the
finds around and below the bowl formed part of the scattered contents of the bowl, which is corroborated by the
almost identical composition. The samples from the other
parts of the chamber either did not contain plant remains
or they were only individual and of a different composition (Pl. 1) and it is assumed that they arrived in the grave
chamber by accident.
Considering that the finds of plant remains (Fig. 4) are
primarily connected with the small ceramic bowl, whose
features place it in the Hallstatt period, the first assumption was that the small bowl and its contents form part of
the grave goods. The contents of the small bowl revealed
that the most represented taxa are Euphorbia cyparissias/
dulcis and Euphorbia sp., whose seeds make up 36% of the
bowl. It is followed by seeds of pulses (Vicia/Lathyrus type
1 and 2 29%, and Trifolium type 1 and 2 17%) and Geranium dissectum - 12% while the remains of violet (Viola
sp. 1%) and other species (Carex sp., Scirpus sp. etc. 5%)
are present in a much smaller percentage, so it is possible
that these more or less individual finds are accidental inclusions (Fig. 5).
The contents of the bowl came as quite a surprise, given
that these were small seeds of exclusively wild plants and
it is difficult to grasp the meaning of a grave good of this
kind. An even greater surprise was the fact that a consider-
Sl. 6
Faze klijanja sjemenki naenih u haltatskoj keramikoj posudici: A) proklijale sjemenke, B) mlade biljke
Fig. 6 Phases of the germination of the seeds found in the Hallstatt
ceramic bowl: A) germinated seeds, B) young plants
Iako se jo uvijek istrauje i pekulira o tome koliko dugo

sjemenke mogu zadrati klijavost i u kakvim uvjetima (usp.
npr. Lerman, Cigliano 1971; Basu 1995, 2-3; Baskin, Baskin
1998, 145-149), mogunost da to razdoblje bude 2700 godina
inila se nevjerojatnom, pa je dio neproklijanih sjemenki poslan na AMS-dataciju u Beta Analytic laboratorij (Miami, Florida). U tom laboratoriju analiziran je uzorak drvenog ugljena
pronaen neposredno uz pliticu, a rezultat je nedvojbeno
potvrdio pripadnost ove cjeline razdoblju haltata. Meutim,
analiza sjemenki je pokazala starost ispod 50 godina, to je
znailo da se radi o recentnoj kontaminaciji.
Meutim, ni viekratno ponovljenim analizama tumula
1 i njegova kompleksa, arheolozi nisu mogli pojasniti na koji bi nain haltatska posudica s biljnim materijalom mogla
naknadno dospjeti u unutranjost odnosno komoru tumula,
budui da je cjelina bila zatvorena iznimno tvrdim slojem
kalcifikata, a na kamenoj jezgri koja zatvara komoru, kao ni
u unutranjosti komore, nije bilo nikakvih tragova otvaranja
cjeline. ak i da pretpostavimo mogunost pljake u nekome
od povijesnih razdoblja, to ne bi razjasnilo misterij proklijalih
sjemenki. Definitivno se radi o kontaminaciji novijeg datuma,
ali ljudski imbenik se morao odbaciti, jer za to nema nikakve
materijalne potvrde.
able part of the seeds, which were supposed to be around

2700 years old, has germinated. The material was sampled
on the site itself on 28th April 2002 by placing the contents
of the bowl and the sediment samples from the chamber
into plastic bags and a cardboard box, in which they were
delivered for analysis on 9th May 2002. Already then, at
the takeover of the samples, it was obvious that a good
part of the plant material started germinating (Fig. 6A).
The samples were left standing for another week and then
the sprouts were separated and planted into a flower pot,
while the remainder of the samples were wet - sieved and
the remaining plant material separated. The sprouts eventually developed into thriving plants, with Vicia and Geranium dominating (Fig. 6B). All the plants that germinated
developed healthy and strong stems and leaves, but not a
single one blossomed in the first vegetational season. Only
one specimen of Geranium survived until the next season,
in which it bloomed lavishly and yielded fruits, but it also
waned at the end of the vegetational season.
Although the research and conjecture on how long
and in what conditions seeds can preserve their ability to
germinate is still ongoing, the possibility that this might
amount to 2700 years appeared implausible (comp. e.g.
Lerman, Cigliano 1971; Basu 1995, 2-3; Baskin, Baskin 1998,
145-149), so a part of the ungerminated seeds were sent
for AMS-dating to the Beta Analytic Laboratory (Miami,
Florida). This laboratory carried out an analysis of a charcoal sample discovered adjacent to the small bowl, and
the result confirmed beyond doubt that this assemblage
belonged to the Hallstatt period. However, the analysis of
the seeds showed that they were less than 50 years old,
which meant that a recent contamination was at play.
However, even after multiple analyses of tumulus 1
and its complex, the archaeologists were still unable to
explain how it could happen that a Hallstatt vessel with
plant material could at a later point in time arrive in the interior, more precisely the chamber of the tumulus, considering that the assemblage was sealed by an exceptionally
hard layer of calcified matter and that the stone core that
covered the chamber, same as the interior of the chamber,
showed no signs whatsoever of having been opened. Even
if we allow for the possibility of looting during one of the
historical periods, this would not clarify the mystery of the
germinated seeds. This is definitely a contamination of a
recent date, but we were forced to reject the possibility of
human action, because there was no material evidence of
any sort.
Because the plant remains are almost exclusively connected with the Hallstatt ceramic vessel, at first we discarded the possibility that the heap was produced by animal action. However, animals are largely of opportunistic
nature, and the find of a mouse nest in the interior of an
ancient Greek bronze statue (otari et al. 2007) shows
that they can choose fairly bizarre places for their dwellings, so this possibility was also taken into consideration.
Even though no animal traces were noticed in the interior
85
Zbog injenice da su biljni ostaci gotovo iskljuivo vezani

za haltatsku keramiku posudicu, u prvi mah se odbacivala
mogunost da se radi o nakupini ivotinjskog podrijetla. No
ivotinje su dobrim dijelom oportunisti, a nalaz mijega gnijezda u unutranjosti starogrkog bronanog kipa (otari
et al. 2007) pokazuje da mogu odabrati prilino bizarna
mjesta za svoje nastambe, pa je razmotrena i ta mogunost.
Iako u unutranjosti tumula 1 nisu uoeni tragovi ivotinja, u
dijelu kasnije otvaranih grobnih kompleksa naeni su ostaci
starijih i novijih gnijezda glodavaca koja su jasno vidljiva i
prepoznatljiva, a prilikom iskopavanja u stratigrafiji su uoljivi i tuneli kojima su se glodavci sluili. Takoer, u nekoliko
sluajeva susreli smo se i s aktivnim mravinjacima u unutranjosti tumula.
Usporede li se biljni nalazi iz mijega gnijezda starogrkog bronanog kipa (otari et al. 2007) i iz haltatske posudice tumula 1, uoljiva je razlika u sastavu, koja je i oekivana, budui da nalazi potjeu iz razliitih klimatskih zona,
ali i u tipu biljnog materijala. U grkom mijem gnijezdu
naeni su ostaci kukaca, te vrlo raznovrsni biljni materijal,
ija veliina je varirala od nekoliko milimetara do nekoliko
centimetara, a ukljuivala je sjemenke, plodove, fragmente klasova itarica, glavice sa zrelim rokama, mahunarke s
ostacima sjemenki i mahuna, ostatke sonih plodova i dr.
Haltatska posudica sadravala je iskljuivo biljni materijal,
nikakvi ostaci kukaca, zuba, dlaka i sl. nisu naeni, a ostaci
sjemenki su vrlo sitni, uglavnom 1-2 milimetra, tek poneka
sjemenka mahunarki (Vicia/Lathyrus tipovi) prelazi 2 mm,
i vrlo isti, bez tragova mahuna, tobolaca i sl. omotaa.
Osim toga, 54% neproklijanih sjemenki iz posudice u prirodi
se rasprostranjuje ili se moe rasprostranjivati putem mrava
(prema Dll, Kutzelnigg 1986), to ne iskljuuje mogunost
da je i ostatak nalaza bio dio mravlje smonice. Postoje i
druge vrste kukaca koje pohranjuju priuve hrane u podzemne prostore, kao npr. pojedini rodovi i vrste inae tipino predatorske porodice traka (Carabidae). U odraslom i
liinakom obliku trci su edafski organizmi, koji provode
ivot na povrini tla ili u razliitim slojevima tla te su najveim dijelom ivota vezani uz tlo (Thiele 1977; Trautner, Geigenmller 1987). Veinom su predatori, ali pojedini rodovi
su u potpunosti fitofagni (npr. Zabrus). Prava spermofagija
(sjemenke kao izvor hrane) znaajna je za pojedine rodove
tribusa Amarini, Zabrini i Harpalini. Zanimljivo je da liinke
traka, koji se hrane sjemenkama, skladite sjemenke ee
negoli odrasli oblici (Brandmayr 1990). Liinke rodova Harpalus i Ophonus spremaju manje koliine sjemenki u vertikalne rovove, dok je kod odraslih oblika spremanje hrane
za budue potomke zabiljeeno iskljuivo za skupinu Ditomini tribusa Harpalini (Brandmayr 1990). Ipak, s obzirom
na brojnost i veliinu pohranjenih sjemenki najvjerojatnije
se radi o mravima, koji skladite sjemenke u mravinjacima
(rodovi Messor, Monomorium i Pheidole) (Gullan, Cranstone
2005; Matonikin 1991; Wootton 1993). Mravi sjemenari tvore uglavnom velike kolonije i grade kompleksne mravinjake.
Sjemenke pohranjuju u suhe podzemne sobe, na razliitim
dubinama. Dubina mravinjaka je razliita, te kod nekih vrsta
moe iznositi svega nekoliko centimetara, dok kod nekih
pustinjskih mrava moe prelaziti i dvanaest metara, a oblik
86
of tumulus 1, the remains of readily visible and recognizable old and recent rodent nests were found in a part of
the subsequently opened burial complexes, and during
the excavations the tunnels used by the rodents were also
visible in the stratigraphy. Likewise, in several instances we
encountered active anthills in the interior of the tumuli.
The comparison of the plant remains from the mouse
nest in the ancient Greek bronze statue (otari et al. 2007)
and those from the Hallstatt bowl in tumulus 1 reveals a
difference in the contents which is expected considering that the finds come from different climatic zones but
also in the type of plant material. The Greek mouse nest
yielded remains of insects and quite diverse plant material,
whose size varied from a couple of milimetres to several
centimetres and included seeds, fruits, spike segments, capitula with ripe achenes, pulses with remains of seeds and
pods, remains of juicy fruits etc. The Hallstatt vessel contained exclusively plant material, with no remains of insects,
teeth, hair etc., and the seed remains were very small, 1-2
milimetres in general, with only an occasional pulse seed
(Vicia/Lathyrus types) surpassing 2 mm, and very clean,
without traces of pods, capsules and similar seed-cases.
In addition to this, 54% of the ungerminated seeds from
the vessel are dispersed or can be dispersed by ant action
(after Dll, Kutzelnigg 1986), which does not exclude the
possibility that the remaining finds also formed part of the
ant larder. There are also other insect species that store
seeds reserves into underground spaces, e.g. certain genera and species of the otherwise typical predatory family
of ground beetles (Carabidae). In their adult and larval form
ground beetles are edaphic organisms that spend their life
on the surface of soil or in various soil layers, and they are
connected with soil for the most part of their life (Thiele
1977; Trautner, Geigenmller 1987). They are mostly predators, but certain genera are entirely phytophagous (e.g. Zabrus). The true spermophagy (seeds as a source of food)
is important for certain genera of the Amarini, Zabrini and
Harpalini tribes. It is interesting that ground beetle larvae,
which feed on seeds, store seeds more frequently than the
adult forms (Brandmayr 1990). The larvae of the Harpalus
and Ophonus genera store smaller quantities of seeds into
vertical shafts, while for adult forms the storing of food for
future offspring is documented only in the case of the Ditomini group of the Harpalini tribe (Brandmayr 1990). Still,
considering the large number and the size of the stored
seeds, they probably arrived there through the action
of ants, who store seeds in subterranean nests (genera
Messor, Monomorium i Pheidole) (Gullan, Cranstone 2005;
Matonikin 1991; Wootton 1993). Harvester ants generally
form large colonies and build complex subterranean nests.
They store seeds in dry underground granaries at different depths. Anthills vary in depth in the case of certain
species they can amount to only a few centimetres, while
in the case of certain desert ants they can exceed twelve
metres. The form depends on the physical, chemical and
hydrological properties of soil (Schlick-Steiner et al. 2005;
ovisi o fizikalnim, kemijskim i hidrolokim karakteristikama

tla (Schlick-Steiner et al. 2005; Tschinkel 2004).
Izbor napuknute haltatske keramike posudice kao
mjesta za spremanje priuva hrane, moda se u prvi mah
ini vrlo neobinim, ali zapravo i nije. Mravi je doivljavaju kao sklonite, slino kamenu, pukotinama stijena i sl., te
ukoliko su mikroklimatski uvjeti odgovarali tj. ukoliko je bio
minimaliziran utjecaj vlage, mogue je bilo skladitenje sjemenki u posudicu koja je istodobno bila i dobar zaklon za
vrijedne namirnice.
Da sjemenke naene u haltatskoj zdjelici nisu proklijale,
teko da bi bilo tko dovodio u pitanje njihovu starost i ulogu
grobnog priloga, bez obzira i na neoekivano dobru ouvanost biljnog materijala. Ovaj primjer pokazuje kako je vano
biti vrlo oprezan u interpretaciji nalaza, te da bi direktna
datacija organskog materijala trebala biti standard, pa i u
sluajevima kada se kontekst njihova nalaza ini neupitan.
Tschinkel 2004). The selection of a cracked Hallstatt ceramic vessel as the place for storing food reserves may appear
quite unusual at first but in fact it is not. The ants experience it as a shelter, similar to a stone, cracks in a rock etc.,
and if the microclimatic conditions were suitable, i.e. if the
impact of humidity were minimized, it would be possible
to store seeds in the vessel, which was at the same time a
good cover for valuable victuals.
Had the seeds found in the Hallstatt bowl not germinated, hardly anybody would put their age and the role
of grave goods in doubt, irrespective of the surprisingly
well preserved state of the plant material. This example
demonstrates how important it is to be careful in the interpretation of finds, and that the direct dating of organic
material should be the standard, even in the cases when
the context of their discovery appears indisputable.
Baskin C. C., Baskin J. M., 1998, Seeds. Ecology, Biogeography, and Evolution of Dormancy and Germination, Academic Press, San Diego,
145-149.
Basu R. N., 1995, Seed Viability, u: Seed Quality. Basic Mechanisms and
Agricultural Implications, ed. A. S. Basra, The Haworth Press Inc.,
New York, 1-32.
Brandmayr T. Z., 1990, Spermophagous (Seed-eating) Ground Beetles:
First Comparison of the Diet and Ecology of the Harpaline Genera Harpalus and Ophonus (Col., Carabidae), u: The Role of Ground
Beetles in Ecological and Environmental Studies, Intercept, ed. N. E.
Stork, Andover, 307-314.
Dll R., Kutzelnigg H., 1986, Neues botanisch-kologisches Exkursionstaschenbuch, Das Wichtigste zur Biologie der heimischen Pflanzen
(2. erw. u. vllig neubearb. Aufl.). IDH-Verlag, Rheurdt
Gullan P. J., Cranstone P. S., 2005, The Insects an outline of entomology,
Blackwell Publishing, Oxford
Lerman J. C., Cigliano E. M., 1971, New carbon-14 evidence for six hundred years old Canna compacta seed, Nature 232, 568-570.
Matonikin I., 1991, Beskraljenjaci biologija viih avertebrata, kolska
knjiga, Zagreb
Potrebica H., 2002, Istraivanje nekropole pod tumulima iz starijega

eljeznog doba na nalazitu Gradci kod sela Kaptol (sezona 2001),
OpuscA 26, Zagreb, 331-339.
Potrebica H., 2006, Kaptol-Gradci (lokalitet 28), HAG 2/2005, Zagreb, 6164.
Schlick-Steiner B. C., Steiner F. M., Stauffer C., Buschinger A., 2005, Life
history traits of a European Messor harvester ant, Insect. Soc. 52,
Basel, 360-365.
otari R., Kovai D., aleta M., Alegro A., Miti B., 2007, The Croatian
Apoxyomenos as a luxurious rodents nest an archaeobotanical
and zoological analyses of organic material found inside the classical bronze statue, Veget Hist Archaeobot DOI 10.1007/s00334007-0097-7.
Thiele H. U., 1977, Carabid Beetles in Their Environments, Zoophysiology
and Ecology 10, Springer Verlag, Berlin
Trautner J., Geigenmller K., 1987, Tiger Beetles and Ground Beetles, Illustrated Key to the Cicindelidae and Carabidae of Europe, Margraf
Publishers, Aichtal
Tschinkel W. R., 2004, The nest architecture of the Florida harvester ant,
Pogonomyrmex badius. Journal of Insect Science 4:21, 19.
Wootton A., 1993, Insects of the World, Blandford, Hong Kong
87
SVOJTA:/BROJ UZORKA:
TAXON:/NO. OF SAMPLES:
Alchemilla vulgaris s.l.
Carex sp.
Euphorbia cyparissias/dulcis
Euphorbia sp.
Geranium dissectum
Polycnemum arvense
Prunella vulgaris
Scirpus sp.
Trifolium sp. Tip/Type 1
Trifolium sp. Tip/Type 2
Vicia/Lathyrus sp. Tip/Type 1
Vicia/Lathyrus sp. Tip/Type 2
Viola sp.
INDET.
12
1
2
19
153
39
69
101
83
1
19
5
2
21
6
87
3
2
332
1
139
8
31
155
6
34
628
1
1
6
2
20
1
54
Tab. 1 Popis biljnih svojti naenih u uzorcima iz komore tumula 1

Pl. 1 The list of plant taxa found in the samples from the chamber of tumulus 1
88
6
6
2
4
1
2
89
273
127
3
1
1
166
8
39
262
10
44
1026
Karakteristini nalazi kasnohaltatskog naselja u Zbelavi kod Varadina i fibula

tipa Velem
Characteristic Finds from the late Hallstatt Settlement at Zbelava near Varadin and a
Velem-type Fibula
SAA KOVAEVI
HR 10 000 Zagreb
sasa.kovacevic@iarh.hr


UDK/UDC 902.2(497.5 Zbelava)
903:739](497.5 Zbelava)6387
903:672.836](497.5 Zbelava)6387
U tekstu autor po prvi put predstavlja kasnohaltatski lokalitet u Zbelavi Pod lipom. S posebnom
se pozornou osvre na bronanu fibulu tipa Velem pronaenu u naselju te na veze hrvatske
Podravine s podrujem zapadne Panonije u kasnoj fazi starijeg eljeznog doba, koje taj i odreeni
drugi nalazi impliciraju. U lanku se daje i kratak osvrt na rezultate interdisciplinarnih istraivanja
provedenih na arheolokom materijalu s ovog znaajnog podravskog lokaliteta.
Kljune rijei: sjeverozapadna Hrvatska, kasnohaltatsko naselje, fibula tipa Velem, Zapadna
Maarska, arheobotanika, zooarheologija
The author presents in the text for the first time the late Hallstatt site at Zbelava Pod Lipom. He
dedicates special attention to a bronze fibula of the Velem type found in the settlement, as well as
to the relations of Croatian Podravina with the territory of western Pannonia in the late phase of
the early Iron Age, implied by this and certain other finds. A brief review is given in the paper of the
results of interdisciplinary research carried out on the archaeological material from this important
site in Podravina
Key words: northwestern Croatia, late Hallstatt settlement, Velem-type fibula, western Hungary,
archaeobotany, zooarchaeology
ARHEOLOKI LOKALITET U ZBELAVI1
Geografski poloaj i povijest istraivanja

Selo Zbelava nalazi se u sjeverozapadnoj Hrvatskoj, u
varadinskoj Podravini, desetak kilometara istono od grada Varadina (Karta 1-2). To je nizinsko podruje uz rijeku
Dravu, u zaleu kojeg se prema jugu prostiru obronci Varadinsko-toplikog gorja (sl. 1). Lokalitet s vie naseobinskih
horizonata smjestio se oko 2,5 km od sredita sela prema
jugoistoku, uz cestu Zbelava-Kelemen, na blagoj prirodnoj
uzvisini krunog oblika promjera oko 100 m, koja je za 2,0-2,5
m uzdignuta od okolnog nizinskog terena. Sa sjeverne strane lokaliteta tee potok Zbel, a s june, prema eljeznikoj
pruzi Varadin-Ludbreg-Koprivnica, rijeka Plitvica (Registar
1997, 141; imek 1987). Podruje na kojem se nalazi lokalitet
oznaeno je u geografskim kartama toponimom Zbelavak,
no isto mjesto prema sjeanju starijih ljudi naziva se i Pod lipom. Prilikom viemjesenih zatitnih arheolokih istraiva1 Ovaj rad proizlazi iz magistarskog rada Naseljenost sjeverozapadne
Hrvatske u starijem eljeznom dobu (mentorica prof. dr. N. MajnariPandi), koji je autor lanka obranio tijekom srpnja 2005. god. Na ovom
mjestu, voljeli bi smo jo jednom izraziti nau zahvalnost gospodinu
Ameliu Vekiu na ustupljenim nalazima i dokumentaciji, kao i na velikoj
susretljivosti pri obradi materijala.
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITE AT ZBELAVA 1
The geographic position and excavation history
The village of Zbelava is situated in northwestern Croatia, in

the Varadin district of Podravina, some ten kilometres east of
the city of Varadin (Map 1-2). This is a lowland area along the
Drava river, and in its hinterland the slopes of the Varadinske
Toplice Hills stretch towards the south (Fig. 1). The site with
several settlement horizons lies around 2,5 km from the centre
of the village to the south, along the Zbelava-Kelemen road,
on a gentle natural elevation of circular shape with a diameter
of around 100 m, 2,0-2,5 m raised above the surrounding lowland terrain. The Zbel stream flows on the northern side of the
site, while the Plitvica river flows on the southern side, in the
direction of the Varadin-Ludbreg-Koprivnica railway (Registar 1997, 141; imek 1987). The zone of the site is marked in the
geographic maps by the toponim Zbelavak. However, the elderly people recall that the same place is also called Pod Lipom.
2 This work stems from the masters thesis The Settlement of Northwestern Croatia in the Early Iron Age (the mentor was Prof. N. MajnariPandi), defended by the author of the paper during July 2005. In this
place, we would like to once again express our gratitude to Mr. Amelio
Veki for the finds and the documentation, as well as for his great readiness to heIp in the analysis of the material.
89
S. KOVAEVI, Karakteristini nalazi kasnohaltatskog naselja u Zbelavi kod Varadina i fibula tipa Velem, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 89-112.
Karta 1 Poloaj Zbelave u hrvatskoj Podravini

Map 1 The position of Zbelava in Croatian Podravina
nja, koja je 1997. god. na trasi danas ve izgraene autoceste

Zagreb-Gorian provodio zagrebaki Konzervatorski odjel
Uprave za zatitu kulturne batine Ministarstva kulture s A.
Vekiem na elu, istraeno je vie od 3100 m2 povrine lokaliteta. Prije tih obimnih istraivanja, lokalitet je probnim
sondama tijekom 1986. god. ispitivala M. imek iz Gradskog
muzeja u Varadinu (imek 1987).
Prije negoli se posvetimo kulturnoj slici ovoga prapovijesnog nalazita, valjalo bi napomenuti kako se u neposrednoj blizini lokaliteta u Zbelavi Pod lipom nalazi niz
vrlo zanimljivih, rekognosciranjima ili hitnim zatitnim
2
istraivanjima utvrenih nalazita. Tako se oko 600 m sjeveroistono nalazi lokalitet, oznaen kao Zbelevak (I), gdje
2. Zahvaljujem na usmenim informacijama A. Vekiu, pod ijim vodstvom su provedeni terenski pregledi i manja arheoloka istraivanja na
trasi autoceste u okolici Zbelave. Treba spomenuti kako je veina lokaliteta koje spominjemo od prije poznata i kartirana (Registar 1997, karta
prapovijesnih nalazita).
90
During the several-month-long salvage archaeological excavations carried out in 1997 by the Zagreb Conservation Department of the Directorate for the Protection of Cultural Heritage
of the Ministry of Culture, led by A. Veki, on the route of what
is today already the Zagreb-Gorian highway more than 3100
m2 of the site were excavated. Prior to these extensive excavations, the site was investigated by sondage excavations in the
course of 1986 by M. imek from the Varadin City Museum
(imek 1987).
Before we concentrate on the cultural picture of this prehistoric site, it would be worth mentioning that in the immediate vicinity of the site at Zbelava Pod Lipom lie a series of
very interesting sites documented through surveys or urgent
2
salvage excavations. Thus some 600 m to the northeast lies a
2. For personal communications I thank A. Veki, who managed the field
surveys and minor archaeological excavations on the route of the highway
in the surroundings of Zbelava. It should be mentioned that most sites we
mention here had already been known and mapped previously (Registar
1997, map of prehistoric sites).
S. KOVAEVI, Characteristic Finds from the late Hallstatt Settlement at Zbelava near Varadin and a Velem-type Fibula, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 89-112.
Karta 2 Poloaj naselja u Zbelavi kod Varadina

Map 2 The position of the settlement at Zbelava near Varadin
su prilikom gradnje iste autoceste naena i hitno istraena

tri paljevinska groba koja pripadaju domaem romanizira3
nom stanovnitvu. Nekoliko stotina metara od njih nalazi
se Zbelavak II, na kojem je prilikom terenskog pregleda
pronaena vea koliina latenske keramike, to ukazuje na
postojanje naselja iz razdoblja mlaeg eljeznog doba. Vrlo
zanimljiv je i Zbelavak III koji se nalazi na prostranom polju
sjeverno od lokaliteta Pod lipom, na kojem je prilikom rekognosciranja pronaena keramika razvijenog starijeg eljeznog doba. Usto, svakako bi trebalo spomenuti i lokalitet
Zbelava-Gorika u nizinskom podruju juno od pruge Varadin-Koprivnica i juno od lokaliteta Pod lipom. Radi se o
tumulu ouvane visine oko 0,5 m iz nepoznatog razdoblja.
Tumul je navodno raskapan 1937. god., a u njemu su naene
keramike posude, jedna metalna posuda i manji no (Registar 1997, 141). U blizini Zbelave, nalazi se i uveni lokalitet
site registered as Zbelevak (I), where three cinerary burials belonging to the local romanized population were found during
3
the building of the same highway, and promptly excavated.
Several hundred meters from them lies Zbelavak II, where a
large quantity of La Tne pottery was found during a field survey, indicating the existence of a settlement from the late Iron
Age. Very interesting is also Zbelavak III, lying on a spacious
field north of the Pod Lipom site, where pottery from the developed early Iron Age was found during a field survey. In addition to this we should certainly mention the Zbelava-Gorika
site, in the lowland terrain south of the Varadin-Koprivnica
railway and south of the Pod Lipom site. This is a tumulus from
an unknown period, with a preserved height of around 0,5 m.
The tumulus was allegedly dug in 1937, yielding ceramic vessels, a metal vessel and a small knife (Registar 1997, 141). The
renowned site of Jalabet with well-known tumuli at Bistriak
(imek 1998) also lies close to Zbelava, and somewhat farther
3. A. Veki je ta mala i hitna istraivanja proveo tijekom radova na lokalitetu

Pod lipom.
3. A. Veki carried out these small and urgent excavations during the works
at the Pod Lipom site.
91
Sl. 1 Zrana fotografija naselja u Zbelavi tijekom istraivanja (snimila M. imek)

Fig. 1 Aerial photograph of the settlement at Zbelava in the course of excavation (photo by M. imek)
Jalabet s poznatim tumulima na Bistriaku (imek 1998), a

neto istonije lokalitet emovec arnjak s naseobinskim
horizontima koji, prema probnom sondiranju i rekognosciranjima, obuhvaaju i kasno bronano, starije eljezno i
mlae eljezno doba (Registar 1997, 132). Bacimo li pogled
jo dalje nizvodno uz rijeku Dravu, nailazimo na glasovite
lokalitete starijeg eljeznog doba kao Martijanec, Sigetec i
Sv. Petar Ludbreki (Vinski-Gasparini 1987).
Svi ti lokaliteti u neposrednoj blizini naselja kasne faze
starijeg eljeznog doba Pod lipom i zajedno s njim govore o velikoj gustoi naseljenosti i intenzivnom ivotu u ovoj
mikroregiji u metalnim razdobljima; od vremena kasnog
bronanog doba (grob unutar naselja u Zbelavi, arnjak),
preko razvijenog do kasnijeg starijeg eljeznog doba (arnjak, Gorika?, Zbelavak III?, Jalabet Bistriak II), kasne faze starijeg eljeznog doba (Pod lipom), latenskog razdoblja
(Zbelavak II) do ranog razdoblja prevlasti Rimskog Carstva
(Zbelavak I). Naalost, krajolik u kojem su se smjestili svi ovi
lokaliteti drastino je i nepovratno promijenjen tijekom 20.
st. kada je reguliran tok rijeke Plitvice, te provedena komasacija i melioracija (Registar 1997, 132).
92
east lies the site of emovec arnjak with settlement horizons that, according to sondage excavation and field surveys,
comprise the late Bronze, early Iron and late Iron Ages (Registar 1997, 132). If we cast an eye further downstream the Drava
river, we come upon the famous early Iron Age sites such as
Martijanec, Sigetec and Sv. Petar Ludbreki (Vinski-Gasparini
1987).
All these sites in the immediate vicinity of a settlement
from the late phase of the early Iron Age, Pod Lipom, together
with it speak in favour of great density of settlement and intensive living in this microregion in the metal periods; from
the late Bronze Age (a grave within the settlement at Zbelava,
arnjak), through the developed to the later early Iron Age
(arnjak, Gorika?, Zbelavak III?, Jalabet Bistriak II), the
later phase of the early Iron Age (Pod Lipom), the La Tne period (Zbelavak II) to the early period of domination of the Roman Empire (Zbelavak I). Unfortunately, the landscape where
all these sites are situated has been drastically and irreversibly
transformed during the 20th cent., with the regulation of the
course of the Plitvica river and land consolidation and amelioration (Registar 1997, 132).
Plan 1 Plan istraenog dijela lokaliteta Zbelava Pod lipom (izradila M. Gali)
Plan 1 The plan of the excavated portion of the site of Zbelava Pod Lipom (drawn by M. Gali).
Arheoloka slika lokaliteta

Metodoloku osnovu arheolokih istraivanja u Zbelavi inio je koordinatni sustav s kvadrantima dimenzija 5 x
5 m (Plan 1) kao i primjena sustava stratigrafskih jedinica.
Tijekom istraivanja skupljani su uzorci zapuna, ugljena i
kosti, koji e biti predmetom skorih analiza. to se vertikalne stratigrafije tie, ona je u Zbelavi prilino jednostavna.
Takvo stanje u najveoj je mjeri uvjetovano oteenjima
nastalima intenzivnom poljoprivredom. Rijetki se ostaci intaktnih slojeva tek mjestimice nalaze na padinama uzvienja i oni pripadaju razdoblju starijeg eljeznog doba (Plan
1, rafirana/crtkana polja). U pravilu se radi o podrujima uz
vee kasnohaltatske objekte, kao to je zemunica Sj. 219,
249. No lokalitet Pod lipom pokazuje tragove ivota u vie
The archaeological picture of the site

The methodological basis of the archaeological excavations at Zbelava consisted of a coordinate system with 5 x 5 m
squares (Plan 1) and the use of the stratigraphic units system.
Samples of fills, charcoal and bones have been collected during the excavation, and they will soon be analyzed. The vertical stratigraphy at Zbelava is rather simple. This situation is to
the largest degree caused by damage brought about by intensive cultivation. Scant remains of intact layers are only occasionally found on the elevation slopes, and they belong to the
early Iron Age period (Plan 1, hatched fields). These are generally spots lying adjacent to larger late Hallstatt structures,
such as the pit-house SU 219, 249. However, the Pod Lipom site
shows traces of living during several prehistoric periods. The
93
razdoblja u prolosti. Prvu prisutnost ljudi na ovom mjestu

obiljeavaju ostaci naselja razvijene lasinjske kulture. ini se
da su objekti lasinjske kulture koncentrirani na samom vrhu
uzvienja, koji je i najvie oteen intenzivnom zemljoradnjom. Idui horizont naseljavanja predstavlja pojava nositelja licensko-keramike faze. Iako je ouvano svega nekoliko
ukopanih objekata iz tog vremena, tipini i esto bogato
ukraeni keramiki oblici predstavljaju dokaz ozbiljnije prisutnosti licensko-keramike kulture na istom poloaju. Ako
se sada na vremenskoj ljestvici jo vie pomaknemo prema
sadanjosti, nailazimo na jedan izolirani nalaz unutar naselja u Zbelavi. Radi se o grobu iz vremena ranije faze kasnog
bronanog doba (Virovitika grupa). Iako ga je presjekla kasnija jama, grob je ouvan u cijelosti i bit e objavljen. Nakon
toga dolazi starije eljezno doba koje je ujedno i razdoblje
najveeg intenziteta naseljavanja na lokalitetu u Zbelavi. Za
kraj nam ostaje zavrni horizont naseljavanja u Zbelavi rani srednji vijek koji je predstavljen ukopanim objektima i nalazima keramike ukraene eljasto izvedenom valovnicom
(Kovaevi 2005).
KASNOHALTATSKI HORIZONT I FIBULA

TIPA VELEM
first human presence on this spot is evidenced by settlement

remains from the developed Lasinja culture. It seems that the
structures of the Lasinja culture were concentrated on the very
top of the elevation, the place that sustained the most damage
by intensive cultivation. The following settlement horizon belongs to the bearers of the Litzen-Pottery phase. Even though
only a few dug-in structures from that period are preserved,
typical and often richly decorated ceramic forms are proof of
the substantial presence of the Litzen-Pottery culture in the
same place. If we slide further towards the present on the
chronological scale, we encounter an isolated find within the
settlement at Zbelava. This is a grave from the earlier phase of
the late Bronze Age (the Virovitica Group). Although it was cut
by a later pit, the grave was completely preserved and it will
be published. After this follows the early Iron Age, at the same
time the period of the most intense settlement on the site
at Zbelava. We shall end with the final settlement horizon at
Zbelava the early Middle Ages, represented by dug-in structures and finds of pottery decorated with a combed waveline
(Kovaevi 2005).
THE LATE HALLSTATT HORIZON AND A

VELEM-TYPE FIBULA
The late Hallstatt settlement at Zbelava
Kasnohaltatsko naselje u Zbelavi

O kasnohaltatskom razdoblju, posebno o naseljima tog
vremena, na tlu sjeverozapadne Hrvatske raspolaemo s
iznimno oskudnim i obino nepotpunim podacima. Kasnohaltatsko naselje na poloaju Pod lipom inili su nadzemni
(Plan 1, podnice Sj. 143 u V+Z/18-20, te Sj. 061 u L+M/28,)
i ukopani stambeni objekti (viesobna zemunika nastamba Sj. 219, 249 u R-T/20-24), okrueni jamama za zalihe (Sj.
045, 046 u Y/21, Sj. 201, 202 u T/16), otpadnim jamama
i ognjitima na otvorenom (ognjita Sj. 203, Sj. 231 i Sj. 232
u U+V/15+16), kao i poluukopanim natkrivenim objektima (Sj. 237, 238 u U+V/24, Sj. 155, 156 u R+S/14, Sj. 161,
162 u Q/14+15). Ogledni primjerak jedne stambene jedinice, ujedno i najvei istraeni ukopani objekt zbelavskog
naselja, velika je viedjelna zemunica Sj. 219, 249. Ukupna
duljina joj prelazi 13 m, a irina varira od najmanjih 1,5 do
3 m na najirem dijelu. Protee se u smjeru sjeverozapadjugoistok i ine je etiri spojene prostorije nepravilnoga
tlocrta (Sj. 219a, 219b, 219c, 219d). Na jugozapadnoj strani
na zemunicu se nadovezuje plitki rov oko 0,5 m irine i 2,5
m duljine, mogue ostatak neke nosive konstrukcije. Zemunica je nakon prestanka stambene funkcije (moda poara?)4 pretvorena u otpadnu jamu i zapunjena vrlo tamnom
i masnom zemljom u kojoj se nalazi mnogo pepela, ugljena
i lijepa, velik broj ulomaka keramikih posuda, piramidalnih i prstenastih utega, te prljena.5 Uz zemunicu se nalaze
4. Pri dnu prostorije Sj. 219c nalazio se jedan izrazito crni sloj ugljena i
paljevine. Za ostale prostorije nemamo podataka (Kovaevi 2005, 40).
5. U Zbelavi se javlja jo nekoliko objekata koji bi mogli predstavljati zemunice sline Sj. 219, 249. Ovdje, prije svega, mislimo na Sj. 053, 054
vei, djelomino istraeni plii objekt nepravilnog tlocrta u Y/16+17,
sjevernije od zemunice Sj. 219, 249. Dimenzije istraenog dijela su oko
2,2 m s gotovo 3 m, a dubina oko 0,30 m (Plan 1).
94
There are scant and usually incomplete data about the late
Hallstatt period in the territory of northwestern Croatia, particularly regarding the settlements. The late Hallstatt settlement
at the Pod Lipom site was made up of the above-ground (Plan
1, floors SU 143 in V+Z/18-20, and SU 061 in L+M/28) and
dug-in residential structures (the multi-room pit-house SU 219,
249 in R-T/20-24), surrounded by storage pits (SU 045, 046 in
Y/21, SU 201, 202 in T/16), refuse pits and open-air hearths
(hearths SU 203, SU 231 and SU 232 in U+V/15+16), as well as
semi-dug-in roofed structures (SU 237, 238 in U+V/24, SU 155,
156 in R+S/14, SU 161, 162 in Q/14+15). A typical representative of a residential unit and at the same time the largest dug-in
structure in the Zbelava settlement is the large multi-segmented pit-house SU 219, 249. Its total length surpasses 13 m, while
the width varies from 1,5 m in the narrowest to 3 m in the widest part. It stretches in the northwest-southeast direction and
is made up of four connected rooms of an irregular ground
plan (SU 219a, 219b, 219c, 219d). A shallow ditch around 0,5 m
wide and 2,5 m long, possibly remnants of a roof-supporting
construction, lies adjacent to the pit-house to the southwest.
After it ceased to function as a residential unit (perhaps due
to a conflagration)4 , the pit-house became a refuse pit and
was filled with a very dark and sticky soil that contained a lot
of ash, charcoal and daub, numerous sherds of ceramic vessels, pyramidal and ring-shaped weights, and spindle-whorls5
Many other dug-in structures lie next to the pit-house, some of
which may have functioned as working spaces. Among such
4. A markedly black layer of charcoal and cinders lay near the bottom of
the room SU 219c. We have no information about the remaining rooms
(Kovaevi 2005, 40).
5. There are several other structures at Zbelava that might represent pithouses similar to the SU 219, 249. We have in mind primarily the SU 053,
054 the larger, partially excavated shallow structure of irregular plan
in Y/16+17, north of the pit-house SU 219, 249. The dimensions of the
excavated part are around 2,2 m by almost 3 m, with a depth of around
0,30 m (Plan 1).
brojni drugi ukopani objekti, od kojih su neki moda imali

namjenu radnih prostora. Meu takve radne ili moda ak
stambene objekte mogli bi ubrojiti i dva ukopana objekta
smjetena jedan blizu drugog, kvadratnog tlocrta zaobljenih uglova sa zemljanom klupom-stepenicom uz jedan
rub (Sj. 161 i Sj. 155 u R+S/14, Plan 1), koji pokazuju veliku
srodnost s onima iz Gttlesbrunna i Unterparschenbrunna,
od Zbelave neto starijih naselja Donje Austrije (Lauermann 1994; Griebl 2004). Dimenzije oba zbelavska objekta su
priblino 2,6 x 2,8 m, a najvea dubina im je oko 0,40 m.6
Da takve objekte susreemo i u kasnijem vremenu, pokazuje
naselje datirano u prijelaz kasni haltat/rani laten BratislavaDbravka, u jugozapadnoj Slovakoj, 4 km sjeverno od Dunava (Stegmann-Rajtr 1996) 7. Najbolje ouvan ostatak nadzemnog objekta u Zbelavi je podnica Sj. 143 V+Z/18,19,20.
Podruje koje obuhvaa je nepravilno pravokutnog oblika,
zaobljenih uglova i dimenzija 10,8 sa 4,5 m. Sastoji se od
sloja zapeene zemlje sa zaglaenom gornjom stranom i
substrukcije koju ine srednje veliki komadi rijenog ljunka.8 Nadzemni objekt poloen u smjeru istok-zapad smjestio se na sjevernoj padini breuljka, u istom dijelu naselja u
kojem se nalazila i ve spomenuta zemunica.9 Na podnici je
pronaena prilina koliina ulomaka haltatskih keramikih
posuda, lijepa i neto eneolitikog litikog materijala. U zapadnom dijelu podnice i neposredno izvan nje pronaeno
je barem desetak piramidalnih utega, a spominje se i komad
ljake.10 Na podnici su vidljiva oteenja koja su vjerojatno
posljedica zemljoradnje. Uza sam objekt, u njegovoj razini,
nalazi se kasnohaltatski sloj Sj. 150, te moemo rei da je
podnica nadzemnog objekta Sj. 143 njegov sastavni dio. Na
istonoj padini breuljka djelomino je istraen i dio druge
podnice (Sj. 061 u L+M/28). U istom podruju nalazi se jo
jedan mogui pravokutni ukopani objekt, srodan Sj. 155 i Sj.
161, koji je tek djelomino istraen (Sj. 260 u K+L/24).
6. Objekti se nalaze na vrhu uzvienja i znatno su snieni oranjem, pa je za
pretpostaviti da im je dubina u izvornom stanju bila vea. Oba objekta su
sekundarno iskoriteni kao otpadne jame.
7. Unutar materijala iz istog naselja uoene su i brojne slinosti sa zbelavskim nalazima. Kao, primjerice, dominacija lonaca meu keramikim
oblicima, relativno uestala pojava grafitnog slikanja i plastinih aplikacija, pojava alica s bikoninim epovima itd. Kako autorica teksta
analogije za svoj materijal nalazi na lokalitetu Sopron-Krautacker, tako,
uz sve razliitosti regionalnog razvoja, srodnost zbelavskog naselja s ovim
naoko udaljenim lokalitetom nije neoekivana. O ovdje spomenutim i
drugim elementima zbelavske keramografije vie kasnije u tekstu.
8. U dokumentaciji se uz podnicu spominju i rupe od stupova, ali one na
alost nisu detaljno dokumentirane, pa smo za precizniji tlocrt ovog u
Zbelavi najouvanijeg nadzemnog objekta zakinuti.
9. Zanimljivo je da nadzemni objekt Sj. 143 i zemunica Sj. 219 nisu udaljeni
vie od 5-6 m, pa iako oba nedvojbeno pripadaju razdoblju kasnog
haltata, ne moraju nuno biti istodobni. U tom kontekstu zanimljiv nam
je podatak da je neposredno ispod podnice pronaena keramika starijeg
eljeznoga doba koja se ne razlikuje od one na podnici i u ostatku naselja.
To bi znailo da se u odreenoj fazi ivota kasnohaltatskog naselja na
jednoj od padina gradi nadzemni objekt. Bi li to moglo biti nakon to je
zemunica Sj. 219 (izgorjela i) izgubila svoju prvotnu funkciju? Je li bi
upravo stanovnici nadzemne kue Sj. 143, meu ostalima, mogli biti ti
koji su zemunicu iskoristili kao otpadnu jamu?
10. Naalost, grumen ljake nije uveden zasebno u dokumentaciju i nismo
ga mogli nai, tako da ne moemo znati je li se radilo o bronanoj ili
eljeznoj ljaki.
working or perhaps even residential structures we might include two dug-in structures lying close to one another, with
a square ground plan with rounded corners, with an earthen
bench-step along one edge (SU 161 and 155 in R+S/14, Plan
1). They show great resemblance to those from Gttlesbrunn i
Unterparschenbrunn, sites in Lower Austria somewhat earlier
than Zbelava (Lauermann 1994; Griebl 2004). The dimensions
of both structures from Zbelava are approximately 2,6 x 2,8 m,
with the greatest depth of around 0,40 m.6 That such structures
are also encountered in the later periods is demonstrated by
the settlement at Bratislava- Dbravka in southeastern Slovakia, 4 km north of the Danube, dated to the transition from late
Hallstatt to early La Tne (Stegmann-Rajtr 1996).7 The best
preserved remaining portion of the above-ground structure at
Zbelava is the floor SU 143 V+Z/18,19,20. The area it comprises has an irregular rectangular shape with rounded corners,
measuring 10,8 by 4,5 m. It consists of a layer of burnt soil with
a smoothed upper surface and an underlying layer made up
of medium-sized river pebbles.8 The above-ground structure,
oriented east-west, lies on the northern slope of the hill, in the
same part of the settlement where the already mentioned pithouse was situated.9 A considerable quantity of Hallstatt ceramic vessel sherds, daub and some eneolithic lithic material
was found on the floor. At least ten pyramidal weights as well
as a piece of slag were found in the western part of the floor
and immediately beyond.10 The floor shows visible traces of
damage, probably resulting from cultivation. The late Hallstatt
layer SU 150 lies adjacent to the structure at the same level, so
we can say that the floor of the above-ground structure SU 143
constitutes its integral part. A portion of another floor (SU 061
in L+M/28) was partially excavated on the eastern slope of
the hill. The same area contains another possible rectangular
dug-in structure, similar to SU 155 and SU 161, which is only
partially excavated (SU 260 in K+L/24).
6. The structures lie on top of the elevation and are considerably lowered by
ploughing, so we can assume that their depth was originally greater. Both
structures found secondary use as refuse pits.
7. Numerous similarities with the Zbelava finds were perceived in the material from the same site. For instance, the predominance of pots among
ceramic forms, the relatively frequent appearance of graphite painting
and plastic applications, the appearance of cups with biconical plugs etc.
Considering that the author of the text finds analogies for her material at
the site of Sopron-Krautacker, thus, taking into account the many differences attributable to regional developments, the affiliation of the Zbelava
settlement with this seemingly remote site is not unexpected, more will be
said about the elements mentioned here and other elements of the Zbelava
ceramography later in the text.
8. In addition to the floor, the post holes are also mentioned in the documentation. However, these were not documented in detail, so we cannot count
with the precise ground plan of this, the best preserved above-ground
structure at Zbelava.
9. Interestingly, the above-ground structure SU 143 and pit-house SU 219
lie at a distance not greater than 5-6 m from each other. Therefore,
even though they both belong to the late Hallstatt period, they are not
necessarily contemporary. In this context we find it interesting that the
early Iron Age pottery not different from the one on the floor and in the
remainder of the settlement was found immediately below the floor. This
would signify that an above-ground structure was erected on one of the
slopes during a certain phase of life of the late Hallstatt settlement. Could
that have happened after pit-house SU 219 (had burned down and) lost
its original function? Could it have been precisely the inhabitants of the
above-ground house SU 143, among others, who then used the pit-house
as a refuse pit?
10. Unfortunately, the lump of slag was not entered separately into the
documentation and we were not able to locate it, so that we cannot know
whether the slag was made of bronze or iron.
95
Sl. 2 Fibula tipa Velem (snimio T. Kovai)

Fig. 2 The Velem-type fibula (photo by T. Kovai)
Sl. 3 Fibula tipa Velem druga strana (snimio T. Kovai)

Fig. 3 The Velem-type fibula another side (photo by T. Kovai)
Veliku potekou u rekonstruiranju izgleda haltatskih

naselja na tlu sjeverozapadne Hrvatske predstavlja njihova, u najveem broju sluajeva, tek djelomina istraenost.
Ipak, naznaku kombinacije nadzemnih i ukopanih objekata
u haltatskim naseljima, osim u Zbelavi, uoavamo i na nekim drugim lokalitetima iste regije. Pri istraivanju antikog
naselja u Ludbregu naeni su ostaci naselja iz starijeg eljeznog doba, i to barem dvije zemunice, ali i ostaci podnice s rupama od stupova elementi nekoga prapovijesnog
nadzemnog objekta (Viki-Belani 1984, 145). Takoer, u
naselju u Sigecu koje je ivjelo u vie razliitih razdoblja od
prapovijesti do srednjeg vijeka, istraen je dio veeg haltatskog zemunikog objekta, ali su uoeni i tragovi nadzemnog objekta iz nepoznatog vremena. Vrlo je mogue da
taj nadzemni objekt na istonoj padini uzvienja Loke-Kroglice u Sigecu pripada upravo haltatskom naselju (imek
1982, 55, sl. 2). U Zbelavi je slika haltatskog materijala, kako
iz zapune zemunice, tako s podnice Sj. 143 i iz drugih objekata, jednolina i on pripada kasnoj fazi starijeg eljeznog
doba.
Great difficulty in the reconstruction of the appearance of

Hallstatt settlements in the territory of northwestern Croatia is
created by the fact that they were in most cases only partially
excavated. Nevertheless, some other sites in the same region
show indications of a combination of above-ground and dugin structures in the Hallstatt settlements (except in Zbelava).
The remains of an early Iron Age settlement were found during
the excavation of a settlement from antiquity in Ludbreg, consisting of at least two pit-houses but also of elements of a prehistoric above-ground structure the remains of a floor with
post-holes (Viki-Belani 1984, 145). Moreover, in the settlement at Sigetec, in existence during several different periods
from prehistory to the Middle Ages, a portion was excavated of
a larger Hallstatt pit-house structure, and traces were perceived
of an above-ground structure of unknown date. It is perfectly
possible that this above-ground structure on the eastern slope
of the Loke-Kroglice elevation in Sigetec belongs precisely to
the Hallstatt settlement (imek 1982, 55, Fig. 2). The picture of
the Hallstatt material at Zbelava, from the pit-house fill as well
as from the floor SU 143 and from the other structures is unvaried and belongs to the late phase of the early Iron Age.
Kako bi dopunili sliku naselja u Zbelavi, ovdje se elimo

kratko osvrnuti i na rezultate arheobotanikih i zooarheolokih istraivanja, obavljenih na nalazima iz haltatskog
11
naselja.
Arheobotanike analize provedene su na 20 uzoraka koji
su prikupljani tijekom istraivanja 1997. god. U njih pet izdvojeni su karbonizirani makrofosilni ostaci. S obzirom na
vrstu i stanje tla, ouvali su se iskljuivo makrofosili koji su
zavrili u vatri i bili karbonizirani. U zapuni jednog od spomenutih objekata kvadratnog tlocrta (Sj. 161) naen je jedan karbonizirani ostatak pena itarice (Cerealia), najvjerojatnije jema (Hordeum vulgare) (otari 2005). Sam jeam
pripada skupini najstarijih itarica, a zanimljivo je da je uz
leu, lan, bob i dr., pronaen u uzorcima skupljanim unutar
In order to complement the picture of the Zbelava settlement we wish to review here the results of the archaeobotanical and zooarchaeological analyses carried out on the finds
11
from the Hallstatt settlement.
The archaeobotanical analyses were carried out on 20 samples collected during the 1997 campaign. Five of these yielded
carbonized macrofossil remains. Considering the type and
condition of the soil, only those macrofossils that ended up in
the fire and became carbonized were preserved. A carbonized
remain of a cereal grain (Cerealia), most probably barley (Hordeum vulgare) was found in the fill of one of the mentioned
structures of a square ground plan (SU 161) (otari 2005). The
barley itself belongs to the group of the earliest cereal crops
and it is interesting that in addition to lentils, flax, horse beans
etc., it was found among the samples collected within the
11. Arheobotanike analize obavila je dr. Renata otari iz Botanikog

zavoda Prirodoslovno-matematikog fakulteta u Zagrebu, dok su analize ivotinjskih kostiju napravili prof. dr. Kreimir Babi i dr. Tajana
Trbojevi-Vukievi sa Zavoda za anatomiju, histologiju i embriologiju
Veterinarskog fakulteta u Zagrebu. Njima se i ovdje od srca zahvaljujemo
na doprinosu koji je bitno upotpunio nau sliku ivota naselja u Zbelavi.
11. The archaeobotanical analyses were carried out by Renata otari, Ph.D.,
from the Department of Botany of the Faculty of Science in Zagreb, while
the analyses of animal bones were carried out by Prof. Kreimir Babi and
Tajana Trbojevi-Vukievi, Ph.D., from the Institute of Anatomy, Histology and Embryology of the Faculty of Veterinary Medicine in Zagreb. We
kindly thank them here for their contribution, which considerably complemented our picture of the life of the settlement at Zbelava.
96
kasnohaltatskog naselja Sopron-Krautacker u kojem, uz

penicu, predstavlja vrlo vanu biljnu svojtu (Gyulai 1996, T.
1-2; Jerem 1986). Jo u etiri uzorka uoeni su makrofosili i to
u jamama Sj. 015, 017 R/20 i Sj. 201, 202 T/16 (Plan 1). U
oba objekta naeni su ostaci plodova hrasta - ira (Quercus
sp.). Uglavnom se koristio kao hrana za ivotinje, naroito
svinje, meutim, u razdobljima gladi, kada bi zatajila ljetina,
ljudi bi ujesen skupljali ir i koristili ga i u vlastitoj prehrani,
mljevenog u brano, kuhanoga ili peenog (otari 2001).
Znakovita bi mogla biti i injenica da je vie komada ira
pronaeno unutar haltatske jame Sj. 201, 202 u T/16. To
je dublja jama krukolikog presjeka, pa s velikom vjerojatnou moemo pretpostaviti kako se radi o jami za zalihe
(za uvanje skupljenog ira?) koja je sekundarno iskoritena
kao otpadna jama.
to se kotanog materijala tie, analiza je obavljena na
ukupno 25 uzoraka, a analizirana su ukupno 322 fragmenta
(Babi, Trbojevi-Vukievi 2004). Treba napomenuti da su
zbog sastava tla ivotinjske kosti bile izrazito loe ouvane,
to je otealo njihovu analizu i determinaciju. Najbrojnija
ivotinjska vrsta u analizi je jelen obini (Cervus elaphus).
Od ukupno 10 determiniranih uzoraka iz 7 objekata, jelenu
pripada 6 uzoraka (jedan ne sasvim siguran), dok na kosti
goveda (Bos taurus) otpada ukupno 3 uzorka (dva ne sasvim
12
sigurna). Ostaci svinje (Sus domestica) uoeni su u jednom
uzorku i ovim ivotinjama je pronaeni ir oito sluio kao
hrana.
Kosti su naene i u Sj. 237, 238 u U/24. To je jama krunog tlocrta, promjera oko 2 m, najvee dubine 0,75 m. Uz
rub ove jame pronaene su 4 rupe od stupa i sloj ruevine
od vee koliine kunog lijepa, to ukazuje na odreenu
konstrukciju koja je jamu natkrivala i/ili ograivala. Meu
kotanim materijalom iz ovog objekta nije definirana niti
jedna ivotinjska vrsta, ali spominjemo ovdje nalaz ivotinjskih rebara s jasnim tragovima rezanja nainjenih najvjerojatnije instrumentom nalik pili. Analizom je potvreno da
su tragovi sigurno antikni (Babi, Trbojevi-Vukievi 2004).
Zanimljivo je da se kosti determiniranih ivotinja gotovo u
pravilu nalaze u krugu oko nadzemnog objekta Sj. 143 i zemunice Sj. 219, u jamama koje su oito gravitirale tim stambenim objektima. Neke od njih su u odreenom razdoblju
mogle imati ulogu skladinih, radnih ili ak stambenih prostora, ali su na kraju u pravilu pretvarane u otpadne jame.
Ako se malo osvrnemo i na susjedno podruje, nadopunu
ovim arheobotanikim analizama kao i slici svakodnevnice
u Zbelavi nalazimo u oblinjem starijeeljeznodobnom naselju u Hajndlu kod Ormoa, gdje je prilikom zatitnih istraivanja unutar naselja pronaen bunar s drvenom oplatom
iz zapune kojeg je determinirano ak 77 biljnih vrsta (otari 2003; iek et al. 2001). Meu njima biljeimo biljne vrste
poput prosa, lana, jabuke, kruke, maline, bazge i brojnih
drugih ljekovitih i prehrambenih biljaka. Nemamo razloga
vjerovati da barem neke od brojnih tamo utvrenih biljnih
vrsta za prehranu, lijeenje ili pak pri izradi tkanina nisu ko-
late Hallstatt settlement at Sopron-Krautacker where, along

with wheat, it is a very important plant species (Gyulai 1996,
Pl. 1-2; Jerem 1986). The macrofossils were noticed in a further
four samples in the pits SU 015, 017 R/20 and SU 201, 202
T/16 (Plan 1). The remains of oak fruit acorn (Quercus sp.)
were found in both structures. It was mostly used as food for
animals, pigs in particular; however, in times of hunger, when
harvest failed, in autumn people would collect acorn and use it
for their own diet, ground into flour, boiled or roasted (otari
2001). Significantly, several pieces of acorns were found within
the Hallstatt pit SU 201, 202 in T/16. This is a rather deep pit
with a piriform cross-section, so in all probability we can assume that it was a storage pit (for storing collected acorn?) that
was secondarily used as a refuse pit.
As regards the bone material, a total of 25 samples were analyzed, consisting of a total of 322 fragments (Babi, TrbojeviVukievi 2004). It deserves mention that due to the soil composition animal bones were exceptionally poorly preserved,
which rendered their analysis and determination more difficult. The most numerous animal species in the analysis was the
red deer (Cervus elaphus). Of a total of 10 determined samples
from 7 structures, 6 belong to the reed deer (one of which is
not entirely certain), while cattle bones (Bos taurus) were found
12
in three samples (two are not entirely certain). The remains
of a pig (Sus domestica) were detected in one sample and these
animals were probably using the acorn as food.
Bones were found also in SU 237, 238 in U/24. This is a
circular pit with a diameter of around 2 m, with the greatest
depth at 0,75 m. Four post-holes and a layer of debris from a
large quantity of daub were found along the rim of the pit,
pointing to a certain construction serving as a roof and/or
fence of the pit. Not a single animal species was determined
among the bone material from this structure, but we mention
here a find of animal ribs with clear cutmarks made most probably with a saw-like instrument. The analysis confirmed the
marks to be surely ancient (Babi, Trbojevi-Vukievi 2004).
It should be noted that the bones of the determined animals
are almost regularly found in the circle around the aboveground structure SU 143 and the pit-house SU 219, in the pits
that obviously gravitated toward these residential structures.
Some of them may have played the role of storage, working or
even residential spaces during certain periods, but they were
in general eventually transformed into refuse pits. If we look
briefly at the neighbouring territory, we find a complement
to these archaeobotanical analyses as well as to a picture of
everyday living at Zbelava in the nearby early Iron Age settlement at Hajndl near Ormo. In the salvage excavations in the
settlement a well with a wooden lining was found, whose fill
yielded as much as 77 determined plant species (otari 2003;
iek et al. 2001). The species found included millet, flax, apple, pear, raspberry, elder and many other medicinal and food
plants. We have no reason to believe that the inhabitants of
the Zbelava settlement did not make use of at least some of
the many plant species documented there, for diet, healing or
perhaps for the manufacture of textiles, all the more so as both
settlements are situated in the same geographic region.
12. Naime, upravo zbog oteenosti kotanog materijala neki uzorci nisu
mogli biti sa stopostotnom sigurnou pripisani odreenim ivotinjskim
vrstama, ali su ipak determinirani kao kosti velikih preivaa, u
dva sluaja najvjerojatnije goveda ili u jednom sluaju jelena (Babi,
Trbojevi-Vukievi 2004).
12. Precisely due to the poor preservation of the bone material certain
samples could not be attributed with 100% certainty to specific animal
species, but were nevertheless determined as belonging to large ruminants, in two cases most probably the cattle or in one case the red deer
(Babi, Trbojevi-Vukievi 2004).
97
ristili i stanovnici zbelavskog naselja, posebno jer se oba naselja nalaze u istoj geografskoj regiji.
Prema svemu ovome, vanu ulogu u svakodnevnom ivotu i privredi kasnohaltatskih stanovnika Zbelave igrao je
lov (kosti jelena), uzgoj domaih ivotinja (govedo, svinja),
utvreni su tragovi poljoprivredne aktivnosti (itarica, vjerojatno jeam) kao i skupljanje divljih plodova (ir, vjerojatno za uzgoj svinja), dok su u odreenim naznakama prisutni
i tragovi metalurke djelatnosti (drozga).
Fibula tipa Velem i odnos Zbelave prema
kasnohaltatskom kulturnom krugu zapadne Maarske
Jedan od kronoloki najvanijih nalaza iz Zbelave je fibula tipa Velem (sl. 2-3, T. 4,2). Radi se o minijaturnoj bronanoj lunoj jednopetljastoj fibuli polukrunog luka, blago
romboidnog presjeka, na kojemu su se nalazile dvije uice,
vjerojatno za privrivanje trapezoidnih privjesaka. Luk je
po hrptu ukraen nizovima graviranih sitnih paralelnih poprenih ureza i postupno se s jedne strane iri u trokutastu
nogu koja je znatno oteena, a s druge se pretvara u petlju
za napinjanje iz koje je proizlazila igla koja danas nedostaje.
Fibula je sitna, ima tek dva centimetra duljine i jedini je nalaz iz jedne jamice (Sj. 24 u Z/24). ini se kao da je netko
namjerno unutar naselja iskopao rupu, u nju poloio fibulu
i onda je zatrpao.
Fibule tipa Velem ukazuju na usku povezanost Panonije
i jugoistonih Alpa, gdje treba traiti uzore za oblikovanje
13
ovog tipa (Jerem 1981, 204) , proizvod su radionikih sredita u zapadnoj Maarskoj i javljaju se krajem 6. i poetkom 5.
st. pr. Kr., a traju do pojave ranolatenskh fibula (Jerem 1996,
14
97; Jerem 1986, T. 3). Iako ne treba otkloniti mogunost
proizvodnje ovog tipa fibule od strane putujuih majstora
ili u radionicama unutar manjih naselja, kao najvea haltatska radionika sredita Transdanubije, M. Fekete izdvaja
Nagybereki-Szalacsku, Keszthely-Aptdomb, CelldmlkSghegy i, najaktivniji meu njima, Velem-Szentvid (Fekete
1985), pa vjerojatno meu njima treba traiti i mjesto izrade
zbelavske fibule. Unutar naselja u Velemu, po kojem je fibula i dobila ime, pronaen je i kalup za odlijevanje ovih fibula
(Guillamet, 1987, 20; Jerem 1981, 204, bilj. 19), kao i velik broj
primjeraka fibula ovog tipa (Fekete 1985, Abb. 12-13; Foltiny
15
1958, T. 2,22,25).
Nalazita velemskih fibula kartirali su i B. Teran te E. Jerem i P. Romsauer (Teran 1974, sl. 6; Jerem 1996, Abb. 4;
Romsauer 1996, 433). Iz njihovih radova se vidi da je ovaj tip
najei na lokalitetima zapadne Maarske Ha D2-D3 vremena, dok se sporadino javljaju u jugozapadnoj Slovakoj
(Zalaba-Levice, Mal Kosihy), te istonoj Austriji. Razvijaju se
13. Neki autori uzor za oblikovanje fibula ovog tipa vide u glasinakoj fibuli
narebrenog luka s tri perlasta zadebljanja (Fekete 1985, 90).
14. Problem nastaje kod preciznijeg vremenskog odreenja fibula tipa
Velem jer se vrlo rijetko javljaju s drugim kronoloki osjetljivim nalazima
(Romsauer 1996, 434). U Zbelavi, iako ne u istom objektu, se uz velemsku
fibulu javlja i kasnija varijanta certosa fibule, kao i sjekira-dlijeto s jednostrukim zaliscima. O tim i drugim nalazima iz Zbelave, vie drugom
prilikom.
15. O znaenju naselja Velem vidjeti i Marton 1996 s citiranom literaturom.
98
Based on all this, an important role in the everyday life and

economy of the late Hallstatt inhabitants of Zbelava was played
by hunting (bones of red deer), animal husbandry (cattle, pigs);
traces of agricultural activity were documented (cereals, probably barley) as well as the gathering of wild fruits (acorn, probably for pig-raising); there are also certain indications of traces
of metallurgical activity (slag).
A Velem-type fibula and the relationship of

Zbelava with the late Hallstatt cultural
circle of western Hungary
One of the most important finds from Zbelava in terms
of chronology is a Velem-type fibula (Fig. 2-3, Pl. 4,2). This is a
miniature bronze single-looped bow fibula, with a semicircular
bow of a slightly rhombic cross-section, with two suspension
loops, possibly for attaching trapezoidal pendants. The bow is
decorated with lines of tiny engraved parallel transverse incisions along the ridge and it gradually widens at one side into
a much damaged triangular foot, and on the other transforms
into a spring from which the pin came out, which is no longer
preserved. The fibula is tiny, a mere two centimetres long and
it represents the only find from a small pit (SU 24 in Z/24). It
seems as if someone deliberately dug a hole within the settlement, placed the fibula inside and then filled it up.
The Velem-type fibulae point towards close connections
between Pannonia and the southeastern Alps, where models
for the design of this type should be looked for (Jerem 1981,
13
204). They are the product of workshop centres in western
Hungary and appear towards the end of the 6th and the beginning of the 5th cent. B.C., and last until the emergence of early
14
La Tne fibulae (Jerem 196, 97; Jerem 1986, Pl. 3). Although
one should not ignore the possibility of production of this type
of fibula by itinerant craftsmen or workshops within smaller
settlements, M. Fekete singles out Nagybereki-Szalacska, Keszthely-Aptdomb and Celldmlk-Sghegy as the biggest Hallstatt workshops centres of Transdanubia, and the most active
among them, Velem-Szentvid (Fekete 1985), and it is probably
among them where one should look for the place of production of the fibula from Zbelava. A mould for casting this type of
fibulae (Guillamet, 1987, 20; Jerem 1981, 204, note 19), as well
as a large number of pieces of this type of fibulae (Fekete 1985,
Fig. 12-13; Foltiny 1958, Pl. 2,22,25) were found within the set15
tlement at Velem, after which the fibula was named.
The sites of discovery of the Velem-type fibulae were
mapped also by B. Teran, E. Jerem and P. Romsauer (Teran
1974, Fig. 6; Jerem 1996, Fig. 4; Romsauer 1996, 433). Their
works reveal that this type most frequently appears on the
sites of western Hungary of the Ha D2-D3 period, while they
appear sporadically in southwestern Slovakia (Zalaba-Levice, Mal Kosihy) and eastern Austria. They develop from the
fibulae with a smaller bow and long foot, which are present
13. Certain authors see the model for the shape of this type of fibula in the
Glasinac fibula with a ribbed bow with three bead-shaped thickenings
(Fekete 1985, 90).
14. Problems arise when it comes to a more precise chronological determination of the Velem-type fibulae as they are very rarely found together
with other chronologically sensitive finds (Romsauer 1996, 434). At
Zbelava, albeit not in the same structure, a later variant of a Certosa
fibula appears with a Velem-type fibula, as well as an axe-chisel with
single flanges. More will be said on these and other finds from Zbelava
on another occasion.
15. On the importance of the Velem settlement see also Marton 1966 with
the quoted literature.
iz fibula s malim lukom i dugom noicom koje se javljaju ve

u drugoj polovici 7. st. pr. Kr., ali su posebno este tijekom
6. st. pr. Kr., pa ih zatiemo u Dolenjskoj (Teran 1974, 41), ali
i u samom Velemu (Fekete 1985). Srodnu fibulu s narebrenim lukom nalazimo i u Kaptolu, u grobnoj cjelini poetnog
6. st. pr. Kr., u grobu 1 tumula V (Vinski-Gasparini 1987, T.
XX,15). Iz tih fibula razvija se nova inaica (tzv. serija i prema M. Fekete) s jednom do tri bradavice na luku, da bi se
za vrijeme Ha D2 razvile fibule s uicama na luku (serija k
prema M. Fekete), kojoj bi pripadao i na primjerak (Fekete
1985, Abb. 11). E. Jerem upravo fibule tipa Velem uvrtava
u skupinu nalaza (primjerice, zajedno sa spiralnim sljepooniarkama koninih krajeva, konjskom opremom istonog
tipa ili certosa fibulama) koji dokumentiraju izrazite i vrste
regionalne kontakte istonih skitiziranih podruja, te Slovenije i sjeverne Italije. Pri tome, E. Jerem podruju zapadne
Maarske pripisuje iznimno znaajnu posredniku ulogu
(Jerem 1986, 112). Nalazima iz Zbelave, ukljuujui svojstvene keramike oblike, certosa fibulu i fibulu tipa Velem, u tu
meuregionalnu mreu intenzivnih kontakata ukljuujemo
i podruje sjeverozapadne Hrvatske, preciznije varadinske
Podravine.
Velemsku fibulu najee nalazimo unutar kasnohaltatskih naselja, rjee u grobnim cjelinama, pretpostavlja se da
je noena za raznih svetkovina i u pogrebnim ritualima, a
izgleda da je kopana s lukom i privjescima okrenutim prema dolje (Fekete 1986, 257). Zbelavski primjerak ima samo
dvije, umjesto uobiajne tri uice na luku. No pogledamo
li openito metalnu produkciju u vrijeme starijeg eljeznog
doba na tlu zapadne Maarske, vidimo da varijacije odreenih tipova kao i unikatni primjerci, iako relativno rijetki, nisu
nepoznanica. Spomenimo ovdje samo fibulu iz Tamsia koja
je donekle srodna zbelavskoj, ali na luku ima 6 uica (Fekete
1986, Abb. 10,15). Kako smo prije naveli, najvie velemskih
fibula pronaeno je u samom Velemu (Fekete 1986), a susreemo ih i u naselju i nekropoli Sopron-Krautacker, unutar
materijala iz Kue I, zajedno s veim okastim perlama (kakve
u vie primjera susreemo i u Zbelavi, T. 4,4) i trobridnom
skitskom strelicom ili u paljevinskom grobu 4, uz fragment
bronane narebrene narukvice i opet okaste i dr. perle od
staklene paste (Jerem 1981, T. 1). Spominjemo i nalaz iz Zamrdia na istonim obalama Blatnog jezera, otkuda potjeu
i fragmenti jednoga astragalnog pojasa (Jerem 1981, 206).
Vana analogija za nau zbelavsku fibulu je skeletni enski
grob iz Zemendorfa, u Gradiu (Jerem 1996, Abb. 2). U
grobu iz Zemendorfa, koji se datira u stupanj Ha D3, pronaen je par fibula tipa Velem, s tri uice na luku o koje su
objeeni trapezoidni privjesci od iskucnog bronanog lima,
jednostavne glatke bronane narukvice zatvorenih krajeva,
te rukom raena zdjela S-profilacije s primjesom grafita u
glini i skupinama po tri ovalna udubljenja na najirem dijelu posude. Znakovito je da slian tip posude pronalazimo i
unutar naselja u Zbelavi, u jami Sj. 081, 082 u O/27 (T. 4,3)
kao i unutar jame Sj. 034, 035 (T. 4,1). Srodan koncept ukraavanja nalazimo i meu materijalom iz zemunice Sj. 219,
249 (T. 1,7). Na tlu Austrije, fibulu tipa Velem nalazimo jo i
u Lackendorfu, u Gradiu, a jedan primjerak nalazimo i na
jugu, u Frgu (Jerem 1981). Starija inaica fibule javlja se i u
already by the second half of the 7th cent. B.C., but become
particularly frequent during the 6th cent. B.C., when we meet
them in Dolenjska (Lower Carniola) (Teran 1974, 41), but also
in Velem itself (Fekete 1985). A related fibula with a ribbed bow
is also encountered at Kaptol, in a grave assemblage from the
beginning of the 6th cent. B.C., in grave 1 of tumulus V (VinskiGasparini 1987 Pl. XX,15). From these fibulae a new variety developed (the so-called i series in M. Feketes classification) with
one to three warts on the bow, which led to the development
during the Ha D2 period of the fibulae with loops on the bow
(k series after M. Fekete), including also our piece (Fekete 1985,
Fig. 11). E. Jerem includes precisely the Velem-type fibulae into
the group of finds (together with, e.g. spiral temple-rings with
conical ends, the horse harness of the eastern type or the Certosa fibulae) documenting distinct and firm regional contacts
of the eastern Scythianized territories with Slovenia and northern Italy. In this, E. Jerem attributes to the territory of western
Hungary an exceptionally important intermediary role (Jerem
1986, 112). By means of the finds from Zbelava, including the
idiosyncratic ceramic shapes, the Certosa fibula and the Velem-type fibula, we include also the territory of northwestern
Croatia, more precisely the Varadin Podravina, into this interregional network of intensive contacts.
The Velem fibula is most often found within the late Hallstatt
settlements, more rarely in grave assemblages. It is assumed
that it was worn on various festivities or during funerary rituals, and it seems that it was clasped with the bow and pendants
facing down (Fekete 1986, 257). The Zbelava piece has only two
instead of the usual three loops on the bow. But if we look at
the early Iron Age metal production in the territory of western
Hungary in general, we see that the variations in certain types
as well as unique specimens, although relatively rare, are not an
unfamiliar phenomenon. Let us mention here only the fibula
from Tamsi, which is similar to the Zbelava piece to a certain
degree, only it has 6 loops on the bow (Fekete 1986, Fig. 10,15).
As we stated earlier, the site that yielded the highest number
of Velem-type fibulae was Velem itself (Fekete 1986), and they
are encountered also in the settlement and the cemetery at Sopron-Krautacker, within the material of House I, together with
larger eye-beads (of the kind found in several instances at Zbelava, Pl. 4,4) and a three-bladed Scythian arrowhead or in cinerary grave 4, with a fragment of a bronze ribbed bracelet and
again eye-beads and other glass paste beads (Jerem 1981, Pl. 1).
We also mention the find from Zamrdi on the eastern shore of
Lake Balaton, which is also the place of origin of the fragments
of an astragal belt (Jerem 1981, 206). An important analogy for
our Zbelava fibula consists of a skeletal female grave from Zemendorf in Burgenland (Jerem 1996, Fig. 2). The Zemendorf
grave, dated to the Ha D3 phase, yielded a pair of Velem-type
fibulae with three loops on the bow, on which are suspended
trapezoidal pendants made of embossed bronze sheet; simple
smooth annular bronze bracelets, and a hand-made S-profiled
bowl with additions of graphite in clay and groups of three oval
depressions on the widest part of the vessel. It is significant that
a similar type of vessel is likewise found within the settlement
at Zbelava, in pit SU 081, 082 in O/27 (Pl. 4,3) as well as within
pit SU 034, 035 (Pl. 4,1). A related concept of decoration is found
among the material from pit-house SU 219, 249 (Pl. 1,7). In the
territory of Austria, a Velem-type fibula was also found in Lackendorf in Burgenland, and another piece comes from the south,
from Frg (Jerem 1981). The earlier variety of the fibula appears
also at Donja Dolina, with one loop on top of the foot and an-
99
Donoj Dolini, s jednom uicom na vrhu noice i jednom na

luku s kojih vise trapezasti privjesci. To je oblik koji B. ovi
izdvaja kao predstavnika faze 2b, a B. Teran svrstava u ranije 6. st. pr. Kr. (ovi 1987, T. XXVII; Teran 1974, 42). Upravo velemska fibula jedan je od onih nalaza koji je B. Teran
obiljeila kao domai element u skupini sada brojnih nalaza
skitskog karaktera tijekom Ha D2-D3 razdoblja i kao simbol
odranja tradicije nakon sloma kulturnih skupina ranije faze
starijeg eljeznog doba na jugozapadnopanonsko-tajerskom podruju, poslije fatalnog prestrukturiranja naselja
i skitizacije istog podruja (Teran 1998). Kao odlina ilustracija kako se ti procesi odvijaju i na tlu sjeverozapadne
Hrvatske, slui nam dobro istraeni i dokumentirani tumul
Jalabet-Bistriak II (imek 1998), a sada i materijalna kultura
kasnohaltatskog naselja u Zbelavi. Zanimljivo je da se kombinacija nalaza koja se pojavljuje u grobovima i naseljima 5.
st. pr. Kr. zapadne Maarske, bez obzira na njihovo porijeklo
ili nadahnue koje nastanak tih tipova generira, pojavljuje
i unutar naselja u Zbelavi. Zapravo, sama ta kombinacija i
jest najsnaniji argument u procesu dokazivanja kulturne
srodnosti prostora varadinske Podravine s prekodravskim
panonskim prostorom u kasnoj fazi starijeg eljeznog doba. Tako emo i stilizirane ivotinjske protome - bikonine
epove poput onih na grafitiranoj alici iz haltatskog sloja
Sj. 150 u Zbelavi (T. 3,3), pronai u grobu 22 groblja SorponKrautacker zajedno s certosa fibulom V. varijante (Jerem
16
1981a, Abb. 4). U grobu 29 istog groblja, u kojem je ukopana strankinja s izvanserijskom nonjom istonog porijekla
(ogledalo, sljepooniarke pontskog tipa itd.), nalazimo i za
zapadnu Maarsku klasian servis za pie, kojem pripada i
alica s bikoninim gumbima na ruki (Jerem 1981a, Abb.
8). Srodne posude emo nai i u Velemu (iz zbirke Miske) i
Sopronu, na zapadu Transdanubije, ili u grobu 4 iz Pomza i
kasnohaltatskim naseljima u Lbatlanu i Tokodu u sjeveroistonoj Transdanubiji (Foltiny 1958, T. VI,1; Kemenczei 1977,
Abb. 4,5; Jerem 1981a, 114, Abb. 8; Patek 1982/1983, T. 18,2,
19,2-4 itd.), kako u kasnohaltatskim, tako ve i unutar ranolatenskih cjelina. Ovim transdanubijskim primjercima vrlo je
slian crn, poliran i grafitom premazan zbelavski nalaz. Uz
ovaj tip stiliziranih protoma, na vertikalnim trakastim rukama manjih posuda iz Zbelave javlja se i tip protome u obliku
cvijeta ili rozete, u inaici s kvadratnom osnovom i s pet kvrica (T. 2,4), kakvu nalazimo i u oblinjem Sv. Petru Ludbrekom (Vinski-Gasparini 1987, T. XXIII,6), ali i u Szombatelyu,
17
u zapadnoj Maarskoj (Gabor 2004, T. LXIV,4). U podruju
Szombathelya pronai emo analogije i za druge keramike
oblike iz Zbelave, no o tome vie kasnije. Nalazi vrlo stiliziranih ivotinjskih protoma, kako u obliku bikoninih gumba
other one on the bow, from which trapezoidal pendants are suspended. This is the form that B. ovi distinguished as the representative of phase 2b, and which B. Teran placed in the earlier
6th cent. B.C. (ovi 1987, Pl. XXVII; Teran 1974, 42). Precisely
the Velem fibula is one of the finds marked by B. Teran as the
local element in the group of now numerous finds of Scythian
character during the Ha D2-D3 period and as the symbol of the
persistence of tradition following the collapse of cultural groups
of the early phase of the early Iron Age in the southwest Pannonian and Styrian territory, following the fatal re-structuring
of settlements and the Scythianization of the same territory
(Teran 1988). An excellent illustration of how these processes
developed in the territory of northwestern Croatia is provided
by the thoroughly investigated and documented tumulus
Jalabet-Bistriak II (imek 1998), and now also by the material
culture of the late Hallstatt settlement at Zbelava. It is interesting that the combination of finds appearing in the graves and
settlements from the 5th cent. B.C. in western Hungary, regardless of their origin or inspiration generated by the emergence
of these types, appears also within the settlement at Zbelava.
In fact, the very combination is precisely the strongest argument in the process of establishing the cultural affiliation of the
area of Varadin Podravina with the Pannonian territory across
the Drava river in the late phase of the early Iron Age. We will
thus find the stylized animal protomae biconical plugs such as
those on a graphited cup from Hallstatt layer SU 150 at Zbelava
(Pl. 3,3) also in grave 22 of the Sopron-Krautacker cemetery to16
gether with a Certosa fibula of variant V (Jerem 1981a, Fig. 4).
In grave 29 of the same cemetery, in which a foreign woman
with an exceptional costume of eastern origin was buried (a mirror, temple-rings of the Pontic type etc.), we also encounter a
drinking set typical for western Hungary, which includes also a
cup with biconical buttons on the handle (Jerem 1981a, Fig. 8).
One also finds similar vessels in Velem (from the Miske collection) and Sopron, in the west of Transdanubia, or in grave 4 from
Pomz and the late Hallstatt settlements at Lbatlan and Tokod
in northeastern Transdanubia (Foltiny 1958, Pl. VI,1; Kemenczei
1977, Fig. 4,5; Jerem 1981a, 114, Fig. 8; Patek 1982/1983, Pl. 18,2,
19,2-4 etc.), in the late Hallstatt as well as within the already early
La Tne assemblages. The black, polished and graphite-coated
find from Zbelava resembles very much these Transdanubian
pieces. In addition to this type of stylized protomae, on the vertical strap handles of smaller vessels from Zbelava appears also
a type of protoma in the shape of a flower or rosette, in a variety with a square base and five knobs (Pl. 2,4), of the kind found
in nearby Sv. Petar Ludbreki (Vinski-Gasparini 1987, Pl. XXIII,6),
but also in Szombathely in western Hungary (Gabor 2004, Pl. LX17
IV,4). We shall likewise find analogies for other ceramic forms
from Zbelava in the Szombathely area, but more about this later.
The finds of very stylized animal protomae, in the shape of biconical buttons as well as rosettes, are relatively frequent in the
territory of western Hungary and neighbouring areas within late
16. Pri obradi keramikog materijala iz Zbelave u analizu je bilo ukljueno

ukupno 7670 ulomaka, od kojih je 596 ili 7% definirano (Kovaevi 2005,
Graf 14). Ovaj omjer u dobroj mjeri je uvjetovan velikom fragmentiranou
nalaza. Materijal je pronaen u 59 arheolokih objekata, od kojih 3
predstavljaju slojeve (Sj. 01- povrinski sloj, Sj. 03-mjeani sloj nastao
poljoprivrednom aktivnou i Sj. 150-isti kasnohaltatski sloj), a ostatak
ukopane objekte i dvije podnice.
17. Zanimljiva je inaica ove protome s tri kvrice kakvu nalazimo u grobu
2 ranolatenskog groblja Buany u jugozapadnoj Slovakoj (Bujna, Romsauer 1983, T. II,10). Srodan primjerak nalazimo u haltatskom sloju Sj.
150 u Zbelavi (T. 3,2).
16. In the work on the ceramic material from Zbelava the analysis included a
total of 7670 fragments, 596 or 7% of which were determined (Kovaevi
2005, Graph 14). This proportion is largely conditioned by a considerable
fragmentation of finds. The material was discovered in 59 archaeological
stratigraphic units, 3 of which represent layers (SU 01 surface layer,
SU 03 mixed layer brought about by agricultural activity and SU 150
pure late Hallstatt layer), while the rest is made up of dug-in structures
and two floors.
17. An interesting variety of this protoma with three knobs is found in grave
2 of the early La Tne cemetery at Buany in southwest Slovakia (Bujna,
Romsauer 1983, Pl. II,10). A related piece is found in the Hallstatt layer
SU 150 at Zbelava (Pl. 3,2).
100
tako i rozeta, relativno su esti na podruju zapadne Maarske i susjednih podruja unutar kasnohaltatskih i ranola18
tenskih cjelina. U brojnim primjerima stilizirane protome
su zdruene s mreasto-trakastim ornamentom izvedenim
grafitom kakvog nalazimo i na finim, poliranim posudama
tamnije boje iz Zbelave. Grafitiranje, kojeg treba razlikovati
od postupka dodavanja grafita kao primjesa u glinu prije
modeliranja, drugi je po brojnosti postupak ukraavanja
19
keramike u Zbelavi. Pojava grafitnog slikanja u Zbelavi nije neoekivana jer se ono na podruju sjeverozapadne Hrvatske javlja od razvijenog haltata (Vinski-Gasparini 1987,
200). Grafitiranje je vrlo esto i na podruju Transdanubije
tijekom starijeg eljeznog doba (Patek 1993), pa i u njegovoj
kasnoj fazi, i to kako u zapadnom dijelu, primjerice u naselju
i groblju Sopron-Krautacker (Jerem 1985), tako i na sjeveroistoku, primjerice u naselju Lbatlan (Patek 1982/1983, T.
18,8; Patek 1993), ali se javlja i u kasnohaltatskim-ranolatenskim cjelinama jugozapadne Slovake (Stegmann-Rajtr
1996), Austrije (Smolnik 1994, 85; Urban 1996) i Dolenjske
(Dular 1982, 90). Vano je spomenuti da se unutar materijala
starijeg eljeznog doba iz Zbelave, iako rijetko, pojavljuju
posude koje imaju grafit kao primjesu u glini (T. 3,5). Zanimljivo je da je ovaj tip dublje posude od grafitne gline, koji
se javlja samo jednom u Zbelavi, srodan tzv. graphittonsitulama kakve nalazimo u oba spomenuta groba s groblja
Sopron-Krautacker kao i u istoimenom naselju (primjerice, u
jami 20 naselja Sopron-Krautacker, Jerem 1981a, Abb. 20,7),
ali i na brojnim drugim lokalitetima Transdanubije u kasnohaltatsko/ranolatensko vrijeme. Iz istih grobnih cjelina
20
potjee i naborana keramika , inae znaajno zastupljena
18. Dojam je da su na podruju Transdanubije protome u obliku rozeta
brojnije unutar ranolatenskih cjelina, na to prema objavljenoj tipolokoj
tabeli ukazuje naseobina Sopron-Krautacker (Jerem 1986, T. 3). I u Burgstallkogelu kod Kleinkleina nalazimo tip protome u obliku rozete ili cvijeta. R. Smolnik taj oblik datira u sam kraj starijeg eljeznog doba (prema
Lt A1), ispravljajui pritom dataciju K. Vinski-Gasparini primjerka iz Sv.
Petra Ludbrekog (3. horizont skupine Martijanec-Kaptol, Vinski-Gasparini 1987, sl. 13,10.). Upravo taj nalaz, uz neke druge (npr., okaste perle)
Smolnikovoj je jedan od pokazatelja trajanja ivota na Burgstallkogelu i
u vrijeme kasnog haltata (Smolnik 1994, 67, T. 110,15). U ranom latenu
se javlja i druga zbelavska varijanta, u obliku bikoninih gumba. Tako
bikonine protome nalazimo u kui 121/92 naselja Bratislava-Dbravka
zajedno s ranolatenskom keramikom raenom na kolu (Stegmann-Rajtr
1996, Abb. 8) ili zajedno s naboranom keramikom u grobu 6 nekropole
Buany u jugozapadnoj Slovakoj (Bujna, Romsauer 1983, T. 4).
19. Iako ne tako est kao aplikacija raznih funkcionalno-dekorativnih dodataka, ukraavanje grafitom je znaajan dekorativni postupak (Kovaevi
2005, Graf 13). U ovom postupku razlikujemo jednostavno premazivanje
cijele (unutranje, vanjske ili obje) stijenke posude grafitnim premazom
koje ostavlja dojam da je posuda izraena od metala (T. 2,1, T. 3,3) i postupak u kojem se grafitom na stijenki posude izrauje odreeni upolirani
trakasti ili mreasti ornament (T. 2,2). Javlja se u zbelavskom naselju na
31 posudi ili na 10% ukraenih posuda, to je nakon apliciranja plastinih
motiva najei vid ukraavanja.
20. Pojam naborana keramika u ovom radu predstavlja, zapravo, saeti opis
tehnolokog postupka pri izradi keramike posude. Prilikom tog postupka
se, iz unutranjosti posude prema van, pritiskom na vlanu stijenku recipijenta istiskuju uplji bukli ili srodne zaobljene izboine (u njemakom:
mit von innen herausgedrckten Bukkeln). Na slovenskom taj termin
glasi nagubana keramika.
Hallstatt and early La Tne assemblages.18 There are numerous

examples where stylized protomae appear in combination with
a graphited grid and stripe ornament, as found also on the fine
polished vessels of darker colour from Zbelava.19 The graphitecoating, which ought to be distinguished from the process of
adding graphite as an addition to the clay prior to modelling,
is the second most frequent technique of decorating pottery
at Zbelava. The appearance of graphite colouring at Zbelava is
not unexpected as it appears in the territory of northwestern
Croatia starting from the developed Hallstatt (Vinski-Gasparini
1987, 200). The graphite-coating is also very frequent in the territory of Transdanubia during the early Iron Age (Patek 1993), including its late phase, in its western part, e.g. in the settlement
and cemetery at Sopron-Krautacker (Jerem 1985) as well as in
the northeast, for instance at the Labatlan settlement (Patek
1982/1983, Pl. 18,8; Patek 1993), but it also appears in the late
Hallstatt/early La Tne assemblages of southwestern Slovakia
(Stegmann-Rajtr 1996), Austria (Smolnik 1994, 85; Urban 1996)
and Dolenjska (Lower Carniola) (Dular 1982, 90). It is important
to mention that vessels containing graphite used as an addition
in the clay also appear, although rarely, among the early Iron Age
material from Zbelava (Pl. 3,5). It is interesting that this type of
deep vessel made of graphited clay, present with a single specimen at Zbelava, is related to the so-called graphittonsitulae of
the kind found in both the mentioned graves from the SopronKrautacker cemetery as well as in the settlement of the same
name (e.g. in pit 20 of the Sopron-Krautacker settlement, Jerem
1981a, Fig. 20,7), but also at many other Transdanubian sites in
the late Hallstatt/early La Tne time. The same grave assemblages contained also embossed ware20, which is present in signifi18. One has the impression that in Transdanubia the protomae in the shape
of rosettes are more numerous within the early La Tne assemblages, as
indicated according to the published typological table by the settlement at
Sopron-Krautacker (Jerem 1986, Pl. 3). In Burgstallkogel near Kleinklein
we also find the type of a protoma in the shape of a rosette or flower. R.
Smolnik dates this shape to the very end of the early Iron Age (towards
Lt A1), correcting at the same time the dating by K. Vinski-Gasparini of
the piece from Sv. Petar Ludbreki (3rd horizon of the Martijanec-Kaptol
group, Vinski-Gasparini 1987, Fig. 13,10). Smolnik relies precisely on that
find, together with some others (e.g. eye-beads) as indicators for the duration of life at Burgstallkogel also during the late Hallstatt period (Smolnik
1994, 67, Pl. 110,15). The second Zbelava variety also appears in the early
La Tne in the shape of biconical buttons. The biconical protomae are thus
found in house 121/92 of the settlement at Bratislava-Dbravka together
with early La Tne wheel-made pottery (Stegmann-Rajtr 1996, Fig. 8)
or together with Embossed Ware in grave 6 of the Buany necropolis in
southwestern Slovakia (Bujna-Romsauer 1983, Pl. 4).
19. Even though it is not used as frequently as the application of various
functional and decorative additions, the graphite-coating is an important
decorative procedure (Kovaevi 2005, Graph 13). In this procedure we
distinguish between a simple coating of the entire (interior, exterior or
both) side of the vessel with a graphite coating, which leaves the impression that the vessel was made of metal (Pl. 2,1, Pl. 3,3) and the procedure
in which the graphite is used to make a certain polished striped or grid
ornament on the side of the vessel (Pl. 2,2). In the Zbelava settlement it
appears on 31 vessels or on 10% of the decorated vessels, which is the type
of decoration second only to the application of plastic motifs.
20. The term Embossed Ware in this work represents in fact a summarized description of the technological procedure used in the production
of a ceramic vessel. During the process, by pressing the wet wall of
the recipient from the interior of the vessel outwards, hollow lugs or
similar rounded protruberances are formed (in German: mit von innen
herausgedrckten Bukkeln). The Slovenian term for this is nagubana
keramika.
101
Sl. 4 Tipoloka tabela keramikih nalaza iz Zbelave (izradila M. Gali)

Fig. 4 The typological table of the ceramic finds from Zbelava (drawn by M. Gali)
102
unutar zbelavskog materijala (T. 1,4, T. 2,3) kao i tipine keramike posude ukraene grafitom.
Posude izraene od grafitne gline, koje su u zbelavskom
naselju rijetke, kao i posude raene na kolu, kojih u Zbelavi nema, u Transdanubiji i okolnim podrujima (Austriji i
Slovakoj) su sve ee kako se pribliavamo vremenu Lt A
(Jerem 1981a, 126; Jerem 1996; Stegmann-Rajtr 1996; Urban 1996 itd.). Zanimljivo je da se u Zbelavi ee od transdanubijskog tipa grafitne situle, koja iznad zaobljenog
ramena ima konkavan vrat, obino s plastinom trakom,
i vertikalni rub, javlja lonac izraen od gline bez primjesa
grafita koji iznad zaobljenog ramena ima jednostavan okomiti ili blago uvueni rub, a neposredno ispod njega neki
aplicirani ukras. Upravo taj oblik (sl. 4, tip A1, T. 1,1,8), jedan
je od najeih keramikih oblika u kasnohaltatskom nase21
lju u Zbelavi. Primjerke vrlo srodne zbelavskim, nalazimo
zajedno s fibulom tipa Velem, trobridom bronanom strelicom i plavobijelom okastom perlom meu materijalom iz
kue 1 naselja Sopron-Krautacker koja je sa svojim nalazima
karakteristina za posljednju fazu haltatskog razdoblja u
sjeverozapadnoj Transdanubiji, unutar naselja Szombathely-Reiszig, ali i u inventaru grobova Ha D vremena u Pomzu, na desnoj obali Dunava (Jerem 1981a, Abb. 14,10; Jerem
1986, T. 3; Gabor 2004, T. LXVI,2, T. LXVII; Kemenczei 1977
itd.). Kao vana usporednica ovdje nam se namee i naselje
S-Doberdo, zapadno od Szombathelya. To je manje nizinsko naselje s kasnohaltatskim, ali i latenskim nalazima, koje
se nalazi u sferi moi vanog regionalnog sredita Velem St.
Vida i njemu po svoj prilici i gravitira (Gl, Molnr 2004). Pri
analizi uoena je srodnost nalaza iz naselja S-Doberdo s
drugim Ha D naseljima sjeverozapadne Transdanubije (Velem, Sopron), sjeveroistone Transdanubije (Pilismart, Pomz) i jugozapadne Slovake (Gl, Molnr 2004, 160). Osim
to su naselja Zbelava i S-Doberdo istodobna i slinog
22
karaktera , i njihova materijalna kultura pokazuje iznimne
podudarnosti. To se odnosi posebno na oblike keramikih
posuda. Isto kao u Zbelavi, u naselju S-Doberdo, i to prije svega u poluukopanoj kui 6 datiranoj u Lt A2 stupanj,
vrlo esto se pojavljuju lonci i loncima srodni oblici, obino s jednostavnim vertikalnim ili blago uvuenim rubom
od kojih su neki gotovo identini zbelavskim primjercima,
prije svega naemu tipu A1 (Gl, Molnr 2004, T. 22,1,13,
T. 23,3, T. 26,7-9 itd.). Lonac tipa A1, u varijantama sa i bez
plastinih traka i naljepaka, pojavljuje se u Zbelavi 101 put,
to predstavlja 18 posto od svih definiranih tipova i drugi je
po zastupljenosti tip u Zbelavi. Na prvom mjestu po broju
21. Lonac tipa A1 u Zbelavi u tipoloko-kronolokom smislu nije novi
i ekskluzivno kasnohaltatski oblik, no ini se da on upravo svojom
estom pojavom postaje tipian za zavrnu fazu starijeg eljeznog doba u
hrvatskoj Podravini i ire. Zabiljeimo ovdje tek njegovu raniju pojavu u
III. horizontu Potela (Teran 1990, sl. 3,13, T. 8,8, T. 9,2, itd.), u 3. fazi
nekropole, odnosno, 4. fazi naselja u Kleinkleinu (Dobiat 1980, T. 37,1-2,
T. 43,1-3, str. 170; Smolnik 1994, 36, T. 53,11, T. 113,10, T. 133,4 itd.), kako
u ranoj, tako i u kasnoj fazi dolenjske haltatske skupine (Dular 1982, 31,
T. 7,54-57), u Transdanubiji, u grobu 1 Ha C vremena Halimba-Ceres
sjeverno od Balatona (Patek 1993, Abb. 68,30) i drugdje.
22. Oba lokaliteta u principu jesu sela s tek nekoliko kua-zemunica. U
Zbelavi se javljaju i nadzemni objekti, koje S-Doberdo ne poznaje.
cant amounts within the Zbelava material (Pl. 1,4, Pl. 2,3) as well
as typical ceramic vessels with graphite decoration.
The vessels made of graphite clay, which are rare in the
Zbelava settlement, as well as those made on the wheel,
which are absent, in Transdanubia and in surrounding territories (Austria and Slovakia) become increasingly frequent as
one approaches the Lt A period (Jerem 1981a, 126; Jerem 1996;
Stegmann-Rajtr 1996; Urban 1996 itd.). It is interesting that at
Zbelava the pot made of graphite-free clay, with a simple vertical or slightly inverted rim above the rounded shoulder, with
decoration applied immediately below the rim, appears more
frequently than the Transdanubian type of graphited situla,
with a rounded shoulder above which is a concave neck, usually with a plastic stripe, and a vertical rim. Precisely the former
shape (Fig. 4, type A1, Pl. 1,1,8) is one of the most frequently
found ceramic shapes in the late Hallstatt settlement at Zbe21
lava. Pieces very similar to those from Zbelava are found
together with a Velem-type fibula, a three-bladed bronze arrowhead and a blue-white eye-bead among the material from
house 1 at the Sopron-Krautacker settlement, which is by virtue of its finds characteristic for the latest phase of the Hallstatt
period in northwestern Transdanubia; within the Szombathely-Reiszig settlement, but also in the inventory of the graves
from the Ha D period in Pomz, on the right bank of the Danube (Jerem 1981a, Fig. 14,10; Jerem 1986, Pl. 3; Gabor 2004, Pl.
LXVI,2, Pl. LXVII; Kemenczei 1977 etc.). The S-Doberdo settlement west of Szombathely imposes itself here as an important
comparison. It is a smaller lowland settlement with late Hallstatt but also La Tne finds, situated in the sphere of authority
of an important regional centre Velem St. Vid, to which it in
all likelihood gravitates (Gl, Molnr 2004). During the analysis
the similarity was perceived between the finds from the SDoberdo settlement and those from other Ha D settlements
of northwestern Transdanubia (Velem, Sopron), northeastern
Transdanubia (Pilismart, Pomz) and southwestern Slovakia
(Gl, Molnr 2004, 160). Not only are the Zbelava and S-Do22
berdo settlements contemporary and of a similar character ,
but their material culture is likewise highly correlated. This
primarily applies to the ceramic vessel shapes. Same as at
Zbelava, at the S-Doberdo settlement, above all in the semidug-in house 6, dated to the Lt A2 phase, pots and pot-related
shapes appear with great frequency, usually with a simple vertical or slightly inverted rim, some of which are almost identical to the Zbelava pieces, above all to our type A1 (Gl, Molnr
2004, Pl. 22,1,13, Pl. 23,3, Pl. 26,7-9 etc.). The A1 type pot, in variants with or without plastic stripes and applications, appears
101 times at Zbelava, representing 18 percent of all defined
types, which makes it the second most represented type at
21.In the typological-chronological sense the A1 type pot at Zbelava is not a
new and exclusively late Hallstatt shape, but it appears that it is precisely
its frequent presence which makes it typical for the final phase of the early
Iron Age in Croatian Podravina and beyond. Let us document here only
its earlier appearance in horizon III at Potela (Teran 1990, Fig. 3,13,
Pl. 8,8, Pl. 9,2, etc.), in the 3rd phase of the necropolis and the 4th phase
of the settlement at Kleinklein (Dobiat 1980, Pl. 37,1-2, Pl. 43,1-3, page
170; Smolnik 1994, 36, Pl. 53,11, Pl. 113,10, Pl. 133,4 etc.), in the early as
well as in the late phase of the Dolenjska cultural group (cultural group of
Lower Carniola) (Dular 1982, 31, Pl. 7,54-57), in Transdanubia, in grave 1
of the Ha C period at Halimba-Cseres north of Lake Balaton (Patek 1993,
Fig. 68,30) and elsewhere.
22.Both sites are in principle villages with only a few pit-houses. Zbelava
contains also above-ground structures, which are absent at S-Doberdo.
103
primjeraka u Zbelavi se nalazi jednostavna zdjela uvuenog

ruba (sl. 4, tip B1b, T. 1,3), koja je vrlo uobiajena i u naselju S-Doberdo (Gl, Molnr 2004, T. 23,2, T. 25,5,11 i dr.).
Podudarnosti ne staju ovdje. Osim pojedinih srodnih tipova
keramikih posuda, kojima treba pridruiti i pojavu kera24
mikih pladnjeva23 ili zdjela sloene profilacije , keramike
nalaze iz oba naselja karakterizira i esta pojava plastinih
aplikacija, prije svega bradavica i jeziastih drki (Gl, Mol25
nr 2004, T. 21,5, T. 23,5, T. 27,3-4,10 itd.). Zanimljivo je da
se unutar naselja S-Doberdo pojavljuje koncept ukrasa koji
ine ponekad grupirani, a ponekad neprekinuti vodoravni
nizovi ovalnih udubljenja (Gl, Molnr 2004, T. 29,8, T. 30,10),
kakve smo vidjeli i u materijalu iz kue 270 Lt A1 vremena
naselja Sopron-Krautacker (Jerem et al. 1984, Fig. 17,6), u
spomenutom enskom grobu s velemskim fibulama iz Zemendorfa (Jerem 1996), u kuama 121/92 i 122/92 naselja
Bratislava-Dbravka (Stegmann-Rajtr 1996, Abb. 9,3-4,7,
Abb. 11,3), grobovima nekropole Buany (Bujna, Romsauer
1983, T. II,10, T. IV,18), ali isto tako u Zbelavi (T. 4,1,3). E. Jerem u ovoj posudi vidi tipinu kasnohaltatsku formu, posudu koja imitira etruanske uzore, s brojnim analogijama
26
u jugoistonim Alpama. Oba lokaliteta povezuje i pojava
kuglastih posuda srodnih zbelavskim loncima tip A2 (sl. 4,
27
tip A2, T. 1,6) i grafitnog mreastog ili trakastog ukrasa (T.
28
2,2) , za kojega smo vidjeli da je est na brojnim lokalitetima Transdanubije, te naborane keramike i okastih staklenih perli (Gl, Molnr 2004, T. 6). Unutar kasnohaltatskog
horizonta naselja S-Doberdo pojavljuju se pojedinano i
nalazi skitskoga karaktera kojih u samoj Zbelavi nema, no
oni se pojavljuju, kako u spominjanom tumulu II na Bistriaku u Jalabetu, tako sporadino na tlu sjeverozapadne
Hrvatske (imek 1998). No dok naselje S-Doberdo iz svog
kasnohaltatskog razdoblja, preko prijelaza u rani laten oito kontinuirano nastavlja ivot i tijekom razvijenog i kasnog
latena, razvoj i ivot naselja u Zbelavi Pod lipom vjerojatno
ostaje ogranien na kasnohaltatsku fazu. Iako veinu nalaza u Zbelavi ine keramiki oblici koji predstavljaju svakodnevno, kuhinjsko posue, ipak ovakve kombinacije nalaza,
kao i zastupljenost istih osnovnih keramikih tipova, govore
o izrazitoj bliskosti kasnohaltatskog naselja u Zbelavi s naseljima sjeverno od rijeke Drave. O srodnosti moda govori
i pojava keramikih nalaza ukraenih tzv. pseudovrpastim
ornamentom u zbelavskom materijalu (T. 4,6). Takav ukras
se javlja i u Transdanubiji, primjerice, unutar naselja SopronKrautacker, u materijalu iz kue 270, jame 20 i dr. (Jerem et
al. 1984, Fig. 17,10; Jerem 1981a, Abb. 10,2).
23. Vidjeti tipoloku tabelu (sl. 4, tip G u Zbelavi i T. 2,5) i nalaze iz kue 6
naselja S-Doberdo (Gl, Molnr 2004, T. 26,2).
24. Usporediti tipove B3b, B4, B5 i B6 iz Zbelave (sl. 4 i T. 2,3, T. 3,1) s
nalazima iz kue 6 naselja S-Doberdo (Gl, Molnr 2004, T. 27,5, T.
30,10).
25. U Zbelavi je apliciranje funkcionalno-dekorativnih dodataka uvjerljivo
najei nain ukraavanja (T. 1,8, T. 2,4, T. 3,2-3,5 itd.). Izdvojeno je
207 posuda ukraenih na ovaj nain, to je 66% od svih uoenih posuda
s ukrasom. U zbelavskom naselju od bradavica i jeziastih drki jo
su ea puna ili ralanjena plastina rebra, polukrunog ili ona vie
etvrtastog presjeka (Kovaevi 2005, 72).
26. Jerem 1996, 97; Dular 1982, T. 24,219-225; Gutin 1976, T. 23,8; Knez
1986, T. 8,18, T. 37,9. itd.
27. Iz ranolatenske kue 6 (Gl, Molnr 2004, T. 31,3).
28. Objekt 114 naselja S (Gl, Molnr 2004, T. 13).
104
Zbelava. The leading type by number of pieces at Zbelava is

the simple bowl with an inverted rim (Fig. 4, type B1b, Pl. 1,3),
also quite common at the S-Doberdo settlement (Gl, Molnr 2004, Pl. 23,2, Pl. 25,5,11 etc.). The correlations do not stop
there. In addition to certain similar types of ceramic vessels, to
which one should add the appearance of ceramic platters23 or
24
bowls of complex profilation , the ceramic finds from both
settlements are characterized also by the frequent presence
of plastic applications, primarily warts and tongue-shaped
25
handles (Gl, Molnr 2004, Pl. 21,5, Pl. 23,5, Pl. 27,3-4,10). It
is worth mentioning that a concept of decoration consisting
of sometimes grouped and sometimes uninterrupted horizontal sequences of oval depressions (Gl, Molnr 2004, Pl. 29,8,
Pl. 30,10) appears within the S-Doberdo settlement, of the
kind seen on the material from house 270 Lt A1 period of the
Sopron-Krautacker settlement (Jerem et al. 1984, Fig. 17,6), in
the mentioned female grave with the Velem-type fibulae from
Zemendorf (Jerem 1996), in houses 121/92 and 122/92 of the
Bratislava-Dbravka settlement (Stegmann-Rajtr 1996, Fig.
9,3-4,7, Fig. 11,3), graves from the Buany necropolis (Bujna,
Romsauer 1983, Pl. II,10, Pl. IV,18), but also at Zbelava (Pl. 4,1,3).
E. Jerem sees in this vessel a typical late Hallstatt form, a vessel emulating the Etruscan models, with numerous analogies
26
in the southeastern Alps. Both sites are connected also by
the presence of globular vessels related to the Zbelava pots
27
of type A2 (Fig. 4, type A2, Pl. 1,6) and by the graphited grid
28
or striped decoration (Pl. 2,2) , whose frequent presence on
numerous sites in Transdanubia we already mentioned, as well
by embossed ware and glass eye-beads (Gl, Molnr 2004, Pl.
6). The late Hallstatt horizon at the S-Doberdo settlement
yielded also individual finds of Scythian affiliation, absent at
Zbelava, but which are nevertheless present in the mentioned
tumulus II at Bistriak in Jalabet as well as sporadically in the
territory of northwestern Croatia (imek 1998). However, while
the S-Doberdo settlement obviously continues to live from
late Hallstatt, through the transition to early La Tne, to developed and late La Tne, the development and life of the settlement at Zbelava Pod Lipom probably remains limited to the
late Hallstatt phase. Even though the majority of finds at Zbelava consist of ceramic forms that represent everyday, kitchen
pottery, such a combination of finds as well as the presence of
the same basic ceramic types, nevertheless speak of the pronounced closeness of the late Hallstatt settlement at Zbelava
with the settlements lying north of the Drava river. The affiliation is perhaps indicated also by the appearance of ceramic
types decorated with the so-called pseudo-cord impressions
23. See the typological table (Fig. 4, type G at Zbelava and Pl. 2,5) and the
finds from house 6 of the S-Doberdo settlement (Gl, Molnr 2004, Pl.
26,2).
24. Compare the types B3b, B4, B5 and B6 from Zbelava (Fig. 4 and Pl. 2,3,
Pl. 3,1) with the finds from house 6 of the S-Doberdo settlement (Gl,
Molnr 2004, Pl. 27,5, Pl. 30,10).
25. The application of functional-decorative additions is by far the most frequent way of decoration at Zbelava (Pl. 1,8, Pl. 2,4, Pl. 3,2-3,5 etc.). A total
of 207 vessels bearing this type of decoration were distinguished, which
makes up 66% of all identified decorated vessels. Solid or segmented
plastic ribs with a semicircular or predominantly square cross-section
appear at the Zbelava settlement with even greater frequency than the
warts and tongue-shaped handles.
26. Jerem 1996, 97; Dular 1982, Pl. 24,219-225; Gutin 1976, Pl. 23,8; Knez
1986, Pl. 8,18, Pl. 37,9 etc.
27. From the early La Tne house 6 (Gl, Molnr 2004, Pl. 31,3).
28. Structure 114 of the settlement at S (Gl, Molnr 2004, Pl. 13).
Na zbelavskom materijalu uoavamo raniju haltatsku

tradiciju. E. Jerem prepoznaje tu tradiciju, primjerice, u tipu
lonca sa stoastim vratom ili u tehnici ukraavanja kanelurama (Jerem 1986), koje se kao reminiscencija na prola
vremena javlja i u naselju S-Doberdo (Gl, Molnr 2004,
29
T. 27,2) i u Zbelavi (T. 1,5, T. 3,6). U Zbelavi se kaneliranje
pojavljuje na sedam posuda. I ovdje, kao i u Transdanubiji u
kasnohaltatskom razdoblju, ono ne predstavlja dominantni nain ukraavanja. Unutar zbelavskog materijala pojava
kanelura, lonaca sa stoastim vratom, meandarskog ukrasa, ivotinjskih protoma na rukama, grafitnog slikanja i sl.,
predstavlja naznake neprekinuta razvoja i slijeda kojim se
kasnohaltatsko doba nadovezuje na ranije razdoblje. Taj
kontinuitet do u ranolatensko vrijeme vidimo na materijalu Transdanubije (Jerem 1981a; Jerem 2003), a s obzirom
na sve istaknute slinosti, smatramo da bi o kontinuiranom
razvoju u kontekstu prijelaza razvijena/kasna faza starijeg
eljeznog doba bilo prikladno govoriti sagledavajui materijalno-kulturno nasljee protopovijesnih zajednica i na
podruju sjeverozapadne Hrvatske.
ZAKLJUAK
Tijekom ranije faze starijeg eljeznog doba Podravina

je sastavni dio kompleksa jugozapadnopanonsko-tajerske skupine istonog kruga haltatske kulture (Teran 1998,
511). Nakon sloma i prekida ivota uoenog na brojnim lokalitetima tog podruja tijekom prve polovice ili sredinom
6. st. pr. Kr., koji B. Teran povezuje s upadima skitoidnih
ratnikih grupacija istono od Dunava, uz moguu katastrofalnu epidemiju kuge30 - dolazi do znatnih promjena u materijalnoj i duhovnoj kulturi. Dobru ilustraciju takva razvoja
prua nam spomenuti tumul s ukopom konja na Bistriaku
II, u kojem je na tlu jugozapadne Panonije u lokalnoj tradiciji, ali uz izrazito jake istone elemente pokopan skitizirani ili ak skitski ratnik-knez (imek 1998; Teran 1998, 520).
Vremenski bi ovaj ukop trebali svrstati u razdoblje samog
kraja ili neposredno nakon zavretka podravske skupine
starijeg eljeznog doba sjeverozapadne Hrvatske, odnosno
skupine Martijanec, sredinom ili tijekom druge polovine 6.
st. pr. Kr. To je vrijeme konsolidacije, kada se podiu nova
naselja i ponovo uspostavlja kontakt izmeu jugoistonoalpskih kulturnih skupina s panonskim, sada skitiziranim
podrujem (Teran 1998, 521). Jedno od tih naselja koje e
svoj ivot vjerojatno zapoeti upravo u tom razdoblju, negdje krajem 6. ili tijekom prve polovice 5. st. pr. Kr., bit e i
naselje u Zbelavi. Donju vremensku granicu Zbelave teko
je odrediti. Ranolatenski elementi, ako izostavimo keramike oblike svojstvene kako kasnom haltatu, tako i ranom
latenu, u ovom naselju izostaju. Tu mislimo na ostale karak31
teristine tipove ranolatenske keramike produkcije , ele29. Ulomci vee posude s jako izvuenim i s unutarnje strane horizontalno
kaneliranim rubom pronaeni unutar izmijeanog sloja Sj. 03 (T. 3,7) u
tipoloko-dekorativnom smislu pripada meu najstarije nalaze unutar
Zbelave.
30. Prema istraivaima Vergilijeve vijesti o kugi mogu se povezati s
jugoistonoalpskim podrujem, tonije s Korukom i tajerskom, u pretkeltsko vrijeme (Teran 1998, 526).
31. Kao na lokalitetu Sopron-Krautacker (Jerem 1986, T. 3).
among the Zbelava material (Pl. 4,6). Such decoration appears

also in Transdanubia, e.g. within the Sopron-Krautacker settlement, on the material from house 279, pit 20 and others (Jerem
et al. 1984, Fig. 17,10; Jerem 1981a, Fig. 10,2).
An earlier Hallstatt tradition can be perceived in the Zbelava material. E. Jerem recognizes that tradition, for instance,
in the type of a pot with a conical neck or in the technique of
cannelured decoration (Jerem 1986), which appears as a reminiscence of bygone times also at the S-Doberdo settlement
29
(Gl, Molnr 2004, Pl. 27,2) and at Zbelava (Pl. 1,5, Pl. 3,6) .
The cannelures appear at Zbelava on seven vessels. Same as
in Transdanubia in the late Hallstatt period, here they also do
not represent the dominant method of decoration. Among
the Zbelava material the presence of cannelures, pots with
conical necks, meander decoration, animal protomae on handles, graphite colouring etc., is an indication of uninterrupted
development and the sequence by which the late Hallstatt
period continues from the previous period. This continuity
until the early La Tne period is apparent in the material from
Transdanubia (Jerem 1981a; Jerem 2003), and considering all
the underlined similarities, we believe that it would be appropriate to discuss the continued development in the context of
the transition from the developed to the late phase of the early
Iron Age by taking into consideration the material and cultural
legacy of the protohistoric communities also in the territory of
northwestern Croatia.
CONCLUSION
During the earlier phase of the early Iron Age, the Podravina
region formed an integral part of the complex of the southwest
Pannonian and Styrian group of the eastern circle of the Hallstatt
culture (Teran 1998, 511). Following the collapse and interruption
of life perceived on numerous sites of that region during the first
half or around the middle of the 6th cent. B.C., which B. Teran
brings into connection with the incursions of Scythoid warrior
groups east of the Danube, with the possible catastrophic plague
epidemics30 substantial changes occur in the material and spiritual culture. Good illustration of such development is provided
by the mentioned tumulus with a horse burial at Bistriak II, in
which a Scythisized or even a pure Scythian warrior-prince was
buried in the western Pannonian soil in the local tradition, but
with very prominent eastern elements (imek 1998; Teran 1998,
520). In terms of chronology we ought to place this burial to the
period of the very end or immediately following the close of the
Podravina group of the early Iron Age of northwestern Croatia,
that is the Martijanec group, around the middle or during the first
half of the 6th cent. B.C. This is the time of consolidation, when
new settlements are erected and contacts are reestablished between the southeastern Alpine cultural groups with the Pannonian, now Scythisized territory (Teran 1998, 521). One of these
settlements that probably started its life precisely in that period,
somewhere around the close of the 6th or during the first half
of the 5th cent. B.C. is also the settlement at Zbelava. The lower
time limit of Zbelava is difficult to determine. The early La Tne
elements, if we leave out the ceramic forms characteristic for late
Hallstatt as well as for early La Tne, are absent from this settle29. Fragments of a large vessel with a distinctly everted and from the interior
side horizontally cannelured rim, found within the mixed layer SU 03 (Pl.
3,7), belong to the earliest finds at Zbelava in the typological-decorative
sense.
30. Scholars believe that Vergils information on the plague can be brought
into connection with the southeastern Alpine area, more precisely Carinthia and Styria, in the pre-Celtic period (Teran 1998, 526).
105
mente nonje, poput ranolatenskih kopi raenih na pro32

33
boj i fibula ranolatenske forme. Vrlo je izvjesno da nae
naselje u Zbelavi ivi tijekom 5. st. pr. Kr., u zadnjoj razvojnoj
fazi haltatske kulture, stupnju Ha D3, a moda i u vremenu
kada je, to nam ukazuju neki nalazi koje smo predstavili u
ovom radu, latenizacija sjevernih podruja Transdanubije
i istone Austrije ve zapoela. Tome u prilog bi govorila i
izraena bliskost zbelavskih nalaza s materijalom iz kue 6
naselja S-Doberdo, koju istraivai opredjeljuju u vrijeme
Lt A2 (Gl, Molnr 2004, T. 25-33), ali i s drugima spominjanim ranolatenskim nalazitima Transdanubije i njoj susjednih podruja.
U tom trenutku na zapadu i dalje, integriravi u svoj
korpus skitoidne (kasnije i latenoidne) elemente cvate u
kontinuiranom razvoju haltatska kultura Dolenjske, u kojoj upravo tada situlska umjetnost dosee svoje vrhunce, a
monu vodeu elitu dobro prezentiraju bogati grobovi po34
put onih iz Novog mesta, Magdalenske gore ili Stine. Na
jugoistoku i dalje kao vana trgovaka i metalurka sredita
ive Donja Dolina i Sanski Most, u svom razdoblju 3a prema
B. oviu (prema Marievoj podjeli faza 2c), obiljeenom
upotrebom certosa fibula (ovi 1987, 254; Mari 1964, 74,
T. XIII). Na istoku se javljaju Vinkovci, Szentlrinc i Beremend
s kojima naselje u Zbelavi u materijalnoj kulturi pokazuje
35
odreene srodnosti.
Kontinuitet moda moemo naslutiti i u nekim nalazima
36
s drugih podravskih lokaliteta , a uoit emo ga sigurno u
strukturi i nainu gradnje, te tipu priloga tumula II na Bistriaku, gdje se domai elementi (konstrukcija tumula, keramika...) mijeaju s novim istonog - skitskog - tipa (ljuskasti
oklop, skitske strelice...). Upravo tumul II na Bistriaku bit
e u neku ruku gotovo simbol te tranzicije u trenutku kada se gasi dotadanja civilizacija starijeg eljeznog doba
(Martijanec-Potela-Kleinklein-Sopron/Burgstall), a raa
jedan novi kulturni identitet s nizom novih naselja, meu
37
kojima se nalazi Zbelava. Meu ta naselja, kako smo vidjeli, moramo uvrstiti i ono u Zbelavi, istono od Varadina. To pokazuje i fibula tipa Velem, koja je tipian kasnohaltatski proizvod vanih transdanubijskih metalurkih
sredita (poput samog Velema) koji su izgleda upravo radi
svoga radionikoga karaktera preivjeli nemirno razdoblje
u kojem nestaju ranije haltatske kulturne manifestacije na
jugozapadnopanonsko-tajerskom prostoru (Teran 1998).
Uz odreene keramike oblike, upravo pojava ovog tipa fi32. Poput onih iz Drrnberga ili Magdalenske gore (Sormaz, Stllner 2005;
Gabrovec 1987, 71, Sl. 6).
33. Kao primjerka s nalazita Neufeld/Leitha (Jerem 1996, Abb. 7) ili nekih
iz Dolenjske (Teran 1977, T. 81,3).
34. Grob 19 u tumulu VII na Kapiteljskoj njivi u Novom Mestu (EGG 1999);
grob 99 tumula XLVII iz Stine, (Gabrovec 1987, T. VII); grob 6-7-7a
tumula V u Magdalenskoj Gori, (Hencken 1978, Fig. 108-112).
35.Spomenimo pojavu certosa fibula i srodnih keramikih oblika, primjerice
lonca A1 (Majnari-Pandi 2003; Potrebica, Dizdar 2002; Jerem 1968;
Jerem 1973).
36. Primjerice, u Sv. Petru Ludbrekom (Vinski-Gasparini 1987, T. XXIII;
Balen-Letuni 1984).
37. Koristimo ovdje priliku zahvaliti se M. imek to je ljubazno omoguila
uvid u arheoloki materijal iz Sigeca i Sv. Petra koji se uva u depoima
Gradskog muzeja u Varadinu. Iako veliki posao obrade i detaljne analize
tog materijala tek predstoji, posebno je zanimljiva, ve u povrnom pregledu uoena srodnost keramikih nalaza iz Zbelave i Sigeca.
106
ment. Here we have in mind the remaining characteristic types

31
of the early La Tne ceramic production , the elements of cos32
tume, such as the early La Tne openwork buckles and fibulae
33
of the early La Tne scheme. We can be fairly confident that our
settlement at Zbelava lives during the 5th cent. B.C., in the latest
developed phase of the Hallstatt culture, the Ha D3 phase, and
perhaps also during the time when, as certain finds presented in
this work clearly indicate, the latenization of the northern areas of
Transdanubia and of eastern Austria had already started. In favour
of this speaks also the pronounced closeness of the Zbelava finds
with the material from house 6 of the S-Doberdo settlement, attributed by the excavators to the Lt A2 period (Gl, Molnr 2004,
Pl. 25-33), but also with the other mentioned early La Tne sites of
Transdanubia and the neighbouring territories.
At that time in the West, having integrated within its corps
the Scythoid (and later also the latenoid) elements, the Hallstatt
culture of Dolenjska (Lower Carniola) flourishes in its continuing
development, with the situla art reaching its heydey, and its leading elite well represented by rich graves such as those from N.
34
Mesto, Magdalenska Gora or Stina. In the Southeast, Donja
Dolina and Sanski Most continue living as important trading and
metallurgical centres during their 3a period after B. ovi (phase
2c in Maris classification), characterized by the use of the Certosa
fibulae (ovi 1987, 254; Mari 1964, 74, Pl. XIII). In the East emerge
Vinkovci, Szentlrinc and Beremend, with which the settlement
35
at Zbelava shows certain affiliations in the material culture.
The continuity can perhaps also be intuited in certain finds
36
from other sites in the Podravina region , and it is certainly apparent in the structure and way of construction as well as in the
type of grave goods of tumulus II at Bistriak, where local elements
(tumulus structure, ceramics) mix with the new ones of the
eastern Scythian type (scale armour, Scythian arrowheads).
Precisely tumulus II at Bistriak will in a sense almost symbolize
this transition in the moment when the previous civilization of
the early Iron Age (Martijanec-Potela-Kleinklein-Sopron/Burgstall) comes to an end, and a new cultural identity emerges, with
37
a series of new settlements, including Zbelava. Among these
settlements, as we have seen, we have to include the one at Zbelava, east of Varadin. This is also shown by the Velem-type fibula,
a typical late Hallstatt product of important Transdanubian metallurgical centres (like Velem itself), which, it seems, precisely on
account of their attribute of workshop centres underwent a turbulent period in which previous Hallstatt cultural phenomena in
southwestern Pannonian and Styrian territory disappear (Teran
1998). In addition to certain ceramic forms, it is precisely the appearance of this type of fibula within the Zbelava settlement that
31. Like at the site of Sopron-Krautacker (Jerem 1986, Pl. 3).
32. Such as those from Drrnberg or Magdalenska Gora (Sormaz, Stllner
2005; Gabrovec 1987, 71, Fig. 6).
33. E.g. the piece from the site of Neufeld/Leitha (Jerem 1996, Fig. 7) or
certain pieces from Lower Carniola (Teran 1977, Pl. 81,3).
34. Grave 19 in tumulus VII at Kapiteljska Njiva in Novo Mesto (Egg
1999); grave 99 of tumulus XLVII from Stina (Gabrovec 1987, Pl. VII);
grave 6-7-7a of tumulus V in Magdalenska Gora (Hencken 1978, Fig.
108-112).
35. Let us mention the appearance of the Certosa fibulae and related ceramic
forms, e.g. the A1 pot (Majnari-Pandi 2003; Potrebica, Dizdar 2002;
Jerem 1968; Jerem 1973).
36. For instance, at Sv. Petar Ludbreki (Vinski-Gasparini 1987, Pl. XXIII;
Balen-Letuni 1984).
37. We use this opportunity to thank M. imek for having kindly enabled us
to inspect the archaeological material from Sigetec and Sv. Petar, kept
in the depots of the Varadin City Museum. Although the major task of
the study and detailed analysis of that material is yet to come, it is very
interesting that even a mere superficial survey resulted in the recognition
of the affiliation between the ceramic finds from Zbelava and Sigetec.
bule unutar naselja u Zbelavi u materijalno-kulturnom pogledu znaajan je simbol uske povezanosti prostora juno
od Drave s prekodravskim podrujima tijekom 5. st. pr. Kr.
S druge strane, prisutnost elemenata porijeklom iz jugoistonoalpskog podruja unutar materijala iz Zbelave, koje
u ovom radu nismo analizirali, ne zauuje tijekom razdoblja procvata dolenjske skupine i ponovne uspostave veza
jugoistonih Alpa i podruja na istoku (Teran 1996). Da u
tu meuregionalnu komunikaciju treba ukljuiti i podruje
sjeverozapadne Hrvatske uz rijeku Dravu, govore i certosa
fibula iz Zbelave, sjekira s jednostranim zaliscima, te cijeli
38
niz keramikih oblika ili tehnika ukraavanja.
represents in the material-cultural sense a significant symbol of

the close relationship of the territory south of the Drava river with
the territories across the Drava during the 5th cent. B.C. On the
other hand, the presence of the elements originating from southeastern Alpine territory within the material from Zbelava, which
were not analyzed in this work, is not surprising during the period
of the flourishing of the Lower Carniola group and the reestablishment of connections between the southeastern Alps and the
territories in the East (Teran 1996). That one should include also
the territory of northwestern Croatia in the Drava basin into this
interregional communication, is indicated also by a Certosa fibula
from Zbelava, an axe with single flanges and a whole series of
38
ceramic forms or techniques of decoration.
Babi K., Trbojevi-Vukievi T., 2004, Arheozooloka analiza animalnog
kotanog materijala s arheolokog lokaliteta Zbelava, 1997. godine, Zagreb, Izvjetaj, original u posjedu autora lanka
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38. Kako smo u ovom svearskom broju bili ogranieni prostorom, u pripremi
je rad u kojem emo se detaljnije posvetiti kasnohaltatskim naseljem u
Zbelavi i posebno jugoistonoalpskim utjecajima unutar njega.
38. As space was limited in this celebratory volume, a work is in preparation

in which we shall dedicate special attention to the late Hallstatt settlement at Zbelava and particularly to the southeastern Alpine influences
within it.
107
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T. 1
T. 1: Zbelava Sj. 219, 249

Pl. 1: Zbelava SU 219, 249
109
T. 2
T. 2: Zbelava 1-4: Sj. 064, 065; 5: Sj. 201, 202

Pl. 2: Zbelava 1-4: SU 064, 065; 5: SU 201, 202
110
T. 3
T. 3: Zbelava 1-4: Sj. 150; 5: Sj. 053, 054; 6: Sj. 051, 052; 7: Sj. 03
Pl. 3: Zbelava 1-4: SU 150; 5: SU 053, 054; 6: SU 051, 052; 7: SU 03
111
T. 4
T. 4: Zbelava 1: Sj. 034, 035; 2: Sj. 244; 3: Sj. 081, 082; 4: Sj. 131; 5: Sj. 140, 141; 6: Sj. 061
Pl. 4: Zbelava 1: SU 034, 035 in N/23-a; 2: SU 244; 3: SU 081, 082; 4: SU 131; 5: SU 140, 141; 6: SU 061
112
Bronano prstenje iz latenskoga groblja na Ciglani u Donjem gradu u Osijeku

Bronze Fingerrings from the La Tne Cemetery at Ciglana in the Lower Town in Osijek
NIVES MAJNARI-PANDI
Zajeva 25
HR 10000 Zagreb

UDK/UDC 903.25:671.121.5](497.5 Osijek)637
903.5(497.5 Osijek)637
Prstenju u grobovima Skordiska i Tauriska nije se dosad obratila posebna pozornost. Ono nije ni
esti nalaz. U lanku se analiziraju osjeki primjerci, odreuje im se tipoloko-kronoloka pripadnost
te pokazuje da su predstavljali dio karakteristinog kolutastog nakita u bogatije opremljenim
srednjolatenskim grobovima ena.
Kljune rijei: keltsko prstenje, keltska ravna groblja u srednjem Podunavlju,enski kolutasti nakit,
srednjolatenska enska nonja
The fingerrings in the graves of the Scordisci and the Taurisci have not received particular attention
so far. Nor are they a frequent find. The paper analyzes the pieces from Osijek, determines their
typological and chronological attribution and shows them to have represented a part of the characteristic annular jewellery in the richly furnished Middle La Tne female graves.
Key words: Celtic fingerrings, Celtic flat cemeteries in the middle Danubian basin, female annular
jewellery, Middle La Tne female costume
U literaturi ve dobro poznato i mnogo citirano latensko

groblje u Donjem gradu u podruju Zelenog polja dolo je
na vidjelo ranih pedesetih godina 20. st. Na grobove i nalaze
nailazilo se pri vaenju gline na tamonjoj ciglani i to na
prekide od 1953. do 1966. god. (imi 1997, 23-24). Ti radovi
nisu nikada bili arheoloki struno voeni pa su dosljedno
tome ostali nedokumentirani, to su sve dobro poznate
injenice. Bogati i zanimljivi nalazi iz te biritualne nekropole
predavani su na svu sreu u Muzej Slavonije, a objavio ih je
tamonji prapovjesniar E. Spaji (Spaji 1954; 1956; 1962).
U muzejskoj dokumentaciji nema crtea grobova, grobnih
zapisnika ni fotografija. Nalazi su objavljeni u uglavnom
loim i nepreciznim crteima, bez profila predmeta, a objavi
je dodana samo jedna fotografija jednog od skeletnih
grobova na kojoj nisu prepoznatljivi grobni prilozi (osim,
moda, ploastog predmeta u podruju struka (Spaji 1954,
T. VII). Fotografija u objavi nije numerirana, a nije zabiljeen
ni broj groba.1
The La Tne cemetery in the Lower Town (Donji Grad) in

the area of Zeleno Polje, often quoted and well-known from
the literature, surfaced in the early 1950s. During the extraction
of clay in the local brick factory (Ciglana) workers were coming
upon graves and finds, intermittently between 1953 and 1966
(imi 1997, 23-24). These works were never carried out under
a professional archaeologist and have consequently remained
undocumented, which are all facts we are familiar with. The
rich and interesting finds from that biritual necropolis were
luckily delivered to the Museum of Slavonia and published by
the local prehistorian E. Spaji (Spaji 1954; 1956; 1962). The
Museum documentation does not contain any illustrations,
inventory lists or photographs of graves. The finds were published with mostly poor and imprecise drawings, without the
profiles of objects, and the publication was accompanied by
merely one photograph of one of the skeletal graves, which
allows no recognition of grave goods (with the possible exception of a plate-like object in the area of the waist) (Spaji 1954,
Pl. VII). The photograph in the publication was not numbered,
and there is also no indication of the number of the grave.1
1. Iz muzejske inventarne knjige oito je da su radnici-namjetenici ciglane

prikupljali nalaze, odnosili ih u Muzej i izvjetavali o svojim zapaanjima
na terenu. E. Spaji je ipak grupe nalaza objavio kao grobne cjeline,
ukupno njih 52, a dosta je predmeta objavio s naznakom da potjeu iz
iskopa. Iskope je takoer numerirao, ali kako ne postoji plan groblja ne
znamo u blizini kojih grobova su se nalazili.
1. It is evident from the Museum Inventory Book that the workers-employees

of the brick factory collected the finds, delivered them to the Museum
and reported on their observations in the field. E. Spaji nevertheless
published groups of finds as grave assemblages, a total of 52, while he
published a number of objects with the remark that they come from the
trenches. He numbered the trenches as well, but as a plan of the cemetery
does not exist we do not know next to which graves they were situated.
113
N. MAJNARI-PANDI, Bronano prstenje iz latenskoga groblja na Ciglani u Donjem gradu u Osijeku, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 113-120.
U literaturi su se Spajieve grobne cjeline citirale kao

sigurni grobovi, naroito je esto navoen grob ratnika 29
kao pokazatelj za 1. stupanj (Beograd 1, prema D. Boiu).
Taj je grob doista po svom tipoloko-kronolokom sastavu
uvjerljiv, a ima i brojnih paralela u Maarskoj, naroito na
Karaburmi (Boi 1981, 317, T.6, 1-4; Boi 1982, 51-53; Gutin
1984, 320, sl. 10). O ostalim grobnim cjelinama treba
razmatrati pojedinano, to je zadatak koji tek predstoji.
Posebno je stoga nezgodno ako se osjeko groblje navodi
kao oslonac za odreivanje kronologije kulture Skordiska u
istonoj Slavniji (Popovi 2002, 147, bilj. 15).
J. imi, najbolji poznavatelj zbirke prapovijesnih nalaza
u Muzeju Slavonije, rijeila je navedeni sluaj Ciglane na
Zelenom polju tako da je sve nalaze, koji su u literaturu ve
uli kao sastavni dijelovi grobnih cjelina prema E. Spajiu,
predstavila u katalogu izlobe o Keltima i Rimljanima u
Osijeku kao sluajne nalaze (imi 1997). Ta autoriina
vrlo znaajna odluka trebala bi imati reperkusija. Ipak,
u istom katalogu J. imi navodi da su samo ponekad
arheolozi prisustvovali otkopavanju pojedinih grobova.
Bilo bi dragocjeno znati pri kojim grobovima, ali to je
nepoznato. Opisan je, dodue, jedan paljevinski grob sa
svim pojedinostima ukopa (imi 1997, 25).2
Nesporno je da jo predstoji, kao potreban zadatak,
prezentacija nalaza s donjogradske ciglane, gdje bi
sveukupni nalazi bili precizno iscrtani jer se radi o najveem
i najznaajnijem groblju Skordiska u Hrvatskoj.

Nakon, ini se prijeko potrebnog, uvoda prelazim
na pravi zadatak ovog lanka posveenog potovanom
i dragom kolegi prof. dr. sc. eljku Tomiiu, u povodu
njegove godinjice.
Radi se o nalazima bronanog prstenja u osjekom
Donjem gradu kojima se, kao grobnim prilozima u Skordiska,
dosad nije obratila potrebna pozornost. Par od dva identina
bronana prstena (sl. 1, sl. 2,5) naen je u Spajievom
skeletnom grobu br. 6 (Spaji 1954, 10-11, T. II,15). Citiram
Spajieve podatke o grobu iako oni nisu potkrijepljeni
nunim dokumentima crteom i fotografijom grobne
cjeline, tj. situacije pri otvaranju groba. Skelet je prema E.
Spajiu bio dobro ouvan, sa uz tijelo opruenim rukama,
orijentiran Z-I. E. Spaji pobrojava i opisuje grobne priloge,
ali ne navodi mjesto na kojem su bili priloeni uz skelet ili na
njemu. Prstenje je lijevano tehnikom izgubljena voska; sitno
naroskani kolut prstena nosi na glavi ukras od probijene
osmice. Posred osmice istiu se dva polukuglasta ukrasna
ispupenja. Segmenti na kolutu niu se uz rubove osmice
izraenijim plastinim ispupenjima, a suavaju se prema
sredini koluta. (Inv. br. 6363; promjer 2 cm, teina 1,9 gr;
drugi polomljen 2,1 gr; prstenje je kvalitetno izraeno i vrlo
dobro sauvano).
Iz jednog od iskopa (br. 13) potjee jo jedan bronani
prsten te. 1 gr, identian oblikom paru iz Spajieva groba 6,
to indicira postojanje jo jednog unitenog groba s takvim
nakitom.3
2. Zahvaljujem dr. sc. Jasni imi na susretljivoj dozvoli da pregledam
nalaze iz groba 6, kao i na svoj pomoi pri ovom radu.
3. Razliite teine prstenja, osobito najmanjega i najlakeg iz iskopa 13,
govori da je ono bilo namjenski izraivano.
114
Spajis grave assemblages were quoted in the literature

as secure graves. Warrior grave 29 was mentioned particularly frequently as an indicator of phase 1 (Belgrade 1, after
D. Boi). That grave is indeed convincing by virtue of its
typological-chronological composition and it also has numerous parallels in Hungary, and in Karaburma in particular
(Boi 1981, 317, Pl.6, 1-4; Boi 1982, 51-53; Gutin 1984, 320,
Fig. 10). The remaining grave assemblages ought to be
treated one by one, which is a task that is yet to come. It is
therefore highly inappropriate to consider the Osijek cemetery as the basis for the determination of the chronology
of the culture of the Scordisci in eastern Slavonia (Popovi
2002, 147, note 15).
J. imi, the most knowledgeable person when it comes
to the collection of prehistoric finds in the Museum of Slavonia, solved the mentioned case of Ciglana in Zeleno Polje
by presenting as chance finds all the finds that had already
entered the literature as integral parts of Spajis grave assemblages (imi 1997). This significant decision by the author is bound to have repercussions. Still, in the same catalogue J. imi says that the archaeologists were only occasionally present during the excavation of individual graves.
It would be valuable to know which graves those were, but
this is not known. There is, it is true, a description of a cinerary grave with all the details of the burial (imi 1997, 25). 2
It is undeniable that there is still a task lying ahead, consisting of the presentation of the finds from the Ciglana in
the Lower Town, where the entire body of finds would be
precisely drawn, considering that the site represents the
largest and most important cemetery of the Scordisci in
Croatia.
After what is, it appears, a highly necessary introduction,
I move on to the real objective of this paper, dedicated to
our esteemed and dear colleague, Prof. eljko Tomii,Ph.
D. on the occasion of his jubilee.
These are the finds of bronze fingerrings in the Lower
Town of Osijek, which similar to the grave goods of the
Scordisci have so far not been given due attention. A pair
of two identical bronze rings (Fig. 1, Fig. 2,5) was found in
Spajis skeletal grave 6 (Spaji 1954, 10-11, Pl. II,15). I cite
Spajis information about the grave even though it is not
substantiated by necessary documents a drawing and a
photograph of the grave assemblage, i.e. the situation on
the occasion of the opening of the grave. According to
E. Spaji, the skeleton was well preserved, with arms extended along the body, oriented W-E. E. Spaji lists and
describes the grave goods, but omits to mention the place
where they were deposited next to the skeleton or on it.
The fingerrings were cast in the lost-wax technique; there is
a decoration consisting of an openwork figure-of-eight on
the head of a finely notched hoop of the fingerring. Two
hemispherical decorative projections are prominent right
across the centre of the figure-of-eight. The segments on
the hoop are lined along the edges of the figure-of-eight
with pronounced plastic projections, and they taper towards the centre of the hoop. (Inv. No. 6363; diameter 2 cm,
2. I thank Jasna imi, Ph.D. for her kind permission to view the finds from
grave 6 and for all her help on this paper.
N. MAJNARI-PANDI, Bronze Fingerrings from the La Tne Cemetery at Ciglana in the Lower Town in Osijek, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 113-120.
Sl. 1 Osijek, Ciglana u Donjem Gradu

Fig. 1 Osijek, Ciglana in Donji Grad
1
5
4
2
Sl. 2 Osijek, Ciglana, grob 6

Fig. 2 Osijek, Ciglana, grave 6
115
Premda sam se uvodno ogradila od Spajievih grobnih

cjelina, predstavit u okvirno grob 6 i provjeriti mogunost
njegove cjelovitosti (sl. 2). U grobu se navodi par bronanih
fibula srednjolatenske sheme (sl. 2,3-4) od kojih je iscrtan
oteeni primjerak (Spaji 1954, T.II,16). Fibule su vrlo
malih dimenzija (du. 3 cm), fino raene i dobro ouvane.
Spirala na glavi od 6 navoja spojena je izvana. Visoki i tanki
iani luk (promjer ice 1 mm), spojen je s noicom s dvije
podjednako velike pune kuglice koje ljebiem nasjedaju
na luk (Inv. br. 6364 a i b). Znaajka je osjekih fibula da su
kuglice smjetene vrlo blizu, za razliku od ostalih fibula istog
tipa, ali veih dimenzija i s po dvije razmaknuto razmjetene
kuglice. Za ove fibule mogu se navesti paralele u Mokronogu
(Gabrovec 1966, T. 13,5, T. 30,7) ili u Manching-Steinbichelu
u grobu 33 (ovaj je primjerak od eljeza) (Krmer 1985, 85, T.
19,5). U istom se grobu 6 na osjekoj ciglani spominje i trea
bronana, vrlo fragmentirana i vea fibula s dijelom spirale i
komadom luka (nije inventirana).
U drugim grobovima, odnosno iskopu, naene su jo
dvije fibule s dvije kuglice na luku: vea eljezna i neto
manja bronana, ali obje s velikim razmaknutim kuglicama
(Spaji 1954, T. V,29,31).
Od kolutastog nakita u grobu 6 ouvana je eljezna
narukvica s prebaenim krajevima (inv. br. 6365), promjera
5 cm i debljinom koluta 2 mm (sl. 2,2). E. Spaji spominje
i fragment eljeznog pletenog pojasa i donosi ga u posve
neprimjerenom crteu (Spaji 1954, T. II,17). U stvari, radi se
o dobro ouvanom i kvalitetno izraenom jednodijelnom
pletenom pojasu s ouvana oba kraja: s karikom i kopom
s kukicom. Ouvano je 36 cm od pojasa koji je oteen,
prekinut po sredini (sl. 2,1).4 U Spajievom inventaru groba
upisan je i ukrasni okov od bronanog lima izraen na
proboj (sl. 2,6) (Spaji 1954, T. II,1). Stilski taj okov, ini se
barem, odgovara ukrasnoj koncepciji prstenja.
Ovako naveden i opisan pred sobom imamo inventar
bogatijeg enskog groba za kojeg paralele moemo nai u
panonskom Podunavlju. O naknadnoj antropolokoj analizi
skeleta ne moemo ni govoriti jer osteoloki materijal iz
osjekog groblja nije sauvan.

Prstenje se u bogatijim enskim grobovima (vrlo rijetko u
mukima), po jedan ili u paru, javlja u kontinentalnoj Europi
od horizonta kasnohaltatskih grobova, a osobito vrijedni
primjerci pronalaze se u bogatim ranolatenskim grobovima
(Waldhauser 1998, 85-91), poput npr. prekrasnog zlatnog
primjerka iz groba kneginje u Reinheimu (Kellner 1955, T.
8,8). Prstenje se dalje nosi i nalazi u ravnim grobljima Lt B2
do C2 vremena, rijetko zlatno, a najee bronano ili ak
eljezno. To je prstenje tipoloki uglavnom razliito od
osjekih primjeraka; navodim tako jedan trakasti prsten
iz groba 13 iz Mane, datiranog fibulom tipa Duchov/Dux i
inae opremljenog brojnim kolutastim nakitima (Benadik
1978, 406, 26, 2). U krajevima to su ih naseljavali Skordisci
prstenja ima malo; dobro je to vidljivo u dosad najveem
i najopsenije istraenom groblju na Karaburmi (Todorovi
4. B. Teran je upozorila da je takav pleteni pojas obino dio muke opreme
vezan uz ma. Dakle, nije sigurno da ovdje pripada enskoj nonji i s tom
ogradom moemo raunati.
116
weight 1,9 gr.; the second ring is broken, 2,1 gr.; the workmanship of the rings is of good quality and they are very
well preserved).
Another bronze fingerring, weighing 1 gr, comes from
one of the trenches (No. 13). Its form is identical to the pair
from Spajis grave 6, which indicates the existence of another destroyed grave with jewellery of that type. 3
Although at the beginning I distanced myself from
Spajis grave assemblages, I shall present grave 6 in general terms and test the possibility of its integrity (Fig. 2).
A pair of bronze fibulae of the Middle La Tne scheme is
attributed to the grave (Fig. 2,3-4), of which the damaged
piece has been drawn (Spaji 1954, Pl. II,16). The fibulae are
of very small dimensions (length 3 cm), of fine workmanship
and they are well preserved. The spring on the head with 6
spirals is connected on the outside. The high and thin bow
made of wire (diameter of the wire 1 mm) is connected with
the foot by means of two solid knobs of almost equal size
that are attached to the bow with a groove (Inv. No. 6364
a and b). A feature of the Osijek fibulae is that the knobs
lie very close to each other, in contrast to the other fibulae
of the same type, which have larger dimensions and two
small knobs spaced at a distance. Parallels for these fibulae
can be found in Mokronog (Gabrovec 1966, Pl. 13,5, Pl. 30,7)
or in Manching-Steinbichel in grave 33 (this piece is made
of iron) (Krmer 1985, 85, Pl. 19,5). With regard to the same
grave 6 at the Ciglana in Osijek, a third fibula is mentioned,
made of bronze, very fragmented and larger, with a part of
a spring and a portion of a bow (not inventoried).
In the remaining graves, or the trench, two further fibulae with two small knobs on the bow were found: a larger
one made of iron and a somewhat smaller one of bronze,
but both have large spaced knobs (Spaji 1954, Pl. V,29,31).
Regarding annular jewellery, an iron bracelet with overlapping ends (Inv. No. 6365) was preserved in grave 6, with
a diameter of 5 cm and the thickness of the hoop 2 mm (Fig.
2,2). E. Spaji mentions also a fragment of an iron chain belt
and he presents it with a fully inappropriate drawing (Spaji
1954, Pl. II,17). In fact, this is a well-preserved one-piece
chain belt of quality make with both ends preserved: one
with a loop and the other with a buckle with a hook. The
belt is preserved in the length of 36 cm, and it is damaged
broken in the middle (Fig. 2,1).4 An entry in Spajis inventory of the grave includes an openwork decorative fitting of
sheet bronze (Fig. 2,6) (Spaji 1954, Pl. II,1). In terms of style
this fitting seems to correspond to the decorative concept
of the fingerrings.
This list and description present us with the inventory
of a rather rich female grave for which we can find parallels
in the Pannonian Danubian basin. There is no possibility of
subsequent anthropological analysis of the skeleton whatsoever as the osteological material from the Osijek cemetery has not been preserved.
3. The different weight of the fingerrings, particularly of the smallest and
lightest one from trench 13, tells us that they were made for a specific
purpose.
4. B. Teran cautioned that such chain belts usually form part of the male
costume connected with the sword. Therefore, it is not certain that it
belongs here to the female costume and we can take into consideration
this reservation.
1972). Da je openito u keltskoj nonji i kienju prstenje

igralo prilino vanu ulogu, svjedoi i injenica kako je
u ogromnoj ostavi nakita u Duchcovu (Dux) registrirano
oko sto bronanih prstena, a nalaeni su i u naseljima
sjeverozapadne eke (Waldhauser 1998, 108, bilj. 26).
Najopirnije prikupljanje i klasifikaciju kolutastog
nakita u enskim grobovima u Karpatskoj kotlini obavio je
J. Bujna za Slovaku (Bujna 2005). U njegovoj monografiji
ta je svojstvena nakitna vrsta latenske kulture obraena, i
tipoloko-kronoloki i socioloki, zahvaljujui opsenim i
dobro dokumentiranim iskopavanjima latenskih nekropola
u Slovakoj nakon II. svjetskog rata. Ono to Bujninoj
klasifikaciji dodaje teinu je provedena serijacija. Stilsku i
tehnoloku slinost s osjekim primjercima zapaamo u
Bujninoj skupini BR-0, u oblicima Q i 02B datiranima u Lt C1
za Slovaku (Bujna 2005, 91, 93, sl. 75, sl. 77). Nadlaktica 02b
pokazuje najveu slinost s osjekim prstenjem, sa svojim
sredinjim motivom koncipiranim u vidu poloene osmice
spojene na slian nain. Taj je nakit inae kienije ukraen, a
i tehniki zahtjevnije izveden: na podlozi su ukrasi izvedeni
imitacijom filigrana, to nije strano ni naim junopanonskim
krajevima. Osjeko se prstenje moe donekle povezati i s
Bujninom skupinom BR-J3, gdje se tordirani kolut na glavi
splie u iane osmiaste petlje (Bujna 2005, 75, sl. 59).
Najpotpunija analogija osjekom prstenju otkrivena je
u groblju Vc u blizini lijeve dunavske obale sjeveroistono
od Budimpete (Hellebrandt 1999, T. 26,17). U enskom
paljevinskom grobu 12 priloen je gotovo identino
koncipiran bronani prsten (sl. 3,7). Fibula u toj grobnoj
cjelini je srednjolatenska iana s osebujno oblikovanom
noicom, spojenom navojem ice na luku, imitirajui spiralu
na glavi (sl. 3,6). U enskom skeletnom grobu 8 na istoj
nekropoli naen je nataknut na prst bronani prsten svijen
od dvostruke ice i ukraen na glavi jednostavnom i malom
spiralnom osmicom (Hellebrandt 1999, T. 26,2). U isti su grob
priloene dvije bronane nanogvice sastavljene od tri velike
kalote, dio nonje tipian za istonokeltski krug u Karpatskoj
kotlini, te ostaci eljeznog tapiastog pojasa. Naalost, oba
navedena groba u Vcu bila su poremeena, vjerojatno
kasnijim avarskim grobovima, pa njihova oprema ne treba
biti potpuna. U oba groba naena je oprema bogatijih ena
iz starije faze srednjolatenskog razdoblja (Bujnina skupina
BR-F5, tip B).5
Isto moemo zakljuiti i za sva tri prstena s osjeke
Ciglane: dva od njih noena su u paru i naena u grobu 6,
grobu koji se nakon pojedinane analize priloga i njihove
kombinacije ipak pokazao moguom cjelinom. Istovjetni
prsten iz iskopa 13 svjedoi postojanje jo jednog groba
s prstenom, pa tako nonja iz groba 6 nije izolirana.6 ena
5 Spominjem da je M. Dizdar, predstavljajui dva bronana prstena iz
latenske nekropole u Zvonimirovu kod Suhopolja, u svojoj neobjavljenoj
disertaciji popisao i druge primjerke iz istone Hrvatske i Karpatske
kotline (Dizdar 2004, 253, sl. 117).
6. Zanimljivo je da se iz istog iskopa navodi fragment vrlo bogate plastino
ukraene bronane narukvice (Spaji 1956, T. X,5); ona se po svojim
obiljejima i dekorativnosti moe povezati s narukvicama iz unitenih
grobova u Vukovaru (Majnari-Pandi 2007, T. I,2). Mogue je da se i
tu radi o jednom unitenom enskom grobu. E. Spaji svakako prsten i
narukvicu u svom tekstu navodi jedno tik drugog (Spaji 1956, 49).
The fingerrings appear in richer female graves (very

rarely in male ones), single or in pairs, in continental Europe starting with the horizon of Late Hallstatt graves, and
particularly valuable pieces are found in rich Early La Tne
graves (Waldhauser 1998, 85-91), e.g. a beautiful gold specimen from the grave of a princess in Reinheim (Kellner 1955,
Pl. 8,8). The fingerrings continue to be worn and found in
flat cemeteries from Lt B2 to C2 periods, rarely made of gold
and most frequently made of bronze or even iron. In terms
of typology those fingerrings generally differ from the Osijek pieces; I mention for instance a strap fingerring from
grave 13 from Mana, dated by means of a Ducheov/Dux
type fibula, which was otherwise furnished with numerous
annular jewellery pieces (Benadik 1978, 406, 26, 2). In the
area settled by the Scordisci there are few fingerrings; this
is easily visible in the so far largest and most extensively excavated cemetery at Karaburma (Todorovi 1972). That the
fingerrings played quite an important role in the Celtic costume and decoration in general is testified by the fact that
around a hundred bronze fingerrings were registered in the
huge hoard of jewellery in Duchcov (Dux), and they were
found also in the settlements in the northwest of the Czech
Republic (Waldhauser 1998, 108, note 26).
The most extensive collection and classification of annular jewellery in female graves in the Carpathian basin was
carried out by J. Bujna for Slovakia (Bujna 2005). This characteristic jewellery type of the La Tne culture was analyzed in
his monograph both typologically-chronologically and sociologically, owing to extensive and well-documented excavations of the La Tne necropolises in Slovakia after the 2nd
World War. What adds weight to Bujnas classification is the
conducted seriation. The stylistic and technological similarity with the Osijek pieces is noted in Bujnas group BR-0, in
the forms Q and 02B, dated to La Tne C1 for Slovakia (Bujna
2005, 91, 93, Fig. 75, Fig. 77). Armlet 02b shows the greatest
similarity with the Osijek fingerrings, with its central motif
conceived in the shape of a figure-of-eight attached in the
similar way. This type of jewellery is generally more lavishly
decorated and its technical workmanship is also more demanding: the decorations on the base were executed in the
imitation of a filigree, which is not foreign to our south Pannonian lands either. The Osijek fingerrings can be connected to a certain degree also with Bujnas group BR-J3, where
a twisted hoop on the head weaves into the figure-of-eight
wire loops (Buna 2005, 75, Fig. 59).
The most complete analogy to the Osijek fingerrings
was discovered at the cemetery of Vc in the proximity of
the left bank of the Danube northeast of Budapest (Hellebrandt 1999, Pl. 26,17). Female incinerary grave 12 contained a bronze fingerring of an almost identical concept
(Fig. 3,7). The fibula in that grave assemblage is a Middle
La Tne wire type with a foot of idiosyncratic shape, connected by a spiral of a wire on the bow, imitating the spring
on the head (Fig. 3,6). Female skeletal grave 8 at the same
necropolis contained a bronze fingerring on the finger. The
fingerring is made of a folded double wire and it is decorated on the head with a simple and small spiral figureof-eight (Hellebrandt 1999, Pl. 26,2). Two bronze anklets
composed of three large domes a piece of a costume
typical for the eastern Celtic circle in the Carpathian basin
117
2
0
3
4
0
5
0
3
7
Sl. 3 1-2 Meznyrd; 3 Bujna Br-J3; 4 Bujna Q; 5 Bujna Q2-B; 6-7 Vac, grob 12
Fig. 3 1-2 Meznyrd; 3 Bujna Br-J3; 4 Bujna Q; 5 Bujna Q2-B; 6-7 Vac, grave 12
118
Sl. 4 Sardinija (?)

Fig. 4 Sardinia (?)
skeletno ukopana u grob 6 nosila je par vrlo malih i fino

izraenih bronanih srednjolatenskih fibula za kopanje
tanje tkanine i veu bronanu fibulu, eljeznu narukvicu,
eljezni pleteni pojas, dva prstena i ukrasni okov, noen
moda na konatoj traci oko ela. Sudei po tipolokim
vezama takva je oprema pripadala enama boljeg
drutvenog statusa iz vremena Lt C1, tj. iza 250. god. pr. Kr.
Sastav priloga u grobu 6 ima bliske paralele u enskom
srednjolatenskom skeletenom grobu III. na austrijskom
lokalitetu Klein-Reinprechtsdorf (Stifft-Gottlieb 1935,
172-173, T. I-II,1). Nadalje je zanimljiv za osjeko prstenje,
premda pomalo bizaran sluaj, zlatni prsten koji navodno
potjee sa Sardinije, a uva se u Londonu (Megaw 1965/66).
Iako daleko skupocjeniji i kieniji, i materijalom i izvedbom, taj
prsten oituje koncepcijske slinosti s osjekim primjercima
(sl. 4). U njegov se ukras ukljuuju i dvije ljudske maske u
ranolatenskom stilu, pa ih je V. Megaw iskoristio za opsenu
raspravu o prikazu ljudskog lica u ranolatenskoj umjetnosti.
V. Megaw se osvre i na osnovno obiljeje ukrasa na glavi,
to jest vegetabilni motiv izveden na proboj (open-work),
to se u reduciranom smislu odnosi i na osjeko prstenje.
V. Megaw taj motiv izvodi iz grkog svijeta, to za nae
srednjedunavsko podruje nije bez znaenja. Odnosi se to
na brojne dokaze o vezama i ugledanju latenske kulture
ovog kraja na junobalkanske uzore (Szab 1975; 1983;
1991; 1995); vidljivo je to npr. u sklonosti za oponaanjem
junobalkanskih tehnika filigrana i granulacije, zatim na
oblikovanju kantaroidnih posuda te na keltskom kovanju
novca od polovice 3. st. pr. Kr. (Hellebrandt 1989, 48, sl. 17
je tu injenicu rjeito spojila na jednoj zajednikoj karti
rasprostranjenosti). Naravno, te stilske znaajke i njihove
razvojne faze ne treba fiksirati u krute kronoloke okvire
(Megaw 1965/66, 113, 120), tim vie jer se gotovo uvijek radi
as well as the remains of an iron rod-belt, were deposited into the same grave. Unfortunately, both mentioned
graves in Vc were disturbed, probably by later Avar graves,
so their equipment is not necessarily complete. Both graves
contained equipment belonging to richer women from the
older phase of the Middle La Tne period (Bujnas group BRF5, type B). 5
We can conclude the same for all three fingerrings from
Ciglana in Osijek: two of them were worn in a pair and they
were found in grave 6, which following the individual analysis
of the grave goods and their combination eventually appears
to represent a possible assemblage. An identical fingerring
from trench 13 bears testimony to the existence of yet another grave with a fingerring, so the costume from grave 6 is
not isolated.6 The women skeletally buried into grave 6 wore
a pair of very small and finely made bronze Middle La Tne
fibulae for buckling thinner textiles and a larger bronze fibula, an iron bracelet, an iron chain belt, two fingerrings and
a decorative fitting, worn perhaps on a leather band around
the forehead. Judging by the typological relationships, such
a costume belonged to women of higher social status from
the Lt C1 period, i.e. after 250 B.C.
The composition of the grave goods in grave 6 has close
parallels in female Middle La Tne skeletal grave III at the
Austrian site of Klein-Reinprechtsdorf (Stifft-Gottlieb 1935,
172-173, Pl. I-II,1). Although a somewhat bizarre case, a gold
fingerring supposedly coming from Sardinia and now kept
in London is also interesting for the Osijek rings (Megaw
1965/66). Although far more precious and lavishly decorated,
both in terms of material and workmanship, this fingerring
exhibits conceptual similarities with the Osijek pieces (Fig. 4).
Two human masks in Early La Tne style are included in its
decoration, so V. Megaw used them for an extensive discussion on the representation of the human face in Early La Tne
art. V. Megaw reviews also the basic feature of the decoration
on the head, that is the openwork vegetable motif, which in
the reduced sense applies also to the Osijek fingerrings. V.
Megaw draws that motif from the Greek world, which is not
without significance for our Middle Danubian area. This relates to numerous proofs about the mutual connections and
the way the La Tne culture of this area modeled itself on
south Balkan influences (Szab 1975: 1983; 1991; 1995); this
is visible e.g. in their tendency to imitate south Balkan techniques of filigree and granulation, in the shape of kantharoid
vessels and in the Celtic coin mints from the mid-3rd cent.
B.C. (Hellebrandt 1989, 48, Fig. 17 eloquently linked this fact
on a common distribution map). Naturally, these stylistic features and their developmental phases should not be fixed
into rigid chronological frames (Megaw 1965/66, 113, 120), all
the more so as these are almost always locally produced middle Danubian types.
5. I mention that M. Dizdar, presenting two bronze fingerrings from the La
Tne necropolis in Zvonimirovo near Suhopolje, listed in his unpublished
dissertation also the remaining pieces from eastern Croatia and the Carpathian basin (Dizdar 2004, 253, Fig. 117).
6. It is interesting that a fragment of a very rich plastically decorated bronze
bracelet is mentioned as coming from the same trench (Spaji 1956, Pl.
X,5); based on its features and decorative concept it can be connected with
the bracelets from the destroyed graves in Vukovar (Majnari-Pandi
2007, Pl. I,2). It is possible that this is also a case of a destroyed female
grave. E. Spaji certainly mentions the fingerring and the bracelet in his
text one next to the other.
119
o lokalno izraivanim srednjedunavskim tipovima.

Kada bismo htjeli odrediti znaenje prilaganja prstenja
pokojnici u grob, ne bismo za to imali pravog oslonca. H.
Lorenz, koji je dosad najpotpunije obradio latenski grobni
ritual s obzirom na pridanu nonju, izrazio se vrlo oprezno
o moguem znaenju prstenja kao vjenanog (Lorenz
1978, 191). Na osjeki sluaj s dva prstena priloena jednoj
pokojnici ne bi govorio nipoto u prilog takvu znaenju.
Vjerojatno je ipak da je noenje prstenja imalo oznaku
socijalnog statusa, to jest ugleda u drutvu.
If we wished to determine the significance of depositing

fingerrings into the grave of a deceased woman, we would
not have any real foundation. H. Lorenz, whose analysis of
the La Tne burial ritual with regard to the accompanying
costume has been the most thorough so far, expressed himself very carefully about the possible meaning of the fingerrings as denoting marriage (Lorenz 1978, 191). Our case from
Osijek with two fingerrings deposited with one deceased
woman would definitely not speak in favour of that meaning. It is more likely that the wearing of fingerrings served as
a mark of social status, that is prestige within the society.
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OsjZb IV, Osijek, 7-17.

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Bikonini lonci sa stepeniasto ralanjenim ramenom s groblja ZvonimirovoVeliko polje

Biconical pots with a stepped shoulder from the Zvonimirovo-Veliko polje cemetery
MARKO DIZDAR
HR 10000 Zagreb
marko.dizdar@iarh.hr

UDK/UDC 904.726.821](497.5 Zvonimirovo) 653
904:738](497.5 Zvonimirovo)653
Groblje mokronoke skupine Zvonimirovo-Veliko polje u srednjoj Podravini izdvaja se kao jedino sustavno istraeno groblje latenske kulture u sjevernoj Hrvatskoj, s veim brojem iznimno opremljenih
ratnikih grobnih cjelina. U njima se, osim naoruanja, nalaze i prilozi toaletnih predmeta, muke
nonje te poputbina sastavljena od keramikih posuda i ivotinjskih kostiju. Pripadnost groblja
mokronokoj skupini Tauriska poiva na karakteristinim predmetima enske nonje kao to su
pojedini oblici fibula, pojasa i privjesaka, a to potvruje i analiza pojedinih keramikih oblika kao
to su bikonini lonci sa stepeniasto ralanjenim ramenom.
Kljune rijei: Zvonimirovo, groblje, mokronoka skupina, srednja Podravina, keramika,
naoruanje, toaletni pribor
The cemetery of the Mokronog group at Zvonimirovo-Veliko Polje in the central Podravina region
stands out as the only systematically excavated cemetery of the La Tne culture in northern Croatia,
with a large number of exceptionally furnished warrior grave assemblages. In addition to weapons,
they also contain objects forming parts of a toilet set, pieces of male costume and grave goods consisting of ceramic vessels and animal bones. The attribution of the cemetery to the Mokronog group
of the Taurisci rests on characteristic pieces of the female costume, such as certain forms of fibulae,
belts and pendants, which is also corroborated by the analysis of certain ceramic forms, e.g. biconical pots with a stepped shoulder.
Key words: Zvonimirovo, cemetery, the Mokronog group, the central Podravina region,
pottery, weapons, toilet set
121
M. DIZDAR, Bikonini lonci sa stepeniasto ralanjenim ramenom s groblja Zvonimirovo-Veliko polje, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 121-144.
Sl. 1 Zvonimirovo-Veliko polje: Plan groblja s oznaenim poloajem grobova LT 8 i LT 10

Fig. 1 Zvonimirovo-Veliko Polje: the plan of the cemetery with marked positions of graves LT 8 and LT 10
122
M. DIZDAR, Biconical pots with a stepped shoulder from the Zvonimirovo-Veliko polje cemetery, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 121-144.
Sl. 3 Zvonimirovo-Veliko polje: grob LT 10

Fig. 3 Zvonimirovo-Veliko Polje: grave LT 10
Sl. 2 Zvonimirovo-Veliko polje: grob LT 8

Fig. 2 Zvonimirovo-Veliko Polje: grave LT 8
1. Opirna bibliografija o prikazima rezultata istraivanja te nalazima

latenske kulture: Tomii 1994; Tomii 1997; Tomii 2000; MajnariPandi 2001; Tomii 2002; Gutin 2003; Dizdar 2004; Tomii, Dizdar
2005; Tomii, Dizdar 2006; Tomii, Dizdar 2006a; Dizdar 2006; Dizdar
2007.
1. Extensive bibliography about the presentation of excavation results and

the La Tne culture finds: Tomii 1994; Tomii 1997; Tomii 2000;
Majnari-Pandi 2001; Tomii 2002; Gutin 2003; Dizdar 2004;
Tomii, Dizdar 2005; Tomii, Dizdar 2006; Tomii, Dizdar 2006a;
Dizdar 2006; Dizdar 2007.
123
2. Antropoloku analizu spaljenih ostataka pokojnika proveli su dr. sc.

Mario laus i mr. sc. Mario Novak s Odsjeka za arheologiju HAZU-a.
Arheozooloku analizu ivotinjskih kostiju proveo je Sinia Radovi sa
Zavoda za paleontologiju i geologiju kvartara HAZU-a.
124
2. The anthropological analysis of the incinerated remains of the dead were

carried out by Mario laus, Ph.D., and Mario Novak, M.Sc. from the
Croatian Academy od Sciences and Arts, Department of Archaeology.
The archaeozoological analysis of animal bones was carried out by Sinia
Radovi from the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Institute for
the Palaeontology and Geology of the Quaternary.
3. Metalne nalaze konzervirao je Nikola Erlich, dok je keramike nalaze

restaurirao Mihael Golubi iz Hrvatskog restauratorskog zavoda u
Zagrebu. Fotografije lonaca djela su Jurice kudara iz HRZ-a i Hrvoja
Jambreka iz Instituta za arheologiju. Crtee su izradili Marta Perki i
Mihael Golubi.
3. The conservation of the metal finds was the work of Nikola Erlich, while
the ceramic finds were restored by Mihael Golubi from the Croatian
Conservation Institute in Zagreb. The photographs of the pot are the work
of Jurica kudar from the CCI and Hrvoje Jambrek from the Institute
of Archaeology. The drawings were done by Marta Perki and Mihael
Golubi.
125
126
127
128
129
130
131
Sl. 4 Zvonimirovo-Veliko polje: lonac iz groba LT 8 (snimio J. kudar)

Fig. 4 Zvonimirovo-Veliko Polje: a pot from grave LT 8 (photo J. kudar)
132
Sl. 5
Zvonimirovo-Veliko polje: lonac iz groba LT 10 (snimio H. Jambrek)
Fig. 5 Zvonimirovo-Veliko Polje: a pot from grave LT 10 (photo H. Jambrek)
133
134
4. Knez 1992: grobovi 33 (T. 11,3), 55 (T. 17,5), 61 (T. 22,1), 94 (T. 34,2),
111 (T. 39,7), 119 (T. 44,1), 140 (T. 51,3), 142 (T. 51,5), 143 (T. 51,8), 162
(T. 57,1), 169 (T. 59,6), 177 (T. 62,12), 182 (T. 66,1), 192 (T. 68,11), 200
(T. 71,1).
4. Knez 1992: graves 33 (Pl. 11,3), 55 (Pl. 17,5), 61 (Pl. 22,1), 94 (Pl. 34,2),
111 (Pl. 39,7), 119 (Pl. 44,1), 140 (Pl. 51,3), 142 (Pl. 51,5), 143 (Pl. 51,8),
162 (Pl. 57,1), 169 (Pl. 59,6), 177 (Pl. 62,12), 182 (Pl. 66,1), 192 (Pl. 68,11),
200 (Pl. 71,1).
135
136
137
138
139
140
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T. 1
T 1: Grob LT 8
Pl.1: Grave LT 8
143
T. 2
T 2: Grob LT 10
Pl.2: Grave LT 10
144
Osvrt na fibule tipa Jezerine u Hrvatskoj povodom novih nalaza iz Dragiia

A Look at the Jezerine-type Fibulae in Croatia in View of New Finds from Dragii
Pregledni lanak
DUNJA GLOGOVI
HR 10000 Zagreb
Rewiev
UDK/UDC 904:739](497.5 Dragii)652
904:672.836](497.5 Dragii)652
MARKO MENUI
Uprava za zatitu kulturne batine
Konzervatorski odjel u ibeniku
J. ulinovia 1/3
HR 22000 ibenik
U povodu nekoliko novijih nalaza fibula tipa Jezerine na jugu liburnskog teritorija, konkretno dvije
fibule iz Dragiia, nainjena je lista svih nalazita fibula tipa Jezerine iz Hrvatske. Starija arheoloka
literatura svrstavala je ovaj oblik fibule s trakastim segmentom luka u skupinu ranih rimskih fibula
kasnolatenskog tipa, posebno primjerke iz Siska i istone Slavonije. Prema novijim klasifikacijama
fibula tipa Jezerine, nalazi iz Hrvatske mogu se razvrstati u nekoliko razliitih skupina i varijanti. Uz
dva nova primjerka fibula tipa Jezerine iz Dragiia, listi smo dodali novoobjavljene nalaze iz Grobnika kao i iz Osora, koji je izostavljen u novijim radovima o fibulama tipa Jezerine. Dotaknuto je pitanje srebrne fibule iz Nezakcija, ije opredjeljenje tipu Jezerine nije usuglaeno. Fibule tipa Jezerine
na liburnskom teritoriju kao i drugdje u Hrvatskoj mogu se datirati najranije oko 30. god. pr. Kr., a na
eponimnom nalazitu Jezerine (Bosna i Hercegovina) u drugi, odnosno period b pete faze i u estu
fazu japodskih nekropola u dolini Une.
Kljune rijei: Hrvatska, fibule tipa Jezerine, Dragii pokraj ibenika
In view of several new finds of the fibulae of the Jezerine type on the south of the Liburnian territory,
namely two fibulae from Dragii, a list was created of all sites of the Jezerine-type fibulae from
Croatia. The earlier archaeological literature placed this fibula shape with a strap bow segment in
the group of early Roman fibulae of the late La Tne type, particularly pieces from Sisak and eastern
Slavonia. In accordance with recent classifications of fibulae of the Jezerine type, the finds from Croatia can be classified into several different groups and variants. In addition to two new pieces of the
Jezerine-type fibulae from Dragii, we added to the list the newly published finds from Grobnik and
Osor which were left out from recent works about fibulae of the Jezerine type. We also deal with the
issue of the silver fibula from Nesactium, whose attribution to the Jezerine type is not unanimous.
The fibulae of the Jezerine type in the Liburnian territory and elsewhere in Croatia can be dated at
the earliest to around 30 B.C., and at the eponymous site of Jezerine (Bosnia and Herzegovina) to
the second or b period of the fifth phase and to the sixth phase of the Iapodian necropolises in the
Una valley.
Key words: Croatia, Jezerine-type fibulae, Dragii near ibenik
Prva arheoloka istraivanja gradine Dragii u

ibenskom zaleu i nekropole uz gradinu proveo je
Zdenko Brusi 1973. i 1976. god. U Brusievu su lanku iz
2000. god. objavljene grobne cjeline i nacrti sedamnaest
istraenih grobova i publiciran je plan gradine i nekropole
(Brusi 2000, 3, 7, sl. 1,3; Brusi 1976, 116 sq, 119, br. 29, 125,
sl. 4). U grobovima, prema Brusievu opisu, zabiljeeno je
viekratno pokapanje. Stariji su pokopi datirani od 6. do 3.
st. pr. Kr., a mlai su grobovi iz helenistikog vremena tj. 2. i
1. st. pr. Kr. (Brusi 1999, 1-14; Brusi 1999, 61-62, 71-73, 100,
109, 116: helenistika reljefna keramika). Kasnije, u vrijeme
kada je bio kustos-arheolog u Gradskom muzeju u ibeniku,
The first archaeological excavations of the Dragii hillfort

and the adjoining necropolis in the hinterland of ibenik
were carried out by Zdenko Brusi in 1973 and 1976. Grave assemblages, plans of seventeen excavated graves and a plan
of the hillfort and the necropolis were published in Brusis
2000 paper (Brusi 2000, 3, 7, Fig. 1,3; Brusi 1976, 116 seq.,
119, nr. 29, 125, Fig. 4). In Brusis description, multiple interments were registered in the graves. The earlier burials were
dated from the 6th to the 3rd cent. B.C., while the later ones
date from the Hellenistic period, i.e. the 2nd and 1st cent.
B.C. (Brusi 1999, 1-14; Brusi 1999, 61-62, 71-73, 100, 109, 116:
145
D. GLOGOVI, M. MENUI, Osvrt na fibule tipa Jezerine u Hrvatskoj povodom novih nalaza iz Dragiia, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 145-152.
nekropolu na gradini Dragii iskopavao je suautor ovog

rada, Marko Menui, od 1999. do 2003. god. Istraeno je
tridesetak grobova, a materijal je, slino kao kod prethodnih iskopavanja, datacijski izmijean, to indicira opetovanu
upotrebu grobova u duljem razdoblju. Dosad je objavljeno
nekoliko fragmentiranih srebrnih ploastih fibula naenih u
grobovima na Dragiiu (Glogovi 2006, 129-141).
Ovdje objelodanjujemo dvije fibule tipa Jezerine koje su
naene pri iskopavanju grobova na gradini Dragii, provedenih 2002. i 2003. god.:
- Fibula iz groba 32/2003 (sl. 2), bronana, patinirana.
Ouvan je samo trakasti dio luka s obostranom dvostrukom
petljom na kraju i tetivom na unutranjoj strani luka. Duljina
42 mm, irina trake 10 mm. Rubovi su oteeni, zadebljani
su i imaju paralelno koso narezana rebra. Sredina trakastog
dijela luka ima plitko rebrasto pojaanje.
- Fibula iz groba 14/2002 (sl. 3), bronana, ouvan je dio
luka i dio noice. Duljina 51 mm, irina trakastoga segmenta luka 9 mm. Obujmica na suenju luka ima dva istaknuta
rebra, a na poleini luka je preklopljena. Rubovi trakastog
dijela luka su pojaani, rebro po sredini nije ukraeno.
Oba fragmenta fibula iz Dragiia pripadaju fibulama
tipa Jezerine, ije su osnovne znaajke iroki trakasti segment luka, tzv. maneta, zatim etverostruka spirala s unutarnjom tetivom i pravokutna noica s uzdignutim gumbom
na kraju. Noica moe imati perforaciju.
the Hellenistic relief ware). Later, during the time he worked

as a curator-archaeologist in the City Museum in ibenik,
the co-author of this work, Marko Menui, excavated the
necropolis at the Dragii hillfort, from 1999 to 2003. Thirty graves were excavated and the material, similar to the
previous excavations, consists of chronologically mixed assemblages, which is an indication of the repeated use of the
graves over a longer period. Several fragmented silver plate
fibulae found in the Dragii graves have been published so
far (Glogovi 2006, 129-141).
Here we publish two Jezerine type fibulae found in the excavations of the graves at the Dragii hillfort, carried out in
2002 and 2003:
- The fibula from grave 32/2003 (Fig. 2), bronze, patinated.
Only the strap portion of the bow is preserved, with a double
loop on either side of the bows end and a cord on the inner
side of the bow. Length 42 mm, width of the strap 10 mm.
The edges are damaged, thickened and have parallel obliquely incised ribs. A shallow strengthening rib runs along
the centre of the strap portion of the bow.
- The fibula from grave 14/2002 (Fig. 3), bronze, a part of
the bow and foot is preserved. Length 51 mm, the width of
the strap segment of the bow is 9 mm. The clamp at the narrowing of the bow has two pronounced ribs and is folded on
the back of the bow. The edges of the strap segment of the
bow are strengthened, the central rib is not decorated.
Inae, fibule tipa Jezerine svrstane su u starijoj literaturi

u skupinu ranorimskih fibula kasnolatenskog tipa, ime se
sugerira njihovo porijeklo i razvoj. Prsten na suenju trakastog dijela luka rudiment je, dakle, fibula latenske sheme
kod kojih je noica svinuta prema luku i privrena za luk
1
(Koevi 1980, 12; Teak-Gregl 1982, 101). Oblik noice s
gumbom na vrhu podsjea na fibule ertoza, iako izmeu fibula tipa Jezerine i fibula ertoza postoji znaajna kronoloka
razlika. Spiralni ureaj s unutarnjom tetivom za zapinjanje
fibule razvija se u 1. st. pr. Kr. i nalazimo ga na fibulama tip
a Nauheim, Cenisola i sl. (Adam, Feugre 1982, 146). Za E.
Ettlinger je kod oblikovanja fibula tip Jezerine vaan utjecaj
fibula Aucissa, posebno to se tie gumba na kraju noice,
pa pie da su fibule s manetom krianac izmeu fibula Aucissa i kasnolatenskih fibula (Ettlinger 1973, 42).
Uglavnom je usuglaeno miljenje kako je sjeverna Italija mjesto nastanka i prve produkcije fibula tipa Jezerine,
tako da se one smatraju italskim elementom u keltskoj kulturi u naim krajevima (Boi 1987, 896). S. Demetz je dodao i junu Francusku kao moebitno izvorite fibula toga
tipa (Demetz 1999, 103-104). Na karti rasprostiranja nalaza fibula tipa Jezerine u Europi (Adam, Feugre 1982, 154,
Fig. 13) uoeno je pet skupina vee koncentracije nalaza:
Languedoc (Francuska), sjeverna Italija/Slovenija, srednja i
Both fragments of the fibulae from Dragii belong to the

Jezerine-type fibulae, whose basic features are a wide strap
segment of the bow, the so-called cuff; further, a quadruple
spiral with an inner cord and a rectangular foot with a raised
button at the end. The foot can be perforated.
1. Obveznu stariju literaturu o fibulama kasnolatenskog tipa, odnosno fibulama tipa Jezerine nai emo citiranu kod R. Koevi i T. Teak- Gregl,
pa je ovdje ne navodimo.
1. Obligatory earlier literature on fibulae of the Late La Tne type and the
Jezerine-type fibulae can be found quoted by R. Koevi and T. TeakGregl, so we do not bring it here.
146
The Jezerine-type fibulae are classified in the earlier literature within the group of the early Roman fibulae of the Late
La Tne type, which is suggestive of their origin and development. A ring at the narrowing of the strap portion of the
bow is therefore a relic of the fibulae of the La Tne scheme,
which have a foot bent towards the bow and attached to the
1
bow (Koevi 1980, 12; Teak-Gregl 1982, 101). The shape of
the foot with a button on top reminds of the Certosa fibulae,
even though there is a considerable chronological difference
between the Jezerine and the Certosa fibulae. A string with
an inner cord providing tension to the pin develops in the 1st
cent. B.C. and can be found on the fibulae of the Nauheimtype and Cenisola type (Adam, Feugre 1982, 146). In Ettlingers opinion, the Aucissa fibulae had a considerable impact
on the shaping of the Jezerine-type fibulae, particularly regarding the button at the end of the foot, so she writes that
the fibulae with cuffs are a cross between the Aucissa and
D. GLOGOVI, M. MENUI, A Look at the Jezerine-type Fibulae in Croatia in View of New Finds from Dragii, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 145-152.
juna Italija, srednje Podunavlje, te Dalmacija. Prema njihovu miljenju to doputa pretpostavku o radionicama fibula
tipa Jezerine na tim podrujima, meu kojima bi mogla biti
takoer i priobalna Hrvatska, tj. Dalmacija. No vrstih dokaza za tu hipotezu nema. Jedino sigurno mjesto produkcije
fibula tipa Jezerine, kako je ve ustanovljeno, ostaje na sjevernoitalskom istonoalpskom teritoriju (Adam, Feugre
1982, 150-158).
the Late La Tne fibulae (Ettlinger 1973, 42).

There is more or less general consent that northern Italy is
the place of origin and initial production of the Jezerine-type
fibulae, so that they are considered an Italic element in the
Celtic culture in our lands (Boi 1987, 896). S. Demetz added
to this southern France as a possible point of origin of fibulae
of that type (Demetz 1999, 103, 104). Five zones with a greater
concentration of finds have been noted on the distribution
map of the Jezerine-type fibulae in Europe (Adam, Feugre
1982, 154, Fig. 13): Languedoc (France), northern Italy/Slovenia, central and southern Italy, the middle Danube Basin, and
Dalmatia. In their opinion, this allows an assumption about
the existence of workshops of the Jezerine-type fibulae in
those zones, which might include also coastal Croatia, more
precisely Dalmatia. However, there is no solid evidence for
that hypothesis. The only certain place of production of the
Jezerine-type fibulae, as has already been established, remains the northern Italian eastern Alpine territory (Adam,
Feugre 1982, 150-158).
Od nalaza iz sjeveroistone Hrvatske spominjemo fibule

iz Dalja i iz Osijeka (Murse) koje su poznate iz starije literature, dok su fibule iz Sotina i Vukovara relativno novijeg datuma. Jednu fibulu tipa Jezerine iz Sotina i dvije iz Vukovara
objavila je 1970. god. N. Majnari-Pandi, a zabiljeila je
jednako tako povrinski nalaz fibule tipa Jezerine na Gradini
kod Orolika (Majnari-Pandi 1970, 42, 114, T. 4,9 (Dalj), T.
38,3-4 (Sotin), T.51,9 (Vukovar)). Ta je fibula iz Orolika objavljena meu nalazima latenske kulture iz Vinkovaca i okolice (Dizdar 2001, 110, T. 7,6). Neto prije, u katalogu izlobe o
arheologiji na podruju Vinkovaca, objavljene su jo dvije
fibule tipa Jezerine, tako da se u novije vrijeme znaajno
poveala koliina fibula tog tipa u istonoj Slavoniji (Dizdar
1999, 116, 120, kat. br. 163, 181).
Rimske fibule iz Siska, pohranjene u zagrebakom
Arheolokom muzeju, obradila je R. Koevi 1980. god.
Meu fibulama kasnolatenskog tipa publicirane su dvije
sisake fibule tipa Jezerine. R. Koevi ih je smjestila u europski kontekst i datirala u kraj 1. st. pr. Kr. Napominje da
se njihovo trajanje, sudei prema japodskim grobnim cjelinama u Pounju, protee na cijelo 1. st. poslije Kr. (Koevi
1980, 12, 45, T.1,1,3).
Najstarija objava fibule tipa Jezerine iz Hrvatske bit e
da je primjerak iz Prozora pokraj Otoca, koji se nalazi u
Ljubievu Popisu Arkeologikoga odjela Nar. Zem. Muzeja
2
u Zagrebu iz godine 1889. (Ljubi, 1889, 122, br. 8, T. 19,72).
Ovu fibulu tipa Jezerine treba povezati s istovrsnim nalazima iz japodskih nekropola Jezerine, Golubi i Ribi u dolini
Une (Bosna i Hercegovina). Ondje su fibule toga tipa datirane u fazu Vb i fazu VI, tj. od 35. god. pr. Kr. do 110. god. po.
3
Kr. (Mari 1968, 32-38).
Iz primorskog dijela Hrvatske, iz Dalmacije, doznali smo
za nalaze fibula tipa Jezerine preteno iz starije arheoloke
literature. Prije svega, tu je Wernerov podatak o fibuli tipa
Jezerine iz Solina-Salone, to ga donosi, takoer, S. Rieckoff
(Rieckoff 1975, 97, br. 62; Werner 1979, 141-142, Abb. 2,2). Fibula se, prema J. Werneru, nalazi u splitskom arheolokom
muzeju (inv. 1766). Prema Demetzovoj klasifikaciji, fibule
koje imaju krovasti presjek luka s nareckanim prateim rebrima ine koliinski najveu skupinu unutar fibula tipa Jezerine. Fibula iz Solina svrstana je u kategoriju velikih fibula
opisanih svojstava (Demetz 1999, 250, br. 40).
Na popisu lokaliteta kojega su sastavili A. M. Adam i
Among the finds from northeastern Croatia we mention

the fibulae from Dalj and Osijek (Mursa), familiar from earlier literature, while the fibulae from Sotin and Vukovar are of
relatively recent dates. A Jezerine-type fibula from Sotin and
two from Vukovar were published in 1970 by N. MajnariPandi, who likewise documented a surface find of a Jezerine-type fibula from Gradina near Orolik (Majnari-Pandi
1970, 42, 114, Pl, 4,9 (Dalj), Pl. 38,3-4 (Sotin), Pl. 51,9 (Vukovar)).
This fibula from Orolik was published among the La Tne culture finds from Vinkovci and its surroundings (Dizdar 2001,
110, Pl. 7,6). Somewhat earlier, in the catalogue of an exhibition about archaeology in the Vinkovci area, a further two
Jezerine-type fibulae were published, so that recently the
number of that type of fibulae in eastern Slavonia has risen
considerably (Dizdar 1999, 116, 120, cat. nr. 163, 181).
The Roman fibulae from Sisak kept in the Zagreb Archaeological Museum were analyzed by R. Koevi in 1980. Two
Jezerine-type fibulae from Sisak were published from among
the fibulae of the Late La Tne type. R. Koevi placed them
within the European context and dated them to the end of
the 1st cent. B.C. She stresses that their duration, judging
by the Iapodian grave assemblages in the valley of the Una
river, covers the entire 1st cent. A.D. (Koevi 1980, 12, 45,
Pl.1,1,3).
It would appear that the earliest publication of a Jezerinetype fibula from Croatia is that of the piece from Prozor near
Otoac, mentioned in Ljubis 1889 Popis Arkeologikoga
odjela Nar. Zem. Muzeja u Zagrebu (List of the Department
of Archaeology of the Croatian National Museum in Za2
greb) (Ljubi, 1889, 122, nr. 8, Pl. 19,72). This Jezerine-type
2. .Truhelka (Truhelka 1895, 511, sl. 4) objavio je fibulu tip a Jezerine iz

okruga Prozor u Bosni, to je dovelo do razliitih zabuna na relaciji Prozor u Lici (Hrvatska) i Prozor u Bosni (vidjeti: Rickoff 1975, 97; Adam,
Feugre 1982, 181 sq; Demetz 1999, 248, 250). Fibula iz likog Prozora
je itava, duljine 8 cm, a fibuli iz Prozora bosanskog, prema Truhelkinoj
objavi, nedostaje igla, a dugaka je 7,7 cm.
3. Z. Mari naglaava da se ne moe dokazati pojava fibula kasnolatenske
sheme prije kraja 1. st. pr. Kr. (Mari 1968, 35).
2. . Truhelka (Truhelka 1895, 511, Fig. 4) published a Jezerine-type fibula

from the Prozor district in Bosnia, which created confusion with respect
to Prozor in Lika (Croatia) and Prozor in Bosnia (see: Rickoff 1975, 97;
Adam, Feugre 1982, 181 seq; Demetz 1999, 248, 250). The fibula from
Prozor in Lika is complete, its length is 8 cm, while the fibula from the
Bosnian Prozor, according to Truhelkas publication, lacks the pin and
is 7,7 cm long.
147
fibula should be brought into connection with the finds of

the same type from the Iapodian necropolises of Jezerine,
Golubi and Ribi in the valley of the Una river (Bosnia and
Herzegovina). The fibulae of that type were dated there to
the Vb and VI phases, i.e. from 35 B.C. to 110 A.D. (Mari 1968,
3
32-38).
From the coastal part of Croatia, from Dalmatia, we learned
about the finds of the Jezerine-type fibulae mostly from earlier archaeological literature. Above all, we have Werners
Sl. 1 Zadar, Arheoloki muzej (prema Nedved 1981) (1/1)

Fig. 1 Zadar, Archaeological Museum (after Nedved 1981)
(1/1)
Sl. 2 Dragii, grob 32/2003 (1/1)

Fig. 2 Dragii, grave 32/2003 (1/1)
Sl. 3 Dragii, grob 14/2002 (1/1)

Fig. 3 Dragii, grave 14/2002 (1/1)
information about a Jezerine-type fibula from Solin-Salona, mentioned likewise by S. Rieckoff (Rieckoff 1975, 97,
nr. 62; Werner 1979, 141-142, Abb. 2,2). The fibula, according to J. Werner, lies in the Split Archaeological Museum
(inv. 1766). In Demetzs classification, the fibulae with a
roof-shaped cross-section of the bow with short incisions
on the accompanying ribs make up the most numerous
group within the Jezerine-type fibulae. The fibula from
Solin is classified within the category of large fibulae with
the mentioned features (Demetz 1999, 250, nr. 40).
In the list of sites composed by A. M. Adam and M.
Feugre there are two Jezerine-type fibulae from Vid near
Metkovi (Narona). The site itself was erroneously placed
in Bosnia and Herzegovina it is listed among the Bosnian and Herzegovinian sites of the Jezerine-type fibulae.
According to their list, one fibula from Vid is kept in the
Museum in Sarajevo, while the other is in the Naturhistorisches Museum in Vienna (Adam, Feugre 1982, 182, nr.
109). S. Demetz placed one of the Vid fibulae on the list of
fibulae of group IIa1 (Demetz 1999, 248, nr. 6).
A Jezerine-type fibula (Fig. 1), published in 1981 in the
catalogue Jewellery in the area of Dalmatia from Prehistory to the Present is kept in the Archaeological Museum
in Zadar (inv. 1139), with no precise information about the
site of its discovery (Nedved 1981, 166, Fig. 5,202). In all
likelihood this is the same fibula listed by Adam, Feugre
in 1982 (Adam, Feugre 1982, 180, nr. 97). S. Demetz lists
this fibula among those whose drawings were not available to him (Demetz 1999, 252).
Unfortunately, neither of the two fibulae from Dragii
that we are publishing here is completely preserved. The
fibula from grave 32/2003 (Fig. 2) is missing the front part
of the bow, the foot and the pin. Two notched ribs run
along the raised edges of the strap segment of the bow,
which has a roof-shaped cross-section, so that it is classified in Demetzs group IIc1. The fragmented fibula from
Dragii was found in a grave together with a fragment of
a greenish tubular unguentarium, with a narrowing at the
base of the neck. The neck of the unguentarium is missing, same as the base. This unguentarium shape dates
from the 1st cent. (Fadi 1982, 113) or somewhat later
(Lazar 2003, 177: type 8.6.3?). The grave also contained:
3. Z. Mari emphasizes that it is impossible to prove the appearance of the
fibulae of the Late La Tne scheme before the end of the 1st cent. B.C.
(Mari 1968, 35).
148
M. Feugre imamo dvije fibule tipa Jezerine iz Vida kraj

Metkovia (Narona). Sam je lokalitet pogreno smjeten
u Bosnu i Hercegovinu, nabrojan je, naime, meu
bosanskohercegovakim nalazitima fibula tipa Jezerine.
Jedna se fibula iz Vida, prema njihovu popisu, nalazi u muzeju u Sarajevu, a druga u Naturhistorisches Museumu u Beu
(Adam, Feugre 1982, 182, br. 109). S. Demetz je jednu od fibula iz Vida stavio na listu fibula skupine IIa1 (Demetz 1999,
248, br. 6).
Fibula tipa Jezerine (sl. 1), objavljena 1981. god. u katalogu Nakit na tlu sjeverne Dalmacije od prapovijesti do
danas, uva se u Arheolokom muzeju u Zadru (inv. 1139),
bez tonog podatka o mjestu nalaenja (Nedved 1981, 166,
sl. 5,202). Vrlo vjerojatno je to ista fibula koja je pobrojana u
popisu Adam, Feugre iz 1982. god. (Adam, Feugre 1982,
180, br. 97). Kod S. Demetza je ta fibula na popisu onih primjeraka iji mu crtei nisu bili dostupni (Demetz 1999, 252).
Ni jedna od dvije fibule iz Dragiia koje ovdje objavljujemo nije, naalost, kompletno ouvana. Fibuli iz groba
32/2003 (sl. 2) nedostaje prednja strana luka, noica i igla. Uz
poviene rubove trakastog dijela luka, koji ima krovasti presjek, teku dva nareckana rebra, tako da ona ide u Demetzovu
skupinu IIc1. Fragmentirana je fibula iz Dragiia naena u
grobu zajedno s ulomkom zelenkastog cjevastog balzamarija, sa suenjem na bazi vrata. Grli balzamarija nije ouvan
kao ni dno. Ovaj se oblik balzamarija datira od 1. st. (Fadi
1982, 113), ili neto kasnije (Lazar 2003, 177: tip 8.6.3?). U grobu su jo bili: bronani avli ili igla s urezima na okrugloj
glavici (ct. Mikl Curk 1976, 31, T. 30,4), mali bronani gumb,
tamnoplave perlice od staklene paste i nekoliko ulomaka
bronanih igala. Datacija groba broj 32/2003 iz Dragiia s
ulomkom fibule tipa Jezerine, prema tome je najranije 1. st.
Grob 14/2002 iz Dragiia, u kojem je bila fibula tipa Jezerine (sl. 3), tipina je masovna grobnica s najmanje sedam
4
individua razliitog spola i uzrasta. Fragmentiranih fibula
ima oko dvadeset. Meu njima je bolje ouvana bronana
fibula koja spada u jednu inaicu fibula ertoza. Ima na kraju
iroke noice koso podignut vazasti nastavak, analogno primjercima fibula iz Picuga (Mihovili 1995, 87, T. 1,3) i iz okolice Otiia (Marovi 1984, 57, sl. 23,14). U grobu je bilo vie
ulomaka velikih fibula tipa Baka, mnogo fragmentiranih
srednjoletenskih fibula, takoer rimskih fibula Aucissa. Prema tome, nemamo grobnu cjelinu koja bi bila mjerodavna
za precizniju dataciju fibule tipa Jezerine. Kako ima glatko
srednje rebro, fibula tipa Jezerine iz groba 14/2002 tipoloki
pripada Demetzovoj skupni IIa2 (Demetz 1999, 100).
Neto je vei broj fibula tipa Jezerine naen na sjevernom dijelu liburnskog teritorija odnosno u Hrvatskom primorju. To je, od otokih nalazita Krk (Lo Schiavo 1970, 424,
T. 22,4), zatim Osor s pet komada fibula tipa Jezerine, objavljenih 1982. g., koje S. Demetz nije uzeo u obzir. Prema fotografiji i opisu koju donosi T. Teak-Gregl (Teak-Gregl 1982,
99, sl. 1,1), najmanje jedna od fibula tipa Jezerine pripadala
je manjoj skupini fibula s pet ravnomjerno rasporeenih
uzdunih rebara, priblino iste veliine na trakastom segmentu luka (Demetz 1999, 100).
Noviji su nalazi iz Hrvatskog primorja objavljeni 2005.
god., a rije je o dvije fibule tipa Jezerine iz Grobia, loka4. Dr. Mario laus, Struni izvjetaj EP 85 06/04, Odsjek za arheologiju
HAZU-a, lipnja, 2004.
a small bronze nail or pin with incisions on the rounded

head (ct. Mikl Curk 1976, 31, Pl. 30,4), a small bronze button, dark-blue beads of glass paste and several fragments
of bronze pins. Grave 32/2003 from Dragii, with a fragment of a Jezerine-type fibula is therefore dated to the
first century at the earliest.
Grave 14/2002 from Dragii, with a Jezerine-type fibula (Fig. 3), is a typical mass tomb with at least seven persons of various sex and age.4 It contains around twenty
fragmented fibulae, including a well preserved bronze
fibula belonging to a variant of the Certosa-type fibulae.
Its foot ends in an obliquely raised vase-shaped extension, analogous to the specimens of fibulae from Picugi
(Mihovili 1995, 87, Pl. 1,3) and the surrounding of Otii
(Marovi 1984, 57, Fig. 23,14). The grave contained several
fragments of large fibulae of the Baka type, numerous
fragmented middle La Tne fibulae, and also Roman Aucissa fibulae. Therefore, we do not have a grave assemblage relevant for a more precise dating of the Jezerinetype fibulae. Given that it has a smooth central rib, the
Jezerine-type fibula from grave 14/2002 belongs typologically in Demetzs group IIa2 (Demetz 1999, 100).
A somewhat larger quantity of the Jezerine-type fibulae
was found in the northern part of the Liburnian territory,
i.e. in the Croatian Littoral. Of the island sites, these are Krk
(Lo Schiavo 1970, 424, Pl. 22,4); and Osor with five pieces of
the Jezerine-type fibulae, published in 1982, which were
not considered by S. Demetz. Judging by a photograph
and description by T. Teak-Gregl (Teak-Gregl 1982, 99,
Fig. 1,1), at least one of the Jezerine-type fibulae belonged
to a smaller group of fibulae with five longitudinal ribs of
approximately the same size set at regular intervals on
the strap segment of the bow (Demetz 1999, 100).
More recent finds from the Croatian Littoral were published in 2005. These are two Jezerine-type fibulae from
Grobie, a site below Grobnik near Rijeka (Blei 2005,
69, 90, Fig. 16, Pl. 5,1.5.1,1.5.2). The smaller of the two Jezerine-type fibulae from Grobie (Blei 2005, Pl.5,1.5.2)
with a completely plain strap segment of the bow belongs, according to S. Demetz, in the smallest group of
the Jezerine-type fibulae (Ic) with an undecorated bow,
of which only five or six pieces have been found (Demetz
1999, 99-100, 248).
Let us take a brief look at the fibulae of the Late La Tne
type from Istria, analyzed typologically by M. Gutin in
the mid-1980s. The sites of discovery of the Jezerine-type
fibulae from the Croatian part of Istria are: Picugi, an unknown site (Museum, Pore) and Katelir near Nova Vas/
Brtonigla (Gutin 1987, 43-56, 45, Fig. 3,7-8,15-16). The latter site, one of the largest castellieri in Istria, was published
by M. Sakara Suevi in the form of a monograph, so that
4. Mario laus, Ph.D., Expert Report ER 85 06/04, Department of Archaeology, Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts, June 2004.
149
liteta podno Grobnika pokraj Rijeke (Blei 2005, 69, 90, sl.
16, T.5,1.5.1,1.5.2). Manja od fibula tipa Jezerine iz Grobia
(Blei 2005, T.5,1.5.2) s potpuno glatkim trakastim segmentom luka spada, prema S. Demetzu, u najmanju skupinu fibula Jezerine (Ic) neukraenog luka, kojih je naeno svega
pet-est (Demetz 1999, 99-100, 248).
Osvrnimo se jo nakratko na fibule kasnolatenskog tipa iz
Istre koje je tipoloki obradio M. Gutin sredinom osamdesetih godina prolog stoljea. Nalazita fibula tipa Jezerine iz
hrvatskog dijela Istre su: Picugi, nepoznato nalazite (Muzej,
Pore) i Katelir kod Nove Vasi/Brtonigle (Gutin 1987, 43-56,
45, sl. 3,7-8,15-16). Ovaj potonji lokalitet, jedan od najveih
kateljera u Istri, obradila je u obliku monografije M. Sakara
Suevi, tako da su fibule tipa Jezerine klasificirane prema
S. Demetzu i datirane jednako kao i u ostaloj Europi, od oko
sredine 1. st. pr. Kr. do kraja prvog desetljea poslije Kr. (Sakara Suevi 2004, 25, br. 78, 80-87).
to se tie srebrnog nakita iz Nezakcija, atribucija fragmentirane i iskrivljene fibule tipu Jezerine nije sasvim sigurna. M. Gutin je ovaj nalaz okarakterizirao kao ulomak fibule
inaice Jezerine (Gutin 1987, 46), dok K. Mihovili, kako se
ini, nije tog uvjerenja naime, opisuje ovaj predmet kao
fibulu s lukom u obliku vrbinog lista (Mihovili 1995, 82,
T.1,4). Uzduno rebro po sredini trake jedini je element koji
taj ulomak luka povezuje s fibulama tipa Jezerine, dok su,
ornament koji ine tremolirane crte s obje strane trake kao
i materijal izrade fibule srebro, neuobiajeni za fibule tip a
Jezerine. Stoga bismo se priklonili uzdranosti koju ima K.
Mihovili prema Gutinovoj tipskoj determinaciji ovog pri5
mjerka nakita iz Nezakcija.
Razliiti pogledi na dataciju prve pojave i trajanja fibula
tipa Jezerine, saeti su kod Adam, Feugre koji, u zakljuku
kronologije, nastanak tipa fibula Jezerine datiraju u 40.-30.
god. pr. Kr., a masovnu primjenu fibule tipa Jezerine imaju
od 30.-20. god. pr. Kr. do 1.-10. god. (Adam, Feugre 1982,
167). S. Demetz je nainio tablicu teoretskog razvoja oblika
Jezerine, na kojoj nema nekih bitnih kronolokih pomaka.
Svi datumi raniji od oko 40. god. pr. Kr. su pod upitnikom, a
gornja je granica fibula tipa Jezerine pomaknuta do priblino
30. god. poslije Kr. (Demetz 1999, 104, sl. 7). Tako se, dakle,
mogu datirati i dvije fibule iz Dragiia.
5. Fibula iz Nezakcija ne nalazi se na popisu Adam, Feugre niti na Demetzovu popisu fibula tipa Jezerine, ali izgleda da je Nezakcij naznaen kao
nalazite na njegovoj karti (Demetz 1999, Karte 28).
150
the Jezerine-type fibulae were classified according to S.

Demetz and dated the same as in the rest of Europe, from
around the middle of the 1st cent. B.C. until the end of the
first decade A.D. (Sakara Suevi 2004, 25, nr. 78, 80-87).
As for the silver jewellery from Nesactium, the attribution of the fragmented and twisted fibula to the Jezerine
type is not entirely certain. M. Gutin interpreted this find
as a fragment of the fibula of the Jezerine variant (Gutin
1987, 46), whereas K. Mihovili, it appears, is not of the
same conviction she describes this object as a fibula
with a bow in the shape of a willow leaf (Mihovili 1995,
82, Pl.1,4). The longitudinal rib along the centre of the
strap is the only element linking this bow fragment with
the fibulae of the Jezerine type, while the ornament consisting in tremolo lines on both sides of the strap, as well
as the material of which the fibula was made silver, are
unusual for the Jezerine-type fibulae. We would therefore be more inclined to Mihovilis reservations towards
Gutins typological determination of this piece of jewellery from Nesactium.5
Differing views on the dating of the first appearance and

duration of the Jezerine-type fibulae were summarized in
Adam, Feugre who, in the conclusion of the chronology,
date the emergence of the Jezerine-type fibulae to 40-30
B.C., while they become massively used from 30-20 B.C.
to 1-10 A.D. (Adam, Feugre 1982, 167). S. Demetz created
a table of the theoretical development of the Jezerine
form, which contains no significant chronological shifts.
All the dates earlier than approximately 40 B.C. are uncertain, while the upper limit of the Jezerine-type fibulae
was shifted to approximately 30 A.D. (Demetz 1999, 104,
Fig. 7). This is, therefore, also the date of the two fibulae
from Dragii.
5. The fibula from Nesactium does not appear in the Adam/Feugre list nor
in Demetzs list of the Jezerine-type fibulae, but it seems that Nesactium
was marked as a site on his map (Demetz 1999, map 28).
Lista fibula tipa Jezerine iz Hrvatske:

1.
Dalj: Rieckhoff 1975, 97, br. 150; Majnari-Pandi
1970, T. IV,9. Tip IIc1 (Demetz 1999, 250).
2.
Dragii, 2 kom: Grob 14/2002 (sl. 3); Grob 32/2003
(sl. 2). Tip IIa2, IIc1 (Demetz 1999, 99-102).
3.
Grobnik-Grobie, 2 kom: Blei 2005, 90sq; sl. 16,
T. 5,1.5.1,1.5.2. Tipovi IIa2, Ic (Demetz 1999, 99- 102).
4. Katelir (Nova Vas-Brtonigla), 9 kom: Sakara
Suevi 2004, 25. Tipovi IIa2, IIc1, IIc2 (Demetz 1999, 99-102,
248-249, 251).
5.
Krk: Lo Schiavo 1970, 424, T. 22,4. Tip IIa2 (Demetz
1999, 249).
6.
Orolik-Gradina: Majnari- Pandi 1970, 114; Dizdar
2001, 110, T.7,6. Tip IIc1 (Demetz 1999, 99-102) .
7.
Osijek-Mursa: Rieckoff 1975, 150, br. 157. Tip IIc1
(Demetz 1999, 250).
8.
Osor, 5 kom: Teak-Gregl 1982, 99, sl. 1,1-2. Tip IIb
(Demetz 1999, 99-102).
9.
Picugi, 2 kom: Gutin 1987, 45, sl. 3,7-8. Tip IIb1, IIc1
(Demetz 1999, 249,250).
10. Pore-Muzej, (nepozn. nal): Adam, Feugre 1982,
180, br. 88.
11.
Prozor kod Otoca (Lika): Ljubi 1889, 122, T. 19,72;
Adam, Feugre 1982, 180, br. 91. Tip IIc (?).
12. Salona-Solin: Rieckhoff 1975, 97, br. 162; Werner
1979, 141-142, Abb. 2,2. Tip IIc1 (Demetz 1999, 250).
13. Sisak, 2 kom: Koevi 1980, 12, 45, T. 1,1,3. Tip IIc1,
IIc2 (Demetz 1999, 250-251).
14. Sotin: Majnari-Pandi 1970, 42, T. 38,3,3a. Tip
IIa1 (Demetz 1999, 248).
15. Vid kod Metkovia (Narona), 2 kom: Adam, Feugre 1982, 182, br. 109. Tip IIa1 (Demetz 1999, 248).
16. Vinkovci, 2 kom: Dizdar 1999, 116, 120, br. 163, br.
181. Tip IIb, IIc (Demetz 1999, 99-102).
17.
Vukovar, 2 kom: Majnari-Pandi 1970, 100, T. 51,
9. nije klasificirana (Demetz 1999, 251).
18. Zadar-Muzej (nepozn. nal.): Nedved 1981, 166, br.
202, sl. 5,202. Tip IIc1 (Demetz 1999, 99-102).
A list of the Jezerine-type fibulae from Croatia:

1.
Dalj: Rieckhoff 1975, 97, nr. 150; Majnari-Pandi
1970, Pl. IV,9. Type IIc1 (Demetz 1999, 250).
2.
Dragii, 2 pieces: Grave 14/2002 (Fig. 3); Grave
32/2003 (Fig.2). Type IIa2, IIc1 (Demetz 1999, 99-102) .
3.
Grobnik-Grobie, 2 pieces: Blei 2005, 90 seq;
Fig. 16, Pl. 5,1.5.1,1.5.2. Types IIa2, Ic (Demetz 1999, 99102).
4. Katelir (Nova Vas-Brtonigla), 9 pieces: Sakara
Suevi 2004, 25. Types IIa2, IIc1, IIc2 (Demetz 1999,
99-102, 248-249, 251).
5. Krk: Lo Schiavo 1970, 424, Pl. 22,4. Type IIa2
(Demetz 1999, 249).
6. Orolik-Gradina: Majnari- Pandi 1970, 114;
Dizdar 2001, 110, Pl. 7,6. Type IIc1 (Demetz 1999, 99-102) .
7.
Osijek-Mursa: Rieckoff 1975, 150, nr. 157. Type IIc1
(Demetz 1999, 250).
8. Osor, 5 pieces: Teak-Gregl 1982, 99, Fig.1,1-2.
Type IIb (Demetz 1999, 99-102).
9.
Picugi, 2 pieces: Gutin 1987, 45, Fig. 3,7-8. Type
IIb1, IIc1 (Demetz 1999, 249,250).
10. Pore-Museum, (unknown site): Adam, Feugre
1982, 180, nr. 88.
11. Prozor near Otoac (Lika): Ljubi 1889, 122, Pl.
19,72; Adam, Feugre 1982, 180, nr. 91. Type IIc (?).
12. Salona-Solin: Rieckhoff 1975, 97, nr. 162; Werner
1979, 141-142, Abb. 2,2. Type IIc1 (Demetz 1999, 250).
13. Sisak, 2 pieces: Koevi 1980, 12, 45, Pl. 1,1,3.
Type IIc1, IIc2 (Demetz 1999, 250-251).
14. Sotin: Majnari-Pandi 1970, 42, Pl. 38,3,3a. Type
IIa1 (Demetz 1999, 248).
15. Vid near Metkovi (Narona), 2 pieces: Adam,
Feugre 1982, 182, nr. 109. Type IIa1 (Demetz 1999, 248).
16. Vinkovci, 2 pieces: Dizdar 1999, 116, 120, nr. 163,
nr. 181. Type IIb, IIc (Demetz 1999, 99-102).
17. Vukovar, 2 pieces: Majnari- Pandi 1970, 100,
Pl. 51,9. not classified (Demetz 1999, 251).
18. Zadar-Museum (unknown site): Nedved 1981, 166,
nr. 202, Fig. 5,202. Type IIc1 (Demetz 1999, 99-102).
151
Adam A. M., Feugre M., 1982, Un Aspect de LArtisanat du Bronze dans
LArc Alpin oriental et en Dalmatie au Ier s.av.J.-C.: Les Fibules du
Type dit De Jezerine, AqNos 53, Padova, 130-188.
Boi D., 1987, Zapadna grupa, u: PJZ V, Sarajevo, 855-915.
Brusi Z., 1976, Gradinska utvrenja u ibenskom kraju, u: Materijali XII,
Beograd, 113-126.
Brusi Z., 1999, Hellenistic and Roman Relief Pottery in Liburnia (NorthEast Adriatic, Croatia), BARIntSer 817, Oxford
Brusi Z., 2000, Nekropola gradine kod Dragiia, RadFfZd 38, Zadar, 115.
Dizdar M., 1999, eljezno doba, u: Vinkovci u svijetlu arheologije, katalog izlobe, Vinkovci, 39-51, 101-123, 151-159.
Dizdar M., 2001, Nalazita latenske kulture na vinkovakom podruju,
Demetz S., 1999, Fibeln der splatne- und frhen rmischen Kaiserzeit
in den Alpenlndern, Frhgeschichtliche und provinzialrmische
Archologie, Materialien und Forschungen Bd. 4., Verlag Marie
Leidorf, Rahden/Westf.
Ettlinger E., 1973, Die Rmischen Fibeln in der Schweiz, Bern
Fadi I., 1982, Tipologija i kronologija rimskog stakla iz Arheoloke zbirke u Osoru, u: Arheoloka istraivanja na otocima Cresu i Loinju,
Glogovi D., 2006, Novi nalazi liburnskih ploastih fibula iz Dragiia kod
ibenika, PrilInstArheolZagrebu 23, Zagreb, 129-141.
Gutin M., 1987, La Tne Fibulae from Istria, AIug 24, Beograd, 43-57.
Koevi R., 1980, Antike fibule s podruja Siska, Zagreb
Lazar I., 2003, Rimsko steklo Slovenije, OIAS 7, Ljubljana
Lo Schiavo F., 1970, Il gruppo liburnico-iapodico, Atti Acc. naz. Lincei,
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Ljubi ., 1889, Popis Arkeologikog odjela Nar.Zem.Muzeja u Zagrebu,
Zagreb
Majnari-Pandi N., 1970, Keltsko-latenska kultura u Slavoniji i Srijemu,
ActaMC 2, Vinkovci
Mari Z., 1968, Japodska nekropole u dolini Une, GZMS 23, Sarajevo, 579.
Marovi I., 1984, Sinjska regija u prahistoriji, u: Cetinska krajina od prethistorije do dolaska Turaka, IzdanjaHAD 8, Zagreb, 27-65.
Mihovili K., 1995, Srebrni nakit iz Nezakcija, Diadora 16/17, Zadar, 81100.
Mikl Curk I., 1976, Poetovio I, KatMon 13, Ljubljana
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In Segestica ...
In Segestica ...
IVAN RADMAN LIVAJA
Arheoloki muzej u Zagrebu
Trg Nikole ubia Zrinjskog 19
HR 10000 Zagreb
iradman@amz.hr

Antika arheologija

Roman archaeology
UDK/UDC 904:003.071](497.5 Sisak) 652
930.271(497.5 Sisak) 652
U ovom radu autor obrauje natpis na jednoj od brojnih rimskih olovnih tesera, pronaenih u rijeci
Kupi kod Siska. Rije je o znakovitom nalazu jer se na natpisu spominje toponim Segestica, to jest
predrimsko ime grada. To je ujedno i jedini epigrafiki spomen Segestike. Autor je, analizirajui natpis, pokuao odrediti kronoloki i historijski okvir u kojem je natpis mogao nastati te iznio odreene
hipoteze o sudbini predrimske Segestike i kontinuitetu uporabe tog toponima tijekom rimskog
razdoblja.
Kljune rijei: Segestica, Siscia, olovna tesera, trgovina
In this paper the author examines the inscription on one of numerous Roman lead tesserae found in
the Kupa river near Sisak. This is a significant find as the inscription mentions the toponym Segestica,
the pre-Roman name of the town. This is at the same time the only epigraphic mention of Segestica.
In his analysis of the inscription the author attempted to determine the chronological and historical
context in which the inscription may have been created and put forward certain hypothesis regarding the destiny of the pre-Roman Segestica and the continuity of usage of that toponym during the
Roman period.
Key words: Segestica, Siscia, lead tessera, trade
U antikoj zbirci Arheolokog muzeja u Zagrebu uva se

vjerojatno najvea svjetska zbirka rimskih olovnih tesera, odnosno robnih markica. Rije je o zbirci koja broji vie od 1100
primjeraka tesera pronaenih u Sisku, uglavnom tijekom jaruanja rijeke Kupe 1912. i 1913. god. Iako dosad nije bila sustavno
prouavana i prezentirana, ta zbirka nije nepoznata u strunim
krugovima. Redovito se spominje u znanstvenim publikacijama
koje se bave predmetima tog tipa, ali i problematikom rimskog
gospodarstva te povijeu Siscije.1 Razumljivo da u ogranienim okvirima ovog lanka nije mogue cjelovito prikazati tu
iznimno veliku kolekciju, pa je bilo nuno suziti izbor na vrlo
mali segment, tonije, samo jedan primjerak koji, kako vjerujem, zasluuje posebnu pozornost zbog spomena toponima
koji dosad nije bio zabiljeen meu epigrafikim natpisima, iako
se viekratno spominje u pisanim izvorima. Mada u ovom radu
obraujem samo jednu sisaku teseru, pronaenu tijekom jaruanja Kupe 1912. god., pri njezinoj analizi bio sam u mogunosti
posluiti se i podacima koje nam pruaju drugi sisaki primjerci.
Stoga se nadam da e ovaj lanak posluiti kao mali uvod i na-
The Greek and Roman Collection of the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb holds what is probably the worlds largest collection of Roman lead tesserae, that is commodity tags. The collection
contains more than 1100 pieces of tesserae found in Sisak, mostly
during the dredging of the Kupa river in 1912 and 1913. Although
it had not been systematically examined and presented until now,
the collection is not unknown in professional circles. It is regularly
mentioned in scholarly publications dealing with the objects of that
type but also with the body of issues regarding the Roman economy and the history of Siscia.1 Understandably, within the limited
scope of this paper it is not possible to present comprehensively
this exceptionally large collection, and it was therefore necessary
to restrict the selection to a very small segment, more precisely one
piece only, which, in my opinion, deserves specific attention due to
the mention of the toponym that had not been registered before
among the epigraphic inscriptions, even though it was repeatedly
mentioned in the written sources. Though in this work I analyze
only one Sisak tessera found during the dredging of the Kupa in
1912, in its analysis I had the opportunity to use also the information
provided by the other pieces from Sisak. I therefore hope that this
1. Brunmid 1901, 124-125; Mcsy 1956, 97-104; ael 1974, 729; Fitz
1980, 325; Frei-Stolba 1984, 134-135; Rmer-Martijnse 1990, 232-233;
Hoti 1992, 144; Feugre 1993, 304; Schwinden 1993, 216; Paci 1995, 33;
Bassi 1996, 207, 216; Rmer-Martijnse 1996-1997, 5; Koevi 2000, 96;
Lovenjak 2005, 43.
1. Brunmid 1901, 124-125; Mcsy 1956, 97-104; ael 1974, 729; Fitz
1980, 325; Frei-Stolba 1984, 134-135; Rmer-Martijnse 1990, 232-233;
Hoti 1992, 144; Feugre 1993, 304; Schwinden 1993, 216; Paci 1995, 33;
Bassi 1996, 207, 216; Rmer-Martijnse 1996-1997, 5; Koevi 2000, 96;
Lovenjak 2005, 43
153
I. RADMAN LIVAJA, In Segestica ... , Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 153-172.
Sl. 1 Olovna tesera iz Siska (snimio F. Beusan; crte: M. Gali)

Fig. 1 The lead tessera from Sisak (photo by F. Beusan; drawing by M. Gali)
java za sveobuhvatnu znanstvenu objavu sisake zbirke rimskih

olovnih robnih markica.
Rije je o dosta oteenoj olovnoj ploici nepravilna pravokutnog oblika, s krunom perforacijom u jednom kutu (priblino 2,4 x 3,4 cm; inv. broj 12346). Kako je rije o trgovakim etiketama, ta je rupica bila namijenjena privezivanju ice ili page
kojom se etiketa vezivala za robu. Natpis je obostran i jo uvijek
je razaznatljiv:
paper will serve as a small introduction and an announcement for a

comprehensive scholarly publication of the Sisak collection of the
Roman lead commodity tags.
The object in question is a considerably damaged lead tag of
irregular rectangular shape with a circular perforation in one corner
(ca 2,4 x 3,4 cm; inv. no. 12346). As those were commercial labels,
this small hole was used for attachment of the wire or string with
which the label was tied to the commodity. The inscription is bilateral and it has remained discernible:
Prva strana
The first side
I N S II
G II S T I C A
I N S II
G II S T I C A
Druga strana
RMI
F II
154
The opposite side
(Tragovi starijeg natpisa)

. M
RMI
F II
(Traces of an earlier inscription)

. M
itanje i interpretacija natpisa na prvoj strani ne postavlja pretjerane potekoe jer tekst nije pisan u kraticama.
Prijedlog in slijedi imenica u ablativu, Segestica, te se natpis
moe prevesti u Segestici.2 Tekst na drugoj strani je neusporedivo tee interpretirati. Kratice R M I i F II su dosta este
u raznim kombinacijama na etiketama iz Siska. ini se prilino vjerojatnim da se oznaka I u prvom redu i II u drugom
mogu interpretirati kao brojke 1 i 2. Naime, kratica R M se na
drugim etiketama pojavljuje ispred raznih brojki, od broja
II do XX, preko III, IIII, VII, VIII, X, itd., a isti je sluaj s kraticom
F, koju takoer na veem broju ploica prate razne brojke,
poput I, IIII, VI, IX, itd. Ostaje pitanje kratica R, M i F.3 Meu
raznim primjerima kratice R u latinskim natpisima i tekstovima, kao mogua analogija se ini kratica R iz nekih pisama
iz Vindolande, za koju su A. K. Bowman i J. D. Thomas ponudili kao jednu od moguih interpretacija glagol recipio,
recipere.4 Kratica M je svakako ea u latinskim tekstovima,
a posebice je uobiajena kratica za m(odius), to bi, s obzirom da je rije o robnoj markici, mogla biti odgovarajua
interpretacija. No treba napomenuti kako se prema raspoloivim podacima natpisi na sisakim teserama uglavnom
mogu povezati s trgovinom i izradom tekstilnih proizvoda,
a ta mjerna jedinica teko da moe imati veze s odjevnim
predmetima. Inae se kratica M pojavljuje i na nekim drugim olovnim teserama, te je za nju ponuena kao mogua interpretacija rije m(antus) ili m(antellum) (Egger 1963,
187-188; Rmer-Martijnse 1990, 218). Iako privlano, takvo
tumaenje u sluaju sisakih tesera vjerojatno ne stoji, jer
se kratica M ponekad pojavljuje popraena decimalnim razlomcima, a ne cijelim brojevima To dovodi u ozbiljnu sumnju mogunost da je rije o kratici za neki odjevni premet,
odnosno ogrta. Ipak, postoji realna mogunost kako ta
kratica ima veze s tekstilnom industrijom jer se ona u jednom dopisu iz Vindolande pojavljuje upravo u zajednikom
kontekstu s odjevnim predmetima. A. K. Bowman i J. D. Thomas su kao moguu interpretaciju naveli tri mjerne jedinice,
i to m(odus), m(odulus) ili m(ensura). Naalost, ni za jednu od
2. Inae je ovaj natpis nedvojben primjer vulgarnog latiniteta, odnosno
govornog jezika. Na pitanje gdje, odnosno ubi, prijedlog in uvijek slijedi
ablativ, kao to je to sluaj i u ovom natpisu. No u klasinom latinitetu
se to pravilo ne odnosi na imena naselja ve samo na imenice koje
oznaavaju neku openitu lokaciju, poput primjerice grada, brda, vrta,
ume, itd. Prijedlog in se ne bi trebao rabiti ispred imena naselja jer se u
tom sluaju sauvala uporaba starog lokativa koji se u I. i II. deklinaciji
po obliku izjednaio s genitivom. Ispravan bi odgovor stoga na pitanje
gdje, to jest ubi, bio Segesticae a ne in Segestica, isto kao to bi na pitanje
kamo, odnosno quo, slijedilo ime mjesta u akuzativu, takoer bez prijedloga, dakle Segesticam. S obzirom da brojni natpisi pokazuju elemente
govornog iliti vulgarnog jezika ve i u 1. st. (dovoljno je spomenuti
grafite iz Pompeja), nisam siguran da neispravna uporaba prijedloga
u ovom sluaju upuuje na kasniju dataciju natpisa. Iako je pisac tih
redaka nedvojbeno bio pismen, sumnjam da je bio toliko obrazovan da bi
jako mario za jednu takvu gramatiku finesu. Kako se u svakodnevnom
jeziku nesumnjivo govorilo in urbe, nitko ne bi bio zbunjen sintagmom in
Segestica umjesto gramatiki ispravnog Segesticae, a vjerojatno bi rijetko
tko i uoio greku. Stoga mislim da ovaj detalj ne moe bitno pridonijeti
pokuaju datacije ove tesere.
3. Treba napomenuti da je svojedobno A. Mcsy u svojoj objavi sisakih
tesera koje se uvaju u Narodnom muzeju u Budimpeti (sveukupno 21
primjerak) ponudio kao interpretaciju za kraticu R M sintagmu r(utila)
m(ixta), to bi valjda bila jedna vrsta vune crvene boje (Andr 1949,
85-88; Ancillotti 1993, 231-232) i mjeovite, odnosno neujednaene
kvalitete, dok za kraticu F nije ponudio objanjenje. Skloniji sam interpretaciji koju sam ponudio, no Mcsyevo miljenje nedvojbeno treba uzeti
u obzir (Mcsy 1956, 102).
4. Bowman, Thomas 2003, 36-37, cat. 583-585; u jednom pismu se navodi
kratica rec koja je takoer interpretirana kao rec(epi), Bowman, Thomas
1994, 161-162, cat. 193.
The reading and interpretation of the inscription on the first

side does not present too many difficulties as the text is not written in abbreviations. The preposition in is followed by a noun in
the ablative, Segestica, so the inscription can be translated as in
Segestica.2 The text on the other side is incomparably more difficult to interpret. The abbreviations R M I and F II are farily frequent
in various combinations on the labels from Sisak. It seems quite
probable that the mark I in the first row and II in the second can be
interpreted as numbers 1 and 2. On other labels the abbreviation R
M appears before various numbers, from number II to XX, through
III, IIII, VII, VIII, X, etc., and the same case is with the abbreviation F,
which is likewise followed on many tags by various numbers, such
as I, IIII, VI, IX, etc. We are left with the question of the abbreviations
R, M and F.3 Among various examples of the abbreviation R in the
Latin inscriptions and texts, I find a possible analogy in the abbreviation R from some of the Vindolanda letters, for which Bowman
and Thomas offered as one of possible interpretations the verb recipio, recipere.4 The abbreviation M is certainly more frequent in the
Latin inscriptions, and it is particularly used as the abbreviation for
m(odius), which could, considering that we are discussing a commodity label, be appropriate interpretation, but it deserves mention that judging by the available data the inscriptions on the Sisak
tesserae are generally connected with the trade and manufacture
of textile products, and this measurement unit can hardly have
anything to do with clothing items. The abbreviation M otherwise
appears also on some other lead tesserae, and the word m(antus)
or m(antellum) was put forward as a possible interpretation (Egger 1963, 187-188; Rmer-Martijnse 1990, 218). Albeit appealing,
this interpretation, in the case of the Sisak tesserae, probably does
not hold as the abbreviation M sometimes appears accompanied
by decimal fractions, and not integers, which casts serious doubts
on the possibility that this was an abbreviation for a clothing item,
more precisely a mantle. There is, however, a realistic possibility
that this abbreviation is connected with the textile industry as on
a letter from Vindolanda this abbreviation appears precisely in the
2. Otherwise, this inscription is an undeniable example of vulgar Latin,
or spoken language. Upon the question where, or ubi, the preposition
in is always followed by the ablative, as is the case in this inscription as
well. However, in classical Latin this rule does not apply to the names
of settlements but only to the nouns denoting a general location, e.g. a
town, hill, garden, forest, etc. The preposition in should not be used in
front of the name of a settlement, as in that case the use of the old locative
was retained, whose form in the I and II declinations became identical
to the genitive. Therefore, the correct answer to the question where,
i.e. ubi, would be Segesticae, not in Segestica, just as in the case of the
question where to, i.e. quo, would follow the name of a settlement in
the accusative, also without the preposition Segesticam. Considering
that numerous inscriptions show elements of spoken or vulgar language
already in the 1st cent. (it suffices to mention the graffiti from Pompeii),
I am not sure that incorrect use of a preposition in this case indicates a
later date for the inscription. Even though the author of these lines was
undoubtedly literate, I doubt that he was educated enough to worry much
about a grammatical finesse such as this one. As the everyday language indubitably used the form in urbe, nobody would be confused by a syntagm
in Segestica in the place of the grammatically correct Segesticae, and
there would probably be few of those who would spot the error in the first
place. I therefore believe that this detail cannot contribute significantly
to the attempt at dating this tessera.
3. It deserves mention that formerly A. Mcsy in his publication of the Sisak
tesserae kept in the National Museum in Budapest (a total of 21 piece)
put forward as the interpretation of the abbreviation R M the syntagm
r(utila) m(ixta), which would presumably denote a type of a red-coloured
wool (cf. Andr 1949, 85-88; Ancillotti 1993, 231-232) of mixed, i.e.
unbalanced quality, whereas for the abbreviation F he did not offer any
explanation. I am more inclined toward the interpretation I offered myself, but Mcsys opinion should nevertheless be taken into consideration
(Mcsy 1956, 102).
4. Bowman, Thomas 2003, 36-37, cat. 583-585; one letter mentions the abbreviation rec, which was also interpreted as rec(epi), Bowman, Thomas
1994, 161-162, cat. 193.
155
njih ne znamo tono koliko su iznosile, ali nema sumnje da

su rabljene kao mjerne jedinice za tekstil (Bowman, Thomas
2003, 57, cat. 596).
Za slovo F kao moguu interpretaciju predlaem jednu
sasvim uobiajenu kraticu u rimskoj epigrafikoj batini,
skraenicu glagola facio, facere (Cagnat 1914, 428).
Mogua interpretacija natpisa bi stoga glasila:
in Segestica
r(ecepi) m(ensuram) (unam), f(eci) (duos, duas ili duo),
odnosno u prijevodu: primih (ili preuzeh) jednu mjeru
(podrazumijeva se sukna), napravih dva (ili dvije, ovisno o
rodu odjevnog predmeta koja se podrazumijeva u natpisu). Umjesto m(ensuram), mogua bi interpretacija bila i
m(odum) unum ili pak m(odulum) unum.
Razumljivo, ponuena interpretacija kratica R M I i F II
se ne moe smatrati apsolutno sigurnom i konanom, ali u
nedostatku sigurnijeg tumaenja vjerujem da je rije o prihvatljivom prijevodu.5 Ukoliko je interpretacija kratica tona, spominje se izrada nekih odjevnih predmeta koji nisu
naznaeni u natpisu, valjda zato to je tona vrsta robe autoru natpisa i osobama kojima je tekst na etiketi bio namijenjen bila poznata ili se podrazumijevala. S obzirom na natpise s ostalih sisakih tesera u obzir bi, primjerice, mogli doi
odjevni predmeti kao to su sagum, tunica ili paenula. Stariji
natpis, naopako okrenut u odnosu na najrecentniji natpis,
teko je interpretirati s obzirom da su naizgled vidljiva samo
dva slova, od kojih se posljednje moda moe tumaiti kao
slovo M, dok je prvo slovo nejasno. Treba napomenuti kako se na istoj strani, otprilike ispod brojke II, moda nazire i
gotovo izbrisana oznaka za denar. S obzirom da je postojei
natpis jasno urezan i da je stariji natpis . M takoer donekle
itak, za pretpostaviti je kako je eventualna oznaka za denar
trag jednoga jo starijeg natpisa.
U odnosu na ostale olovne tesere iz Siska, natpis na ovoj
ploici ne sadri nikakvo osobno ime6, no tu je toponim
Segestica koji dosad nije registriran na sisakim teserama.
Nema ni cijene, odnosno navoda o vrijednosti robe, inae
uobiajene stavke na veini ostalih sisakih tesera.7
common context with clothing items. As a possible interpretation, Bowman and Thomas put forward three measurement units:
m(odus), m(odulus) or m(ensura). Unfortunately, we do not know for
any of them how much they amounted to, but there is no doubt
that they were used as measurement units for textile (Bowman,
Thomas 2003, 57, cat. 596).
As a possible interpretation for the letter F, I suggest an entirely
common abbreviation in the Roman epigraphic legacy, the contraction of the verb facio, facere (Cagnat 1914, 428).
The possible interpretation would thus be:
in Segestica
r(ecepi) m(ensuram) (unam), f(eci) (duos, duas or duo)
S obzirom da nam arheoloki kontekst nije od neke pomoi pri pokuaju datiranja ove tesere, moramo se, ukoliko
elimo odrediti kronoloki okvir, osloniti na druge kriterije.
Natpis je napisan kurzivnom majuskulom, poznatom i pod
nazivom starija rimska kurziva (J. Mallon u svojoj terminologiji preferira termin klasino ope pismo - lcriture commune classique), tj. pismom koje se rabilo tijekom principata,
otprilike do sredine 3. st., pa i koje desetljee due. Ovo se
pismo donekle razlikuje od monumentalnog pisma, uobiajenog na kamenim spomenicima carskog doba (litterae
lapidariae), iako oba pisma vuku podrijetlo od arhainog
latinskog alfabeta, odnosno kapitale koja se rabila u kasnorepublikanskom razdoblju. Kurzivno se pismo rabilo u
svakodnevnoj korespondenciji te ga susreemo kako na papirusima i votanim pisaim ploicama tako i na natpisima
or, in translation, I received (or took over) a measurement (of

cloth, which is implicit), I made two (masculine, feminine or neuter noun, depending on the gender of the clothing item implicit in
the inscription). Instead of m(ensuram), a possible interpretation
would also be m(odum) unum or m(odulum) unum.
Understandably, the offered interpretation of the abbreviations R M I and F II cannot be considered absolutely certain and
final, but in the lack of a more certain interpretation I believe that
the translation can be considered acceptable.5 If the interpretation of the abbreviations is correct, a production is mentioned
of certain clothing items that are not indicated in the inscription,
presumably because the precise type of commodity was known
or implicit to the author of the inscription and to the persons for
whom the text on the label was intended. Taking into account the
inscriptions from other tesserae from Sisak, possible candidates
are clothing items such as sagum, tunica or paenula. The earlier
inscription, turned upside down with regard to the most recent
one, is difficult to interpret as apparently only two letters are visible, the last of which could perhaps be interpreted as the letter M,
while the first one is unclear. It merits mention that on the same
side, approximately below the number II, an almost erased mark
for a denarius is perhaps discernible. Considering that the existing
inscription is clearly incised, and that the earlier inscription . M is
likewise legible to a degree, it can be assumed that the possible
mark for denarius is the trace of an even earlier inscription.
In comparison with the remaining lead tesserae from Siscia,
the inscription on this tag does not contain any personal name,6
but there is the toponym Segestica, previously unregistered on any
tessera from Sisak. There is also no price, or declaration of the value
of the commodity, otherwise a regular entry on the majority of the
remaining tesserae from Sisak.7
Considering that the archaeological context is not of much
help in the attempt to date this tessera, we have to rely on other
criteria if we wish to determine the chronological frame. The inscription was written in cursive majuscule also known as earlier
Roman cursive (J. Mallon in his terminology prefers the term general classical script lcriture commune classique), that is the script
used during the principate, approximately until the mid-3rd cent.,
and even a decade or two longer. This script differs to a certain
extent from the monumental script usual on the stone monuments of the imperial period (litterae lapidariae), although both
scripts trace their origin from the archaic Latin alphabet, that is the
capital script used in the late republican period. The cursive script
was used in the everyday correspondence and one encounters it
on the papyri and wax writing tablets as much as on the inscrip-
5. Postoji, naravno, i Mcsyeva interpretacija spomenuta u biljeci 2, koja

se takoer moe ozbiljno razmatrati.
6. Osobna imena su vrlo esta na ostalim ploicama iz Siska, a na temelju
dosadanje obrade itljivih natpisa ini se da su na vie od 70% ploica
ouvana imena ljudi.
7. Na temelju dosadanje obrade natpisa na ploicama iz Siska, izgleda da
se cijene navode na priblino 80% primjeraka.
5. There is also Mcsys interpretation mentioned in the note 2, which can

also be taken into serious consideration.
6. Personal names are very frequent on the other tags from Sisak, and on the
basis of the so far conducted analysis of the legible inscriptions it appears
that the names of people are preserved on more than 70% of the tags.
7. On the basis of the analysis of the inscriptions on the tags from Sisak carried
out so far, it seems that price is mentioned on more than 80% of the pieces.
156
na olovu (robne markice i kletve defixionum tabellae) te

grafitima na keramici ili na zidovima.8
Zato se i ova tesera moe okvirno datirati u prvih 250
godina nakon Krista. Ukoliko elimo suziti kronoloki okvir,
moemo uzeti u obzir datacije tesera istog tipa koje su vie ili
manje precizno datirane zbog konteksta nalaza. One se openito datiraju od 1. do 3. st., izgleda s veom zastupljenou
u prva dva stoljea,9 no neki su primjerci zahvaljujui arheolokom kontekstu datirani u ui kronoloki okvir. Tesere iz
Magdalensberga datirane su tako u augustovsko razdoblje
(Egger 1967, 193-210), primjerci iz Uska u vrijeme Neronove
vladavine (Wright et al. 1975, 291-293), tesera iz Mooshama
(Immurium) u kasno 1. st. ili rano 2. st. (Weber 1971, 229-234),
dok se tesere iz mjesta Forggensee bei Dietringen mogu
datirati u prvu polovicu 1. st. (Rmer-Martijnse 1996-1997,
23). Olovna tesera pronaena tijekom nedavnih istraivanja
u Vrhnici se moe datirati u kasnorepublikansko, odnosno
augustovsko vrijeme, moda i koje desetljee kasnije, s obzirom na procvat koji je u tom razdoblju doivjelo naselje
Nauport (Nauportus), da bi zatim vrlo brzo zbog osnutka kolonije Emone izgubilo na vanosti i prestalo se razvijati kao
znaajno urbano sredite.10 Tesere iz Kalsdorfa bi se okvirno
mogle datirati u sredinu 2. st. , odnosno otprilike izmeu
120. i 180. godine.11
Budui da na ovoj teseri nema spomena cijene ili osobnog imena, gospodarska povijest, numizmatika i onomastika nam ne bi bile ni od kakve pomoi da kojim sluajem ne
raspolaemo i s drugim sisakim teserama. One bi se, zahvaljujui cijenama koje se na njima esto spominju, mogle
okvirno datirati u vrijeme od Augustove vladavine pa priblino do sredine 3. st., a dio cijena se moe usporediti s nekim poznatim iznosima za odjevne predmete iz 1. st.
Onomastika analiza stotina ouvanih imena mukaraca
i ena na sisakim teserama nadilazi okvire ovog lanka, no
zanimljivo bi bilo spomenuti kao svojevrsni kronoloki pokazatelj izrazito slabu zastupljenost gentilicija Aurelius.12 Taj
8. Cagnat 1914, 6-11; Mallon 1952, 17-73; Cencetti 1954, 63-66; Bowman,
Thomas 1983, 51-71; Marichal 1988, 21-56; Tomlin 1988, 84-93; Bischoff
1993, 62-72; Speidel 1996, 31-34.
9. Rmer-Martijnse 1990, 230; Paci 1995, 33. Treba napomenuti da novi
nalazi iz Frjusa ukazuju na mogunost da su se takve olovne tesere
rabile ne samo i tijekom cijelog 3. st. ve takoer i u 4. st.: Pasqualini et
al. 2006, 318-319.
10. Na teseri je ouvan natpis Arius Nauportanus, cf. deplijan izlobe Navport med Jadranom in Donavo, nova arheoloka raziskovanja na Vrhniki,
postavljene od 14. 11. do 06. 12. 2006. god. u Galeriji Cankarjeva doma u
Vrhnici, autora dr. Jane Horvat i dr. Milana Lovenjaka.
11. Alfldy 1991, 118; Rmer-Martijnse 1991, 112; Alfldy 1993, 26
12. Tonije, registrirana je samo jedna osoba s tim gentilicijem, Aurelia
Prima. Inae su registrirani gotovo svi carski gentiliciji do poetka 3. st.
S gentilicijem Aelius registriran je takoer samo jedan ovjek, Aelius
Tastus. Za razliku od toga, ime Iulius registrirano je u barem 13 navrata,
mada treba napomenuti da se uglavnom javlja kao ensko ime, bilo samostalno bilo popraeno imenom oca u genitivu. Ipak, meu nositeljima
tog imena javljaju se i osobe koje sasvim vjerojatno posjeduju rimsko
graansko pravo te nose gentilicij Iulius, kao to su Iulius Taurus, Iulia
Acuta, Iulius Vianda ili Iulia Trepena. Ime Claudius se pojavljuje u barem
tri navrata, od tog u dva sluaja svakako kao gentilicij (Cladius Vale(n)
s, Claudia Iucunda), dok u jednom sluaju moe biti rije i o idionimu. U
gradu kao to je Siscia gentilicij Flavius nije iznenauju, to potvruje
barem 7 imena spomenutih na teserama, meu kojima su primjerice Flavius Celsinus, Flavius Capito, Flavia Procula ili Flavius Albanus. Gentilicij
Ulpius je zastupljen na barem 6 tesera pa tako nailazimo na osobe kao to
su Ulpius Lucanus, Ulpius Mucellinus ili Ulpius Cnidius.
ak se i ime Cocceius pojavljuje jednom no samostalno tj. bez kognomena,
pa nije iskljueno da je u ovom sluaju to ime idionim. Inae, Cocceius je
kao kognomen ve registriran kod Panonaca: CIL III 14359 20; CIL VI
3297; Mcsy 1959, 27, 170.
tions on lead (commodity labels and curses defixionum tabellae)

and graffiti on pottery or on walls.8 This is why also this tessera can
be generally dated to the first 250 years after Christ. If we wish to
narrow the chronological frame, we can take into consideration
the dates of the tesserae of the same type, more or less precisely
dated owing to the context of finds. They are generally dated from
the 1st to the 3rd cent., apparently with greater frequency in the
first two centuries,9 but certain pieces, thanks to the archaeological context, were dated within a narrower chronological range. The
tesserae from Magdalensberg are thus dated to the Augustan period (Egger 1967, 193-219), the pieces from Usk to the time of Neros
reign (Wright et al. 1975: 291-293), the tessera from Moosham (Immurium) to the late 1st or early 2nd cent. (Weber 1971, 229-234),
while the tesserae from Forggensee bei Dietringen can be dated
to the first half of the 1st cent. (Rmer-Martijnse 1996-1997, 23). A
lead tessera found in the recent excavations in Vrhnika should be
dated to the late republican or the Augustan period, perhaps a few
decades later at most, taking into account prosperity experienced
in that period by the settlement of Nauportus, soon after which,
due to the foundation of the colony at Emona, it lost its importance
and ceased developing as an important urban centre.10 The lead
tags from Kalsdorf could be dated to the mid-2nd cent., i.e. approximately from 120 to 180 AD.11
As there is no mention of a price or a personal name on this
tessera, the economic history, numismatics and onomastics would
be of no help to us whatsoever if by chance we did not dispose
with other tesserae from Sisak. Thanks to the prices frequently
mentioned on them, they can be generally dated to the period
from Augustus reign up until approximatelly the mid-3rd cent.,
and a part of the prices can be compared with some known prices
for clothing items from the 1st cent.
The onomastic analysis of hundreds of preserved names of
men and women on the Sisak tesserae surpasses the framework of
this paper, but it would be interesting to mention as a chronological indicator of sorts the extremely poor representation of the gentilicium Aurelius.12 This fact would point to a possibility that most
8. Cagnat 1914, 6-11; Mallon 1952, 17-73; Cencetti 1954, 63-66; Bowman,
Thomas 1983, 51-71; Marichal 1988, 21-56; Tomlin 1988, 84-93; Bischoff
1993, 62-72; Speidel 1996, 31-34.
9. Rmer-Martijnse 1990, 230; Paci 1995, 33; it deserves mention that the
new finds from Frjus indicate the possibility that such lead tesserae
were used not only thorughout the 3rd cent., but also in the 4th cent., cf.
Pasqualini et al. 2006, 318-319.
10. The inscription Arius Nauportanus is preserved on the tessera, cf. the
brochure of the exhibition Navport med Jadranom in Donavo, nova
arheoloka raziskovanja na Vrhniki (Nauportus between the Adriatic and the Danube, the new archaeological excavations in Vrhnika),
displayed from November 14th to December 6th 2006 in the Gallery
of the Cankarjev Dom in Vrhnika, by authors Jana Horvat and Milan
Lovenjak.
11. Alfldy 1991, 118; Rmer-Martijnse 1991, 112; Alfldy 1993, 26.
12. More precisely, only one person is registered with that nomen Aurelia
Prima. Otherwise, almost all imperial gentilicia are registered until the
beginning of the 3rd cent. There is also only one person registered with
the gentilicium Aelius Aelius Tastus. In contrast to this, the name Iulius
is registered in at least 13 cases, although it deserves mention that it generally appears as a womans name, either independently or accompanied
by the name of a father in the genitive. Still, among the bearers of that
name persons also appear that most probably have Roman citizenship
and bear the gentilicium Iulius, such as Iulius Taurus, Iulia Acuta, Iulius
Vianda or Iulia Trepena. The name Claudius appears in at least three
cases of that twice certainly as a gentilicium (Cladius Vale(n)s, Claudia
Iucunda), while in one case it may be an idionym. In a town like Siscia the
gentilicium Flavius is not surprising, as substantiated by at least 7 names
mentioned on the tesserae, which include e.g. Flavius Celsinus, Flavius
Capito, Flavia Procula or Flavius Albanus. The gentilicium Ulpius appears on at least 6 tesserae, so thus we encounter persons such as Ulpius
Lucanus, Ulpius Mucellinus or Ulpius Cnidius.
Even the name Cocceius appears once, but independently, i.e. without a
cognomen, so it is not excluded that in this case the name is an idionym.
157
bi podatak ukazivao na mogunost da veina sisakih tesera

pripada vremenu prije 212. god., kada taj gentilicij, stekavi
graansko pravo zahvaljujui Karakalinom ediktu (Constitutio Antoniniana), dobivaju brojni stanovnici Panonije. Ipak, s
obzirom na, do tog trenutka, vie nego dvostoljetnu povijest rimske Siscije, naseljavanje brojnih Italika i veterana te
injenicu da je grad bio kolonija jo od Vespazijanove vladavine, nije iskljueno kako je znatni dio stanovnika Siscije,
odnosno njihovih predaka (pri tome, razumljivo, mislimo
na one ije su obitelji izvorno bile peregrine), stekao rimsko
graansko pravo davno prije 212. god. Postotak novopeenih rimskih graana koji su stekli gentilicij Aurelius nakon
stupanja na snagu Karakalinog edikta u ukupnom slobodnom stanovnitvu Siscije tijekom 3. st., nije nuno morao biti izrazito velik jer su veinu stanovnitva, bez obzira na nesumnjiv neprestani priljev doljaka, sasvim vjerojatno inili
ljudi ije su obitelji generacijama ivjele u tom gradu i iji su
preci ili ve doli kao rimski graani ili su pak stekli rimsko
graansko pravo na razne naine. Stoga slaba zastupljenost
Aurelija meu osobama spomenutima na teserama, iako
nedvojbeno zanimljiva, ne mora nuno biti presudan imbenik pri odreivanju odreenog kronolokog okvira. Osim
toga, gentilicij Aurelius se mogao stei i puno godina prije
Karakalinog edikta, odnosno jo od vladavine Marka Aurelija i brata mu Lucija Vera. Iako meu imenima na sisakim
teserama preteu idionimi, esto popraeni patronimikom
u genitivu (a moda i imenom vlasnika, ukoliko je rije o
robovima), odreen postotak ine i pojedinci koje s poprilinom sigurnou moemo smatrati rimskim graanima, a
ne peregrinima ili robovima. Zanimljivo je napomenuti da
se na sisakim teserama, kad je rije o onomastikoj formuli
rimskih graana mukog roda, izgleda iskljuivo pojavljuje
dvoimena formula, tzv. duo nomina, i to prvenstveno kasniji
oblik nomen + cognomen13, no ponekad i raniji oblik praenomen + nomen.14 Taj bi nas podatak mogao navesti na miljenje da natpisi na veini tesera nisu raniji od 2. st., no ostaje
upitno moemo li primijeniti iste kriterije kao za datiranje
natpisa na kamenim spomenicima i na predmetima strogo
utilitarnog, a ujedno i neslubenog karaktera kao to su ove
olovne ploice, tim vie to je prostor za pisanje na njima
bio ogranien (to je uostalom i sasvim jasno vidljivo iz uporabe brojnih kratica). Naime, zbog njihovih malih dimenzija
nije iskljueno da su zapisivai, kako bi utedjeli na raspoloivom prostoru, svjesno izbjegavali zapisati praenomen
koji je ionako poprilino izgubio na vanosti ve od sredine
1. st. pos. Kr. (Thylander 1952, 77-81; Kajanto 1963, 3, 13-17;
Salomies 1987, 390-396). Stoga nije iskljueno da se barem
dio natpisa s tesera u kojima se muki pojedinci imenuju
gentilicijem i kognomenom, moe datirati ve u 1. st. Naravno, rana datacija se ini sasvim izgledna u sluajevima kad
se rabi duo nomina u ranijem obliku (praenomen + nomen).
Takve sisake tesere se mogu okvirno datirati od Augustova vremena do sredine 1. st., ako ne i neto kasnije. Isto tako, argument o manjku prostora za pisanje na teserama se
moe koristiti i ukoliko prihvatimo mogunost da odreen
postotak tesera potjee iz 3. st. U tom sluaju rijetkost gentilicija Aurelius bi se mogla objasniti pretpostavkom kako je
13. Meu njima su, primjerice, uz ve spomenute s carskim gentilicijima,
Aponius Proculus, Domitius Paulinus, Lucius Quadratus, Omullius Surus, Pacius Speratus, Plinius Carus, Statius Quartus ili Vibius Firminus.
Meu enama koje moemo s poprilinom sigurnou smatrati rimskim
graankama su, primjerice, Aconia Catta, Marcia Valentina, Octavia
Drusila, Octavia Secunda, Silia Ce(n)sorina, itd.
14. Npr., Caius Vesidius ili Marcus Valerius.
158
of the Sisak tesserae belong to the period before 212, when that
gentilicium was acquired by numerous inhabitants of Pannonia, after they had been given full citizenship thanks to Caracallas edict
(Constitutio Antoniniana). Nevertheless, taking into consideration
the until that time already more than a bicentennial history of Roman Siscia, the settling of numerous Italics and veterans as well
as the fact that the town had been a colony ever since Vespasians
reign, it is not excluded that a good part of the inhabitants of Siscia, that is their ancestors (in this, understandably, I have in mind
those whose families were originally peregrine), acquired Roman
citizenship well before 212. The percentage of new Roman citizens
who acquired the gentilicium Aurelius after Caracallas edict took
effect in the sum of the free inhabitants of Siscia during the 3rd
century was not necessarily particularly great as the majority of the
population, irrespective of undisputed steady influx of newcomers,
was in all probability formed of people whose families had lived
in that town for generations and whose ancestors either arrived
as Roman citizens already or acquired Roman citizenship in various ways. Therefore the poor representation of the Aurelii among
the persons mentioned on the tesserae, although undisputably
interesting, is not necessarily the decisive factor in determining a
specific chronological frame. Moreover, the gentilicium Aurelius
might also have been acquired many years before Caracallas edict,
that is already during the reign of Marcus Aurelius and his brother
Lucius Verus. Although idionyms predominate among the names
on the Sisak tesserae, often accompanied by a patronimicus in the
genitive case (or perhaps also by the name of the owner, in case
those persons were slaves), certain percantage is also formed by
individuals who can with a great degree of certainty be considered
Roman citizens, instead of peregrines or slaves. It is interesting that
on the Sisak tesserae, as regards the onomastic formula of the Roman citizens of male sex, almost exclusively a binominal formula
appears, the so-called duo nomina, above all its later form nomen
+ cognomen,13 with occasional appearance of the earlier form
praenomen + nomen.14 This information could lead us to think that
the inscriptions on most tesserae do not predate the 2nd cent., but
it remains open whether we can apply the same criteria as for the
dating of the inscriptions on stone monuments to the objects of
strictly utilitarian, and at the same time unofficial character, such as
these lead tags, all the more so as the space for writing on them was
limited (as is in fact entirely clear from the use of numerous abbreviations). Owing to their small dimensions, it is not excluded that
the recorders, in order to save available space, deliberately omitted mention of the praenomen, which anyway lost in importance
already from the mid-1st cent. A.D. (Thylander 1952, 77-81; Kajanto
1963, 3, 13-17; Salomies 1987, 390-396). It is therefore not excluded
that at least part of the inscriptions from the tesserae in which
male individuals are named by a gentilicium and a cognomen can
be dated to as early as the 1st cent. Naturally, the early dating appears entirely plausible in the cases when duo nomina is used in its
earlier form (praenomen + nomen). Such tesserae from Sisak can be
approximately dated from Augustus period until the mid-1st cent.,
if not also somewhat later. In the same vein, the argument about
the lack of space for writing on the tesserae can be used even if we
accept the possibility that a certain percentage of tesserae dates
from the 3rd cent. In that case the rarity of the gentilicium Aurelius
could be explained by the assumption that it became perfectly reCocceius is otherwise registered as a cognomen among the Pannonians,
cf. CIL III 14359 20, CIL VI 3297; Mcsy 1959, 27, 170.
13. Among those, in addition to the already mentioned ones with imperial gentilicia, are e.g., Aponius Proculus, Domitius Paulinus, Lucius
Quadratus, Omullius Surus, Pacius Speratus, Plinius Carus, Statius
Quartus or Vibius Firminus. Among the women that can with a great
degree of certainty be considered Roman citizens are for instance Aconia
Catta, Marcia Valentina, Octavia Drusila, Octavia Secunda, Silia Ce(n)
sorina, etc.
14. For example, Caius Vesidius or Marcus Valerius.
postalo sasvim izlino zapisivati nomen koji je nakon 212.

god. postao sveprisutan u Panoniji pa se brojne Aurelije ionako moglo meusobno razlikovati samo pomou njihova
kognomena. Zbog svega toga, onomastikim mjerilima za
dataciju sisakih tesera se nuno moramo sluiti s oprezom,
no i oni idu u prilog pretpostavci da je rije o predmetima
koji su rabljeni tijekom dueg razdoblja, odnosno od 1. st
(pa moda ak i kraja 1. st. pr. Kr.), sasvim sigurno tijekom
cijelog 2. st., a vjerojatno i znatni dio 3. st.
Ova tesera sadri i jedan podatak koje druge sisake
tesere, kako zasad stvari stoje, nemaju. Kao to je ve navedeno, rije je o spomenu toponima Segestica. Stoga bi bilo
zanimljivo obratiti pozornost na spominjanje tog toponima
u ouvanim povijesnim izvorima.
Toponim Segestika, odnosno Segesta, se u pisanim
izvorima spominje razmjerno rijetko u usporedbi s imenom
Siscia, koje je daleko vie zastupljeno u sauvanim tekstovima.15 To nije zauujue jer se ime Segestika vezuje uz pretpovijesno naselje te se spominje iskljuivo u ranijim tekstovima ili pak kod autora, konkretno Apijana, koji citirajui
starije izvore, spominje dogaaje iz vremena prije konane
uspostave rimske vlasti na tim prostorima.16 Strabon tako
, spominje u tri navrata u
taj grad, koji on naziva
svom djelu dovrenom vjerojatno tijekom Tiberijeve vladavine, priblino do 23. ili 24. god.17 Segestiku prvi put, nakon
kratkog opisa japodskog podruja, spominje kao grad u japodskom susjedstvu koji se nalazi u ravnici pored rijeke Save i pored kojeg se Kupa ulijeva u Savu, na trgovakom putu
koji povezuje Akvileju preko Nauporta s panonskim prostorom, na idealnom mjestu za pokretanje pohoda protiv Daana (IV. 6, 10). Nekoliko poglavlja kasnije (VII. 5, 2), osvre se
na etniki sastav panonskih prostora te opisuje Segestiku
kao grad na nekoliko plovnih rijeka, ponovno istiui njezin
pogodan strateki poloaj za polaznu toku u pohodima
protiv Daana. Ujedno naglaava ulogu Segestike kao trgovakog sredita u koje se slijeva roba iz raznih krajeva i iz
same Italije. Nadasve je zanimljivo da Strabon na kraju tog
odlomka izriito spominje postojanje u blizini grada Sege).18
stike i utvrenja zvanog Siskija (
Segestiku Strabon spominje jo jednom u svojoj knjizi,
ali samo uzgred, pri opisu teritorija Skordiska (VII. 5, 12), kad
opet navodi da rijeka Noarus tee pored Segestike.
15. Za iscrpan pregled spomena imena grada Siscije, odnosno Segestike u
antikim izvorima: ael 1974, 705-714.
16. Kasije Dion, opisujui iste dogaaje, usprkos injenici da je vjerojatno
koristio barem jedan isti izvor kao i Apijan, (Augustove memoare, Commentarii) iskljuivo rabi ime
, odnosno Siscija. ini se sasvim
vjerojatnim da je Kasije Dion staro ime grada u svojim izvorima namjerno
zamijenio imenom koje je njegovim itateljima nedvojbeno bilo dobro
poznato, ne elei optereivati tekst suvinim podacima i objanjenjima.
Nije iskljueno da Apijan, koji za razliku od Diona vjerojatno nikad nije
boravio u Panoniji, itajui stare izvore u kojima se Siscia razumljivo ne
spominje, uope nije bio svjestan da je Segesta iz njegovih izvora naselje
na istome mjestu kao i Siscija njegova vremena: ael Kos 1986, 33; ael
Kos 1997, 191-192.
17. Za najnovije rasprave o Strabonu i vremenu u kojem je ivio i pisao svoje
djelo: Pothecary 1997; Dueck 1999; Pothecary 2002.
18. Istina, u istoj reenici kae da je i Sirmij u blizini Segestike, to donekle
dovodi u sumnju pouzdanost njegovih navoda, tim vie to spominje da se
Drava pored Segestike ulijeva u inae nepoznatu rijeku Noarus. Informaciju o rijeci Noarus koja tee pored Segestike ponavlja i u odlomku VII. 5.
12. Nije iskljueno da je Noarus starije ime za rijeku Savu, odnosno naziv
za tu rijeku preuzet iz nekog nama nepoznatog jezika, manje je vjerojatno
da je rije o rijeci Odri (ael Kos 2002, 151-152; ael Kos 2005, 426), no
spominjanje Drave u ovom kontekstu je nesumnjivo Strabonova pogreka
ili pak greka u izvoru kojim se sluio Strabon.
dundant to write a nomen that became omnipresent in Pannonia

after 212, and numerous Aurelii could at any rate be distinguished
only with the help of their cognomen. On account of everything
mentioned here, we have to be very cautious when using the onomastic criteria for dating the Sisak tesserae, even though they also
speak in favour of the assumption that these were objects used
through a longer chronological period, more precisely from the 1st
(perhaps even from the end of the 1st cent. B.C.), most certainly
throughout the entire 2nd cent., and probably also through the
good part of the 3rd cent.
This tessera contains also a piece of information that the remaining tesserae from Sisak, in the present state of things, lack. As
has already been mentioned, we are talking about the mention of
the toponym Segestica. It would therefore be interesting to direct
attention to the mention of that toponym in the preserved historical sources.
The toponym Segestica, or Segesta, appears in the written
sources relatively rarely in comparison with the name Siscia, which
is far more present in the preserved texts.15 This is not surprising as
the name Segestica is connected with the prehistoric settlement
and is mentioned exclusively in the earlier texts or by the authors,
more precisely Appian, who, in quoting earlier sources, mentions
the events from the time prior to the final establishment of the
Roman authority in these territories.16 Thus Strabo mentions that
, on three occasions in his work
town, which he calls
completed probably during Tiberius reign, approximately until
the year 23 or 24.17 He mentions Segestica for the first time, after a
short description of the Iapodian territory, as a town in the neighbourhood of the Iapodes, which lies in a plain adjacent to the Sava
river, and near which the Kupa joins the Sava, on a trade route connecting Aquilea through Nauportus with the Pannonian region, on
an ideal place for starting a campaign against the Dacians (IV. 6,
10). Several chapters later (VII, 5, 2) he comments the ethnic composition of the Pannonian territories and describes Segestica as a
town on several navigable rivers, again laying emphasis on its suitable strategic position as a starting point in the campaign against
the Dacians. At the same time he emphasizes the role of Segestica
as a trade centre into which commodities flow from various lands
and from Italy itself. It is interesting most of all that at the end of
that chapter Strabo makes a specific mention of the existence of
) in the neighbourhood of the town of
a fort called Siskia (
Segestica.18 Strabo makes another but only perfunctory mention of Segestica in his book, when he describes the territory of the
15. For a comprehensive survey of the mention of the name of the town of Siscia, or Segestica in the sources from antiquity cf. ael 1974, 705-714.
16. Cassius Dio, describing the same events, in spite of the fact that he was
probably using at least one identical source as Appian (Augustus memoirs, Commentarii) uses exclusively the name
, that is, Siscia. It
seems quite likely that Cassius Dio deliberately replaced the old name
of the town by a name indisputably known to his readers, not wishing
to burden the text with excessive information and explanations. It is not
excluded that Appian, who, in contrast to Dio, had probably never spent
time in Pannonia, in reading old sources in which Siscia is understandably
not mentioned at all, was probably not even aware that Segesta from his
sources was the settlement lying at the same spot as the Siscia of his time;
cf. ael Kos 1986, 33; ael Kos 1997, 191-192.
17. For the most recent discussions on Strabo and the period in which he lived
and wrote his work cf. Pothecary 1997, Dueck 1999, Pothecary 2002
18. True, he says in the same sentence that Sirmium is also in the neighbourhood of Segestica, which casts doubts to an extent on the reliability of his
claims, all the more so as he mentions that near Segestica the Drava river
joins the river Noarus, otherwise unknown. He repeats the information
about the Noarus river, which flows by Segestica, in the chapter VII. 5.
12. as well. It is not excluded that Noarus is an older name for the Sava
river, or a name for that river taken from a language we are unfamiliar
with; it is less likely that the name signifies the Odra river (cf. ael Kos
2002, 151-152; ael Kos 2005, 426), but the mention of the Drava in this
context is undoubtedly a mistake on Strabos part or perhaps an error in
the source of which Strabo made use.
159
Smatra se da se za opis poloaja i uloge Segestike u odlomku IV. 6, 10. sluio nekim izvorom iz prve polovice 1. st.
pr. Kr., vjerojatno Posidonijem, dok mu je za odlomak VII. 5,
2. moda osim Posidonija posluio i neto raniji izvor, vjerojatno ne kasniji od ranog 1. st. pr. Kr., ali moda jo i stariji,
iz sredine 2. st. pr. Kr. (ael 1974, 705-706; ael Kos 2002,
147-148, 150-151; Tassaux 2004, 172).
Plinije Stariji u djelu Naturalis Historia, opisujui granice Panonije, spominje Sisciju zajedno s Emonom kao kolonije u toj provinciji (N. H. III 147), no za nau temu je puno
zanimljiviji sljedei odlomak u kojem, govorei o rijekama,
spominje i Sisciju i Segestiku (N.H. III 148): Colapis in Saum
influens iuxta Sisciam gemino alveo insulam ibi efficit quae
Segestica appellatur. Iz njegova je opisa sasvim jasno da je
poluotoku (Plinije kae otok)19, pored kojeg tee Kupa prije utjecanja u Savu kod Siscije, ime Segestica. Nedvojbeno
je rije o dananjem Pogorelcu, a za Plinija taj toponim nije
ime nekog naselja.
Apijan u svom djelu grad naziva Segesta (Ill. XXIII, 67),
; Ill. XXII, 62), ali ee
a koristi i oblik Segestika (
(Ill. X, 30; XVII,
spominje njegove stanovnike,
49; XXII, 62; XXII, 65; XXIII, 67; XXIII 68; XXIV, 69; XXIV, 70).
M. ael Kos opravdano je upozorila da bi, to se grkog
jezika tie, grad bilo pravilnije zvati Segesta zato to je oblik
Segestika pridjevna izvedenica (ael Kos 1997a, 34-35; ael
Kos 2002, 148; ael Kos 2005, 437). No s obzirom na Plinijev
tekst i natpis na ovoj sisakoj teseri, ini se da se u latinskom
jeziku uvrijeio oblik Segestica, kako u knjievnom tako i u
govornom jeziku.
O etimolokom porijeklu imena Segesta (odnosno Segestika) postoji vie hipoteza. Filolozi su, ovisno o svojoj
specijalnosti, pretpostavljali kako je rije o imenu ilirskog
(Mayer 1957, 308), latinskog (Ernout, Meillet 1932, 880, s. v.
seges ) ili keltskog podrijetla (Holder 1904, 1439-1440). Ova
se potonja hipoteza ini najvjerojatnijom (ael 1974, 704;
ael Kos 1997, 191; ael Kos 1997a, 35).
Toponim Siscia koji su Rimljani preuzeli kao ime svog
naselja se takoer moe interpretirati kao ime keltskog ili
ak vjerojatnije panonsko-ilirskog porijekla (Mayer 1957,
308; Holder 1904, 1584-1587; ael Kos 1997, 192; ael Kos
1997a, 35).
Ve je due vremena u literaturi prihvaeno da se pretpovijesna Segestika nalazila na prostoru dananjeg Pogorelca, poluotoka kojeg opasuje Kupa u posljednjem meandru
prije ua Save.20 Rije je, dakle, o prostoru na desnoj obali
Kupe, na suprotnoj obali od rimske Siscije. Osim na antikim
izvorima, ta se hipoteza temelji i na arheolokim istraivanjima koja su nedvojbeno dokazala postojanje pretpovijesnih slojeva na Pogorelcu.21
Ako je suditi po izvorima, Segest(ik)a se vjerojatno moe
smatrati keltskim naseljem, moda nastalom na mjestu ili u
neposrednoj blizini ranijeg naselja na Pogorelcu, koje se na
temelju arheolokih tragova moe datirati u haltatsko razdoblje. Pretpovijesna Siscija je, pak, moda bila eljezno-
Scordisci (VII. 5, 12), where he again says that the Noarus river flows
past Segestica.
It is thought that for the description of the position and the
role of Segestica in the chapter IV. 6, 10. he used a source from the
first half of the 1st cent. B.C., probably Posidonius, while in the case
of the chapter VII. 5, 2. he probably made use, in addition to Posidonius, of an earlier source, probably not later than the early 1st cent.
B.C., but perhaps even older, from the mid-2nd cent. B.C. (ael
1974, 705-706; ael Kos 2002, 147-148, 150-151; Tassaux 2004, 172).
Pliny the Elder, while describing the borders of Pannonia in his
work Naturalis Historia, mentions Siscia together with Emona, as
the colonies in that province (N. H. III 147). But far more interesting
for our topic is the following paragraph, in which, talking about
rivers, he mentions both Siscia and Segestica (N.H. III 148): Colapis
in Saum influens iuxta Sisciam gemino alveo insulam ibi efficit quae
Segestica appellatur. It is perfectly clear from his description that
the pensinsula (insula in Plinys words)19 past which the Kupa flows
before joining the Sava at Siscia is named Segestica. We are indisputably dealing here with the present-day Pogorelec, and for Pliny
this toponym does not denote the name of a settlement.
In his work Appian calls the town Segesta (Ill. XXIII, 67), and he
; Ill. XXII, 62), but more
also uses the form Segestica (
(Ill. X, 30; XVII, 49;
often mentions its inhabitants,
XXII, 62; XXII, 65; XXIII, 67; XXIII 68; XXIV, 69; XXIV, 70).
M. ael Kos justifiably cautioned that, as regards the Greek
language, that it would be more appropriate to call the town Segesta, because the form Segestica is an adjectival derivation (ael
Kos 1997bis, 34-35; ael Kos 2002, 148; ael Kos 2005, 437), but
considering Plinys text and the inscription on this Sisak tessera, it
appears that the form Segestica became accustomed in the Latin,
as in the standard so too in the spoken language.
Regarding the etymological origin of the name Segesta (or
Segestica) several hypotheses are extant. Depending on their specialities, the linguists supposed that the word was of Illyrian (Mayer
1957, 308), Latin (Ernout, Meillet 1932, 880, s. v. seges ) or Celtic origin (Holder 1904, 1439-1440). The last hypothesis appears the most
plausible (ael 1974, 704; ael Kos 1997, 191; ael Kos 1997bis,
35).
The toponym Siscia, which the Romans took over as the name
of their settlement can likewise be interpreted as a name of Celtic
or even more probably of Pannonian-Illyrian origin (Mayer 1957,
308; Holder 1904, 1584-1587; ael Kos 1997, 192; ael Kos 1997bis,
35).
It has been accepted in the literature for a long time that the
prehistoric Segestica lay at the position of the present-day Pogorelec, a peninsula surrounded by the Kupa in the last meander before
the confluence with the Sava.20 This is a zone on the right bank
of the Kupa, on the bank opposite the Roman Siscia. In addition
to the sources from antiquity, this hypothesis is based also on the
archaeological excavations, which proved beyond doubt the existence of prehistoric layers at Pogorelec. 21
If we are to judge by the sources, Segest(ic)a can probably be
considered a Celtic settlement, perhaps formed on the spot or in
the immediate vicinity of an earlier settlement at Pogorelec, which
on the basis of archaeological remains can be dated to the Hallstatt
period. The prehistoric Siscia in turn may have been an Iron Age
settlement lying closer to the Sava river, positioned opposite
19. Plinije Stariji taj poluotok moda naziva otokom zbog velikog jarka kojeg
je dao iskopati Tiberije (ukoliko je Tiberije taj jarak uope dao iskopati na
tom mjestu, a ne na drugoj obali, odnosno kod Siscije): Cassius Dio, 49, 37,
3, ili pak zbog obrambenog jarka koji je branio kopneni prilaz Segestici:
Appianus, Ill., XXII, 62.
20. Faber 1973, 152; ael 1974, 726; Nenadi 1987, 73; Buzov 1993, 48-49;
ael Kos 1997, 192; Burkowsky 1999, 18-19; Buzov 2003, 178.
21. ael 1974, 723, 729-730; Vrbanovi 1981, 187; Nenadi 1987, 73; Durman 1992, 120; Buzov 1993, 51-52; Burkowsky 2000, 15-16; Durman
2002, 25; Loli 2003, 135, 137-138.
19. Pliny the Elder perhaps calls the peninsula an insula on account of a large
ditch that Tiberius ordered dug (if Tiberius had the ditch dug at that spot
in the first place and not on the opposite bank, i.e. at Siscia), cf. Cassius
Dio, 49, 37, 3, or perhaps on account of the defensive ditch which protected
the land access to Segestica, cf. Appianus, Ill., XXII, 62.
20. Faber 1973, 152; ael 1974, 726; Nenadi 1987, 73; Buzov 1993, 48-49;
ael Kos 1997, 192; Burkowsky 1999, 18-19; Buzov 2003, 178
21. ael 1974, 723, 729-730; Vrbanovi 1981, 187; Nenadi 1987, 73; Durman 1992, 120; Buzov 1993, 51-52; Burkowsky 2000, 15-16; Durman
2002, 25; Loli 2003, 135, 137-138.
160
dobno naselje blie rijeci Savi, smjeteno nasuprot Pogorelcu na lijevoj obali Kupe (ael Kos 1997, 192). Ukoliko Strabon nije pogreno interpretirao svoje izvore, ili pak ako
spominjanjem utvrde Siscija pored Segestike ne opisuje zapravo stanje tijekom Augustove vladavine, ini se moguim
istodobno postojanje oba naselja u vremenu koje je prethodilo rimskom osvajanju. No nema sumnje da je, u tom sluaju, Segestika bila bitno vee i daleko vanije naselje, dok je
Siscija mogla biti samo manje utvreno mjesto, vjerojatno s
ulogom nadzora trgovakog puta koji je iao Savom. Ipak,
treba napomenuti kako zasad na prostoru rimske Siscije arheolokim istraivanjima nisu pronaeni pretpovijesni slojevi pa je nemogue ita rei o nekakvom eventualnom
pretpovijesnom lokalitetu na tom mjestu (Loli 2003, 138). U
svakom sluaju, rimski je grad koji se tijekom principata razvio pored ua Kupe u Savu, dobio ime po Sisciji, a ne po
Segestici, sasvim vjerojatno zbog ve postojeeg toponima
lokacije na kojoj je izraslo rimsko naselje. Postavlja se pitanje zato se u doba Carstva nije ouvao kontinuitet velikog
naselja kao to je to bila Segestika. Odgovor na to pitanje
moda ima veze sa stanjem u kojem se Segestika nala nakon osvajanja. Grad je nesumnjivo pretrpio razaranja, no
svaka se teta moe popraviti pa je malo vjerojatno da bi
Rimljani samo zbog toga odluili podii novo naselje na suprotnoj obali. Za razliku od materijalne tete, ljudske je gubitke znatno tee nadomjestiti. Broj poginulih meu stanovnicima nakon tridesetodnevne opsade sigurno nije bio
zanemariv, no Apijan izriito tvrdi da je Oktavijan potedio
preivjele nakon to je osvojio grad te da je od stanovnika
samo zahtijevao novani namet. Neovisno o tome je li njegov in bio motiviran humanou ili istim pragmatizmom,
ini se vie nego vjerojatnim kako je dobar dio Segeana
ipak preivio opsadu i nastavio ivjeti u gradu. Meutim, ni
Apijan ni Kasije Dion nam ne kau kakva je bila sudbina stanovnika Segestike nakon guenja pobune nedugo nakon
to je Oktavijan napustio to podruje i vratio se u Rim. Naime, ve u ranu zimu 34. god. pr. Kr. do Rima je doprla vijest
o napadu domorodaca na garnizon koji je Oktavijan ostavio
u Segestici. Po primitku neugodne vijesti, Oktavijan je pohitao natrag za Segestiku no rimska je posada uspjela svladati otpor Segeana prije njegova dolaska s pojaanjem.22
Milost koju je Oktavijan pokazao prema stanovnicima nakon opsade bila je ionako iznimna s obzirom na onodobne
obiaje u opsadnom ratovanju i malo je vjerojatno da bi Rimljani opet bili jednako milostivi, tim vie to su pobuna
stanovnika zaposjednutog grada i napad na rimski garnizon
po ondanjem ratnom pravu mogli biti protumaeni samo
kao muki i izdajniki in (Ziolkowski 1993, 69-91; Kern 1999,
323-351). Stoga nije iskljueno da je nakon guenja pobune
vei dio Segeana bio pobijen i porobljen te da se Segestika odjednom nala bez veine svojih predratnih stanovnika.
Moda je u tom trenutku grad silom prilika prestao funkcionirati kao urbano sredite te se de facto pretvorio u vojnu
utvrdu. Ipak, kako nema arheolokih tragova rimskog vojnog logora, zasad je nemogue sa sigurnou odrediti njegovu lokaciju. S obzirom na burna dogaanja od 35. god. pr.
Kr. do 9. god. po. Kr. i na veliku koncentraciju rimskih trupa u
tom razdoblju (ael 1974, 734), vjerovati u postojanje samo
jednog rimskog vojnog logora na prostoru Segestike odno-
Pogorelec on the left bank of the Kupa (ael Kos 1997, 192). Unless
Strabo erroneously interpreted his sources, or if by mentioning the
fort of Siscia near Segestica he in fact describes the actual state of
things during Augustus reign, it appears possible that both settlements coexisted in the time preceding the Roman conquest. However, there is no doubt that in that case Segestica must have been
a far larger and far more important settlement, while Siscia could
only have been a minor fortified settlement, probably with the role
of controlling the trade route along the Sava river. Still, it has to be
said that so far in the area of Roman Siscia the archaeological excavations have not led to a discovery of prehistoric layers, so it is impossible to say anything about a possible prehistoric site at that
place (Loli 2003, 138). In any case, the Roman town, which developed during the principate at the confluence of the Kupa and the
Sava rivers, was named after Siscia and not after Segestica, quite
probably on account of the already existing toponym of the site on
which the Roman settlement grew. The question poses itself why
the continuity of a large settlement such as Segestica was not
maintained during the Empire. The answer to that question perhaps has to do with the situation in which Segestica found itself
following the conquest. The town undoubtedly suffered destruction, but as every damage can be repaired, it is improbable that the
Romans would decide to erect a new settlement on the opposite
bank only because of that. In contrast to material damage, the human losses are much more difficult to replace. The number of the
killed among the inhabitants at the end of the thirty-day siege was
certainly not negligible, but Appian explicitly asserts that Octavian
spared those who survived after he had conquered the town and
that he demanded from the inhabitants only a tribute in money.
Regardless of whether his action was motivated by humanity or
sheer pragmatism, it seems more than likely that a good part of the
citizens of Segesta managed to survive the siege and continued
living in the town. However, neither Appian nor Cassius Dio say
anything about the fate of the inhabitants of Segestica after the
quelling of the insurrection soon after Octavian left the area and
returned to Rome. Already in early winter of 34 B.C. the news of the
attack of the natives on the garrison which Octavian left in Segestica reached Rome. Upon the receipt of the awkward news Octavian rushed back for Segestica, but the Roman garrison suceeded
in crushing the resistance of the citizens of Segestica prior to his
arrival with the reinforcement.22 The mercy shown by Octavian toward the inhabitans after the siege was exceptional in the first
place, if one considers the customs of siege warfare of the time,
and it is improbable that the Romans would again be equally merciful, all the more so as the insurrection of the citizens of an occupied town and the attack to a Roman garrison could by the laws of
war of the time be interpreted only as a perfidious and treacherous
act (Ziolkowski 1993, 69-91; Kern 1999, 323-351). It is therefore not
excluded that subsequent to the quelling of the insurrection the
majority of the citizens of Segesta were murdered and enslaved
and that Segestica suddenly found itself missing the most of its
pre-war inhabitants. Perhaps in that moment owing to the circumstances the town ceased functioning as an urban centre and was
de facto transformed into a military fort. Nevertheless, as there are
no archaeological traces of a Roman military camp, it is at present
impossible to ascertain its position. Considering the tumultuous
events from 35 B.C. until 9 A.D. and a large concentration of Roman
troops in that period (ael 1974, 734), placing firm belief in the existence of only one Roman camp in the area of Segestica or Siscia
would perhaps be an oversimplified view to this complex body of
issues. During the siege of Segestica in 35 B.C. the Romans indis-
22. O opsadi Segestike 35. god. pr. Kr. i pobuni 34. god. pr. Kr.: Appianus,
Ill. XXII-XXIV; Cassius Dio 49, 36-38; Veith 1914, 49-58; Mcsy 1962,
538-539; Wilkes 1969, 52-53; Mcsy 1974, 22; ael 1974, 732-733; ael
Kos 1986, 138-142; Zaninovi 1986, 62-63; Nenadi 1987, 73; Hoti 1992,
137-138.
22. On the 35 B.C. siege of Segestica and the 34 B.C. insurrection, cf. Appianus, Ill. XXII-XXIV; Cassius Dio 49, 36-38; Veith 1914, 49-58; Mcsy
1962, 538-539; Wilkes 1969, 52-53; Mcsy 1974, 22; ael 1974, 732-733;
ael Kos 1986, 138-142; Zaninovi 1986, 62-63; Nenadi 1987, 73; Hoti
1992, 137-138.
161
sno Siscije, moda bi bilo previe pojednostavljeno promatranje te sloene problematike. Tijekom opsade Segestike
35. god. pr. Kr., Rimljani su nesumnjivo izgradili cirkumvalaciju oko grada te barem nekoliko logora za smjetaj trupa
koje su opsjedale grad. Uzmemo li u obzir da je Oktavijan
nakon osvajanja grada u njemu ostavio posadu od 25 kohorti, to bi odgovaralo snazi dvije i po legije, te da se u Italiju sigurno nije vratio sam, za pretpostaviti je kako je vojska
kojoj je bio na elu tijekom opsade Segestike bila i bitno vea.23 Teoretski je posada koja je ostala u Segestici 35. god. pr.
Kr. trebala brojati vie od 12.000 ljudi, ali tih 25 kohorti vrlo
vjerojatno nisu bile u punom brojnom stanju. Moemo pretpostaviti da se ta brojka kretala oko 10.000 vojnika24, to
svakako nije malo. Ne moemo znati jesu li svi ti vojnici bili
smjeteni unutar bedema Segestike ili je barem dio ostao u
privremenim taborima, izgraenima tijekom opsade.25 Garnizon vjerojatno nije bio bitno smanjen ni nakon guenja
pobune 34. god. pr. Kr., jer je tijekom cijele Augustove vladavine to mjesto bilo jedno od glavnih rimskih vojnih uporita u Iliriku.26 Tijekom panonskog rata, od 6. do 9. god., koncentracija trupa je u jednom trenutku dosegla impresivne
razmjere, o emu svjedoi Velej Paterkul. Rije je bilo o 10
legija, vie od 70 auksilijarnih kohorti, 10 ala (ili moda 14,
sauvani manuskripti unose neke dvojbe u ovu brojku), vie
od 10.000 mobiliziranih veterana uz brojne dobrovoljce i savezniku konjicu kralja Remetalka (Velleius Paterculus,
2.113.1-2) (Sumner 1970, 272), dakle, izmeu 80.000 i 100.000
ljudi, moda ak i neto vie. Naravno, u pitanju je iznimna
situacija, koja uostalom i nije dugo potrajala jer je opskrba
toliko ljudi na jednom mjestu predstavljala teak logistiki
problem. Meutim, sve upuuje na to da se garnizon tijekom koja etiri desetljea sastojao od veeg broja vojnika i
nije iskljueno kako za njihov smjetaj nije bio predvien
samo jedan logor. U trenucima vee koncentracije trupa vie je nego vjerojatno da je istodobno u funkciji bilo vie logora, a uz mogunost postojanja paralelnih logora na Pogorelcu i lijevoj obali Kupe, takoer tako nije iskljueno da se
poloaj stalnog vojnog logora pomicao, ovisno o okolnostima i trenutanim potrebama kao i o smjeni jedinica koje su
sainjavale garnizon.27 Zbog svega toga ne treba odbaciti ni
23. Procjene o broju legija koje su pod Oktavijanovim zapovjednitvom
sudjelovale u pohodu na Ilirik dosta variraju, pa ne znamo ni s koliko je
trupa tono raspolagao krenuvi u rat, a ni koliko ih je morao izdvojiti za
osiguranje zaposjednutog podruja i opskrbnih komunikacija prije nego
to je uope stigao do Segestike. Ipak, pretpostavka da je za opsadu Segestike Oktavijan imao na raspolaganju oko 5 legija zvui dosta vjerojatno:
Domi-Kuni 2006, 92.
24. Ne nuno iskljuivo legionara jer su meu njima mogli biti i pripadnici
pomonih trupa.
25. W. Schmid je smatrao da je za potrebe garnizona od 25 kohorti nakon
osvajanja izgraen dvojni logor (Doppel Lager) za smjetaj dvije legije, no
osim navoenja dobro poznate injenice o veliini prvotnog garnizona, ne
obrazlae svoje miljenje drugim argumentima: Schmid 1925, 213.
26. S obzirom na raspoloive podatke, nemogue je sa sigurnou procijeniti veliinu i sastav garnizona izmeu 34. god. pr. Kr. i 6. god. po.
Kr. Moemo pretpostaviti kako su Rimljani cijelo to razdoblje u Sisciji
drali snage dovoljne za brzo i uinkovito guenje eventualne pobune
domaeg stanovnitva u tom dijelu Panonije, dakle barem jednu legiju
s prateim auksilijarnim jedinicama, no to je samo hipoteza. A. DomiKuni uvjerljivo obrazlae da je veliki vojni logor u Sisciji morao biti
izgraen najkasnije tijekom Tiberijeva panonskog rata, odnosno 12. god.
pr. Kr., no s obzirom na strateku vanost Segestike, tj. Siscije, sasvim je
vjerojatno da rimska vojska nakon 35. god. nikad nije ni napustila grad,
iako je veliina garnizona nesumnjivo varirala: Schmid 1925, 213-214;
Mcsy 1959, 25; Mcsy 1962, 612-613; Mcsy 1974, 23; Hoti 1992, 138;
Zaninovi 1993, 53-54; Domi-Kuni 2006, 104.
27. U augustovskom razdoblju je bila uobiajena praksa da legije esto mi-
162
putably constructed a circumvalation around the town and at least

several camps to accommodate the troops laying siege to the
town. If we consider that Octavian, having conquered the town,
left in it a garrison of 25 cohorts, which would correspond to the
force of two and a half legions, and that he certainly did not return
to Italy all alone, we can assume that the army he was commanding
during the siege of Segestica was considerably larger. 23 In theory,
the garrison left in Segestica in 35 B.C. should have numbered
more than 12000 persons, but in all likelihood those 25 cohorts
were not fully manned. We can assume that that number was
around 10000 soldiers,24 which is certainly not small. We cannot
know whether all those soldiers were accommodated within the
fortifications of Segestica or at least part of them remained in temporary camps built during the siege.25 The garrison was probably
not significantly diminished even after the quelling of the 34 B.C.
insurrection, as during the entire Augustus reign that place was
one of the main Roman military strongholds in Illyricum.26 During
the Pannonian war, from 6 to 9, the concentration of troops at one
moment reached impressive proportions, of which Velleius Paterculus bears testimony. There were 10 legions, more than 70 auxiliary cohorts, 10 alae (or perhaps 14, the preserved manuscripts introduce certain doubts into this number), more than 10000 mobilized veterans, along with numerous volunteers and the allied
cavalry of king Rhoemetalces (Velleius Paterculus, 2.113.1-2) (Sumner
1970, 272), altogether approximately between 80000 and 100000
people, perhaps even somewhat more. Naturally, an exceptional
situation was at play, which anyway did not last long, because the
supply of so many people at one place represented a grave problem for the logistics. However, everything indicates that during
four decades or so the garrison consisted of a large number of soldiers, and it is not excluded that more than one camp was designated for their accommodation. In the moments of greater concentration of the troops it is more than probable that several camps
were symoultaneously in function. In addition to the possibility of
the existence of parallel camps at Pogorelec and on the left bank of
the Kupa, it also cannot be excluded that the position of a permanent camp was shifted depending on the circumstances and requirements of the moment as well as on the changing of the units
that made up the garrison. 27 On account of all that one should nei23. The assessments of the number of legions taking part under Octavians
command in the campaing in Illyricum vary considerably, as we do not
know how many troops he disposed with when he set out for war, nor
how many he was forced to designate to securing the occupied territory
and supply lines before he even reached Segestica. Nevertheless, the assumption that Octavian had around 5 legions at his disposal for the siege
of Segestica sounds fairly plausible; Domi-Kuni 2006, 92.
24. Not necessarily exclusively the legionaries, as members of auxiliary
troops may have been among them.
25. W. Schmid believed that for the requirements of a garrison of 25 cohorts
following the conquest a double camp (Doppel Lager) was built to house
two legions, but except the mention of a well-known fact about the size
of the original garrison, he does not expound his opinion with other arguments; Schmid 1925, 213.
26. Considering the available data, it is impossible to ascertain the size and
composition of the garrison between 34 B.C. and 6 A.D. We can assume
that during that entire period the Romans kept in Siscia sufficient forces
for a rapid and effective quelling of a possible insurrection of local population in that part of Pannonia, i.e. at least one legion with accompanying
auxiliary units, but this is only a hypothesis. A. Domi-Kuni convincingly explains that the large military camp in Siscia must have been built
during Tiberius Pannonian war at the latest, i.e. in 12 B.C., but considering the strategic importance of Segestica, i.e. Siscia, it is entirely plausible
that the Roman army never left the town after 35, even though the size of
the garrison undoubtedly varied; Schmid 1925, 213-214; Mcsy 1959, 25;
Mcsy 1962, 612-613; Mcsy 1974, 23; Hoti 1992, 138; Zaninovi 1993,
53-54; Domi-Kuni 2006, 104.
27. It was an accustomed practise in the Augustan period that legions frequently change garrisons and even rebuild the camp anew if they returned
to their previous station after a military campaign, not necessarily at the
same location, cf. Syme 1933, 22.
hipoteze o logoru na Pogorelcu (ael 1974, 726, 732; Zaninovi 1993, 54; Loli 2003, 140), kao ni hipoteze o logoru na
lijevoj obali Kupe, odnosno na mjestu budue rimske Siscije.28 Izvori nam tu, naalost, nisu od velike pomoi. Strabon,
istina, spominje Segestiku kao grad i Sisciju kao utvrdu, to
bi ilo u prilog hipotezi da je u Augustovo vrijeme vojni logor bio na lijevoj obali Kupe, ali samo ukoliko bi bili sigurni
da je Strabon koristio suvremeni izvor.29 No kao to je ve
spomenuto, nije iskljueno da se za taj pasus Strabon posluio bitno starijim izvorom. Velej Paterkul, suvremenik i sudionik panonskog rata, uope ne spominje Segestiku, dok
Sisciju opisuje kao mjesto gdje su se koncentrirale rimske
trupe pod Tiberijevim zapovjednitvom (Velleius Paterculus,
2.113). Meutim, i njegov je opis previe openit te nam nijenjaju garnizon pa ak i da ga iznova grade, ukoliko bi se nakon bojnog
pohoda vratile u svoju prethodnu postaju i to ne nuno na istoj lokaciji:
Syme 1933, 22.
28. Veith 1914, 51-58; Faber 1973, 153-154; Nenadi 1987, 72-73; Buzov
1993, 49; Burkowsky 1999, 30. Veithova pretpostavka da se Segestika
nalazila na lijevoj obali Kupe, tj. na mjestu gdje se razvila Siscija po
svemu sudei ne stoji. No njegova argumentacija o postojanju logora na
lijevoj obali Kupe ne moe se sasvim zanemariti, tim vie to bi bilo za
oekivati da se tu nalazio jedan od tabora koji su bili dijelom cirkumvalacije koju je Oktavijan dao izgraditi tijekom opsade Segestike. Ipak,
treba napomenuti kako se G. Veith u svom radu prvenstveno zanimao za
Oktavijanovu opsadu Segestike te, s izuzetkom rasprave o Tiberijevu
ancu odnosno kanalu, nije posebno spekulirao o stanju u narednim
desetljeima. A. Faber je pretpostavljala da se vojni logor, koji po njoj
nema veze s logorom ili logorima izgraenima tijekom Oktavijanove
opsade, nalazio na prostoru Siscije te da se civilno naselje, koristei
postojeu infrastrukturu, preselilo i razvilo na prostoru logorskog
teritorija nakon premjetanja vojske, u nekom nedefiniranom trenutku,
odnosno kako ona kae kada legije sele na Dunav. Slino miljenje
dijele V. Nenadi i M. Buzov, iznosei hipotezu da se rimski garnizon
prvotno smjestio na prostoru Segestike, ali se ubrzo premjestio na lijevu
obalu Kupe, gdje je nakon odlaska vojske na temeljima logora niknulo
civilno naselje, dok je na drugoj strani rijeke Segestika postupno gubila
na znaaju, odumirala kao naselje te u konanici prestala postojati. I
one poetak razvoja Siscije smjetaju u vrijeme kad se vojska pomicala
prema Dunavu. Premjetanje veeg broja vojnih jedinica prema Dunavu
i izgradnju limesa nije lako kronoloki precizno odrediti, no u svakom
sluaju je rije o dugotrajnom i postupnom procesu, koji se moe pratiti
barem od klaudijevskog vremena, ako ne i prije, pa sve do flavijevskog
razdoblja. Limes sa stalnim vojnim utvrenjima na Dunavu svoj viemanje konaan oblik dostie tek za Trajanove i Hadrijanove vladavine.
U sluaju Siscije, ini se dosta vjerojatnim da se legijska posada zadrala
do 43. god., odnosno do trenutka kada IX. legija naputa Sisciju i odlazi
za Britaniju. No ukoliko i prihvatimo tezu da se legijski logor nalazio na
lijevoj obali Kupe, poetak razvoja grada ne trebamo nuno povezivati s
odlaskom legijskog garnizona jer je malo vjerojatno da se civilno naselje
na lijevoj obali Kupe poelo razvijati tek u klaudijevskom razdoblju.
29. To miljenje zastupa A. Domi-Kuni (Domi-Kuni 2006, 68). Strabon
se, piui svoje djelo, uz starije izvore nesumnjivo sluio i njemu suvremenim podacima i informacijama, tako da brojni opisi odgovaraju stanju
koje je vladalo tijekom redakcije teksta, odnosnu stanju tijekom Tiberijeve
vladavine, a spominje i brojne dogaaje koji su se odigrali za Augustove
vladavine. Kao to je to uvjerljivo dokazala S. Pothecary, Strabon se sigurno sluio suvremenim podacima opisujui stanje i dogaaje primjerice
u Germaniji i na istoku Carstva: Pothecary 2002, 398-434. Iako je sasvim
vjerojatno da mu je Posidonije bio glavni izvor za opis panonskih prostora, moemo pretpostaviti kako je starije tekstove pokuavao osuvremeniti
novijim informacijama kojima je raspolagao: Tassaux 2004, 173. Kada je
u njegovu djelu rije o Segestici, odnosno Sisciji, teko je sa sigurnou
razluiti suvremene od starijih podataka. Spominjanje utvrde Siscije kod
Segestike bi moglo ii u prilog hipotezi da je meu Posidonijeve podatke
interpolirao i neke informacije vezane uz Augustovo i Tiberijevo vrijeme.
Nepostojanje jasnih arheolokih potvrda o postojanju pretpovijesnog
sloja na prostoru budue rimske Siscije dodatno osnauje pretpostavku
da bi Strabonova
mogla biti rimski vojni logor pored
Segestike, a ne neko hipotetino pretpovijesno utvrenje. Ipak, s obzirom
na nedovoljnu istraenost tog prostora, bojim se da je jo uvijek prerano
zauzeti konaan stav o tom pitanju.
ther discard the hypotheses about the camp at Pogorelec (ael

1974, 726, 732; Zaninovi 1993, 54; Loli 2003, 140), nor the hypotheses about the camp on the left bank of the Kupa, that is on the
spot of the future Roman Siscia.28 The sources, unfortunately, are
not of great help here. True, Strabo does mention Segestica as a
town and Siscia as a fort, which would speak in favour of the hypothesis that in the Augustan period the military camp lay on the
left bank of the Kupa, but only if we were certain that Strabo used
a contemporary source.29 However, as it has already been mentioned, it is not excluded that for that chapter Strabo made use of a
considerably earlier source. Velleius Paterculus, his contemporary
28. Veith 1914, 51-58; Faber 1973, 153-154; Nenadi 1987, 72-73; Buzov
1993, 49; Burkowsky 1999, 30; Veiths assumption that Segestica lay on
the left bank of the Kupa, that is on the spot where Siscia developed is in
all likelihood without grounds, but his arguments regarding the existence
of a camp on the left bank of the Kupa cannot be neglected altogether,
all the more so as it could be expected that here lay the spot of one of the
camps forming part of the circumvalation that Octavian had built during
the siege of Segestica. It should nevertheless be stated that Veith was primarily interested in his work about Octavians siege of Segestica and that,
with the exception of the discussion on Tiberius ditch or channel, he did
not specifically speculate about the situation in the subsequent decades.
A. Faber supposed that a military camp, which in her opinion has nothing
to do with the camp or camps built during Octavians siege, was situated
in the area of Siscia and that the civilian settlement, by using the existing
infrastructure, shifted and developed in the area of the camp zone subsequent to the redeployment of the army, in an indefinite moment, or, in
her words, when the legions moved to the Danube. A similar opinion is
shared by V. Nenadi and M. Buzov, who put forward the hypothesis that
the Roman garrison was first positioned in the area of Segestica but soon
shifted to the left bank of the Kupa, where following the departure of the
army a civilian settlement sprouted on the foundations of the camp, while
on the opposite riverbank Segestica was gradually losing its importance,
withering as a settlement and eventually ceased existing. They too place
the beginning of the development of Siscia to the time when the army
was shifting towards the Danube. A shift of a large number of military
units towards the Danube and the construction of the limes are not easily
determined chronologically with precision, but in any case the process
lasted long and in gradual steps, and can be followed at least starting with
the time of Claudius, if not earlier, up until the Flavian period. The limes
with permanent military fortifications on the Danube reached its more or
less final shape only during Trajans and Hadrians reigns. In the case of
Siscia, it seems quite probable that the legionary garrison remained there
until 43, that is until the moment when the IX legion left Siscia and went
to Britain. But, even if we accept the thesis that the legionary camp lay on
the left bank of the Kupa, the beginning of the development of the town
should not necessarily be connected with the departure of the legionary
garrison, because it is improbable that the civilian settlement on the left
bank of the Kupa started developing as late as the Claudian period.
29. This opinion is advocated by A. Domi-Kuni, cf. Domi-Kuni 2006,
68; Strabo, in writing his work, in addition to earlier sources undoubtedly used data and information contemporary to him, so that numerous
descriptions correspond to the situation prevailing during the editing
of the text, that is the situation present during Tiberius reign, while he
also mentions numerous events that took place during Augustus rule.
As has been convincingly proved by S. Pothecary, Strabo certainly used
contemporary data in his descriptions of circumstances and events taking place e.g. in Germania and in the east of the Empire, cf. Pothecary
2002, 398-434. Although it is quite probable that Posidonius was his
main source for the description of the Pannonian areas, we can assume
that he made efforts to modernize the earlier texts with more recent
information at his disposal, cf. Tassaux 2004, 173. When Segestica or
Siscia are mentioned in his work, it is hard to distinguish with certainty
the modern data from the earlier ones. His mention of the fort of Siscia
near Segestica could speak in favour of the hypothesis that he interpolated
among the Posidonius information also that connected with Augustus
and Tiberius times. The lack of clear archaeological evidence about the
existence of a prehistoric layer in the territory of the future Roman Siscia
further strengthens the assumption that Strabos
could
stand for the Roman military camp adjacent to Segestica, and not some
hypothetical prehistoric fort. Still, considering the insufficient level of
investigation of that area, I am afraid that it is still too early for taking a
final attitude regarding that issue.
163
ta ne govori o eventualnom razmjetaju trupa na prostoru

dananjeg Siska, ali izriito spominjanje Siscije bi moglo
ukazivati na smjetaj Tiberijeva logora na lijevoj obali Kupe.
Sisciju kao Tiberijevu operativnu bazu tijekom panonskog
rata spominje i Kasije Dion, takoer ne ulazei u detalje (Cassius Dio, 55, 30, 4). Zanimljivo je kako u jednom drugom pasusu, prilikom opisa Oktavijanove opsade Segestike, izriito
kae da je Tiberije naknadno dao prokopati kanal kojim je
dodatno osigurao grad (Cassius Dio, 49, 37, 3). Nema razloga
sumnjati u tu Dionovu tvrdnju jer je na taj podatak zasigurno naiao u svojim izvorima. Tiberije je taj jarak nesumnjivo
dao prokopati kako bi bolje utvrdio rimski vojni tabor, vjerojatno ve 12. god. pr. Kr., kad je prvi put preuzeo zapovjednitvo u Sisciji ili najkasnije 6. god. kad je zapoeo panonski
ustanak. Utvrivanje tonog poloaja Tiberijeva jarka (anca) ujedno bi omoguilo i ubiciranje vojnog logora, barem u
razdoblju od 12. god. pr. Kr. do panonskog ustanka. Prema
Dionu, zbog tog anca Kupa okruuje Sisciju i u njegovo doba, dakle u 3. st., pa je shodno tome i vojni logor tijekom
Tiberijeva boravka morao biti na lijevoj obali Kupe, odnosno na prostoru gdje se razvio rimski grad. No je li time rijeeno pitanje ubikacije vojnog logora? To ovisi o tome kako
procjenjujemo pouzdanost Dionova teksta kao i o usporedbi njegovih podataka s podacima koje nam pruaju drugi
izvori. Kad je ve o ancu rije, zanimljivo bi bilo Dionov podatak dovesti u vezu s ve spomenutim Plinijevim rijeima o
otoku zvanom Segestika pored Siscije (N.H. III 148). Pogorelec, dakle, mjesto koje se smatra poloajem na kojem se nalazila domorodaka Segestika, samo je umjetnim putem,
odnosno prokopavanjem jarka mogao od poluotoka biti
pretvoren u otok. Opisuje li dakle Plinije izgled tog prostora
nakon to je Tiberije dao prokopati jarak? Ako je to tako, ini
se da je Tiberije utvrivao prostor na kojem se izvorno nalazila Segestika, a ne Siscija, pa bi se shodno tome logor u trenutku dok je on tamo zapovijedao trebao nalaziti na prostoru Pogorelca. Dion, pak, izriito kae da Kupa sad, odnosno
u njegovu vremenu, opasuje cijeli grad upravo zbog izgradnje Tiberijeva anca, no da tijekom Oktavijanove opsade to
nije bio sluaj jer je Kupa tekla uz dio bedema, ali je izmeu
grada i Save postojao nenaseljen prostor koji su Rimljani tijekom opsade utvrdili palisadama i jarcima.30 Upravo je taj
podatak zbunjujui: iako se Segestika po svemu sudei morala nalaziti na Pogorelcu, Dionov opis se poklapa s poloajem rimske Siscije, smjetene na prostoru izmeu Kupe i
Save. Dion, dakle, nedvosmisleno kae kako se domorodako naselje nalazilo na istom mjestu gdje je kasnije nikla rimska Siscija, a ne na Pogorelcu. G. Veith je, pratei Dionov
tekst, razumljivo doao do zakljuka da se pretpovijesna Segestika nalazila na istom mjestu kao i rimska Siscija (Veith
1914, 51-58).
J. ael argumentirano je odbacio njegovu hipotezu, a
smjetaj Segestike na Pogorelcu uostalom nedvojbeno potvruju i brojni pretpovijesni nalazi kojih na suprotnoj, lijevoj
obali zasad nema (ael 1974, 726). Kako onda interpretirati
Dionov tekst kad je i jedan vrsni poznavatelj topografije i
30. Iako Dion istie samo utvrivanje tog prostora, s obzirom na uobiajenu
rimsku praksu izgradnje cirkumvalacije oko opsjedanih gradova i utvrda, vrlo je izvjesno da su Rimljani jednako postupili tijekom opsade
Segestike. To nam uostalom potvruje i Apijan, koji pie da je Oktavijan
dao okruiti grad palisadama i jarcima sa svih strana (Ill. XXIII, 67). S
obzirom da su opsjedali naselje smjeteno na Pogorelcu, zasigurno su
utvrdili svoje poloaje i na poluotoku smjetenom izmeu Kupe i Save
(dakle, na prostoru budueg rimskog grada) kao i na junom dijelu Pogorelca, gdje se nalazio jedini kopneni prilaz Segestici.
164
and a participant in the Pannonian war, makes no mention of Segestica whatsoever, whereas he describes Siscia as a place where
Roman troops concentrated under Tiberius command (Velleius Paterculus, 2.113). However, his description is likewise overly general
and tells us nothing about the possible deployment of the troops
in the territory of present-day Sisak, but the explicit mention of Siscia might indicate the position of Tiberius camp on the left bank of
the Kupa. Cassius Dio also mentions Siscia as Tiberius operational
headquarters during the Pannonian war, similarly not entering into
details (Cassius Dio, 55, 30, 4). It is interesting that in another chapter, in his description of Octavians siege of Segestica, he explicitly
says that Tiberius subsequently had a ditch dug, with which he additionally secured the town (Cassius Dio, 49, 37, 3). There is no reason to doubt that Dios assertion, as he must have encountered
that piece of information in his sources. Tiberius indubitably had
the ditch dug in order to better fortify the Roman military camp,
probably already in 12 B.C. when he first took over the command in
Siscia, or in 6 A.D. at the latest, when the Pannonian insurrection
began. Determining the precise position of Tiberius ditch would at
the same time enable the location of the military camp, at least
during the period from 12 B.C. to the Pannonian insurrection. In
Dios opinion, it is due to that ditch that the Kupa encircles Siscia in
his time as well, i.e. in the 3rd century, so in accordance with this
the military camp during Tiberius residence must also have been
positioned on the left bank of the Kupa, that is on the spot where
the Roman town developed. But, is this also the answer to the
question of the location of the military camp? This depends on
how we assess the reliability of Dios text as well as on the comparison of his information with that provided by other sources.
While we are discussing the ditch, it would be interesting to bring
Dios information in connection with the already mentioned Plinys
words about the island called Segestica lying near Siscia (N.H. III
148). Pogorelec, i.e. the place considered the position of the native
Segestica, could only artificially, by digging a ditch through, be
transformed from a peninsula into an island. Is Pliny therefore describing the appearance of that area after Tiberius had ordered the
ditch dug? If this is so, it appears that Tiberius was fortifying the
space where Segestica, not Siscia, originally lay, so accordingly, in
the moment when he was in command there the camp should
have been located in the zone of Pogorelec. Dio in turn explicitly
states that the Kupa now that is, in his time encircles the entire
town precisely due to the construction of Tiberius ditch, but that
this was not the case during Octavians siege, because at that time
the Kupa flowed by a part of the fortifications, but there was an
inhabited space between the town and the Sava, which the Romans fortified by pallisades and ditches during the siege.30 It is precisely that piece of information that is confusing matters: although
Segestica in all likelihood lay at Pogorelec, Dios description matches the position of the Roman Siscia, positioned in the zone between the Kupa and the Sava. Dio thus unambiguously says that
the native settlement lay at the same spot where Roman Siscia
later sprouted, and not at Pogorelec. G. Veith, following Dios text,
understandably reached the conclusion that the prehistoric Segestica was situated at the same place as the Roman Siscia (Veith 1914,
51-58).
J. ael rejected his hypothesis on the strength of arguments,
30. Even though Dio makes mention only of a fortification of that zone,
considering the usual Roman practise of building a circumvalation around
the towns and forts under siege, it is quite certain that the Romans did
the same during the siege of Segestica. This is at any rate confirmed also
by Appian, who writes that Octavian ordered the town encircled with
pallisades and ditches from all directions (Ill. XXIII, 67). Taking into
consideration that they laid siege to the settlement situated at Pogorelec,
they certainly fortified their positions also on the peninsula positioned
between the Kupa and the Sava (i.e. on the spot of the future Roman
town) as well as on the southern part of Pogorelec, where the only land
access to Pogorelec lay.
vojne taktike, kao to je to bio G. Veith, na temelju Dionovih

rijei zakljuio kako se rimski grad razvio na mjestu pretpovijesnog naselja? Je li Dion, u namjeri da bude to koncizniji,
kombinirajui podatke iz razliitih izvora u konanici nenamjerno napisao donekle zbunjujui opis opsade Segestike,
iz kojeg nam nije ba jasan ni toan raspored Oktavijanovih
opsadnih fortifikacija kao ni toan poloaj naknadno izgraenog Tiberijeva velikog anca? Ili je citirajui izvore iznosio i svoje osobne spoznaje o tom mjestu? Kao to je i sam
isticao, dobro je poznavao Panoniju, a sasvim vjerojatno je
i osobno posjetio Sisciju. Moemo stoga pretpostaviti kako
je imao jasnu predodbu o topografiji tog grada (ael Kos
1986, 34). Isto tako je nesumnjivo bio svjestan da je Segestika iz njegovih izvora naselje koje je na tom prostoru postojalo prije izgradnje rimskog grada te je stoga, da ne zbunjuje
svoje itatelje, iskljuivo koristio opepoznato ime Siscija, a
ne irokoj publici nepoznato ime Segestika (ael Kos 1997,
191-192). No je li bio svjestan injenice kako pretpovijesno
naselje nije bilo na istoj lokaciji kao i Siscija, ve da se nalazilo na suprotnoj obali Kupe? Kako god bilo, on to u svom tekstu nigdje ne spominje. Opisujui opsadu Segestike, izgleda
da on opisuje mjesto na kojem se nalazila Siscija njegova
vremena, vjerojatno stoga jer je bio uvjeren kako je rimski
grad koji on poznaje bio izgraen na poloaju naselja kojeg
je osvojio Oktavijan. No to s Tiberijevim ancem? Je li Dion mogao toliko pogrijeiti i potpuno krivo ga smjestiti? Ne
kae li, uostalom, kako jarak postoji i u njegovo vrijeme pa
je za pretpostaviti da ga je i osobno vidio. ini se, dakle, da
je u 3. st. Siscija bila opasana nekakvim opkopom, no kako
moemo biti sigurni da je ba rije o Tiberijevu djelu? itajui u nekom od svojih izvora o kanalu kojeg je dao prokopati
Tiberije, Dion je moda jednostavno zakljuio da obrambeni opkop grada Siscije potjee jo iz tog vremena. U opkop
oko Siscije bi se nesumnjivo ulijevala voda iz Kupe, pa Dionova tvrdnja da Kupa tee oko cijelog grada ima smisla.
Treba uzeti u obzir da je Dion svoje djelo pisao poetkom 3.
st., odnosno da ga je dovrio najkasnije do 229. god. (ael
Kos 1986, 44). Iako je nesumnjivo dobro poznavao Panoniju,
pa vjerojatno i Sisciju, treba napomenuti da je on taj kraj
upoznao vie od dva stoljea nakon Oktavijanove opsade
i Batonova ustanka. Za podatke o tim davnim dogaajima
morao se osloniti na pisane izvore, a sve njegove opaske i
interpolacije koje se temelje na njegovu osobnom iskustvu
se iskljuivo tiu vremena u kojem je ivio te se ne mogu
primijeniti na augustovsko razdoblje. Nema spora da Plinije
Stariji u svom djelu posveuje neusporedivo manje panje
Sisciji nego Dion, jer taj grad spominje samo uzgred, ali za
razliku od Diona on jasno razlikuje otok Segestiku i grad Sisciju. Diona dijele stoljea od dogaaja koje opisuje, dok je
Plinije roen 23. ili 24. god., dakle svega 15 godina nakon
guenja velikog panonskog ustanka. Mada nije nemogue,
teko je sa sigurnou tvrditi da je Plinije, makar kao dijete,
mogao poznavati nekoga tko je sudjelovao u opsadi Segestike pod Oktavijanovim zapovjednitvom. No zato je u svojoj mladosti sasvim vjerojatno bio u prilici osobno upoznati
ljude koji su se borili pod Tiberijem i koji su moda tijekom
panonskog rata i boravili u Sisciji. To naravno nije nikakav
argument, ali je bitno naglasiti kako osvajanje Segestike i
panonski ustanak za Plinija nisu bili davna prolost, ve dogaaji u kojima su sudjelovali ljudi generacije njegovih djedova i roditelja. Iako navodi samo nekoliko podataka o Sisciji i Segestici, Plinijev tekst ima odreenu teinu upravo zbog
male vremenske distance koja ga dijeli od dogaaja koji nas
and the position of Segestica at Pogorelec is at any rate indisputably corroborated by numerous prehistoric finds, absent so far on
the opposite, left bank (ael 1974, 726). How is one then to interpret Dios text when even an excellent connoisseur of topography
and military tactics as Veith concluded on the basis of Dios words
that the Roman town developed on the spot of the prehistoric
settlement? Did Dio, in his wish for to be as concise as possible,
while combining information from various sources eventually inadvertently write a somewhat confusing description of the siege
of Segestica, from which we cannot ascertain clearly either the
precise arrangement of Octavians siege fortifications or the exact
position of the subsequently constructed Tiberius large ditch? Or
was he, while quoting the sources, at the same time expressing his
personal knowledge about that place? As he himself used to point
out, he knew Pannonia well, and it is quite probable that he visited Siscia in person. We can therefore assume that he possessed a
clear idea about the topography of that town (ael Kos 1986, 34).
It is likewise indisputable that he was aware that Segestica from his
sources was the settlement that existed at that place before the
construction of the Roman town and he therefore, in order not to
mislead his readers, exclusively used the widely known name of
Siscia instead of Segestica, which was unknown to the wider public
(ael Kos 1997, 191-192). But, was he aware of the fact that the prehistoric settlement did not lie on the same position as Siscia, but
on the opposite bank of the Kupa? Be as it may, he never mentions
it in his text. While describing the siege of Segestica, it seems to me
that he describes the place on which Siscia of his time stood, probably because he was convinced that the Roman town he knew had
been built on the spot of the settlement conquered by Octavian.
However, what about Tiberius ditch? Could Dio have made such
a big mistake as to place it inaccurately? Does he not say after all
that the ditch was present in his time as well, so one can assume
that he saw it himself. It would thus appear that in the 3rd cent.
Siscia was encircled by a ditch of sorts, but how can we be sure
that this was precisely the work of Tiberius? Having read in one of
his sources about the ditch that Tiberius ordered dug, Dio perhaps
simply concluded that the defensive encircling ditch of the town
of Siscia dates from that time. The ditch surrounding Siscia would
undoubtedly receive water from the Kupa, so Dios claim that the
Kupa flows around the entire town makes sense. It should be taken
into consideration that Dio was writing his work at the beginning
of the 3rd cent., more precisely he finished it by 229 at the latest
(ael Kos 1986, 44). Even though he without a doubt knew Pannonia well, and probably also Siscia, it deserves mention that he
became acquainted with that region more than two centuries after
Octavians siege and the Batos insurrection. For information about
these long-gone events he had to rely on written sources, and all
his commentaries and interpolations based on his personal experience relate exclusively to the time in which he lived and cannot be
applied to the Augustan period. There is no contention that Pliny
the Elder devotes in his work much less attention to Siscia than Dio,
as he mentions that town only sporadically, but in contrast to Dio
he makes a clear distinction between the island of Segestica and
the town of Siscia. Dio is separated by centuries from the events he
describes, while Pliny was born in 23 or 24 A.D., i.e. mere 15 years
after the quelling of the great Pannonian insurrection. Although
not impossible, it is difficult to claim with certainty that Pliny, at
least as a child, may have known someone who took part in the
siege of Segestica under Octavians command. However, in his
youth he most probably had the opportunity to personally meet
people who fought under Tiberius and who may have resided in
Siscia during the Pannonian war. This, naturally, is no argument,
but it is important to stress that the conquest of Segestica and
the Pannonian insurrection were not ancient history for Pliny but
events in which people from the generation of his grandparents
and parents took part. Even though he mentions only a couple of
165
zanimaju. Segestika je zbog smjetaja na polutoku sa svih

strana, osim s jugoistone, bila okruena Kupom, a prokopavanjem jarka na toj strani bi efektivno bila pretvorena u
otok na Kupi. Ta se interpretacija ini loginim objanjenjem
Plinijeve tvrdnje kako je Segestika otok. Ako je prokopavanjem nekakvog anca Pogorelec umjetno pretvoren u otok,
moe li to biti onaj jarak kojeg je dao prokopati Tiberije i
kojeg Dion spominje nekoliko stoljea kasnije? Ili je Segestika bila de facto otok jo tijekom Oktavijanove opsade, s
obzirom da Apijan spominje postojanje nekakvog obrambenog opkopa? To se ini manje vjerojatnim jer Apijanove
rijei ne upuuju na takvo to. Ipak, nije iskljueno da je
Tiberije samo dao dublje iskopati stari obrambeni jarak na
jugoistonom prilazu Pogorelcu, pretvorivi ga tako u veu prepreku za potencijalne napadae. Ukoliko je Tiberije
stvarno prokopao anac preko Pogorelca, za pretpostaviti
je kako je u Plinijevo vrijeme taj anac jo postojao, no s protokom desetljea i stoljea, izgubivi svaku vojnu vanost,
bio je postupno zatrpan. U 3. st. od njega vie nije bilo vidljivih tragova, pa je Dion mogao pogreno zakljuiti da opkop
oko Siscije potjee jo iz Tiberijeva vremena, to bi uostalom
bilo u skladu s njegovim miljenjem da je rimski grad nastao
na temeljima pretpovijesnog naselja. Naravno, s obzirom da
tragovi tog velikog anca nisu pouzdano identificirani (Veith
1914, 55), ne moemo u potpunosti odbaciti ni mogunost
da je Tiberije ipak dao prokopati jarak na lijevoj obali Kupe,
odnosno pored Siscije. Ipak, da je kojim sluajem Tiberijev
jarak bio prokopan preko poluotoka izmeu Kupe i Save na
kojem je izrasla rimska Siscija, postavlja se pitanje ne bi li
Plinije naglasio kako je Siscija na rijenom otoku? Analiza
pisanih izvora nadilazi okvire ovog lanka, no ak i ovih nekoliko pitanja bez sigurnog odgovora jasno pokazuje koliko
nedoumica jo postoji vezano uz osvajanje Segestike i najranije razdoblje rimske okupacije tog prostora.
U nedostatku nedvosmislenih i pouzdanih podataka iz
izvora, samo arheoloka istraivanja mogu ponuditi odgovor na pitanje o ubikaciji rimskog vojnog logora ili rimskih
logora na podruju dananjeg Siska, no zasad to nije sluaj
pa svaki pokuaj ubiciranja mora ostati hipotetian.
Ukoliko prihvatimo mogunost da je autohtono stanovnitvo Segestike mahom stradalo tijekom 35. i 34. god., moemo pretpostaviti da su tijekom narednih desetljea vei
dio civilne populacije koja je obitavala na tom mjestu inili
doljaci, ljudi privueni dobiti koja se moe ostvariti ivotom
i radom pored velikog garnizona na razmei vanih trgovakih putova. Prije svega, tu mislimo na trgovce i obrtnike te
pruatelje raznih usluga prijeko potrebnih mnogobrojnim
vojnicima, stacioniranima relativno daleko od rodnog kraja
i mediteranske civilizacije. Broj tih civila je nesumnjivo bio
proporcionalan broju vojnika, pa je velik garnizon svakako
privlaio i brojne pridolice.31 Ti ljudi, naravno, nisu mogli
31 O naseljavanju i djelatnostima civila, trgovaca i obrtnika u blizini garnizona u Panoniji: Mcsy 1959, 93-94; Mcsy 1962, 610-611, 678, 694-695;
Mcsy 1974, 71-73; Fitz 1980, 142-143.
Treba napomenuti da je bilo sasvim uobiajeno da rimske trupe na bojnom
pohodu prati i podosta civila vrlo arolikog statusa, i to podjednako onih
koji su de facto bili neodvojiva pratnja vojske poput sluinadi, ali i onih
iji je formalni status bio vrlo upitan, poput raznoraznih preprodavaa,
iveniara, trgovaca robljem i prostitutki, dakle ljudi privuenih
iskljuivo zaradom i moebitnim plijenom. O toj problematici: von
Petrikovits 1980, 1027-1035; Speidel 1989, 239-247; Gilliver 1999, 29-31;
Roth 1999, 91-115; Feig Vishnia 2002, 265-272. Sasvim je vjerojatno kako
je odreen broj civila, vjerojatno dobrim dijelom podrijetlom iz Italije ili
barem prethodno nastanjenih u Italiji, doao do Segestike ve 35. god. pr.
166
pieces of information about Siscia and Segestica, Plinys text carries

a certain weight precisely due to the small chronological distance
separating it from the events we are interested in. Due to its position on a peninsula, Segestica was surrounded by the Kupa from
all sides except from the southeast, and by digging a ditch on that
side it would effectively be transformed into an island on the Kupa.
This interpretation appears a logical explanation of Plinys assertion that Segestica was an island. If Pogorelec was artificially transformed into an island by the digging of a ditch of sorts, could that
be the same ditch that Tiberius ordered dug and that Dio mentions
several centuries later? Or was Segestica de facto an island already
at the time of Octavians siege, considering that Appian mentions
the existence of a defensive ditch of sorts? This seems less likely, because Appians words do not point to anything such. Nevertheless,
it is not excluded that Tiberius only instructed that the old defensive ditch on the southeastern access to Pogorelec be dug deeper,
transforming it thereby into a greater obstacle for potential attackers. If Tiberius really dug a ditch across Pogorelec, the assumption
would be likely that the ditch was still in existence in Plinys time,
but that with the passage of decades and centuries, having lost
all military significance, it gradually became filled up. By the 3rd
century no visible traces were left of it, so Dio could have reached
erroneous conclusion that the ditch surrounding Siscia dated from
as early as Tiberius time, which would at any rate be consistent
with his opinion that the Roman town grew on the foundations
of the prehistoric settlement. Naturally, taking into consideration
that the traces of that large ditch have not been identified with
certainty (Veith 1914, 55), we cannot wholly reject the possibility that Tiberius after all had the ditch dug on the left bank of the
Kupa, that is next to Siscia. Nevertheless, had by chance Tiberius
ditch been dug across the peninsula between the Kupa and the
Sava on the spot where the Roman Siscia developed, the question
poses itself would not Pliny lay stress on the fact that Siscia lay on a
river island? The analysis of written sources surpasses the limits of
this paper, but even these few questions without certain answers
clearly demonstrate how many ambiguities are still left regarding
the conquest of Segestica and the earliest period of Roman occupation of that territory.
In the lack of unambiguous and reliable information from the
sources, only archaeological excavations can offer an answer to
the question of the location of the Roman military camp or Roman
camps in the territory of present-day Sisak. As this is presently not
the case, every attempt at the location must remain only hypothetical.
If we accept the possibility that the autochthonous population
of Segestica by and large perished during 35 and 34 B.C., we can
assume that in the course of the subsequent decades the larger
part of the civilian population residing in that place was made up
of newcomers, those attracted by the profit obtainable by living
and working next door to a large garrison on the crossroads of
important trade routes. Here I primarily have in mind traders and
craftsmen and those offering various services required by numerous soldiers stationed relatively far from their native lands and the
Mediterranean civilization. The number of those civilians was without a doubt proportional to that of the soldiers, so a large garrison
certainly attracted numerous newcomers.31 These people could
31. On the settling and activities of civilians, traders and craftsmen in the
vicinity of the garrisons in Pannonia cf. Mcsy 1959, 93-94; Mcsy 1962,
610-611, 678, 694-695; Mcsy 1974, 71-73; Fitz 1980, 142-143
It deserves mention that it was entirely customary that the Roman troops
on a campaign are followed by a fair number of civilians of diverse
status, comparably those that were de facto an indivisible escort of the
army, such as servants, and those whose formal status was quite dubious,
such as all sorts of hucksters, grocers, slave traders and prostitutes, i.e.
people attracted primarily by profit and potential booty. On that body of
issues cf. von Petrikovits 1980, 1027-1035; Speidel 1989, 239-247; Gilliver
1999, 29-31; Roth 1999, 91-115; Feig Vishnia 2002, 265-272; It is entirely
ivjeti unutar logora, pa su se nastanili u neposrednoj blizini. Ukoliko je vojni tabor stalno bio na Pogorelcu, na prostoru keltske Segestike, civilno naselje se moglo slobodno
razvijati na suprotnoj obali. Isto tako, ukoliko je logor ili jedan od njih bio smjeten na prostoru budue rimske Siscije,
mogue je da su pridolice zajedno s ostacima autohtonog
stanovnitva iskoristile lokaciju koju je vojska u odreenom
trenutku napustila i tu postupno podigle civilno naselje.
Uope je odnos autohtonog naselja i kanaba koje su izgradili doljaci, kao i openito strukturu grada Siscije u predflavijevskom razdoblju teko definirati s obzirom na trenutani stupanj istraenosti, no ini se sasvim vjerojatnim da su
se u tom ranom razdoblju doseljavali brojni Italici (Mcsy
1959, 25; Mcsy 1962, 708; Zaninovi 1993, 54). Na nekoliko
lokacija u Sisku, u slojevima ispod rimskih zidanih temelja
otkriveni su ostaci drvenih konstrukcija i pilota.32 Vjerojatno je rije o elementima sustava drvene pilotae kojim se
pokualo uvrstiti povremeno movarno tlo izmeu Kupe
i Save. Nesumnjivo je rije o prvim tragovima rimskih konstrukcija na prostoru antike Siscije, a neki ih autori pripisuju ranom vojnom logoru. Ukoliko je njihova pretpostavka
tona, rimska vojska je tu moda izgradila prve objekte na
prostoru budue Siscije, a premjetanjem vojske je naknadno osloboeno podruje za naseljavanje civila (Faber 1973,
153-154; Loli 2003, 142-143).
Toan trenutak kada se to moglo dogoditi je teko sa
sigurnou odrediti, no kako je legionarska posada napustila Sisciju tek u Klaudijevo vrijeme, ak i u sluaju da se
istraivanjima potvrdi postojanje legijskog logora na lijevoj
obali Kupe u razdoblju od Augustove pa sve do Klaudijeve
vladavine, malo je vjerojatno da je razvoj civilnog naselja
zapoeo tek nakon 43. god., preuzimanjem lokacije toga hipotetinoga vojnog tabora. U tom sluaju, mogli bi s dosta
sigurnosti pretpostaviti kako je neko civilno naselje, koje bi
mogli okarakterizirati kao kanabe, na toj istoj obali odreeno vrijeme koegzistiralo sa susjednim logorom te da se jednostavno proirilo na bivi logorski teritorij nakon odlaska
vojske.
Osobno sam sklon vjerovati, dok istraivanja ne potvrde
ili opovrgnu tu pretpostavku, da je vjerojatno ve za Tiberijeva boravka 12. god. pr. Kr., a najkasnije nakon slamanja pobune 9. god., kao konana lokacija za legijski logor izabran
Pogorelec, ne iskljuujui nimalo pritom mogunost kako
se u vremenu nakon 34. god. pr. Kr. pa sve do konanog
guenja panonskog ustanka vojni logor, odnosno jedan od
vojnih logora, u nekom trenutku mogao nalaziti i na lijevoj
obali Kupe.33 Na lijevoj obali Kupe su tijekom opsade Segestike gotovo sigurno bile izgraene poljske fortifikacije koji su inile dio cirkumvalacije pa je sasvim vjerojatno da je
rimska vojska ve 35. god. pr. Kr. izgradila neke objekte na
prostoru budue rimske Siscije, moda ak i jedan od logora
u kojem je bio smjeten dio Oktavijanovih trupa. Ukoliko ta
pretpostavka stoji, nema sumnje da bi taj prostor, kada ga
je vojska definitivno napustila, bio vrlo pogodno mjesto za
razvoj civilnog naselja zbog izgraene infrastrukture i tla
Kr. pratei Oktavijanove trupe. Nije iskljueno da su se neki meu njima
odluili trajno nastaniti u blizini velikog garnizona koji im je mogao biti
dobar izvor zarade. Broj tih prvih doseljenika je nemogue argumentirano
procijeniti no, s obzirom na veliinu garnizona, moe biti rije o stotinama
ljudi, a ak ni brojka od nekoliko tisua nije sasvim neuvjerljiva.
32. Vrbanovi 1981, 196; Nenadi 1987, 76; Buzov 1993, 55; Burkowsky
2000, 42-44; Loli 2003, 141.
33. Na tu mogunost uostalom upuuje i Strabonovo spominjanje utvrde
Siscije u odlomku VII. 5, 2.
naturally not have lived within the camp, so they took residence
in the immediate vicinity. If the military camp was permanently
at Pogorelec, on the territory of the Celtic Segestica, the civilian
settlement could freely develop on the opposite bank. Likewise, if
the camp or one of the camps was situated on the territory of the
future Roman Siscia, it is possible that the newcomers, together
with the remnants of the autochthonous population, used the site
deserted by the army at one moment, to build a civilian settlement
there. It is generally difficult to define the relationship of the autochthonous settlement and canabae built by the immigrants, as
well as the general structure of the town of Siscia in the pre-Flavian period, with regard to the present-day state of research, but it
seems quite probable that numerous Italians were arriving in that
early period (Mcsy 1959, 25; Mcsy 1962, 708; Zaninovi 1993, 54).
Remains of wooden constructions and piles were discovered on
several spots in Siscia, in the layers beneath the Roman foundations.32 These are probably elements of the system of wooden pilotage intended to reinforce the occasionally marshy soil between
the Kupa and the Sava. These are undoubtedly the first traces of
Roman structures on the territory of ancient Siscia, which some
authors attribute to the early military camp. If their assumption
is correct, the Roman army built there what are perhaps the first
structures on the territory of the future Siscia, while the shifting of
the army subsequently freed space for the settling of the civilians
(Faber 1973, 153-154; Loli 2003, 142-143).
The precise moment when that may have happened is difficult
to ascertain, but considering that the legionary garrison left Siscia
only during Claudius rule, even in the case that the excavations
prove the existence of a legionary camp on the left bank of the
Kupa in the period from Augustus reign up until that of Claudius,
it is improbable that the development of the civilian settlement
started only after 43 A.D., by taking over the site of that hypothetical military camp. In that case, we could be fairly certain in assuming that a civilian settlement, which we could characterize as canabae, coexisted on the same bank during a certain time with the adjacent camp, and that it simply extended to encompass the former
camp territory following the departure of the military.
My personal belief is that, until the research has confirmed or
refuted that assumption, it was probably already during Tiberius
stay in 12 B.C., and at the latest after the quelling of the insurrection in 9 A.D., that Pogorelec was chosen as the final site for a legionary camp, not excluding in the least the possibility that in the
period after 34 B.C. up until the final quelling of the Pannonian insurrection, the military camp, that is one of the military camps, at a
certain point may have been situated on the left bank of the Kupa
as well. 33 Field fortifications that formed part of the circumvalation
were almost certainly built on the left bank of the Kupa during the
siege of Segestica, so it is quite likely that the Roman army already
in 35 B.C. built certain structures in the territory of the future Roman Siscia, perhaps even one of the camps that accommodated a
part of Octavians troops. If this assumption is correct, there is no
doubt that that space, once the military left it for good, would represent a suitable spot for the development of a civilian settlement,
owing to the existing infrastructure and the soil reinforced by the
probable that a certain number of civilians, probably a good part of those
with origins in Italy or at least with previous residence in Italy, reached
Segestica already in 35 B.C. by escorting Octavians troops. It is not
excluded that some among them decided to settle permanently next to a
large garrison that could represent a good source of income for them. The
number of those first immigrants is impossible to assess with arguments,
but considering the size of the garrison, the number may have reached
hundreds of people, while even a number of several thousand would not
sound entirely unconvincing.
32. Vrbanovi 1981, 196; Nenadi 1987, 76; Buzov 1993, 55; Burkowsky
2000, 42-44; Loli 2003, 141
33. This possibility is at any rate indicated also by Strabos mention of the
fort of Siscia in the chapter VII. 5, 2.
167
uvrenog sustavom drvene pilotae. Ipak, treba primijetiti da, zapravo, i nema nepobitnih dokaza kojima bi se ti
rani graevinski slojevi s drvenim konstrukcijama povezali s
vojskom. Oni, s obzirom na nalaze keramike, kronoloki nesumnjivo pripadaju 1. st., odnosno njegovoj prvoj polovici,
ali to ne mora nuno znaiti da iza te gradnje stoje rimski
vojnici, makar bi to bilo sasvim vjerojatno.
U svakom sluaju, neovisno o pretpostavljenoj lokaciji
rimskog vojnog logora (odnosno vojnih logora) nema dvojbe da se rimski grad razvio na lijevoj obali Kupe, a ne na
prostoru Pogorelca, to upuuje na zakljuak kako je dolo
do zamiranja urbanog ivota na prostoru pretpovijesne Segestike.
Toj hipotezi ide u prilog i epigrafija: dok epigrafiki spomeni imena rimskog grada Siscije sasvim razumljivo nisu rijetki34, Segestika se na dosad otkrivenim natpisima ne spominje. Posebno je zanimljivo da se i u ranijim natpisima, odnosno onima datiranima u 1. st. po. Kr., iskljuivo spominje
Siscia.35 Istina, u tim ranijim natpisima Siscija se uglavnom
spominje kao colonia Flavia Siscia, to bi ih datiralo u zadnju
etvrtinu 1. st., odnosno u vrijeme nakon 71. god. U nekoliko tih ranih natpisa Siscija se navodi i kao mjesto roenja,
odnosno porijekla raznih pojedinaca.36 Takav podatak nedvojbeno potvruje da je toponim Siscia, odnosno poimanje
Siscije kao urbanog sredita tada bilo sasvim uvrijeeno kod
lokalnog stanovnitva. Zbog svega toga nema sumnje kako
je toponim Siscia tijekom 1. st. pos. Kr. (svakako najkasnije
tijekom druge polovice stoljea, ali vrlo vjerojatno jo i prije)
zasjenio ime Segestika, koje se u carsko doba, po svemu sudei, vie ne rabi kao ime neke zasebne urbane cjeline.
Mada nema nikakve sumnje da se rimski grad na uu
Kupe u Savu nazivao Siscia, kako u natpisima slubenog karaktera, tako i od strane njegovih stanovnika, spomen Segestike na jednoj od olovnih tesera iz Siska predstavlja nedvojben dokaz o kontinuitetu koritenja ovog toponima i nakon
rimskog osvajanja. Plinijev navod bi iao u prilog hipotezi
da je toponim jo bio u uporabi i tijekom znatnog dijela 1.
st., barem do poetka flavijevskog razdoblja, osim ako autor
nije rabio neki stariji izvor to se, s obzirom na prirodu njegova djela, ne ini vjerojatnim. Ve je spomenuto da se ova
tesera moe okvirno datirati u prva dva stoljea nakon Krista, vjerojatno i koje desetljee due, no kako je ne moemo
precizno datirati unutar toga dugog razdoblja, nemogue
je tono rei do kada je toponim Segestika jo bio u uporabi, mada ona nedvojbeno potvruje da se to ime barem jo
neko vrijeme zadralo u govoru stanovnika Siscije.
Kakva god da je bila sudbina staroga grada na Pogorelcu, bilo da je bio razoren i da su mu stanovnici pobijeni
i prodani u roblje, bilo da je to naselje postupno odumrlo
zbog razvoja novog rimskog grada na suprotnoj obali, nije
bilo razloga da mu stanovnici Siscije zaborave ime. Naime,
na Pogorelcu su tijekom carskog razdoblja, osim hipotetinog vojnog logora, zasigurno postojali elementi urbane
infrastrukture. Osim jedne vee nekropole i pojedinanih
34. Za popis epigrafikih spomenika na kojima se spominje Siscia: ael
1974, 714-718, a za detaljniji osvrt o epigrafikoj batini tog grada: Mcsy
1959, 25-26, 211-212; Barkczi 1964, 259-261, 329-331; Zaninovi 1981,
201-207.
35. Primjerice, u 1. st. se mogu datirati spomenici CIL III 3951, 3961, 4373,
a vjerojatno i CIL III 3953 te 11029. Posebno je zanimljiva jedna diploma
datirana 30. svibnja 73. god. (CIL XVI 18), na kojoj su zapisana imena
etiri svjedoka porijeklom iz Siscije. Treba napomenuti da su natpisi iz
Siscije meu najranijima iz Panonije, to svakako svjedoi o ranoj romanizaciji tog mjesta: Mcsy 1974, 230; Zaninovi 1981, 201.
36. CIL III, 4373, 11029 te XVI, 18.
168
system of wooden pilotage. One nevertheless has to point out

that there are in fact no irrefutable proofs connecting these early
construction layers with wooden structures with the military. They,
considering the finds of pottery, in terms of chronology without a
doubt belong to the early first century, more generally to its first
half, but this does not necessarily mean that Roman soldiers stand
behind that construction, even though it is quite likely.
In any case, irrespective of the presumed location of the Roman military camp (or camps) there is no doubt that the Roman
town developed on the left bank of the Kupa, and not in the area
of Pogorelec, which points to the conclusion that urban life waned
in the zone of prehistoric Segestica.
That hypothesis is corroborated by epigraphy too: while epigraphic references to the name of the Roman town of Siscia were,
quite understandably, not rare,34 Segestica is not mentioned on
the inscriptions discovered so far. It is of special interest that even
the earlier inscriptions, those dated to the 1st cent. A.D., mention
Siscia exclusively.35 True, in those earlier inscriptions Siscia is mostly
mentioned as colonia Flavia Siscia, which would date them to the
last quarter of the 1st cent., more precisely to the time after 71 A.D.
In several of these early inscriptions Siscia is mentioned as the birth
place, or the place of origin of various persons. 36 Such information
unambiguously confirms that the toponym Siscia, that is the conception of Siscia as an urban centre was entirely ingrained in the
local population. On account of all that there is no doubt that the
toponym Siscia during the 1st cent. A.D. (certainly at the latest
during the second half of the century but quite likely even earlier)
obscured the name Segestica, which in the imperial period, in all
likelihood, is no longer in use as a name of a distinct urban unit.
Although there is no doubt that the Roman town on the confluence of the Kupa and the Sava was called Siscia, in the inscriptions of official character as much as by its inhabitants, the mention
of Segestica on one of the lead tesserae from Sisak is an indisputable proof of the continuity of the use of that toponym even after
the Roman conquest. Plinys statement would speak in favour of
the hypothesis that the toponym was still in use through the good
part of the 1st century, at least until the beginning of the Flavian
period, except in the case the author made use of an earlier source,
which, taking into consideration the nature of his work, seems improbable. It has already been mentioned that this tessera can be
generally dated to the first two centuries after Christ, probably a
decade or two longer, but as we cannot date it with precision within that long period, it is impossible to be precise about the time
until which the toponym Segestica remained in use, even though
it unambiguously proves that this name was kept in the spoken
language of the citizens of Siscia for at least a little longer.
Whatever the fate of the old town at Pogorelec, whether it was
destroyed and its citizens killed or sold into slavery, or the settlement gradually withered due to the development of a new Roman
town on the opposite bank, there was no reason for the citizens of
Siscia to forget its name. During the Empire, at Pogorelec, in addition to the hypothetical military camp, certainly existed elements
of urban infrastructure. In addition to a larger necropolis and individual grave units on several spots at Pogorelec (Vrbanovi 1981,
34. For a list of epigraphic monuments on which Siscia is mentioned cf. ael
1974, 714-718, and for a more detailed review of the epigraphic legacy
of that town cf. Mcsy 1959, 25-26, 211-212; Barkczi 1964, 259-261,
329-331; Zaninovi 1981, 201-207.
35. For instance, the monuments CIL III 3951, 3961, 4373, and probably
also CIL III 3953 and 11029 can all be dated to the first century. Of
special interest is a diploma dated May 30th 73 A.D. (CIL XVI 18), on
which names of four witnesses with origin from Siscia are mentioned. It
deserves mention that the inscriptions from Siscia are among the earliest
in Pannonia, which certainly bears testimony to the early romanization
of that place; Mcsy 1974, 230; Zaninovi 1981, 201.
36. CIL III, 4373, 11029 and XVI, 18.
grobnih cjelina na vie lokacija na Pogorelcu (Vrbanovi

1981, 199; Nenadi 1987, 93; Buzov 1993, 62; Buzov 2002,
184-185), arheolokim istraivanjima su na desnoj obali Kupe otkriveni tragovi rimske luke, to jest pristanita37, a brojni
nalazi upuuju kako su se na tom dijelu Pogorelca nalazile
i razne manufakture te skladita (ael 1974, 725; Nenadi
1987, 97; Loli 2003, 144-145). Po svemu sudei, rije je bilo
o metalurkim i keramiarskim radionicama te o ciglani, pa
se stoga moe pretpostaviti da je na Pogorelcu u carskom
razdoblju bio koncentriran znaajan dio gospodarskih i
industrijskih aktivnosti rimske Siscije. Osim industrijskih
pogona i lukih postrojenja, tamo su se vjerojatno nalazili
i neki stambeni objekti, pa bi se cijelo to podruje moglo
definirati kao predgrae Siscije. Taj prostor vjerojatno nije
imao poseban status ni zaseban urbani identitet, ali je sasvim logino za pretpostaviti da je zadrao svoje staro ime.
U svijetlu natpisa na ovoj sisakoj teseri, moemo pretpostaviti da se u svakodnevnom govoru stanovnika Siscije luka
i industrijska zona na desnoj obali Kupe nazivala Segestika,
i to vjerojatno dugo vremena nakon to je Segestika prestala funkcionirati kao posebna urbana cjelina, moda ak
i do samog kraja Siscije kao rimskog grada. S obzirom na
analogije iz Magdalensberga i Vrhnike, ova tesera bi mogla
pripadati i vrlo ranom razdoblju, odnosno augustovskom
vremenu pa nije iskljueno da se natpis na njoj moda odnosi i na tada jo ivue autohtono naselje, ili pak na rimski
vojni logor koji se smjestio na prostoru Segestike. Ukoliko
prihvatimo tu mogunost, moemo pretpostaviti da je autor natpisa na teseri svoju robu preuzeo odnosno prodao u
Segestici, bilo to mjesto tada naselje ili logor. Teko se moe
rei je li dotina osoba boravila u naselju preko puta, tj. u
Sisciji ili je rije o nekome tko je doao iz nekog udaljenijeg mjesta, kako bi poslovao sa stanovnicima Segestike. Na
teseri se izgleda ne spominju velike koliine robe (osim ako
se brojevi ne odnose na bale, a ne na pojedinane komade
sukna ili odjee), to bi prije upuivalo na maloprodaju, odnosno sitnu trgovinu za koju se u naelu ne isplati prevaljivati velike razdaljine (ukoliko nije rije o luksuznoj i skupoj
robi). Kako natpisi na ostalim sisakim teserama uglavnom
navode niske cijene i male koliine robe, ini se vjerojatnijim
da one predstavljaju trag trgovine na lokalnoj razini, tj. u blioj okolici i unutar grada Siscije.
Zbog nemogunosti ueg datiranja ove tesere, ne bih
pekulirao o tome je li u natpisu rije o autohtonoj Segestici
ili pak o kasnijem rimskom predgrau na desnoj obali Kupe,
koje je moglo imati isto ime. Osobno sam skloniji pretpostavci da natpis na teseri, ukoliko je tona interpretacija kratice R, ukazuje na preuzimanje robe u lukoj zoni na desnoj
obali gdje su se, uz skladita i druga industrijska postrojenja, mogle nalaziti i manufakture za preradu i bojanje vune
te izradu i ienje odjee (officinae lanifricariae, tinctoriae,
37. Ve postojee pretpostavke o postojanju rimske luke na desnoj obali
Kupe potvrdila su arheoloka istraivanja 1985. god., prilikom kojih
su otkriveni znaajni ostaci rimskih lukih postrojenja na lokalitetu
Kovnica, no rezultati istraivanja, s izuzetkom keramikih nalaza
(Wiewegh 2001), jo nisu objavljeni. Neke podatke o tom lokalitetu
prenose: ari 1986, 28-29; Durman 1992, 120; Zaninovi 1993, 54;
Wiewegh 2001, 89-92, 103-104; Durman 2002, 29; Durman 2005, 21-22;
Loli 2003, 141-142. Vano je napomenuti da je Z. Wiewegh svojom
analizom keramikih nalaza nepobitno ustanovio kako je taj dio luke bio
u funkciji od 1. do 4. st. Siscija je po svemu sudei imala dvije luke (CIL
III 11382), a druga luka se vjerojatno nalazila juno od gradskih bedema
na lijevoj obali Kupe, blie uu Save: ael 1974, 725; Nenadi 1987,
79; Buzov 2003, 179.
199; Nenadi 1987, 93; Buzov 1993, 62; 2002, 184-185), archaeological excavations led to the discovery of a Roman port, or quay,37
on the right bank of the Kupa, and numerous finds suggest that
also various manufactures and warehouses stood on that part of
Pogorelec (ael 1974, 725; Nenadi 1987, 97; Loli 2003, 144-145). In
all likelihood, these were metallurgical and pottery workshops and
a brick factory, so one can assume that during the imperial period
at Pogorelec was concentrated a significant portion of economic
and industrial activities of Roman Siscia. In addition to industrial
plants and port facilities, probably also some residential structures
were located there, so that entire area might be defined as the suburbs of Siscia. That area most certainly did not have a special status
nor a distinct urban identity, but it is quite logical to assume that
it retained its old name. In the light of the inscription on this Sisak
tessera, we can assume that in the everyday spoken language of
the inhabitants of Siscia the port and industrial zone on the right
bank of the Kupa was called Segestica, probably a long time after
Segestica ceased functioning as a separate urban unit, perhaps up
until the very end of Siscia as a Roman town. Taking into consideration the analogies from Magdalensberg or Vrhnika, this tessera
could belong to a very early period, more precisely the Augustan
time, so it is not excluded that the inscription on it perhaps relates
to the autochthonous settlement still living at the time, or to the
Roman military camp established on the territory of Segestica. If
we accept that possibility we can assume that the author of the inscription on the tessera took over or sold his goods in Segestica,
irrespective of whether the place at the time was a settlement or
a camp. It is difficult to say if the person in question stayed in the
settlement opposite, i.e. in Siscia, or if it was someone who arrived
from a more remote place in order to do business with the inhabitants of Segestica. It appears that no great quantities of goods are
mentioned on the tessera (unless the numbers refer to bale goods
instead of individual pieces of cloth or clothes), which would be
more suggestive of retail, or small trade for which it is generally not
cost-effective to cross great distances (unless the objects of trade
are luxury and expensive items). As the inscriptions on the remaining Sisak tesserae mostly mention low prices and small quantities
of goods, it seems more probable that they represent a trace of
trade on the local level, i.e. in the closer neighbourhood and within
the town of Siscia.
Due to the impossibility of a more precise dating of this tessera, I do not wish to speculate about whether the inscription refers
to the autochthonous Segestica or to a subsequent Roman suburbs on the right bank of the Kupa that may have had the same
name. Personally, I am much more inclined to the assumption
that the inscription on the tessera, if the interpretation of the abbreviation R is accurate, indicates the taking over of goods in the
port zone on the right bank, where, in addition to warehouses and
other industrial plants, manufactures for processing and colouring
of wool and production and cleaning of clothes may have been
situated (officinae lanifricariae, tinctoriae, infectoriae, fullonicae, of37. The already existing assumptions about the existence of a Roman port
on the right bank of the Kupa were confirmed by archaeological excavations in 1985, when considerable remains of Roman port facilities were
discovered at the site of Kovnica (the Mint), but the results with the
exception of pottery finds (Wiewegh 2001) have not been published yet.
Some information about that site is provided by ari 1986, 28-29; Durman 1992, 120; Zaninovi 1993, 54; Wiewegh 2001, 89-92, 103-104; Durman 2002, 29; 2005, 21-22; Loli 2003, 141-142; It is important to mention
that Z. Wieweghs analysis of pottery finds irrefutably established that
that part of the port was in function from the 1st to the 4th cent.; In all
probability Siscia had two ports (CIL III 11382), and the second one was
probably situated south of the town fortifications on the left bank of the
Kupa, closer to the confluence with the Sava, cf. ael 1974, 725; Nenadi
1987, 79; Buzov 2003, 179
169
infectoriae, fullonicae, officinae fullonum, textrinae). Naime,

prijedlog in kad ga slijedi imenica u ablativu, kao to je to
sluaj na ovom natpisu, podrazumijeva lokaciju u kojoj se
boravi ili neto obavlja (dakle, odgovara na pitanje gdje), a
ne mjesto prema kojem se ide (to bi bio sluaj da pie in
Segesticam, odnosno pravilnije samo Segesticam bez prijedloga in).38 Zato ne vjerujem da sintagma in Segestica oznaava konano odredite robe, ve lokaciju gdje je posao sklopljen ili obavljen (ili pak mjesto gdje je roba proizvedena),
odnosno ako sam tono interpretirao kratice, mjesto gdje
je preuzeto sukno od kojeg su u konanici izraeni gotovi
odjevni predmeti. Zasad je jo uvijek teko pokuati definirati proizvodne procese, oblik i razmjere trgovine tekstilnim
proizvodima u Sisciji. To nisu jedina pitanja na koja je trenutano teko dati uvjerljiv odgovor. Primjerice, moemo se
upitati zato je autor natpisa imao potrebu posebno spominjati Segestiku, tim vie to se taj toponim ne spominje na
drugim sisakim teserama? Koliko god bile brojne sisake
tesere koje se uvaju u Arheolokom muzeju u Zagrebu,
ipak je rije o sluajnom uzorku i statistiki vjerojatno zanemarivom postotku olovnih robnih markica koje su neko
bile u svakodnevnoj uporabi u Sisciji, pa nepostojanje vie
tesera na kojima se spominje Segestika (ili bilo koji drugi toponim) u muzejskoj zbirci moe biti samo plod sluajnosti.
Ipak, injenica da meu vie od 1000 sauvanih ploica iste
namjene nema ni jedne druge na kojoj se spominje Segestika, navodi na razmiljanje. Je li nakon nekog vremena bilo
samo po sebi razumljivo da se roba preuzima ili isporuuje
na desnoj obali Kupe, gdje su uz luku bila skladita i proizvodni pogoni pa nitko vie nije imao potrebe naglaavati
gdje ide po robu (ili s robom)? Ili se taj oblik trgovine samo
iznimno odvijao na prostoru Pogorelca? A moda je stvarno rije o teseri iz ranog razdoblja rimske okupacije kad je
starosjedilaka Segestika jo mogla postojati kao zasebna
urbana cjelina? Zato nema cijene ili imena osobe zaduene
za robu, kao to je to sluaj na veini ostalih tesera? Preostaje nam samo nadati se kako e daljnja analiza velike kolekcije rimskih robnih markica iz Siska ponuditi odgovor na ta i
brojna druga pitanja, vezana uz gospodarski ivot Siscije.
ficinae fullonum, textrinae). The preposition in, when followed by a

noun in the ablative case, as is the case on this inscription, implies
the location in which one spends time or does something (i.e. answers the question: where), not a place to which one is directed
(which would be the case if it were written in Segesticam, or more
accurately only Segesticam withouth the preposition in).38 I therefore do not believe that the syntagm in Segestica denotes the final
destination of the commodity, but rather the site where the business was concluded or carried out (or the site where the commodity was produced), or, if my interpretation of the abbreviations is
correct, the site where the cloth was taken over, from which eventually finished clothing items were produced. It is at present still
difficult to attempt to define the production processes, the form
and proportions of the trade in textile products in Siscia. These
are not the only questions to which it is presently difficult to give
a convincing answer. For instance, we may ask ourselves why did
the author of the inscription feel the need to specifically mention
Segestica, all the more so as that toponym is not mentioned on
the other Sisak tesserae? As numerous as the Sisak tesserae kept
in the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb are, they are still a random sample and a statistically probably insignificant percentage
of lead commodity labels once in everyday use in Siscia, so a lack
of more tesserae mentioning Segestica (or any other toponym) in
the Museum collection is perhaps fortuitous. Nevertheless, the
fact that among more than 1000 preserved tags of the same purpose there is no other one on which Segestica is mentioned does
lead one to think. Was it after some time self-understanding that
the commodities are taken over or delivered on the right bank of
the Kupa, where in addition to the port were also warehouses and
production plants so nobody felt a need any longer to specifically
state where he goes to collect goods (or with the goods)? Or was
that form of trade only exceptionally carried out at Pogorelec? Or
perhaps we really have here a tessera from the early period of Roman occupation when the autochthonous Segestica may still have
existed as a separate urban unit? Why is there no price or name of
the person in charge of the goods, as is the case on the majority
of the remaining tesserae? We are left only with the hope that the
further analysis of the large collection of Roman commodity labels
from Sisak would offer us the answers to those and many other
questions relating to the economic life of Siscia.
38. Usp. biljeku 2.
38. cf. note 2.
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Keramika tankih stijenki s tri odabrana poloaja u Vinkovcima

Thin-walled Pottery from Three Chosen Sites in Vinkovci
IVANA OANI ROGULJI
HR 10000 Zagreb
ivana.ozanic@iarh.hr

Antika arheologija

Roman archaeology
UDK/UDC 904:738](497.5 Vinkovci)652
U ovom se radu obrauje keramika tankih stijenki s tri odabrana poloaja u Vinkovcima. Lokalitet
Liskovac, koji se nalazi izvan urbane strukture Cibala, pokazuje i najstariji nalaz iz sredine 1. st.
Keramika s dva lokaliteta (Vinkovci Komercijalna banka, Vinkovci Varteks), koji se nalaze u
samome sreditu Cibala, pokazala su materijal iz vremena kada se ve uvrstila rimska vlast i vrijeme
kada u Donjoj Panoniji poinje razdoblje intenzivnog naseljavanja i keramike proizvodnje.1
Kljune rijei: rimska keramika, keramika tankih stjenki, Vinkovci, Cibalae
This work presents the analysis of thin-walled pottery from three chosen sites in Vinkovci. The site of
Liskovac, situated outside the urban structure of Cibalae, yielded the earliest find, from the mid-1st
cent. The pottery from the remaining two sites (Vinkovci Commercial Bank, Vinkovci Varteks),
located in the very centre of Cibalae, yielded material from the time when Roman authority was
already firm and when a period of intensive settlement and ceramic production began in Lower
Pannonia. 1
key words: Roman pottery, thin-walled pottery, Vinkovci, Cibalae
Na stolovima Rimljana javlja se jedna vrsta finog posua

koja se naziva keramika tankih stijenki. Najee su to ae ili
zdjelice, izraene od kvalitetne proiene gline, a debljina
stijenke se kree od 0,5 do 5 mm (Montana et al. 2003, 375).
Proizvodnja keramike tankih stijenki cvjetala je u vrijeme
kasne Republike i ranog Rimskog Carstva. Glavni centri proizvodnje bili su u sjevernoj Italiji, posebno u podruju rijeke
Po, no proizvodnja se brzo rairila i u druga sredita Rimskog
Carstva (Kampanija, jadranska obala, Sicilija, sredinja i juna
Francuska, Betika, Luzitanija i Panonija) (Hayes 1997, 67; Montana et al. 2003, 376). Posude tankih stijenki oblikovane su na
kolu ili u kalupima, a ukraavane su na vie naina. Mogle su
2
imati glatku povrinu bez ukrasa, pjeskovitu povrinu , reljefni barbotin ukras i ukras izveden otrim koncem. Posude
tankih stijenki esto imitiraju predmete od drugih materijala,
npr. stakla ili srebra (Brukner 1981, 36; Plesniar-Gec 1990, 149;
Hayes 1997, 67).
A type of fine pottery, called thin-walled pottery, appears

on the tables of the Romans. These are most frequently cups
or small bowls, made of quality refined clay, with the walls
between 0,5 and 5 mm thick (Montana et al. 2003, 375). The
production of thin-walled pottery flourished in the time of
the late Republic and early Roman Empire. The main centres
of production were in northern Italy, particularly in the area of
the Po river, but the production quickly spread to other centres of the Roman Empire (Campania, the Adriatic Coast, Sicily,
central and southern France, Betica, Lusitania and Pannonia)
(Hayes 1997, 67; Montana et al. 2003, 376). Thin-walled vessels were shaped on a wheel or in moulds, and decorated in
a number of ways. They could have a smooth surface without
2
decoration, a sandy surface , a relief barbotine decoration and
decoration executed with a sharp thread. Thin-walled vessels
often emulate objects made of other materials, e.g. glass or
silver (Brukner 1981, 36; Plesniar-Gec 1990, 149; Hayes 1997,
67).
1. Zahvaljujem djelatnicima Gradskog muzeja Vinkovci na ustupljenom

materijalu. Crtee su izradile Marta Perki i Miljenka Gali.
2. Na glatku povrinu se izvana ili iznutra navlaio sloj finog pijeska. Najvjerojatnije se na posudu prije peenja nalio sloj jako razrijeene gline
te se tada nanosio fini pijesak.
1. I would like to thank my colleagues in the Vinkovci Municipal Museum

for the lent material. The drawings were made by Marta Perki and
Miljenka Gali.
2. A coat of fine sand was applied to the smooth surface on the outside or
inside. Most probably first a coat of highly diluted clay was poured over
a vessel prior to firing, and then the fine sand was applied.
173
I. OANI ROGULJI, Keramika tankih stijenki s tri odabrana poloaja u Vinkovcima, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 173-180.
Plan 1 Poloaj lokaliteta: 1. Vinkovci Komercijalna banka, 2. Vinkovci Varteks, 3. Liskovac

Plan 1 Position of the sites: 1. Vinkovci Commercial Bank, 2. Vinkovci Varteks, 3. Liskovac

U Donjoj Panoniji uvoz sjevernoitalske robe, koju
predstavlja terra sigillata i keramika tankih stijenki, poinje
u julijevsko-klaudijevsko doba (Vago 1977, 78-80; Brukner
1981, 19; Zabehlicky-Scheffeneger 1988, 227-229). Akvileja
je bila glavni posrednik pri trgovini ovom robom (Viki-Belani 1962/1963, 90; Zabehlicky-Scheffeneger 1988, 235).
Nalazi keramike tankih stijenki od posebnog su znaaja za
razumijevanje poetaka romanizacije Panonije. U Panoniju
se uvoze od 1. st. kao izuzetno kvalitetna i popularna roba.
Pokazatelj su novog ukusa na ovom prostoru i smatraju se
svjedoanstvom dolaska vojske, trgovaca i obrtnika poetkom 1. st. Pojava keramike tankih stijenki u logorima i
ranim naseljima sredinom 1. st. istodobna je s domorodakom keramikom (Brukner 1981, 37; Iskra-Janoi 2001, 57;
Dizdar, Radman Livaja 2005, 38).
U Ptuju, Gomolavi i Sirmiju moemo pretpostaviti radionike centre ove vrste keramike (Brukner 1971, 36; Brukner 1981, 36; Plesniar-Gec 1990, 149; Isteni 1999, 114).
Keramika tankih stijenki u lokalnim radionicama izrauje
se do poetka 2. st. (Viki-Belani 1967, 30; Brukner 1992,
26; Isteni 1999, 114; Wiewegh 2003, 48-49).
In Lower Pannonia the import of goods from northern

Italy, consisting of terra sigillata and thin-walled pottery,
begins in the Iulian-Claudian period (Vago 1977, 78-80;
Brukner 1981, 19; Zabehlicky-Scheffeneger 1988, 227-229).
Aquileia was the main intermediary in the trade of these
goods (Viki-Belani 1962/1963, 90; Zabehlicky-Scheffeneger 1988, 235). The finds of thin-walled pottery are of
particular importance for understanding the beginnings of
the romanization of Pannonia. They start being imported
into Pannonia from the 1st cent. as an exceptionally fine and
popular commodity. They are an indicator of a new taste in
this area and are considered testimony of the arrival of the
army, merchants and craftsmen at the beginning of the 1st
cent. The appearance of thin-walled pottery in camps and
early settlements in the mid-1st cent. is contemporary with
indigenous pottery (Brukner 1981, 37; Iskra-Janoi 2001, 57;
Dizdar, Radman Livaja 2005, 38).
In Ptuj, Gomolava and Sirmium we can assume workshop
centres of this type of pottery (Brukner 1971, 36; Brukner
1981, 36; Plesniar-Gec 1990, 149; Isteni 1999, 114). Thinwalled pottery is produced in the local workshops until the
beginning of the 2nd cent. (Viki-Belani 1967, 30; Brukner
1992, 26; Isteni 1999, 114; Wiewegh 2003, 48-49).
U Vinkovcima ve imamo dokumetniranu ovu vrstu

keramike i to: zdjela tip 16 prema O. Brukner i zdjele s barbotin ukrasom s lokaliteta Nama (Brukner 1981, 81, T. 57,63
(AMZ); Iskra-Janoi 1988, 6, 1; Iskra-Janoi 1999, 142, kat.
br. 280 (inv. br. GMV A 2673, A 3527).
This type of pottery has already been documented in

Vinkovci: a bowl of type 16 after Brukner and bowls with
barbotine decoration from the site of Nama (Brukner 1981,
81, Pl. 57,63 (AMZ); Iskra-Janoi 1988, 6, 1; Iskra-Janoi 1999,
142, Cat. No. 280 (inv. nr. GMV A 2673, A 3527).
We dedicate particular attention in this work to the finds
174
I. OANI ROGULJI, Thin-walled Pottery from Three Chosen Positions in Vinkovci, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 173-180.
U ovom radu posebno se osvremo na nalaze keramike

tankih stijenki s tri istraivanja u Vinkovcima. Dva lokaliteta se nalaze u samom sreditu Vinkovaca i smjeteni su uz
jugozapadni dio foruma. Istraivani su pod nazivom Vinkovci Komercijalna banka i Vinkovci Varteks. Lokaliet
Varteks istraivan je od 8. oujka do 13. travnja 1982. god.
Podruje je bilo podijeljeno na kvadrante A-G. Istraena
je povrina od 440 m2. Lokalitet Vinkovci Komercijalna
banka istraivao se od 5. rujna do 19. listopada 1973. god.
Sonda ili sektor koji se istraivao imao je dimenzije 11 x 14
m i bio je podijeljen na 4 kvadranta te jedno proirenje.
Prilikom istraivanja obaju lokaliteta otkrivena je velika
koliina rimskog keramikog materijala, stakla te neto
bronanih i kotanih predmeta. Naen je i keramiki materijal starevake i vinkovake kulture. Rimska keramika
nalazi se na relativnoj dubini 0,00-3,00 m, dok se ispod
toga nalazi prethistorijska keramika izmijeana s rimskom
(Iz terenskog dnevnika Arhiv GMV-a; Oani 2004, 12-16,
Oani 2005, 135). Trei lokalitet pod imenom Liskovac nalazi se na periferiji Vinkovaca. Dio lokaliteta istraen je pri
izgradnji istone obilaznice Vinkovaca 2003. god. (Oani
2003, 185-186; Oani Rogulji 2006, 217). Lokalitet se nalazi nedaleko poznatog keltskog naselja Dirov Brijeg (Dizdar 2001, 25). U istraivanjima su otkrivene 34 jame koje
pripadaju rimskom i srednjovjekovnom razdoblju, te jedna
jednostavna pe (Oani 2003, 185). U jamama je naena
vea koliina keramike te malo metalnih predmeta.3
Na ova tri lokaliteta pronaeno je ukupno 11 ulomaka
tankih stijenki. Devet na lokalitetu Komercijalna banka i
po jedan ulomak na lokalitetima Varteks i Liskovac (Oani
2004, 50).
Ulomci zdjelica s barbotin ukrasom oblikovanim u girlandu prema izvedbi ukrasa i fakturi najvjerojatnije su proizvod radionice u Sirmiju (kat. br. 1, 2, 4). Datiraju se od druge polovice 1. do druge polovice 2. st. (Gassner 1990 (1991),
265-266; Gassner 1992, 450; Dimitrova-Mileva 1992, 484,
sl. 11; Petznek 1999 (2000), 221).
Na ulomcima (kat. br. 3, 7) je ukras zareza izveden tankim koncem, a s obzirom da su to donji dijelovi posuda,
zbog loe ouvanosti ne moemo znati kako je izgledao
gornji dio posude. Prema fakturi ulomak kat. br. 3. mogao
bi biti izraen u radionici u Sirmiju (Gassner 1990 (1991),
265-266; Petznek 1999 (2000), 221). Mogue je da je nastavljen ukras zareza ili je izraen barbotin ukras kao na
ulomku (kat. br. 6), gdje je ukras zareza u donjem dijelu,
dok barbotin ukras u gornjem dijelu predstavlja stilizirano
lie, a datira se u drugu polovicu 1. st. (imi-Kanaet 2003,
120, T. 9,4).
Ulomak ruba (kat. br. 8) isti je tip i ukras kao i zdjelice
otkrivene na lokalitetu Nama 1977. god. Ukras predstavlja
neku vrstu vodenih listova. Prema analogijama iz Emone,
datira se u doba Flavijevaca (Plesniar-Gec 1977, 17; IskraJanoi 1988, 6, 1; Brukner 1995, T. V,50; Iskra-Janoi 1999,
kat. br. 280).
Na lokalitetu Komercijalna banka (kat. br. 9) naena je
of thin-walled pottery from three excavations in Vinkovci.

Two sites are located in the very centre of Vinkovci, lying
next to the southwestern part of the forum. They were excavated under the title of Vinkovci Komercijalna banka (Commercial Bank) and Vinkovci Varteks. The site of Varteks was
excavated from March 8th to April 13th 1982. The area was
divided into squares A-G. A total area of 440 square metres
was excavated. The site of Vinkovci Commercial Bank was
excavated from September 5th to October 19th 1973. The
excavated trench or sector measured 11 by 14 m and it was
divided into 4 squares and one extension. A large quantity
of Roman ceramics was discovered during the excavation
of both sites, as well as several bronze and bone objects.
Pottery belonging to the Starevo and Vinkovci cultures
was also found there. The Roman pottery lies at the relative
depth of 0,00-3,00 m, while below lies prehistoric pottery
mixed with the Roman one (From the field diary Archives
of the VMM; Oani 2004, 12-16, Oani 2005, 135). The third
site, with the name of Liskovac, is situated on the outskirts
of Vinkovci. A part of the site was excavated when the eastern bypass of Vinkovci was being built in 2003 (Oani 2003,
185-186; Oani Rogulji 2006, 217). The site is located near
the renowned Celtic settlement at Dirov Brijeg (Dizdar 2001,
25). Thirty-four pits from the Roman and mediaeval periods
were discovered in the excavations, as well as a simple kiln
(Oani 2003, 185). The pits contained a large quantity of
3
pottery and some metal objects.
A total of 11 fragments of thin-walled pottery were
found on these three sites: nine on the Commercial Bank
site and one each on the Varteks and Liskovac sites (Oani
2004, 50).
Judging by the rendering of decoration and the texture,
the fragments of small bowls with barbotine decoration
shaped into a garland are most probably the product of a
workshop in Sirmium (Cat. No. 1, 2, 4). They are dated from
the second half of the 1st cent. until the second half of the
2nd cent. (Gassner 1990 (1991), 265-266; Gassner 1992, 450;
Dimitrova-Mileva 1992, 484, Fig. 11; Petznek 1999 (2000),
221).
The fragments (Cat. No. 3, 7) are decorated with notches
executed by a thin thread, and considering that these are
lower portions of vessels, owing to poor preservation we
cannot know what the upper portion of the vessel looked
like. Considering the texture, the fragment Cat. No. 3 may
have been produced in the workshop in Sirmium (Gassner
1990 (1991), 265-266; Petznek 1999 (2000), 221). It is possible
that notched decoration continued or that barbotine decoration was applied as in the case of fragment (Cat. No. 6),
where notched decoration appears in the lower part, while
barbotine decoration in the upper portion depicts stylized
leaves. It is dated to the second half of the 1st cent. (imiKanaet 2003, 120, Pl. 9,4).
A rim fragment (Cat. No. 8) is the same type and decoration as the bowls found on the Nama site in 1977. The
decoration represents water leaves of sorts. It is dated to
the Flavian period by analogies from Emona (Plesniar-Gec
1977, 17; Iskra-Janoi 1988, 6, 1; Brukner 1995, Pl. V,50; IskraJanoi 1999, Cat. No. 280).
A small hemispherical bowl with notched decoration
in several rows, with two cannelures below the decoration
3. Objava nalaza s ovih lokaliteta je u pripremi za tisak.
3. The publication of finds from these sites is being prepared for print.
175
zdjelica poluloptastog oblika s ukrasom zareza u vie redova koja ima dvije kanelure ispod ukrasa i jednu iznad
(Iskra-Janoi 1999, 142, kat. br. 28, 1; inv. br. GMV A 3528).
Upravo takav tip zdjelice je najei inventar emonskih
nekropola od Tiberija i dijelu 2. st. (Plesniar-Gec 1977, 18)
te u naseobinskim slojevima Emone, Drnovu, Ptuju i Sisku
(Plesniar-Gec 1977, 20; Vidoevi 2003, 24, T. 21,14-15).
Zdjelice slinog oblika i ukrasa prisutne su i u Mursi, Sirmiju i Gomolavi (Brukner 1981, T. 57,52-56 (Brukner tip 14);
Brukner 1987, T. 23,1; Brukner 1992, 26-27, T. 1,5-6; Brukner
1995, T. XXII,222-223).
Na zdjelici od sive gline s crnim premazom, naenoj na
lokalitetu Vinkovci Varteks (kat. be. 10), je barbotin ukras
razvueno slovo S u jednom redu iznad kojeg je ravna
reljefna traka. Ova zdjelica je izraena pomalo neuredno
i prema sadanjim saznanjima nemamo pravu analogiju
ovom ukrasu. U Akvileji je naena zdjelica sa slinim ukrasom. A. Ricci navodi da se takav ukras nalazi u podruju
rijeke Po i uz limes. Datiran je u carsko doba, no nalazi su
uglavnom iz slojeva koji se ne mogu detaljnije odrediti,
to je sluaj i u Vinkovcima (Ricci 1985, 322, ukras br. 163, T.
CIV,7). Slian sitniji motiv, takoer na crnosivim zdjelicama,
pripada fabrikatu E koji se datira od 35. god. po. Kr. i nalazi se na drukijem tipu zdjelica (Zabehlicky-Scheffeneger
1979, 26, T. 4,18; Dimitrova-Mileva 1992, 484, sl. 9).
Zdjelica (kat. br. 11) s lokaliteta Liskovac pripada fabrikatu F i prema tome se moe datirati od 25. god. po. Kr.
(Schindler-Kaudelka 1975, T 26,123e).
ZAKLJUAK

Moe se rei kako je iznenaujue mala koliina
keramike naena u samom sreditu Cibala. Pregledano je
ukupno 3883 ulomaka na lokalitetima uz forum, od ega je
izdvojeno tek njih deset ove vrste keramike. Premda je rije
o malom uzorku, dobivena je zanimljiva slika.
Lokalitet Liskovac, koji se nalazi izvan urbane strukture
Cibala, donio je najstariji nalaz. Keramika s dva poloaja uz
forum datira se u vrijeme kada se ve uvrstila rimska vlast
i kada u Donjoj Panoniji poinje razdoblje intenzivnog naseljavanja. I ostali keramiki materijal pokazuje slinu situaciju. Keramika s lokaliteta Liskovac datira se od sredine 1.
st., dok se veina materijala iz centra Cibala datira od 2. do
3. st. Zanimljiva je prisutnost samo jednog ulomka sivocrne zdjelice, dok je ostalo posue u nijansama crvene boje.
Vano je istaknuti i da prevladava keramika izraena u junopanonskim radionicama, najvjerojatnije u Sirmiju.
U Donjoj Panoniji su ae i zdjelice, izraene u tehnici
keramike tankih stijenki, zastupljene na mnogim lokalitetima (Gomolava, Vukovar, Sirmium, Mursa, Dumbovo, Teutoburgium, Burgenae, Cornacum, Acumincum, Cucium,
Certissia) (Brukner 1981, T. 55-59; Filipovi 1997, 97, kat. br.
177-178; Dizdar, otari, Jelini 2003, T. 2,6; Jelini 2003,
80). Nuna bi bila detaljna analiza tog materijala koja bi
sasvim sigurno pokazala zanimljivu sliku odnosa uvoza i
lokalne proizvodnje ove ekskluzivne vrste keramike.
176
and one cannelure above it, was found on the site of Commercial Bank (Cat. No. 9) (Iskra-Janoi 199, 142, Cat. No. 28,
1; Inv. No. GMV A 3528). Precisely this type of a small bowl
is the most frequent inventory of the Emonian necropolises
from Tiberius and in a part of the 2nd cent. (Plesniar-Gec
1977, 18), as well as in the settlement layers of Emona, Drnovo, Ptuj and Sisak (Plesniar-Gec 1977, 20; Vidoevi 2003,
24, Pl. 21,14-15). Small bowls of similar shape and decoration are present also in Mursa, Sirmium and in Gomolava
(Brukner 1981, Pl. 57,52-56 (Brukner type 14); Brukner 1987,
Pl. 23,1; Brukner 1992, 26-27, Pl. 1,5-6; Brukner 1995, Pl. XXII,
222-223).
A small bowl of grey clay with black slip, found on the
site of Vinkovci Varteks (Cat. No. 10) has a barbotine decoration in the shape of an extended letter S in one row, with
a straight relief stripe above it. The workmanship of this
small bowl is somewhat ungainly and there is at present no
proper analogy to this decoration. A small bowl with similar decoration was found in Aquileia. Ricci mentions that
such decoration is found in the Po river area and along the
limes. It is dated to the imperial period, but the finds come
mostly from the layers that cannot be determined precisely,
which is also the case in Vinkovci (Ricci 1985, 322, decoration No. 163, Pl. CIV,7). A similar smaller motif, also on blackgrey small bowls, belongs to the manufacture E, which is
dated from 35 A.D. and present on a different type of small
bowl (Zabehlicky-Scheffeneger 1979, 26, Pl. 4,18; DimitrovaMileva 1992, 484, Fig. 9).
A small bowl (Cat. No. 11) from the Liskovac site belongs
to the manufacture F and can therefore be dated from year
25 A.D. (Schindler-Kaudelka 1975, Pl. 26,123e).
CONCLUSION
It can be said that the quantity of pottery found in the

very centre of Cibalae is surprisingly small. A total of 3883
fragments from the sites next to forum was observed, of
which only ten belonging to this ceramic type were distinguished. Even though the sample is relatively small, the picture acquired is quite interesting.
The site of Liskovac, situated outside the urban structure of Cibalae, yielded the earliest find. The pottery from
the two sites next to the forum is dated to the period when
Roman authority was already firm and when a period of intensive settlement began in Lower Pannonia. The remaining ceramic material shows a similar situation. The pottery
from the Liskovac site is dated from the mid-1st cent., while
the bulk of the material from the centre of Cibalae dates
from the 2nd to the 3rd cent. It is interesting that only one
fragment of a black-grey small bowl was found, while the
remaining vessels appear in hues of red.
Cups and small bowls made in the thin-wall technique
are present in numerous sites in Lower Pannonia (Gomolava, Vukovar, Sirmium, Mursa, Dumbovo, Teutoburgium, Burgenae, Cornacum, Acumincum, Cucium, Certissia) (Brukner
1981, Pl. 55-59; Filipovi 1997, 97, Cat. No. 177-178; Dizdar,
otari, Jelini 2003, Pl. 2,6; Jelini 2003, 80). A detailed
analysis of that material is necessary, which would most
certainly show an interesting picture of the relationship of
the imports and local production of this exclusive pottery
type.
KATALOG
CATALOGUE
T. 1
1. Zdjelica, ulomak ruba i stijenke, GMV A 1828.
Ukraen barbotinom oblikovanim u girlandu;

Fabrikat: juna Panonija, Sirmij;

G: tvrda, bez primjesa, crvenkastouta, 5YR 7/6
reddish yellow;

P: po itavom ulomku, blago izlizan, mat, crven,
2.5YR 5/8 red;

V: 3,5 cm; DR: 9 cm; ds: 0,2 cm;

Mjesto nalaza: V, 3,00, Vinkovci
Komercijalna banka;

Datacija: 1. st. (Gassner 1992, T. 9);

Prethodna objava: Oani 2004, T. 11,1.
Pl. 1
1. A small bowl, a fragment of the rim and wall, GMV
A 1828. Decorated with barbotine in the form of
a garland;
Manufacture: south Pannonia, Sirmium;
C: harder, without inclusions, 5YR 7/6 reddish
yellow;
S: over the entire fragment, gently faded, matte,
red, 2.5 YR 5/8 red
H: 3,5 cm; RD: 9 cm; WT: 0,2 cm;
Site of discovery: V, 3,00, Vinkovci
Commercial Bank;
Dating: 1st cent. (Gassner 1992, Pl. 9);
Previous publication: Oani 2004, Pl. 11,1.
2.
2.
G: glina, P: premaz, V: visina, DR: promjer ruba, DD:

promjer dna, ds: debljina stijenki.
Za boje koriten je Munsell Soil Color Chart, New York
1998.

3.

4.

5.

Zdjelica, ulomak stijenke, s oteenim barbotin

ukrasom, GMV A 1829;
G: tvrda, bez primjesa, crvenkastouta 5 YR 7/6
reddish yellow;
P: vidljivi tragovi kista, sjajan, crvenkastout, 5 YR
5/6 yellowish red;
V: 4,3 cm; ds: 0,3 cm;
Mjesto nalaza: Vinkovci Komercijalna banka;
Ulomak stijenke zdjelice ukraen zarezima koji su
izvedeni tankim koncem, GMV A 1830;
G: tvrda, bez primjesa, crvenkastouta, 5 YR 7/6
reddish yellow;
P: mat, svijetlocrven 2.5 YR 6/8 light red;
V: 2,3 cm; ds: 0,3 cm;
Datacija: 1. st.-poetak 2. st.;
Ulomak stijenke zdjelice s barbotin ukrasom
oblikovanim kao girlanda, GMV A 1832;
G: tvrda, bez primjesa,crvenkastout 5 YR 7/6
reddish yellow;
P: mat, ukastocrven, 5 YR 5/8 yellowish red;
V: 2,5 cm; ds: 0,3 cm;
Prethodna objava: Oani 2004, T. 11, 4.
Ulomak ravnog dna zdjelice;
reddish yellow;
P: mat, ukastocrven 5 YR 5/8 yellowish red;
C: Clay, S: Slip, H: Height, RD: Rim diameter, BD: Base

diameter, WT: Wall thickness.
The Munsell Soil Color Chart (New York, 1998) was used
for colour recognition.

3.

4.

5.

A small bowl, a fragment of the wall, with a dam

aged barbotine decoration, GMV A 1829;
C: hard, without inclusions, 5 YR 7/6 reddish yel
low;
S: visible traces of brush, glossy, 5 YR 5/6 yellowish
red;
H: 4,3 cm; WT: 0,3 cm;
Site of discovery: Vinkovci Commercial Bank;
A fragment of the wall of a small bowl, decorated
with notches executed with a thin thread, GMV A
1830;
low;
S: matte, 2.5 YR 6/8 light red;
H: 2,3 cm; WT: 0,3 cm;
Dating: 1st cent.-beginning of the 2nd cent.;
A fragment of the wall of a small bowl with barbo
tine decoration in the shape of a garland,
GMV A 1832;
low;
S: matte, 5 YR 5/8 yellowish red;
H: 2,5 cm; WT: 0,3 cm;
A fragment of a flat base of a small bowl;
low;
H: 1 cm; BD: 4 cm; WT: 0,4 cm;
177
V: 1 cm; DD: 4 cm; ds: 0,4 cm;

Zdjelica, ulomak stjenke, barbotin ukras i zarezi

izvedeni tankim koncem, GMV A
1832;

G: tvrda bez primjesa, crvenkastouta, 5 YR 7/6
reddish yellow;

P: mat, crven, 2.5 YR 5/8 red;

V: 3,5 cm; ds: 0,3 cm;

Datacija: 1. st.;



6.
A small bowl, a fragment of the wall, barbotine

decoration and notches executed with a thin
thread, GMV A 1832;
low;
S: matte, 2.5 YR 5/8 red;
H: 3,5 cm; WT: 0,3 cm;
6.
7.

8.

9.

10.
178
Zdjelica, ulomak dna i stijenke, s ukrasom zareza

izvedenih tankim koncem, GMV A 1833;
reddish yellow;
P: izlizan, nije mogue oitati boju, vidljiv u
tragovima;
V: 2 cm, ds: 0,3 cm;
Datacija: 1. st.-poetak 2. st.;
Ulomak ruba i stijenke zdjelice s barbotin
ukrasom, GMV A 1834;
G: tvrda, bez primjesa, ruiasta, 7.5 YR 8/3 pink;
P: kvalitetan, sjajan, crvenkastout, 5 YR 6/6
reddish yellow;
V: 2,5 cm; ds: 0,2 cm;
Zdjelica s ukrasom zareza izvedenih tankim
koncem, GMV A 3528;
G: tvrda, bez primjesa, ruiasta 7.5 YR 8/3 pink;
P: mat, crven, 2.5 YR red;
V: 6 cm; DR: 16 cm; DD: (prema rekonstrukciji) 4,5
cm; ds: 0,5 cm;
Datacija: druga polovica 1. st.-poetak 2. st.;
Ulomak ruba i stijenke zdjelice s barbotin
ukrasom razvuena slova S po trbuhu posude,
ravna reljefna traka iznad, ukras kanelura uz rub u
unutranjosti posude, GMV A 1927;
G: tvrda, siva;
P: mat, crn;
V: 3,9 cm; DR: 10 cm, ds: 0,2 cm;
Mjesto nalaza: Vinkovci Varteks, D 0,401,40 m, A 3,30-3,70 m;
Datacija: kraj 1. st.-poetak 2. st.;

7.

8.

9.

10.
A small bowl, a fragment of the base and wall,

with notched decoration executed with a thin
thread, GMV A 1833;
low;
S: faded, colour cannot be determined, visible in
traces;
H: 2 cm; WT: 0,3 cm;
Dating: 1st cent.-beginning of the 2nd cent.;
A fragment of the rim and wall of a small bowl
with barbotine decoration, GMV A 1834;
C: hard, without inclusions, 7.5 YR 8/3 pink;
S: good quality, glossy, 5 YR 6/6 reddish yellow;
H: 2,5 cm; WT: 0,2 cm;
A small bowl with notched decoration executed
with a thin thread, GMV A 3528;
C: hard, without inclusions, 7.5 YR 8/3 pink;
S: matte, 2.5 YR red;
H: 6 cm; RD: 16 cm; BD (after reconstruction): 4,5
cm; WT: 0,5 cm;
Dating: second half of the 1st cent.-beginning of
the 2nd cent.;
A fragment of the rim and wall of a small bowl
with barbotine decoration extended letters S
over the belly of the vessel, a straight relief stripe
above the cannelures along the rim in the
interior of the vessel, GMV A 1927;
C: hard, grey;
S: matte, black;
H: 3,9 cm; RD: 10 cm; WT: 0,2 cm;
Site of discovery: Vinkovci Varteks, D 0,401,40
m, A 3,30-3,70 m;
Dating: the end of the 1st cent.-beginning of the
2nd cent.;
11. Zdjelica, ulomak ruba i stijenke s barbotin

ukrasom;

reddish yellow;

P: mat, ukastocrven 5 YR 5/8 yellowish red;

V: 3,5 cm; DR: 9 cm; ds: 0,2 cm;

Mjesto nalaza: Vinkovci Liskovac, B9, sj 46/47,
82,54-82,07 m;

Datacija: sredina 1. st. (Schindler-Kaudelka 1975,
T. 26,123e);
Neobjavljeno.
11.
A small bowl, a fragment of the rim and wall

with barbotine decoration;
C: hard, without inclusions, 5 YR 7/6 reddish
yellow;
H: 3,5 cm; RD: 9 cm; WT: 0,2 cm;
Site of discovery: Vinkovci Liskovac, B9,
SU 46/47, 82,54-82, 07 m;
Dating: mid-1st cent. (Schindler-Kaudelka 1975, Pl.
26,123e);
Unpublished.
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Viki-Belani B., 1967, Rimska keramika proizvodnja na podruju Save i
Drave I.-IV. st. s obzirom na proizvodnju glinenih svjetiljki, tipkopis, Zagreb
Wiewegh Z., 2003, Jugoistona nekropola Siscije, Sisak
Zabehlicky-Scheffenegger S., Kandler M., 1979, Burnum I, Erster Bericht
ber die Kleinfunde der Grabungen 1973 und 1974 auf dem Forum,
Wien
Zabehlicky-Scheffenegger S., 1988, Chronologie und Stratigraphie der
vorgeschischlichen und antiken Kulturen den Donauniedierung
und Sdosteuropas, u: Gomolava, Internationales Syposium Ruma
1986, Novi Sad, 227-249.
179
T. 1
T.1 1-9 Komercijalna banka, 10 Varteks, 11 Liskovac

Pl. 1 1-9 Komercijalna banka, 10 Varteks, 11 Liskovac
180
Beneficiarii consularis na podruju Delmata

Beneficiarii consularis in the territory of the Delmatae
MARIN ZANINOVI
Aleja pomoraca 5
HR 10020 Zagreb

Antika arheologija

Roman archaeology
UDK/UDC 930.27(497.5-3 Dalmacija)
352.07(398)
355.312(398)
Beneficijari su u vrijeme principata i kasnije uvari javne sigurnosti. U provinciji Dalmaciji se

pojavljuju na natpisima nakon to su je napustile legije i pomone ete. Njihova je prisutnost
naglaenija u podruju plemena Delmata, kao nosilaca otpora rimskim osvajanjima tijekom
stoljea i pol. Nakon rimskog mira nalazimo ih najvie u Saloni i u unutranjosti na glavnim
mjestima prijanjeg otpora i prometne vanosti.
Kljune rijei: Delmati, logori, beneficijari, legije, kohorte
During the Principate and later on the beneficiarii were guardians of public security. In the province
of Dalmatia they appear in the inscriptions after the legions and auxiliary units had left. Their presence is more pronounced in the territory of the tribe of the Delmatae, as the bearers of resistance to
the Roman conquests during a century and a half. Following the Pax Romana we find them mostly
in Salona and in the interior on the main spots of previous resistance and traffic junctions.
Key words: the Delmatae, camps, beneficiarii, legions, cohorts
Mono ilirsko pleme Delmata bilo je uporno u pruanju

otpora rimskim osvajanjima na svom podruju. Taj se otpor
javio ve nakon propasti ilirske drave 167. god. pr. Kr., kada
su se osjetili slobodni u svojim akcijama i napadaju isejske
naseobine u Traguriju i Epetiju kao i svoje june susjede Daorse.
Konano su pokoreni nakon guenja velikog ilirsko-panonskog
Batonova ustanka od 6. do 9. god. poslije Krista. U krvi i ognju
legije su slomile herojsku borbu za slobodu i zauzele njihovo
podruje, kao i itav Ilirik (Zaninovi 1966; Zaninovi 1996). Radi
nadzora njihova podruja, Rimljani su sagradili dva legijska
logora. Na zapadu to je bio Burnum (Ivoevci kod Kistanja na
desnoj obali rijeke Titija (Krke), gdje je bio laki prijelaz preko
vode. Osim toga, ova je rijeka bila granica Delmata i Liburna,
koji su ivjeli zapadno do Histrije uz obalu (Zaninovi 1968).
Burnum je zaposjela XI. legija. Isti zemljopisni poloaj uvjetovao
je izgradnju logora Tilurium koji se nalazio na ravnici Garduna,
uzvisine iznad rijeke Hippus (Cetina). Oba su logora nastala
na mjestima ili pored vrstih delmatskih gradina, koje su kao
i logori nadzirale ove rijene prelaze. Tu je ulogu naglasio i
Plinije Stariji (N. h., III 142), kada je zabiljeio da su to utvrde
(castella), ustvari gradine, slavne po bojevima, a njih je bilo
dosta tijekom povijesti, posebno u Oktavijanovu pohodu 3533. god. pr. Kr. Tilurium je bio sjeditem VII. legije (Zaninovi
1984; Zaninovi 1985; Sanader et al. 2003).
The powerful Illyrian tribe of the Delmatae was persistent in

resisting the Roman conquest in their territory. That resistance appeared already after the collapse of the Illyrian state in 167 B.C.,
when they felt free to take action and when they attacked Issaean
settlements in Tragurion and Epetion as well as their southern
neighbours, the Daorsi. They were eventually subdued after the
quelling of the great Illyrian-Pannonian Baton rebellion from 6 to
9 A.D. The legions crushed the heroic fight for freedom in blood
and fire and occupied their territory, as well as the entire Illyricum
(Zaninovi 1966; Zaninovi 1996). In order to control their territory
the Romans built two legionary camps. In the west this was Burnum
(Ivoevci near Kistanje on the right bank of the Titium river (Krka), on
a convenient crossing over the water. What is more, this river was the
boundary between the Delmatae and the Liburni, who lived to the
west up the coast to Histria (Zaninovi 1968). Burnum was occupied
by the Eleventh legion. The same geographic position influenced
the construction of the camp Tilurium, which was situated on the
plain of Gardun, an elevation above the Hippus river (Cetina). Both
camps were built on the location of or near strong Delmatian hillforts, which like the camps controlled these river crossings. This role
was also stressed by Pliny the Elder (N.H., III 142), when he noted that
these were fortifications (castella), that is hillforts, famous for battles, and those were numerous throughout history, particularly during Octavians campaign 35-33 B.C. Tilurium was the seat of the Seventh legion (Zaninovi 1984; Zaninovi 1985; Sanader et al. 2003).
Osim VII. i XI. legije, sigurnost podruja nadzirale su i

pomone ete (auxilia) tj. kohorte, koje su se nalazile u Burnumu,
Promoni (Tepljuh, juno od Knina), municipiju Magnum (Balina
In addition to the Seventh and Eleventh legions, the safety of

the territory was monitored also by auxiliary units (auxilia), i.e. the
cohorts stationed in Burnum, Promona (Tepljuh, south of Knin), mu-
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M. ZANINOVI, Beneficiarii consularis na podruju Delmata, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 181-184.
Glavica istono od Drnia), Andetriju (Gornji Mu zapadno

od Splita), Tilurium, Bigeste (Humac-Graine kod Ljubukog).
Razmjetaj ovih jedinica na podruju Delmata praktiki je
presjekao njihov teritorij na dvije polovice, sjevernu i junu s
legijskim logorima kao glavnim dijelom sustava (Zaninovi
1967, 63-64; Alfldy 1962).
VII. legija, sada s poasnim nazivom Claudia pia fidelis,
napustila je Dalmaciju izmeu 45. i 61., a legija XI Claudia pia
fidelis 69. god. S legijama su tijekom 1. st. iz provincije otile
i kohorte, a ostale su samo tri: Coh. III Alpinorum boravila je
u Andetriju i Tiluriju do druge polovice 2. st., kada je prela u
Panoniju. U 3. st. posadu u podruju Delmata inila je coh. I.
Belgarum rasporeena u Burnumu, mun. Magnumu, Andetriju,
Tiluriju i Bigeste, te coh. VIII voluntariorum civium Romanorum
u Tiluriju i u Salviumu (Halapi Glamoko polje). VIII. kohorta
je posljednja napustila pokrajinu, to potvruje natpis njezina
centuriona iz 245. god. naen u Trilju (CIL III 2706=9274),
premjetena je naime u Arabiju.
Nakon odlaska pomonih eta, a u nekim mjestima ve i prije
kao u Magnumu, Salviumu i u Novae (Runovii kod Imotskoga),
sigurnost podruja uvaju beneficijari. Kako je to ve davno
ustvrdio A. von Domaszewski, njihove su se postaje nalazile
ponajvie du vanih prometnica i na njihovim raskrijima,
kako se to dobro vidi i u naem podruju. Najvei broj njihovih
natpisa (14) nalazi se u glavnom gradu provincije Saloni. Tu su
se naseljavali nakon to bi svoju slubu drugdje zavrili.1 Bili
su veterani legije X. Gemine. etvorica navode svoje legije i to
dvojica iz leg. I Italica i po jedan leg. X Gemina i XI Claudia. Svi
datiraju iz vremena nakon odlaska legija iz Dalmacije.
Zanimljiva je injenica kako, do sada, nema benficijarskih
natpisa na podruju Liburna. To bi se moglo objasniti time
to je ovo podruje bilo urbanizirano prije od drugih krajeva
Dalmacije. Osim toga, bilo je ve rano povezano sa suprotnom
apeninskom obalom na kojoj su Liburni imali i neke posjede
kao u Picenumu. Inae, nakon odlaska legija, Burnum je dobio
upravni status municipija, to mu ga je Hadrijan dodijelio 118.
god. Kao vano prometno raskrije, a na jedinom moguem
prijelazu preko Krke, Burnum je funkcionirao do kasne antike,
kada su ga razorili Goti 537. god. U Burnumu do sada imamo
beneficijara iz V. makedonske legije i jednog nepoznatog.
Njima treba dodati dva novija. To su: P. Aelius Po[lens] iz leg.
I Adiutrix i drugi C. Iulius Victorinus, bez imena vojne jedinice
(Sui 1970, 112; ael A., ael J. 1978, 118). Kanabe logora su se
nalazile u selu Ivoevcima, 4-5 km zapadno od podruja logora.
Ne znamo tono mjesto nalaza ovih natpisa, pa se ne moe
rei jesu li iz logora ili kanaba. Natpisi nose posvetu I O M, kao i
veina natpisa ove kategorije u provinciji Dalmaciji. Datiraju se
u drugu polovicu 2. st. ili poetak 3. st.
Druga vana beneficijarska postaja bio je municipium
Magnum, vjerojatno aurelijska fondacija. Tu je naeno sedam
oteenih beneficijarskih natpisa s posvetama I O M. U dvjema
se spominje legio XI Cl. p. f. (CIL III 9790, 14959), a druge
su fragmentarne (CIL III 14956, 14961, 14962). CIL III 14957
posveen je Iovi optimo maximo et Genio municipii. Ta postaja
(statio) nadzirala je veoma staru prometnicu u ovom podruju,
dolinu izmeu Andetrija i Magnuma du male rijeke Vrbe.
Ovdje su u suenom klancu Delmati porazili konzulara Aula
Gabinija 48. god. pr. Kr. Ovuda je proao i Oktavijan, kada je
nicipium Magnum (Balina Glavica east of Drni), Andetrium (Gornji

Mu west of Split), Tilurium, Bigeste (Humac-Graine near Ljubuki).
The distribution of these units in the territory of the Delmatae effectively cut their territory in two halves, the northern and the southern with the legionary camps as the main component of the system
(Zaninovi 1967, 63-64; Alfldy 1962).
The Seventh Legion, now with the honorary title Claudia pia
fidelis, left Dalmatia between 45 and 61, while the legion XI Claudia pia fidelis left in 69. During the 1st century, the cohorts left the
province together with the legions, with only three of them remaining. Coh. III Alpinorum resided in Andetrium and Tilurium until the
second half of the 2nd century, when it went to Pannonia. In the 3rd
century the crew in the territory of the Delmatae consisted of the
coh. I. Belgarum, deployed in Burnum, mun. Magnum, Andetrium,
Tilurium and in Bigeste, and the coh. VIII voluntariorum civium Romanorum in Tilurium and Salvium (Halapi Glamoko Polje). The
Eighth cohort was the last to leave the province, as testified by an
inscription of its centurion from 245, found in Trilj (CIL III 2706=9274)
it was transferred to Arabia.
After the departure of the auxiliary units, and in some places
even before that in Magnum, Salvium and Novae (Runovii near
Imotski), the security of the territory was the responsibility of the
beneficiarii. As A. von Domaszewski stated long ago, their stations
were situated mostly along important routes and at their junctions,
as can be clearly seen in our territory as well. The best part of their
inscriptions (14) is situated in the capital of the province, Salona.
1
They settled there after completing their service elsewhere . They
were veterans of the legion X Gemina. Four of them mention their
legions two were from the leg. I Italica, and one each from leg. X
Gemina and from XI Claudia.
Interestingly, there have so far been no finds of beneficiarial
inscriptions in the territory of the Liburni. This could be explained
by the fact that this territory was urbanized earlier than other parts
of Dalmatia. Furthermore, it was connected from very early on with
the opposite Apennine coast on which the Liburni had some landed
property, e.g. in Picenum. After the departure of the legions, Burnum acquired the administrative status of a municipium, awarded
by Hadrian in 118. As an important traffic junction, situated at the
only possible crossing over the Krka, Burnum functioned until late
antiquity, when it was destroyed by the Goths in 537. We had until
now in Burnum a beneficiarius from the Fifth Macedonian legion
and an unknown one. Two new ones should be added to these.
These are: P. Aelius Po[lens] from the leg. I Adiutrix and C. Iulius Victorinus, without the name of a military unit (Sui 1970, 112; ael A.,
ael J. 1978, 118). The canabae of the camps were situated in the
village of Ivoevci, 4-5 km west of the territory of the camp. We do
not know the exact spot of discovery of these inscriptions, so it cannot be said whether they came from the camps or from the canabae.
The inscriptions carry the dedication I O M, like most inscriptions of
this category in the province of Dalmatia. They are dated to the second half of the 2nd or the beginning of the 3rd century.
The second important beneficiarial station was municipium
Magnum, probably an Aurelian foundation. Seven damaged beneficiarial inscriptions with the dedications I O M were found there. Two
mention the legio XI Cl. p. f. (CIL III 9790, 14959), while the others are
fragmentary (CIL III 14956, 14961, 14962). CIL III 14957 is dedicated to
Iovi optimo maximo et Genio municipii. This station (statio) controlled a very ancient route of this territory, the valley between Andetrium and Magnum along the small river of Vrba. Here, in a narrow
pass, the Delmatae defeated the consul Aulus Gabinius in 48 B.C.
Octavian also passed through here when he conquered Sinodium
1. Domaszewski 1987. i drugi klasini radovi istog autora o ovoj temi. Novija
djela: Schallmayer et al. 1990; Ott 1995; Abrami 1922; Bojanovski 1988,
360-364; Ardevan 1994, 199-204.
1. Domaszewski 1987 and other classic works by the same author on this
topic. Recent works: Schallmayer et al. 1990; Ott 1995; Abrami 1922;
Bojanovski 1988, 360-364; Ardevan 1994, 199-204.
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M. ZANINOVI, Beneficiarii consularis in the territory of the Delmatae, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 181-184.
osvojio i razorio paljenjem Sinodij i druga naselja 34. god. pr.

Kr. (App., Illyr. 27; Strab., 7, 5, 5). Kao vano prometno mjesto
u delmatskom zaleu, Magnum je obnovio tu funkciju i bio
cvatui municipij, to potvruju i beneficijarski natpisi (CIL III
9790, 14956-57, 14959-60) (Bojanovski 1974, 206-212). Nema
sumnje da je na to utjecao i poloaj ovog municipija uz plodno
Petrovo polje, jedno od veih u unutranjosti ovih predjela.
Vie gradina opkoljavalo je ovo polje, to ga sa zapada zatvara
planina Promina (1148 m). I suvremena cesta ide istim ovim
prirodnim smjerom od Magnuma (Balina Glavica) do Andetrija
(Gornjeg Mua) te dalje prema Saloni. U Andetriju do sada nema
potvrde za beneficijarsku postaju, nije pronaen natpis koji bi
to potvrdio, moda e neka budua istraivanja to dati. Natpisi
koji to znae za Burnum i Tilurium naeni su prije nekoliko
desetljea.
Zanimljiv natpis koji ukazuje na postojanje beneficijarske
postaje u Tiluriju, tonije u Pons Tiluri (Itin. Ant., 337, 5) ili
Ponteluri (Rav., IV, 16), naen je oko 10 m na lijevoj obali Cetine,
gdje je bila glava mosta preko rijeke. Ona se ovdje, naime,
suava i olakava gradnju mosta i prijelaz. To je naselje koje
se razvilo uz ovaj prijelaz, a ispod logora na brijegu Sv. Petra,
oko 1 km jugozapadno od mosta. Natpis je bio naen 1939.
god., a objavio ga je S. Gunjaa (Gunjaa 1949, 50-52; ael A.,
ael J. 1963; Alfldy 1968, col. 1266). Natpis je vaan jer nam
je dao ime rijeke Cetine u antici, a to je Hippus: I(ovi) O(ptimo)
M(aximo) / et n(umini) H(ippi) fl(uminis) / Cn. Tullius / Faventinus
/ b(ene)f(iciarius) co(n)s(ularis) leg(ionis) I Adi(utricis) / v(otum)
s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito). Drugi je natpis objavio D. RendiMioevi, a datiran je po konzulima Gentijanu i Bassu u 211.
god. (Rendi Mioevi 1952, 230, n. 41; ael A., ael J. 1978,
19, n. 734).
Kako boravak nekih jedinica legije I. Adiutrix u Dalmaciji
pada u kraj 2. i poetak 3. st., onda i prvi natpis moemo datirati
u to vrijeme. Na suprotnoj, desnoj obali rijeke bio je 1849. god.,
naen drugi vani natpis (CIL III 3202) iz godine 184. poslije
Krista, na kojem pie kako su zajednice Delminijaca, Novljana
i Ridita obnovile spomenuti most. Tradicija kod mjesnih
stanovnika govori za tri mosta, jedan neto iznad prvog mosta,
a trei nekoliko stotina metara niz rijeku, tono ispod logorskog
brijega. Ovaj natpis potvruje postojanje naselja ispod logora u
vremenu koje je imalo svoju vanu prometnu funkciju, neovisno
o postojanju tabora.
Za razliku od Burnuma, Tilurij nije dobio status municipija.
Razlog tome, moda, treba vidjeti u postojanju kolonije
Aequum, koju je utemeljio car Klaudije nakon 42. god. Nalazi se
oko 10 km sjeverno od logora, pa nije bilo mjesta za dvije urbane
zajednice ovako blizu. Osim toga, Tilurij je zadrao vojniku
ulogu do kraja antike, uvajui prilaze moru i Saloni (Zaninovi
1984; Zaninovi 1985). Civilno naselje razvijalo se na mjestu
Pons Tiluri. Plodno polje sjeverno od Trilja uvale su delmatske
gradine, a na sjevernom zavretku doline nalazilo se drugo
dominantno naselje, antiki Osinium, na mjestu dananjeg
Sinja, to potvruje natpis s posvetom Genio Osiniatium (VAHD
51, Split 1930-34, 157). Oko 4 km sjevernije nalazio se u plodnoj
dolini Aequum (itluk).
Preko mosta ile su rimske ceste do Drine i Mezije
(Argentaria), te prema Naroni (Vid kraj Metkovia). Pons Tiluri
je bio caput viae vane ceste Narona Epidaurum Scodra
Dyrrhachium (Bojanovski 1974, 151). Od Tilurija prema Naroni 34
rimske milje (50320 m), dananjom cestom, koja praktiki slijedi
antiki pravac i ima oko 58 km, nalazio se antiki municipium
and other settlements and burned them to the ground in 34 B.C:

(App., Illyr. 27; Strab., 7, 5, 5). As an important traffic junction in the
Delmatian hinterland, Magnum regained this function and existed
as a flourishing municipium, which is also confirmed by beneficiarial inscriptions (CIL III 9790, 14956-57, 14959-60) (Bojanovski 1974,
206-212). There is no doubt that the position of the municipium also
played a role next to the fertile Petrovo Polje (Petrovo Plain), one
of the largest plains in the interior of this region. Several hillforts
surrounded this plain, closed in the west by the Promina mountain
(1148 m). The modern road also follows the same natural direction
from Magnum (Balina Glavica) to Andetrium (Gornji Mu) and further towards Salona. So far there is no confirmation of a beneficiarial
station in Andetrium no inscription was found that would substantiate it, but perhaps some future excavations will provide this.
Inscriptions that did this for Burnum and Tilurium were discovered
several decades ago.
An interesting inscription, indicating the presence of a beneficiarial station in Tilurium, more precisely in Pons Tiluri (Itin. Ant.,
337, 5) or Ponteluri (Rav., IV, 16), was found around 10 m on the left
bank of the Cetina river, where the head of the bridge across the
river used to be. At this point the river narrows, thus rendering the
construction of the bridge and the crossing easier. This is the settlement that developed next to the crossing, beneath the camp on
St. Peters hill, around 1 km southwest of the bridge. The inscription
was found in 1939 and it was published by S. Gunjaa (Gunjaa 1949,
50-52; ael A., ael J. 1963; Alfldy 1968, col. 1266). The inscription
is important because it gave us the name of the Cetina river in antiquity Hippus: I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / et n(umini) H(ippi) fl(uminis)
/ Cn. Tullius / Faventinus / b(ene)f(iciarius) co(n)s(ularis) leg(ionis) I
Adi(utricis) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito). The second inscription was published by D. Rendi-Mioevi, and it was dated by the
consuls Gentianus and Bassus to the year 211 (Rendi Mioevi 1952,
230, n. 41; ael A., ael J. 1978, 19, n. 734).
As the residence of certain units of the legion I. Adiutrix in Dalmatia falls into the end of the 2nd and the beginning of the 3rd century,
we can date the first inscription to this period as well. The second
important inscription (CIL III 3202), dating from 184 A.D. was found
in 1849 on the opposite, right bank of the river. On it was written
that the communities of the Delmatae, those from Novae and from
Rider reconstructed the mentioned bridge. The tradition among the
local population speaks of three bridges one a little above the first
bridge and the third several hundred meters down the river, right
beneath the camp hill. This inscription confirms the existence of the
settlement beneath the camp in this period, with an important traffic function, irrespective of the existence of the camp.
In contrast to Burnum, Tilurium was not given municipal status.
The reason for this may perhaps be sought in the existence of the
colony of Aequum, founded by Emperor Claudius after the year 42.
It lies some 10 km north of the camp, so there was no space for two
urban communities at such a small distance. What is more, Tilurium
preserved its military role until the end of antiquity, guarding the
access to the sea and Salona (Zaninovi 1984; Zaninovi 1985). The
civilian settlement developed at Pons Tiluri. A fertile plain north of
Trilj was guarded by the Delmatian hillforts, and another dominant
settlement was situated on the northern end of the plain the ancient Osinium, on the position of present-day Sinj, which is corroborated by an inscription with the dedication Genio Osiniatium (VAHD
51, Split 1930-34, 157). Around 4 km to the north, on a fertile plain,
lay Aequum (itluk).
Roman roads ran across the bridge towards the Drina and Moesia
(Argentaria), as well as towards Narona (Vid near Metkovi). Pons
Tiluri was the caput viae of the important road Narona Epidaurum
Scodra Dyrrhachium (Bojanovski 1974, 151). The ancient municipium Novensium (Runovii) lay thirty-four Roman miles (50320 m)
183
M. ZANINOVI, Beneficiarii consularis na podruju Delmata, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 181-184.
Novensium (Runovii). Vjerojatno ga je utemeljio Marko

Aurelije kao vano upravno i prometno sredite i spominje se
kao municipij u natpisu iz 194. god. (CIL III 1909). Naselje se
nalazilo u dijelu dananjeg plodnog Imotskog polja. U Novae
se nalo 11 beneficijarskih natpisa, to je njihov najvei broj
nakon Salone. Ovo je bila periferija delmatskog podruja prema
istoku, pa su ovi slubenici nadzirali te gospodarski i prometno
vane predjele. Natpisi nose posvetu I O M na dva natpisa, a
tri su posveena Genio municipi Novensiumu. Jedan je natpis
posveen Silvanu Augustu i datiran je 1. travnja ili kolovoza 239.
god. Meu dedikantima su asnici i vojnici iz legija: I Adiutrix, I
Italica, X Gemina, XI Claudia, XIII Gemina i XIV Gemina. Stoljetna
obrada zemljita lokaliteta Novae unitila je njegove ostatke
koji se i danas nalaze pod vinogradima.
Sjeverno podruje Delmata ukljuivalo je plodne doline ili
polja Livna, Duvna i Glamoa. U Livanjskom polju beneficijarska
stanica se nalazila u dananjem selu Lipa s natpisom: M. Nasidius
Secundus dec. mun. vet. bf. cos. leg. X Gem., etc., CIL III 9874
(Patsch 1909, 123, fig. 12; Bojanovski 1988, 362). U Livanjskom
polju se pretpostavlja postojanje jednog mansio, vjerojatno
Pelva, u Litanima (Bojanovski 1974, 64).
Municipium Salvium, to ga je utemeljio Hadrijan, nalazio se
23 km sjeverno od Litana u dananjem naselju Halapii i njegov
se teritorij vjerojatno pruao i u Livanjsko polje (Bojanovski
1974, 73). U Halapiu imamo dedikaciju koju je postavio Aelius
Anterides bf. cos. 1. XIIII G. (GZM 39, Sarajevo 1927, 262, n. 11).
A 7 km juno na gradini u Glamou rtvenik, koji je postavio
C. Iulius Rogatus bf. cos. leg. XI Clau. (CIL III 9862=13231=GZM
26, 1914, 175, fig. 48). Ovdje, dakle, u sjevernom, unutarnjem
podruju Delmata, ovi su beneficijari bili jedini predstavnici
rimske administracije, u podruju koje vjerojatno nikada do
kraja nije bio romanizirano.
Ovaj saeti prilog jednog aspekta nae antike vojnike
povijesti sa zadovoljstvom posveujem dragom kolegi
i prijatelju prof. dr. sc. eljku Tomiiu, koji je svojim
prouavanjima sjevernojadranskih kasnoantikih utvrda dao
nezaobilazni prilog toj istoj povijesti.
from Tilurium towards Narona down the present-day road, which

practically follows the ancient route and is around 58 km long. It
was probably founded by Marcus Aurelius as an important administrative and traffic centre and it is mentioned as a municipium in an
inscription from 194 A.D. (CIL III 1909). The settlement lay in a part
of the present-day fertile Imotsko Polje (Imotski Plain). Eleven beneficiarial inscriptions have been found in Novae, a number second
only to Salona. This was the periphery of the Delmatian territory
towards the east, so these functionaries controlled these economically and traffic-wise important regions. Two inscriptions bear the
dedication I O M, while three are dedicated to Genio municipi Novensium. An inscription dated 1st April or August 239 is dedicated
to Silvanus Augustus. Among the dedicants are officers and soldiers
from the following legions: I Adiutrix, I Italica, X Gemina, XI Claudia,
XIII Gemina and XIV Gemina. The century-long soil cultivation at the
site of Novae destroyed its remains, which are still found today under the vineyards.
The northern territory of the Delmatae included the fertile valleys or plains of Livno, Duvno and Glamo. The beneficiarial station
in the Livno Plain was situated in the present-day village of Lipa,
with the inscription reading: M. Nasidius Secundus dec. mun. vet. bf.
cos. leg. X Gem., etc., CIL III 9874 (Patsch 1909, 123, Fig. 12; Bojanovski
1988, 362). A mansio, probably Pelva, is assumed to have existed in
the Livno Plain, in Litane (Bojanovski 1974, 64).
Municipium Salvium, founded by Hadrian, was situated 23 km
north of Litane in the present-day settlement of Halapii. Its territory probably extended to the Livno Plain (Bojanovski 1974, 73).
A dedication put up by Aelius Anterides bf. cos. 1. XIIII G. (GZM 39,
Sarajevo 1927, 262, n. 11) was found in Halapi. An altar, erected by C.
Iulius Rogatus bf. cos. leg. XI Clau. (CIL III 9862=13231=GZM 26, 1914,
175, fig. 48), was found 7 km to the south, on the hillfort in Glamo.
Here, therefore, in the northern, interior territory of the Delmatae,
these beneficiarii were the only representatives of the Roman administration, in an area that was never entirely romanized.
It is with great pleasure that I dedicate this short contribution
of an aspect of our military history to my dear colleague and friend,
Prof. eljko Tomii, who made an invaluable contribution to this
same history by his study of the northern Adriatic fortifications from
late antiquity.
Abrami M., 1922, Speculatores i beneficiarii, Starinar 3, Beograd, 57-64.
Alfldy G., 1962, Die Auxiliartruppen der rmischen Provinz Dalmatien,
Acta archaeologica hungarica 14, Budapest, 259-296.
Alfldy G., 1968, Tilurium, PWRE suppl. Bd. 11, col. 1266.
Ardevan R., 1994, Die Beneficiarier im Zivilleben der Provinz Dakien,
Forschungen und Berichte zur Vor- und Frhgeschichte in BadenWrtemberg 49, Stuttgart 1994, 199-204.
Bojanovski I., 1974, Dolabelin sistem cesta u rimskoj provinciji Dalmaciji,
DjelaCBI 47/2, Sarajevo
Bojanovski I., 1988, Bosna i Hercegovina u antiko doba, DjelaCBI 66, Sarajevo
Domaszewski v. A., 1897, Beneficiarius, PWRE III/1, col. 271-272.
Gunjaa S., 1949, Nov prinos ubikaciji Tiluriuma, VAHD 52, Split, 50-52.
Ott J., 1995, Die Beneficiarier, Historia, Einzelschriften 92, F. Steiner Verlag,
Stuttgart
Patsch C., 1909, Archologisch-epigrafische Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der rmischen Provinz Dalmatien, WMBH 11, Sarajevo,
104-183.
Rendi Mioevi D., 1952, Novi i neobjelodanjeni natpisi iz Dalmacije,
VAHD 53 (1950-1951), Split, 230-231.
184
Sanader M. et al., 2003, Tilurium I, Istraivanja Forschungen 1997-2001,

Zagreb
Schallmayer E. et al. 1990, Der rmische Weihebezirk von Osterburken,
Bd. I. Corpus der griechischen und lateinischen Beneficiarier-Inschriften des Rmischen Reiches, Forschungen und Berichte zur
Vor- und Frhgeschichte in Baden-Wrtemberg Bd. 40, Stuttgart,
Dalmacija brojevi: 345-391.
Sui M., 1970, Noviji natpisi iz Burnuma, Diadora 5, Zadar, 93-130.
ael A., ael J., 1978, Inscriptiones Latinae quae in Iugoslavia inter annos
MCMLX et MCMLXX repertae et editae sunt (ILJug), Situla 19, Ljubljana
Zaninovi M., 1966, Ilirsko pleme Delmati, GodCenBalIsp 4, Sarajevo,
27-92.
Zaninovi M., 1968, Burnum castellum, municipium, Diadora 4, Zadar,
119-129.
Zaninovi M., 1984, Vojni znaaj Tilurija u antici, IzdanjaHAD 8, Split,
65-75.
Zaninovi M., 1985, Prata legionis u Kosovom polju kraj Knina s osvrtom
na teritorij Tilurija, OpuscA 10, Zagreb, 63-79.
Zaninovi M., 1996, Od Helena do Hrvata, Zagreb
Dvije bronane figurice iz Muzeja Franjevakog samostana u Sinju

Two Bronze Figurines from the Museum of the Franciscan Monastery in Sinj
Antika arheologija
NENAD CAMBI
Odjel za arheologiju
Sveuilite u Zadru
Obala kralja Petra Kreimira IV. br. 2
HR - 23000 Zadar

Roman archaeology
UDK/UDC 73.032(37)
069.51(497.5 Sinj):73.041
Tema rada su dvije neobjavljene bronane statuete iz Franjevakog muzeja u Sinju. Jedna prikazuje
Herakla u borbi (po svoj prilici s podignutom toljagom), a druga ensku nagu figuricu s rukama na
grudima, odnosno na trbuhu. Njihovo podrijetlo nije poznato. Paralele ukazuju da su obje figurice
italsko-etruanske provenijencije, ali slini nalazi na podruju Dalmacije i Bosne i Hercegovine
upuuju da je takvih importiranih primjeraka bilo jo i da su posrijedi kulturoloke veze s Italijom.
Posebno je vaan srebrni orant iz Garduna. Ipak, nije jasno jesu li to trgovaki importi ili pak osobni predmeti doljaka. One se datiraju u kasnorepublikansko doba, a enski lik je nedvojbeno jo
stariji.
Kljune rijei: bronane statuete, Sinj, kasnorepublikansko doba
The paper deals with two unpublished bronze statuettes from the Franciscan Museum in Sinj. One
depicts Heracles in battle (in all probability with a raised club), while the other depicts a naked female figurine with hands placed on the chest and the belly. Their origin is unknown. The parallels
suggest that both figurines are of Italian-Etruscan provenance, but similar finds in the territory of
Dalmatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina indicate that there were more such imported pieces and
that culturological connections with Italy are at play. The silver orant from Gardun is particularly
important. Still, it is not clear whether they were trade imports or personal items of the newcomers.
They are dated to the Late Republican period, and the female figure is undoubtedly even earlier.
Key words: bronze statuettes, Sinj, Late Republican period
Dvije vrlo zanimljive bronane figurice uvaju se u

Muzeju Franjevakog samostana u Sinju, bez podataka o
okolnostima njihova nalaza. S njima u svezi otvara se niz
pitanja na koja nije lako odgovoriti, jer, ako se i moe odgonetati njihova kulturoloka pozadina, ostaje otvoreno
pitanje jesu li pristigle u Dalmaciju trgovinom, razmjenom,
kao osobno vlasnitvo pojedinaca ili su pak dole do Sinja
kolekcionarskom djelatnou.1 I to je mogao biti razlog to
nisu izazvale veu pozornost i zbog ega dosad nisu objavljene, iako se oito davno nalaze u Muzeju. Meutim, na
sva se pitanja ipak, nakon pomnog prouavanja, mogu dati
valjani odgovori. Obje figurice izgledaju dosta primitivno,
ali je to posljedica ikonografskih specifinosti, o kojima e
kasnije biti rijei. Dodue, plastiki postupak tih kipia je do-
Two very interesting bronze figurines are kept in the Museum of the Franciscan Monastery in Sinj, with no information
about the circumstances of their discovery. A series of issues
are raised in connection with them to which there are no easy
answers, because, even if their culturological background can
be guessed, the question remains as to whether they arrived in
Dalmatia through trade, exchange as the personal belongings of
individuals or if they ended up in Sinj as the result of the activity
of collectors.1 This may have been the reason why they failed to
attract greater attention and why they have not been published
until now, even though they were obviously present in the Museum for a long time. However, after meticulous examination,
valid answers can be offered to all the questions. Both figurines
are of quite a primitive appearance, but this is the result of icono-
1. Ovaj rad je, zapravo, nastao kao posljedica zamolbe fra Mirka Maria da
u Katalogu Muzeja Franjevakog samostana u Sinju napiem osvrt na
itav korpus muzejske skulpture. Meu tom skulpturom nalaze se i ove
dvije figurice. Odmah se uinilo da je uistinu vrijedno uloiti malo truda
i prouiti ih. Stoga zahvaljujem fra Mirku Mariu, jednako kao i kolegici
Angeli Babi, koja je koordinirala poslove na Katalogu, to su mi dopustili
da u ovom radu objavim figurice.
1. This work was actually conceived at the request of fra Mirko Mari, who
asked me to write a review of the entire corpus of the Museum sculpture
for the Catalogue of the Museum of the Franciscan Monastery in Sinj.
These two figurines form part of this corpus. It was immediately apparent that they were worth studying. I therefore thank fra Mirko Mari, as
well as my colleague Angela Babi, who coordinated the work on the
Catalogue, for allowing me to publish the figurines in this work.
graphic idiosyncrasies, which will be discussed later on. It is true that
185
N. CAMBI, Dvije bronane figurice iz Muzeja Franjevakog samostana u Sinju, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 185-192.
Sl. 1
Fig. 1
Sl. 2
Fig. 2
Sl. 3
Fig. 3
nekle razliit. No jasno je da potjeu iz istog kulturolokog

ambijenta, samo su razliite kronologije.
Prva figurica prikazuje nagog mukarca (sl. 1-3). Izraena
je od pune lijevane bronce. Nije, naalost, itava ouvana,
nedostaju joj ruke povie aka, ali ipak znatno ispod podlaktice, i noge priblino u visini koljena. Visoka je 5,6 cm, to
bi znailo da je ukupna visina, da su se ouvale i noge, bila
malo ispod 10 cm. Inventirana je u Muzeju pod brojem 191.
Povrina bronce je svijetlozelena. Muskulatura je oblikovana
shematski, dani su samo dijelovi u neralanjenom volumenu. Ipak, nasluuju se pektoralni miii, trbuh, a i druge pojedinosti. Ruke i noge takoer ne pokazuju naznaenu muskulaturu, ali je forma ruku i bedara dobro profilirana. Vrat je neprirodno irok. Na tijelu se, kao neka vrsta naglaska, zapaa
falus, iako nije hipertrofiran. Noge su u raskoraku, lijeva je
neto naprijed, a desna straga, to znai da je figurica bila u pokretu. Desna ruka je naprijed, a lijeva je podignuta.
Takav pokret ruku i nogu, a posebno zanjihan gornji dio tijela, nedvojbeno upuuju da je lik desnom pokazivao smjer,
a u podignutoj ljevici drao neki predmet. Tijelo je lagano
zalueno prema straga. Glava je, za razliku od vrata, proporcionalna u odnosu na tijelo. Na licu se istie mrkvasti nos,
tanak rez usta, zaluene obrve te gotovo posve okrugle oi.
Kosa je kratka i baena prema straga, a karakteristini su joj
krikoliki pramenovi.
Ovakav statuarni tip razvio se jo u Grkoj u kasnijem
arhajskom razdoblju i upotrebljavao se za prikazivanje figurica ratnika u sitnoj bronanoj plastici ve od ranog 7. st. pr.
Kr. (Die Geschichte I 2002, 25, sl. 62 (Dodona), sl. 63 (Delfi);
Thomas 1992, 53, sl. 36). Isti poloaj u kasno arhajskom razdo2
blju (kraj 6. st. pr. Kr.) upotrebljavao se za Zeusa koji baca
the plastic treatment of these statuettes differs to a certain extent.

Still, it is clear that they come from the same culturological setting,
even if their chronology is different.
The first figurine portrays a naked male (Fig. 1-3). It is made of
solid cast bronze. Unfortunately, it is not completely preserved the
arms above the hands are missing, but still considerably below the
forearms, as well as the legs at knee height. It is 5,6 cm high, which
means that its entire length, had the legs also been preserved, would
amount to slightly below 10 cm. It was entered in the Museum inventory book under number 191. The surface of the bronze is light green.
The profile of the musculature is schematic, with only the parts rendered in unsegmented volume. One can nevertheless discern the
pectoral muscles, the belly as well as other details. The arms and
legs likewise do not show a distinctive musculature, but the shape
of the arms and thighs is well profiled. The neck is unnaturally wide.
Conspicuous on the body, as though accentuated, is the phallus, although it is not hypertrophied. The legs are apart the left is slightly
forward, while the right is drawn back, revealing that the figurine was
in motion. The right hand is forward while the left is raised. Such motion of the arms and legs, and particularly the swaying upper part of
the body, indisputably indicate that the figure was pointing somewhere with the right hand, while in the raised left hand it carried an
object. The body is slightly curved backwards. The head, in contrast
to the neck, is in proportion with the body. The carrot-like nose, the
thin cut of the mouth, the curved eyebrows and almost completely
round eyes are prominent on the face. The hair is short and thrown
backwards, with characteristic slice-shaped curls.
A statue-type of this kind was developed already in Greece during the later Archaic period and it was used for a depiction of figurines of warriors in small bronze sculpture as early as the early 7th
cent. B.C. (Die Geschichte I 2002, 25, Fig. 62 (Dodona), Fig. 63 (Delphi); Thomas 1992, 53, Fig. 36). The same position was used in the
2
late archaic period (the end of the 6th cent. B.C.) for Zeus throwing
2. Die Geschichte I, 2002, 258, sl. 342 (Dodona); Die Geschichte II, 16
Textabb. 3, vee i bolje slike usp. Wnsche 2005, 31, sl. na str. 30-31 (Zeus
u obje ruke dri po jednu munju), takoer uveni Bog iz mora (Zeus ili
Posejdon) s rta Artemisona, usp. Die Geschichte I 2000, 15, sl. 20. O
slinim kipiima: Thomas 1992, 91. i d., sl. 80-81, sl. 83.
2. Die Geschichte I, 2002, 258, Fig. 342. (Dodona); Die Geschichte II, 16
Textabb. 3, bigger and better pictures comp. Wnsche 2005, 31, Fig. on
page 30-31 (Zeus with a thunderbolt in each hand), also the famous God
from the Sea (Zeus or Poseidon) from Cape Artemision, comp. Die Geschichte I 2000, 15, Fig. 20. On similar figurines: Thomas 1992, 91 seq.,
Fig. 80-81, Fig. 83.
186
N. CAMBI, Two Bronze Figurines from the Museum of the Franciscan Monastery in Sinj, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 185-192.
munju ili Posejdona koji baca trozub, takoer iz istog doba.3

U takvoj pozi javlja se i Heraklo, ali s toljagom u podignutoj i pruenoj ruci.4 I Atena se u ikonografskoj varijanti Pro5
machos slino prikazuje, jer i ona gaa kopljem. Meutim,
ovdje nas ikonografija Atene ne zanima, jer sinjski kipi nedvojbeno prikazuje mukarca. Naravno, kasnije je poloaj,
6
zamah i izbaaj posluio i za ratnike u punoj opremi ili pak
u herojskoj nagosti (The Gods Delight 1988, 223 i d., sl. 40, sl.
na str. 225-226). Kad je rije o ovom kipiu, tada se bliske paralele, osobito kad se promatraju pojedinosti, ne nalaze ni
meu grkim, a ni rimskim repertoarom manjih bronanih
figurica. S obzirom na neobinost u nizu bronanih likova,
moglo bi se moda posumnjati da je rije o falsifikatu, ali
to ipak nije sluaj. Ova figurica mukarca, koji je zamahnuo
lijevom rukom (ne desnom!), pokazuje bliske veze i nalazi
paralelne figurice meu brojnom etruranskom batinom
7
i to posebice figuricama Herakla (Hercle Promachos) koji,
kao ikonografski tip, potjee od prije spominjanih grkih
8
prototipova, ali su ve odavno bili omiljeni u Etruriji.
Meutim, spomenuti prikazi Herakla na lijevoj ruci, ali iznimno povrno i shematino, obino imaju lavlju kou, to
ovdje nije vidljivo, prikazanu poput zalepranog komada
tkanine. Moglo bi se ak i posumnjati da figurica prikazuje
Herakla, jer kao i sve ostale, ni ova nema neki drugi njegov
atribut. Meutim, ako je u podignutoj ruci bila toljaga, to bi
bilo za oekivanje, tada bi promatraima bila otklonjena bilo
kakva sumnja. Drim kako je ipak doputeno pretpostaviti
da je, kod i inae posve pojednostavljenog i loeg ljevakog
rada, dolo do daljnjeg reduciranja pojedinosti, tj. nestanka
lavlje koe te zrcalnog okretanja ruku (desna-lijeva). Vei je
broj slinih figurica Herakla loije kvalitete s kojima bi se
sinjski kipi moglo usporediti. Posebno su sline figurice
koje se uvaju u Seattle Art Museum (Del Chiaro 1981, 22,
br. 17, sl.17), Detroit Institute of Art (Del Chiaro 1981, 22, br.
18, sl. 18), i Kelsey Museum of Archaeology, University of Michigan (Del Chiaro 1981, 22, br. 19, sl. 19). Ti su kipii oito
primitivna reducirana imitacija neto boljih etruanskih
3. Oito da je arhetip nastao jo u arhajsko doba i da se inspirirao likom
bacaa koplja. Usp. lik na novcu Poseidonije: Coins and Numismatics
1996, 127 i d., sl. 6. ili helenistiki kipi iz Pariza (Louvre): Thomas
1992, 134 i d., sl. 135.
4. Na primjer kipi iz Mantineje u Parizu (Louvre), usp. Thomas 1992, 92,
sl. 82.
5. Usp. kipi iz Bibliothque Nationale Paris: Thomas 1992, 92, sl. 84. ili
kipi iz Modene: Gualandi 1999, 274 i d., sl. 1-2.
6. To se, naravno, u prvom redu odnosi na etruansku sitnu plastiku,
jer mi nije poznat ni jedan grki kip atletiara, bacaa koplja, iako su
nesumnjivo postojali, a natjecanje u bacanju koplja bila je vana grka
portska disciplina. O tome svjedoi i kip uvenog Polikletova Dorifora.
O etruanskim ratnicima usp. The Gods Delight 1988, 181, T. XII (nazvan Umbrijski ratnik) iz Perugie.
7. Upravo injenica to je ovjek imao predmet u lijevoj ruci ne bi promakla
falsifikatoru, jer bi to moglo biti sumnjivo. Naprotiv, kod originala lake je
shvatiti pogreku i objasniti je kao nemarnost. Upravo ratnik spomenut
u bilj. 8 dri ma u lijevoj ruci, to jasno pokazuje da se grijeilo u
odreivanju ruku.
8. Usp., na primjer Mitten, Doeringer 1965, 162, sl. 159, 165, sl. 163; Brendel
1978, 207, sl. 136; Bandinelli, Giuliano 1985, sl. 122-123, sl. 125; Gualandi
1999a, 156, T. II,b. O tome usp. i Cristofani 1983, na vie mjesta te Bentz
1992, takoer na vie mjesta. Usp. i figuricu Herakla iz svetita via Cassarini u Bologni: Storia di Bologna 2005, 298, sl. 72.
a thunderbolt or Poseidon throwing a trident, from the same period. 3 Heracles also appears in this posture, but with a club in a
raised and outstretched hand.4 Athena is similarly portrayed in
her iconographic variant Promachos, as she likewise takes aim
5
with a spear. However, we are not interested here in the iconography of Athena, as the Sinj figurine indisputably depicts a man.
Naturally, the position, swing and the throw were later used for
6
fully equipped warriors as well as those in heroic nakedness
(The Gods Delight 1988, 223 seq., Fig. 40 and the Fig. at pages
225-226). When it comes to this figurine, close parallels, particularly with regard to the details, are found neither in the Greek
nor Roman repertory of small bronze figurines. Considering the
peculiarity in the series of bronze figures, one could perhaps suspect this to be a forgery, but this is not the case. This figurine of a
man swinging his left hand (not the right!), shows close ties and
has parallel figurines in the plentiful Etruscan legacy, particularly
7
the figurines of Heracles (Hercle Promachos) who, as an iconographic type, stems from the previously mentioned Greek proto8
types, but which had been popular in Etruria from long before.
However, the mentioned depictions of Heracles usually show a
lions skin over his left arm, albeit in an exceptionally superficial
and schematic manner, depicted like a fluttering piece of cloth,
which is not visible here. It could even be doubted whether this
figurine represents Heracles at all, because like the other ones,
this one also does not have any of his other attributes. However,
if the raised hand was holding a club, which one would expect,
then the observers would be freed from any doubt. I hold that
it is nevertheless acceptable to assume that, in what was an utterly simplified and poor casting workmanship to start with,
the details suffered a further reduction, that is to say, the lions
skin disappeared and the arms were reversed in a mirror image
(right-left). There are numerous similar figurines of Heracles of
poorer quality with which one could compare the Sinj piece. The
figurines kept in the Seattle Art Museum (Del Chiaro 1981, 22, No.
17, Fig. 17), in the Detroit Institute of Art (Del Chiaro 1981, 22, No.
18, Fig. 18) and in the Kelsey Museum of Archaeology, University
3. It is obvious that the archetype was created already in the Archaic period
and that it was inspired by the figure of a spear-thrower. Comp. the figure
on the coins of Poseidonia: Coins and Numismatics 1996, 127 seq., Fig.
6 or a Hellenistic figurine from Paris (Louvre): Thomas 1992, 134 seq.,
Fig. 135.
4. For instance a figurine from Mantinea in Paris (Louvre), comp. Thomas
1992, 92, Fig. 82.
5. Comp. the figurine from the Bibliothque Nationale Paris: Thomas 1992,
92, Fig. 84 or the figurine from Modena: Gualandi 1999, 274 seq., Fig.
1-2.
6. This, of course, primarily applies to the Etruscan small sculpture, as I
do not know of any Greek sculpture of an athlete, a spear-thrower, even
though they undoubtedly existed, and the spear-throwing competition was
an important Greek sporting event. The famous sculpture of Doryphoros
by Polykleithos bears testimony to this. About the Etruscan warriors
comp. The Gods Delight 1988, 181, Pl. XII (titled the Umbrian Warrior)
from Perugia.
7. Precisely the fact that the man held the object in his left hand would not go
unnoticed by a forger as this might raise suspicions. On the contrary, in
the case of the original it is easier to comprehend an error and explain
it away as negligence. Precisely the warrior mentioned in note 8 holds a
sword in the left hand, which clearly shows that errors were made in
the determination of the hands.
8. Comp. e.g. Mitten, Doeringer 1965, 162, Fig. 159, 165, Fig. 163; Brendel
1978, 207, Fig. 136; Bandinelli, Giuliano 1985, Fig. 122-123, Fig. 125;
Gualandi 1999a, 156, Pl. II,b. On this comp. also Cristofani 1983 in
several places and Bentz 1992 likewise in several places. Comp. also the
figurine of Heracles from the via Cassarini sanctuary in Bologna: Storia
di Bologna 2005, 298, Fig. 72.
187
Sl. 4
Fig. 4
Sl. 5
Fig. 5
9
Sl. 6
Fig. 6
figurica Herakla. Niz pojedinosti povezuje sve te kipie. Na

jednak nain izraena je kosa (kratka s krikolikim pramenovima), mrkvasti nos, zaluene obrve i okrugle oi te tanki rez
usana. Isto tako, posve je jednak nain prikazivanja tijela i
udova. Prema tomu, ne preostaje drugo nego ustvrditi da je
sinjski kipi prikazivao etruanskog mladog Herakla (Hercle), bez brade, brkova i duge kose i to u stavu borbe s podignutom toljagom. Akcija herosa bila je usmjerena na nekog
od njegovih protivnika (dvanaest djela). Mogue je ak da
se, unato tomu to nema lavlje koe, znak da mu je protivnik ipak bio Nemejski lav, jer se taj atribut pojavljuje tek
poslije njegova svladavanja, tj. nakon to ga je ubio i oderao mu kou da mu zajedno s lubanjom poslui kao zatita
10
i kaciga, a to bi bilo tek poslije prvog podviga. Paralele s
kojima se ovaj kipi usporeuje jasno pokazuju da je pripadao kasnom razdoblju razvitka, kad je ta visoka antika
civilizacija na izdisaju i kad se prije smije govoriti o italskoj
negoli etruanskoj umjetnosti. Ti bi se pojednostavljeni
kipii prema Del Chiaru datirali u vrijeme izmeu 2./1. st. pr.
Kr. (Del Chiaro 1981, 21-22, br. 15-19, sl. 15-19). S takvom se
datacijom priblino slae i ona R. Bianchi Bandinellija i A.
Giuliana, samo to se oni odluuju za neto iri vremenski
raspon (3.-1. st. pr. Kr.) (Bianchi Bandinelli, Giuliano 1985,
248, sl. 285-286).
of Michigan (Del Chiaro 1981, 22, No. 19, Fig. 19) bear a particular likeness. These figurines are obviously a primitive reduced
9
imitation of somewhat better Etruscan figurines of Heracles .
A series of details connect all these figurines. The hair (short
with slice-shaped curls) was made in the same way, as well as
the carrot-like nose, curved eyebrows, round eyes and the thinly
cut mouth. Furthermore, the manner in which the body and extremities are depicted is identical. Therefore, we have no other
choice but to assert that the Sinj figurine depicted the Etruscan
young Heracles (Hercle), without a beard, moustache and long
hair, in a battle posture with a raised club. The heros action was
directed against one of his adversaries (the twelve labours). It is
possible that, although the lions skin is absent, the Nemean Lion
was nevertheless his opponent, as this attribute appears only after it had been overpowered, i.e. after he had killed and skinned
the lion, and used the skin together with the skull to serve him
as protection and a helmet, which all happened after his first ex10
ploit. The parallels with which this figurine is compared clearly
show that it belonged to the later period of development, when
this high ancient civilization was at its last gasp and when one
should rather speak of Italic than Etruscan art. In Del Chiaros
view these simplified figurines should be dated to the period
between the 2nd/1st cent. B.C. (Del Chiaro 1981, 21-22, No. 1519, Fig. 15-19). The dates by R. Bianchi Bandinelli and A. Giuliano
approximately correspond to these dates, but they are in favour
10. Usp. Kerny 1997, 125 i d., osobito 140 i d. Pobjeda nad Nemejskim
lavom je prva u nizu od dvanaest.
10. Comp. Kerny 1997, 125 seq., particularly 140 seq. The victory over
the Nemean lion was the first in the series of twelve.
188
Drugi kipi je jo shematiziraniji nego prvi (sl. 4-7). On

prikazuje nagu enu u uspravnom poloaju i obje paralelno
postavljene noge. Figurica je itava i visoka je 7,2 cm (inv. br.
192). Da je rije o eni, upuuju neznatno istaknute grudi te
kosa koja na zatiljku ima punu, a naprijed dva poprena vala. Kosa posve pokriva ui. Oi i nos su shematizirani na jednaki nain kao i u prethodno obraene skulpturice (mrkvast
nos, tanka usta i okrugle oi koje su tek neznatno ispod kose, tako da nema obrva). Ruke su zaokruene i vrlo znakovito poloene. Desna ruka poiva na grudima, a lijeva na
trbuhu povie stidne kosti. Tako postavljene ruke pojavljuju
se jo na drevnim i iznimno pojednostavljenim kamenim
likovima, kao to su oni iz Pontevecchia (La Spezia) (Bian11
chi Bandinelli, Giuliano 1985, 57, sl. 60-61) ili pak na daunijskim stelama (Nava 1980, 60, br. 62, 72, br. 139, T. XVI,62,
T. XXXVIII,139 i mnoge druge). Ovakav statuarni tip, dakle,
takoer podsjea na oblike kakvi su se izraivali tijekom
12
nekoliko stoljea na italskom tlu. Kipovi italskih kurosa
i kora ak imaju na isti nain postavljene ruke, to se smatra tradicionalnom lokalnom gestom, svojstvenom upravo
tom prostoru. Naime, na istonom Sredozemlju, unato
snanom utjecaju na njegov zapadni dio, takav poloaj nije
bio poznat. Uz prije spomenute, moe se u potkrjepu italskom podrijetlu podsjetiti jo i na neke primjere, recimo na
kip ene pronaene u Pietrera tumulu (Vetulonia) (Bianchi
Bandinelli, Giuliano 1985, 204, sl. 238), na ratnika nazvanog
Guerriero di Capestrano (Bianchi Bandinelli, Giuliano 1985,
13
104, sl. 117-118), a takoer i na mnoge druge likove te na figurice na poklopcima kanopikih urna koji pripadaju samom
14
pokojniku, bez obzira je li prikazan mukarac ili ena . ini
se da taj poloaj ruku upuuje kako je to tradicionalna gesta tuge za nekim pokojnikom (Haynes 2000, 79, sl. 60 (33
figurice ena iz grobnice Regolini Galassi)). Na etruansku
produkciju upuivao bi i nain prikazivanja kose i oiju,
koji je identian kao i na spomenutim paralelama. Kosa,
dodue, nije krikolika, ali dva obrua od uha do uha poput katova te pramenovi izraeni sitnim urezima upuuju
na znatno ralanjenu frizuru. Posebna znaajka figurice su
uski i nemiiavi udovi, pa ak i tijelo, koje je valjkasto osim
to je u sredini, oko pojasa ipak malo sueno. Na trbuhu je
naznaen pupak. Nema detalja genitalnog organa. Ruke
izgledaju kao dva kruga, gotovo su posve izostavljeni zglobovi lakta. Ovakav nain javlja se vrlo rano na etruanskim
15
figuricama , a zatim i na tzv. izduenom stilu (elongated
figures) s vrlo tankim udovima (Brendel 1978, 313, sl. 231232; Bianchi Bandenelli, Giuliano 1985, 337, sl. 392) i na takav
nain zaokruenim rukama, bez muskulature. Meutim,
sinjska enska figurica je znatno loija od prosjenih likova
koji se javljaju na italskom tlu. Ovaj se kipi teko datira, ali
11. Rije je o likovima mukarca i ene.
12. Gotovo identino postavljene ruke pojavljuju se i na kipiima iz znatno
kasnijeg doba, ali normalnoj plastici, kao to je sluaj na votivnoj enskoj
statueti iz Santa Maria Capua Vetere, usp. Bianchi Bandinelli, Giuliano
1985, 246, sl. 282.
13. Usp., na primjer, antropomorfnu urnu od vapnenca iz Chiusija, Brendel
1978, 132, sl. 85.
14. Na primjer keramika kanopika urna iz Castiglione del Lago, usp.
Brendel 1978, 107, sl. 74.
15. Usp., na primjer, kipie iz Lucere kraj Foggie: Bianchi Bandinelli, Giuliano 1985, 94, sl. 104-106 (navodno iz 7. st. pr. Kr.).
of a somewhat wider chronological range (3rd-1st cent. B.C.) (Bianchi Bandinelli, Giuliano 1985, 248, Fig. 285-286).
The second statuette is even more schematized than the first
one (Fig. 4-7). It depicts a naked woman in erect posture and with
both legs parallel. The figurine is complete and it is 7,2 cm high
(inv. No. 192). That this is a representation of a woman is indicated by the faintly pronounced breasts and the hair with a chignon
at the back of the head, with two transverse waves at the front.
The hair completely covers the ears. The eyes and the nose are
schematized in the same manner as in the previously analyzed
statuette (a carrot-like nose, thin mouth and round eyes set only
just below the hair, so that there are no eyebrows). The arms are
rounded and indicatively placed. The right hand rests on the
breasts, while the left lies on the belly above the pubis. The arms
positioned in this way appear already on ancient and exceptionally simplified stone figures, such as those from Pontevecchio (La
11
Spezia) (Bianchi Bandinelli, Giuliano 1985, 57, Fig. 60-61) or on
the Daunian stelae (Nava 1980, 60, No. 62, 72, No. 139, Pl. XVI,62,
Pl. XXXVIII,139 and many others). This statue type, therefore, is
also reminiscent of the forms made during several centuries on
12
Italic soil. The statues of Italic kouroi and korai even have arms
positioned in the same manner, which is considered a traditional
local gesture, characteristic precisely for that region. In the eastern Mediterranean, in spite of the strong influence it exerted
on its western part, such a posture was not known. In addition
to the aforementioned ones, to substantiate the Italian origin
one can mention some other examples, for instance the statue
of a woman found in the Pietrera tumulus (Vetulonia) (Bianchi
Bandinelli, Giuliano 1985, 204, Fig. 238), the warrior named Guerriero di Capestrano (Bianchi Bandinelli, Giuliano 1985, 104, Fig.
13
117-118), and also many other figures as well as the figurines
on the lids of Canopic jars belonging to the deceased himself,
regardless of whether the representation was that of a man or
14
a woman. It seems that such a position of the arms indicates
that this was a traditional gesture of grief for a deceased person
(Haynes 2000, 79, Fig. 60 (33 figurines of women from the Regolini Galassi tomb)). The Etruscan production is implied also by
the manner of representing the hair and eyes, identical to that
on the mentioned parallels. It it is true that the hair is not sliceshaped, but two hoops stretching from one ear to another like
storeys, as well as curls done by tiny incisions indicate a much
segmented hairstyle. A particular feature of the figurine are the
narrow and unmuscular limbs, and even the body, which is cylindrical except in the middle, around the waist, where it is narrowed a little. The navel is indicated on the abdomen. There are
no details of a genital organ. The arms are represented as two
circles, the elbow joints are almost entirely absent. This manner
15
appears very early on the Etruscan figurines , and later on also
on the so-called elongated figures with very thin limbs (Brendel
1978, 313, Fig. 231-232; Bianchi Bandenelli, Giuliano 1985, 337,
11. These are figures of a man and a woman.
12. Almost identically positioned arms appear also on statuettes from a much
later period, but on a normal sculpture, such as in the case of a votive female statuette from Santa Maria Capua Vetere, comp. Bianchi Bandinelli,
Giuliano 1985, 246, Fig. 282.
13. Comp., for instance, an antropomorphic limestone urn from Chiusi,
Brendel 1978, 132, Fig. 85.
14. For example a ceramic Canopic jar from Castiglione del Lago, comp.
Brendel 1978, 107, Fig. 74.
15. Comp., for instance, the statuettes from Lucera near Foggia: Bianchi
Bandinelli, Giuliano 1985, 94, Fig. 104-106 (supposedly from the 7th
cent. B.C.).
189
Sl. 7
Fig. 7
Sl. 8
Fig. 8
je tipoloki stariji nego prije spomenuti Heraklo. Po svoj prilici pripada irokom luku od kasnijeg eljeznog doba (5. st.
pr. Kr.) pa najkasnije do 3. st. pr. Kr., a to znai od klasinog
do ranohelenistikog doba.
Koga je prikazivala ova enska figura? Nagost upozorava na religijski ili mitoloki karakter, ali u irem smislu rijei.
Nagost, naime, obino upuuje na traganje u tom pravcu.
Meutim, i figure obinih ljudi mogu se prikazivati u potpunoj golotinji, poglavito kad su funerarnog karaktera. Ovdje
moe biti rijei i o votivnoj figurici, a one mogu prikazivati i
boanstvo, mitoloki lik ili pak samog dedikanda, takoer u
potpunoj nagosti.
Prema tome, oba lika upuuju na vjekovne italske uzore i ne mogu se dovesti u vezu s Dalmacijom kao eventualnim produkcijskim sreditem. Postavlja se pitanje otkud
su stigla ova dva kipia iz Franjevakog samostana i jesu li
autentini, posebno imajui u vidu da su falsifikati kruili u
16
triljskom kraju. Ovdje treba svakako istaknuti kako ipak
nije rije o krivotvorini, osobito se to ne moe posumnjati ni
u sluaju enskog kipia.
Italskih kipia je malo na podruju antike Dalmacije, ali
ih ipak ima. Na podruju Hercegovine naena su tri takva
primjerka koji jasno podsjeaju na italske uzore. Prve su
dvije enske figurice iz Konjica i iz Gruda kod Sovia, koje
imaju slino postavljene i oblikovane, moda samo malo
nezgrapnije i primitivnije izraene ruke nego na sinjskoj
(usp. ovi 1988, 177, T. 19,5). Ti su enski likovi takoer nagi i imaju na isti nain izraene dojke poput malih grudvica. Ove figurice pripadaju tzv. shematskim etruanskim
17
enskim likovima .
O postojanju veza s Italijom svjedoe jo neke statuete. Jedna je odjevena enska figurica iz Studenaca kod
16. Triljski kova Petar Pezelj pokuavao je podvaliti izlivene figurice kao originale,
to mu je ponekad i polazilo za rukom. Meutim, ipak je vrlo brzo bio otkriven,
usp. Miloevi 1998, 29 i d.
17. Usp. takve figurice iz Bologne: Storia di Bologna 2005, 299, sl. 74.
190
Sl. 9
Fig. 9
Fig. 392) and in the arms rounded in such a way, without a musculature. However, the female figurine from Sinj is of a far poorer
make than the average figures from the Italic area. This statuette
is difficult to date, but it is typologically older than the previously
mentioned Heracles. In all likelihood, it belongs to a wide span
from the later Iron Age (5th cent. B.C.) to the 3rd cent. B.C. at the
latest, i.e. from the Classical to the early Hellenistic period.
Whom did this female figure portray? The nudity points to a
religious or mythological character, but in the broader meaning
of the word. Nudity usually leads us to search in that direction.
However, figures of ordinary people can likewise be represented
in full nudity, particularly if they are of a funerary character. We
may also be dealing here with a votive figurine, and these can
depict a deity, a mythological figure or the dedicant himself, also
fully naked.
Both figures hence point to age-long Italian models and
cannot be brought into connection with Dalmatia as a possible production centre. The question emerges as to where these
two statuettes from the Franciscan Monastery came from and
whether they are authentic, especially if one takes into account
16
that there were forgeries circulating in the Trilj region. It deserves special mention here that these are not fakes, and there is
particularly no place for doubt as regards the female figurine.
There are few Italian statuettes in the territory of ancient Dalmatia, but some do exist. Three such pieces clearly reminiscent
of the Italian models were found in the territory of Herzegovina.
The first two are female figurines from Konjic and from Grude
near Sovii, with arms similarly positioned and shaped, perhaps
just a little more ungainly and primitively rendered than on the
Sinj figurine (comp. ovi 1988, 177, Pl. 19,5). These female figures are likewise naked and have breasts done in the same way
in the shape of small lumps. These figurines belong to the so17
called schematized Etruscan female figures.
The existence of connections with Italy is testified by several oth16. Petar Pezelj, a blacksmith from Trilj, attempted to deceive by offering
cast figurines as originals, in which he was occasionally successful. He
was neverteless soon exposed, comp. Miloevi 1998, 29 seq.
17. Comp. such figurines from Bologna: Storia di Bologna 2005, 299,
Fig.74.
Ljubukog (ovi 1988, 177, T. 19,7; ovi 1987, 476, T. XLIX,22).

Ta figura nosi tipinu etruansku haljinu koja dosee do
glenjeva, ali nema plat. Haljina joj je raskono ukraena
tokasto nabockanim nacrtom. Za jasno etruansko produkcijsko podrijetlo upuuju i cipele sa iljatim i prema gore
zavinutim vrhom. S obzirom da je lice studenake figurice
izlizano, okrugle oi, mrkvast nos te jednostavna usta kipia
iz zbirke N. Schimmela mogu posluiti kao pokazatelj njiho18
va izvornog izgleda.
Na pojavu etruanskog importa upozorava takoer
i srebrni (oito jo dragocjeniji) kipi oranta iz Garduna s podignutim rukama (sl. 8-10). I taj kipi ima identino
oblikovane pojedinosti lica (nos, oi i kosu). I on nedvojbe19
no pripada istoj italsko-etruanskoj skupini.
Toj skupini po svoj prilici pripadaju dvije izgubljene
nage statuete. Fotografije donosi M. Nikolanci (Nikolanci 1989d, 177, T. VI). Njihovo podrijetlo je nepoznato, ali je
najvjerojatnije da su s podruja srednje Dalmacije, jer je fotografija rad splitskog fotografa Manenice. Jedna je enska,
a druga muka. Obje u rukama dre ploice s natpisima
(enska latinski, muka grki). Natpis muke je itljiv, dok je
enske neitljiv. Ove su figurice po svoj prilici ukras nekog
utilitarnog predmeta.
Otkuda u Dalmaciji ovakve figurice? Oito je da njihov
broj nije bio velik, ali je ipak znatan. Stoga na tu pojavu tre18. Usp., na primjer, bronani kipi iz Falteronea iz ranog 5. st. pr. Kr. (Brendel 1978, 226, sl. 152), koji moe posluiti kao paralela i za haljinu i njezin
ukras te za cipele. Meutim, gotovo identina figurica potjee naravno iz
Italije, danas u zbirci Norberta Schimmela iz sredine 5. st. pr. Kr., ali ova
je ipak neto loija i pripada skupini tzv. elongated figures, usp. Muscarella 1974, br. 82. sa sl. Ona takoer ima dijadem, isto postavljene ruke
i malo prema unutra okrenuta stopala. Takoer je ukras haljine tokasto
nabockan, ali dosta loije kvalitete.
19. Miloevi 1981, 60, br. 108, sl. 108; Miloevi 1998, 245, sl. 401. M.
Nikolanci je ovaj kipi pripisao Izidinom ili nekom drugom sveeniku orijentalnih religija (Nikolanci 1989, 154, bilj. 36), oslanjajui se na miljenje
Th. Klausera da nije rije o kranskom prikazu oranta. Th. Klauseru za
takvu pretpostavku argument bijae da je liku, toboe, bilo golo desno
rame, to bi opovrgavalo kransku atribuciju (Klauser 1959, 126, bilj.
52, T. XI). Meutim, Th. Klauser je loe prouio figurice. Naime, sasvim
je jasno da je ovjek odjeven u dugu tuniku koja pada do glenjeva (samo
su stopala slobodna). Tunika se vidi i na lijevom i na desnom zapeu,
to znai da ima rukave (tunica manicata) i sukladno tomu da nema golo
rame. Preko tunike prebaen je plat, zapravo kratka i jednostavna toga
koja je po svom karakteru kasnorepublikanska. Meutim, ak i nije u
potpunosti tono da kranstvo ne pozna golo rame, jer se ponekad i Krist
pokazuje samo s palijem na golim prsima, poput kinikog filozofa. Prema
obliku haljine, dakle, ne bi bilo iskljueno ni kransko tumaenje, ali to
ne dolazi u obzir iz jednog drugog razloga (vidjeti malo poslije). No ni
M. Nikolanci nije dobro prouio lik. Nije posrijedi elava i obrijana glava
egipatskih sveenika, jer ovjek ima kosu pruenu od straga prema naprijed i na elu se jasno vide kratki i ravni pramenovi, oblikovani poput resa.
To je italski nain eljanja, usp. takve frizure na bronanim glavama iz
Firence i Fiesole: Bianchi Bandinelli, Giuliano 1985, sl. 368-369. Nonja
je pak slina onoj na kipu Avle Metlea iz Firence, samo to je potonjem
tunika bez rukava, usp. Bianchi Bandinelli, Giuliano 1985, sl. 444. K
tome, ve vie puta ovdje spominjani oblik oiju i obrva jasno upozorava
na italsko-etruanske umjetnike tradicije. Figurica je vjerojatno iz 2.-1.
st. pr. Kr. Dakle, izidinski kao i kranski karakter statuete nedvojbeno i
bez okolianja ne dolaze u obzir. Gesta s obje, nejednako podignute ruke
pouzdano upuuje na obrednu sferu. Po svoj prilici posrijedi je zazivanje
(invokacija) boanstva i italskog je podrijetla (usp. figuricu iz Pieve di
Cadore u Mostra dell Etruria Padana 1961, br. 1304, T. CLVII).
er statuettes. One of these is a clothed female figurine from Studenci

near Ljubuki (ovi 1988, 177, Pl. 19,7; ovi 1987, 476, Pl. XLIX,22).
This figure wears a typical Etruscan ankle-length dress but without
a mantle. The dress is lavishly decorated with a dotted design. The
clear Etruscan production provenance is revealed also by the shoes
with a pointed and upward-curved top. Taking into consideration
that the face of the Studenci figurine is worn out, the round eyes,
carrot-like nose and simple mouth of the statuette from N. Schimmels collection can be taken as an indication of their original ap18
pearance.
The appearance of Etruscan imports is also signalled by the silver
(obviously even more valuable) statuette of an orant from Gardun
with raised arms (Fig. 8-10). This statuette also has identically shaped
facial details (nose, eyes and hair). It also undoubtedly belongs to the
19
same Italic-Etruscan group.
In all likelihood two lost naked statuettes also belong to the
same group. M. Nikolanci published their photographs (Nikolanci
1989a, 177 seq., Pl. VI). Their origin is unknown, but they most probably come from the territory of central Dalmatia, because the photograph was taken by Manenica, a photographer from Split. One is
female and the other is male. Both hold small inscribed plaques in
their hands (the female holds a Latin inscription while the male holds
a Greek one). The inscription of the male figure is legible while that
of the female is illegible. These figurines are in all probability decorations from a utilitarian object.
How did such figurines appear in Dalmatia? Their number was
18. Comp., for instance, the bronze statuette from Falterone from the early
5th cent. B.C. (Brendel 1978, 226, Fig. 152), which can serve as a parallel
also for the dress and its decoration as well as for the shoes. However,
an almost identical figurine, originating naturally from Italy, today kept
in the Norbert Schimmel collection, dates from the mid-5th cent. B.C.,
but this one is somewhat poorer and belongs to the group of the so-called
elongated figures, cop. Muscarella 1974, No. 82 with a fig. It also has a
diadem, equally positioned arms and feet turned slightly inwards. The
dress decoration is likewise dotted, but it is of much poorer quality.
19. Miloevi 1981, 60, No. 108, Fig. 108; Miloevi 1998, 245, Fig. 401. M.
Nikolanci attributed this statuette to a priest of Isis, or of another Oriental
religion (Nikolanci 1989, 154, note 36), relying on Th. Klausers opinion
that this was not a Christian depiction of an orant. Klausers argument for
such assumption was that the right shoulder of the figure was, seemingly,
bare, which would refute a Christian attribution (Klauser 1959, 126, note
52, Pl. XI). However, Klausers analysis of the figurines was deficient: it
is entirely clear that the man is wearing a long tunic descending to the
ankles (only the feet are free). The tunic is visible also on the left and
right wrists, which means that it has sleeves (tunica manicata) and that
consequently its shoulder is not bare. A mantle is draped over the tunic,
in fact a short and simple toga, with late republican features. However,
the claim that bare shoulders are foreign to Christianity is not entirely
true, as Christ himself is occasionally depicted only with a pallium on his
bare chest, like a Cynic philosopher. It is nevertheless out of the question
for another reason (see further on). However, Nikolancis analysis of the
figure was not accurate either. The figures is not the bald and shaved head
of Aegyptian priests, because the man has hair extending from the back to
the front, with short and straight curls shaped like tassels clearly visible on
the forehead. This is the Italian way of combing, comp. such hairstyle on
the bronze heads from Florence and Fiesole: Bianchi Bandinelli, Giuliano
1985, Fig. 368-369. The costume is in turn similar to that on the statue
of Aulus Metellus from Florence, only the latter is wearing a sleeveless
tunic, comp. Bianchi Bandinelli, Giuliano 1985, Fig. 444. Furthermore,
the shape of the eyes and eyebrows, already mentioned here several times,
is a clear indication of the Italic-Etruscan artistic traditions. The figurine
probably dates from the 2nd-1st cent. B.C. Hence, the Isiac or Christian
character of the statuette are indisputably and undoubtedly out of the
question. The gesture with both, unevenly raised arms positively points
to the sphere of ritual. In all probability it represents the invocation of a
deity and it is of Italic origin (comp. the figurine from Pieve di Cadore in
Mostra dellEtruria Padana 1961, No. 1304, Pl. CLVII).
191
ba obratiti dunu pozornost. Vjerojatno ih ima jo u depoima raznih muzeja. Lokacija nalaza tih figurica je uglavnom
u dalmatinskom zaleu i susjednim hercegovakim krajevima (podruje ilirskog naroda Delmata). Sve se one datiraju u
doba tek zapoetog rimskog kulturnog i politikog prodora, a dvije su jo i starije. To je doba koje gotovo stotinu godina prethodi onom kad poetkom 1. st. u Tilurij dolazi VII.
rimska legija. Kako onda objasniti italske forme? Tri su takve
mogunosti. Jedna je da je to kulturni utjecaj koji je dolazio
trgovinom jo prije Rimljana. Druga je da su ih donijeli sobom iz postojbine kao likove osobnog tovanja rimski vojnici VII. legije, a mnogi su upravo iz srednje Italije (Florentia,
Arriminium, Bononia i dr.) (Forni 1953, 225) (daleko najvei
broj vojnika potjee iz Italije). Trea bi pak bila da su u zbirku
Franjevakog muzeja ti primjerci pristigli kao donacije redovnika, koji su boravili negdje u srednjoj ili sjevernoj Italiji.
Mogue je da sve tri opcije dolaze u obzir, iako bi prva bila
najprihvatljivija, osobito zbog paralela u Hercegovini.
obviously not great, but it is still considerable. This phenomenon

therefore deserves due attention. There are probably more of
them in the depots of various museums. The sites of discovery of
these figurines mostly lie in the hinterland of Dalmatia and in the
neighbouring areas in Herzegovina (the territory of the Illyrian
people of the Delmatae). They are all dated to the very beginnings
of the Roman cultural and political penetration, and two even
earlier. This is the time that precedes by almost a hundred years
that of the beginning of the 1st cent., when the VII Roman legion
arrived at Tilurium. How then can we explain the Italian forms?
There are three possibilities. One is that this was a cultural influence arriving through trade even before the Romans. The second
is that they were carried from their homelands as figures of personal worship by the Roman soldiers of the Seventh Legion, many
of whom were precisely from central Italy (Florentia, Arriminium,
Bononia etc.) (Forni 1953, 225) (by and large the greatest number
of soldiers come from Italy). The third is that these pieces arrived in
the collection of the Franciscan Monastery as donations by monks
who had resided somewhere in central or northern Italy. It is possible that all three options were at play, even though the first is
the most plausible, especially due to the parallels in Herzegovina.
ovi B., 1987, Srednjodalmatinska grupa, PJZ V, Sarajevo, 442-480.
ovi B., 1988, Arheoloki leksikon Bosne i Hercegovine I, Sarajevo
Bentz M., 1992, Etruschische Votivronzen des Hellenismus, Firenze
Brendel O., 1978, Etruscan Art, Harmondsworth
Coins and Numismatics 1996, Coins and Numismatics, Athens
Cristofani M., 1983, M. Cristofani et al., I bronzi degli Etruschi, Novara
Del Chiaro M., 1981, Re-Exhumed Etruscan Bronzes, The Regent University
of California
Die Geschichte 2002, Die geschichte der antiken Bildhauerkunst I, hrsg. P.
C. Bol, Mainz
Die Geschichte 2004, Die Geschichte der antiken Bildhauerkunst II, hrsg.
P. C. Bol, Mainz
Bianchi Bandinelli R., Giuliano A., 1985, Etruschi e Italici prima del dominio
di Roma, Milano
Forni G., 1953, Il reclutamento delle legioni da Augusto a Diocleziano, Milano-Roma
Gualandi G., 1999, Statuetta di Minerva Promachos (Modena, Galleria
Estense), u: Grecia e Etruria negli scritti di Giorgio Gualandi, Bologna, 274-275.
Gualandi G. 1999a, Un santuario felsineo nell ex Villa Cassarini (Facolt
di Ingegneria), u: Grecia e Etruria negli scritti di Giorgio Gualandi,
Bologna, 156-169.
Haynes S., 2000, Etruscan Civilization. A Cultural History, British Museum
Press, London
Kerny C., 1997, The Heroes of the Greeks, New York
192
Klauser Th., 1959, Studien zur Entstehungsgeschichte der christlichen

Kunst, JbAC II, Mnster, 126.
Miloevi A., 1981, Arheoloki spomenici gornjeg i srednjeg toka rijeke
Cetine, Zbornik Cetinske krajine 2, Sinj
Miloevi A., 1998, Arheoloka topografija Cetine, Split
Mitten D. G., Doeringer S. F., 1968, Masters Bronzes from the Classical
World, Fogg Art Museum, City Art Museum of Saint Louis, The Los
Angeles County Museum of Art, Mainz
Mostra dell Etruria Padana 1961, Mostra dell Etruria Padana e della citt
di Spina, Bologna
Muscarella O. W., 1974, Ancient Art. The Norbert Schimmel Collection,
Mainz
Nava M. L., 1980, Stele Daunie I i II, Firenze
Nikolanci M., 1989, Kulturni ivot u Saloni i rimskoj Dalmaciji, VAHD 82,
Split, 143-156.
Nikolanci M., 1989a, Dvije etrurske bronane statuete iz srednje Dalmacije, VAHD 82, Split, 177-181.
Storia di Bologna 2005, Storia di Bologna. Bologna nell antichit, a cura di
G. Sassatelli-A. Donati, Bologna
The Gods Delight 1988, The Gods Delight. The Human Figure in Classical
Bronze, ed. A. Kozloff-D. G. Mitten), Cleveland Museum of Art
Thomas R., 1992, Griechische Bronze-Statuetten, Darmstadt
Wnsche R., 2005, Glyptothek Mnchen. Meisterwerke griechischer und rmischer Skulptur, Mnchen
Lux in nave
Lux in nave
Antika arheologija
ZDENKO BRUSI
Sveuilite u Zadru
Obala kralja Petra Kreimira IV/2
HR - 23000 Zadar

Roman archaeology
UDK/UDC 902.034(26)
904:628.9]652
Brojni podvodni nalazi, posebno oni u lukama gdje su brodovi esto noili i due boravili, pruaju
obilje podataka o ivotu mornara, njihovoj prehrani, igrama i dr. Upravo ulomci keramikih svjetiljki
razliitih oblika i radionica pokazuju odakle su sve nabavljani ovi nuni izvori svjetlosti u antici. Iako
su sve svjetiljke pronaene u slojevima luka bile upotrebljavane na brodovima, neke specifine svjetiljke i svijenjaci koji su se prilagoavali posebnim uvjetima na brodovima gdje je plamen trebao
biti zatien od vjetra, a svjetiljka se nije smjela proliti i uljem zapaliti brod, tema su ovog rada.
Kljune rijei: svjetiljka, svijenjak, brod, podvodna istraivanja, brodolomi, antike luke
Numerous underwater finds, particularly those in the harbours where ships often spent nights or
stayed for a longer period, offer abundant information about the life of sailors, their diet, games
etc. It is precisely the fragments of ceramic lamps of various forms and from various workshops that
show where these necessary sources of light in antiquity were acquired from. Although all the lamps
that were found in the layers of the harbours were used on ships, this paper deals with certain lamps
and candelabra, adapted to the specific conditions on ships where the flame had to be protected
from wind, and the oil from the lamp had to be kept from spilling and setting fire to the ship, form
the topic of this work.
Key words: lamp, candelabrum, ship, underwater excavation, shipwrecks, ancient harbours
U ovom prilogu, posveenom kolegi i prijatelju eljku

Tomiiu, pokuat u obraditi nekoliko karakteristinih
podvodnih nalaza vezanih uz osvjetljenje na brodovima.
Na brojnim podvodnim nalazitima istone obale
Jadrana, kako onima na veim dubinama gdje su preteno
ostaci antikih brodskih udesa, tako i u slojevima lukih
prostora u plitkom priobalju, nailazi se vrlo esto na
fragmentirane ostatke ili itave primjerke keramikih svjetiljki
(uljanica ili lucerni), tog nunog izvora svjetlosti u antici.
Ova vrsta keramikih recipijenata, u kojima je maslinovo
ulje izgaralo preko fitilja (stijenja) i stvaralo svjetlost, bilo je
zbog svoje fragilnosti, poput ostalog keramikog posua,
podlono pucanju. Kod keramikih, pak, svjetiljki pucanje
se esto dogaalo na produetku svjetiljke u obliku nosa,
gdje je iz otvora izlazio i izgarao fitilj koji je tijekom gorenja
stvarao temperaturnu razliku izmeu nosa i ostalog dijela
keramike svjetiljke, to je upravo na ovom dijelu svjetiljke
uzrokovalo pucanje. Ovo dokumentiraju i nalazi keramikih
svjetiljki u slojevima antikih pristanita, gdje kod velikog
dijela odbaenih primjeraka nedostaje upravo dio ili itav
nos svjetiljke, a nakupina gara ouvana oko otvora za fitilj
In this contribution, dedicated to my colleague and friend

eljko Tomii, I shall try to analyze several characteristic underwater finds, in connection with lighting on ships.
On numerous underwater sites of the eastern Adriatic coast,
whether those at greater depths, involving mostly the remains
of the destinies of ancient ships, or those in the layers of harbour
zones in the shallows along the coast, one frequently encounters
the fragmented remains or complete pieces of ceramic lamps (oillamps or lucernae) that indispensible source of light in antiquity.
Like other ceramic vessels, this type of ceramic container, which
emitted light by burning olive oil through a wick, was prone to
breaking due to its fragility. In the case of ceramic lamps fractures
often occurred on the nose-shaped spout of the lamp, where the
wick emerging from the opening was burning and in the process creating a thermal difference between the spout and the remainder of the ceramic lamp, causing fractures precisely at this
point of the lamp. This is documented also by the finds of ceramic
lamps in the layers of ancient quays, where the bulk of discarded
pieces lack a part or the entire spout of the lamp, while accumulated soot preserved around the aperture for the wick indicates
193
Z. BRUSI, Lux in nave, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 193-202.
ukazuje na njihovo koritenje.1 Takoer, logino je da su

ostaci svjetiljki najbrojniji u lukim prostorima jer su to
mjesta gdje su brodovi pristajali ne samo zbog prekrcaja
tereta, ve se u lukama zbog naina antike plovidbe
boravilo tijekom noi, kada su svjetiljke i bile u upotrebi. Taj
se boravak na ovim mjestima, zbog ekanja povoljnog vjetra
2
ili nunih popravaka, mogao ponekad i znatno oduiti.

Na pojedinim jadranskim istraivanim lukim prostorima
nalazimo svjetiljke iz razliitih razdoblja, ovisno o vremenu
funkcioniranja lukog prostora. Tako svjetiljke iz ranijeg
razdoblja, 3. do 1. st. pr. Kr., nalazimo u helenistikom
pristanitu u Resniku kod Katel tafilia. (T. 3,7-8). Najbrojniji
nalazi su iz rimskog doba, odnosno od 1. do 4. st., kada
svjetiljke nalazimo u rimskim lukama u Resniku (T. 4,2-3),
Pakotanima (T. 3,3), na poloaju Fontana na zadarskim
Kolovarama, Caskoj na otoku Pagu, luci antike Enone u
Zatonu kod Nina (T. 4,1,4-5) (Brusi 2006, 37, 44), Murteru,
Savudriji te drugim lukim prostorima iz ovog doba.
Keramike svjetiljke iz kasnorimskog i bizantskog vremena
nalazimo u pristanitima kasnijim od 4. st., u Polaama na
otoku Mljetu (T. 4,6,8) (Kisi 1978, 7-16; Brusi 1988, 144, 149),
ali i u ostalim manjim ili veim lukama, vezanih uz antike
gospodarske objekte ili starokranske crkve u blizini obale.
Osim u prostorima antikih luka, gdje se u muljevitim
slojevima uz ulomke svjetiljki nailazi i na brojne druge
ostatke to su bili baeni iz brodova ili su sluajno pali u
more, svjetiljke su esti nalazi meu ostacima davnih udesa
kada su zajedno s brodom, njegovim teretom i opremom
dospjele na morsko dno. Ostaci starih nesrea na veim
dubinama, naalost, esto opljakani, posebno su arheoloki
zanimljivi jer su se brodolomi dogaali u odreenom
vremenu pa ouvani ostaci tereta, opreme broda ili same
brodske konstrukcije predstavljaju tzv. zatvorenu arheoloku
cjelinu. Tako su meu ostacima lae koja je doivjela nesreu
kod otoka edra, u 1. st. pr. Kr., pronaene dvije svjetiljke
helenistikog tipa (Orli, Jurii 1991, 157-160), a na ostacima
brodoloma kod rta Plavac blizu otoka Zlarina (Brusi 1974,
103) pronaeni su fragmenti triju svjetiljki, od kojih je
jedna vjerojatno rad nekih orijentalnih radionica (T. 3,5). Na
brodolomu s teretom sjevernoafrikih amfora iz 4. st. kod rta
Pusti na ulazu u luku Sobra na otoku Mljetu (Kisi 1987, 9-11)
pronaene su dvije svjetiljke vjerojatno iz sjevernoafrikih
radionica (T. 3,4). Na ostacima brodoloma broda kod otoka
Ilovika pronaene su etiri svjetiljke (Orli 1986, 24-28), dok
je meu teretom i opremom broda koji je u 1. st. stradao kod
1. U slojevima antike luke Enone u Zatonu kod Nina od 63 komada uglavnom fragmentiranih svjetiljki, kod 40 od njih nedostaje dio ili itav
nos svjetiljke (Brusi 2006, 37, T. IV).
2. Stari nain plovidbe koji se najee odvijao u granicama vidljivih toaka,
u antici se prema nepisanom navigacijskom pravilu obavljao danju, tako
da je plovidba trajala za dana, dok se u iznimnim sluajevima, posebno
zbog povoljnog vjetra plovidba produila i nou. Ovakav nain plovidbe,
s vjetrom u krmu, posebno onaj du obale kada se plovi po nepovoljnim
vjetrovima, posebno jugu, odvijao se izmeu niza stajalita, prirodnih
uvala ili pristanita u pojedinim naseljima koji na odreenim dionicama
puta omoguavaju noenje i sigurni boravak, ponekad i vie dana ili
tjedana, kada e poetak povoljnog vjetra ili povoljne morske struje
omoguiti nastavak puta.
194
their usage.1 Furthermore, it is logical that the remains of lamps

appear most often in harbour zones as these are not only places
where the ships arrived ashore in order to transfer their cargo, but
they also served as places where, owing to the method of seafaring in antiquity, ships stayed overnight, which is when the lamps
were in fact used. Because they had to wait for favourable winds
or necessary repairs, the stay in these places could sometimes last
2
quite a while.
We find lamps from various periods in certain investigated
harbour zones in the Adriatic, depending on the period when they
were in function. Thus the lamps from an early period, from the
3rd to the 1st century B.C. are found in a Hellenistic quay at Resnik
near Katel tafili (Pl. 3,7-8). The most numerous finds date from
the Roman period, that is between the 1st and 4th century, with
lamps found in the Roman harbours at Resnik (Pl. 4,2-3), Pakotane
(Pl. 3,3), at the position of Fontana in Kolovare in Zadar, at Caska
on the island of Pag, in the harbour of ancient Enona at Zaton near
Nin (Pl. 4,1,4-5) (Brusi 2006, 37, 44), on Murter, Savudrija and other
harbour zones of that time. The ceramic lamps from the late Roman and Byzantine periods are found in the quays later than the
4th century, at Polae on the island of Mljet (Pl. 4,6,8) (Kisi 1978,
7-16; Brusi 1988, 144, 149), but also in the other minor or major
harbours, connected with ancient economic structures or early
Christian churches near the coast.
In addition to the zones of ancient harbours, where in the
muddy layers one finds not only fragments of lamps but also numerous other remains discarded from the ships or accidentally
fallen into the sea, lamps are frequent finds among the remains of
ancient fortunes when together with the ship, its load and equipment they ended up on the bottom of the sea. The remnants
of ancient accidents at greater depths regrettably often plundered are of particular importance for archaeology, because,
as the shipwrecks occurred at a specific time, the preserved remains of the load, ship equipment or the ships structure make
up a so-called closed archaeological assemblage. In this way two
Hellenistic-type lamps were found among the remains of a vessel
shipwrecked near the island of edro in the 1st B.C. (Orli, Jurii
1991, 157-160), while fragments from three lamps were found in
the shipwreck remains at the Plavac cape near the island of Zlarin
(Brusi 1974, 103), one of which is probably the work of an Oriental
workshop (Pl. 3,5). Two lamps (Pl. 3,4) probably originating from
North African workshops were found in the shipwreck with a load
of north African amphorae from the 4th century at the Pusti cape
at the entrance to the Sobra harbour on the island of Mljet (Kisi
1987, 9-11). Four lamps were found in the remains of a shipwreck
1. Out of a total of 63 pieces of mostly fragmentary lamps from the layers of
the ancient harbour of Enona in Zaton near Nin, 40 are missing a part of
or the entire spout of the lamp (Brusi 2006, 37, Pl. IV).
2. According to an unwritten rule, the old way of seafaring during antiquity
generally restricted to movement within the range of visible points was
always practised by daylight. Ships, therefore, sailed only during the
day, while only in exceptional circumstances, particularly in the case of
a favourable wind, they would continue also during the night. This way
of sailing, with the wind astern, especially along the coast when one sails
with unfavourable winds the jugo (sirocco) in particular took place between a series of stations, natural havens or quays in settlements providing overnight stay and safe sojourn at certain sections of the route, sometimes for days or weeks on end, waiting for the beginning of a favourable
wind or sea current that would enable one to resume the journey.
otoka Glavata u blizini otoka Mljeta pronaeno pet svjetiljki

(Radi, Jurii 1993, 129-130). Pogledamo li i ostale brodolome
diljem Sredozemlja, nailazimo najee meu ostacima
opreme broda po dvije, rjee vie, keramikih svjetiljki koje
su se koristile tijekom plovidbe, dok je kod nekoliko nalazita,
gdje su pronaene vee koliine svjetiljki, jasno da su one
bile predmetom trgovine kao i ostala roba. 3
near the island of Ilovik (Orli 1986, 24-28), while the cargo and
equipment of the ship wrecked in the 1st century near the island
of Glavat off the island of Mljet contained five lamps (Radi, Jurii
1993, 129-130). If we take a look at other shipwrecks throughout
the Mediterranean, we will most often find among the ships
equipment the remains of two, rarely more, ceramic lamps, used
during navigation, while on several sites that yielded larger quantities of lamps it was clear that they represented objects of trade
just like the other goods. 3
O keramikim svjetiljkama, pronaenim u slojevima nekih

od antikih pristanita pozabavit u se drugom prilikom,
dok u se ovdje ograniiti na nekoliko izdvojenih primjera
svjetiljki, svijenjaka ili nosaa za svjetiljke iz naeg podmorja
to su svojim oblikom, mogunou vjeanja, stabilnou ili
nekim drugim znaajkama posebno prilagoene upotrebi
na brodu.
Meu brojnim keramikim svjetiljkama, pronaenih
u pristanitu antike Enone (oko 2,5 km jugozapadno od
Nina na rtu Kremenjaa zapadno kod dananjeg velikog
turistikog naselja Zaton), izdvajam jednu gotovo itavu
keramiku svjetiljku s volutama i oblim zavretkom nosa koji
4
tip se obino datira u 1. i prvu polovicu 2. st. Sredinji ukras
na disku svjetiljke je rozeta, u ijem sreditu nije uobiajena
rupa za dolijevanje ulja, ve je pomaknuta prema naprijed,
a ovdje je formirana alka s jo jednom rupicom u podnoju
(T. 1,2). Alka je vjerojatno sluila za prenoenje svjetiljke, ali
isto tako i za njezino vjeanje, to je svakako na brodu bilo
potrebno jer je zbog ljuljanja broda, ne samo tijekom plovidbe
ve i prilikom stajanja u luci, moglo doi do izlijevanja ulja
i njegova zapaljenja. Kao lijep primjer opreme za vjeanje
istog brodskog prostora istaknimo nalaz bronane svjetiljke
uobiajenog oblika, poput nekih keramikih tipova. Na
snimku svjetiljke, tek izvaene iz mora, uoavaju se tri lania
koja su jednim krajem privezana za lampu, a drugim su na
zajedniku alku koja se preko jo jedne alke mogla objesiti
(T. 3,1). Ostala tri primjera, to slijede iz iste antike luke,
predstavljaju razliite bronane nosae koji su omoguavali
vjeanje svjetiljki o stropove brodskih prostora.5 Tri bronana
lania, od kojih su dva povezana s alkom, odgovaraju i po
duini i po spoju s laniima prethodnoj bronanoj svjetiljki
(T. 1,1), a okrugla ploica od bronanog lima mogla je sluiti
kao podloga za svjetiljku, dok su tri trake privrene na
ploicu sluile za njeno vjeanje (T. 1,3). Na treem primjeru
vidi se bronani nosa svjetiljke koji se sastoji od tri krino
postavljene ploice spojene kroz sredinu zakovicom, to
zavrava na vrhu alkom o koju se nosa mogao objesiti
o strop kabine, a sama svjetiljka pomou lania ili vrpce
vezivala se za zavrnute krajeve ploica nosaa (T. 3,2) (Brusi
I shall look at the ceramic lamps found in the layers of some of

ancient quays on another occasion, while limiting myself here to
several distinctive examples of lamps, candelabra or lamp-holders
from our underwater world that by virtue of their form, possibility
of suspension, stability or some other features were specifically
adapted for use on ships.
Out of the many ceramic lamps found in the quay of ancient
Enona (around 2,5 km southwest of Nin on the Kremenjaa cape,
west of the present-day large tourist settlement Zaton) I would
like to single out an almost complete ceramic lamp with volutes
and a round end of the spout, of the type usually dated to the 1st
century and the first half of the 2nd century.4 The central decoration on the disc of the lamp is a rosette, but without the usual hole
for adding oil in the centre, which was here shifted forward, while
at that spot a ring with another small hole at the base was formed
(Pl. 1,2). The ring probably served for carrying the lamp, but also
for its suspension, which was certainly necessary on a ship as due
to the swaying of the ship, not only during navigation but also
while staying in the harbour, oil could be spilled and set alight. As
a good example of suspension equipment from the same harbour
zone let us single out the find of a bronze lamp of the usual shape,
like some ceramic types. A photograph of the lamp, just taken out
of the sea, reveals three chainlets, attached to the lamp at one end
and at the other to a shared ring which could be suspended by
attaching to another ring (Pl. 3,1). The other three examples, from
the same ancient harbour, represent various bronze holders that
enabled the lamps to be suspended from the ceilings of the ships
rooms and other areas.5 Three bronze chainlets, two of which are
attached to the ring, correspond both in length and the joint with
the chainlets to the previous bronze lamp (Pl. 1,1), and the round
plate of sheet bronze may have served as a base for the lamp,
while three straps attached to the plate were used for its suspension (Pl. 1,3). The third example shows a bronze holder of a lamp,
consisting of three transversely placed plates connected through
the centre by a rivet topped by a ring on which the holder could
be suspended from the cabin ceiling, and the lamp itself was fastened by means of the chainlets or a lace to the bent ends of the
3. Na dva brodoloma u blizini francuske obale pronaeno je 2.301, odnosno

250 komada svjetiljki, na drugom brodolomu u blizini Comacchia u
sjevernoj Italiji naeno je 17 komada (Parker 1992, 199, 247, 444), dok
se za 24 svjetiljke pronaene na ostacima bizantskog brodoloma uz tursku
obalu, od kojih su neke od njih koritene na brodu, moe pretpostaviti da
su bile dio opreme broda (Bass, Doorninck 1982, 189-201).
4. Slina svjetiljka znatno loije izrade pronaena je u Saloni (Mardei
2002, 33, 171).
5. Poznati su nalazi bronanih svjetiljki sa slinim laniima za vjeanja.
Spomenimo samo primjer iz Siska gdje bronana svjetiljka, slina
keramikim firma lampama, ima lanie za vjeanje (Viki-Belani
1976, 65).
3. Two shipwrecks off the French coast yielded 2301 and 250 lamps respectively; another shipwreck near Comacchio in northern Italy produced 17
pieces (Parker 1992, 199, 247, 444), while 24 lamps discovered among the
remains of a Byzantine shipwreck off the Turkish coast, some of which
were used on the ship, can be considered part of the ships equipment
(Bass, Doorninck 1982, 189-201).
4. A similar lamp of much poorer workmanship was found in Salona
(Mardei 2002, 33, 171).
5. Finds are known of bronze lamps with similar chainlets for suspension.
Let us just mention an example from Sisak where a bronze lamp, similar
to the ceramic Factory lamps (Firmalampen), has suspension rings
(Viki-Belani 1976, 65).
195
2006, 37, T. II,6-7, 43, T. XI,1-2).

U sljedeih nekoliko primjera pokazat emo neke od
keramikih svijenjaka koji se sastoje od stabilne keramike
noge sa svjetiljkom na vrhu. Najstariji od ovih svijenjaka
potjeu iz sloja helenistike luke u Resniku kod Katel
tafilia i mogu se datirati od kraja 3. do sredine 1. st. pr. Kr. (T.
2,3-5).6 Iako se samo na jednom od njih ouvao mali dio dna
svjetiljke, to obino s postoljem ini jednu cjelinu, kod drugih
primjera vidi se da su ponekad ovakvi svijenjaci imali i dva
ika.7 Sljedea dva svijenjaka iz znatno kasnijeg razdoblja
od prethodnih naena su u podmorju otoka Hvara i Visa. O
svijenjaku pronaenom kod otoka Palmiane na Paklenim
otocima u blizini Hvara (T. 2,7) i primjercima drugih svjetiljki,
poput svjetiljke pronaene ispred rta Peene na Kornatu, iju
fotografiju donosimo (T. 3,5), pisao je N. Petri u sklopu rada
o srednjovjekovnim svjetiljkama za koje kae da se razvijaju
na kasnoantikoj tradiciji od 8. do 10. st. Prema analogijama,
znatan dio ovih svjetiljki, pa i svijenjak kojeg donosimo,
datira u 9. st., dok njihove radionice locira na prostoru june
Italije (Petri 1990, 174-175, 182; Petri 1995, 316-318). Drugi
primjerak keramikog svijenjaka kojeg moemo vremenski
i radioniki povezati s prethodnim, pronaao je pok. ronilac
Bori iz Komie kod rta Balun, na otoku Bievu kod Komie
na Visu, te se danas nalazi u privatnoj zbirci obitelji Bori.
Svijenjak je visok 30,8 cm, promjera 17,6 cm i ima na vrhu
recipijent s dva ika, dok su ostali detalji svijenjaka teko
uoljivi zbog velike nakupine kalcitne mase (T. 2,6). Oba ova
svijenjaka kao i nalazi svjetiljki s viko-hvarskog podruja
prate trasu transjadranske pomorske rute frekventne jo od
prapovijesnih vremena, dok u razdoblju o kojem govorimo
kao i kasnijim vremenima sve do novijih datuma, s ovih
junoitalskih prostora dovozila se na nau obalu Jadrana
keramika roba koja se kao puljiko posue prodavalo u
lukama dalmatinskih naselja do poetka 20. stoljea.
Sljedea dva keramika recipijenta neobinog oblika
naena na zadarskom podruju, takoer se nalaze u privatnim
zbirkama. Manji keramiki predmet u obliku pehara na nozi
pronaen je prilikom povlaenja koe kod otoka Oliba i nalazi
se u mjestu Mandre na otoku Pagu (T. 1,5, T. 5,2). Masivna, grubo
izraena keramika kupa, koja bi na prvi pogled izgledala kao
posuda za pie, ima oko uplje kalote nekoliko rupa izbuenih u
dva reda, to ukazuje na sasvim drugi karakter ovog keramikog
predmeta. Naime, moemo s dosta sigurnosti pretpostaviti kako
se keramiki predmet koristio na brodu kao nosa za svijeu,
u ovome sluaju votanicu. Svijea je kroz rupice dobivala
dovoljan dotok zraka, a keramika stijenka titila je votanicu
od jaeg propuha zraka, dok je masivna noga omoguavala
stabilnost svijenjaku. Drugi keramiki predmet iste namjene
izronjen je davnih sedamdesetih godina kod otoka Katarine
blizu Biograda i nalazi se u ibeniku kod obitelji Santini. Radi se
o keramikom svijenjaku u obliku boce s otvorom na prednjoj
strani i rukom nasuprot otvora (T. 1,4, T. 5,4). U donjem dijelu
uoljive su takoer rupice koje su probuene s prednje i donje
holder plates (Pl. 3,2) (Brusi 2006, 37, Pl. II,6-7, 43, Pl. XI,1-2).
In the next few examples we shall show some of the ceramic
candelabra consisting of a stable ceramic foot with a lamp on
top. The earliest of these candelabra come from the layer of the
Hellenistic harbour at Resnik near Katel tafili and can be dated from the end of the 3rd to the mid-1st century B.C. (Pl. 2,3-5) 6.
Although only one of them still retains a small part of the lamp
base, normally forming a whole with the stand, other examples
show that such candelabra sometimes had two wicks.7 The following two candelabra, dating from a much later period than
the previous ones, were found in the local waters of the Hvar
and Vis islands. The candelabrum discovered near the island
of Palmiana on Pakleni Otoci (the Paklina Archipelago) near
Hvar (Pl. 2,7) as well as the pieces of other lamps, such as the
one found off the Peene cape on Kornat, whose photograph
we bring here (Pl. 3,5), were discussed by N. Petri in his work on
medieval lamps, which, in his opinion, develop from the 8th to
the 10th century on the tradition of late antiquity. He uses the
analogies to date the greater part of these lamps, as well as the
candelabrum from his work that we present here, to the 9th century, while placing their workshops in the territory of southern
Italy (Petri 1990, 174-175, 182; Petri 1995, 316-318). The second
specimen of a ceramic candelabrum, which we may connect with
the previous one as regards chronology and the workshop, was
found by the late diver Bori from Komia near the Balun cape
on the Bievo island off Komia on Vis. It is presently kept in the
private collection of the Bori family. The candelabrum is 30,8
cm high, with a diameter of 17,6 cm. It has a container with two
wicks on top, while the remaining details of the candelabrum are
poorly discernible owing to a large accretion of calcite mass (Pl.
2,6). Both of these candelabra, as well as the finds of lamps from
the Vis-Hvar area follow the course of the trans-Adriatic maritime
route, used frequently from as early as prehistoric times, while in
the period we are discussing here and in later times up until recent dates, ceramic goods were brought to our part of the Adriatic coast from these southern Italian territories, sold as Puglia
vessels in the harbours of the Dalmatian settlements until the
beginning of the 20th century.
The next two ceramic containers of an unusual shape, found
in the Zadar territory, are likewise kept in private collections. A
smaller ceramic item in the shape of a footed cup was found
while trawling off the island of Olib and is now kept in the village of Mandre on the island of Pag (Pl. 1,5, Pl. 5,2). The massive,
coarsely made ceramic cup, at first glance resembling a drinking
vessel, has several holes pierced in two rows around the hollow
dome, pointing to the completely different character of this ceramic item. We can be fairly certain in assuming that this ceramic
item was used on a ship as a candle holder, in this case a waxcandle. The holes provided a sufficient flow of air to the candle,
and the ceramic wall protected the wax candle from a stronger
draught, while the massive foot provided stability to the candelabrum. Another ceramic item of identical function was recovered
by diving as far back as the 1970s off the island of Katarina near
Biograd and is now kept in ibenik by the Santini family. It is a
ceramic candelabrum in the shape of a bottle with an aperture
at the front and a handle opposite the aperture (Pl. 1,4, Pl. 5,4).
Small holes are also discernible in the lower part, pierced both on
6. Vei ulomak svijenjaka nalazi se u zbirki I. Svilana iz Resnika kod Katel

tafilia, a dva manja ulomka u zbirci N. Letea iz Splita.
7. Usp. Morel 1981, Forma 12. Svijenjaci s dva ika naeni su kao teret na
lai potonuloj izmeu 300. i 280. god. pr. Kr. na grebenu Capistello na
Liparima. (Cavalier 1985, 57-58; Parker 1991, 396).
6. The largest fragment of a candelabrum is kept in the collection of I. Svilan

from Resnik near Katel tafili, while two smaller fragments form part
of the collection of N. Lete from Split.
7. Comp. Morel 1981, Forma 12. Candelabra with two wicks were found as
cargo on a ship that sank between 300 and 280 B.C. at the Capistello cape
on Lipari. (Cavalier 1985, 57-58; Parker 1991, 396).
196
strane, dok visoko grlo ne zavrava otvorom ve od njega ide

ruka na tijelo svijenjaka. I ovaj rijetki primjerak svijenjaka u
kojem je svjetiljka mogla ravnomjernije gorjeti, koristio se za
dranje odnosno prenoenje keramike svjetiljke po brodu.
Oba ova primjerka nosaa svjetiljki teko je vremenski odrediti,
tako jedino za drugi, naen kod Biograda, nalazimo analogije
u dvama slinim svijenjacima izloenima u nacionalnom
muzeju u Tripoliju u Libiji, a prema svjetiljkama u njima mogli
bi ih datirati u 3. ili 4. st. (T. 5,3).
Jo jedan primjer osvjetljenja na brodu pokuat emo
prepoznati u dijelu amfore izvaene iz mora kod mjesta Drage
istono od Pakotana. Naime, apsolvent arheologije M. Metrov
pronaao je donji dio masivne amfore, pravilno odrezane
neposredno ispod ramena, koja na sebi ima jednu nepravilnu
rupu (T. 2,1, T. 5,1). Prisjeajui se jednog podvodnog nalaza iz
rijeke Herault u Francuskoj, gdje se odrezani donji dio amfore s
izrezanim rupama koristio kao svjetlo na provi broda, pomislio
sam da je i na primjerak mogao tome posluiti. Naime,
svijetlo koje bi se zapalilo ili stavilo u dio amfore, privrene
na provi broda, moglo je upozoravati druge brodove odnosno
osiguravati put u prilikama kada se brod zatekao u plovidbi
nou u kanalima ili pred ulazom u luku, to bi odgovaralo
dananjim tzv. pozicijskim svjetlima (svjetla za oznaivanje)
(Azevedo 1978, 423-425, T. VI-IX; Caravale, Toffoletti 1997, 47).
I na kraju, ovome izboru svjetiljki i svijenjaka to su
se koristili na brodu, pridodao bi i jo jedan predmet vrlo
znaajan u ivotu antikog ovjeka. Naime, tijekom podvodnih
istraivanja antikog pristanita Enone pronaena su u
sloju luke tri ulomka kamene posude grube izrade (T. 2,2, T.
5,1). Nakon desalinizacije i sastavljanja dijelova pokazalo se
kako je rije o posudi na nozi od bijelog vapnenca prilino
grube izrade. Iako posuda svojim oblikom kupe podsjea na
uobiajeno keramiko posue, materijal, gruba izrada i plitkoa
recipijenta ne ukazuje na to da bi kamena posuda bila u istoj
funkciji kao i keramiko posue, a isto tako zbog hrapavosti
recipijenta teko je zamisliti da se radi o antikom tarioniku.
Stoga sam za kamenu kupu, s obzirom na male dimenzije i
plitkou recipijenta, pretpostavio da se koristila kao brodski
rtvenik na kojem su mornari prizivali bogove za dobro more i
sretan ishod svojih dugih i esto neizvjesnih putovanja.
the front and on the base, while the high neck does not end in an
aperture, having instead a handle connecting it with the body of
the candelabrum. This rare specimen of a candelabrum, in which
a lamp could burn more evenly, was also used for holding or carrying a ceramic lamp on a ship. Both of these lamp holders are
difficult to determine chronologically, so that only for the second
one, found near Biograd, we find analogies in two similar candelabra exhibited in the National Museum in Tripoli, Lybia. Taking
into consideration the lamps within them, we could date them to
the 3rd or the 4th century (Pl. 5,3).
We shall try to recognize yet another example of lighting on
ships in a part of an amphora taken out of the sea near the village
of Drage east of Pakotane. M. Metrov, an ABD undergraduate
of archaeology, found the lower part of a massive amphora, with
a straight cut immediately below the shoulder, with an irregular hole on it (Pl. 2,1, Pl. 5,1). Remembering an underwater find
from the Herault River in France, where the cut-off lower part of
the amphora with cut-out holes was used as illumination on the
prow of the ship, it occurred to me that our piece might also have
served the same purpose. The light ignited or placed within a
part of an amphora attached to the prow of the ship, could warn
other ships or secure the way when a ship would find itself sailing the channels or in front of a harbour at night, which would
correspond to the modern so-called navigation lights (marking
lights) (Azevedo 1978, 423-425, Pl. VI-IX; Caravale, Toffoletti 1997,
47).
Finally, I would like to add yet another item, very important
in the life of ancient man, to this selection of lamps and candelabra used on a ship. During underwater excavations of the ancient
quay of Enona, three fragments of a stone vessel of coarse make
were discovered in the harbour layer (Pl. 2,2, Pl. 5,1). After desalination and refitting of the fragments it was apparent that this was
a footed vessel of white limestone of fairly coarse workmanship.
Even though the shape of the vessel is reminiscent of regular ceramic vessels, the material, coarse workmanship and the shallow
depth of the container does not point to the conclusion that the
stone vessel might fulfill the same function as the ceramic vessels, and owing to the rough surface of the container it is difficult
to imagine the vessel as an ancient mortar. I have therefore interpreted this stone cup, considering its small dimensions and the
shallow depth of the container as a ship altar, at which the sailors
invoked the gods for a safe voyage and good fortune for their
long and often precarious journeys.
Azevedo M. C., 1978, Le Navi nella documentazione archeologica, La navigazione Mediterranea nellalto medioevo, Spoleto
Bass G. F., Doorninck F., 1982, Yassi Ada vol I. A Seventh-Century Byzantine
Shipwreck, College Station, Texas A&M University Press
Brusi Z., 1974, Rt Plavac, Zlarin kod ibenika - ostaci antikog brodoloma, ArhPregl 16, Beograd, 103-104.
Brusi Z., 1988, Antika luka u Polaama na otoku Mljetu, IzdanjaHAD 12,
Zagreb, 139-151.
Brusi Z., 2006, Il porto liburnico e romano di Aenona (Nin), u: Archeologia subacquea in Croazia, Studi e ricerche a cura di Irena RadiRossi, Venezia.
Caravale A., Toffoletti I., 1997, Anfore antice, conoscerle e identificarle, Formello
Cavalier M., 1985, Relitto della Secca di Capistello, Bulletino dArte Archeologia Subacquea 2, Supp. 29, Roma
Kisi A., 1978, Podmorski nalaz kasnoantikih svjetiljki u uvali Polae na
otoku Mljetu, Anali Zavoda za povijesne znanosti XV-XVI, Dubrovnik, 7-16.
Mardei J., 2002, Keramike svjetiljke, u: Longae Salonae I, Split,

349-366.
Morel J. P., 1981, Cramique campanienne, Les formes, Bibliothque des
coles francaises at d`Athnes et de Rome, Roma
Orli M., 1987, Antiki brod kod otoka Ilovika, Zagreb
Orli M., Jurii M., 1991, Antiki brodolom kod otoka edra, Godinjak
ZSKH 17, Zagreb, 149-178.
Parker A. J., 1992, Ancient Shipwrecks of the Mediterranean and the Roman
Provinces, BAR IntSer 580, Oxford
Petri N., 1990, Srednjovjekovne svjetiljke i predromaniki pilastar s Hvara, VAMZ XXIII, Zagreb, 173-182.
Petri N., 1993 , O ranokranskim nalazima i spomenicima na otoku
Hvaru, Diadora 15, Zadar, 311-346.
Radi I., Jurii M., 1993, Das antike Schiffswrack von Mljet, Kroatien, Germania 71, Mainz, 113-138.
Viki-Belani B., 1976, Antike svjetiljke u Arheolokom muzeju u Zagrebu,
Katalozi 2, Zagreb
197
T. 1
5
4
T.1- 1-3: Enona; 4: Blizina otoka Katarine kod Biograda, 5:Blizina otoka Oliba
Pl.1- 1-3: Enona; 4: Near the island of Katarina near Biograd, 5: Near the island of Olib
198
T. 2
T. 2- 1: Drage kod Pakotana, 2: Enona, 3-5: Resnik, 6: Bievo, 7: Palmiana

Pl. 2- 1: Drage near Pakotane, 2: Enona, 3-5: Resnik, 6: Bievo, 7: Palmiana
199
T. 3
1
T. 3- 1-2: Enona, 3: Pakotanime, 4: Sobra na otoku Mljetu, 5: Zlarin, 6: Kornati, 7-8: Resnik
Pl. 3- 1-2: Enona, 3: Pakotane, 4: Sobra on the island of Mljet, 5: Zlarin, 6: Kornat, 7-8: Resnik
200
T. 4
T. 4 - 1, 4-5: Enona, 2-3: Resnik, 6 i 8: Polae na otoku Mljetu, 7: Katelanskog zaljev

Pl. 4 - 1, 4-5: Enona, Resnik, 6 and 8: Polae on the island of Mljet, 7: Katela Bay
201
T. 5
4
T. 5 - 1: Drage kod Pakotana, 2: Olib, 3: Tripoli, 4: otok Katarina blizu Biograda.
Pl. 5 - 1: Drage near Pakotane, 2: Olib, 3: Tripoli, 4: the island of Katarina near Biograd.
202
Ulomci kariastog oklopa kao amuleti na kasnorimskom groblju trbinci kod

akova
Fragments of a Chain Mail as Amulets in the late Roman Cemetery at trbinci near
akovo
Antika arheologija

Roman archaeology
UDK/UDC 904:726.821](497.5 trbinci)652
BRANKA MIGOTTI
Hrvatska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti
Ante Kovaia 5
HR-1000 Zagreb
branka.migotti@zg.htnet.hr
Na provincijalno-rimskom groblju trbinci kod akova, iz druge polovice 4. i prve polovice 5.

st., dosad je istraeno stotinjak kosturnih grobova. Meu veinom priloga, prosjenih u smislu
uestalosti pojavljivanja na kasnorimskim grobljima Panonije, zateena je i nekolicina nalaza
iznimnih po svojoj materijalnoj, statusnoj i/ili kulturnoj rijetkosti, dragocjenosti ili pak neobinosti.
Meu njima su i dva ulomka eljeznih lananih prepleta, oba priloena u grobovima djece. Ti nalazi
u ovom su radu protumaeni kao dijelovi kariastog oklopa, a njihova uloga u grobnom kultu kao
ritualno-apotropejski postupak povezan s preranom smru. Vjerojatno je obiaj prilaganja takvih
predmeta u provincijalno-rimsku sredinu dospio iz barbarskog kulturnog kruga, najvjerojatnije
gepidskog ili gotskog.
Kljune rijei: Panonija, trbinci, kasnoantiko groblje, kariasti oklop, amulet
Around a hundred skeletal graves have been excavated so far at the provincial-Roman cemetery
at trbinci near akovo from the 2nd half of the 4th and the 1st half of the 5th century. Among the
majority of grave goods, average in terms of the frequency of presence in the late Roman cemeteries
in Pannonia, there were several that can be considered exceptional by virtue of their material, status
and/or cultural rarity, value or singularity. Among these finds are two fragments of iron chain mesh,
both deposited in childrens graves. These finds are interpreted in this work as pieces of a chain mail,
and their role in the funerary cult as a ritual-apotropaic procedure connected with premature death.
The custom of depositing such objects in a provincial-Roman millieu probably arrived from the barbarian cultural circle, most likely the Gepid or Gothic one.
Key words: Pannonia, trbinci, late roman cemetery, chain mail, amulet
I. ARHEOLOKI KONTEKST NALAZA
I. ARCHAEOLOGICAL CONTEXT OF THE

FINDS
Na trbincima kod akova, pretpostavljenom ali

jo uvijek nepotvrenom poloaju rimske Certisije
(Certissia), od 1999. god. provodi se sustavno iskopavanje
kasnorimskog groblja.1 Dosad je ustanovljeno vie od
stotinu kosturnih ukopa u zemljanim rakama (u drvenom
lijesu ili bez njega) i u zidanim grobnicama. Priblino dvije
treine ukopa bilo je popraeno prilozima, prosjeno 2-3
predmeta u jednom grobu. Kod mukaraca su to preteno
dijelovi opreme pojasa i lukoviaste fibule, kod ena i djece
nakit, a kod svih spolova i uzrasta glineno i stakleno posue
(Migotti, Pavlovi 2004). Zidane su grobnice sve do jedne
At trbinci near akovo, on the assumed but still not

definitely ascertained position of Roman Certissia, the systematic excavation of a late Roman cemetery has been ongoing since 1999.1 More than a hundred skeletal burials in
earthen graves (in a wooden coffin or without one) and in
built tombs have been discovered so far. Approximately two
thirds of the burials contained grave goods, on average 2-3
objects in a single grave. In male graves these mostly consist of parts of belt sets and crossbow fibulae, of jewellery
in womens and childrens graves, and of clay and glass ves-
1. Izostale su kampanje u 2000. i 2006. god.
1. With the exception of the 2000 and 2006 campaigns.
203
B. MIGOTTI, Ulomci kariastog oklopa kao amuleti na kasnorimskom groblju trbinci kod akova, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 203-212.
Sl. 1 Lanani preplet iz groba 45 na trbincima (foto D. Dorai): a prije mehanikog ienja, b poslije mehanikog ienja
Fig. 1 A chain mesh from grave 45 at trbinci (photo by D. Dorai): a before mechanical cleaning, b after mechanical cleaning
bile sruene i okradene, pa je podatak o opremi pokojnika

nepovratno izgubljen. Meu ouvanim prilozima,
veinom prosjenim u smislu uestalosti pojavljivanja na
kasnorimskim grobljima Panonije, zateena je i nekolicina
nalaza iznimnih po svojoj materijalnoj, statusnoj ili
kulturnoj rijetkosti, dragocjenosti ili pak neobinosti. Meu
ove posljednje spadaju i predmeti zateeni u tek dva groba
(45/2001. i 84/2004.) od njih stotinjak. Raspravu o prirodi
i smislu tih predmeta kao grobnih priloga posveujem
potovanom kolegi eljku Tomiiu u prigodi njegove
obljetnice.
I.1. Grob 45
U zemljanoj raci bila je ukopana djevojica starosti 8-12
godina, kojoj je bio priloen vei broj razliitih predmeta.
Pojedini od njih zateeni su na mjestu noenja, dok su
drugi bili odloeni uz glavu ili noge. Na desnoj ruci naena
je bronana narukvica, a na lijevoj vei broj bronanih,
kotanih i eljeznih narukvica, odnosno njihovih ulomaka.
S unutranje strane lijeve bedrene kosti zateen je onjak
divlje svinje, a do lijevog stopala sljedei predmeti: 2
Sl. 2 Lanani preplet iz groba 84 na trbincima (foto D. Dorai)

Fig. 2 A chain mesh from grave 84 at trbinci (photo by D. Dorai):
204
sels in the case of both sexes and all ages (Migotti, Pavlovi
2004). The built tombs were destroyed and plundered to
the last, so the information on the outfit of the deceased
has been irreversibly lost. Among the preserved goods, in
general average in terms of frequency of occurence in the
late Roman cemeteries in Pannonia, several finds were encountered that can be considered exceptional by virtue of
their material, status or cultural rarity, value or singularity.
The last group includes the objects encountered in only
two (45/2001 and 84/2004) out of a hundred or so graves.
I dedicate the discussion on the nature and meaning of
these objects as grave goods to our esteemed colleague
eljko Tomii on the occasion of his jubilee.
I.1. Grave 45
A girl aged 8-12 was buried in an earthen grave, with a
number of various grave goods. Some of these were discovered on the spot where they were worn, while the remainder was deposited next to the head or legs. A bronze
bracelet was found on the right hand, while on the left
there was a large number of bronze, bone and iron bracelets or fragments thereof. A canine of a wild pig was found
at the interior side of the left thigh bone, while the following objects lay next to the left foot: 2 bronze rings and 3
iron ones, 2 bronze necklace clasps, 1 bronze object of unknown function, a large number of various monochrome
and polychrome beads of glass and limestone, a pile of
amorphous pieces of blue glass and a small plate-shaped
fragment of mother-of-pearl. Three bases of glass vessels
one of them painted and gilded were found approximately adjacent to the left side of the skull, which otherwise vanished without a trace in the context of an altogether poorly preserved skeleton. A wrapped piece of textile
measuring 4,1 x 2,1 x 1,4 cm (Fig. 1a) was found with them.
Although the latter item attracted attention by virtue of its
mysteriousness, it remained obscured by the gilded glass
base as an exceptionally rare and valuable find in the Pannonian millieu (Migotti 2003, 36-66). In the publication
of the material from the 2001 excavation I described the
former object as a wrapped piece of textile, in which the
B. MIGOTTI, Fragments of a Chain Mail as Amulets in the late Roman Cemetery at trbinci near akovo, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 203-212.
bronana prstena i 3 eljezna, 2 bronane kope ogrlice, 1

bronani predmet nepoznate namjene, vei broj razliitih
jednobojnih i arenih perli od stakla i vapnenca, hrpica
bezoblinih komadia plavog stakla i mali ploasti ulomak
sedefa. Otprilike uz lijevu stranu lubanje, inae netragom
iezle u sklopu openito slabo ouvanog kostura, naena
su 3 dna staklenih posuda, od kojih jedno oslikano i
pozlaeno, te zamotani komad tkanine veliine 4,1 x 2,1 x 1,4
cm (sl. 1a). Premda je posljednji prilog privukao pozornost
svojom zagonetnou, ostao je zasjenjen pozlaenim
staklenim dnom kao iznimno rijetkim i dragocjenim
nalazom u panonskom okruju (Migotti 2003, 36-66). U
objavi grae s iskopavanja 2001. prvo-spomenuti sam
predmet opisala kao zamotani komad tkanine, kod kojega
je rendgenski snimak otkrio sadraj nepoznatog podrijetla,
ali ne i njegovu narav (Migotti 2004, 171). S obzirom na
snanu simboliku polaganja uz glavu, te na odgovarajui
ritualni smisao triju staklenih dna zateenih na istom
mjestu, iznijela sam pretpostavku da je tkanina uvala
neku dragocjenost u smislu apotropejsko-ritualno-vjerske
relikvije (Migotti 2004, 202). Naknadno mehaniko ienje
pokazalo je da je u tkaninu bio umotan komad prepleta
eljeznih karika vanjskog promjera 0,6-0,8 cm, nainjenih
od plosnate ice (sl. 1b). Broj i tonu veliinu karika, kao
ni veliinu prepleta u cjelini, nije bilo mogue ustanoviti
zbog naguvanog oblika zadobivenog umatanjem. Nalaz
je, kao i cjelina dosad istraenog groblja, datiran u drugu
polovicu 4. i prvu polovicu 5. st.
I.2. Grob 84
Priblino po sredini zemljane rake bili su neznatno
ouvani istruli tragovi kostura pokojnika neodreenog
spola. S obzirom na takvo stanje kostura kao i na priloenu
bronanu bulu i perle, osobito one velike arene, moe
se pretpostaviti ukop djeteta iji spol na temelju samih
priloenih predmeta nije mogue pouzdano odrediti2.
Na mjestu tragova kostura zateen je vei broj priloga
na hrpi, malo podalje od njih i ocakljeni glineni vr, a
u isprevrtanoj zapuni rake ulomak trakaste bronane
narukvice, ukraene nizom krugova s tokom po sredini i
snopovima usporednih kosih crta. Veoma izlizan bronani
novac uoen je na povrini zapune rake, pa nije sigurno
je li bio priloen u grobu.3 Na zajednikoj hrpi bila su
dva privjeska od neprozirnog crnog stakla, od kojih
jedan u obliku bave ukraene bijelim nitima, a drugi
u obliku nepravilnog proupljenog kvadra, ukraenog
motivom otre valovnice izvedene plavom niti, 6 perli od
neprozirnog stakla, jednobojnih i arenih, razliita oblika
i veliine, te jedna jantarna u obliku valjka, bronana
bula s ostatcima sadraja te ulomak eljeznog kariastog
prepleta. Posljednji predmet (vel. 1,9 x 1,3 cm) sastoji se od
2. Bula daje naslutiti djeaka, ali ne bezuvjetno. O dvojbenosti odreivanja
spola na temelju nalaza usp. Migotti 2004, 180-181, bilj. 15.
3. Konstantin I, posmrtni kov 347.-348., kovnica pod nadzorom Konstancija
II. Odredio: Hrvoje Kalafati.
X-ray image revealed contents of unknown origin, but not

their nature (Migotti 2004, 171). Taking into consideration
the powerful symbolism of depositing objects beside the
head, and the corresponding ritual meaning of three glass
bases encountered on the same spot, I put forward the assumption that the textile kept a value of sorts in the sense
of an apotropaic-ritual-religious relic (Migotti 2004, 202).
The subsequent mechanical cleaning showed that a piece
of mesh of iron rings with an outer diameter between 0,60,8 cm, made of flat wire (Fig. 1b), was wrapped within the
textile. It was not possible to ascertain the number and precise size of rings, or the size of the mesh as a whole, due to
the crumpled condition caused by wrapping. The find, like
the whole of the so far excavated cemetery, is dated to the
second half of the 4th and the 1st half of the 5th century.
I.2. Grave 84
The insignificantly preserved decayed remains of a
skeleton of indeterminate sex lay approximately along the
centre of the earthen grave. Considering such a condition
of the skeleton and the deposited bronze bulla and beads,
the large polychrome ones in particular, we can assume
the burial of a child whose sex cannot be identified with
certainty on the basis of the deposited grave goods only2.
On the spot of the traces of the skeleton a large number
of objects were found on a pile, with a glazed clay jug lying at a short distance from them, while a fragment of a
strap bronze bracelet, decorated with a sequence of circles
with a dot in the centre and bundles of parallel slanting
lines was found in the overturned fill of the grave. A highly
worn out bronze coin was perceived on the surface of the
grave fill, so it is not certain if it formed part of the grave
goods.3 The joint pile contained two pendants of opaque
black glass, one of which had the shape of a barrel decorated with white threads, while the other was shaped as
an irregular perforated cuboid, decorated with the motif
of a sharp waveline in the form of a blue thread; 6 beads of
opaque glass, single- and multi-coloured, of various shapes
and sizes; a cylindrical amber bead; a bronze bulla with the
remains of its contents; finally, a fragment of an iron ring
mesh. The last object (measuring 1,9 x 1,3 cm) consists of 5
rings made of a flat wire with an outer diameter of around
0,8 cm, arrayed on the (preserved) half of the ring with the
outer diameter of around 1,3 cm, with occasional traces of
textile into which the mesh was wrapped (Fig. 2). Its dating
is the same as that of a similar find from grave 45.
II. DETERMINATION OF THE NATURE AND

FUNCTION OF THE FINDS
At first glance the described objects look like fragments
of a military chain mail (lorica hamata) (comp. RadmanLivaja 2005, 76-78, cat. no. 133-134). Unfortunately, not
2. The bulla allows the assumption that it was a boy, but not unconditionally.
Regarding the dubious nature of determining sex on the basis of finds
comp. Migotti 2004, 180-181, note 15.
3. Constantine I, posthumous issue 347-348, the mint under the control of
Constantius II. Determined by: Hrvoje Kalafati.
205
Sl. 3 Ulomci lananih prepleta s razliitih nalazita u Panoniji i Slobodnoj Germaniji:, a Tiszadob-Sziget, grob 17 (prema Istvnovits 1993),
b Tiszadob-Sziget, grob 22 (prema Istvnovits 1993), c Drochlin, grob 207 (prema Kaczanowski 1987), d Szreg-Tglagyr, grob
74 (prema Bna, Garam, Vida 2005), e Szreg-Tglagyr, grob 17 (prema Bna, Garam, Vida 2005), f Szreg-Tglagyr, grob 79
(prema Bna, Garam, Vida 2005)
Fig. 3 Fragments of chain meshes from various sites in Pannonia and Free Germania:, a Tiszadob-Sziget, grave 17 (after Istvnovits 1993),
b Tiszadob-Sziget, grave 17 (after Istvnovits 1993), c Drochlin, grave 207 (after Kaczanowski 1987), d Szreg-Tglagyr, grave 74
(after Bna, Garam, Vida 2005), e Szreg-Tglagyr, grave 17 (after Bna, Garam, Vida 2005), f Szreg-Tglagyr, grave 79 (after Bna,
Garam, Vida 2005)
5 karika nainjenih od plosnate ice vanjskog promjera oko

0,8 cm, nanizanih na (ouvanu) polovicu koluta vanjskog
promjera oko 1,3 cm, s mjestiminim ostatcima tkanine u
koju je u preplet bio umotan (sl. 2). Datiran je kao i slini
nalaz iz groba 45.
II. ODREIVANJE PRIRODE NALAZA I

NJIHOVE NAMJENE
Na prvi pogled opisani predmeti izgledaju kao ulomci
kariastog vojnikog oklopa (lorica hamata) (usp. RadmanLivaja 2005, 76-78, kat. br. 133-134). Naalost, ni jedan
od njih nije ouvan dovoljno da bi se mogle razaznati
zakovice koje bi sigurno potvrdile nain spajanja karika
svojstven oklopu. Ne moe se, prema tome, iskljuiti ni
mogunost da su to dijelovi lanca ovjeenog o pojas, koji
je i sam sluio za nizanje uporabnih predmeta ili amuleta.
Vjerodostojnost jednog ili drugog tumaenja trebalo bi
206
one of them is preserved to a degree that would enable

the clear detection of the rivets that would confirm the
method of attachment of rings characteristic for a mail. We
cannot therefore exclude the possibility that these were
parts of a chain suspended from a belt, which itself served
for arraying functional items or amulets. The plausibility of
one or the other interpretation ought to be substantiated
by the context of the finds and a typological comparison.
Unfortunately, in spite of the relatively good insight into
the material from the late Roman cemeteries of Pannonia,
at least that which is published, I did not succeed in finding any similar pieces in the cemeteries of that area, dated
to the 4th and 5th centuries. In terms of chronology and
space, the closest parallels come from the so-called barbarian ethnic-cultural circle (primarily the Sarmatian, Gepid
and Avar) of the 5th and 6th centuries in Pannonia, but also
from the middle imperial period in the territory of Free Germania beyond the northeastern borders of the Empire.
potkrijepiti kontekstom nalaza i usporedbom tipologijom.

Naalost, usprkos razmjerno dobrom uvidu u grau
kasnorimskih groblja Panonije, barem onu objavljenu, nije
mi polo za rukom nai niti jedan slian prilog na grobljima
tog prostora, datiranim u 4. i 5. st. Vremenski i prostorno
najblie usporednice potjeu iz tzv. barbarskog etnikokulturnog kruga (prije svega sarmatskog, gepidskog i
avarskog) 5. i 6. st. u Panoniji, ali i iz srednjocarskog razdoblja
na prostoru Slobodne Germanije izvan sjeveroistonih
granica Carstva.
Groblje Tiszadob-Sziget (sjeveroistona Maarska) iz
kraja 4. i poetka 5. st. smjeteno je na zapadnom rubu
sarmatskog prostora na kojemu su se od 3. st. ispreplitali
utjecaji iranskih i germanskih naroda: Gota, Sarmata,
Gepida i drugih (Istvnovits 1993, 139-141). Iz dvaju grobova
odraslih mukaraca potjeu nalazi lananih prepleta posve
nalik onima sa trbinaca. U grobu 17 ispod prekrienih
nogu odraslog pokojnika bili su odloeni sljedei predmeti:
eljezna kopa, po jedan srebrni i bronani prsten, glavica
srebrne lukoviaste fibule, raznobojne staklene perle te
ulomak eljeznog lananog prepleta (vel. 3 x 1,6 x 1,2 cm)
s ostatcima hre i drveta (Istvnovits 1993, 99-100, Abb.
7,8-13) (sl. 3a). Iz crtea dade se razabrati promjer karika od
priblino 1 cm. U grobu 22 zateen je, osim staklene perle
u zapuni, samo ulomak eljeznog lananog prepleta (vel.
4 x 1,6 x 1,6 cm) s ostatcima drva i tekstila, promjera karika
oko 1 cm (Istvnovits 1993, 103, 105, Abb. 11,7) (sl. 3b).
U katalokome opisu lanani preplet iz groba 17 E.
Istvnovits navela je kao ulomak lanca ili kariastog
oklopa, to je i inae osnovna dvojba kod vrednovanja
te grae. U opisu je spomenula tragove drveta, dok je u
razradi taj podatak stavila pod znak pitanja, smatrajui
da upravo on oteava razumijevanje naravi i namjene
predmeta. Usprkos tome, lanani je preplet autorica
konano procijenila kao ulomak oklopa, upravo kao i
onaj iz groba 22, pri odreenju kojeg nije ni imala dvojbi.
Zakljuila je, tovie, da upravo lanani prepleti s groblja
Tiszadob-Sziget pokazuju da to nisu ulomci lanaca nego
kariastog oklopa. Premda je postavila pitanje o namjeni
ulomaka lananih oklopa u grobovima, nije na nj pokuala
odgovoriti. Kao prostor nastanka obiaja prilaganja takvih
predmeta u grobove navela je kulturni krug Przeworsk
(Poljska) u Slobodnoj Germaniji, na ishodinom prostoru
Vandala, na kojemu se njihova kultura dodirivala s
onom gotskom i gepidskom (Istvnovits 1993, 130-131;
Bierbrauer 1994, 22-25; Martin 1997, 363-364). S obzirom
na uestalost ulomaka kariastog oklopa u grobovima na
prostoru kulture Przeworsk ve od kraja 2. st., vandalsko
ishodite tog obiaja uistinu je vjerojatno. Kao ilustraciju
donosim samo jedan u nizu primjera iz toga etnikokulturnog prostora, onaj s nalazita Drochlin gdje su u
nekolicini paljevinskih grobova (2.-4. st.) naeni prepleti
od eljeznih karika promjera 0,6-1,2 cm (Kaczanowski
The Tiszadob-Sziget cemetery (northeastern Hungary),

from the end of the 4th and the beginning of the 5th century, is situated on the western edge of the Sarmatian territory, where influences of the Iranian and Germanic peoples
the Goths, Sarmatians, Gepids and others intermingle
from the 3rd century onwards (Istvnovits 1993, 139-141).
Finds of chain mesh highly resembling those from trbinci
come from two graves of adult men. The following objects
were deposited beneath the crossed legs of an adult man
in grave 17: an iron clasp, one silver and one bronze ring,
the head of a silver crossbow fibula, glass beads of various
colours and a fragment of an iron chain mesh (measuring
3 x 1,6 x 1,2 cm) with traces of rust and wood (Istvnovits
1993, 99-100, Fig. 7,8-13) (Fig. 3a). The diameter of the rings
of approximately 1 cm can be discerned from the drawing.
In grave 22, in addition to a glass bead in the fill, only a fragment of an iron chain mesh (measuring 4 x 1,6 x 1,6 cm) was
found, with traces of wood and textile, whose rings had a
diameter of around 1 cm (Istvnovits 1993, 103, 105, Fig.
11,7) (Fig. 3b).
In the catalogue description, E. Istvnovits described
the chain mesh from grave 17 as a fragment of a chain or
a chain mail, which is otherwise the basic doubt when interpreting that material. Her description mentions traces
of wood, while in the elaboration she placed that information under a question mark, reasoning that this was precisely what rendered an understanding of the nature and
function of the object more difficult. In spite of that, she
eventually assessed the chain mesh as a fragment of a mail,
much like the one from grave 22, whose interpretation she
never had any doubts about. What is more, she went on to
conclude that precisely the chain meshes from the Tiszadob-Sziget cemetery demonstrate that these are not fragments of chains but of a chain mail. Even though she raised
the question of the function of fragments of chain mails in
graves, she did not attempt an answer. As the area of origin
of the custom of depositing such objects into graves she
put forward the cultural circle of Przeworsk (Poland) in Free
Germania, in the zone of origin of the Vandals, in which
their culture came into contact with that of the Goths and
the Gepids (Istvnovits 1993, 130-131; Bierbrauer 1994, 2225; Martin 1997, 363-364). Considering the frequency of
presence of the chain mail fragments in the graves in the
territory of the Przeworsk culture starting already at the
end of the 2nd century, the Vandal origin of that custom
indeed seems likely. As an illustration I bring here only one
in a series of examples from that ethnic-cultural zone, the
one from the site of Drochlin, where in several cinerary
burials (2nd-4th cent.) meshes of iron rings 0,6-1,2 cm in diameter were found (Kaczanowski 1987, 75-77, Pl. XX,6) (Fig.
3c). Here one has to keep in mind that the mentioned ritual
custom spread also among the Goths and the Gepids, increasing the chance that it would be encountered and accepted also by the Roman-provincial population in Pannonia. In this light it is easier to understand the finds of pieces
of a chain mesh in a south Pannonian cemetery.
207
1987, 75-77, T. XX,6) (sl. 3c). Pritom je vano imati na umu

da se spomenuti ritualni obiaj proirio i meu Gotima i
Gepidima, ime se poveala mogunost da ga upozna i
prihvati i rimsko-provincijalno stanovnitvo u Panoniji. U
tome je svjetlu lake razumjeti nalaze komada lananog
prepleta na jednom juno-panonskom groblju.
U trima od ukupno 129 grobova gepidskog groblja
Szreg-Tglagyr (jugoistona Maarska) iz 5.-6. st.,
zateeni su ulomci lananih prepleta, odnosno nizova
eljeznih karika. U grobu djevojice (74) na mjestu vrata
zateena je niska od staklenih perli i jedne jantarne,
na prsima kotani ealj, a u zdjelici ulomak prepleta
od zahranih, meusobno slijepljenih eljeznih karika
promjera 1,4 cm, bez tragova tkanine (M. Nagy, u: Bna et
al. 2005, 132, T. 60,74) (sl. 3d). U grobu mukarca (17) bili
su priloeni kotani ealj, eljezna kopa, eljezni no s
karikom za ovjes o pojas te ulomak prepleta od zahranih,
meusobno slijepljenih eljeznih karika promjera 1,3 cm
(sl. 3e). Na drvenoj oplati noa i pripadajuoj karici za ovjes
ouvani su tragovi tkanine koji, meutim, nisu zamijeeni
na prepletu eljeznih karika. Podatak o poloaju posljednje
spomenutog predmeta u odnosu na kostur nije ouvan (M.
Nagy, u: Bna et al. 2005, 125, T. 49,17). U grobu ene (79)
bili su priloeni glineni prljen za vreteno, eljezna kopa
za pojas, kolut od spljotene eljezne ice promjera 4,4
cm, s tragovima tkanine, te 2 meusobno spojene i jo 2
razdvojene eljezne karike lanca, promjera od 1,4-1, 8 cm,
bez tragova tkanine. Toni poloaj posljednje spomenutog
predmeta nije poznat (M. Nagy, u: Bna et al. 2005, 132, T.
61,79) (sl. 3f).
Nalaze iz ova tri groba namjerno sam predoila kao
sadrajnu cjelinu, upravo kao i autorica objave, premda
se eljezne karike iz groba 79 razlikuju od meusobno
veoma slinih ulomaka lananog prepleta iz grobova 17
i 74, barem sudei na temelju ilustracija. Na taj je nain
mogue jasnije sagledati dvojbu oko tumaenja opisanih
nalaza, usprkos tome to su vrednovani u istom kontekstu:
ulomci kariastog oklopa ili pak lanci za ovjes korica noa
ili nekoga drugog predmeta o pojas? (M. Nagy, u: Bna
et al. 2005, 164). Iz komentara M. Nagy moe se naslutiti
njeno priklanjanje prvom tumaenju, premda u tekstu
nije naznaena uoljiva razlika izmeu lananih prepleta
i pojedinanih (cjelovitih ili prekinutih) karika u lancu.
Naime, mogue je da je, za razliku od meusobno srodnih
predmeta iz grobova 17 i 74, nalaz iz groba 79 (sl. 3f) bio
ulomak lanca za ovjes uporabnih i ukrasno-amuletnih
predmeta, odnosno za njihovo privrivanje o pojas.4 Takvi
su nalazi vrlo svojstveni gotovo svim sredinama barbarskog
etniko-kulturnog kruga u razdoblju 5.-7. st., premda treba
napomenuti da su u toj ulozi znatno uobiajenije trake
od koe ili tkanine. Lanci su, pak, mogli biti od plemenitih
In three out of the total of 129 graves of the Gepid cemetery of Szreg-Tglagyr (southeastern Hungary) from
the 5th-6th century, fragments of chain meshes, that is sequences of iron rings, were found. In the grave of a girl (74),
at the position of the neck, a string of glass beads and an
amber one was found, in addition to a bone comb on the
chest, and, in the pelvis, a fragment of a mesh of rusted
iron rings pasted together, with a diameter of 1,4 cm, with
no traces of textile (M. Nagy, in: Bna et al. 2005, 132, Pl.
60,74) (Fig. 3d). The grave of a man (17) contained a bone
comb, an iron clasp, an iron knife with a ring for suspension
on the belt and a fragment of a mesh of rusted iron rings
pasted together, with a diameter of 1,3 cm (Fig. 3e). Traces
of textile were preserved on the wooden part of the knife
and the accompanying suspension ring, but they were not
apparent on the mesh of the iron rings. The information
about the position of the last mentioned object with respect to the skeleton has not been preserved (M. Nagy, in:
Bna et al. 2005, 125, Pl. 49,17). In the grave of a woman (79)
the goods included a clay spindle-whorl, an iron belt buckle, a ring of flattened iron wire with a diameter of 4,4 cm,
with traces of textile, and 2 connected and 2 detached iron
rings from a chain with a diameter of 1,4-1,8 cm, without
traces of textile. The precise position of the last mentioned
object is unknown (M. Nagy, in: Bna et al. 2005, 132, Pl.
61,79) (Fig. 3f).
I have deliberately presented the finds from these three
graves as an assemblage, just as the author of the first publication, although the iron rings from grave 79 differ from
the two highly similar fragments of the chain mesh from
graves 17 and 74, at least judging by the illustrations. In this
way it is possible to conceive more clearly the uncertainty
regarding the interpretation of the described finds, even
though they were evaluated in the same context: fragments
of a chain mail or chains for suspension of a knife scabbard
or some other object from the belt? (M. Nagy, in: Bna et
al. 2005, 164). From M. Nagys comment one can sense her
inclination towards the first interpretation, even though no
visible difference is stressed in the text between the chain
meshes and individual (complete or broken) rings in the
chain. It is possible that, unlike the objects from graves 17
and 74, that are similar to each other, the find from grave
79 (Fig. 3f) represented a fragment of a suspension chain
for functional objects and those serving as decorations
or amulets, that is, their attachment to a belt4. Such finds
are characteristic for almost all centres of the barbarian
ethnic-cultural circle in the period from 5th-7th centuries,
even though it should be mentioned that leather or textile
straps are much more common when it comes to fulfilling
that function. The chains, in turn, could be made of precious metals, bronze or iron, and their size and shapes, and
methods of attachment and distribution of pendants varied: from a single object suspended from a belt to a chain
extending vertically from the centre of the belt to the knee
4. Iz usmenog podatka od 19. sijenja 2007. proizlazi da M. Nagy dri kako

je samo nalaz iz groba 17 vjerojatno bio ulomak oklopa.
4. From the personal communication of January 19th 2007 it follows that M.

Nagy holds that only the find from grave 17 was a fragment of a mail.
208
metala, bronce ili eljeza, a njihova veliina te oblici i naini

privrivanja i rasporeivanja privjesaka bili su razliiti:
od pojedinanog predmeta okaenog o pojas do lanca
pruenog okomito od sredine pojasa do koljena ili ak nie,
okienog privjescima u itavoj duini (Dbner-Manthey
1990, 67; Vallet 1996, 687-690; Zeller 1996, 675-683; Martin
1997, 365-369; Garam 2002, 153-165; Bna, Nagy 2002, 128129, T. 21,77/5-10, passim; J. Cseh, u: Bna et al. 2005, 30;
M. Nagy, u: Bna, Garam, Vida 2005, 164, 209, T. 35,49/2,
passim). Premda je opisani dio enske nonje svojstven
barbarskom kulturnom krugu, osobito onom zapadnom,
zametak obiaja noenja uporabnih predmeta i amuleta
na lancu potjee iz rimske civilizacije (Martin 1997, 365370; Martin-Kilcher 2000, 67; Garam 2002, 153, 164-165).
S druge strane, lanani prepleti iz groba 17, te mogue
groba 74 s groblja Szreg-Tglagyr, kao i slini nalazi s
drugih gepidskih groblja, gotovo se sigurno mogu smatrati
dijelovima oklopa. Pretpostavku o kariastom oklopu M.
Nagy dodatno je potkrijepila podatkom da se u gepidskim
torbicama od organskog materijala znaju, osim lananih
prepleta, zatei i ulomci drugih predmeta neupotrebljivih
radi oteenosti ili necjelovitosti. S obzirom na to, zakljuila
je kako treba raunati s mogunou da su se u gepidskim
grobovima, upravo kao i u avarskima, prilagali ne samo
cjeloviti primjerci oruja, ve i njihovi dijelovi, ukljuujui
i komadie kariastog oklopa (M. Nagy, u: Bna et al. 2005,
164). Ni ta se autorica, meutim, nije upustila u tumaenje
opisanog pars pro toto prilaganja. No ona upozorava na
jo jednu mogunost podrijetla takvih nalaza: preostatci
nakon pljakanja grobova (usmeni podatak, 19. sijenja
2007.).
Na temelju ovih razmatranja prijeko je potrebno,
konano, odrediti predmete sa trbinaca. Lanani preplet
iz groba 45 po svom izgledu potpuno se uklapa u skupinu
dijelova kariastog oklopa, o emu svjedoi i kontekst
nalaza iz kojeg proizlazi da je predmet bio paljivo umotan
i odloen izdvojeno od veine ostalih priloga. Po svom
izgledu preplet iz groba 84 teoretski je mogao biti i dio
lanca za privjeske, u tom sluaju primjerke nakita zateene
na istome mjestu. Meutim, tragovi tkanine zamjetljivi
jedino na lananom prepletu pokazuju da je taj predmet
najvjerojatnije bio umotan te na taj nain izdvojen od
ostalih priloga. Prema tome, moe se pretpostaviti da je
i to bio ulomak kariastog oklopa. U svjetlu trbinakih
nalaza ostatke tkanine i mjestimice drva na prije opisanim
nalazima iz barbarskih grobova u Tiszadob-Sigetu mogue
je razumjeti kao tragove umotavanja, odnosno pohrane
predmeta u drvenu kutiju. Znakovito je da su se i u
rimskoj, odnosno provincijalnoj kulturi amuleti uobiajeno
pohranjivali na slian nain (Martin-Kilcher 2000, 67).
Koja je, dakle, bila namjena malih ulomaka lananog
oklopa, paljivo umotanih i odloenih u grobove dvoje
djece na jednom kasnorimskom groblju u junoj Panoniji?
or even lower, decorated with pendants along the entire

length (Dbner-Manthey 1990, 67; Vallet 1996, 687-690;
Zeller 1996, 675-683; Martin 1997, 365-369; Garam 2002,
153-165; Bna, Nagy 2002, 128-129, Pl. 21,77/5-10, passim;
J. Cseh, in: Bna et al. 2005, 30; M. Nagy, in: Bna, Garam,
Vida 2005,164, 209, Pl. 35,49/2, passim). Even though the
described part of a female costume is characteristic for the
barbarian cultural circle, particularly the western one, the
seed of the custom of wearing functional objects and amulets on a chain derives from the Roman civilization (Martin
1997, 365-370; Martin-Kilcher 2000, 67; Garam 2002, 153,
164-165). On the other hand, the chain meshes from grave
17, and possibly from grave 74 from the Szreg-Tglagyr
cemetery, as well as similar finds from other Gepid cemeteries, can almost certainly be considered parts of a mail.
M. Nagy additionally substantiated the assumption about
a chain mail with the information that the Gepid purses
made of organic material sometimes contain, in addition
to chain meshes, fragments of other objects rendered unusable due to damage or incompleteness. Taking this into
account, she concluded that one should count with the
possibility that not only complete pieces of weapons were
deposited into the Gepid graves, same as in the Avar ones,
but also parts of them, including small pieces of chain mails
(M. Nagy, in: Bna et al. 2005, 164). However, this authoress also does not venture into an interpretation of the described pars pro toto deposition. She does, however, warn
of another possibility for the origin of such finds: the remnants after the looting of graves (personal communication,
January 19th 2007).
It is of the utmost importance to finally offer an interpretation of the objects from trbinci on the basis of these
considerations. By its appearance, the chain mesh from
grave 45 entirely fits in the group of pieces of a chain mail,
testified also by the context of the find, which suggests that
the object was carefully wrapped and deposited separately
from the majority of the other goods. The mesh from grave
84 by virtue of its shape may have also been a part of a chain
for pendants, in this case the pieces of jewellery found on
the same spot. However, traces of textile visible only on the
chain mesh show that that object was most likely wrapped
and in that way separated from the remaining grave goods.
Therefore, it can be assumed that this was also a fragment
of a chain mail. In light of the trbinci finds, the remains of
textile and occasionally wood on the previously described
graves at Tiszadob-Sziget can be understood as traces of
wrapping, that is, the deposition of objects into a wooden
box. It is significant that amulets were usually deposited in
a similar way also in the Roman, that is, provincial culture
(Martin-Kilcher 2000, 67).
What then, was, the function of small fragments of
a chain mail, carefully wrapped and deposited into the
graves of two children in a late Roman cemetery in south
Pannonia?
Unless it is a leftover from a plunder, a fragment of a
weapon deposited into a grave can be interpreted in two
209
Ukoliko nije preostatak nakon krae, ulomak oruja

odloen u grob moe se protumaiti na dva naina:
1. simbolika zamjena za itav predmet kao obiljeje
vojnikog zanimanja; 2. amulet. Pritom treba napomenuti
da se i u provincijalno-rimskim i u barbarskim grobovima s
priloenim orujem oklop u toj ulozi pojavljuje razmjerno
rijetko i to, ini se, iskljuivo kod Gepida i Avara. Zanimljivo
je da se kod obaju tih naroda ulomci oklopa zatjeu i u
grobovima ena i djece, oito u ulozi amuleta (Csallny
1961, 388; Szentpteri 1993, 208; M. Nagy, u: Bna, Nagy
2002, 159, bilj. 251). Prema tome, prilaganje dijelova
kariastog oklopa u ukopnom ritualu moe se razumjeti
na dva naina koja se meusobno ne iskljuuju: kao
simbolika prisutnost oruja u vojnikom smislu ili kao
amulet u uem znaenju te rijei. U oba sluaja namee
se pitanje je li u pozadini takva izbora stajala neposredna
ili posredna povezanost pokojnika s vojnikim krugom, ili
je on bio uvjetovan tee dokuivim razlozima, proizilim
iz duhovnog i kulturnog znaaja etnike, drutvene ili
obiteljske pripadnosti umrloga. Kakogod bilo, nije teko
proniknuti u smisao prilaganju ulomka obrambenog
oruja u grob, s obzirom na to da je uloga amuleta tititi
pokojnika od zlih sila (Martin-Kilcher 2000, 73; Nuzzo 2000).
Znakovito je da se u svojstvu amuleta esto pojavljuju
upravo predmeti neuobiajeni i neoekivani u odreenom
kontekstu, primjerice, oruje kod ena i djece (DbnerManthey 1999, 71; Mrton 2002, 135).
U oba groba na trbincima bila su pokopana djeca, to
znai da su materijalno-drutveni razlozi prilaganja ulomka
lananog oklopa u tim primjerima mogli proizii jedino
iz obiteljske povezanosti s vojnikom slubom. Novijim
je istraivanjima u prilinoj mjeri poljuljano uvjerenje
da su se provincijalni Rimljani strogo pridravali pravila
o neprilaganju oruja u grob (Mrton 2002). Osim toga,
oruje se nerijetko prikazivalo i na grobnim spomenicima
ranijeg Carstva, najee u vojnikom kontekstu, ali i u
onom statusno obiljeenom graanskom (G. Fachinetti,
u: Sacchi i drugi 2003, 189-198). U ovdje razmatranom
kontekstu zanimljivo je da je kariasti oklop kod barbara
bio odlika asnikog poloaja (Sieg und Triumph, 406,
5.4a). Meutim, povezanost opisanih nalaza s vojnikom
slubom u uem smislu ipak bi bila primjerenija u sluaju
barbarskog groblja. Naime, unato nekolicini nalaza koji
daju naslutiti prihvaanje pojedinih elemenata materijalne
i duhovne kulture barbarskog kruga, prema ukupnim
dosadanjim saznanjima groblje na trbincima pripadalo je
provincijalno-rimskom stanovnitvu (Migotti, Perini 2001,
149-155; Migotti 2004, 194). Stoga su ulomci kariastog
oklopa iz tamonjih grobova 45 i 84 najvjerojatnije bili
amuleti u najuem smislu te rijei, pri emu se ne moe
iskljuiti obiteljsko vojniko zalee. Inae, o amuletnoj
naravi dvaju predmeta dodatno svjedoe i drugi prilozi u
oba groba. Veina njih (arene perle, dna staklenih posuda,
onjak divlje svinje, odloeni nakit, bronana bula i drugo)
210
ways: 1. a symbolic replacement for a complete object as a

mark of the military trade; 2. an amulet. It should be mentioned here that in both provincial-Roman and barbarian
graves with deposited weapons the mail in that role appears
relatively rarely, and, it seems, only with the Gepids and Avars. It is interesting that with both peoples mail fragments
are found also in the graves of women and children, obviously in the function of amulets (Csallny 1961, 388; Szentpteri 1993, 208; M. Nagy, in: Bna, Nagy 2002, 159, note
251). Therefore, the deposition of parts of a chain mail in
the burial ritual can be understood in two ways that are not
mutually exclusive: as the symbolic presence of weapons in
the military sense or as an amulet in the narrow sense of
the word. In both cases the question arises as to whether a
direct or indirect connection of the deceased with the military circle lay behind such a choice, or was it conditioned by
reasons more difficult to grasp, stemming from the spiritual
and cultural significance of the ethnic, social or familial affiliation of the deceased. Be as it may, it is not hard to grasp
the meaning of the deposition of a fragment of a defensive
weapon into a grave, considering that the role played by
an amulet consisted in warding off evil forces from the deceased (Martin-Kilcher 2000, 73; Nuzzo 2000). It is significant
that it often occurs that precisely unusual objects or those
unexpected in a specific context appear in the role of an
amulet, for instance, weapons next to women and children
(Dbner-Manthey 1999, 71; Mrton 2002, 135).
Both graves at trbinci were those of children, which
means that the material-social reasons behind the deposition of a fragment of a chain mail in those cases could only
derive from a familial connection with the military service.
Recent research has to a significant extent shaken the belief that provincial Romans strictly followed the rule forbidding the deposition of weapons into graves (Mrton 2002).
Moreover, weapons were often depicted also on funerary
monuments of the early Empire, most often in the military context, but also in the civilian one with attributes of
status (G. Fachinetti, in: Sacchi et al. 2003, 189-198). In the
context examined here it is interesting that the chain mail
was a mark of an officers status among the barbarians (Sieg
und Triumph, 406, 5.4a). However, the connection of the described finds with the military service in the narrow sense
would nevertheless be more appropriate in the case of a
barbarian cemetery. In spite of a few finds that hint at the
acceptance of certain elements of the material and spiritual
culture of the barbarian circle, it can be concluded on the
basis of the entire body of information obtained so far that
the cemetery at trbinci belonged to the provincial-Roman
population (Migotti, Perini 2001, 149-155; Migotti 2004,
194). The fragments of a chain mail from graves 45 and 84
in that cemetery most probably represented amulets in the
narrowest sense of the word, in which one cannot exclude
a familial military background. Otherwise, the amuletic nature of the two objects is additionally substantiated by the
remaining goods in both graves. Most of them (polychrome
beads, bases of glass vessels, a canine tooth of a wild pig,
deposited jewellery, a bronze bulla etc.) possess amuletic
sama po sebi ima amuletnu narav, koja se dodatno oituje

u koliini priloga veoj od prosjene, upravo kako i prilii
ukopima povezanima sa zastraujuim pojmom mors
immatura (Martin-Kilcher 2000; Migotti 2004, 192-195, 206208).
Nisu mi poznati nalazi ulomaka kariastog oklopa
kao grobnog priloga u provincijalno-rimskom kontekstu
Panonije. Znai li to da takve predmete na trbincima
treba dovoditi u vezu s nerimskim etnikim elementom?
Najvjerojatnije ne. U njima radije treba vidjeti utjecaj iz
barbarske sredine, koji je naiao na plodno tlo prethodno
ostvarenih kulturno-religijskih pretpostavki. Poznato je,
naime, da su pojedini elementi barbarske materijalne i
duhovne kulture dopirali do romaniziranog stanovnitva
provincija i ondje hvatali korijena, u sklopu sveopeg
odvijanja u kojemu su kulturni utjecaji strujali u oba smjera:
iz Rima prema provincijama i Barbariku, ali i obratno.5
nature in their own right, which is additionally revealed in

the larger than average quantity of goods, as becomes burials connected with the awe-inspiring term mors immatura
(Martin-Kilcher 2000; Migotti 2004, 192-195, 206-208).
I am not familiar with finds of fragments of a chain mail
as a grave good in the provincial-Roman context of Pannonia. Does this mean that such objects at trbinci should
be brought into connection with a non-Roman ethnic element? In all probability not. One should rather see in them
the influence of the barbarian millieu, which found fertile
ground set by the previously created cultural-religious conditions. It is known that certain elements of the barbarian
material and spiritual culture reached the romanized population of the provinces and took root there, in the frame of
a general development in which cultural influences flowed
in both directions: from Rome toward the provinces and the
Barbaricum, but also vice-versa. 5
Zahvale
Na podatcima koji su mi uvelike olakali razumijevanje
grae i pomogli pri pisanju rada veliku zahvalnost dugujem
dr. Margit Nagy i dr. Judit Topl iz Budimpete, te mr. Ivanu
Radman-Livaji iz Arheolokog muzeja u Zagrebu.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Margit Nagy, Ph.D., and Judit Topl,
Ph.D., from Budapest and Ivan Radman-Livaja, MSc, from
the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb for the information
that rendered my understanding of the material considerably easier and helped in the writing of this paper.
5. Literatura o utjecaju rimske materijalne kulture na onu barbarsku nepregledna je i posebna je tema provincijalno-rimske arheologije. to se pak
tie obrnutog smjera strujanja utjecaja, od barbara prema Rimljanima,
osobito su slikoviti primjeri vojnike opreme i odjee (Wild 1968, 192;
Fischer 1988, 189; Heitz 2005-2006, 223), te graanskih modnih trendova u odijevanju i eljanju (Wild 1968, 234; Bonfante 1994, 6; Croom
2002, 147).
5. The literature about the influence of the Roman material culture on the
barbarian one is vast and presents a separate topic within provincialRoman archaeology. As regards the opposite direction of the flow of
influences, from the barbarians to the Romans, examples of military
equipment and clothes are particularly illustrative (Wild 1968, 192; Fischer 1988, 189; Heitz 2005-2006, 223), as well as those of civilian fashion
trends in dressing and hairdressing (Wild 1968, 234; Bonfante 1994, 6;
Croom 2002, 147).
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Bonfante L. 1994., Introduction, u: The World of Roman Costume, ed. J. L.
Sebesta, L. Bonfante, Madison
Croom A. T., 2002, Roman Clothing and Fashion, Stroud
Csallny D., 1961, Archologische Denkmler der Gepiden im Mitteldonaubecken (454-568 u. Z.), Budapest
Dbner-Manthey B., 1990, Zum Amulettbrauchtum in frhmittelalterlichen Frauen- und Kindergrbern, u: Frauen in Sptantike und
Frhmittelalter: Lebensbedingungen Lebensnormen Lebensformen, hrsg. W. Affeldt, Beitrge zu einer intern. Tagung am Fachbereich - Geschichtswissenschaften der Freien Universitt Berlin,
1987, Sigmaringen, 65-87.
Fischer Th., 1988, Zur rmischen Offizierausrstung im 3. Jahrhundert n.
Chr., BayerVorgeschbl 53, Mnchen, 167-190.
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Heitz Ch., 2005-2006, Des Kaisers neue Kinder. Romanitas und Barbarentum am Trajansbogen von Benevent, RM 112, Roma, 207-224.
Istvnovits E., 1993, Das Grberfeld aus dem 4.-5. Jahrhundert von Tiszadob-Sziget, ActaArchHung 45, Budapest, 92-146.
Kaczanowski P., 1987, Drochlin. Ciaopalne cmentarzysko kultury przeworskiej z okresu wpyww rzymskih, Prace Archeologiczne 40, Krakow
Martin M., 1997, Die goldene Kette von Szilgysomly und das frhmerowingische Amulettgehnge der westgermanischen Frauentracht, u: Perlen. Archologie, Techniken, Analysen, hrsg. U. Von Freeden, A. Wieczorek, Akten des Internationalen Perlensymposiums
in Mannheim vom 11. bis 14. November 1994, Bonn, 349-372.
Martin-Kilcher S., 2000, Mors immatura in the Roman world mirror of
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society and tradition, u: Burial, Society and Context in the Roman

World, ed. J. Pearce, M. Millett, M. Struck, Oxford, 63-77.
Mrton A., 2002, Roman burial with a weapon from the Bcsi road cemetery (Aquincum-Budapest), CommArchHung 2002, Budapest,
117-152.
Migotti B., 2003, Pozlaena stakla sa trbinaca kod akova, akovo
Migotti, B., 2004, Kasnoantika nekropola na trbincima kod akova
iskopavanja u 2001., ARadRaspr 14, Zagreb, 141-246.
Migotti B., Pavlovi I., 2004, Lokalitet trbinci, HAG 1 (2005), Zagreb,
12-15.
Migotti B., Perini Lj., 2001, Nekropola na trbincima u svjetlu
kasnoantikog horizonta Panonije, ARadRaspr 13, Zagreb,
103-204.
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Roman cemeteries, u: Burial, Society and Context in the Roman
World, ed. J. Pearce, M. Millett, M. Struck, Oxford, 249-255.
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Siska u fundusu Arheolokoga muzeja u Zagrebu, Musei Archaeologici Zagrabiensis Catalogi et Monographiae I., Zagreb
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Kasnoantike narukvice od staklene paste s lokaliteta Virovitica-Kikorija jug

Glass Paste Bracelets from late Antiquity from the Site of Virovitica-Kikorija South
Antika arheologija
KRISTINA JELINI
10 000 Zagreb
kristina.jelincic@iarh.hr

Roman archaeology
UDK/UDC 902.2(497.5 Virovitica)
904:671.121-033.5] (497.5 Virovitica)652
Rad predstavlja osvrt na maleni dio pokretne grae s lokaliteta Virovitica-Kikorija jug, a radi se
o kasnoantikim narukvicama izraenim od staklene paste. Vanost ovih nalaza je u tome to su
pronaeni unutar naselja, a ne unutar groblja odakle potjee veina nalaza ove vrste poznatih iz
literature. Narukvice od gagata, stakla i staklene paste crne boje bile su u modi u kasnoj antici. Staklene narukvice javljaju se ve od 1. st. kao nasljee latenske kulture, a u kasnoj antici od poetka 3.
st. zastupljene su u velikom broju. Na ovom lokalitetu pronaena su etiri tipa narukvica, od kojih tri
predstavljaju tipove koji su najuestaliji meu svim narukvicama 3. i 4. st.
Kljune rijei: staklena pasta, narukvice, kasna antika, Virovitica-Kikorija jug, Gornja Panonija,
gagat, staklo
The paper takes a look at a small part of the movable objects from the site of Virovitica-Kikorija
South, namely glass paste bracelets from late antiquity. The importance of these finds lies in the
fact that they were found within the settlement rather that within the cemetery, which is where the
majority of finds of this type known from the literature comes from. Bracelets made of jet, glass and
black glass paste were fashionable in late antiquity. Glass bracelets appear as early as the 1st century as the legacy of the La Tne culture, and in late antiquity starting from the beginning of the 3rd
century they are also present in large numbers. Four types of bracelets were found on this site, three
of which represent the most frequent types of all the 3rd and 4th century bracelets.
Key words: glass paste, bracelets, late antiquity, Virovitica-Kikorija South, Upper Pannonia, jet,
glass
Lokalitet Virovitica-Kikorija jug nalazi se juno od

Podravske magistrale, izmeu sela Korija i zapadnog ulaza
u grad Viroviticu. Istraen je u proljee i ljeto 2005. god.,
kada su provedena zatitna arheoloka istraivanja na trasi
1
obilaznice grada Virovitice (Jelini 2006, 61). Istraivanjem
dijela lokaliteta koji se nalazio na trasi ceste, otkriveno je
ruralno rimsko naselje koje datira od 2. do poetka 5. st.
(Jelini 2006, 61).
Pojaanom romanizacijom nakon osnivanja provincija
i smirivanja lokalnog stanovnitva u Panoniji polako buja
ivot, prije svega izgradnjom infrastrukture poevi od
cesta, zatim gradova i na kraju organizirane izgradnje
sela. Podizanje novih sela zapoeli su Flavijevci (Brukner
1995, 152), a selo koje je ovdje istraeno, vjerojatno nije
podignuto u sklopu romanizacije ovog prostora, ve se radi
o romaniziranom autohtonom naselju ranijeg postanka.
Potreba za selima koja su organizirano izgraena i rustinim
The site of Virovitica-Kikorija South lies south of the

Podravina main road, between the village of Korija and the
western entrance to the town of Virovitica. It was excavated
during the spring and summer of 2005, when salvage excavations on the route of the Virovitica town bypass were carried
1
out (Jelini 2006, 61). The excavation on the part of the site
lying on the route of the road revealed a rural Roman settlement dating from the 2nd to the beginning of the 5th century
(Jelini 2006, 61).
Life gradually started thriving due to intensified romanization following the establishment of provinces and the
pacification of the local population in Pannonia, above all by
building the infrastructure starting with roads, then towns
and finally the organized building of villages. The erection of
new villages was initiated by the Flavians (Brukner 1995, 152),
but the village excavated here was probably not erected as
part of the romanization of this area. Instead, it represented a
romanized autochthonous settlement of earlier foundation.
1. Zahvaljujem svim kolegama koji su sudjelovali u istraivanju, posebno

ekipi Instituta za arheologiju. Najvie se zahvaljujem ravnatelju Instituta, prof. dr. sc. eljku Tomiiu, na ukazanom povjerenju i to mi je
omoguio da vodim ovo istraivanje koje za mene predstavlja veliko
iskustvo. Zahvaljujem mu, takoer, na brojnim drugim prilikama koje mi
je nesebino pruio i na taj nain omoguio usavravanje u radu i uitak
rada u arheologiji
1. I would like to thank all my colleagues that took part in the excavation, in
particular the team from the Institute of Archaeology. My greatest thanks
goes to the Institute Director, Prof. eljko Tomii for the confidence he
showed by letting me direct this excavation, which was a great experience
for me. I also thank him for numerous other opportunities he generously
offered, thus providing me with the means to perfect my work and to
enjoy archaeology.
213
K. JELINI, Kasnoantike narukvice od staklene paste s lokaliteta Virovitica-Kikorija jug, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 213-220.
imanjima nije postojala samo zbog toga da se prehrani grad.

Razlog za podizanje takvih naselja bio je upotpunjavanje
sadraja cestovne infrastrukture. Naselje koje je ovdje
istraeno nalazi se u neposrednoj blizini nekoliko vanih
prometnica (Jelini 2006, 61). Upravo su te prometnice za
ovakva naselja bile od velike vanosti, jer su tim putovima
do njih dolazili novi proizvodi odnosno, u kontekstu
ovog lanka, zahvaljujui cestama, mogla se pratiti moda
odijevanja i kienja.
Samo naselje smjeteno je sjeverno od magistralne
rimske ceste, na prostoru Gornje Panonije, odnosno
kasnije Panonije Savije, istono od naselja koje se spominje
kao Cocconis (Itinerarium Hierosolymitanum 560-63), a
zapadno od naselja koje se spominje kao Sirotis/Serota
(Itinerarium Hierosolymitanum 560-63, Itinerarium
Antonini 129-31) (Kukuljevi-Sakcinski 1873, 108, 154, 157;
Lengyel, Radan 1980, 213-215; Jelini 2006, 61). Sjeverno
od same magistralne ceste nalazi se rijeka Drava, vana kao
alternativna i jeftinija prometnica. Te dvije prometnice bile
su povezane odvojkom (Schejbal 2003, 97, 106) koji prolazi
u blizini ovog lokaliteta (zapadno od njega).
Objekti koji su istraeni u naselju pripadali su veim,
dijelom nadzemnim objektima kolibama i poluukopanim
objektima zemunicama, koji se datiraju izmeu 2. i poetka
5. st. (Jelini 2006, 61).
Ovdje se obrauje maleni dio nalaza s tog lokaliteta, a
radi se o sedam ulomaka narukvica od staklene paste koji
se datiraju od poetka 3-4. st. Dio tih narukvica potjee iz
zatvorenih arheolokih cjelina (kat. br. 1, 3, 6, 7; T. 1,1,3,67), a neke su pronaene u oranom sloju (kat. br. 2, 4, 5; T.
1,2,4-5 ). U prethodnoj objavi napisano je kako se radi
o narukvicama od gagata (Jelini 2006, 65), meutim,
usporednom analizom zakljueno je da se radi o staklenoj
pasti. To je potrebno naglasiti jer je gagat bio skupocjeniji, a
pridavala mu se i magina mo. Takoer, on se povezivao sa
zagrobnim ivotom pa je esto bio prilagan u grobovima,
a narukvice od stakla i staklene paste, o kakvima je ovdje
rije, bile su zamjena skupocjenim narukvicama od gagata
(Koevi 1993, 82) i kao takve imale su podjednaka
magina svojstva. Gagat (crna inaica smeeg ugljena,
crnog jantara), je u Panoniju od poetka 3. st. stizao s
podruja Britanije (movarne doline Yorkshira) i Galije
(Koevi 1993, 82; Buljevi 1999, 192). Narukvice od gagata
u 3. st. postaju vrlo popularne i u Porajnju, odakle se u 4. st.
uvoze na podruje Panonije i oponaaju u staklu (Migotti
et al. 1998, 108), gdje su njihove imitacije u staklu brojnije
od narukvica od gagata (Migotti et al. 1998, 108; Flep
1984, 198, 216). Ovakve narukvice est su nalaz, naroito
u krajevima du Rajne i Dunava sve do kraja 4. st. (Flep
1984, 198). Iako skromna i jeftina zamjena, stanovnici ovog
sela ipak su pratili trendove i barem su u obliku imitacije
posjedovali nakit kakav se u tom razdoblju nosio u Europi
i na Istoku. To govori o vanosti oblinjih prometnica koje
su ak i u ovako male sredine nosile novitete. Na primjeru
tih narukvica vidimo, prema dva primjerka (kat. br. 1, 3;
T. 1,1,3) koja su datirana u poetak 3. st., da vremenski ne
zaostaju za narukvicama iz drugih dijelova Europe i Bliskog
214
The need for villages built in an organized fashion and for

rustic estates was not only the result of the need to feed the
city. The rationale behind the building of such settlements
lay in complementing the contents of the road infrastructure.
The settlement excavated here lies in the immediate vicinity
of several important roads (Jelini 2006, 61). It was precisely
those roads that were of great importance for such settlements, because new products could reach them through
these routes or, in the context of this paper, thanks to the
roads, one could follow the fashion in clothing and jewellery.
The settlement itself is situated north of the main Roman
road, in the territory of Upper Pannonia, more precisely, the
later Pannonia Savia, east of the settlement mentioned as Cocconis (Itinerarium Hierosolymitanum 560-63), and west of the
settlement mentioned as Sirotis/Serota (Itinerarium Hierosolymitanum 560-63, Itinerarium Antonini 129-31) (KukuljeviSakcinski 1873, 108, 154, 157; Lengyel, Radan 1980, 213-215;
Jelini 2006, 61). North of the main road runs the Drava river,
important as an alternative and less expensive traffic route.
These two routes were connected by a branching road (Schejbal 2003, 97, 106) passing near the site (west of it).
The majority of the structures excavated within the settlement belonged to above-ground structures huts and semidug structures pit-houses, dated between the 2nd and the
beginning of the 5th century (Jelini 2006, 61).
Here we analyze a small part of the finds from that site,
namely seven fragments of glass paste bracelets, dated from
the beginning of the 3rd to the 4th century. A part of these
bracelets comes from closed archaeological assemblages
(cat. No. 1, 3, 6, 7; Pl. 1,1,3,6-7), and some where found in the
ploughed layer (cat. No. 2, 4, 5; Pl. 1,2,4-5). In the previous
publication it was stated that the bracelets were made of jet
(Jelini, 2006, 65). However, a comparative analysis showed
that the material used was glass paste. This deserves special
mention because jet was more expensive and it was also
thought to have magical powers. Furthermore, it was connected with the afterlife and consequently often deposited
into graves, while the bracelets of glass and glass paste, of the
kind we have here, were a substitute for precious jet bracelets
(Koevi 1993, 82) and as such possessed analogous magical properties. Jet (a black variety of brown coal, black amber) was reaching Pannonia from the beginning of the 3rd
century from the territory of Britain (the marshy valleys of
Yorkshire) and Gallia (Koevi 1993, 82; Buljevi 1999, 192).
In the 3rd century the jet bracelets come into fashion also in
the Rhine Basin, from where in the 4th century they are imported to the territory of Pannonia. In Pannonia they are imitated in glass (Migotti et al. 1998, 108), and the imitations are
in fact more numerous than the jet bracelets (Migotti et al.
1998, 108; Flep 1984, 198, 216). Such bracelets are a frequent
find, particularly in the lands along the Rhine and the Danube
up until the end of the 4th century (Flep 1984, 198). Even
though this was a modest and cheap substitute, it still shows
that the inhabitants of this village followed the trends and at
least in the form of imitations possessed jewellery of the kind
worn in that period in Europe and in the East. This speaks of
the importance of the nearby routes, which brought novelties
even to the centres as small as this one. The example of these
bracelets, more precisely two pieces (cat. No. 1, 3; Pl. 1,1,3)
dated to the beginning of the 3rd century, shows that they
do not lag behind the bracelets from other parts of Europe
K. JELINI, Glass Paste Bracelets from late Antiquity from the Site of Virovitica-Kikorija South, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 213-220.
istoka. Ako je ovo naselje pratilo modne trendove i u

istom trenutku su ene i djeca nosile nakit kakav se nosio
u urbaniziranim velikim sreditima, moe se pretpostaviti
da je ovo selo i u svim ostalim segmentima ivota u korak
pratilo razvoj, tehnologiju i kretanja u Rimskom Carstvu
(iako se radi samo o selu!) upravo zahvaljujui postojanju
vane prometnice u neposrednoj blizini. To ujedno govori
koliko su bitne bile ceste u Carstvu i koja je njihova uloga u
trgovini i komunikaciji.
Manji dio narukvica ove vrste sree se u naseljima, a
vjerojatno je to samo odraz panje koja se pridavala ovoj
vrsti nalaza pri obradi naselja. Mogue je i to da rimska
naselja nisu u tolikoj mjeri istraena i obraena kao
groblja, pa se na temelju toga pogreno moe zakljuiti
kako su ove narukvice ei nalaz u grobljima nego u
naseljima. Na Gomolavi je pronaeno vie ulomaka takvih
narukvica i pronaene su u kulturnom sloju, meutim,
one dijelom potjeu iz poremeenih grobova, a dijelom
su pronaeni kao odbaeni predmeti u jamama (DautovaRuevljan, Brukner 1992, 83). Takve narukvice est su
nalaz u gradu Sisku (Koevi 1993, 84; Toma 2006, 44),
trbincima (Migotti et al. 1998, 17-18, 51, 108), a nalazi ih
se na brojnim drugim kasnoantikim lokalitetima kod nas,
Europi (Pannonia, Rhaetia, Noricum, Britannia, Lusitania,
Gallia, Germania, Dalmatia, Dacia, Achaea, Macedonia) te
istonomediteranskim regijama (Keller 1971, 107; Preda
1980, 52-53, 123;
and the Near East. If this settlement followed fashion trends

and the women and children wore jewellery like that worn in
large urban centres, we can assume that this village kept up
with the developments, technology and movements in the
Roman Empire in all other segments of life (even though it is
just a village!) precisely owing to the existence of an important traffic route in its immediate vicinity. This at the same
time speaks of the importance of the roads in the Empire and
of the role they played in trade and communication.
A minor part of the bracelets of this type is encountered
in the settlements, which is probably only a reflection of the
attention awarded to this type of find in the analysis of settlements. It is likewise possible that Roman settlements have
not been excavated and analyzed to the same extent as the
cemeteries, so that one might reach the erroneous conclusion that these bracelets are more frequently found in cemeteries than in settlements. Several fragments of such bracelets were found at Gomolava, within a cultural layer. However,
they partly come from disturbed graves, while in the other
part they were found as discarded objects in pits (DautovaRuevljan, Brukner 1992, 83). Such bracelets are frequently
found in the town of Sisak (Koevi 1992, 84; Toma 2006,
44), at trbinci (Migotti et al. 1998, 17-18, 51, 108), and also in
numerous other sites from late antiquity in Croatia, Europe
(Pannonia, Rhaetia, Noricum, Britannia, Lusitania, Gallia,
Germania, Dalmatia, Dacia, Achaea, Macedonia) and eastern
Mediterranean regions (Keller 1971, 107; Preda 1980, 52-53,
123; Spaer 1988, 60-61;
Postoji vie tipova kasnoantikih narukvica, a one se

izrauju od stakla, staklene paste ili od gagata. Tipologija
za narukvice (tipologija se odnosi na sve narukvice, bez
obzira na materijal: gagat, staklo, staklena pasta) izraena
je prema nalazima iz zatvorenih cjelina, prema emu su
i datirane (Spaer 1988, 51-61). Pri primjeni te tipologije za
Europu ipak treba biti oprezan zbog toga to je datiranje
kao i sama tipologija izvedeno prema nalazima na Bliskom
istoku, gdje su neki tipovi zbog odgovarajuih povijesnih
prilika zastupljeni due, a kod nas ih nakon sloma Zapadnog
Carstva vie nema (Spaer 1988, 52; Buljevi 1999, 192). Pored
toga, kod nas i u drugim dijelovima Europe, zastupljeni su
neki tipovi koji predstavljaju lokalne, europske varijante
koje se na Istoku javljaju tek sporadino (Spaer 1988, 57,
61). to se tie radionica u kojima su se proizvodile, za sada
je potvrena proizvodnja narukvica u blizini Jeruzalema i
u Trieru (Spaer 1988, 60-61; Buljevi 1999, 192). To su samo
dvije potvrene radionice, no teko je vjerovati da su one
ujedno i jedine, naroito ako se uzme u obzir postojanje
velikog broja ovakvih nalaza (Migotti et al. 1998, 108). Za
datiranje i tipologiju ovih narukvica u Europi potrebno je
dopuniti postojeu tipologiju dobro datiranim nalazima iz
Europe, posebno onim tipovima koji su sporadini na Istoku.
Za pretpostaviti je kako su neki od lokalnih europskih tipova
nasljee latenske kulture, osobito kad se uzme u obzir
injenica da se staklene narukvice u Europi javljaju prije
kasne antike (ne u tolikoj mjeri i s toliko tipova), a vremenski
prethode narukvicama izrazito crne boje karakteristinim
za kasnu antiku, te se datiraju u 1. i 2. st. Zbog jake latenske
tradicije na europskim prostorima, koja se osjea openito
There are several types of bracelets from late antiquity,

made of glass, glass paste or jet. The typology for the bracelets (the typology refers to all bracelets regardless of the
material: jet, glass, glass paste) was created on the basis of
the finds from closed assemblages, which also served as the
basis for their dating (Spaer 1988, 51-61). One should nevertheless be careful when applying this typology for Europe
as the dating, much as the typology itself, was based on the
situation in the Near East, where, due to favourable historical circumstances, certain types lasted longer, whereas in our
parts they are absent after the collapse of the Western Empire (Spaer 1988, 52; Buljevi 1999, 192). Moreover, here and in
other parts of Europe, certain types exist that represent local,
European variants, which appear only sporadically in the East
(Spaer 1988, 57, 61). As regards the workshops in which they
were produced, the manufacture of the bracelets has so far
been confirmed in the vicinity of Jerusalem and in Trier (Spaer
1988, 60-61; Buljevi 1999, 192). Those are only two confirmed
workshops, but it is hard to believe that they are also the only
ones, particularly if one takes into account the existence of
a large number of similar finds (Migotti et al. 1998, 108). For
a reliable dating and typology of those bracelets in Europe,
the existing typology should be complemented with welldated finds from Europe, above all those types that appear
sporadically in the East. It may be assumed that some of the
local European types are the legacy of the La Tne culture,
especially if one considers the fact that glass bracelets appear in Europe before the onset of late antiquity (albeit not to
the same extent or with as many types), and chronologically
precede the bracelets of distinctly black colour characteristic for late antiquity, and are dated in the 1st and 2nd centuries. Due to the strong La Tne tradition in the European
areas, generally detectable in the material culture long after
215
u materijalnoj kulturi dugo nakon to je Rimsko Carstvo

pokorilo Kelte, logino je takoer da se ta tradicija osjea
i u ovoj vrsti nakita. Taj se zakljuak donosi zbog njihovih
zajednikih tehnolokih, stilskih i tipolokih dodirnih toaka,
usprkos injenici to nemaju meusobnih paralela (Dizdar
2006, 71). Takve rane narukvice pronaene su, primjerice, na
Gomolavi u kontekstu domorodake i rano rimske keramike
i datiraju se u 1. st. pr. Kr. i 1. st. po. Kr. (Dautova-Ruevljan,
Brukner 1992, 85). Pronaene su takoer i Intercisi, gdje su
datirane u 2. st. (Poczy 1957, 405, 418). Prema svemu tome
ini se kako narukvice od stakla imaju svojevrsni kontinuitet
na europskom tlu i proizlazi zakljuak kako se one iz Europe
ire na istok, a ne obratno, gdje se sa svojim kasnijim
inaicama nose i nakon antike. Ovdje se smatra da se samo
podrijetlo i kretanje mode kasnoantikih crnih narukvica
ipak jo treba potvrditi istraivanjima i dobro datiranim
nalazima, zbog toga to se te narukvice sreu na Bliskom
istoku takoer prije kasne antike, u 1. i 2. st. (Zouhdi 1975,
98), gdje se temelje na jakoj staklarskoj tradiciji i nastavljaju
u punom kontinuitetu u kasnoj antici te srednjem vijeku s
mnogobrojnim tipovima.
Neke od narukvica su malih dimenzija i nisu ih mogli
nositi odrasli, a ini se da su one openito u poetku bile
izraivane samo za djecu (Buljevi 1999, 190), dok ih
kasnije nose i odrasli. Zbog toga je mjeren njihov promjer i
podijeljene su na male i velike. Ovdje su zastupljene 4 velike
narukvice (kat. br. 1, 2, 6, 9; T. 1,1-2 6,9) i 3 male (kat. br. 3, 4, 6;
T. 1,3-4,6). Ponekad je teko izraunati promjer narukvica jer
njihov promjer i stijenke nisu pravilni, a razlog je to to nisu
lijevane u kalup (Buljevi 1999, 190).
Meu primjercima s ovog lokaliteta prisutna su etiri
tipa narukvica: A 2 a (narukvice kat. br. 1, 4 i 7; T. 1,1,4,7),
B 2 a/b (kat. br. 2 i 6; T. 1,2,6), B 3 a (kat. br. 3; T. 1,3) i B 5 a
(kat. br. 5; T. 1,5). Osim ovoga posljednjeg, inae ti tipovi ine
najbrojnije i najzastupljenije narukvice ove vrste u kasnoj
antici (Buljevi 1999, 194).
Narukvice tipa A 2 a: radi se o neukraenim, glatkim,
jednobojnim narukvicama, polukrunog presjeka koje se
datiraju od 3. do 7. st. Ova varijanta vrlo je rairena (Spaer
1988, 54; Buljevi 1999, 193). U kontekstu tog naselja, one
se mogu datirati od 3. do poetka 5. st., kada se odvija ivot
u selu (Jelini 2006, 66), to se tie narukvice kat. br. 4 (T.
1,4) koja je pronaena u oranom sloju. Narukvica kat. br. 7
(T 1,7) iz jame datira se, prema drugim nalazima iz cjeline,
od 3. do 4. st., a narukvica iz sekundarno upotrijebljene
zemunice (kat. br. 1; T. 1,1) datira se u prvu polovicu 3. st., a
prema rezultatima analize ugljena iz tog objekta. U Europi
su prisutne mnogobrojne analogije za tip A 2 a, bez obzira
na materijal od kojeg su izraene (staklo, gagat, staklena
pasta): Salona 3.-4. st. (Buljevi et al. 1994, 251; Buljevi
1999, 198, 202) Siscia 3.-4. st. (Koevi 1993, 82), Herakleia
4.-6. st. (Maneva 1987-1989, 171, 176), Sopianae 4. st. (Flep
1977, 29, 33, 43; Flep 1984, 84, Fig. 28, grobovi 30 i 32, 85,
86), Mursa 3.-4. st. (imi, Filipovi 1997, 89; Gricke-Luki
2000, 122-123, G 22, 52-53), Neviodunum (Petru, Petru 1978,
63, T. XIII,38,42), Svilo 4. st. (Dautova-Ruevljan 2003, 24,
T. XXVIII,5, 102, T. 4,5), Beka 4. st. (Marijanski-Manojlovi
1987, 65, T. 33,7, T. 54,7), Gomolava 4. st. (Dautova-Ruevljan,
216
the Roman Empire had conquered the Celts, it is also logical

that this tradition is felt in this type of jewellery. This conclusion is based on their technological, stylistic and typological
common points, in spite of the fact that there are no parallels between them (Dizdar 2006, 71). Such early bracelets
were found, for instance, at Gomolava in the context of the
indigenous and early Roman pottery and are dated to the
1st century B.C. and the 1st century A.D. (Dautova-Ruevljan,
Brukner 1992, 85). They were also found at Intercissa, where
they are dated to the 2nd century (Alfldi 1957, 405, 418). It
would thus seem that glass bracelets have a certain continuity on European soil and we may conclude that they spread
from Europe to the East and not vice-versa where they continue to be worn in their later variants even after the close of
antiquity. We believe that the origin and fashion trends of the
black bracelets in late antiquity have yet to be confirmed by
excavations and well-dated finds, because one encounters
these bracelets in the Near East also prior to late antiquity, in
the 1st and 2nd centuries (Zouhdi 1975, 98), where they are
based on a strong glass-making tradition and continue without interruption through late antiquity and the Middle Ages
with numerous types.
Some of the bracelets are small and could not be worn by
adults. It seems, in fact, that in the beginning they were generally produced only for children (Buljevi 1999, 190), while
later on they were also worn by adults. This led to measurements of their diameters and to their division into small and
large. Here we deal with 4 large bracelets (cat. No. 1, 2, 6, 9;
Pl. 1,1-2, 6,9) and 3 small ones (cat. No. 3, 4, 6; Pl. 1,3-4,6). It is
sometimes difficult to calculate the diameter of the bracelets
because their diameter and sides are uneven, as they were
not cast in moulds (Buljevi 1999, 190).
Four bracelet types are present among the pieces from
this site: A 2 a (the bracelets cat. No. 1, 4 and 7; Pl. 1,1,4,7), B 2
a/b (cat. No. 2 and 6; Pl. 1,2,6), B 3 a (cat. No. 3; Pl. 1,3) and B 5
a (cat. No. 5; Pl. 1,5). With the exception of the last one, these
types make up the most numerous and most represented
bracelets of this kind in late antiquity (Buljevi 1999, 194).
The bracelets of type A 2 a: these are undecorated,
smooth, single-colour bracelets with a semicircular crosssection, dated from the 3rd to the 7th century. This variant
is widespread (Spaer 1988, 54; Buljevi 1999, 193). In the context of this settlement, bracelet cat. No. 4 (Pl. 1,4), found in the
ploughed layer, can be dated from the 3rd to the beginning
of the 5th century, when the village lived (Jelini 2006, 66).
Bracelet cat. No. 7 (Pl. 1,7), found in a pit, is dated by other
finds from the assemblage from the 3rd to the 4th century,
while the bracelet from the secondarily used pit-house (cat.
No. 1; Pl. 1,1) is dated to the first half of the 3rd century, on the
basis of the results of charcoal analysis from that structure.
Many analogies for type A 2 a are found in Europe, irrespective of the material they were made of (glass, jet, glass paste):
Salona 3rd-4th centuries (Buljevi et al. 1994, 251; Buljevi
1999, 198, 202) Siscia 3rd-4th centuries (Koevi 1993, 82),
Herakleia 4th-6th centuries (Maneva 1987-1989, 171, 176), Sopianae 4th century (Flep 1977, 29, 33, 43; Flep 1984, 84, Fig.
28, graves 30 and 32, 85, 86), Mursa 3rd-4th centuries (imi,
Filipovi 1997, 89; Gricke-Luki 2000, 122-123, G 22, 52-53),
Neviodunum (Petru, Petru 1978, 63, Pl. XIII,38,42), Svilo 4th
century (Dautova-Ruevljan 2003, 24, Pl. XXVIII,5, 102, Pl. 4,5),
Beka 4th century (Marijanski-Manojlovi 1987, 65, Pl. 33,7,
Pl. 54,7), Gomolava 4th century (Dautova-Ruevljan, Brukn-
Brukner 1992, 85, 104, T. 16,77), trbinci druga treina 4. st.

(Raunig 1979-1980, 156, 163, T. IV,12; Migotti et al. 1998, 1718, 51, kat. br. 13, 16, 154-156, T. 1), Iustiniana prima (Kondi,
Popovi 1977, 200, T. XVII,2), Ainring, datirane od kraja 3. do
u prvu polovicu 4. st. (Keller 1971, 107, T. 19,9-10), Augsburg,
Burgheim, Mnchen-Thalkirchen (Keller 1971, 91), Sirmium
(Parovi-Peikan 1971, 40, T. XVI,60-61), Keszthely (Sgy
1960, 199, 203 Abb. 12,16), Balca (Csirke, Palgyi 2005, 39,
42, 44, 14.2.37, 14.4.2, 14.4.3, 14.5.2), Papkeszi (Csirke, Palgyi
2005, 65, 40.1.3), Szentkirlyszabadja (Csirke, Palgyi 2005,
68, 47.2), Cornacum 3.-4. st. (Ilki 2003, 184-185, kat. br. 187190), Bolentio (Salaji 2003, 89), Ni, okolica Soko Banje, Bela
Palanka 4.-6. st. (Jovanovi 1978, 32, sl. 56-57), Cibalae gdje
se datiraju u 2.-3. st. (Dizdar et al. 2002, 134).
Drugi tip koji je zastupljen je tip B 2, podtip a/b. Narukvice
tipa B 2 s vodoravnim rebrenjem imaju okomito neuredno
(B 2 a) i uredno te esto malo zavijeno rebrenje (B 2 b) (Spaer
1988, 55; Buljevi 1999, 193). U ovom sluaju teko je odrediti
radi li se o podtipu a ili b, pa je odreen kao B 2 a/b, budui
da je rebrenje izvedeno okomito i uredno. Pronaena su
dva ulomka (kat. br. 2, 6; T. 1,2,6), jedan u oranom sloju
(kat. br. 2; T. 1,2), drugi (kat. br. 6; T. 1,6) u otpadnoj jami.
Podtipovi a i b su najzastupljeniji od B tipova i datiraju se
3.-4. st. na Istoku (Spaer 1988, 56-57), u Europi, ali i na ovom
lokalitetu. Analogije su prisutne u Cornacumu 3.-4. st. (Ilki
2003, 185-186), Gomolavi 4. st. (Dautova-Ruevljan, Brukner
1992, 104, T. 16,81), Balci (Csirke, Palgyi 2005, 40, 14.2.47),
Peuhu (Flep 1984, 84, Fig. 28, grob 32, 86), Neviodunumu
(Petru, Petru 1978, T. XIII,40), Emoni poetak 5. st. (PlesniarGec 1983, 148, T. 36,20).
Trei tip je B 3, podtip a, koji je ukraen dijagonalnim
rebrenjem gdje su rebra ispupena, ali ne jako kao kod B
3 b tipa. Inae, datiraju se u 3.-4. st., a na lokalitetu je ovaj
tip zastupljen jednim primjerkom (kat. br. 3; T. 1,3) koji je
pronaen u sekundarno upotrijebljenoj zemunici, datiranoj
2
u prvu polovicu 3. st. Analogije postoje u Cornacumu 3.4. st. (Ilki 2003, 185), Gomolavi 4. st. (Dautova-Ruevljan,
Brukner 1992, 104, T. 16,83) i Neviodunumu (Petru, Petru
1978, T. XIII,39), Saloni 3.-4. st. (Buljevi et al. 1994, 251) i
trbincima (Migotti et al. 1998, 17, kat. br. 15, T. 1).
etvrti tip narukvice zastupljen je jednim primjerkom
(kat. br. 5; T. 1,5) i pronaen je u oranom sloju. Radi se od tipu
B 5 podtipu a, koji ima jedan niz ovalnih ispupenja. Datira
se u 3.-4. st. Analogije imamo u Saloni 3.-4. st. (Buljevi 1999,
200), trbincima (Migotti et al. 1998, 17, kat. br. 14, T. 1) Balci
(Csirke, Palgyi 2005, 45, 14.7.2) i Cornacumu 3.-4. st. (Ilki
2003, 187).
er 1992, 85, 104, Pl. 16,77), trbinci the second third of the
4th century (Raunig 1979-1980, 156, 163, Pl. IV,12; Migotti et
al. 1998, 17-18, 51 cat. No. 13, 16, 154-156, Pl. 1), Iustiniana
prima (Kondi, Popovi 1977, 200, Pl. XVII,2), Ainring, dated
from the end of the 3rd until the first half of the 4th century
(Keller 1971, 107, Pl. 19,9-10), Augsburg, Burgheim, MnchenThalkirchen (Keller 1971, 91), Sirmium (Parovi-Peikan 1971,
40, Pl. XVI,60-61), Keszthely (Sgy 1960, 199, 203 Fig. 12,16),
Balca (Csirke, Palgyi 2005, 39, 42, 44, 14.2.37, 14.4.2, 14.4.3,
14.5.2), Papkeszi (Csirke, Palgyi 2005, 65, 40.1.3), Szentkirlyszabadja (Csirke, Palgyi 2005, 68, 47.2), Cornacum 3rd-4th
centuries (Ilki 2003, 184-185 cat. No. 187-190) and Bolentio
(Salaji 2003, 89), Ni, vicinity of Soko Banja, Bela Palanka 4th6th centuries (Jovanovi 1978, 32, Fig. 56-57), Cibalae, where
it is dated to the 2nd-3rd centuries (Dizdar et al. 2002, 134).
The second type represented here is type B 2, subtype
a/b. The bracelets of type B 2 with horizontal ribbing have
a perpendicular untidy (B 2 a) and tidy and often somewhat
curved ribbing (B 2 b) (Spaer 1988, 55; Buljevi 1999, 193). In
this case it is difficult to determine whether this is subtype
a or b, which is why it was defined as type B 2 a/b, as the
ribbing was executed perpendicularly and neatly. Two fragments were found (cat. No. 2, 6; Pl. 1,2,6), one in the ploughed
layer (cat. No. 2; Pl. 1,2), the other (cat. No. 6; Pl. 1,6) in a refuse
pit. Subtypes a and b are the most represented of the B types
and are dated to the 3rd-4th centuries in the East (Spaer 1988,
56-57), in Europe, but also on this site. Analogies are present
in Cornacum in the 3rd-4th centuries (Ilki 2003, 185-186), Gomolava in the 4th century (Dautova-Ruevljan, Brukner 1992,
104, Pl. 16,81), Balca (Csirke, Palgyi 2005, 40, 14.2.47), Pcs
(Flep 1984, 84, Fig. 28, grave 32, 86), Neviodunum (Petru,
Petru 1978, Pl. XIII,40), Emona from the beginning of the 5th
century (Plesniar-Gec 1983, 148, Pl. 36,20).
The third type is B 3, subtype a, decorated with diagonal
ribbing with protuberant ribs, but not as much as in the case
of type B 3 b. Otherwise, they are dated to the 3rd-4th centuries, and at this site the type is represented by only one piece
(cat. No. 3; Pl. 1,3), found in a secondarily used pit-house, dated
2
to the first half of the 3rd century. Analogies exist in 3rd-4th
centuries Cornacum (Ilki 2003, 185), 4th century Gomolava
(Dautova-Ruevljan, Brukner 1992, 104, Pl. 16,83) and Neviodumum (Petru, Petru 1978, Pl. XIII,39), 3rd-4th centuries Salona (Buljevi et al. 1994, 251) and trbinci (Migotti et al. 1998,
17, cat. No. 15, Pl. 1).
The fourth bracelet type is represented by one piece (cat.
No. 5; Pl. 1,5) found in the ploughed layer. The type is B 5, subtype a, with a sequence of oval protuberances. It is dated to
the 3rd-4th centuries. Analogies are found in 3rd-4th centuries Salona (Buljevi 1999, 200), trbinci (Migotti et al. 1998,
17, cat. No. 14, Pl. 1) Balca (Csirke, Palgyi 2005, 45, 14.7.2) and
Cornacum of the 3rd-4th centuries (Ilki 2003, 187).
Na lokalitetu Virovitica-Kikorija jug nema lokalnih i

europskih tipova narukvica, a oni tipovi koji su zastupljeni
(posebice A 2 a, B 2 a/b i B 3 a) javljaju se u velikom broju
na svim podrujima gdje su se ovakve narukvice nosile.
Narukvice s ovog lokaliteta vremenski pripadaju istom
razdoblju kao i narukvice istih tipova s drugih lokaliteta,
No local and European bracelet types are present at the Virovitica-Kikorija South site, and the types that are represented (A 2 a, B 2 a/b and B 3 a in particular) appear in large numbers in all areas where such bracelets were worn. The bracelets from this site belong chronologically to the same period
as the bracelets of the same types from other sites, meaning
2. Objekt je datiran analizom ugljena u prvu polovicu 3. st. Radi se o istoj

zatvorenoj cjelini u kojoj je pronaena narukvica kat. br. 1, T 1, 1.
2. The structure is dated by charcoal analysis to the first half of the 3rd
century. This is the same closed assemblage in which bracelet cat. No. 1,
Pl. 1, 1 was found.
217
odnosno one ne pokazuju nikakvo vremensko odstupanje

od datuma postavljenih u tipologiji Maud Spaer i datuma s
drugih lokaliteta gdje su te narukvice mogle biti datirane.
Prisutnost ovakve vrste nakita u seoskoj sredini govori
o njegovoj irokoj upotrebi i modnoj zastupljenosti, a
skromni materijal od kojeg su izraene ukazuje na stupanj
bogatstva u naselju. injenica to nema vremenskog
odstupanja u pojavi pojedinih tipova govori o velikoj
povezanosti ovog naselja s drugim rimskim urbaniziranim
i trgovakim sreditima, odnosno ukazuje na to su bitne
bile prometnice (ceste i rijeke) u irenju informacija i roba
koje su kolale diljem Carstva. Praenje trendova u noenju
narukvica sigurno se odraavalo i u svim ostalim dijelovima
svakodnevnice ivota u ovom selu, to e vjerojatno biti
potvreno analizama drugog materijala pronaenog na
ovom lokalitetu.
KATALOG:
1. Boja: crna, prema jakom svjetlu vidi se kao plava;

materijal: staklena pasta; proputa svjetlo: da, prozire se
i bez jakog svjetla; povrina: sjajna, neukraena, pomalo
3
nepravilna; promjer : nije odrediv; velika; debljina: 9 mm;
irina: 5,5 mm; presjek: polukruni; tip: A 2 a; datacija: od 3.
4
do poetka 7. st., kontekst: poetak 3. st. (T. 1,1).
2. Boja: crna, prema jakom svjetlu vidi se kao zelena;
materijal: staklena pasta; proputa svjetlo: jako se
prozire; povrina: sjajna, ukraena je okomitim rebrastim
ispupenjima; promjer: 5,9 cm; velika; debljina: 10 mm;
irina: 5 mm; tip: B 2 a; datacija: od 3. do 4. st. (T. 1,2).
3. Boja: crna, prema jakom svjetlu vidi se kao zelena;
materijal: staklena pasta; proputa svjetlo: da; povrina:
sjajna, nejednake visine, ukraena dijagonalnim rebrastim
ispupenjima; promjer: 4,6 cm; mala; debljina: 7.5-9 mm;
irina: 4 mm; tip: B 3 a; datacija: od 3. do 4. st., u kontekstu:
poetak 3. st. (T. 1,3).
4. Boja: crna; materijal: staklena pasta; proputa svjetlo:
ne; povrina: sjajna, neukraena; promjer: 4,9 cm; mala;
debljina: 5 mm; irina: 4 mm; presjek: polukruni; tip: A 2 a;
datacija: od 3. do poetka 7. st. (T. 1,4).
ne; povrina: sjajna, ukraena jednim redom ovalnih
utisnutih ispupenja; promjer: 6 cm; velika; debljina: 10 mm;
irina: 5 mm; presjek: polukruni; tip: B 5 a; datacija: od 3. do
4. st. (T. 1,5).
ne; povrina: sjajna, ukraena okomitim rebrenjem; promjer:
nije odrediv; mala; debljina: 9 mm; irina: 5,5 mm; presjek:
polukruni; tip: B 2 a; datacija: od 3. do 4. st. (T. 1,6).
7. Boja: crna, prema jakom svijetlu vidi se kao zelena;
materijal: staklena pasta; proputa svjetlo: da; povrina: vrlo
sjajna, neukraena; promjer: 5,9 cm; velika; debljina: 9 mm;
irina: 5-6 mm; presjek: polukruni; tip: A 2 a; datacija: od 3.
do poetka 7. st. (T. 1,7).
3. Promjer se odnosi na unutarnji promjer narukvice iskljuujui samu narukvice, debljina narukvice predstavlja produetak promjera narukvice,
a irina se odnosi na dimenzije narukvice u njezinom presjeku (Spaer
1988, 53).
4. Narukvice je nacrtala Miljenka Gali.
218
that they show no chronological divergence from the dates

set in the typology of Maud Spaer and the dates from other
sites where it was possible to date these bracelets.
The presence of this type of jewellery in a rural community speaks of its wide usage and existence of fashion, while
the modest material they were made of indicates the level of
wealth in the settlement. The fact that there is no lag in the
appearance of specific types speaks of the very good connections of this settlement with other Roman urban and trade centres and points to the importance of the traffic routes (roads
and rivers) in the spreading of information and the movement
of goods throughout the Empire. Following trends in wearing
bracelets was certainly reflected in all other segments of everyday life in the village, which will probably be confirmed by
the analyses of the other material found at this site.
CATALOGUE:
1. Colour: black, appearing blue against bright light; material: glass paste; translucency: yes, transparent even without
bright light; surface: shiny, undecorated, slightly uneven; di3
ameter: not determinable; large; thickness: 9 mm; width: 5,5
mm; cross-section: semicircular; type: A 2 a; dating: from the
3rd to the beginning of the 7th century; context: beginning of
4
the 3rd century (Pl. 1,1).
2. Colour: black, appearing green against bright light; material: glass paste; translucency: highly translucent; surface:
shiny, decorated with vertical ribbed protuberances; diameter: 5,9 cm; large; thickness: 10 mm; width: 5 mm; type: B 2 a;
dating: from the 3rd to the 4th century (Pl. 1,2).
3. Colour: black, appearing green against bright light; material: glass paste; translucency: yes; surface: shiny, of uneven
height, decorated with diagonal ribbed protuberances; diameter: 4,6 cm; small; thickness: 7.5-9 mm; width: 4 mm; type:
B 3 a; dating: from the 3rd to the 4th century, in the context
of: the beginning of the 3rd century (Pl. 1,2).
4. Colour: black; material: glass paste; translucency: no;
surface: shiny, undecorated; diameter: 4,9 cm; small; thickness: 5 mm; width: 4 mm; cross-section: semicircular; type: A
2 a; dating: from the 3rd to the beginning of the 7th century
(Pl. 1,4).
surface: shiny, decorated with a sequence of oval impressed
bulges; diameter: 6 cm; large; thickness: 10 mm; width: 5 mm;
cross-section: semicircular; type: B 5 a; dating: from the 3rd to
the 4th century (Pl. 1,5).
surface: shiny, decorated with vertical ribs; diameter: not determinable; small; thickness: 9 mm; width: 5,5 mm; cross-section: semicircular; type: B 2 a; dating: from the 3rd to the 4th
century (Pl. 1,6).
7. Colour: black, appearing green against bright light;
material: glass paste; translucency: yes; surface: very shiny,
undecorated; diameter: 5,9 cm; large; thickness: 9 mm; width:
5-6 mm; cross-section: semicircular; type: A 2 a; dating: from
the 3rd to the beginning of the 7th century (Pl. 1,7).
3. The diameter relates to the inner diameter of the bracelet excluding the
bracelet itself; the thickness represents the continuation of the diameter
of the bracelet, while the width represents the dimensions of the bracelet
in the cross-section (Spaer 1988, 53).
4. The bracelets were drawn by Miljenka Gali.
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du auto puta kroz Srem, Novi Sad, 137-174.
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219
K. JELINI, Kasnoantike narukvice od staklene paste s lokaliteta Virovitica-Kikorija jug, , Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 213-220.
T. 1
T. 1: Virovitica-Kikorija jug, narukvice od staklene paste

Pl. 1: Virovitica-Kikorija south glass paste bracelets
220
Jo jednom o Kastrilu na premanturskom rtu Kamenjak (Medulin)

Another Look at Kastril on the Premantura Cape of Kamenjak (Medulin)
Pregledni lanak
Antika arheologija
ROBERT MATIJAI
Sveuilite Jurja Dobrile u Puli
Preradovieva 1/1
HR 52100 Pula
robert.matijasic@unipu.hr
Review
Roman archaeology
UDK/UDC 902.2(497.5-37 Premantura)
Poloaj Kastrila na premanturskom rtu Kamenjak, najjunijem rtu Istre, lijep je primjer zanimljivog
poloaja zbog nadzora nad irokim okolnim podrujem. Nikakva arheoloka istraivanja na tom
lokalitetu nisu dosad poduzimana, a moe se oekivati svojevrsni kontinuitet koritenja te toke, od
gradinskog naselja, preko antike i kasnoantike osmatranice, te moda do ranobizantskog kastruma, utvrde za nadzor plovidbe kakvih je du istone jadranske obale poznato mnogo. U literaturi
se spominje od kraja 19. stoljea, no dosad nije privukao veu panju aktivnih istraivaa.
Kljune rijei: Istra, prapovijest, rimsko doba, Bizant, plovidba
The position of Kastril on the Premantura Cape of Kamenjak, the southernmost cape of Istria, is a
nice example of an interesting position due to its control over a large surrounding territory. No archaeological excavations of any kind have been carried out on the site, but we may expect a certain
continuity of use of that point, from a hillfort settlement, through an observation post from classical
and late antiquity, perhaps to an early Byzantine castrum, a fortification for purposes of controlling navigation, similar to the many known along the eastern Adriatic coast. It is mentioned in the
literature since the end of the 19th century, but it failed to attract any greater attention of active
researchers.
Key words: Istria, prehistory, the Roman period, Byzant, navigation
Ljeti godine 1989., tijekom pregleda terena rta Kamenjak kraj Premanture, danas u opini Medulin, u
znanstvenu je arheoloku literaturu, topografiju tog
najjunijeg dijela Istre, unesen lokalitet Kastril (Matijai 1990, 50-51), koji se kako povrinskim nalazima
(ulomci keramike kasnoantike datacije) i zapaanjima (tragovi pravilnih struktura gromaa, velikim dijelom obraslih niskom makijom i visokom travom), te
po toponimu (Kastril < *Katelir < *Castellier, mogue
od *Castellum/*Castrum) pokazao zanimljivim za ire
promiljanje topografske situacija u prolosti. Kako se
dr. sc. eljko Tomii intenzivno bavio i problemom
sustava kasnoantikih utvrda/naselja du istone jadranske obale, a posebno na Kvarneru (usp. potpuni
popis njegovih objavljenih radova u ovom svesku), te
je meu prvima uvrstio premanturski Kastril u taj sustav, sa zadovoljstvom se ovim prilogom pridruujem
obiljeavanju njegove obljetnice, tako i nastavljajui
njegov rad.
In the summer of 1989, during the field survey of Cape

Kamenjak near Premantura, presently within the Medulin municipality, the site of Kastril entered the scholarly
archaeological literature the topography of this southernmost part of Istria (Matijai 1990, 50-51). Because of
the surface finds (pottery fragments from late antiquity)
and observations (traces of regular structures of dry stone
walls, to a large degree covered in underbrush and high
grass), as well as its toponym (Kastril < *Katelir < *Castellier, possibly from *Castellum/*Castrum), the site proved
interesting for a wider consideration of the topographic
situation in the past. As Dr. eljko Tomii intensively dealt
with the issue of the system of fortifications/settlements
from late antiquity along the eastern Adriatic coast, in the
Kvarner Gulf in particular (comp. the comprehensive list of
his published works in this volume), and was among the
first to include the Premantura Kastril in that system, it is
with pleasure that I join the ranks of those marking his anniversary, continuing in this way his work as well.
221
R. MATIJAI, Jo jednom o Kastrilu na premanturskom rtu Kamenjak (Medulin), PRIL. INST. ARHEOL. ZAGREBU, 24/2007, STR. 221-228.
Sl. 1 Isjeak talijanske vojne karte 1:25000 s oznaenim poloajem Kastrila

Fig. 1 A segment of the Italian military map at 1:25000 scale with marked position of Kastril
222
R. MATIJAI, Another Look at Kastril on the Premantura Cape of Kamenjak (Medulin), PRIL. INST. ARHEOL. ZAGREBU, 24/2007, STR. 221-228.
Sl. 2 Isjeak talijanske vojne karte 1:25000, Kastril

Fig. 2 A segment of the Italian military map at 1:25000 scale, Kastril
Poloaj, koji se naziva Kastril, nalazi se na blagom

uzvienju na sredini rta Kamenjak, to se od naselja
Premanture poput istaknutog i izduenog grebena
prostire prema jugu i morskoj puini. Rt Kamenjak
dug je oko 5 km, irok oko 1 km, iako su njegov sjeverni dio i najjuniji predio neto iri (oko 1,6 km u
smjeru istok-zapad). Vapnenake je grae, blago valovit s nizom uzvienja (od sjevera prema jugu): Gradina (kota 76), uzvisina kod dananjeg premanturskog
groblja (kota 56), Glavica (kota 44), ukovica (kota 50),
Grakalovac (kota 46), Kastril Kri (kota 37), Ivanievica (kota 30), Lanterna (kota 40). Na tom je prostoru
samo nekoliko manjih plodnih povrina, u zavalama
izmeu breuljaka, a najvea od njih je Polje, izmeu Grakalovca i Kastrila/Kria. Dio prostora pokriven
je sredozemnom makijom (naroito zapadni dijelovi
Kamenjaka), dio umama primorskog bora, a najvei
dio pokrivaju travnjaci, tako da je za razliku od drugih dijelova istarskog priobalja koji nije urbaniziran, a
neprohodan je zbog guste makije cijelo podruje
Kastrila i okolice prilino pregledno. Sve obale rta Kamenjak izbrazdane su raznolikim uvalama, koje pruaju dobro privremeno zaklonite u svim vremenskim
The position, called Kastril, lies on a gentle elevation in

the centre of Cape Kamenjak, stretching from the village
of Premantura in the shape of a prominent and elongated
ridge towards the south and the open sea. Cape Kamenjak
is around 5 km long, around 1 km wide, although its northern and southernmost parts are somewhat wider (around
1,6 km in the east-west direction). Formed of limestone, the
cape gently undulates with a number of elevations (from
the north towards the south): Gradina (point 76), the elevation near the present Premantura cemetery (point 56),
Glavica (point 44), ukovica (point 50), Grakalovac (point
46), Kastril Kri (point 37), Ivanievica (point 30), Lanterna
(point 40). There are but a few smaller fertile surfaces in
that area, in the valleys between the hills, and the largest
of them is Polje, between Grakalovac and Kastril/Kri. A
part of the territory is covered with Mediterranean underbrush (particularly the western parts of Kamenjak), a part
with maritime pine forest, while the largest part is covered
by meadows, so that unlike the other unurbanised parts
of the Istrian seaboard, which are impassable due to dense
underbrush the entire area of Kastril with its surroundings is fairly accessible. All the coasts of Cape Kamenjak are
indented with diverse bays offering favourable temporary
shelter in all atmospheric conditions of navigation. The
223
uvjetima plovidbe. Na istonoj obali najpogodnija su

sidrita u uvali Debeljak i Porti, a na zapadnoj uvala
Polje (Sv. Martin).
most favourable anchorages on the eastern coast are situated in the bays of Debeljak and Porti, and on the western
coast the Polje Bay (St. Martin).
Toponim Kastrila nalazimo samo na tal. spec. karti

1:25.000, koja je raena na temelju iste takve austrijske
vojne karte (i toponimijski podatci su isti), a nije oznaen na jugoslavenskoj vojnoj karti 1:50.000, ni na najnovijoj karti Dravne geodetske uprave RH 1:25.000.
Nema ga niti na turistikoj shematskoj karti Kamenjaka (izdanje Grafo Amadeus, Zagreb), na kojoj su
inae navedeni brojni toponimi i svi glavni putovi na
rtu, iako nema izohipsa, dakle oznake reljefa. Na ovoj
posljednjoj oznaen je toponim Kri, na istom mjestu
na kojemu je na talijanskoj karti toponim Castril. Na
tom se mjestu i nalazi neveliki zavjetni betonski kri
bez ukrasa i natpisa, no bit e da nije stariji od poetaka 20. stoljea. Iako nema znatnijih vidljivih ostataka,
prve vojne instalacije, promatranice i sl. postavila je
austro-ugarska vojska krajem 19. stoljea, a kontinuitet barem povremenog vojnog koritenja dijelova rta
Kamenjak nije prekinut do dananjih dana. Mjetani
Premanture za taj poloaj i danas rabe, ili barem poznaju, toponim Kastril.
Najstariji arheoloki topografski podatci o Kastrilu koncentrirani su na prijelaz 19. u 20. stoljee, kada
je nekoliko znanstvenika skupljalo podatke o raznim
vidovima istarske povijesne i arheoloke topografije.
to se objavljenih podataka u arheolokoj literaturi tie, prvi koji je zabiljeio Kastril u arheolokoj literaturi
bio je Carlo Marchesetti u sklopu svoje velike monografije o prapovijesnim gradinama u Istri, objavljene
1903. god. Prikupio je podatke o velikom broju gradina, no to su obino turi podatci o pojedinom gradinskom naselju. Tako za Kastril kae: Infine da notare il M. Castril (36 m.) a mezzogiorno di Promontore,
nelle cui vicinanze sopra un altro colle sorgono i resti
di un grande castro romano (Marchesetti 1903, 104).
Bernardo Schiavuzzi objavio je 1908. studiju o arheoloko-povijesnoj topografiji puljtine, pa s nekoliko
reenica spominje i Kastril: Nella localit detta Monte
Castril vi fu un grande castelliere ad una cinta, ma difeso verso settentrione da un forte rialzo di terreno. A
ponente desso sulle spiaggie elevate dellinsenatura
marina detta Valle S. Martino fu gi un edificio romano
ora scomparso, ma del quale fanno fede i molti frammenti di laterizi. Era abitato anche nei tempi posteriori
e vi sorgeva pi tardi una chiesa dedicata a S. Martino,
che gli Uscocchi distrussero (Schiavuzzi 1908, 163).
Jedini koji u to isto doba nije zabiljeio nita o Kastrilu
u svojim putnim biljekama bio je Alberto Puschi, ije
je podatke objavio Bernardo Benussi nekoliko desetljea kasnije (Benussi 1928, 49-50). No objavljeni tekst
ima karakter radnog materijala, a ne monografije, te
je autoru sluio iskljuivo kao podsjetnik.
Kad smo sredinom 1980-ih godina skupljali po-
The toponym of Kastril is found only on an Italian special map at 1:25000 scale, based on an identical Austrian
military map (the toponymic data are likewise identical),
and it is absent from a Yugoslav military map at 1:50000
scale, as well as from the latest map issued by the State
Geodetic Directorate of the Republic of Croatia at 1:25000
scale. It is also absent from a schematic tourist map of
Kamenjak (published by Grafo Amadeus, Zagreb), which
otherwise contains numerous toponyms and all the main
paths on the cape, even though there are no contour lines,
i.e. indication of relief. On this last map, the toponym Kri is
marked on the same spot where the Italian map shows the
toponym Castril. There is indeed on that spot a small votive concrete cross with no decoration or inscription, but
it does not appear to be older than the beginning of the
20th century. For all the lack of any substantial visible remains, the first military installations, observation posts etc.
were put up by the Austro-Hungarian military towards the
end of the 19th century and the continuity of at least occasional use for military purposes of parts of Cape Kamenjak
has not been disrupted to this day. For that position the
inhabitants of Premantura still use the toponym Kastril, or
are at least familiar with it.
The earliest archaeological topographic data on Kastril are concentrated in the transition from the 19th to the
20th century, when several scholars collected data on various aspects of Istrian historical and archaeological topography. As regards the published data in the archaeological
literature, the first to register Kastril in the archaeological literature was Carlo Marchesetti, in large monograph
about the prehistoric hillforts in Istria, published in 1903.
He collected information about a large number of hillforts,
but this is generally meagre information on individual
hillfort settlements. Thus for Kastril he says: Infine da
notare il M. Castril (36 m.) a mezzogiorno di Promontore,
nelle cui vicinanze sopra un altro colle sorgono i resti di
un grande castro romano (Marchesetti 1903, 104). In 1908
Bernardo Schiavuzzi published a study about the archaeological-historical topography of the Pula region, in which
he dedicated several sentences to Kastril: Nella localit
detta Monte Castril vi fu un grande castelliere ad una cinta,
ma difeso verso settentrione da un forte rialzo di terreno. A
ponente desso sulle spiaggie elevate dellinsenatura marina detta Valle S. Martino fu gi un edificio romano ora
scomparso, ma del quale fanno fede i molti frammenti di
laterizi. Era abitato anche nei tempi posteriori e vi sorgeva
pi tardi una chiesa dedicata a S. Martino, che gli Uscocchi
distrussero (Schiavuzzi 1908, 163). The only one to omit
Kastril completely from his itinerary notes was Alberto
Puschi, whose records were published by Bernardo Benussi several decades later (Benussi 1928, 49-50). However,
the published text has the character of working material,
not a monograph, and was used by the author only as a
224
datke o naseljenosti agera antikih kolonije Pola i Parentium, nismo zapazili podudarnost Schiavuzzijevih
podataka o antikim nalazima na podruju Svetog
Martina i toponima Kastril, jer su s njim C. Marchesetti
i B. Schiavuzzi povezivali samo prapovijesnu gradinu. Tako smo ustvrdili da je povieni teren juno od
uvale Svetog Martina, koji se uzdie do kote 31 i 33,
ispresijecan ogradnim zidovima izmeu obraenih
parcela, u kojima ima dosta povrinskih nalaza keramike. itavo podruje prekriveno je gromaama koje skrivaju ostatke veeg objekta. Uz jednu kamenu
ogradu u grmlju je zapaen ulomak glatkog stuba
(Matijai 1988, 33). Ovaj posljednji podatak je iz arhive o putovanjima, reambulacijama i intervencijama
Arheolokog muzeja Istre (izvjetaj br. 469, od 26. srpnja 1967., tefana Mlakara).
Kako smo naveli na poetku ovog teksta, teren
smo (ponovo) pregledali ljeti 1989. god., nakon dojave da je u uvali kokovica, na istonoj obali rta Kamenjaka primijeen antiki zid (Matijai 1990, 51).
To je bio neposredni povod naem obilasku, i u uvali
smo zabiljeili dva zida, svaki duine oko 80 m, koji se
spajaju pod pravim kutom, i zajedno zatvaraju veliki
prostor, te vjerojatno predstavljaju ostatak ogradnog
zida. Povrinskih nalaza na tom podruju nije bilo, ali
u sjevernijoj uvali kolji bilo je mnogo vie antike
keramike, a tada je bio pronaen i jedan kasnoantiki
bronani novac iz 4. stoljea.
Istom smo prigodom na izduenoj uzvisini, koja je
na kartama oznaena kao Kastril, odnosno Kri (istoni dio uzvisine, kod kria, je 37 m nadmorske visine,
dok je istoni dio na 33 m) primijetili smo vie novijih iskopanih rupa u kojima smo prepoznali zid irine
oko 1 m, a skupili smo i nekoliko vrlo sitnih ulomaka
keramike, te na takvim terenima uobiajenih ulomaka krovnih opeka (tegulae). Viekratnim pregledom
lokaliteta tijekom 1990-ih i do danas vie nikada nismo zapazili sline iskope, a u suhozidnim ogradama
uvijek se vidi neto tegula, pa ak i pokoji mali ulomak
amfora, koje je nemogue tonije tipoloki odrediti.
Arheoloki materijal sam po sebi nije dovoljno indikativan za cjelovite i sigurne zakljuke. Tegule svakako
jame postojanje antike/kasnoantike arhitekture, a
povrinski skupljeni ulomci keramike nisu dosad bili
dovoljno reprezentativni uzorak za pravu analizu. Meutim, poloaj lokaliteta na zaravnjenom breuljku s
prekrasnim pogledom na morsku puinu uokolo, svakako govori o moguem gradinskom karakteru, ali i
o kasnoantikom/ranosrednjovjekovnom utvrenom
poloaju koji je bio idealan za motrenje prometa na
moru, jer se s jedne strane vidi jugoistona obala Istre
od Rakog zaljeva do rta Marlera, s ulazom u Medulinski zaljev, a na drugoj cijeli morski prostor do obala Cresa, Loinja, Suska i Unija. To je dolo do izraaja
ve u prapovijesno doba, kad su i Histri, jednako kao
i susjedni Liburni s toga prostora nadzirali pomorski
reminder.
When in the mid-1980s we were collecting data on the
population density of the agri of the ancient colonies of
Pola and Parentium, we did not notice the correspondence
between the Schiavuzzis records about ancient finds in the
Sveti Martin region and the toponym of Kastril, because C.
Marchesetti and B. Schiavuzzi associated it only with the
prehistoric hillfort. We thus stated that the elevated terrain south of the Sveti Martin Bay, rising to points 31 and
33, is criss-crossed by fence walls between the cultivated
plots, which contain quite a few surface finds of pottery.
The entire area is covered with dry stone walls covering
the remains of a larger structure. A fragment of a smooth
pillar was noticed in the bushes adjacent to a fence wall
(Matijai 1988, 33). The latter information is quoted from
the archives on journeys, field walking and interventions
of the Archaeological Museum of Istria (Rport No. 469, of
July 26th 1967, by tefan Mlakar).
As we stated at the beginning of this text, we surveyed
the terrain (once again) in the summer of 1989, following
a report that an ancient wall was spotted in the kokovica
bay, on the eastern coast of Cape Kamenjak (Matijai
1990, 51). This was the immediate cause of our visit, in
which we registered two walls in the bay, each around 80
m long, joining at a right angle. Together they encompass
a large area, and probably represent the remainder of a
fence wall. There were no surface finds in that area, but the
kolji Bay, lying more to the north, yielded much more
finds of ancient pottery, and this was also when we came
across a 4th century bronze coin from late antiquity.
On the same occasion, we noticed on the elongated elevation marked on the maps as Kastril or Kri (the eastern
part of the elevation, at the cross, lies at 37 metres above
sea level, while the western part lies at 33 m), several recently dug holes in which we recognized a wall around 1 m
wide. We also collected several tiny pottery sherds as well
as fragments of roof tiles (tegulae), a regular find on such
terrain. Repeated surveys of the site during the 1990s and
up to the present day have not led to any new discoveries
of similar digs, and in the dry-wall fences one can always
spot finds of tegulae, sometimes even a small fragment or
two of amphorae, impossible to determine typologically
with any precision.
The archaeological material in itself is not sufficiently
indicative for any comprehensive and reliable conclusions.
The tegulae certainly vouch for the existence of architecture from antiquity or late antiquity, while the surface finds
of pottery sherds have so far not been a sufficiently representative sample for a proper analysis. However, the position of the site on a flattened hill with a magnificent view
of the open sea all around certainly speaks of a possible
hillfort character but also of a late antiquity/early medieval
fortified site ideal for observing the traffic at sea, considering that on one side one can see the southeastern coast of
Istria from Raa Bay to Cape Marlera, with the entrance to
the Medulin Bay, while on the other one has a view of the
entire sea zone to the coasts of the islands of Cres, Loinj,
225
Sl. 3 Zrana fotografija Kamenjaka, prema jugu (snimio D. Marui ii)

Fig. 3 Aerial photograph of Kamenjak, looking south (photographed by D. Marui ii)
promet (Zaninovi 1994, 180). Granica vidljivosti prema zapadu je horizont iza kojega je sjevernotalijanska i apeninska obala. Rtu Kamenjak najblia toka na
drugoj je obali sama delta rijeke Pd, iza horizonta,
gotovo u pravcu zapada. No isto tako valja napomenuti da su od rta Kamenjak gotovo jednako udaljene
sve najvanije sjevernoitalske luke: Venecija, Ravenna,
Rimini, Pesaro i Ancona, pa je najjunija istarska toka
vana u plovidbi na cijelom sjevernom Jadranu.
O pojedinim kasnoantikim/bizantskim utvrdama,
odnosno graevinama s elementima vojnike funk-
226
Susak and Unije. This came to the fore already during prehistoric times, when the Histri, much like the neighbouring Liburni from that territory controlled the sea traffic
(Zaninovi 1994, 180). The limit of visibility to the west is
the horizon beyond which lies the coast of northern Italy
and the Apennines. The closest point to Cape Kamenjak
on the other coast is the very delta of the Po River, beyond
the horizon, almost in the direction of the west. However,
it should also be mentioned that all the main harbours of
northern Italy Venice, Ravenna, Rimini, Pesaro and Ancona lie at an almost equal distance from Cape Kamenjak,
so the southernmost point of Istria is important for naviga-
cije, na istaknutim tokama na istonoj jadranskoj

obali i na otocima, ve postoji vrlo bogata literatura,
a rasprava se ve razvila u razmatranje cijelog sustava
nadzora. Sve je poelo tekstom akademika Ive Petriciolia o Toreti na Kornatu (Petricioli 1970), nastavilo
lankom Anelka Badurine o Palacolu kraj Loinja (Badurina 1982) i prvom skicom sinteze sustava Zdenka
Gunjae (Gunjaa 1986). Nakon toga se rasprava rasplamsala, pa se svaka prilika koristila za usavravanje
razmiljanja o tome kako je, kada i zato osmiljen sustav utvrda na najistaknutijim tokama obale i otoka,
naroito vanjskih (Brusi 1988; Tomii 1989; Domijan
1992; Tomii 1993; Kara 1998; Tomii 1998). Pogotovu je tome problemu pridonio eljko Tomii, istraujui i objavljujui pojedinane lokalitete, posebno
na sjevernom hrvatskom primorju (Tomii 1989;
1989a; 1989b; 1990; 1990a; 1995; Tomii, iljeg 1998;
Tomii 1999), te povremenim sintezama kojima je zaokruivao spoznaje do odreenog trenutka (Tomii
1997). Posljednjih se godina i drugi, mlai, istraivai,
ukljuuju u rad o toj temi (iljeg 2001; Regan 2002).
Dosad objavljeni podatci o kasnoantikim/ranobizantskim utvrenim naseljima na obali i otocima pokazuju iznimnu raznolikost, kako veliini, po povrini
koju zauzimaju, tako i shodno veliini i karakteru
(Kara 1998, 974). Od vrlo malih utvrda poput Palacola
na otoku Male Orjule i Svetog Petra kraj Ilovika (Badurina 1982, 174), s povrinom u oba sluaja oko 700-750
m2, do Kateline u Kamporskoj dragi na Rabu i tzv. Kastruma na Brijunu (Mlakar 1975-1976 (1986)) koji imaju
neto vie od 1 ha. Povrina prosjene utvrde, i tu spadaju one poput Korintije na Krku, Gustijerne na irju,
te Sv. Jurja na Pagu, povrine su oko 0,5 ha. Svima je
karakteristini fortificirani karakter, u najveem broju sluajeva kombinacijom nepristupanog poloaja
na breuljcima i bedema, ili samo bedema. Ve je Z.
Brusi otvorio pitanje njihova karaktera. Dok se dotad
smatralo da su to sve utvrde s vojnom namjenom, tj.
s posadom i iskljuivom obrambenom zadaom, on
je (Brusi 1988, 116) ustvrdio da su kateli i kule na jadranskim otocima bili refugiji stanovnitva koje je ivjelo u okolici tih utvrenja na raznim gospodarskim
imanjima ili u veim naseljima koja nisu imala dovoljno vrste bedeme. To se zaista moe rei za veinu
takvih naselja, no ne i za sve. Naroito ne za one koji
su manjih dimenzija, a nalaze se na istaknutim tokama du plovnoga puta, te tako pokazuju da su mogla
imati prvenstveno motriteljsku ulogu radi osiguranja
plovidbe.
Ostaje otvorenim pitanje karaktera mogueg takvog kasnoantikog/ranobizantskog naselja na Kastrilu kraj Premanture. To se bez konkretnih terenskih
istraivanja, odnosno iskapanja, nee moi konano
utvrditi. Po veliini ima prosjene gabarite, prema tragovima na povrini, moglo bi imati izmeu 0,5 i 1 ha,
a to bi se uvrstilo u naselja refugijskog karaktera. No
tion in the entire northern Adriatic.

The literature regarding certain fortifications from late
antiquity/the Byzantine period, or structures with elements of a military function on prominent points on the
eastern Adriatic coast and islands, is already quite extensive, and the discussion has developed into research of the
entire system of control. It all started with the text of academician Ivo Petricioli about the Toreta on Kornat (Petricioli 1970), continued with Anelko Badurinas paper about
Palacol near Loinj (Badurina 1982) and the first sketch of a
synthesis of the system by Zdenko Gunjaa (Gunjaa 1986).
After that the discussion intensified, so every occasion was
used for refining the reflections on how, when and why
the system of fortifications on the most prominent points
of the coast and islands, particularly the outer ones, was
devised (Brusi 1988; Tomii 1989; Domijan 1992; Tomii
1993; Kara 1998; Tomii 1998). Particularly important
contribution to the issue was made by eljko Tomii, with
his research and publications of specific sites, above all in
the northern Croatian littoral (Tomii 1989; 1989a; 1989b;
1990; 1990a; 1995; Tomii, iljeg 1998; Tomii 1999), and
through occasional syntheses in which he summarized the
knowledge acquired until that moment (Tomii 1997). In
recent years there have also been other, younger, researchers, who joined in the work on that topic (iljeg 2001; Regan 2002).
The data published so far regarding fortified settlements from late antiquity/the early Byzantine era on the
coast and islands show exceptional variety, in terms of size,
the surface covered, as well as in proportion to the size
the character (Kara 1998, 974). They range from very small
fortifications like Palacol on the Male Orjule island and
Sveti Petar near Ilovik (Badurina 1982, 174), with a surface
in both cases of around 700-750 m2, to Katelina in the
Kampor Bay on Rab and the so-called Kastrum on Brijun
(Mlakar 1975-1976 (1986)) covering a little over 1 hectare.
The surface of an average fortification this includes those
such as Korintija on Krk, Gustijerna on irje and Sv. Juraj
on Pag is around 0,5 ha. A common feature of them all
is that they are of a fortified character, in most cases consisting of a combination of an inaccessible position on
hills and a rampart, or of a rampart only. Already Z. Brusi
raised the question of their character. While the prevalent
opinion until then was that all these fortifications had a
military use, i.e. with a crew and an exclusively defensive
function, he (Brusi 1988, 116) asserted that the castels
and towers on the Adriatic islands were refuges of the
populations living in the vicinity of those fortifications in
various estates or in larger settlements lacking sufficiently
strong ramparts. This can certainly be said for most such
settlements, but not for all. Particularly not for the smaller
ones, lying at prominent points along the seafaring route,
revealing by this that their primary role was probably that
of observations posts for the safety of seafaring.
The question of the character of a possible settlement
from late antiquity/the early Byzantine era on Kastril near
Premantura remains open. Definite conclusions willnot
227
naselje na Kastrilu moglo je istodobno imati i vojnu

funkciju jer se nalazi na sjajnom poloaju s kojega se
nadzire cijeli veliki okolni morski prostor.
be possible without actual investigations in the field, i.e.

excavation,. Its size reveals average dimensions judging
by the traces on the surface it probably covered between
0,5 and 1 ha, which would place it among the settlements
with a refuge function. However, the settlement at Kastril
may at the same time have fulfiled a military function, as it
lies on an excellent position from which one controls the
entire large surrounding sea zone.
Brusi Z., 1988, Kasnoantika utvrenja na otocima Rabu i Krku,
Arheoloka istraivanja na otocima Krku, Rabu i Pagu i u Hrvatskom primorju, IzdanjaHAD 13, Zagreb, 111-119.
Badurina A., 1982, Bizantska utvrda na otoiu Palacol, Arheoloka
istraivanja na otocima Cresu i Loinju, IzdanjaHAD 7, Zagreb,
171-177.
Benussi B., 1928, Dalle annotazioni di Alberto Puschi per la Carta archeologica dellIstria, Archeografo Triestino 42, Trieste, 243-282.
Domijan M., 1992, Ostaci utvrde Sv. Damjana u Barbatu na otoku Rabu,
Diadora 14, Zadar, 325-344.
Gunjaa Z., 1986, Kasnoantika fortifikacijska arhitektura na
istonojadranskom priobalju i otocima, Materijali XXII, Novi Sad,
124-136.
Kara Z., 1998, The problem of the exploration of 6th and 7th c. urban
planning on Croatian soil within the context of general byzantine
urban studies, u: Acta XIIIth congressus internationalis archaeologiae
christianae Radovi XIII. meunarodnog kongresa za starokransku
arheologiju, ur. N. Cambi-E. Marin, Citta del Vaticano, Split : Pontifico Itituto di Archeologia Cristiana, Roma Arheoloki muzej
Split, II, 959-974.
Marchesetti C., 1903, I Castellieri preistorici di Trieste e della regione Giulia,
Trieste (fotostatski ponatis 1981)
Matijai R., 1990, Rekognosciranje rta Premantura (Pula), ObavijestiHAD
32/2, Zagreb, 50-52.
Mlakar ., 1975-1976 (1986), Fortifikacijska arhitektura na otoku Brioni.
Bizantski Kastrum (Fortifikationsarchitektur auf Brioni. Byzantinisches Kastrum), Histriaarch 6-7, Pula, 5-49.
Petricioli I., 1970, Toreta na otoku Kornatu, Adriatica Praehistorica et
Antiqua G. Novak dicata, Zagreb, 717-725.
Regan K., 2002, Utvrda Sv. Jurja u Caskoj na otoku Pagu, PrilInstArheolZagrebu 19, Zagreb, 141-148.
Schiavuzzi B., 1908, Attraverso lagro colonico di Pola, Atti e mem 24, Parenzo, 91-171.
Tomii ., 1989, Arheoloka svjedoanstva o ranobizantskom vojnom
graditeljstvu na sjevernojadranskim otocima, Prilozi 5/6, Zagreb,
228
29-53.
Tomii ., 1989a, Mala Krasa na otoku Krku. Sv. Juraj, sakralno-cemeterijalni kompleks, ArhPregl 28, Ljubljana, 170-171.
Tomii ., 1989b, Sveti Juraj iznad grada Paga, ranobizantski kastron,
ObavijestiHAD 21/1; Zagreb, 28-31.
Tomii ., 1990, Sv. Juraj iznad Paga. Ranobizantski kastron, ArhPregl
29, Ljubljana, 177-179.
Tomii ., 1990a, Materijalni tragovi ranobizantskog vojnog graditeljstva u Velebitskom podgorju, VAMZ 23, Zagreb, 139-162.
Tomii ., 1993, Tragovi ranobizantskog vojnog graditeljstva na sjevernom hrvatskom primorju, u: Zbornik Pedagokog fakulteta Rijeka
(posebno izdanje). Umjetnost na istonoj obali Jadrana u kontekstu
europske tradicije, ur. N. Kudi-M. Vicelja, Pedagoki fakultet u Rijeci, Rijeka, 91-96.
Tomii ., 1995, Svetojanj kasnoantika utvrda kraj Stare Novalje na
otoku Pagu, ARadRaspr 12, Zagreb, 291-305.
Tomii ., 1997, Utvrde Justinijanove epohe - prinos prouavanju
pejzane arheologije u Hrvatskoj, HistriaAntiq 1, Pula, 97-100.
Tomii ., 1998, Le traccie della riconquista giustinianea sulla costa
dellAdriatico orientale, u: Acta XIII. congressus internationalis archaeologiae christianae Radovi XIII. meunarodnog kongresa za
starokransku arheologiju, ur. N. Cambi-E. Marin, Citta del Vaticano, Split : Pontifico Itituto di Archeologia Cristiana, Roma
Arheoloki muzej Split, II, 1075-1090.
Tomii ., 1999, Kasnoantika utvrda na poloaju crkvice Sv. Jurja iznad
Paga. Prilog istraivanju povijesti grada, u: Zbornik grada Paga o
550-oj obljetnici grada, ur. . Batovi, Matica hrvatska Zadar, Zadar,
1-20.
Tomii ., iljeg B., 1998, Korintija (Corinthia) kraj Bake na Krku, ObavijestiHAD 30/2, Zagreb, 23.
iljeg B., 2001, Vojna arhitektura Justinijanovog doba na sjevernom
hrvatskom primorju, magistarski rad, Zagreb, Filozofski fakultet
Zaninovi M., 1994, Apsoros, Crexa e Nesactium/Bado sulla rotta marittima adriatica, Quaderni di Archeologia Veneta 10, Venezia,
179-188.
Crkva Sv. Marije, graena uz castellum u uvali Madona, Brijuni

Kasnoantiko i bizantsko razdoblje
The Church of St. Mary nearby castellum in Madona bay, Brijuni
Late Roman and Byzantine period
Antika arheologija
VLASTA BEGOVI DVORAK

HR-10000 Zagreb

Roman archaeology
UDK/UDC 904:726](497.5)(210.7 Brijuni)653
726.54.033.1/.033.2](497.5)(210.7 Brijuni)
IVANICA DVORAK SCHRUNK

University of St. Thomas
St. Paul, Minnesota SAD
idschrunk@stthomas.edu
IVANA TUTEK
Arhitektonski fakultet
Kaieva 26
HR-10000 Zagreb
Uvala Madona nalazi se sa zapadne strane otoka Veli Brijun. Prostrana, iroka i vrlo plitka uvala
zaklonjena je sa sjeverne i june strane poluotocima Rankun i Peneda, sa zapadne strane malim
otokom Madona (Pusti) i prema otvorenom moru irokim potezom otoka Vanga. S istone strane
podruje je zatieno velikom movarom koja se protee do zaljeva Saline i obroncima blagih
padina, koje se penju prema najviem vrhu otoka Strai (54,7 m nadmorske visine). U prirodno
zatienu uvalu Madona vodio je put s istoka izmeu movare i obronka brda koji je bilo relativno
lako braniti, a velike pliine ispred uvale onemoguavale su lagani prilaz neprijateljskog brodovlja.
Dobro rasporeene straarnice na brdima oko uvale i na otocima ispred nje omoguavale su
izvanrednu kontrolu kopnenih i pomorskih putova, pa je uvala Madona bila prirodno najzatieniji
akvatorij Brijuna. Vieslojno i kompleksno naselje, zvano Kastrum, kljuni je arheoloki lokalitet za
poznavanje povijesti naseljavanja i gradnje na otoju. Prema svim do sada istraenim arheolokim
ostatcima i temeljem toga steenim spoznajama, moe se rei da naselje u uvali Madona spada u
spontane formacije s topikim i kulturno-etnikim kontinuitetom iz antike. S kopna i mora prirodno
zatien poloaj na Brijunskom otoju, uvala Madona postaje u kasnoj antici jedna od kljunih
toaka na plovnom putu Jadranom.
Kljune rijei: ranokranska crkva, castellum, fortifikacije, kasna antika, razdoblje bizantske
dominacije, Brijuni
Madona Bay lies on the western side of the Veli Brijun island. A spacious, wide and very shallow bay.
It is protected on the northern and southern sides by the peninsulas of Rankun and Peneda, on the
western side by the small island of Madona (Pusti), and towards the open sea by the broad stretch of
the Vanga island. On the eastern side the area is protected by a large natural pond which stretches
all the way to Saline Bay and by the slopes of gentle hills climbing towards the highest peak on the
island Straa (54.7 m above sea level). A path from the east led into this naturally protected bay,
winding its way between the pond and the slopes of the hill which were relatively easy to defend. On
the other side, the shallow waters in front of the bay prevented an easy access to enemy boats. Well
positioned guard-houses on the hills around the bay and on the islands in front of it enabled excellent control of land and sea routes, making Madona Bay one of the best protected areas of the Brioni
Archipelago. A multi-layered and complex settlement, called Kastrum (castellum), represents the key
archaeological site for the documenting of the history of Roman colonization and building activity on the islands. According to all archaeological investigations so far, and the insights obtained
through these investigations, we can classify the settlement in Madona Bay under spontaneous
formations with topographical, cultural and ethnic continuity since antiquity. A naturally protected
site on the Brioni Islands, from both sea and land, the Madona Bay became in Late Antiquity one of
the key points on the Adriatic maritime route.
Key words: early Christian church, castellum, fortifications, late Roman, Byzantine period, Brijuni
229
V. BEGOVI DVORAK, I. DVORAK SCHRUNK, I. TUTEK , Crkva Sv. Marije, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 229-240.
Prof. eljko Tomii istraio je i objavio kasnoantike

i bizantske fortifikacije i pomorske baze na istonoj obali
Jadrana te nam pomogao da razrijeimo tijek graevinskih
aktivnosti na Brijunima u tom razdoblju. Razdoblje 5. i 6.
st. u Istri mora se sagledati u svjetlu glavnih geopolitikih
i kulturnih promjena na Mediteranu. To je bilo vrijeme
intenzivne militarizacije Jadrana, koje je rezultiralo i
restrukturiranjem te izgradnjom fortifikacija na obali i
otocima. Najvei utjecaj i autoritet imala je Kranska crkva
i gradnja mnogobrojnih crkvenih objekata zabiljeena je u
tom razdoblju u Istri. Zanimljivo je da se gradnja fortifikacija
i crkvenih graevina dogaala istodobno na mnogim
jadranskim lokalitetima. Istra je igrala vrlo vanu ulogu u
povijesnim promjenama u razdoblju kada je Ravena postala
prijestolnica Rimskog Carstva i kada je sredite gravitacije
postala sjeverna Italija. Jedini pisani podatak o situaciji u Istri
iz tog razdoblja nalazimo u Kasiodorovim zapisima iz ranog
6. st.: Za vas u najbliem podruju od nas (Ravene) koji se
nalazite preko Jonskog (Jadranskog) mora, zemlje prekrivene
maslinama, glasovite po svom itu, bogate u vinu, gdje su etve
obilne kao tri kravlja vimena puna mlijeka. Ne bez razloga to se
zove Kampanija (Campania) Ravene, skladita carskoga grada,
vrlo ugodno i luksuzno ladanje. Zbog svoga povoljnog poloaja
ima blagu klimu i ima svoje Baiae, tamo gdje burno more ulazi u
mirne uvale, koje su glatke i lijepe kao povrina jezera... Ta obala
ima lanac posebno lijepih otoka, sloenih s ljepotom (ugodom)
i korisnou, koji zatiuju brodove od opasnosti i obogauju
vlasnike zemlje bogatim urodom. (XII. 22 Cassiodorus
senator, praetorian perfect istarskim provincijalcima godine
537. u jesen). Kasiodor je usporedio Istru s Kampanijom koja
je bila bogata poljoprivrednim proizvodima i opskrbljivala
grad Rim te ljetovalita kao Baiae u napuljskom zaljevu, gdje
je bila aristokratska rivijera Italije. Opis lijepih i korisnih otoka
se sigurno odnosi na Brijune.
Prof. eljko Tomiis research and publication of the Late

Antique and Byzantine fortifications and naval bases on the
eastern Adriatic coast help us to clarify the building activities
on the islands of Brijuni of that period. The 5th and 6th centuries in Istria should be seen in the light of major geopolitical
and cultural changes in the Mediterranean. That was a time
of intensive militarization of the Adriatic and, consequently,
of restructuring and fortification of the coastal and island settlements. Power, practical and spiritual, shifted to Christian
authorities, and the surge in church building was a consequence. Interestingly, the two seem to be related and parallel
developments in many Adriatic communities. Istria and Brijuni assumed a significant role in these historic changes when
Ravenna became the royal city and the centre of gravity
moved into the northern Italy. The only specific, textual references to the situation in Istria of that time are the letters of
Cassiodorus: For yours is the nearest region to us across the Ionian (Adriatic) Sea, covered with olives, glorious for its corn, rich
in vines, where all crops flow in desirable fertility, as though from
three udders generous in their milk. Not undeservedly, it is called
the Campania of Ravenna, the store-room of the royal city, an
only too pleasant and luxurious retreat. With its northward location, it enjoys a wonderful mild climate. It also has certain Baiaes
of its own where the rough sea enters the hollows of the coast,
and is calmed to the smooth and lovely surface of a lake... That
coast also has a most beautiful chain of islands; arranged with
charm and utility, it both shields ships from danger, and enriches
the farmers by lavish harvests. (XII. 22 Cassiodorus senator,
praetorian prefect, to the provincials of Istria anno 537, autumn). Cassiodorus compared Istria to Campania, the food
supply of Rome and with the bathing resort of Baiae which
was still the Riviera for the aristocracy. The description of the
islands fits the Brijuni islands very well.
Na Brijunima, novo civilno i crkveno sredite nalazi se u

uvali Madona, irokoj i dobro zatienoj uvali s kasnoantikim
naseljem. Naselje s obrambenim zidinama nastalo je
sukcesivnom izgradnjom podruja uz veliku rustiku vilu.
Villa rustica u mirnim razdobljima prosperiteta proiruje
se i nadograuje, potom stagnira i ponovo nadopunjuje
izgradnjom fullonicae te naseljem oko nje. U vrtlonim
vremenima kasne antike naselje se nalo u zoni sidrita
pomorske baze koja se skupa s naseljem ograuje masivnim
fortifikacijama. Mjesto postaje bizantska vojna utvrda i
refugij u 6. st. i formira se kasnoantiko naselje castellum
(sl. 1).
U urbanoj matrici tog naselja, nastalog spontanim
preobraajem antikih struktura (vojnih i civilnih) u
razdoblju od osam stoljea, prepoznajemo ope razvojne
smjernice koje treba tumaiti prije kao posljedicu to izvire
iz istog nasljea, negoli kao oponaanje nekog uzora. U
tom smislu moe se govoriti o jedinstvenom kulturnom
horizontu, kojemu su ishodita u preivjelim antikim
strukturama. Kako struktura kasnoantikoga utvrenog
naselja (bizantski castellum) nije doivjela bitne preinake od
6. do 16. st., kada se naselje gasi, ouvana matrica iz 5./6. st.
dragocjen je doprinos u razmatranju nastajanja, postajanja,
metamorfoza ili potpunog propadanja urbanih struktura iz
toga razdoblja.
On Brijuni, the civic and ecclesiastic innovations centred

on Madona Bay, a large and well protected bay with a thriving settlement. The settlement in Madona Bay grew around
a villa rustica and is one of the most important examples of
a continuously inhabited site from the early imperial period
through the late antique and early medieval period in Istria.
This villa rustica expanded and developed in times of peace
and prosperity, then stagnated and expanded again with the
construction of a fullonica and the surrounding settlement. In
turbulent times of late antiquity the settlement found itself in
the anchorage zone of a naval base which was defended, together with the settlement, by massive fortifications. The site
became a Byzantine stronghold and refuge in the 6th century and developed the features of a late antique settlement
castellum (Fig. 1).
In the urban matrix of this settlement, created by a spontaneous transformation of Roman structures (civilian and
military) in an 8-century time span, we recognize the general evolutionary guidelines which should be seen as a consequence arising out of a common heritage, rather than an
imitation of a given pattern. In this sense we can speak of a
unique cultural horizon which has its roots in the surviving
Roman structures. As the Byzantine castellum did not undergo major changes between the 6th and the 16th century the
time the settlement was abandoned the preserved matrix
230
V. BEGOVI DVORAK, I. DVORAK SCHRUNK, I. TUTEK ,The Church of St. Mary, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 229-240.
Sl. 1 Plan kasnoantikog naselja, solana i crkve Sv. Marije u uvali Madona kao i pozicija nekropola: 1. prapovijesno naselje na rtu
Gromae, 2. ostatci solana, 3. kasnoantiki zidani grobovi, 4. ostatci sarkofaga in situ, 5. crkva Sv. Marije, 6. grobovi u narteksu
crkve, 7. kasnoantiko naselje, 8. ostatci graevinskih objekata uz solane i kamenolome, 9. kasnoantike graevine, 10. nalaz are
posveene boici Flori, 11. kamenolom (Gnirs 1911; Mlakar 1976; Vitasovi 2005; Tutek 2006)
Fig 1 Plan of the late roman settlement, the saltworks and St. Marys church - Layout plan of Madona Bay. Position of the cemeteries: 1. prehistoric settlement on the Gromae Cape, 2. remains of the saltworks, 3. late antique built tombs, 4. remains of the sarcophagus in situ, 5.
Church of St. Mary, 6. tombs in the narthex of the church, 7. late antique settlement, 8. remains of structures alongside the saltwork and
quarries, 9. late antique buildings, 10. site at which the ara dedicated to the Goddess Flora was found, 11. quarry (Gnirs 1911; Mlakar 1976;
Vitasovi 2005; Tutek 2006)
Matrica ovoga kasnoantikog naselja pokazuje jaku

antiku tradiciju: ortogonalni raster izgradnje u zoni villae
rusticae te pravilne uline poteze, na ijem se krianju
oblikuje trg kojeg uokviruju reprezentativne zgrade, dok
je izgradnja stambenih blokova skromnijih dimenzija i
zgusnuta s blagim otklonom od ortogonalnog rastera. Uz
naselje izgraene su crkva Sv. Marije (5./6. st.) i crkva sv.
Petra (6. st.). Slinu gradnju nalazimo na najstarijem dijelu
grada Dubrovnika (sa samostanom Sv. Marije i crkvom Sv.
Petra), naselju Pharia na otoku Hvaru, a moe se usporediti i
s kasno antikom izgradnjom u Dioklecijanovoj palai koja je
najvanija pomorska baza na istonom Jadranu. Formiranje
naselja na Brijunima moe se usporediti s razvojem naselja
Vela Luka na otoku Koruli, naselju Bol na otoku Brau, Stara
Novalja (navalia) na otoku Pagu, Korintija na otoku Krku,
Palacol (Palast) na malom otoiu Palacol u blizini Osora na
otoku Cresu, Lopar blizu naselja Novi Vinodolski (Tomii
1994, 103-110).
Fortifikacije kasnoantikog naselja u uvali Madona na
Brijunima formiraju nepravilni pravokutnik sa stranicama 124
from the 5th/6th century remains a valuable contribution to

the evaluating of the creation, existence, metamorphosis and
decay of urban structures from that period.
The matrix of this late antique settlement shows a strong
Roman tradition: an orthogonal grid in the zone of the villa rustica and orderly streets whose crossing form a square
framed by large buildings. On the other hand, residential
blocks are more modest in size and more densely packed,
with a slight departure from the orthogonal grid. Alongside
the settlement, the churches of St. Mary (5th/6th cent.) and
St. Peter (6th cent.) were built. We find a similar grid around
the Byzantine castellum on the elevated oldest part of Dubrovnik (with St Marys monastery and St. Peters church), and
Pharia on the island of Hvar and the Diocletian palace at that
time was the most important naval base in the eastern Adriatic sea. We also find similarities with the settlement of Vela
Luka on the island of Korula, Bol on the island of Bra, Old
Novalja (navalia) on the island of Pag, Korintija on the island
of Krk, Palacol (Palast) on the little island of Palacol near Osor
on the island of Cres and Lopar near Novi Vinodolski (Tomii
231
m, 89,4 m, 110,3 m i 76,5 m. irina im je 2,6 m (9 rimskih stopa),

a na uglovima i pri promjeni pravca bedema poveava se do
2,9 m (10 rimskih stopa) (sl. 2). Na obrambenim zidinama
nalaze se petora vrata dvoja prema istoku, dvoja prema
moru i jedna okrenuta prema jugu. Bedemi naselja graeni
su evidentno u dvije faze: donja zona pokazuje graevinska
obiljeja 5. st. Vjerojatno su graeni poslije 452. god., nakon
provale Huna i razaranja Akvileje, kada se u Istri dograuju
i izgrauju fortifikacije mnogih naselja. Zona tako graenih
bedema zavrava na prosjenoj visini oko 2,0 m od temeljne
stope. Dogradnja i ojaanje zidova izvedeno je tijekom 6.
st. u doba bizantsko-gotskog rata (538.-555. god.) ili poslije,
u razdoblju prevlasti Bizanta (Mlakar 1976, 23-27). Zidovi
su na junom dijelu ouvani do 4,8 m visine, ali to nije
njihova izvorna visina, koja je morala biti vea, jer prsobran
nije naen niti na jednom mjestu. Moemo pretpostaviti
kako su obrambeni zidovi u tom razdoblju graeni prema
bizantskim pravilima gradnje i pod kontrolom dravnih
graditelja, prema i danas poznatom rukopisu De strategica
o tactica, koji je napisao anonimni asnik u Belizarovoj
vojsci (Lawrence 1983, 180). U kasnoantikom i bizantskom
razdoblju graevinske aktivnosti koncentrirane su na dijelu
naselja okrenutom prema moru, vjerojatno povezane s
trgovakim aktivnostima i funkcioniranjem luke. Na tom
dijelu naselja veina objekata je s proeljima ralanjenim
lezenama kao i na crkvi Sv.Marija koja je graena nedaleko
kasnoantikog naselja u uvali Madona. Crkva Sv. Marije
nalazi se u uvali Madona, 40 m od morske obale, a udaljena
je oko 100 m od kasnoantikog naselja. Orijentirana je u
smjeru istok zapad sa svetitem prema istoku, smjetena
na blago uzdignutoj zaravni, s glavnim ulazom okrenutim
prema moru i otoku Madona (Pusti). Graena je kao glavni
sakralni objekt naselja, ali ne u njegovu sreditu u kojem
u aglomeratu uskih kasnoantikih ulica nije bilo dovoljno
prostora za ispravno orijentiranu kransku graevinu.
Slijedi logiku nekih crkva otokih naselja koje su graene
izvan ve formiranih sredita na povoljnijim poloajima u
blizini naselja (kao, primjerice, crkva u Grohotama na otoku
olti).
Poetak gradnje crkve Sv. Marije moe se vezati za
intenzivnu plovidbu Jadranom i formiranje pomorskih baza
na tome plovnom putu. Prema graevinskim obiljejima,
arhitektura crkve vee se za utjecaj Teodorove bazilike iz
Konstantinova razdoblja u Akvileji dvoranske crkve sa
stupovima, bez apside (poetak 4. st.), Predeufrazijane u
Poreu (5. st.) i crkve Kristova groba u Jeruzalemu te prvog
sloja katedrale u Puli. Logian je meusobni utjecaj s obzirom
na povezanost vanim plovnim putem uz obale Mediterana
i Jadrana (Zaninovi 1994, 140-141). Mnogobrojne su
prilagodbe prostora crkve i promjene njezine unutarnje
dekoracije i vrlo je teko odvojiti pojedine faze gradnje.
Ipak se moe s izvjesnom sigurnou pretpostaviti najstarija
faza.
Crkva Sv. Marije graena je kao dvoranska crkva,
unutarnjeg prostora razdijeljenog stupovima, bez
akcentuirane apside, dimenzija 23,74 x 10,8 m (sl. 3) (odnos 4
: 9, to se smatralo izuzetno elegantnim i duhovnim omjerom
u tlocrtu, a u tom odnosu graen je i Partenon na Akropoli
u Ateni). Odnos njezina interijera, omjer izmeu prostora
232
1994, 103-110).
The fortification walls in Madona Bay, Brijuni form an irregular rectangle whose sides are 124, 89.4, 110.3 and 76.5
metres, respectively. Their thickness measures 2.6 m (9 roman
feet), increasing to 2.9 m (10 roman feet) at the corners and
the points where the walls change direction (Fig. 2). The walls
had five entrances two facing east, two towards the sea and
one facing south. The fortifications of the settlement were
evidently built in two phases: the lower zone bears the construction characteristics of the 5th century. They were probably built after the year 452, after the incursion of the Huns
and the destruction of Aquilea. It is at that time that many
settlements in Istria built fortifications or upgraded existing
ones. The zone of fortifications built in this manner reaches an
average height of about 2.0 m from the foundations The upgrading and strengthening of the defensive walls was done
in the 6th century at the time of the Byzantine-Gothic War
(538-555) or later, in the period of Byzantine domination (Mlakar 1976, 23-27). In the southern part, the walls are preserved
to a maximum height of 4.8 m, but their original height had
to be greater, as the parapets have not been found anywhere
on the walls. We can assume that the fortifications of this period were built according to Byzantine construction regulations and under the supervision of state architects, following
the well-known manuscript De strategica o tactica, written by
an anonymous officer in Belizars army (Lawrence 1983, 180).
In the late antique and Byzantine period building activities were concentrated on the part of the settlement toward
the sea maybe connected with commercial and port activities. In this part the most of the buildings have external pilaster-strips like those on St. Marys church. The church of
St. Mary was built nearby the late Roman settlement and
saltworks in the Madona and Saline bays. The Church of St.
Mary is in Madona Bay, 40 m from the sea and approximately
100 m from the late antique settlement. It is oriented in the
eastwest direction with the sanctuary towards the east. It
lies on a slightly raised plateau and its main entrance looks
towards the sea and the island called Madona or Pusti. It was
built as the main sacred building of the settlement, but not in
its centre. In the agglomeration of narrow late antique streets
there was simply not enough space for a correctly-oriented
church. It follows the logic of some churches belonging to island settlements which were dislocated from centres already
formed to more favourable positions in the vicinity of settlements (e.g. the church in Grohote on the olta island).
The beginnings of the construction of the Church of St.
Mary are related to intensive navigation across the Adriatic,
and the formation of maritime bases. Its architectural features
associate it with the Twin Cathedral from Constantines times
in Aquilea (a hall-church without apses (early 4th cent.),
the pre-Euphrasiana in Pore (5th cent.) and the Church of
the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem (the Basilica and the Anastasia Rotonda on Mount Golgotha (the basilica was built
in the time of Constantine 325/326, and consecrated in 336)
and the Church of St. John in Constantinople (around 450), as
well as the twin church in Nesactium (5th cent.) and the first
stratum of the cathedral in Pula. The interrelatedness is logical with respect to connections via the maritime route along
the Adriatic coast (Zaninovi 1994, 140-141). The adaptations
Sl. 2 Tlocrt i pogled na kasnoantiko naselje (crte I. Tutek 2006)

Fig. 2 Ground plan and photo of late roman settlement (drowen by I. Tutek 2006)
233
za vjernike i svetita izveden je u zlatnom rezu. U zlatnom

rezu izveden je i omjer njezina proelja. Ispred crkve bio je
natkriveni otvoreni narteks, dimenzija 10,8 x 5,4 m. Ukupna
veliina crkve s narteksom je 28,74 x 10,8 m. Unutranja
irina crkve je 9,6 m, to odgovara maksimalnom rasponu
drvenih stropnih greda i uz visinu i raspored prozora na
sjevernom i junom zidu pokazuje da je crkva bila pokrivena
jedinstvenim dvostrenim krovitem.
Monolitni stupovi u unutranjosti promjera su 30-32 cm,
visine 2,51 m, poredani u relativno gustom ritmu (2,6 m),
jednostavno ukraeni impostima bez kapitela, dekorirani
grkim kriem (crux immisa). Imposti iznad stupova nosili su
lukove (intercolumnae), od kojih je jedan naen in situ. Iznad
lukova bila je galerija kao na crkvi Sv. Groba u Jeruzalemu.
Da je crkvu pokrivalo jedinstveno dvostreno krovite vidi
se i iz ouvanoga trokutastog zabata na njezinu proelju.
Unutranjost crkve bila je osvijetljena prozorima veliine
0,9 x 1,4 m na sjevernom i junom vanjskom zidu te velikim
prozorima na svetitu, to je usredotoilo pozornost vjernika
prema oltaru. Prozori iznad ulaznog dijela nisu ouvani i nije
ih mogue rekonstruirati, jer je smanjenjem crkve u 16. st.
sruena njena proelna stijena. Na poziciji estog stupa nalaze
se krini pilastri i dva bona stupa visine 4,2 m, s bogato
dekoriranim kapitelima koji nose trijumfalni luk. Trijumfalni
luk koncipiran je kao na crkvi San Giovanni in Laterano
u Rimu, katedrali u Puli i crkvi San Giovanni Evangelista u
Ravenni (Krautheimer 1986, 184-185). U unutranjosti crkve,
kao to je ve spomenuto, dva reda monolitnih stupova
dijele prostor na glavni brod i bone brodove. Monolitni
stupovi jednostavno su ukraeni impostima bez kapitela,
i slini su impostima crkve Acheiropoietos u Thessalonici,
graenoj oko 450.-470. god. i impostima stupova San
Apollinare Nuovo (podignuta u razdoblju Teodorikove
vladavine 493.-526. god.). Iznad lukova bila je galerija kao
na crkvi Sv. Groba u Jeruzalemu (325.-350. god.), crkvi Sv.
Ivana u Konstantinopolu (oko 450. god.), koja je leala iznad
arhivolta, kao u crkvi Santa Sabina u Rimu (422.-432. god.),
San Paolo fuori le mura u Rimu (od 384. god.) (Begovi
Dvorak 2002).
U arheolokim istraivanjima 1906. i 1907. god. naeni
su mnogobrojni ulomci poligonalnih stupia, promjera
otprilike 25 cm koje je A. Gnirs pripisao sruenoj galeriji (Gnirs
1911, 88). U prostoru svetita vea visina stupova upuuje na
razliito formiranje stropa. Prozori na sjevernom i junom
zidu, dimenzija 90 x 140 cm, presvoeni su polukrunim
lukovima i nalaze se 3,8 m od razine poda. Visoki prozori na
sjevernom i junom zidu i ouvani dio trokutastog zabata
iznad glavnog ulaza na zapadnom zidu, pokazuju kako je
crkva bila pokrivena jedinstvenim dvostrenim krovitem
kao dvoranske crkve (Marui 1967, 33-35).
Imposti ukraeni kriem u sredini i bez kapitela na
stupovima u bazilici Sv. Marije odgovaraju impostima s
kriem i bez kapitela na tzv. Teodorikovoj palai u Raveni.
Prema dimenzijama, crkva Sv. Marije djelomino se poklapa
s dimenzijama crkve Spirito Santo u Raveni. Obje crkve imaju
duinu od 23 m (mjereno bez apside crkve Spirito Santo),
jednaki broj stupova koji dijele prostor crkve (7 x 2 stupa),
a razmak osi stupova je jednak i iznosi 2,6 m. irina crkve
Sv. Marije je znatno manja, samo 11,8 m s jednim sredinjim
234
of the church and changes in its inner decoration were numerous, which makes it hard to separate individual phases
of construction. Still, we can pinpoint the earliest phase with
relative certainty.
The Church of St. Mary was built as a hall-church, its inner space divided by columns, without an accentuated apse,
measuring 23.74 by 10.8 m (Fig. 3) (a ratio of 4:9 which was
deemed to be particularly harmonious the same was applied to the Parthenon on the Acropolis). In the interior, the
ratio between the space for the believers and the sanctuary
is executed in the golden section. The same golden section
is applied to its frontispiece. In front of the church there was
a covered open narthex measuring 10.8 by 5.4 m. The overall
dimensions of the church with narthex are 28.74 by 10.8 m.
The inner width of the church is 9.6 m, which is the maximum
span of wooden ceiling beams. The height and the arrangement of windows on the northern and southern walls indicate that the church was covered by a single saddleback roof.
This conclusion is further strengthened by the preserved triangular gable on the churchs front.
In the interior of the church there are two rows of monolithic columns dividing the space into the main nave and
side naves. The monolithic columns, 30 to 32 cm in diameter,
2.51 m high, in a relatively dense rhythm (2.6 m) are decorated simply with imposts (height 30 cm), bearing a Greek
cross (crux immissa) without capitals. The imposts bearing a
cross in the middle without capitals on top of columns in the
Basilica of St. Mary correspond to similar imposts on the socalled Theodorics Palace in Ravenna. The imposts above the
columns supported the arches (intercolumnae) one of which
is preserved in situ. Above the arches there was a gallery, as
in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem (325-350)
and the Church of St. John in Constantinople (around 450)
(Begovi Dvorak 2002).
Archaeological explorations in 1906 and 1907 yielded
numerous fragments of small polygonal columns, approximately 25 cm in diameter, which A. Gnirs ascribed to the collapsed gallery (Gnirs 1911, 88). The sanctuary was lit through
large windows facing the east. In the area of the sanctuary
the height of the columns is greater, pointing to a different
formation of the ceiling. The windows on the northern and
southern wall, measuring 90 by 140 cm are vaulted by semicircular arches, 3.8 m from floor level. The windows above the
entrance are not preserved and cannot be reconstructed, due
to the fact that the downsizing of the church in the 16th century demolished its front wall. The dimensions of the Church
of St. Mary partly overlap with those of Spirito Santo in Ravenna. Both have the same length (23 m without apse), the same
number of columns which dividing the space of the church (7
x 2) and the same distance between the columns (2.6 m). The
width of the Church of St. Mary is significantly smaller, measuring only 11.8 m with one central entrance, while Spirito
Santo measures 19 m with three entrances at the front.
Later renovations of the inner space of the church were
pilasters in the position of the sixth column and two lateral
columns 4.2 m high with capitals, which were slightly removed from the pilasters and support a triumphal arch. The
capitals are executed equally on all four sides, and bear a
cross in the middle, along with the Christ monogram within
ulazom, dok je irina crkve Spirito Santo 19 m, s tri ulaza na

proelju. (Unutranjost crkve Sv. Marije s impostima iznad
stupova i bez kapitela pokazuju utjecaj germanskog sjevera
a usto i jednostavnost u ureenju unutarnjeg prostora (nije
u stilu klasine antike) i izgleda kao interijeri predromanikih
crkva, pa se postavlja pitanje je li moda takva unutranjost
ureena u doba vladavine Istonih Gota na podruju Istre,
osobito Teodorika).
Kasnije obnove unutarnjeg prostora crkve predstavljali
bi krini pilastri na poziciji estog stupa i dva bona stupa,
visine 4,2 m, s kapitelima koji su neznatno odmaknuti od
krinih pilastra i nose trijumfalni luk. Kapiteli su oblikovani
istovjetno na sve etiri strane, a u sredinjem dijelu nalazi
se kri upotpunjen Kristovim monogramom unutar krunog
medaljona (crux coronata). Figure u uglovima kapitela jako
su oteene, kao i sami kapiteli. Gnirs pretpostavlja da se radi
o dijagonalno izbaenim lavljim glavama (Gnirs 1911, 82).
Tu zastupljeni oblik monograma kria vaan je za datiranje
kapitela i odreivanje vremena gradnje, prema Gnirsu
od 350. do 550. god. (Gnirs 1911, 84). Ukrasi na impostima
trijumfalnog luka su dvostruka cik-cak vrpca, u koju je
umetnut grki kri (crux immissa).
Nalaz kamene tranzene u prostoru bazilike Sv. Marije
pokazuje nain zatvaranja prozora u 4. i 5. st. (Marta 1989,
124). Prostor izmeu zapadnog zida (proelje crkve) i
trijumfalnog luka na poziciji estoga stupa izveden je u
zlatnom rezu. Oltarski prostor bez apside (sanctuarium)
koncipiran je kao na crkvi Sv. Marije u Balama i dvojnoj crkvi u
Nezakciju, a povien je za oko 50 cm (dvije stube) i rastvoren
velikim trijumfalnim lukom, visine oko 6 m. Trijumfalni luk
jednako je koncipiran kao na crkvi San Giovanni in Laterano
u Rimu, katedrali u Puli (5. st.) i crkvi San Giovanni Evangelista
u Ravenni (graena izmeu 424. i 434. god.).
Sedmi stup, koji se nalazi u prostoru svetita, visine 4,2
m s kapitelom, vee se za utjecaj kapitela u crkvi Hagios
Demetrios u Thessalonici (kasno 5. st.), ali u skromnijoj
(provincijalnoj) izvedbi. Ukrasi kapitela su ptije glave u
uglovima i dvopruta sidra, a u sredini kapitela grki kri
unutar dvotranog krunog medaljona (crux coronata).
Ukrasi na kapitelima pokazuju utjecaj stila bizantskih
kapitela (Marui 1967, 33-35). Pokrovna ploa kapitela
odijeljena je uom zonom od osnovnog dijela i razdijeljena
u dva dijela svedenog ireg i ueg etvrtastog imposta.
Slini su nainu izvedbe kapitela a due zone crkve Sant
Apollinare in Classe (530.-549. god.), a po dekoraciji neto
jednostavnijim kapitelima crkve Sv. Martina u Sutlovreu
Pazenatikom (sredina 6. st.). Izvedba kapitela vee se na
lokalnu tradiciju i neto kasniju izvedbu, koja se prilagoava
ukrasima trijumfalnog luka. Ambon, prostor podignute
tribine, nalazi se ispred prezbiterija. Karakteristian je za
starokranske crkve i srednjovjekovne bazilike, a ime
mu dolazi iz antikog razdoblja i znai podignuti dio. Oko
njega je oltarna pregrada koja je bila dekorirana dvostrukim
krunicama kao na katedrali u Puli. Slina oltarna pregrada na
ambonu nalazi se u crkvi Spirito Santo u Ravenni, izvedena
u istarskom kamenu poetkom 6. st., dekorirana na ploama
dvostrukim krugovima, a na stupovima viticama vinove loze
i groa te vegetabilnim ornamentalnim motivima. Oltarna
pregrada s motivima vinove loze i vitica brljana (slina
the circular medallion (crux coronata). The figures in the corners of the capital (the same on all four sides) are severely
damaged, as are the capitals themselves. A. Gnirs supposed
that these were diagonally projecting lions heads (Gnirs 1911,
82). The monogram of the cross is important for the dating
of the capitals and determining the period of construction,
which, according to A. Gnirs, took place from 350 until 550
(Gnirs 1911, 84). The ornaments on the imposts of the triumphal arch are a double zig-zag strip with an inserted Greek
cross (crux immissa).
The finding of a stone transenna in the Basilica of St. Mary
shows the method of closing the windows in the 5th century
(Marta 1989, 124). The space between the western wall (frontispiece of the church) and the triumphal arch at the position
of the sixth column is executed in the golden section. The triumphal arch is conceived in the same way as in the Church of
San Giovanni in Laterano in Rome, the cathedral in Pula (5th
cent.) and the Church of San Giovanni Evangelista in Ravenna,
built between 424 and 434 (Krautheimer 1986, 184-185).
The seventh column in the sanctuary is 4.2 m high, with a
capital linked to the influence of capitals in the Hagios Demetrios church in Thessaloniki (late 5th cent.), but in a more
modest, provincial rendering. The decoration of the capitals
is birds heads in the corners and two-pronged anchors, while
the centre is occupied by a two-track round medallion (crux
coronata). The covering plate of the capital is separated by a
narrow zone from the main part and divided into two parts
a broader, vaulted one and a narrower rectangular impost.
The capitals show the influence of Byzantine style (Marui
1967, 33-35). They are similar to the execution of capitals a
due zone in the Church of San Apollinare in Classe (530-549),
while their decoration resembles somewhat simpler capitals
of the Church of St. Martin in Sutlovre Pazenatiki (middle
of 6th cent.). The execution of the capitals is linked to the local tradition and a somewhat later rendition adapted to the
ornamentation of the triumphal arch. The ambon, the raised
pulpit, is in front of the presbytery. It is characteristic of early
Christian churches and Mediaeval basilicas, while its name,
originating from the antique period means the raised part.
It is surrounded by the altar partition which was decorated
with double circles, in a manner similar to the cathedral in
Pula. A similar altar partition on the ambon is found in the
Church of Spirito Santo in Ravenna, executed in Istrian stone
in the early 6th century. Its plates are decorated with double
circles, while on the columns it features the vine tendrils and
grapes and vegetable ornamental motifs. An altar partition
with grape motif and ivy (similar to the finding of the door
lintel from the southern entrance in the Church of St. Mary) is
found in the Church of San Apollinare Nuovo in Ravenna. Pastophories found in the extension of side naves were vaulted
towards the sanctuary with broad arches, and separated from
the side naves by a wall and two stairs. A. Gnirs interprets the
finding (from the explorations in 1906 and 1907) of small double columns, linked together at the edges and rounded, with
a common plinth, as a central support of double windows,
the same as those found on early buildings in Ravenna (e.g.
San Giovanni Evangelista). The small columns are decorated
with a cross and, according to A. Gnirs, belong to the window
of the presbytery (Gnirs 1911, 92).
At the frontispiece two pilaster-strips flank the main en-
235
Sl. 3 Tlocrt i pogled na crkvu Sv. Marije (V. Begovi 1997)

Fig. 3 Ground plan and photo of St. Marys church (V. Begovi 1997)
236
Sl. 4 Idealna rekonstrukcija unutarnjeg prostora crkve Sv. Marije (V. Begovi 1997)
Fig. 4 The ideal reconstruction of St. Marys church (V. Begovi 1997)
nalazu nadvratnika s junog ulaza u crkvu Sv. Marije) nalazi

se u crkvi San Apollinare Nuovo u Raveni (6. st.). Pastoforije
koje se nalaze u produenju bonih brodova bile su prema
svetitu rastvorene prostranim lukovima, dok su prema
bonim brodovima odijeljene zidom i uzdignute s dvije stube.
Nalaz dvostrukih stupia spojenih na uglovima, zaobljenih
sa zajednikom plintom, koji su naeni tijekom arheolokih
istraivanja 1906. i 1907. god., A. Gnirs je objasnio time da
su inili sredinji potporanj dvostrukih prozora kakvi se
nalaze na ranim ravenskim graevinama (npr., San Giovanni
Evangelista u Ravenni). Stupii su ukraeni kriem i prema A.
Gnirsu pripadaju prozorima prezbiterija (Gnirs 1911, 92).
Vanjtina crkve ralanjena je nizom lezena, slino

dvojnim crkvama u Nezakciju. Na proelju dvije lezene
flankiraju glavni ulaz, a dvije se nalaze u uglovima u
produetku bonih zidova. Sjeverni i juni zid crkve
ralanjeni su sa sedam lezena, dimenzija 60 x 22 cm (2
rimske stope). Istoni zid crkve ukopan je djelomino u teren
koji se tu uzdie prema Petrovcu i ima prigraenu manju
cisternu, veliine 4 x 2,7 m. Zidovi su irine 60 cm (2 rimske
stope), graeni od klesana kamena u mortu tehnikom
zidanja karakteristinom za kasnu antiku. Upotrijebljen je
graevni materijal razliitih dimenzija, ali ugraen tako da
se paljivo uslojavaju i izmjenjuju redovi kamenja manjih
dimenzija s redovima onog veih dimenzija. Uglavnom
trance, and there are two more at the angles in the extensions of the lateral walls. The northern and southern walls of
the church are articulated with 7 pilaster-strips measuring 60
by 22 cm (2 Roman feet). The eastern wall of the church is
partly dug into the terrain, which at this point rises towards
Petrovac Hill. Here we find an affixed small cistern measuring
4 by 2.7 m. The walls are 60 cm (2 Roman feet) thick, made
of dressed stone in mortar, and constructed in a manner
characteristic of late antiquity. Building material of various
dimensions was used, but is placed in such a way that there
is a careful interchange of rows of larger and smaller stones.
The building style approximates the technique of the opus
isodomum. All of the above speaks of the power of the late
antique tradition and its manners of construction. The church
is preserved almost to the roof itself, so that its structure can
easily be visualized.
A partial renovation of the interior space of the church
was made in the 6th century at the time of the Byzantine reoccupation of Istria when Brioni became an important naval
and military base. Very early, still in the antique tradition,
alongside the Church of St. Mary a hospice (hospitium) was
built. It also served as a fortification around the church which,
after the building of the defensive wall around the settlement, remained outside. The hospice was built in accordance
with early Christian architectural prescriptions De constitutione ecclesiae Testamentum D. N. I. Christi (Gnirs 1911, 90). On
237
se tei pribliavanju tehnici opus isodomum. Sve govori o

ouvanosti i snazi klasine antike tradicije i maniri kasne
antike. Crkva je ouvana gotovo do krovita pa se struktura
moe relativno lako predoiti.
Djelomina obnova unutarnjeg prostora crkve
obavljena je u 6. st. u doba bizantske reokupacije Istre, kad
su Brijuni vana pomorska i vojna baza. Vrlo rano, jo u duhu
antike tradicije, crkvi je prizidan hospicij (hospitium). On je
koncipiran kao fortifikacija oko crkve koja je izgradnjom
obrambenih zidina oko kasnoantikog naselja ostala izvan
fortifikacija. Hospicij je graen prema starokranskim
propisima gradnje De constitutione ecclesiae Testamentum d.
N. I. Christi (Gnirs 1911, 90). Na sjevernom dijelu graevina
je imala visoko prizemlje i kat i bila je podijeljena na dvije
prostorije, veliine 13 x 5 m. Moe se oznaiti i kao domus
presbyterorum. Ispred je bilo izgraeno dvorite prema
kojem su bili orijentirani prozori malih dimenzija. Dvorite
je vjerojatno sluilo za prijem putnika.
Arhitektura crkve Sv. Marije moe se povezati s nekim
gradnjama u nedalekom kasnoantikom naselju. To se
posebno odnosi na graevinu u sjeverozapadnom uglu
naselja. Graevina ima slini raspored lezena na proeljima
kao crkva Sv. Marije i dimenzija je 17,4 x 9,6 m. Sjeverni bedem
naselja nalazi se uz vanjske zidove graevine. Prostorije
unutar graevine imaju pravilan ortogonalni raspored i
pokazuju potivanje antike tradicije gradnje. Uz graevinu
se nalazi sjeverozapadni ulaz naselja prema moru. Na dnu
vrata s unutarnje strane nalazi se ulomak kamenog praga u
sekundarnoj upotrebi i dvije kamene ploe dimenzija 50 x
55 cm, od kojih jedna s otvorom u obliku nepravilnog kruga.
Na dnu vrata ouvan je dio oploenja i sifon s pokrovnom
ploom u koji se slijevala voda koja je kanalom ispod bedema
bila odvoena prema moru. Velika cisterna, 7,2 x 3,7 m,
presvoena bavastim svodom, koja je naknadno graena
uz istono proelje graevine, svjedoi o vanosti objekta.
. Mlakar je cisternu datirao u rani srednji vijek (Mlakar
1976, 29). Ostaje otvoreno pitanje lokacije episkopalnog
kompleksa u naselju o kojem je na temelju povijesnih
izvora kao sjedita cesenskog biskupa (Episcopus Cessensis),
pisao M. Sui (Sui 1987, 202-209). Mnogobrojni su nalazi
arhitektonskih ulomaka sa starokranskom dekoracijom
naeni u naselju (Marui 1990, 416). Meutim njihov
raspored i mjesto nalaza vie govore o njihovoj sekundarnoj
upotrebi unutar naselja nego o moguoj lokaciji graevine.
Kao carski posjed u ranoj antici, Brijuni su imali posebnu
upravu. U kasnoj antici to rezultira dvojnom crkvenom
jurisdikcijom koja vodi do suprotstavljanja izmeu pulskog
i brijunskog biskupa (Sui 1987, 208; Marui 1990, 415).
Bilo bi vrlo vano da se rasvijetli razdoblje u kojem Brijuni
postaju (djelomino ili kao cjelina) biskupski posjed, to je
dokumentirano Eufrazijevom darovnicom iz 543. god., kada
je biskup Eufrazije darovao treinu brijunskih solana svom
kleru (Zaninovi 1991, 259).
Brojnost stanovnitva i njihov socijalni status mogue
je oitati iz nalaza s kasnoantikih nekropola iz 4. i 5. st.,
smjetenih na prilaznim komunikacijama jugoistono
i sjeveroistono od naselja u uvali Madona. Antika
238
its northern side, the building has a high ground floor and an
upper floor, and is divided into two spaces, measuring 13 by 5
m; it can also be described as domus presbyterorum. Looking
onto the courtyard it had narrow windows and a single door.
The courtyard in front of it is fenced off with a strong wall, its
entrance being on the southern side, alongside the narthex.
This was probably the area where the travellers waited before
being accepted into the hospice.
The architectural style of St. Mary shows connections
with some late antique buildings in the settlement nearby.
In the northwestern corner of the settlement there is a building with external pilaster-strips on the eastern and southern frontispieces. The building measures 17.4 by 9.6 m. The
northern defensive wall incorporated the northern wall of
the building, while the western defensive wall cut through
the walls of the building stretching towards the sea. All of this
implies that the building had been erected before the fortifications. The pilaster-strips have a formation nearly identical
to those on the northern and southern frontispieces of the
Church of St. Mary nearby, which might be indicative of the
same period of construction. The rooms have an orthogonal
layout and bear the stamp of the antique building tradition.
Alongside the building is an opening towards the sea the
northwestern gate in the fortification wall. At the bottom
of the gate on the inner side, there is a fragment of a stone
threshold in secondary use, and two stone plaques measuring 50 by 55 cm, one of which has an opening in the form of
an irregular circle. Also preserved at the bottom of the gate
there is a part of the stone cover and a siphon which collected
the water and carried it through a channel below the fortification wall into the sea. A large cistern measuring 7.2 by 3.7
m, with a vaulted roof, built subsequently alongside the eastern front of the building testifies to its importance. . Mlakar
dated the cistern to the early Middle Ages (Mlakar 1976, 29).
The question of the location of the Episcopal complex (seat
of the bishop of Cissa Pullaria Episcopus Cessensis) which M.
Sui had written about on the basis of historical sources (Sui
1987, 202-209), remains open. None of the findings of late antique Christian capitals, lintels, door beams and architectural
decoration from our explorations, carried out at numerous
sites, helped provide an answer to this question. The findings
were also analysed by B. Marui who produced a blueprint
marking the positions of individual finds (Marui 1990, 416).
He also concluded that the position of the findings does not
point to a church residence within the settlement, and that
the elements found were probably in a secondary function.
As a potential Imperial estate in the early antique period,
Brioni would have had a separate administration. In the late
antique period this might have resulted in a double ecclesiastical jurisdiction involving the bishops of Pula and Brioni
(Sui 1987, 208; Marui 1990, 415). In any case it is important
to shed more light on the period in which Brijuni became an
Episcopal estate (wholly or partially), a fact clearly documented by the deed of gift of Euphrasius from the year 543 by
which he donated a third of the Brioni saltworks to his clergy
(Zaninovi 1991a, 259).
The size of the population and the social status of an individual can be read from from the findings of late antique
necropoles from the 4th, 5th and 6th centuries, located on
nekropola na poziciji jugoistono od naselja nalazi se

izmeu uvale Saline i jugoistonog ulaza u naselje. ine je
u ivu stijenu usjeeni i djelomino obzidani kasnoantiki
kosturni grobovi (neki od njih bili su netaknuti i bogati
grobnim prilozima) i sarkofazi (Mlakar 1976, 7-10). Nalazi
iskopani u grobovima pripadaju nonji pokojnika (Marui
1986, 84-91). Sjeverno od ove lokacije i sjeveroistono od
naselja nalazi se druga antika nekropola s razvijenim
oblicima grobne arhitekture. Grobne povrine ograene
su niskim zidom i sadre sarkofage i kasnoantike obzidane
grobove, djelomino ukopane u ivu stijenu (Gnirs 1908, 93;
Vitasovi 2005, 94). U narteksu crkve Sv. Marije naeni su
zidani grobovi i sarkofazi.
R. Matijai je uoio mnogo ulomaka kasnoantike afrike
crvene keramike, koji su naeni u kasnoantikom naselju u
uvali Madona (Matijai 1998, 371). Afrika keramika dolazila
je na jadranske lokalitete brodovima koji su prevozili ito,
vino i ulje iz sjeverne Afrike, posebno iz Kartage, najvie
upravo za potrebe vojske i administracije. Ulomak crvene
keramike ukraene peatastim palminim listovima (afrika
sigillata chiara) iz 4. st., naen je u podmorju vile u uvali
Verige tijekom hidroarheolokih istraivanja 1987. god.
(Begovi, Schrunk 2006, 196). Takva fina keramika bila je u
upotrebi na stolovima bogatih Rimljana, a nalazimo je i u
drugim velikim vilama i urbanim centrima na Jadranu. U
hidroarheolokim sondama naen je i novac Konstantina II.
(337.-361.) (Jurii, Orli 1987). T. Bezeczky je uoio kako ima
mnogo ulomaka kasnoantikih afrikih amfora u nalazima
iz podmorja Veriga (Bezeczky 1998, 57). To bi ukazivalo
na intenzivnu upotrebu ova dva lokaliteta na Brijunima u
razdoblju 4. st., kao i prisutnost vie klase bogatih Rimljana,
moda visoko pozicionirane administracije. To je vrijeme
kada je Jadransko more ostalo jedini sigurni trgovaki put
izmeu istonih i zapadnih dijelova Rimskog Carstva. Otoje
Brijuni bilo je strateki vano kao pomorska baza u Istri, a
kasnije kao trajektni prijelaz prema prijestolnici Raveni.
Drugi vaan nalaz (hidroarheolokih istraivanja 1987.
god.) je fragment fokejske fine crvene keramike posuda
ukraena peatastim grkim kriem u sredini dna. To je
proizvod radionica u Fokeji (Phocaea) u Maloj Aziji iz 5./6.
st. Takvi nalazi na istonom Jadranu do sada su poznati
samo sa stratekih toaka koje su bile vane u upravnom
i vojno-pomorskom prometu kasnog Carstva Mogorjelo
(remonik 1952, 241-271), Polae na Mljetu (Brusi 1988) i
Dioklecijanova palaa u Splitu (Schrunk 1989). Fina keramika
5. i 6. st. iz sjeverne Afrike i Fokeje rijetka je na podruju
Jadrana. Netko vaan morao je boraviti u vili u uvali Verige
i upotrebljavati je za posluivanje hrane. Takva keramika
bila je vrlo cijenjena i po vrijednosti odmah nakon posuda
od finog metala. Po svemu, Brijuni su bili vrlo znaajno
podruje jo u 5. i 6. st.
Sudei prema arhitektonskim ostatcima i arheolokim i
hidroarheolokim nalazima keramike, Brijuni su u razdoblju
od 4. do 6. st. bili znaajna pomorska baza s dvije sigurne
luke, jedna u uvali Madona i druga u uvali Verige.
access communications southeast and northeast of the settlement in Madona Bay. The antique necropolis at the location southeast of the settlement is between Saline Bay and
the southeastern entrance into the settlement. It consists of
late antique skeleton graves (some of which were untouched
and yielded rich burial finds) cut into solid rock and partly enclosed in masonry, as well as sarcophagi (Mlakar 1976, 7-10).
The finds from the graves belong to the dress of the deceased
(Marui 1986, 84-91). North of this locality and northeast of
the settlement there is another late antique necropolis with
developed forms of funeral architecture. Its burial grounds
are enclosed by low walls, and it contains sarcophagi and late
antique built graves partly cut into solid rock (Gnirs 1908, 93;
Vitasovi 2005, 94). In the narthex of the Church of St. Mary
built graves and sarcophagi were found too.
R. Matijai noticed that large amounts of African Red
Slip Ware were found in Kastrum in the bay of Madona
(Matijai 1998, 371). The African tableware came to Adriatic
sites on ships that transported grain, wine and olive oil from
North Africa, Carthage in particular. A fragment of a fourthcentury African Red Slip Ware (sigillata chiara) bowl with
stamped decoration of palm leaves was found in underwater archaeological investigations in 1987 in the bay of Verige
(Begovi, Schrunk 2006, 196). Such fine late Roman tableware
has been found in other large villas and urban centres in the
Adriatic. A coin of Constantius II (337-361) was found in the
underwater probe in the harbor (Jurii, Orli 1987). T. Bezeczky had noticed a good number of late Roman African amphorae among the finds from the underwater investigations
(Bezeczky 1998, 57). This would indicate intensive use of the
sites in the fourth century, as well as the presence of upper
class inhabitants, perhaps a high administrative official. This
is the time when the Adriatic Sea remained the only safe sea
route between the eastern and western parts of the Roman
Empire. The archipelago of Brioni was strategically important
as a naval base in that section of Istria, later being a point on
the route to the royal city of Ravenna.
Another underwater find (underwater investigations
1987) was a fragment of a Phocaean Red Slip Ware bowl
with stamped Greek cross of the 5th-6th century. This fine
tableware from Phocaea in Asia Minor has been found only at strategic sites in the eastern Adriatic, important in the
military and shipping traffic of the fifth and sixth centuries
Mogorjelo (remonik 1952, 241-271), Polae on the island
of Mljet (Brusi 1988) and Diocletians palace in Split (Schrunk
1989). Finds of African and Phocaean fine table ware of the
5th and 6th centuries have been rather rare in the Adriatic region. Someone important must have lived in the Verige villa
and used that pottery for serving and consuming food. Such
fine red slipped ware was valued only less than fine metal
ware. All things considered, Brioni was a very significant point
in the 5th and 6th centuries.
According to the finds from the underwater probes the
majority of pottery dates to the period from the 4th to 6th
century. At that time Brioni was an important naval base with
two protected harbours one in the bay of Madona and the
other in the bay of Verige.
239
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Via publica in druge komunikacije med Celejo in Neviodunom v poznorimskem

obdobju
Via publica and other communications between Celeia and Neviodunum in the late
Roman period
Antika arheologija
SLAVKO CIGLENEKI
Intitut za arheologijo ZRC SAZU
Novi trg 2
SI 1000 Ljubljana

Roman archaeology
UDK/UDC. 904:656.1](497.4)652
Prihvaeno/Accepted: 10. 09.2007.
Predstavljen je poskus rekonstrukcije poteka rimske ceste Celeja Neviodunum, katere trasa je bila
v literaturi vekrat zelo razlino interpretirana. Najdie miljnikov v Brestanici na desni strani Save,
dokazani ostanki rimskega mostu ez Savo v Zidanem mostu, geografske danosti in arheoloke
najdbe nakazujejo potek trase po desni strani Savinje in Save.V poznorimskem obdobju njen potek
dodatno potrjujejo manje utrdbe, ki so bile razporejene vzdol nje in so imele nalogo kontrolirati
promet po njej in obeh rekah. Ostanki znailne poznorimske vojake noe na nekaterih viinskih postojankah v notranjosti hribovitega sveta med Celejo in Neviodunom nakazujejo tudi obstoj manjih
komunikacij, ki so izkoriale najugodneje naravne prehode skozi hriboviti svet. Tako nakazana
mrea cest in poti potrjuje strateko in tranzitno pomembnost obmoja v neposredni bliini bitk
dravljanskih vojn v drugi polovici 4. st.
Kljune besede: poznorimska doba, 4.-5. st., rimska cesta, poznoantine utrdbe, Stranik, Kozjek,
Gradie pri Dunaju, Gradec pri Prapretnem, Zidani most, Brestanica
The paper presents an attempted reconstruction of the route of the Roman road from Celeia to Neviodunum which has been interpreted in different ways in the literature on a number of occasions.
The discovery of milestones at Brestanica on the right bank of the River Sava, the proven remains
of a Roman bridge over the Sava at Zidani most, geographical facts and archaeological finds all
indicate that the road passed along the right bank of the Savinja and Sava rivers. In the late Roman
period this route was additionally confirmed by smaller fortifications that were distributed along the
road with the task of controlling the traffic on the road and on both rivers. The remains of the characteristic late Roman military outfit found on several highland positions in the interior of the hilly
landscape between Celeia and Neviodunum also indicate that there were some smaller communications, which made use of the most favourable natural passages through the hilly terrain. This kind of
road and trail network confirms the strategic and transit importance of the region, which lay in the
immediate vicinity of battles that were waged during the civil wars in the 2nd half of the 4th century.
Key words: late Roman period, 4th-5th c., Roman road, late Roman fortifications, Stranik, Kozjek,
Gradie pri Dunaju, Gradec pri Prapretnem, Zidani most, Brestanica.
Leta 1886 je arheologe in zgodovinarje vznemirila

sluajna najdba treh miljnikov na savskem renem bregu,
nasproti tedanjega Rajhenburga, dananje Brestanice ob
Savi (Deschmann 1887; ael 1975, 98). Pomembna ni bila
le zato, ker je potrdila obstoj dravne rimske ceste, katere
obstoj so prej le slutili, ampak tudi zato, ker je opozorila na
pomembnost te ceste e v poznorimskem obdobju.
Intenzivne raziskave obmoja juno in jugovzhodno
od Celja pa so v zadnjih desetletjih omogoile tudi mnogo
bolje poznavanje naselbinske slike obmoja, na katerega
robu je cesta tekla: zelo nazorno se je pokazala podoba od
glavnih cest odmaknjenega prostora, ki je bil v rimskem asu
intenzivneje poseljen le v dolinah rek Save, Savinje, Sotle in
In 1886 archaeologists and historians were alarmed by the accidental find of three milestones on the bank of the River Sava, opposite what was then Rajhenburg the present-day Brestanica ob
Savi (Deschmann 1887; ael 1975, 98). The discovery was important not just because it confirmed the existence of a Roman state
road which they believed was there even beforehand but also
because it indicated how significant the road still was in the late
Roman period.
Intensive exploration of the area to the south and south-west of
Celje over recent decades has made it possible to learn much more
about the settlements in the region along which the road passed. It
became clear that in the area removed from the main roads, during
Roman times only the valleys of the rivers Sava, Savinja, Sotla and
Voglajna and of marski and Mestinjski brooks were densely popu-
241
S. CIGLENEKI, Via publica in druge komunikacije med Celejo in Neviodunom v poznorimskem obdobju, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 241-250.
Voglajne ter marskega in Mestinjskega potoka, v notranjosti pa le sporadino obljuden. Povsem drugano vlogo
je to obmoje dobilo v poznoantinem obdobju, ko se je
naselbinska slika povsem spremenila: izginile so naselbine
v ravninskih obmojih, pojavila pa so se mona naselbinska
jedra v odmaknjeni notranjosti. Prehod med obema oblikama poselitve se nakazuje e ob koncu 3. st. in e posebej v
4. st., ko so se prvim pribealiem na naravno zavarovanih
hribih pridruile tudi manje vojake postojanke.
Miljniki iz 3. in 4. st. v Brestanici pa ob mnogih novejih
najdbah izpriujejo povean pomen ceste in poti, ki so takrat
povezovale obe mesti in ki so jih, kot bomo poskuali pokazati v nadaljevanju, dodatno zavarovali. lanek posveam
slavljencu, dragemu kolegu eljku Tomiiu, ki je s svojimi
raziskavami na Hrvakem in posebej ob vzhodni jadranski
obali dal pomemben prispevek k boljemu razumevanju
poznoantine poselitvene slike.
Domneve o poteku dravne ceste Celeia Neviodunum
e izpustimo obrobne navedbe te ceste pri starejih
avtorjih in vrisan (bolj ali manj hipotetien potek) v razlinih
kartah, ki so prikazovale ta prostor v arheolokih obdobjih
(delni pregled pri: Pahi 1983), je bil prvi, ki se je nekoliko
dalje pomudil ob trasi te ceste K. Deman, ob objavi miljnikov iz Brestanice (Deschmann 1887). On je ugotavljal, da
je la cesta najverjetneje po levi strani Save in sicer zaradi
mostu, ki naj bi se nahajal v bliini najdia miljnikov. Zaradi
kupa lomljencev, ki so bili najdeni pri raziskovanju v okolici
najdia miljnikov je domneval most v neposredni bliini in
zato posledino potek ceste proti Celeji po levi strani Save.
V nadaljnjem poteku ceste proti Celju se je pridruil izvajanjem Kennerja, ki je domneval potek ceste od Celja vzdol
Savinje do Lakega in Rimskih toplic.
Drugaen potek je ugotavljal A. Mllner, ki je baziral na
starejih poroilih o arheolokih ostankih v Zidanem mostu (Mllner 1892). Tu so namre e leta 1830 nali v malti
nosilcev rimskega mostu as Klavdija, leta 1834 pa ob veliki
sui ostanke podpornikov mostu in branik, ki so jih zaradi
varneje plovbe morali odstraniti in pri tem nali e nekaj
rimskih novcev. Mllner je lahko doloil le dva: denar Flaminija Cila in Galijenov novec. Omenja tudi, da je most stal tik
nad sotojem Save in Savinje in je zaradi tega tudi logino
speljal traso ceste po desni strani obeh rek (Mllner 1892,
53). Zanimivo je, da se tovrsten potek ceste zelo dobro sklada z vrisanim potekom ceste pri F. Pichlerju, ki ga je vnesel
v svoj zemljevid rimskih najdi na tajerskem (Pichler 1867,
Karta). Glede na dejstvo, da gre v Pichlerjevem delu le za
katalog novcev in karte ne komentira, ni jasno, na katere podatke se je pri tej doloitvi trase oprl.
V temeljnem delu o rimskih cestah na Kranjskem, ki sta
ga pripravila Premerstein in Rutar leta 1899, je kot dejstvo
sprejet most v Brestanici in zato zarisana cesta po levi strani
Save, ob Savinji pa sta v nartu cest njen potek speljala brez
argumentov prav tako po levi strani reke (Premerstein, Rutar 1899, 30 in nart).
Prvi, ki je domneval, da je bila obravnavana cesta speljana skozi notranjost hribovitega predela med obema mesto-
242
lated, whereas the heartland was only sporadically settled. In the

late Roman period this region played a very different role, and the
settlement structure changed entirely: the settlements in the plains
disappeared, and strong population centres appeared further inland. The transition between the two forms of settlement is already
noticeable at the end of the 3rd century, and especially in the 4th
century, when alongside the first shelters in the naturally protected
hills, small new military strongholds also appeared.
The Brestanica milestones from the 3rd and 4th centuries, along
with a number of more recent finds, indicate an increased importance of the road and trails, which linked the two towns and provided them with additional security, as we will try to present in this paper. I dedicate this paper to the honouree, my dear colleague eljko
Tomii, who has, with his excavations in Croatia and especially on
the western Adriatic coast, provided a significant contribution to a
better understanding of the late Roman settlement structure.
Hypotheses on the route of the Celeia - Neviodunum state
road
If we disregard marginal references to the road by older authors
and various maps, on which it (its more or less hypothetical route)
was marked, that showed this region in various archaeological
periods (a partial overview in: Pahi 1983), the first to spend some
time considering the issue of the route of the road was K. Deman,
when he published the discovery of the Brestanica milestones (Deschmann 1887). He concluded that the road most probably went
along the left bank of the River Sava, and this due to the bridge,
which was allegedly located near the site at which the milestones
were found. Due to the heaps of stone that were found during the
exploration in the vicinity of the location in which the milestones
were discovered, he assumed that the bridge was in their immediate vicinity, and therefore that the road leading to Celeia went
along the left side of the Sava. As for the further route of the road
leading towards Celje, he agreed with the conclusion of Kenner,
who assumed that the road went from Celje along the Savinja to
Lako and Rimske toplice.
A. Mllner reached a different conclusion as regards the route
of the road. He based his assumption on older reports about archaeological finds at Zidani most (Mllner 1892). To wit, in 1830 in
the plaster of the pillar of the Roman bridge in that town a Claudian as was found, and in 1834, after a great drought the remains
of the bridge support and wall had to be removed to secure safe
navigation. On that occasion more Roman coins were discovered.
Mllner could identify just two of them: a Flaminius Cilo denarius
and a Gallienus coin. He also mentioned that the bridge stood in
the immediate vicinity of the confluence of the Sava and Savinja
rivers, and therefore it is logical that it took the road along the right
side of both rivers (Mllner 1892, 53). It is interesting that this route
corresponds well with the road that F. Pichler marked on his map of
Roman sites in Styria (Pichler 1867, Map). Given the fact that Pichlers work deals only with the coin catalogue, and that he provided
no comment on the maps, it is not clear which data he used to back
up such a hypothesis.
In the fundamental work on Roman roads in Carniola prepared
by Premerstein and Rutar in 1899, the bridge at Brestanica is taken
as fact, and for this reason the road is marked along the left side of
the River Sava, but also along the Savinja, the road is marked in the
drawing along the left side of the river, without any arguments to
support it (Premerstein, Rutar 1899, 30 and the drawing).
The first to assume that the road under discussion went through
the heartland of the hilly terrain that lies between the two towns,
and not through the plain by the rivers, was the historian M. Kos
(Kos 1939, 231). What prompted him to suggest this route were nu-
S. CIGLENEKI ,Via publica and other communications between Celeia and Neviodunum in the late Roman period, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 241-250.
Sl. 1 Zemljevid prostora med Neviodunom in Celejo z vrisanimi monimi trasami cest in poznorimskimi utrdbami
Fig. 1 Map of the area between Neviodunum and Celeia with possible road routes and late Roman fortifications marked
243
ma in ne po ravnici ob rekah, je bil zgodovinar M. Kos (Kos

1939, 231). Povod za to traso so mu dali tevilni toponimi,
ki kaejo na antino poselitev predvsem Lako, Lahomno, Lahov graben, Laka vas idr., ki so bili ugotovljeni v zaledju Lakega. Zato je domneval potek ceste iz Lakega na
Jurkloter in nato dalje preko Vranja pri Sevnici proti Savi.
Prav tako skozi hribovito notranjost, a po drugi trasi, je
v zemljevidu Slovenije v rimski dobi, v delu Arheoloka
najdia Slovenije, zarisal potek ceste J. ael (ael 1975,
67). Potekala naj bi nekako na relaciji Celje entjur
Kozje - Brestanica Drnovo. Pri tem se je opiral na stara
srednjeveka naselitvena jedra v notranjosti prostora med
Savo in Savinjo kot so Podsreda, Kozje in Piltanj in ne na
arheoloko argumentacijo (ael ustno).
Ob izkopavanjih na Ajdovskem gradcu pri Vranju je tej
cesti namenil pozornost tudi P. Petru: njen potek je e leta
1975 istovetil z Demanovo varianto (Petru 1975, 10-12). Kot
osnova so mu sluili predvsem podatki o rimskih najdiih
na levi strani Save in pri topografskih ogledih ugotovljena
stara oziroma rimska cesta, ki jo je topografska ekipa
zasledovala v dolini nekaj kilometrov med Brestanico in
Sevnico. V svojem sintetinem pregledu rimske provincialne arheologije v Sloveniji leta 1977 pa je na zemljevidu njen
potek zarisal e v smeri Brestanica Ajdovski gradec Lako
Celje in ga leta 1982 podrobneje argumentiral (Petru 1977,
Abb. 1; Petru 1982, 19-20). Za tovrsten potek se je odloil
predvsem zaradi pomembnega najdia Ajdovski gradec,
pri emer pa ni upoteval, da je le-to svoj viek doseglo v
poznoantinem in ne rimskem obdobju. Kot drug moen
potek te ceste je takrat omenjal tudi varianto, ki jo je leta
1975 zarisal e J. ael (Petru 1982, 20).
Poskus rekonstrukcije poteka ceste
Ob kritinem pretresu navedenih tras in terenskih obhodih, ki sem jih opravil v 70 tih let preteklega stoletja, se
kae kot najverjetneja trasa, ki jo je leta 1892 zartal e
1
A. Mllner. Skicirajmo na kratko njen potek. Od Celja do
Lakega in dalje do Rimskih toplic je smer trase nedvoumna
in je njen potek v grobem skladen s sedanjo cesto. Prehod
po dolini Savinje od Rimskih toplic proti Zidanem mostu
so vse do zaetka 19. st. onemogoale skalne gmote, ki so
zapirale prehod po dolini Savinje (Mlinar 1956, 74). Potek
stare ceste je zato od Rimskih toplic dalje mogoe slediti
na sedlo pri Grmadi in nato do Zidanega mosta. Cesto ez
Grmado ljudsko izroilo e danes oznauje kot staro rimsko
cesto. Od Zidanega mosta je njeno nadaljevanje po desni
strani Save mimo Rade, Botanja in Krkega do Drnovega
neproblematino.
Pomembno dopolnilo k lokaciji mostu v Zidanem mostu
je podatek A. Vogrinove o rimskih najdbah, ki jih je odkrila
pri povrinskem pregledu na parceli Trubarjev gri nasproti
eleznike postaje, torej v neposredni bliini rimskega mosta na juni strani Save (Vogrin 1986). Tudi doslej opravljene
raziskave rimskih mostov v Sloveniji, ki jih je opravil A. Ga1. Referat o poteku rimske ceste Celeia Neviodunum sem prebral na
simpoziju, ki ga je leta 1978 organiziralo Arheoloko drutvo Slovenije
v kofji loki, a prispevki niso bili nikoli objavljeni.
244
merous place-names which indicate the existence of Roman settlements primarily Lako, Lahomno, Lahov graben, Laka vas, etc., in
the hinterlands of Lako. For this reason he suggested that the road
went from Lako to Jurkloter, and then continued through Vranje
near Sevnica towards the Sava.
In Arheoloka najdia Slovenije (Archaeological Sites of Slovenia), J. ael (ael 1975, 67) also marked a road on the map of Slovenia in the Roman period which went through the hilly hinterland,
but along a different route. This route was more or less the following: Celje entjur Kozje Brestanica Drnovo. In suggesting this,
he relied on old medieval settlement centres in the hinterland of
the region between the Sava and Savinja rivers, such as Podsreda,
Kozje and Piltanj, rather than on archaeological arguments (ael
orally).
During the excavations at Ajdovski gradec near Vranje, the significance of this road was also pointed out by P. Petru: in 1975 he
still supported the route suggested by Deman (Petru 1975, 10-12).
He founded his conclusion primarily on the data regarding the Roman sites on the left side of the River Sava and the old, or Roman, road which was identified during the topographic research
between Brestanica and Sevnica, with a length of several kilometres. In his concise overview of Roman provincial archaeology of
Slovenia in 1977, he had already marked the road on the map along
the route Brestanica Ajdovski gradec Lako Celje and in 1982
he provided more in-depth arguments for this (Petru 1977, Abb.
1; Petru 1982, 19-20). He chose this route primarily because of the
important archaeological site of Ajdovski gradec, disregarding the
fact that it had reached its culmination in the late Roman period,
rather than in the Roman period. He also mentioned a possible different route of the road, which had been marked by J. ael already
in 1975 (Petru 1982, 20).
Attempted reconstruction of the route of the road
During the critical consideration that I gave to the previously
mentioned routes and field surveys I conducted during the 1970s,
it appeared that the most probable route was the one drawn by A.
Mllner in 1892.1 Let us sketch its course: from Celje to Lako, and
then to Rimske toplice the route is undoubted and its course by and
large corresponds to the present-day road. Its passage through the
Savinja valley from Rimske toplice towards Zidani most has been
impeded since the early 19th century by rocky masses which closed
the passage through the Savinja valley (Mlinar 1956, 74). For this
reason it is possible that after Rimske toplice the old road went over
the pass near Grmada and from there to Zidani most. In popular tradition the road through Grmada is still called the old Roman road.
After Zidani most, the route is uncontested: it continued along the
right side of the Sava, and passed by Radee, Botanj and Krko, to
Drnovo.
A significant addition to the location of the bridge at Zidani
most is the information provided by A. Vogrin about the Roman
find discovered by her during ground survey on the Trubarjev gri,
a plot of land opposite the railway station, that is, in the immediate vicinity of the Roman bridge at the southern side of the Sava
(Vogrin 1986). The research on Roman bridges in Slovenia carried
out thus far by A. Gaspari confirms that a Roman bridge did indeed
exist at Zidani most, and at the same time he rejects the possibility
that it stood at Brestanica.2
The fact that on the left side of the Sava there is a number of
1. I read the paper on the route of the Celeia Neviodunum road in 1978 at
a symposium that was organised in kofja Loka by the Archaeological
Society of Slovenia, but the proceedings have never been published.
spari potrjujejo obstoj rimskega mostu pri Zidanem mostu

in hkrati zanikajo monost njegovega obstoja v Brestanici.2
Dejstvo, da je na levi strani Save znanih ve najdi, je
treba pripisati e opravljeni arheoloki topografiji, ki na
juni strani Save e manjka. Vsekakor se je mogoe strinjati
z zagovorniki Demanove variante, da je tudi na levi strani
Save obstojala neka povezava med e ugotovljenimi rimskimi naselji, ni pa dokazov, da gre za na miljnikih oznaeno
dravno cesto (via publica).
Proti poteku skozi hribovito notranjost govori predvsem
sama konfiguracija terena: cesta bi morala premagati ve
viin, medtem ko v Mllnerjevi varianti samo en teji vzpon
in sicer sedlo pri Grmadi. Pomemben posreden indikator
proti poteku ceste preko hribovite notranjosti je tudi dejstvo, da je bila ta v rimskem asu skromno poseljena, v 5. in 6.
st. pa je prav tu prilo do najveje koncentracije avtarkino
naravnanih utrjenih naselbin (Cigleneki 1987, 140-141). Seveda pa ta premik v notranjost ne bi bil smiseln, e bi skozenj vodila dobro ohranjena dravna rimska cesta, katere
zadnja popravila segajo e v sredino 4. st.
Upotevamo lahko tudi, sicer nezanesljiv, a skupaj z drugimi vendarle izpoveden podatek: ljudsko izroilo v notranjosti o neki rimski ali stari cesti v domnevni smeri ne ve
niesar.
known sites is a result of the archaeological topographic survey

that has been carried out there, whereas on the southern side of
the Sava such a survey is still due. In any case, we can agree with
the supporters of Demans theory, according to which a certain
communication also existed along the left side of the Sava, linking
the already existing Roman settlements; however, there is no proof
that this was the state road (via publica) that was marked on the
milestones.
The main argument against the proposed route which leads
through the mountainous hinterland is the configuration of the terrain itself: the road would have had to overcome several heights,
whereas in Mllners version there would have been only one difficult climb in addition to the pass near Grmada. Another important indirect indication which suggests that the road did not pass
through the mountainous heartland is the fact that in the Roman
period this region was very sparsely inhabited, and in the 5th and
6th century it was the site of the largest concentration of autarchically organised fortified settlements (Cigleneki 1987, 140-141). Obviously, such a move inland would make no sense if there was a well
maintained Roman state road there, which was last repaired as late
as the middle of the 4th century.
We should also take into consideration another bit of information, which, although uncertain, was reported together with others:
popular tradition in the hinterland says nothing about a Roman or
old road along the suggested route.
Fortifications on the state road
Utrdbe ob dravni cesti

Kartiranje poznorimskih najdi je opozorilo na obstoj
nekaj viinskih utrdb ob domnevni trasi dravne ceste, ki
so pridobile na pomenu prav v 4. st. Dioklecijanove reforme vojske so imele moan vpliv na transformacijo vojakih
utrdb. Legijski tabori so postopno izginili, pojavila pa se je
mnoica manjih kastelov, ki pa so bili v veliki meri razporejeni po globini teritorija in so bili mnogo bolje naravno
zavarovani. Ker so bile v veliki meri prilagojene terenskim
danostim jih je posebej v hribovitem svetu teko loiti
od soasnih naselbin. Tako se ob slabi raziskanosti pojavi problem identificiranja vojakih postojank, predvsem iz
asa druge polovice 4. in prve polovice 5. st., ko so bile v
tem prostoru morda tudi del ire zasnovane obrambe Italije. Zelo koristna je zato primerjava s soasnimi in v pisanih
virih izprianimi vojakimi utrdbami na Hruici in Martinj hribu v slovenskem obmoju (Ulbert 1981; Leben, ubic 1990)
ter dobro raziskanimi vojakimi kasteli v Reciji Sekundi, kot
npr. Lorenzberg, Goldberg, itd. (Werner 1969; MoosdorfOttinger 1981).
Drobne najdbe iz 3., 4. in zaetka 5. st. so opozorile na
pravcati sistem postojank vzdol Savinje in Save. Ob e
poznanih Gradcu pri Lisci, Dunaju pri Mladevinah in Vipoti nad Peovnikom (Cigleneki 1992, 19-20, 25-27, 31-33) so
terenski pregledi pokazali obstoj ve manjih postojank na
izpostavljenih in naravno dobro zaitenih hribih, ki so bile
redko dodatno utrjene: Stranik (emrov 2004, 143), Svinjski
rt pri Radeah (emrov 2004, 126/1) in Kincl pri elovniku
(neobjavljeno). Glede na razvrstitev vzdol domnevne rimske ceste Celeia Neviodunum in njihovo dobro medsebojno vidljivost je mogoe sklepati, da so sluile kontroli
Mapping of the late Roman sites suggested that there were several highland forts along the alleged route of the state road, which
gained importance in the 4th century.
Diocletians reforms of the military had a strong impact on the
transformation of military forts. Legionary camps gradually disappeared, and a host of small forts were erected, which were distributed to a large degree deep in the territory, and were much better
protected. Since they were adapted to the landscape features to
a large extent, particularly in the mountainous environment, it is
difficult to distinguish them from the contemporary settlements.
Therefore, in situations in which the research has not been extensive, the problem of identification of military positions appears, especially of those from the second half of the 4th and the first half
of the 5th century, when in this area, and maybe also in a larger
region, the defence of Italy was established. For this reason it is very
useful to make a comparison with the contemporary military fortifications on Hruica and Martinj hrib in the territory of Slovenia,
which are also mentioned in some written sources (Ulbert 1981;
Leben, ubic 1990), and with the well-researched military forts in
Raetia Secunda, such as Lorenzberg, Goldberg, etc. (Werner 1969;
Moosdorf-Ottinger 1981).
Small finds from the 3rd, 4th and early 5th centuries indicate that
there was a real system of military stations along the Savinja and
Sava rivers. Along with the already known positions at Gradec near
Lisca, Dunaj near Mladevine and Vipota over Peovnik (Cigleneki
1992, 19-20, 25-27, 31-33), field surveys have revealed several smaller
stations on exposed and naturally well-protected hills, which were
rarely additionally fortified: Stranik (emrov 2004, 143), Svinjski rt
near Radee (emrov 2004, 126/1) and Kincl near elovnik (unpublished). Due to their distribution along the suggested Celeia Neviodunum Roman road, and their mutual visibility, it is possible to
conclude that their function was to control the traffic and signal
alerts. Those that stood by the rivers had an excellent view of the
2. A. Gaspari ustno. O raziskavah je poroal tudi v svoji diplomski nalogi.
2. A. Gaspari orally. He also reported on the excavations in his degree thesis.
245
Sl. 2 Pogled na utrdbo Svinjski rt tik nad Savo z vzhodne strani

Fig. 2 A view of Svinjski rt fort above the Sava, from the eastern side
Sl. 3 V sredini slike utrdba Stranik visoko nad dolino Savinje

Fig. 3 In the centre of the picture: Stranik fort high above the Savinja Valley
246
prometa in signalizaciji. Za tiste ob rekah je znailno, da

je z njih odlien pregled na dolino Savinje in Save in smemo domnevati, da so kontrolirale tudi reni promet. Glede
na to, da doslej niso bile sistematino raziskane, je njihov
znaaj mogoe presojati le po povrinskih znakih in doslej
odkritih drobnih najdbah. Med njimi je najbolje razvidna in
znailna utrdba Stranik (ndm. v. 648 m) s katere je odlien
pregled nad vejim delom spodnjega toka Savinje. Umetno je bil utrjen manji prostor velikosti 50 x 40 m, ki se na
severni strani naslanja na razgledni skalni greben, na laje
dostopni strani pa je zaiten z okopom (zid?). Serija novcev
predvsem iz 3. in 4. st. nakazuje okvirno razpon trajanja te
majhne utrdbe, ki je nedvomno imela kontrolno funkcijo.
Zaradi izpostavljene lege in manjih dimenzij stalna naselbina na njej ni verjetna.
Ostale komunikacije med Celejo in Neviodunom
Ob dobro vzdrevani dravni cesti pa so v tem obmoju
obstojale tudi manje ceste in poti, ki jih danes posredno
nakazujejo le vzdol njih leea naselja in utrdbe. O trasi ceste po dolini Voglajne proti vzhodu je bilo postavljeno e
mnogo domnev, zanesljivo je le dejstvo, da je ob njej precej
rimskih naselbin (podroben pregled tras te ceste pri: Pahi
1983, 247-262). Arheoloko e ni bila potrjena, vendar je neka manja cesta glede na intenziteto poselitve ob njej zelo
verjetna (Saria, Klemenc 1939, 75). V bliini Mestinja naj bi
se zdruila s komunikacijo, ki je povezovala Neviodunum s
Petoviono.
Povezava, ki je tekla skozi Obsotelje arheoloko prav tako ni potrjena, a leijo v tej liniji tevilna rimska najdia ob
Sotli (Koroec 1978, 522; Pahi 1983, 278). Na pomen poti v
poznorimskem asu kae mona viinska utrdba Svete gore nad Bistrico ob Sotli, ki je kontrolirala prehod domnevne
ceste ez edini veji vzpon in je imela odlien pregled nad
srednjim Obsoteljem.
Kartiranje viinskih poznoantinih postojank je v
obmoju med Celejo in Neviodunom pokazalo e eno pomembno linijo, ki je morala biti v poznorimskem obdobju
intenzivneje uporabljena in spretno izkoria dolino reke
Granice ter potoka Bistrice in je vzporedno z dravno cesto
ob Savi omogoala preenje sicer slabo prehodnega hribovitega obmoja. Njen potek od Rimskih toplic do Bistrice ob
Sotli se zdi logien in podprt z elementi poznorimske materialne kulture na viinskih postojankah v neposredni bliini.
Tako je bila poznorimska plast odkrita na viinskih utrdbah
Vranja pe (Bitenc 2001a; emrov 2004, 139), Gradec pri Prapretnem (Cigleneki 1994, 244, Abb. 5; emrov 2004, 141)
in Svete gore nad Bistrico ob Sotli (Koroec 1997; emrov
1998, 132; emrov 2004, 109). Tem e poznanim utrdbam se
pridruuje tudi pred nedavnim odkriti Kozjek (ndm. v. 625
m) na strmem poboju Vetrnika nad Kozjem, kjer je mogoe
na travnatem poboju in sedlu med dvema skalnima grebenoma videti naselbinske terase in na njih domnevati manj
3
kvalitetno grajene stavbe. Dohod v naselbino je z laje dostopne june strani zapiral 1,8 m globok jarek nekaj metrov
pred vhodom v naselbino. Spet je mogoe opaziti veliko
3. Najdie sta odkrila . mit in T. Drar leta 1993, ki sta nala tudi nekatere
poznorimske predmete.
Savinja and Sava valleys, and one can assume that they also controlled the river traffic. Since they have yet not been systematically
researched, their significance may be judged only on the basis of
their surface features and small finds that have been discovered
thus far. The most visible and important among them is the fort of
Stranik (at 648 m above sea level), which offers an excellent view
over a large part of the lower course of the Savinja river. There, a
smaller enclosure of 50 x 40 m was artificially fortified. On its northern side there was a rocky ridge which provided the view, and on
the more accessible side it was protected by a ditch (and a wall?). A
host of coins, dating mostly from the 3rd and 4th century, suggests
an approximate time frame in which this small fort was used, and it
is not in doubt that it served to control the communications. Given
its exposed position and small dimensions, it is improbable that it
was used as a permanent settlement.
On communications between Celeia and
Neviodunum
Besides the well-maintained state roads, there were also smaller roads and trails which crossed this region. Nowadays, the only
indirect indication of their existence is settlements and forts which
used to be located along these communications. Already there
are many theories on the route of the road which passed through
the Voglajna valley in an eastward direction; the only certain fact,
though, is that there were quite a few settlements and forts that
stood by that road (a detailed overview of the route in: Pahi 1983,
247-262). Although it has not been archeologically confirmed, given the intensity of inhabitation along that route, it is very probable
that a smaller road did indeed pass there (Saria, Klemenc 1939, 75).
In the vicinity of Mestinje that road would have joined the communication linking Neviodunum and Petoviona.
Thus the link which passed through Obsotelje has not been
confirmed by archaeological explorations, but along that route
there is a number of Roman sites on the Sotla river (Koroec 1978,
522; Pahi 1983, 278). The significance of roads in the late Roman
period is indicated by the strong highland fort of Svete gore above
Bistrica ob Sotli, which controlled the passage along the suggested
road over the only steep climb, and provided an excellent view over
central Obsotelje.
Mapping of the late Roman highland military stations in the
region between Celeja and Neviodunum has revealed yet another
important line, which must have been intensely used in the late Roman period, since it makes use of the valley of the Granica river
and Bistrica brook, and alongside the state road by the River Sava,
it made it possible to cross the rugged hilly terrain. The route of
this road leading from Rimske toplice to Bistrica ob Sotli seems
logical, and supported by elements of late Roman material culture
discovered at highland military stations in the immediate vicinity.
For example, the late Roman layer was discovered at the highland
forts of Vranja pe (Bitenc 2001a; emrov 2004, 139), Gradec near
Prapretno (Cigleneki 1994, 244, Abb. 5; emrov 2004, 141) and
Svete gore above Bistrica ob Sotli (Koroec 1997; emrov 1998,
132; emrov 2004, 109). Besides these already known forts, there
is also the recently discovered Kozjek (at 625 m above sea level),
on a steep slope of Veternik above Kozje, where it is possible to see
settlement terraces on the grass-covered slope and ridge between
two rocky crests, and assume that on top of them there were buildings of rather poor quality. 3 On the more easily accessible side, the
settlement was closed off by a ditch 1.8m deep, which stood several
metres before the entrance. Once again, it is noticeable that the hill3. The site was discovered in 1993 by . mit and T. Drar, who also found
some late Roman items.
247
prilagojenost postojanke izoblikovanosti terena in zelo majhne umetne posege. Najdbe kaejo predvsem elemente 3.
in v vejem delu 4. st. (T. 1). Novci postavljajo teie obstoja
utrdbe v zakljuek 4. st. (neobjavljeno).
Poleg te postojanke, s katere je odlien pregled
nad precejnjim delom hipotetine komunikacije med
Piltanjem in Svetimi gorami, je vzdol te trase e nekaj najdb posameznih poznorimskih novcev, ki potrjujejo pomen
te komunikacije v 4. st.
S tako zarisane trase ceste Rimske Toplice Bistrica ob
Sotli, se glede na konfiguracijo terena in viinske utrdbe z
znaki vojake prisotnosti v 4. st. nakazujeta tudi dve povezavi proti dolini Save. Prva tee med Jurklotrom in Loko in
jo, poleg prehodnosti doloa tudi viinska utrdba Gradec
pri Lisci (Mlinar 1956, 73; Cigleneki 1992). Druga pa je povezovala cesto Rimske toplice Bistrica ob Sotli z Brestanico, najdiem miljnikov, kjer dva srednjeveka gradova
in pomemben prehod ez Savo poudarjajo prometni pomen kraja. Ta strateko izjemno pomemben kraj je odlino
obvladovala viinska utrdba Gradie pri Dunaju, ki kae
najmoneje znake prisotnosti poznorimskega vojatva
(Cigleneki 1992, 25-27; Cigleneki 1994, 242, Abb. 2; Bitenc
2001; Pflaum 2001b; Pflaum 2001c; emrov 2004, 372-391).
Moni znaki poznorimske poselitve na Tinju nad Loko pri
usmu in Rudni pri Rudnici dopuajo ve razlag. Tinje smo
doslej interpretirali kot naselbino izven prometnih poti, kjer
je bilo mogoe raunati predvsem na pomen elezarstva
v bliini (Cigleneki 2000, 151-152). Njemu se je v zadnjem
asu pridruilo najdie Rudna s tevilnimi znaki poselitve
v poznorimskem asu in depojem iz druge polovice 4. st.
(Cigleneki 1991; Pflaum 2001; Pflaum 2001a; Isteni 2001;
emrov 2004, 142). Kot mona razlaga njunega nastanka se
zato ponuja tudi varianta ceste oziroma poti, ki je pri Rifniku
zavila proti JV in mimo obeh najdi po najkraji moni liniji
povezovala komunikaciji ob Voglajni in Sotli.
Sklep
Been pregled poteka dravne ceste, manjih komunikacij ter soasnih utrjenih postojank ob njih je pokazal, da
je pomen prostora med Celejo in Neviodunom v poznorimskem asu mono narasel. Miljniki in zgodneje gradivo
(predvsem novci) kaejo, da na pomenu pridobi e v nemirnem asu druge polovice 3. st., ko smo tudi na sosednjih sorodnih viinskih postojankah opazili prve znake oivljenega
bivanja (Cigleneki 1990, 154-156).
Mnogo intenzivneje dogajanje je opazno v drugi polovici 4. in zaetku 5. st. Poleg zgoraj omenjenih utrdb tudi
nastanek nekaterih drugih v iri regiji na vanih stratekih
mestih (Brinjeva gora, Zbelovska gora in Annikovo gradie)
kae, da so takrat veliko pozornost posvetili prav kontroli
prometnih poti iz vzhoda in severa proti Italiji. Tako je bilo
potrebno omogoiti tudi hitreje premike et med obema
vpadnicama, kar je rezultiralo v obnovi in zavarovanju ceste
Celeia Neviodunum. Podoben znaaj in strukturo najdb je
mogoe opaziti tudi na blinji utrdbi Kuzelin v hrvakem Prigorju, kjer V. Sokol prav tako domneva vojako postojanko
za varstvo ceste proti Petovioni (Sokol 1994, 202-203).
Glede na doslej ugotovljene novne najdbe in pred-
248
fort was well adjusted to the features of the terrain, and there were
very few man-made interventions. The finds reveal elements of the
3rd century, and to a larger extent those of the 4th century (Pl. 1).
The discovered coins place the fort at the end of the 4th century
(unpublished).
Alongside this hillfort, which provides an excellent view of a
large part of the hypothetical communication between Piltanj and
Svete gore, along this route there have been several other discoveries of individual late Roman coins that confirm the importance of
this communication in the 4th century.
In view of the configuration of the terrain and highland forts
with signs of military presence in the 4th century, we can discern
two links leading from the Rimske toplice Bistrica ob Sotli road
towards the Sava valley. The first one passes between Jurkloter
and Loka and, besides its practicability, it is also determined by the
highland fort Gradec near Lisca (Mlinar 1956, 73; Cigleneki 1992).
The second one linked the Rimske toplice Bistrica road at the Sotla
river with Brestanica, the site at which the milestones were found,
where two medieval castles and an important crossing over the
River Sava emphasise the importance of this area in terms of traffic. This strategically very significant area was well covered by the
hillfort of Gradie pri Dunaju, which provides the strongest signs
of the presence of late Roman military units (Cigleneki 1992, 25-27;
Cigleneki 1994, 242, Abb. 2; Bitenc 2001; Pflaum 2001b; Pflaum
2001c; emrov 2004, 372-391).
Strong signs of late Roman settlement on Tinje above Loka pri
usmu and Rudna pri Rudnici can be explained in different ways.
Tinje has so far been interpreted as a settlement away from transport routes, where it was possible to rely primarily on the important
iron production in the vicinity (Cigleneki 2000, 151-152). In recent
times, the site of Rudna was added to it, which revealed numerous
signs of settlement in the late Roman period, and a hoard dating
from the second half of the 4th century (Cigleneki 1991; Pflaum
2001; Pflaum 2001a; Isteni 2001; emrov 2004, 142). Therefore, one
of the possible reasons for its development is a variant of a road or
trail which at Rifnik turned towards the south-east and passed by
both sites, thus linking the communications along the Voglajna and
Sotla with the shortest possible line.
Conclusion
A brief overview of the route of the state road, smaller communications and contemporary fortified positions situated beside them,
has shown that the area between Celeia and Neviodunum gained
a lot of importance in the late Roman period. The milestones and
historical material (primarily coins) indicate that its importance had
already grown during the turbulent times in the second half of the
3rd century, when we can also notice the first signs of more intensive inhabitation on neighbouring highland positions (Cigleneki
1990, 154-156).
Much more intensive developments can be noticed in the
second half of the 4th century and in the early 5th century. Along
with those previously mentioned, other forts were also erected in a
wider area at strategically important locations (Brinjeva gora, Zbelovska gora and Annikovo gradie), which suggests that at the
time a lot of attention was paid to controlling the communications
leading from the east and north towards Italy. For this reason it was
necessary to ensure the possibility of a quick transfer of troops between the two access roads, which led to the reconstruction and
securing of the Celeia Neviodunum road. Similar importance and
structure of finds can also be observed at the nearby fort of Kuzelin
in the Croatian Prigorje region, where V. Sokol also assumed that it
functioned as a military position for securing the road to Petoviona
(Sokol 1994, 202-203).
mete vojake noe ob obravnavanih komunikacijah opazimo najvejo obljudenost v drugi polovici 4. st. Na takratno
nemirno dogajanje opozarjata tudi dva manja novna
depoja z Rudne (valentinijanski as) in Svinjskega rta (med
novci prepoznan le Gracijan) (Cigleneki 1991; emrov 1998,
153/2).
Skopi arheoloki podatki nam tako ob historinih virih, ki
v tem asu omenjajo dravljanske vojne v irem obmoju,
kaejo posredno, zakaj je prav takrat ta prostor pridobil
na stratekem pomenu (Klemenc 1950, 61-68; ael 1971,
38-39; Cedilnik 2004, 338). Moan poudarek o pomenu tega obmoja dodatno izraajo teze o zadrevanju Alarika v
irem celejanskem obmoju (Grassl 1996), oziroma domneva, da Celeia v 4. st. pridobi na pomenu kot mogoa prestolnica Mediteranskega Norika (Ladsttter 2000, 219-220).
Given the numismatic finds and items belonging to military uniform that have been discovered thus far along the communications
discussed, we can notice that the population was highest in the second half of the 4th century. The turbulent events that followed are
also reflected in two smaller hoards of coins from Rudna (from the
time of Valentinianus) and Svinjski rt (the only one identified was a
Gratianus coin)( Cigleneki 1991; emrov 1998, 153/2).
Scarce archaeological data, along with historical sources which
mention civil wars that were waged at the time in a wider region,
indicate indirectly why this area gained strategic importance precisely at that time (Klemenc 1950, 61-68; ael 1971, 38-39; Cedilnik
2004, 338). The significance of the region is further underlined by
various theses on the presence of Alaric in the wider area of Celeia
(Grassl 1996), and by the assumption that Celeia gained importance
in the 4th century as the possible capital of the province of Noricum
Mediterraneum (Ladsttter 2000, 219-220).
Bitenc P., 2001, estilo, v: Od Rimljanov do Slovanov. Predmeti, ur. P. Bitenc,
T. Knific, Ljubljana, 13.
Bitenc P., 2001a, Fibule in igli, v: Od Rimljanov do Slovanov. Predmeti, ur. P.
Bitenc, T. Knific, Ljubljana, 55.
Cedilnik A., 2004, Ilirik med Konstantinom Velikim in Teodozijem Velikim,
Thesaurus memoriae, Dissertationes 3, Zaloba ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana
Cigleneki S., 1987, Hhenbefestigungen aus der Zeit vom 3. bis 6. Jh. im
Ostalpenraum, DelaSAZU 31, Ljubljana
Cigleneki S., 1990, K problemu datacije nastanka rimskodobnih
viinskih utrdb v jugovzhodnoalpskem prostoru, AVes 41, Ljubljana, 147-176.
Cigleneki S., 1991, Poznorimski depo z Rudne pri Rudnici, AVes 42, Ljubljana, 225-232.
Cigleneki S., 1992, Plis Norikn, Poznoantine viinske utrdbe med Celjem in Breicami, Podsreda
Cigleneki S., 2000, Tinje nad Loko pri usmu: poznoantina in
zgodnjesrednjeveka naselbina, OIAS 4, Ljubljana
Deschmann C., 1887, Die jngst aufgefundenen Meilensteine aus UnterKrain, MZK 13, Wien, 84.
Grassl H., 1996, Der Sdostalpenraum in der Militrgeographie des 4./5.
Jahrhunderts, v: Westillyricum und Nordostitalien in der sptrmischen Zeit, Situla 34, Ljubljana, 177-184.
Isteni J., 2001, Obrazna maska, v: Od Rimljanov do Slovanov. Predmeti, ur.
P. Bitenc, T. Knific, Ljubljana, 20-21.
Klemenc J., 1950, Ptujski grad v kasni antiki, DelaSAZU 4, Ljubljana
Koroec P., 1978, Svete gore nad Sotlo v asu zatona antike, AVes 29, Ljubljana, 519-527.
Koroec P., 1997, Svete gore nad Bistrico ob Sotli v poznorimskem obdobju, AVes 48, Ljubljana, 333-339.
Kos M., 1939, Vlahi in vlaka imena med Slovenci, Glasnik Muzejskega
drutva za Slovenijo 20, Ljubljana, 226-235.
Ladsttter S., 2000, Von Noricum Mediterraneum zur Provincia Sclaborum, Die Kontinuittsfrage aus archologischer Sicht, v: Slovenija
in sosednje deele med antiko in karolinko dobo: zaetki slovenske
etnogeneze: Anfnge der slowenischen Ethnogenese, ur. R. Brato,
Situla 39, Ljubljana, 219-239.
Leben F., ubic Z., 1990, Poznoantini kastel Vrh Brsta pri Martinj hribu
na Logaki planoti, AVes 41, Ljubljana, 313-354.
Mlinar I., 1956, Zidani most v zgodovini, Kronika 4/2, Ljubljana, 67-76.
Moosdorf-Ottinger I., 1981, Der Goldberg bei Trkheim. Bericht ber die
Grabungen in den Jahren 1942-1944 und 1958-1961, MnchBeitr 24,

Mnchen
Mllner A., 1892, Die Rmerbrcke bei Steinbrck, Argo 1, Ljubljana,
50-53.
Pahi S., 1983, Raziskovanje rimskih cest v severovzhodni Sloveniji (Povzetek), AVes 34, Ljubljana, 247-287.
Pflaum V., 2001, elezna ost kopja, v: Od Rimljanov do Slovanov. Predmeti,
ur. P. Bitenc, T. Knific, Ljubljana, 21.
Pflaum V., 2001a, Puine osti, v: Od Rimljanov do Slovanov. Predmeti, ur.
P. Bitenc, T. Knific, Ljubljana, 30.
Pflaum V., 2001b, Jermenski zakljuek, v: Od Rimljanov do Slovanov. Predmeti, ur. P. Bitenc, T. Knific, Ljubljana, 25.
Pflaum V., 2001c, Pasno okovje, v: Od Rimljanov do Slovanov. Predmeti, ur.
P. Bitenc, T. Knific, Ljubljana, 25-26.
Petru P., 1975, Topografija in historiat najdia Vranje, v: P. Petru, Th. Ulbert, Vranje pri Sevnici. Starokranske cerkve na Ajdovskem gradcu,
KatMon 12, Ljubljana, 9-20.
Petru P., 1977, Die provinzialrmische Archologie in Slowenien, v: Aufstieg und Niedergang der rmischen Welt 2/6, Berlin/New York,
500-541.
Petru P., 1982, Rimska cesta Neviodunum-Celeia in vloga Brestanice v
starejih arheolokih obdobjih, v: Brestanica. Zbornik lankov in
razprav, Brestanica, 13-22.
Pichler F., 1867, Repertorium der steierischen Mnzkunde 2, Gratz
Premerstein A., Rutar S., 1899, Rmische Strassen und Befestigungen in
Krain, Wien
Saria B., Klemenc J., 1939, Archologische Karte von Jugoslawien. Blatt Rogatec, Beograd/Zagreb, 65.
Sokol V., 1994, Das sptantike Kastrum auf dem Kuzelin bei Donja Glavnica, AVes 45, Ljubljana, 199-209.
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Fontes, KatMon 5, Ljubljana, ??-??.
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najdia Slovenije, Ljubljana, 74-104.
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emrov A., 2004, Die Fundmnzen der rmischen Zeit in Slowenien V,
Mainz am Rhein
Ulbert T., 1981, Ad Pirum (Hruica), MnchBeitr 31, Mnchen
Vogrin A., 1986, Podkraj, Varspomen 28, Ljubljana, 269-270, sl. 38.
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249
T. 1
2
7
5
3
T. 1: Kozjek (1-8 bron, 9-10 svinec)

Pl. 1: Kozjek (1-8 bronze, 9-10 lead)
250
10
Mozaik u oratoriju sv. Venancija u Lateranskoj krstionici

Mosaik im Oratorium des Hl. Venantius im lateranischen Baptisterium
EMILIO MARIN
Umjetnika akademija Sveuilita u Splitu
Glagoljaka bb
HR 21000 Split

Ranokranska arheologija

Early Christian archaeology
UDK/UDC 904:003.071](497.5-3 Dalmacija)
904:003.071](497.5-3 Istra)
726.596:738.5](450.621)
Prihvaeno/Acceped: 10. 09. 2007.
Iz literature je poznato da je papa Ivan IV., podrijetlom iz Dalmacije, poslao u Dalmaciju i Istru opata
Martina sa zadaom da skupi relikvije muenika te da otkupi zarobljene krane iz suanjstva novih
gospodara Slavena i Avara. Relikvije koje su bile donesene u Rim, bile su poloene u oratorij nazvan Sv. Venancije u Lateranu, koji je u toj prigodi bio ukraen mozaikom i koji se odrao do danas. U
epigrafikoj batini Dalmacije i Istre nalazimo precizne potvrde o povijesnoj autentinosti osoba koje
su prikazane na mozaiku lateranskom. Zahvaljujui tome, sam mozaik i povijest, koja je predstavljena, ne ostavljaju mjesta ikakvoj sumnji o ostvarenju misije opata Martina, papinskog izaslanika
na istonojadranskoj obali.
Kljune rijei: mozaik, sv. Venancije, papa Ivan IV., opat Martin, translatio, lateranska krstionica
Aus der Literatur ist bekannt, dass Papst Johannes IV., aus Dalmatia stammend, den Abt Martin nach
Dalmatia und Istria gesandt hatte mit der Aufgabe, Reliquien der Mrtyrer zu sammeln und die
gefangenen Christen aus der Sklaverei von ihren neuen Herren Slawen und Awaren loszukaufen.
Die dann nach Rom berfhrten Reliquien wurden in das Oratorium des Hl. Venantius im Lateran
gebracht, das bei dieser Gelegenheit mit einem bis heute erhaltenen Mosaik ausgeschmckt wurde.
Im epigraphischen Erbe Dalmatiens und Istriens finden wir przise Belege fr die historische Authentizitt der im lateranischen Mosaik dargestellten Personen. Daher lassen das Mosaik selbst und die
dargestellte Geschichte keinen Raum fr Zweifel an der Ausfhrung der Mission des Abtes Martin, des
ppstlichen Gesandten an der ostadriatischen Kste.
Schlsselwrter: Mosaik, Hl. Venantius, Papst Johannes IV., Abt Martin, translatio, lateranisches

Baptisterium
Iz knjige o papama, Liber Pontificalis, saznajemo da je

papa Ivan IV. (izabran u kolovozu 640., posveen 24. prosinca 640., preminuo 12. listopada 642. i sahranjen u bazilici
Sv. Petra) (Berto 2000, 592-594), podrijetlom iz Dalmacije,
poslao u Dalmaciju i Istru opata Martina sa zadaom da
skupi relikvije muenika te da otkupi zarobljene krane iz
suanjstva novih gospodara Slavena i Avara.
Znamo da je papin otac, Venancije, bio djelatan u bizantskoj administraciji kao scolasticus,1 dunosnik na ispomoi
egzarha, osobito u pravnim pitanjima. Slubeno sjedite egzarha bilo je u Saloni. Stoga, prema jednoj hipotezi u novoj
knjizi o papi Ivanu IV. iz pera S. Detonija, Ivan je vjerojatno
bio roen u gradu u kojem je njegov roditelj zapoeo vla-
Aus dem Ppstlichen Buch Liber Pontificalis erfahren wir, dass

Papst Johannes IV. (gewhlt im August 640, geweiht am 24. Dezember 640, gestorben am 12. Oktober 642, beerdigt in der Basilika des hl. Petrus) (Berto 2000, 592-594), aus Dalmatia stammend,
den Abt Martin nach Dalmatia und Istria gesandt hatte mit der
Aufgabe, Reliquien der Mrtyrer zu sammeln und die gefangenen
Christen aus der Sklaverei von ihren neuen Herren Slawen und
Awaren loszukaufen.
Wir wissen, dass der Vater des Papstes, Venantius, in der byzantinischen Verwaltung als scolasticus1 ein Wrdentrger, der dem
Exarchen insbesondere in juristischen Angelegenheiten half ttig war. Der offizielle Sitz des Exarchen war in Salona. Daher lsst
sich anhand einer Hypothese in dem neuen Buch von S. Detoni
ber Papst Johannes IV. schlieen, dass Johannes wahrscheinlich
1. Iohannes, natione Dalmata, ex patre Venantio scolastico. Sedit annum I,

menses VIIII <dies XVIIII>. Hic temporibus suis misit per omnem Dalmatiam seu Histriam multas pecunias per sanctissimum et fidelissimum
Martinum abbatem propter redemptionem captiuorum qui depraedati
erant a gentibus. Eodem tempore fecit ecclesiam beatis martyribus Venantio, Anastasio, Mauro et aliorum multorum martyrum, quorum
reliquias de Dalmatias et Histrias adduci praeceperat, et recondit eas
in ecclesia suprascripta, iuxta fontem Lateranensem, iuxta oratorium
beati Iohannis evangelistae, quam ornavit et diversa dona optulit. Liber
Pontificalis 1886, 330.
1. Iohannes, natione Dalmata, ex patre Venantio scolastico. Sedit annum I,

menses VIIII <dies XVIIII>. Hic temporibus suis misit per omnem Dalmatiam seu Histriam multas pecunias per sanctissimum et fidelissimum
Martinum abbatem propter redemptionem captiuorum qui depraedati
erant a gentibus. Eodem tempore fecit ecclesiam beatis Mrtyribus Venantio, Anastasio, Mauro et aliorum multorum Mrtyrum, quorum
reliquias de Dalmatias et Histrias adduci praeceperat, et recondit eas
in ecclesia suprascripta, iuxta fontem Lateranensem, iuxta oratorium
beati Iohannis evangelistae, quam ornavit et diversa dona optulit. Liber
Pontificalis 1886, 330.
251
E. MARIN, Mozaik u oratoriju sv. Venancija u Lateranskoj krstionici, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 251-256.
stitu dunosniku slubu kao nasljednik skolastika Marcella, dunosnika u vrijeme prokonzula Marcellina, vjerojatno
oko 598. god. (Detoni 2006, 22). Autor te nove knjige o papi
Ivanu IV. dovodi u vezu papinu volju da oslobodi sunje i
relikvije iz Dalmacije i Istre sa stavovima koje su imali sv. Ambrozije u Milanu, Deogratias u Kartagi i sv. Severin u Noriku
glede rtava Ruga i Alemana, prema svjedoanstvu Eugipa
(Eugippus) (Detoni 2006, 27). U jednom, sada ve davnom
lanku, I. Nikolajevi je pak tumaila te odnose izmeu
Crkve i novih naroda na istonojadranskoj obali kao znak
poetnog suivota izmeu romanskog i slavenskog svijeta,
drei pritom da su prvi kontakti na lokalnoj razini bili ve u
doba Grgura Velikog (Nikolajevi 1973, 76-77), anticipirajui
na taj nain rimsku misiju opata Martina.
Relikvije koje su bile donesene u Rim bile su poloene u
oratorij nazvan Sv. Venancije u Lateranu, koji je u toj prigodi bio ukraen mozaikom i koji se odrao do danas (Jounel
1977, 239; Bovini 1971, 143, 153-154). Oratorij je bio posveen
sv. Venanciju koji je papi bio pri srcu, vjerojatno i stoga to
je nosio isto ime kao njegov otac.
Evo redoslijeda kojim su prikazani sveci, od lijeve na
desnu stranu: Paulinianus, Telius, Asterius, Anastasius, papa
Ivan IV., Venantius, sv. Ivan Evanelista, sv. Pavao, Djevica
Marija, sv. Petar, sv. Ivan Krstitelj, Domnio, jedan anonimni
papa, moda papa Teodor (Hilarus Ilario, naprotiv, smatra
Duchesne (Liber Pontificalis 1886, 330, n.3), sveti Maurus,
Septimius, Antiochianus i Gaianus. Dakle, ukupno ima deset
svetaca, meu kojima su tri biskupa (Venantius, Domnio,
Maurus), jedan sveenik (Asterius), jedan akon (Septimius)
i pet laika: jedan bojadisar sukna, koji je u Salonu bio doao
iz Akvileje (Anastasius) i etiri vojnika (Paulinianus, Telius, Antiochianus i Gaianus).
Gotovo svi, od na mozaiku prikazanih svetaca, preuzeti su od Crkve u Saloni iz vremena njezine slavne povijesti,
kad je 304. god. proivjela Dioklecijanovo progonstvo. Samo jedan od svetaca je izvan tog kruga, tj. iz Istre Maurus,
biskup i, potom, zatitnik Porea. Njima valja pridodati i jo
jednog, koji ostaje enigmatian i kontroverzan, Venantius,
a on budui da jo nema pouzdana tumaenja u modernoj
historiografiji, ostaje dostupan matovitim interpretacijama; bez obzira to ih ne dijelim, u ovoj prigodi mi se ini
prikladnim spomenuti onu iz jedne nedavne doktorske disertacije u Francuskoj (Gaultier 2006, 47), u kojoj se iznosi
nova hipoteza: Venantius, istarski muenik. S metodolokog
motrita ne dijelim hipotezu koja nastaje samo na osnovi
suprotstavljanja onoj prethodnoj, bez da pokae argumente. Meutim, istina je da to nije argument a priori protiv
hipoteze o istarskom podrijetlu. S druge strane, takoer je
istina da Liber Pontificalis sugerira zajedniku moguu provenijenciju za one kojima je bila namijenjena misija opata
Martina: reliquias de Dalmatias et Histrias praeceperat.
S. Kovai se zadrava na stajalitu koje je imao i F.
Veraja,2 koji je u poloaju svetaca na mozaiku u Lateranu
2. Kovai 2004, 14 (sv. Venancije), 16 (sv. Domnio); Veraja 1970, 165-187
(isti rad je objavljen i kao poseban otisak i s ispravljenim pogrekama
koje su se potkrale u Zborniku te s iscrpnijim ilustracijama). U navedenoj
publikaciji, gdje je objavljen rad S. Kovaia, na str. 10-13, 20, 171-173,
kao i u prethodno objavljenoj knjizi Salona Christiana, 1994, 103-104,
imaju najkvalitetnije i najnovije objavljene fotografije mozaika.
252
in der Stadt geboren wurde, wo sein Vater als Nachfolger des Scolasticus Marcellus, des Amtstrgers zur Zeit des Prokonsuls Marcellinus, seinen eigenen Dienst verrichtete, wahrscheinlich um das
Jahr 598 (Detoni 2006, 22). Der Autor dieses neuen Buches ber
Papst Johannes IV. bringt den Wunsch des Papstes, die Sklaven
und die Reliquien aus Dalmatien und Istrien zu befreien, in Verbindung mit den Ansichten des Hl. Ambrosius in Mailand, Deogratias
in Karthago und des Hl. Severinus in Noricum angesichts der Opfer der Rugier und Alemannen, nach dem Zeugnis des Eugippus
(Detoni 2006, 27). In einem bereits vor langer Zeit verffentlichten
Artikel deutete I. Nikolajevi jedoch diese Beziehungen zwischen
der Kirche und den neuen Vlkern an der ostadriatischen Kste als
Zeichen fr den Beginn des Zusammenlebens der romanischen
und slawischen Bevlkerung, wobei sie die Meinung vertritt, dass
es zu ersten Kontakten auf lokaler Ebene schon zur Zeit Gregors
des Groen kam (Nikolajevi 1973, 76), womit sie die rmische Mission des Abtes Martin vorwegnahm.
Die nach Rom berfhrten Reliquien wurden in das Oratorium
des Hl. Venantius im Lateran gebracht, das bei dieser Gelegenheit
mit einem bis heute erhaltenen Mosaik ausgeschmckt wurde
(Jounel 1977, 239; Bovini 1971, 143, 153). Das Oratorium wurde dem
hl. Venantius geweiht, der dem Papst nahestand, wahrscheinlich
auch weil er den gleichen Namen wie sein Vater trug.
Hier die Reihenfolge der dargestellten Heiligen von links nach
rechts: Paulinianus, Telius, Asterius, Anastasius, Papst Johannes IV.,
Venantius, hl. Johannes Evangelist, hl. Paulus, Jungfrau Maria, hl.
Petrus, hl. Johannes der Tufer, Domnius, ein anonymer Papst
mglicherweise Papst Theodorus (oder Hilarus, wie Duchesne dagegen meint) (Detoni 2006, 22), hl. Maurus, Septimius, Antiochianus und Gaianus. Es gibt also insgesamt zehn Heilige, darunter drei
Bischfe (Venantius, Domnius, Maurus), ein Priester (Asterius), ein
Diakon (Septimius) und fnf Laien: ein Tuchfrber, der aus Aquileia
nach Salona gekommen war (Anastasius) und vier Soldaten (Paulinianus, Telius, Antiochianus und Gaianus).
Fast alle im Mosaik dargestellten Heiligen wurden von der
Kirche in Salona aus der Zeit ihrer ruhmreichen Geschichte bernommen d.h. als sie 304 die Verfolgung durch Diokletian erlebte. Nur einer der Heiligen kommt nicht aus diesem Kreis, d.h. aus
Istrien Maurus, Bischof und danach Schutzpatron von Pore.
Ihnen sei ein weiterer hinzugefgt, der rtselhaft und kontrovers
bleibt Venantius. Da es noch keine zuverlssige Deutung in der
modernen Historiographie gibt, bleibt er fr phantasiereiche Interpretationen offen; obwohl ich diese nicht teile, erscheint es mir
an dieser Stelle passend, die Interpretation aus einer neuen Doktorarbeit in Frankreich (Gaultier 2006, 47) zu erwhnen, die eine
neue Hypothese vertritt: Venantius, ein Mrtyrer aus Istrien. Vom
methodologischen Standpunkt bin ich mit dieser These nicht einverstanden, da sie nur auf der Antithese grndet, ohne Argumente vorzubringen. Allerdings stimmt es, dass es kein Argument a
priori gegen die Hypothese von der istrischen Herkunft gibt. Auf
der anderen Seite ist es auch wahr, dass der Liber Pontificalis eine
mgliche gemeinsame Provenienz derjenigen, fr die die Mission
des Abtes Martin bestimmt war, suggeriert: reliquias de Dalmatias
et Histrias praeceperat.
S. Kovai behlt denselben Standpunkt bei, welchen auch F.
Veraja vertrat,2 der bei der Positionierung der Heiligen im Lateran
einen Vorrang des hl. Domnius in Beziehung zum hl. Venantius
und einen Vorrang des hl. Maurus in Beziehung zum hl. Anastasius
2. Kovai 2004, 14 (hl. Venantius), 16 (hl. Domnius); Veraja 1970, 165-187
(das gleiche Werk wurde auch als Sonderausgabe verffentlicht, mit korrigierten Fehlern, die im Zbornik vorgekommen sind, sowie mit ausfhrlicheren Abbildungen). In der erwhnten Publikation, wo die Arbeit von
S. Kovai verffentlicht wurde, auf Seiten 10-13, 20, 171-173, als auch im
vorher verffentlichten Buch Salona Christiana, 1994, 103-104, befinden
sich die besten und neusten verffentlichten Fotos des Mosaiks.
E. MARIN, Mosaik im Oratorium des hl. Venantius im lateranischen Baptisterium, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 251-256.
zamijetio prvenstvo sv. Domnija u odnosu na sv. Venancija

i prvenstvo sv. Maura u odnosu na sv. Anastazija, bez obzira na okolnost da se doista ta etvorica pojavljuju kao dva
para! Meutim, ostaje injenica kako je rije o oratoriju sv.
Venancija, i pri tome je teko vidjeti prioritet nekog drugog
sveca!
Kada pie o Saloni (Pore ne spominje), autor nove knjige o papi Ivanu IV. dri da su svetake relikvije bile lako dostupne opatu Martinu, takoer i zbog toga to je odreen
broj Salonitanaca ipak nastavio ivjeti unutar gradskih zidina, pa je Martin s njima mogao komunicirati. U konanici,
premda je Martin ipak uspio sobom ponijeti neke relikvije iz
Salone, njihov vei dio je ostao in situ sve do njihove definitivne translacije u Split nekoliko godina kasnije (Detoni 2006,
28). Napomenimo kako je glasoviti francuski povjesniar
V. Saxer pogrijeio kad je napisao da Liber Pontificalis nije
zabiljeio ime izaslanika pape Ivana IV. u Istru i Dalmaciju.
(Saxer 1987, 305). Ta je pogreka vjerojatno nastala zbog
jednog necjelovitog navoda kojim se u svojoj studiji V. Saxer
koristio, budui da je potpuno jasno, upravo iz dijela Liber
Pontificalis koji je V. Saxer izostavio, tko je bio titular misije
(Saxer 1987, 300). M. Ivanievi, meutim, citira odlomak u
cjelini (Ivanievi 1992, 58-59, fotografija rukopisa).
Ustvari, prepoznavanje (rekognicija) smrtnih ostataka u
oratoriju Sv. Venancija, koje je obavljeno 1962.-1964. god.,
pokazalo je da su tu stvarno bile relikvije te je slijedom toga
potvrena povijesna utemeljenost upornih pozivanja Crkve srednjovjekovnog Splita na to da su u njezinu posjedu
svetaka corpora (Peloza 1969). Ta su corpora doista bila u
posjedu jo salonitanske Crkve i, ustvari, ono to je u prvoj
polovici 7. st. bilo preneseno u Split, u nekadanju Dioklecijanovu rezidenciju, bio je doista uinak postupka koji se naziva translatio. Ovdje bi mogla uslijediti itava povijest ranosrednjovjekovnih poetaka koja je u slijedu sa dogaajima
koje je proivio ager Salone u kasnoj antici.
Ve spominjani autor nove knjige o papi Ivanu, naalost,
nije obratio prijeko potrebnu pozornost mozaiku Sv. Venancija, premda je to najvee zabiljeeno djelo tog pontifikata. to se pak nae teme tie, udno je da je spomenuo
samo biskupe dalmatinske Venancija i Doima i osam svetih
muenika iz Salone (Detoni 2006, 33) te da nije spomenuo
nijednog iz Istre. Niti Maura. Citira, meutim, Dyggveovo
miljenje o tome kako bi, glede svoje kompozicije, mozaik
mogao biti kopija fresko-slike iz amfiteatra u Saloni (Detoni
2006, 33).
J. Wilpert, u svojoj slavnoj knjizi iz 1916. god., ali navodim
posebno izdanje J. Wilpert Walter N. Schumacher iz 1976.,
pruio nam je detaljni opis mozaika iz Sv. Venancija (Wilpert,
Schumacher 1916/1976, 94-95, 331-332). Miljenje te dvojice
autora da je mozaik bio dovren nakon 642., slijedi i hrvatski povjesnik M. Ivanievi, posljednji koji ga je prouavao
(Ivanievi 2004, 171-173). injenica da je na mozaiku prikazan Teodor, nasljednik pape Ivana, to je i logino, upravo
podupire takvu dataciju.
M. Ivanievi citira splitskog Tomu Arciakona iz 13.
st. (Historia 8, 3), koji, osim to svojim reenicama doista
iznenauje, pokazuje precizno poznavanje zbivanja u Rimu
glede kulta gradskog zatitnika: fecit depingi ymaginem bea-
bemerkte, ungeachtet des Umstands, dass die vier tatschlich als

zwei Paare erscheinen! Allerdings steht fest, dass es sich um das
Oratorium des Hl. Venantius handelt, und dass dabei kaum vom
Vorrang eines anderen Heiligen die Rede sein drfte!
Wenn er ber Salona schreibt (Pore wird nicht erwhnt),
meint der Autor des neuen Buches ber Papst Johannes IV., dass
die Heiligenreliquien fr Abt Martin leicht zugnglich waren, auch
weil eine bestimmte Anzahl Salonitaner doch weiterhin innerhalb
der Stadtmauern lebte, so dass Martin mit ihnen kommunizieren
konnte. Letztendlich blieb obwohl es Martin doch gelungen
war, einige Reliquien aus Salona mitzunehmen , der Groteil in
situ bis zu ihrer endgltigen berfhrung nach Split einige Jahre
spter (Detoni 2006, 28). Es sei darauf hingewiesen, dass der prominente franzsische Historiker V. Saxer sich irrte, als er schrieb,
dass der Liber Pontificalis den Namen des Gesandten des Papstes
Johannes IV. in Istrien und Dalmatien nicht erwhne (Saxer 1987,
305). Zu diesem Fehler kam es wohl wegen eines unvollstndigen
Zitats, welches V. Saxer in seiner Studie benutzte, da gerade aus
dem Teil des Liber Pontificalis, den V. Saxer auslie, klar hervorgeht,
wer der Titular der Mission war (Saxer 1987, 300). M. Ivanievi zitiert jedoch den Absatz vollstndig (Ivanievi 1992, 58, 59, (Foto
der Handschrift).
Die Identifizierung (Rekognition) der sterblichen berreste im
Oratorium des Hl. Venantius, die 1962-1964 durchgefhrt wurde,
zeigte im Grunde, dass es sich tatschlich um Reliquien handelte, und folglich wurde die historische Begrndung der Kirche des
mittelalterlichen Split besttigt, welche sich beharrlich darauf berief, die heiligen corpora zu besitzen (Peloza 1969). Diese corpora
waren tatschlich im Besitz der noch salonitanischen Kirche und
eigentlich war das, was in der ersten Hlfte des VII. Jahrhunderts
nach Split, in die ehemalige Residenz Diokletians, berfhrt wurde, tatschlich die Auswirkung des Verfahrens, welches sich translatio nannte. An dieser Stelle knnte jetzt die ganze Geschichte
der frhmittelalterlichen Anfnge erfolgen, die im Gefolge der Ereignisse steht, die das ager von Salona in der Sptantike erlebte.
Der bereits erwhnte Autor des neuen Buches ber Papst Johannes widmete dem Mosaik von Hl. Venantius leider nicht die
notwendige Aufmerksamkeit, obwohl dies das grte bekannte
Werk dieses Pontifikats ist. Im Zusammenhang mit unserem Thema wundert es jedoch, dass er nur die dalmatinischen Bischfe
Venantius und Doimus sowie die acht heiligen Mrtyrer aus Salona erwhnt (Detoni 2006, 33). Darber hinaus hat er niemanden
aus Istrien erwhnt, auch Maurus nicht. Er zitiert allerdings Dyggves berzeugung, dass das Mosaik aufgrund seiner Komposition
eine Kopie des Freskos aus dem Amphitheater in Salona sein drfte (Detoni 2006, 33).
J. Wilpert gab uns in seinem berhmten Buch von 1916 eine
detaillierte Beschreibung des Mosaiks aus Hl. Venantius, wobei ich
aber aus der Sonderausgabe J. Wilpert Walter N. Schumacher
von 1976 zitiere (Wilpert, Schumacher 1916/1976, 94-95, 331-332).
Die Meinung dieser beiden Autoren, dass das Mosaik nach dem
Jahr 642 beendet wurde, vertritt auch der kroatische Historiker M.
Ivanievi, der letzte, der es studierte (Ivanievi 2004, 171-173).
Die Tatsache, dass im Mosaik der Nachfolger des Papstes Johannes, Theodorus, dargestellt ist, untersttzt logischerweise genau
eine solche Datierung.
M. Ivanievi zitiert Thomas, Archidiakon von Split, aus dem 13.
Jahrhundert (Historia 8, 3), der nicht nur mit seinen Stzen berrascht, sondern auch ein przises Wissen ber die Ereignisse in
Rom im Zusammenhang mit dem Kult des Stadtpatrons aufweist:
fecit depingi ymaginem beati Domnii cum palio et ceteris pontificalibus indumentis, totum ex musio aureo. Similiter fecit ymaginem beati Anastasii inter alios sanctos. In dieser Hinsicht blieb das Werk
Johannes IV., das natrlich der Liber Pontificalis erwhnt, auch im
ehemaligen Diokletianspalast, der endgltigen Bestimmung der
253
ti Domnii cum palio et ceteris pontificalibus indumentis, totum

ex musio aureo. Similiter fecit ymaginem beati Anastasii inter
alios sanctos. U tom pogledu, djelo Ivana IV., koje naravno
biljei Liber Pontificalis, bilo je zapameno i u nekadanjoj
Dioklecijanovoj palai, konanoj destinaciji Crkve i naroda
iz Salone malo prije misije opata Martina, koju je zapisao i
Toma Arhiakon.3 Jo dva srednjovjekovna izvora spominju
istu Martinovu misiju: Korulanski kodeks 4, i Historia Salonitana Maior.5
Kanadska znanstvenica G. Macie u jednom nedavnom
lanku (Mackie 1996) promatra Sv. Venancija lateranskog
kao rimsku krunu kojom se eljelo na velianstveni nain
zakljuiti dugi niz mjesta na kojima se odravao kult
muenika na istonojadranskoj obali, i predstavlja ga kao
martyrium koji sublimira sve one prethodne iz Salone i
Porea. Ista se autorica poziva i na istraivanja koja je vodio
J. M. McCulloh o kultu relikvija (Mackie 1996, 8, 13, n. 49); iz
tih istraivanja, koja su bila objavljena 1976. god., proizlazi
da je u vremenu Grgura Velikog bila samo jedna jedina prava translacija nekog svetakog tijela i to 603.-604. (sv. Donatus u Euriji, u Epiru). Stoga je razumljivo prihvatiti dvostruko
znaenje rijei reliquias u odnosu na svece u Sv. Venanciju:
mali ostatci tijela i relikvije koje su proizale iz dodira, tj. komadi koji su bili u dodiru sa svetakim tijelima, e. g. brandea.
Upravo je taj posljednji koncept prevagnuo u praksi poetka
7. st. Moe se dometnuti kako je to bilo potvreno i u ve
spomenutoj rekogniciji, koja je bila obavljena u ezdesetim
godinama 20. st., slijedom traenja biskupa Splita i Porea, i
autorizacije pape Ivana XXIII.
Sreom, u epigrafikoj batini Dalmacije i Istre nalazimo
precizne potvrde o povijesnoj autentinosti osoba koje su
prikazane na mozaiku lateranskom. Zahvaljujui tome, sam
mozaik i povijest, koja je predstavljena, ne ostavljaju mjesta
ikakvoj sumnji o ostvarenju misije opata Martina, papinskog
izaslanika na istonojadranskoj obali.
U jugoistonom dijelu amfiteatra u Saloni bili su vidljivi,
prije spomenuti, ostaci figurativne fresko-slike u crvenoj,
utoj i crnoj boji; iznad glave jedne od naslikanih osoba bilo
je, takoer u boji, po naem miljenju, u 6. st.6 napisano ime
muenika Asterija. U stvari, prvi krani u 3. st. rabili su dva
prostora u amfiteatru, da bi ih mnogo kasnije spomenutim
slikama pretvorili u memorijalne kapele; od te dvije kapele,
jedna je bila posveena sv. Asteriju i njegovim drugovima
koji su bili pokopani u oblinjem groblju Kaplju (Marin
1994, 30). Slike iz tog prostora-hodnika, sada malog oratorija, koji je u svoje vrijeme bio svetite Nemeze, utjecale su na
projekt mozaika u Lateranu (Marin 1994, 80). Analognu kapelu, i nju, po naem miljenju u 6. st., nalazimo u amfiteatru
u Drau (Gega 1993, 527-536; Buschhausen H., Buschhausen
H. 2001).
3. E. Marin ed., Starohrvatski Solin, 58.
4. Starohrvatski Solin, loc. cit.
5. Starohrvatski Solin, 60.
6. Salona IV (u tisku), natpis n 68; cf. druge objave: Buli 1927, 106-111;
Buli 1986, 75, 77; Kovai 2004, 17. Contra: ael A., ael J. 1986, n
2270; Buli 1914, 22 ; Brndsted 1928, 178 , 180; Bovini 1971, 153; Cambi
1972, 51-54, zauzima jedan srednji stav, kao i E. Dyggve 1933, 91, n 34,
145 sq; Dyggve 1951, fig. I, 19-21, IV, 49.
254
Kirche und der Bevlkerung aus Salona, im Gedchtnis, kurz vor

der Mission des Abtes Martin, die auch von Thomas Archidiakon
angesprochen wurde.3 Zwei weitere mittelalterliche Quellen erwhnen dieselbe Mission Martins: der Kodex von Korula4 und die
Historia Salonitana Maior.5
Die kanadische Wissenschaftlerin G. Mackie betrachtet in einem neueren Artikel (Mackie 1996) den heiligen Venantius von
Lateran als die rmische Krone, mit welcher man majesttisch die
lange Reihe der Standorte abrunden wollte, an denen der Mrtyrerkult an der ostadriatischen Kste praktiziert wurde, und sie
stellt ihn als den Martyrium dar, der alle vorangehenden aus Salona und Pore sublimiert. Dieselbe Autorin beruft sich auch auf
die von J. M. McCulloh geleiteten Forschungen ber den Reliquienkult (Mackie 1996, 8, 13, n. 49); aus diesen 1976 verffentlichten
Forschungen geht hervor, dass es whrend der Zeit von Grgur
dem Groen nur eine echte Translation eines Heiligenkrpers
gab, und zwar 603-604 (hl. Donatus nach Eura, in Epirus). Daher
ist es sinnvoll, eine zweifache Bedeutung des Wortes reliquias im
Zusammenhang mit den Heiligen von Hl. Venantius anzunehmen:
zum einen kleine Krperberreste und zum anderen die aus der
Berhrung hervorgegangenen Reliquien, d.h. Teile, die in Berhrung mit den Heiligenkrpern kamen, d.h. brandea. Gerade dieses
letztere Konzept berwog in der Praxis zu Beginn des 7. Jahrhunderts. Man kann ergnzend sagen, dass dies auch in der erwhnten Rekognition besttigt wurde, die in den sechziger Jahren des
20. Jahrhunderts durchgefhrt wurde, anlsslich des Ersuchens
der Bischfe von Split und Pore und der Autorisierung durch den
Papst Johannes XXIII.
Glcklicherweise finden wir im epigraphischen Erbe Dalmatiens und Istriens przise Besttigungen ber die historische
Authentizitt der im Mosaik des Laterans dargestellten Personen.
Daher lassen das Mosaik selbst und die dargestellte Geschichte
keinen Raum fr Zweifel an der Durchfhrung der Mission des
Abtes Martin, eines ppstlichen Gesandten an der ostadriatischen
Kste.
Im sdstlichen Teil des Amphitheaters von Salona waren die
oben erwhnten berreste eines figurativen Freskos in roter, gelber und schwarzer Farbe sichtbar; oberhalb des Kopfes einer der
gemalten Personen war auch in Farbe unseres Erachtens im 6.
Jahrhundert6 der Name des Mrtyrers Asterius geschrieben. Die
ersten Christen im 3. Jahrhundert verwendeten eigentlich zwei
Rumlichkeiten im Amphitheater, um diese viel spter durch die
erwhnten Bilder in Gedchtniskapellen umzuwandeln; von diesen zwei Kapellen war eine dem hl. Asterius und seinen Freunden
geweiht, die auf dem nahe gelegenen Friedhof Kaplju beigesetzt
wurden (Marin 1994, 30). Die Bilder aus diesem Raum, einem Korridor, damals einem kleinen Oratorium, welches seinerzeit ein
Sanktuarium der Nemesis gewesen war, beeinflussten das Projekt
des Mosaiks im Lateran (Marin 1994, 80). Eine analoge Kapelle, die
wir unseres Erachtens im 6. Jahrhundert im Amphitheater in Dyrrhachion finden (Gega 1993, 527-536; Buschhausen H., Buschhausen H. 2001).
Diese nachtrgliche Ausmalung des Raums bewegt uns eigentlich dazu, die Inschrift in das 6. Jahrhundert zu datieren. Sogar wenn ein christlich gekennzeichneter heiliger Ort frher be3. E. Marin ed., Starohrvatski Solin, 58.
4. Starohrvatski Solin, loc. cit.
5. Starohrvatski Solin, 60.
6. Salona IV (im Druck), Inschrift Nr. 68; cf. andere Verffentlichungen:
Buli 1927, 106-111; Buli 1986, 75, 77; Kovai 2004, 17. Contra: ael
A., ael J. 1986, Nr. 2270; Buli 1914, 22 ; Brndsted 1928, 178 , 180;
Bovini 1971, 153; Cambi 1972, 51-54, nimmt einen mittleren Standpunkt
ein, wie auch E. Dyggve 1933, 91, Nr. 34, 145f; Dyggve 1951, fig. I, 1921, IV, 49.
E. MARIN, Mosaik im Oratorium des hl. Venantius im lateranischen Baptisterium, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 251-256.
To naknadno oslikavanje prostora, zapravo nas nuka na

dataciju natpisa u 6. st. ak i da je neko kranski obiljeeno
sveto mjesto postojalo od ranije, tj. od druge polovice 3. st.,
ili od trenutka kad su prestale igre u amfiteatru, prikaz koji
su vidjeli F. Buli i ostali bio je zastalno iz 6. st. Mislimo da se
injenica mozaika u Lateranu i dinamika njegova projekta
mora uzeti u obzir kao kriterij pri datiranju.
Druga nam potvrda stie s mozaika na Kapljuu, poznatom salonitanskom groblju, na kojem je sauvan natpis
koji spominje muenika s imenom Asterius poetkom 5. st
(Salona IV, natpis n 65 = Brndsted 1928, T. IV, n 5).Treu
potvrdu nalazimo na nadgrobnoj ploi mensa petorice muenika: etiri vojnika Antiochianus, Gaianus, Telius,
Paulinianus i prezbiter Asterius, iz kraja prve etvrtine 4. st.
7 Naravno, tu je i potvrda za biskupa i sveca Domnija (Domnio), sauvana na dijelu nadgrobne mensa i na natpisu na
sarkofagu biskupa Prima (Primus), sa Manastirina u Saloni.
Konano, tu je i potvrda i za sveca Maura (Maurus).
Du Sollier, urednik Usuardova Martirologija, koji 21.
studenog biljei nekog Maura, martira u Istri, i 22. studenog
istoimenog martira u Rimu, tu razlikuje dva sveca; Delehaye, meutim, ih identificira. Velika natpisna ploa od grubog
vapnenca naena 1846. god. pod glavnim oltarom bazilike
koju je u 6. st. izgradio biskup Eufrazije, premda necjelovito sauvana, datirana od Delehayea u razdoblje od 5. do 6.
st., navodi kako je Maurus, confessor i episcopus, te je tako
postala dokazom o istarskom Mauru, kao to je to i jo jedan natpis koji je bio pronaen, koji se takoer odnosi na
Maura. Stoga se moglo zakljuiti kako je Mauro bio biskupom Porea u 4. st., moda i muenik u doba Dioklecijanova
progonstva, kao to je to bio Domnio i drugi u Saloni, to bi
onda odgovaralo njegovu liku u mozaiku apside Eufrazijane
gdje je prikazan s vijencem muenitva u ruci. U tamnijoj
biskupskoj odori i s palijem, s knjigom u rukama, i oznaen
imenom S. Maurus, prikazan je pak u Sv. Venanciju u Lateranu (Daniele 1967, 228-231).
G. Cuscito dri da je poznati natpis Maura nesigurne
datacije, ali da je prvi bazilikalni sklop moda suvremen
translaciji posmrtnih ostataka Maura sa groblja na mjesto
unutar gradskih zidina, ubi episcopus et confessor est factus
(Cuscito 2000, 453). D. Mazzoleni pak smatra da je do te
translacije dolo u 4. st (Mazzoleni 2002, 143). Prema tome, moglo bi se predoiti neki scenarij za poetak kulta sv.
Maura, ali za vrijeme pape Ivana to je daleko tee. Zapravo,
ako s odreenom sigurnou moemo zamisliti tijek misije
opata Martina u polunaputenoj Saloni, koja je i sama bila u
nekom smislu mirabile dictu, u translaciji, prema nekadanjoj
Dioklecijanovoj palai, misija pak istog papinskog poslanika
u Istru, tonije u Pore, gdje je u to doba, jo netaknuto u
katedrali, poivalo tijelo sv. Maura (i tako e ostati za dugo,
sve do 1354. god. kada je Venecija izgubila rat sa Genovom),
iziskuje istraivanje koje nadilazi karakter ovog lanka.
stand, d.h. in der zweiten Hlfte des 3. Jahrhunderts, oder zu dem

Zeitpunkt, als die Spiele im Amphitheater aufgegeben wurden,
stammte die von Buli und anderen gesehene Darstellung wohl
aus dem 6. Jahrhundert. Wir glauben, dass die Tatsache des Mosaiks im Lateran und die Dynamik seines Projektes als Kriterien bei
der Datierung bercksichtigt werden mssen.
Eine zweite Besttigung kommt von einem Mosaik auf dem
berhmten salonitanischen Friedhof, wo eine Inschrift erhalten
ist, die einen Mrtyrer namens Asterius vom Anfang des 5. Jahrhunderts erwhnt (Salona IV, Inschrift Nr. 65 = Brndsted 1928, T.
IV, Nr. 5). Eine dritte Besttigung finden wir auf einer Grabplatte
mensa der vier Mrtyrer: vier Soldaten Antiochianus, Gaianus, Telius, Paulinianus und Presbyters Asterius, vom Ende des 1. Viertels
des 4. Jahrhunderts.7 Natrlich gibt es hier auch die Besttigung
fr den Bischof und Heiligen Domnius, an einem Teil der Grabplatte mensa und in der Inschrift auf dem Sarkophag des Bischofs Primus von Manastirine in Salona. Letztendlich findet sich hier auch
die Besttigung fr den Heiligen Maurus.
Du Sollier, Redakteur des Werkes Usuardos Mrtyrologie, der
am 21. November einen Maurus, Mrtyrer in Istrien, und am 22.
November einen gleichnamigen Mrtyrer in Rom erwhnt, macht
hier einen Unterschied zwischen den beiden Heiligen; Delehaye
stellt sie jedoch gleich. Die groe Grabplatte aus grobem Kalkstein
mit Inschrift, entdeckt 1846 unter dem Hauptaltar der Basilika, die
im 6. Jahrhundert der Bischof Euphrasius errichten lie, wurde
obwohl unvollstndig erhalten von Delehaye in die Zeitspanne vom 5. bis zum 6. Jahrhundert datiert; die Inschrift auf dieser
Grabplatte berichtet, dass Maurus confessor und episcopus sei und
wurde somit zum Nachweis des istrischen Maurus, genauso wie
eine weitere gefundene Inschrift, die sich ebenfalls auf Maurus
bezieht. Daraus konnte man schlieen, dass Maurus Bischof von
Pore im 4. Jahrhundert und vielleicht auch ein Mrtyrer zur Zeit
der diokletianischen Verfolgung war, genauso wie Domnius und
andere in Salona, was dann seiner Gestalt im Mosaik der Apsis der
Euphrasius-Basilika entsprechen wrde, wo er mit einem Mrtyrerkranz dargestellt ist. In einem dunkleren Bischofsgewand und
mit dem Pallium, ein Buch in der Hand, und mit dem Namen Hl.
Maurus gekennzeichnet, ist er hingegen in St. Venantius im Lateran dargestellt (Daniele 1967, 228-231).
G. Cuscito vertritt die Meinung, dass die bekannte Inschrift des
Maurus eine unsichere Datierung hat, dass aber die erste Struktur
der Basilika vielleicht gleichzeitig mit der Translation der sterblichen berreste des Maurus vom Friedhof an eine Stelle innerhalb
der Stadtmauer, ubi episcopus et confessor est factus, angelegt wurde (Cuscito 2000, 453). D. Mazzoleni hingegen glaubt, dass es zu
dieser Translation im 4. Jahrhundert gekommen war (Mazzoleni
2002, 143). Demnach knnte man sich ein Szenario um den Beginn
des Kultes des hl. Maurus vorstellen, aber whrend des Pontifikats
von Papst Johannes ist dies viel schwieriger. Eigentlich, wenn wir
uns mit bestimmter Gewissheit den Ablauf der Mission des Abtes Martin im halb verlassenen Salona vorstellen knnen, welches
sich selbst in gewissem Sinne, mirabile dictu, in der Translation zum
einstigen Diokletianspalast befand, so bedarf es bei der Mission
desselben ppstlichen Gesandten in Istrien, genauer in Pore, wo
damals noch unberhrt in der Kathedrale der Krper des hl. Maurus ruhte (und dort noch lange bleiben sollte, bis zum Jahr 1354,
als Venedig den Krieg gegen Genua verlor) einer Forschung, die
den Charakter dieses Artikels bersteigt.
7. Salona IV, natpis n 70 = Forschungen 1926, n 285 + 156 a; cf. Duval,

Marin, 1992.
7. Salona IV, Inschrift Nr. 70 = Forschungen 1926, Nr. 285 + 156 a; cf. Duval,
Marin, 1992.
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kirchlichen Bauten vom IV.-XIII. Jahrhundert, Freiburg-Basel-Wien
Ranokranski mramorni korintski kapiteli iz Dubrovnika*

Early Christian Marble Corinthian Capitals from Dubrovnik*
BARTUL ILJEG
Ul. grada Vukovara 68
10 000 Zagreb
bartul.siljeg@iarh.hr


UDK/UDC 904:72.04-032.548](497.5 Dubrovnik)652/653
U svom radu o ranokranskim spomenicima iz Dubrovnika iz 1959. god., Cvito Fiskovi objavljuje tri
mramorna korintska kapitela. Od tada svi autori prihvaaju njegovo datiranje u 5./6. st., obraujui
kapitele u sklopu ranokranske arhitekture. Ovdje se kapiteli datiraju u ue vrijeme, poevi od 480.
pa do 540. god., na osnovi analogija iz ranog Bizantskog Carstva. Na donjoj vremenskoj granici
nalazimo kapitele iz Ravene iz Teodorikova vremena, dok gornju granicu odreuje teret potopljenog
broda kod Marzamemija. Mramor potjee vjerojatno iz prokonekih radionica i predstavlja luksuzni
proizvod tog vremena. Veliinom kapiteli ukazuju na znatniju graevinu kojoj su pripadali. Ostaje
dvojba o provenijenciji graevine: Epidaur ili Ragusium?
Kljune rijei: rano kranstvo, korintski kapiteli, mramor, Ragusium, Dubrovnik
In his 1959 paper on the early Christian monuments from Dubrovnik, Cvito Fiskovi published three
marble Corinthian capitals. From then on everyone has accepted his dating to the 5th/6th century,
analyzing the capitals in the context of the early Christian architecture. The capitals are dated here to
a narrower time frame, starting with the year 480 until 540, based on analogies from early Byzantine
Empire. The capitals from Ravenna from the time of Teodoricus represent the lower time limit, while
the upper limit is determined by the cargo of a ship sunk off Marzamemi. The marble probably comes
from the Proconnesus workshops and represents a luxury product of that time. By virtue of their size
the capitals indicate that they belonged to a large building. Doubt remains as to the origin of the
building: Epidaurus or Ragusium?
Key words: early Christianity, Corinthian capitals, marble, Ragusium, Dubrovnik
Tri korintska kapitela iz Dubrovnika u znanstvenu literaturu uveo je Cvito Fiskovi u radu o ranokranskim spomenicima u Dubrovniku (Fiskovi 1959, 53-54). U zakljuku
se pravilno postavlja teza o postojanju naselja prije 7. st.,
odnosno pretpostavljene propasti Epidaura (Fiskovi 1959,
57). Taj rad te kasnija otkria kapitela, dijelova utvrenja, a
posebno istraivanja ispod dananje katedrale, omoguila
su dobivanje cjelovitije slike kasnoantikog razvoja Dubrovnika (Ragusium). Kapitele spominje I. ile te ih stavlja u
ranokransko doba (ile 1988, 184). Njihova veliina navela je na pomiljanje o veoj crkvenoj graevini na podruju
Dubrovnika ili Epidaura (Fiskovi 1959, 55). Prikaz pronalaska ranokranske skulpture u Dubrovniku pokazuje koncentraciju ostataka na podruju prva tri seksterija, pa bi
na tom podruju trebalo traiti pretpostavljene graevine
(ile 2004, 468; Pekovi 1998, 60, sl. 55).
Three Corinthian capitals from Dubrovnik were introduced into the scholarly literature by Cvito Fiskovi in his
paper on the early Christian monuments in Dubrovnik
(Fiskovi 1959, 53-54). The thesis is correctly put forward
in the conclusion about the existence of a settlement prior
to the 7th century, that is, the presumed collapse of Epidaurus (Fiskovi 1959, 57). That paper and the subsequent
discovery of the capitals, portions of fortifications and particularly the excavations beneath the present-day cathedral led to a more comprehensive picture about the development of Dubrovnik (Ragusium) during late antiquity.
I. ile mentions the capitals and places them in the early
Christian period (ile 1988, 184). Their size led to consideration of the existence of a large church building in the
territory of Dubrovnik or Epidaurus (Fiskovi 1959, 55). A
plot of the finds of early Christian sculpture in Dubrovnik
* Ovaj rad posveujem dragom mentoru prof. dr. sc. eljku Tomiiu.
* I dedicate this paper to my dear menthor, Prof. eljko Tomii.
257
B. ILJEG, Ranokranski mramorni korintski kapiteli iz Dubrovnika, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 257-261.
Sl. 1 Mramorni kapitel iz dubrovake katedrale (prema Fiskovi

1959, sl. 1)
Fig. 1 A marble capital from the Dubrovnik cathedral (after Fiskovi
1959, Fig. 1)
Kapiteli su izraeni od dva vijenca akantova lia od po

osam listova. Krajevi listova se dodiruju i tvore geometrijske likove i okuluse. Listovi su plono izraeni, a tek njihovi
vrhovi izlaze iz te plonosti izvijajui se prema vani. Izmeu
gornjeg vijenca listova i abaka izvedene su vitice. Abak je
profilacijama podijeljen na dva dijela. Po sredini uvijenih
stranica abaka nalazi se izboenje u obliku stiliziranog cvijeta, to se najbolje vidi na kapitelu naenu na poloaju
Gradac, dananjem Dubrovakom parku. Dimenzije kapitela iz katedrale su: visina 58 cm i irina 62 cm (sl. 1-2). Na
dnu je sauvana rupa promjera 6 cm (ile 1988, 178-179).
Bolje sauvan kapitel s Gradca ima dimenzije: 59 cm visine
i 77 cm irine (sl. 3). To su stvarne dimenzije iako je taj kapitel prepolovljen (Fiskovi 1959, 54). Na ostacima jednog
kapitela iz Katedrale (sl. 2) ouvana su grka slova (Fiskovi 1959, 53, sl. 2; ile 1988, 178-179, sl. 11). Pojava slova
grkog alfabeta na abaku je esta pojava za ovu skupinu
kapitela (Kapitn 1980, 83-86). Slova su uklesivana u kamenolomima i tumae se kao oznake klesara, nadglednika ili
trgovaca (Asagari, Drew-Bear 2002, 8, 17; Pensabene 2002,
329). Meutim, zbunjuje primjerak na kome su uklesana
slova na gornjoj ploi abaka, to je uobiajeno, ali i ispod
ake abaka na tijelu kapitela (Pensabene 2002, 329, Fig.
19-20). Jedina manja razlika meu kapitelima je to kapitelu s Gradca sredinji listovi gornjeg vijenca ne polaze tono
iz sredine. R. Kautzsch takve detalje u razlici pripisuje razliitim majstorima koji su na taj nain izraavali svoju vjetinu ili obrtniki ukus (Kautzsch 1936, 21).
258
Sl. 2
Mramorni kapitel iz dubrovake katedrale s grkim slovima

(prema Fiskovi 1959, sl. 2)
Fig. 2 The marble capital from the Dubrovnik cathedral with the letters (after Fiskovi 1959, Fig. 2)
shows that the remains are concentrated in the zone of the

first three sextaries, which is where one should look for the
presumed buildings (ile 2004, 468; Pekovi 1998, 60, Fig.
55).
The capitals consist of two acanthus wreaths with eight
leaves in each. The ends of the leaves touch and form geometric figures and oculi. The leaves are plane, with only
their tips escaping the planeness by curving outwards.
Helices are sculpted between the upper wreath of leaves
and the abacus. The profilations divide the abacus in two.
A protrusion in the shape of a stylized flower runs along
the centre of the inward-curving sides of the abacus, a
trait visible most clearly on the capital discovered at the
site of Gradac, the present-day Dubrovnik Park. The capital from the cathedral is 58 cm long and 62 cm wide (Fig.
1-2). A hole 6 cm in diameter has been preserved on the
base (ile 1988, 178-179). The better preserved capital from
Gradac is 59 cm high and 77 cm wide (Fig. 3). Even though
this capital is broken in two, these are its true dimensions
(Fiskovi 1959, 54). The Greek letters have been preserved on the remains of a capital from the Cathedral (Fig.
2) (Fiskovi 1959, 53, Fig. 2; ile 1988, 178-179, Fig. 11). The
presence of letters of the Greek alphabet on the abacus is
a frequent phenomenon for this group of capitals (Kapitn
1980, 83-86). The letters were carved in quarries and are
interpreted as marks of stone-carvers, supervisors or merchants (Asagari, Drew-Bear 2002, 8, 17; Pensabene 2002,
329). However, there is a puzzling piece with letters carved
on the upper slab of the abacus, which is a regular feature,
but also below the bell of the abacus, on the body of the
B. ILJEG, Early Christian Marble Corinthian Capitals from Dubrovnik, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 257-261.
Sl. 3 Mramorni kapitel iz dubrovakog parka Gradac (prema

Fiskovi 1959, sl. 5)
Fig. 3 The marble capital from the Gradac park in Dubrovnik (after
Fiskovi 1959, Fig. 5)
Kapiteli su prigodom prve objave dobro datirani u 5./6.

st. (Fiskovi 1959, 53-55, sl. 1-5). Kasnije se spominju kao
ranokranski spomenici iz Dubrovnika, uglavnom bez detaljnije obrade (Fiskovi 1980, 244-245; ile 1988, 178-179,
184, sl. 10-11; ile 1997, 115, 118; Nieti 2005, 28, sl. 11a).
Danas je registrirana velika skupina kapitela tog tipa te je
mogue preciznije datirati i ove iz Dubrovnika. R. Kautzsch
je te kapitele datirao u vrijeme od 480. do 530. god., dodijelivi ih u svoju estu skupinu kapitela iz Konstantinopola
i Grke (Kautzsch 1936, 62). Slini su im kapiteli s lira motivom iz Ravene iz crkve San Apollinare Nuovo, koji se datiraju u Teodorikovo vrijeme (Penni Iacco 2004, 33-34, Fig. 7) ili
se datiraju, poetkom, u posljednju treinu 5. st. pa traju do
530. god. (Kautsch 1936, 60-61). Nalaz potopljenog tereta
kod Marzamemija blizu Sicilije s identinim kapitelima koji,
takoer, imaju grka slova kod ake na abaku, diu gornju
granicu proizvodnje tih kapitela u vrijeme poslije Justinijanove rekonkviste Afrike, odnosno Sicilije. Tad se vjerojatno
pojaao promet vrijednim mramornim namjetajem i arhitektonskim elementima prema zapadu Carstva (Kapitn
1980, 81, 129-30, Fig. 6). G. Kapitn donosi popis lokaliteta
s kapitelima slinim dubrovakim (Kapitn 1980, 81-82).
Dataciju potopljenog tereta potvruje i nalaz kapitela sa
stupovima oltarnih pregrada kakve nalazimo u Poreu u
Eufrazijevoj bazilici (onje 1982, 30, sl.11; Terry 1988, 33-35).
U Konstantinopolu je zabiljeen kapitel slian dubrovakim, a zanimljiv je zbog toga jer ima ista slova izmeu
gornjeg vijenaca akantova lia i abaka (Kautzsch 1936, 54,
T. 13,170). Postavlja se pitanje je li fotografija okrenuta pa
vidimo naopako i prvo ili je slovo uklesano krivo, to je
zabiljeeno u prokonekim kamenolomima (Asgari, DrewBear 2002, 3). Miljenja sam da je fotografija okrenuta te
dubrovaki kapitel dolazi iz istog izvora kao i ovaj iz Konstantinopola. Kapitel iz Konstantinopola datiran je u sredinu 5. st., neto ranije od predloene datacije (Kautzsch
capital (Pensabene 2002, 329, Fig. 19-20). The only minor

difference between the capitals lies in the fact that the
leaves of the upper wreath on the Gradac capital do not
start precisely from the centre. R. Kautzsch attributes such
details to different master craftsmen who expressed in this
way their skill or crafting taste (Kautzsch 1936, 21).
In the first publication the capitals were correctly dated
to the 5th/6th century (Fiskovi 1959, 53-55, Fig. 1-5). They
are later mentioned as early Christian monuments from
Dubrovnik, generally without a detailed analysis (Fiskovi
1980, 244-245; ile 1988, 178-179, 184, Fig. 10-11; ile 1997,
115, 118; Nieti 2005, 28, Fig. 11.a). A large group of capitals
of this type has been documented and it is now possible
to attach a more precise date to the ones from Dubrovnik
as well. R. Kautzsch dated these capitals to the period between 480 and 530, classifying them into his sixth group of
capitals from Constantinople and Greece (Kautzsch 1936,
62). The capitals with the lyre motif from Ravenna, from the
San Apollinare Nuovo church, dated to Teodoricus time,
are similar to them (Penni Iacco 2004, 33-34, Fig. 7) or they
are dated with the beginning in the last third of the 5th
century and lasting until 530 (Kautzsch 1936, 60-61). The
find of the cargo sunk off Marzamemi on Sicily with identical capitals that likewise have Greek letters at the bell
on the abacus, raise the upper limit for the production
of those capitals to the time following Justinians reconquest of Africa and Sicily. At that time the trade in valuable
marble furniture and architectural elements to the west of
the Empire probably grew in intensity (Kapitn 1980, 81,
129-130, Fig. 6). G. Kapitn brings the list of sites with the
capitals similar to the ones from Dubrovnik (Kapitn 1980,
81-82). The date of the sunk cargo is corroborated by the
find of a capital with columns of altar partitions of the kind
found in the Euphrasian basilica in Pore (onje 1982, 30,
Fig. 11; Terry 1988, 33-35). A capital similar to those from
Dubrovnik was documented in Constantinople. It is interesting because it has identical letters between the upper wreath of acanthus leaves and the abacus (Kautzsch
1936, 54, Pl. 13,170). The question arises as to whether the
photograph is turned upside down so the letter E appears
inverse and first, or the letter is incorrectly carved, which
has been documented in the quarries of Proconnesus (Asgari, Drew-Bear 2002, 3). In my opinion the photograph
is turned upside down and the Dubrovnik capital comes
from the same source as the one from Constantinople. The
capital from Constantinople is dated to the mid-5th century, somewhat earlier than the proposed date (Kautzsch
1936, 54-55), but it was later included in the group with
the capitals from Marsamemi (Kapitn 1980, 81-82). Only
10 percent of the objects found in the Proconnesus quarries have letter inscriptions and it remains open how many
inscriptions were carved and how many rendered in paint
(Asgari, Drew-Bear 2002, 10). No capitals of the Dubrovnik
type are found between Dubrovnik and the north of Italy.
It is therefore possible to assume that at some point at the
beginning of the reconquest the production of capitals of
259
B. ILJEG, Ranokranski mramorni korintski kapiteli iz Dubrovnika, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 257-261.
1936, 54-55), ali je kasnije uvrten u skupinu s kapitelima iz

Marzamemija (Kapitn 1980, 81-82). Samo 10 posto pronaenih predmeta u prokonekim kamenolomima ima natpise slova i pitanje je koliko je natpisa bilo urezano, a koliko
izraeno bojom (Asgari, Drew-Bear 2002, 10). Izmeu Dubrovnika i sjevera Italije ne nalazimo kapitele dubrovakog
tipa. Stoga je mogue pretpostaviti kako se negdje u vrijeme poetka rekonkviste ujedno i prestalo s proizvodnjom
ovog tipa kapitela. Najvea koncentracija kapitela je u Grkoj i Konstantinopolu (Kapitn 1980, 81-82). U Epiru su tek
tri primjerka: dva slina dubrovakim iz Nikopola i jedan iz
Arte, tipa s lirom, sekundarno upotrijebljen, a datirani su u
prvu polovicu 6. st. (Bowden 2003, 116, Fig. 6.8., 6.9.). Mramor je u 5. i 6. st. luksuzna roba jer zahtjevi trita znatno
premauju proizvodnju te uz poetnu visoku cijenu treba
dodatno platiti prijevoz, to sve poskupljuje nabavu. Tako
se proizvodi prokonekog kamenoloma rijetko nalaze u
udaljenim podrujima u odnosu na sredinji dio Carstva
(Sodini 2002, 129; Bowden 2003, 135-136). Skupini sigurno
datiranih kapitela ovog tipa pripada jedan iz Efeza iz atrija Justinijanove bazilike Sv. Ivana, datiran u poetak 6. st.
(Hrmann 1951, 133-134, Abb. 24, T. XXXIV,4).
Mramorni kapiteli iz Dubrovnika vjerojatno potjeu iz
prokonekih kamenoloma, koji u to vrijeme najvie proizvode stupove, baze i kapitele. Oko dvije treine prikupljenih arhitektonskih elemenata pripada ovoj skupini (Asgari
1995, 266). Meu kapitelima se posebno istiu kapiteli (lira, V tip, Lederbltter) kojima pripadaju dubrovaki (Asgari
1995, 281). Za dubrovake primjerke moemo postaviti dvije mogunosti porijekla: prvo kapiteli su doneseni iz Epidaura (teko da su pripadali kojem manjem naselju ili vili u
blizini) ili su dopremljeni izravno u Ragusium za izgradnju
crkve znaajnih dimenzija i zahtjevne opremljenosti. Visina dubrovakih je 59 cm, a efekih koji su pripadali atriju 66
(Hrmann 1951, 133, Abb. 24), to govori o veliini crkve. U
sluaju da su pripadali Epidauru, moemo govoriti o sudbini kasnoantikog grada koji doivljava preobrazbu po uzoru na priobalne gradove Epira (Bowden 2003, 161-162, 228230) ili crnomorske gradove tog vremena (Liebeschuetz
2001, 289), kad gradovi na obali usprkos slabljenju bizantske vlasti doivljavaju prosperitet jer bizantska prevlast na
moru omoguuje ekonomski ivot i vojnu sigurnost.
Epidaurski biskup se spominje jo 597. god. Ako su pak
kapiteli iz Dubrovnika, treba oekivati crkvu znatnih dimenzija koju tek valja otkriti. Meutim, imamo jo dva kapitela iz sredine 6. st. (Beriti 1962, 5-6; ile 1996, 283, 286,
T. III, sl. 2), koji takoer svojom sauvanom visinom ukazuju
na crkvu znatnih dimenzija. Na sadanjem stupnju istraenosti moemo postaviti pitanje kako se dosad nije otkrila ni jedna od tih crkava usprkos opsenim istraivanjima
unutar Grada. Naime, otkriven je niz manjih objekata tog
vremena: Sigurata, Sv. Kuzma i Damjan te Sv. Stjepan (Fi-
260
this type ceased. The greatest concentration of capitals

is in Greece and Constantinople (Kapitn 1980, 81-82). In
Epirus there are merely three pieces: 2 similar to the Dubrovnik ones from Nicopolis and one from Arta, of the
type with the lyre, secondarily used and dated to the first
half of the 6th century (Bowden 2003, 116, Fig. 6.8., 6.9.).
In the 5th and 6th century marble is a luxury good as the
demands of the market considerably surpass the production, and in addition to the high initial price one had to pay
extra for transport, which all raised the procurement costs.
Thus the products of the Proconnesus quarry are rarely
found in remote areas with regard to the central part of the
Empire (Sodini 2002, 129; Bowden 2003, 135-136). A capital
from Ephesus, from the atrium of Justinians basilica of St.
John, dated to the beginning of the 6th century belongs to
the group of securely dated capitals of this type (Hrmann
1951, 133-134, Fig. 24, Pl. XXXIV,4).
The marble capitals from Dubrovnik probably come
from the Proconnesus quarries, which at that time produce the highest columns, bases and capitals. Around two
third of the collected architectural elements belong to this
group (Asgari 1995, 266). Particularly prominent among
the capitals are the lira, V-type and Lederbltter capitals,
which include the Dubrovnik ones (Asgari 1995, 281).
There are two possibilities for the origin of the Dubrovnik
pieces: the capitals were either brought from Epidaurus (it
is not very likely that they had belonged to a minor settlement or a villa nearby) or delivered directly to Ragusium
for the purpose of building a large-sized and demandingly
furnished church. The height of the Dubrovnik capitals is
59 cm, and that of the ones from the atrium in Ephesus is
66 cm (Hrmann 1951, 133, Fig. 24), which speaks of the
size of the church. In case they belonged to Epidaurus, we
could speak of the fate of the late ancient city undergoing
transformation on the model of the coastal cities in Epirus
(Bowden 2003, 161-162, 228-230) or the Pontic cities of the
time (Liebeschuetz 2001, 289), when the coastal cities, in
spite of the waning of the Byzantine power, experience
prosperity owing to the Byzantine supremacy on the sea,
which ensures the economic life and military security.
The bishop of Epidaurus is mentioned as early as 597. On
the other hand, if the capitals are from Dubrovnik, one can
expect a church of considerable size that is yet to be discovered. However, we have another two capitals from the
mid-6th century (Beriti 1962, 5-6; ile 1996, 283, 286, Pl. III,
Fig. 2), whose preserved height likewise indicates a church
of considerable size. At the present level of research we
can ask the question as to how it happened that not one of
those churches was discovered yet in spite of the extensive
investigations within the City. A series of minor structures
from that time was discovered Sigurata, Sts. Cosmas and
Damian, and St. Stephen (Fiskovi 1997, 270). Such a large
number of churches within and outside of the city is not
an uncommon feature for the period, but mostly occurs in
important centres (Bowden 2003, 228-30). It is not known
B. ILJEG, Early Christian Marble Corinthian Capitals from Dubrovnik, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 257-261.
skovi 1997, 270). Ovako veliki broj crkava u i oko grada nije
neuobiajen za to razdoblje, ali se uglavnom javlja u znaajnim sreditima (Bowden 2003, 228-230). Pitanje je kad
je Ragusium dobio na znaaju da moe imati vie od pet
crkava, od toga dvije znatnih dimenzija. U svjetlu tumaenja da Ragusium nastaje prije propasti Epidaura (Rapani
1988, 46-47) i ivi i razvija se paralelno s njim, moemo se
upitati zato to ne podupire do sada jedini objavljeni arheoloki sitni nalaz, tj. novac. Istraivanje na Bunievoj poljani dalo je vei broj primjeraka novca od ilirskog vremena
pa do novog vijeka. Jedna od lakuma u nalazima novca je
ona od Teodozija I. do Justinijana I., to svakako treba uzeti
u obzir (Mirnik 1997, 250). Stoga i tezu o osnutku Raguisa
449. god. treba preispitati (Goldstein 1992, 37). Nedostatak
ili neobjavljenost drugog sitnog arheolokog materijala,
prvenstveno keramike, jedan je od zadataka koji e u budunosti moi pruiti niz odgovora koji e pomoi u tumaenju monumentalnih dijelova i arhitekture Dubrovnika, a
sve to pak kasnoantikoj, ali i opoj povijesti Dubrovnika.
Tonije datiranje mramornih kapitela iz Dubrovnika od
480. do 540. god. te njihov smjetaj u iri kontekst zbivanja
kraja 5. i poetka 6. st. manji je prilog ovom zadatku.
when Ragusium gained so much in importance as to allow for more than 5 churches, two of these of considerable
dimensions. In the light of the interpretation which sees
Ragusium spring to life prior to the collapse of Epidaurus
(Rapani, 1988, 46-47) and living and developing parallel
with it, we can ask ourselves why is this not corroborated
by the only small archaeological finds published so far, i.e.
coins. The excavations at the Bunieva Poljana site yielded
a large number of coins from the Illyrian period up until
the Modern Age. One of the lacunae in the coin finds is the
one from Theodosius I to Justinian I, which certainly has to
be taken into consideration (Mirnik 1997, 250). Therefore,
the thesis about the founding of Ragusium in 449 ought to
be reexamined as well (Goldstein 1992, 37). The absence,
or lack of publishing of other small archaeological material, primarily ceramics, is one of the tasks that will in the
future offer a series of answers that would render the interpretation of the monumental parts and architecture of
Dubrovnik easier, and all this would help in the interpretation of the late ancient but also the general history of Dubrovnik. The more accurate dating of the marble capitals
from 480 to 540 as well as their positioning in the wider
context of the events at the end of the 5th and the beginning of the 6th century is a small contribution to this task.
Asgari N., 1995, The Proconnesian production of architectural elements
in late antiquity, based on evidence from the marble quarries, u:
Konstantinople and its hinterland, ed. C. Mango, G. Dagron, Aldershot, 263-288.
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261
Ranokranske pticolike fibule u svjetlu neobjavljenih nalaza iz Danila i

Podumaca*
Early Christian Bird-shaped Fibulae in the Light of Unpublished Finds from Danilo and
Podumci*

UDK/UDC 904:[739.042:598.2](497.5-37 ibenik)653
904:672.836](497.5-37 ibenik)653
TOMISLAV FABIJANI
Sveuilite u Zadru
HR 23000 Zadar
tfabijan@unizd.hr
Autor analizira dvije neobjavljene pticolike fibule koje je pronaao Dane Mareti na irem podruju
ibenskog zalea, tonije na poloajima Danilo Gradina i Podumci Maretia umac. Fibula
iz Danila uva se u muzejskoj zbirci samostana na Visovcu, dok je ona iz Podumaca u posjedu
nalaznika. Fibule su izraene od bronce u punoj plastici te prikazuju ptice sklopljenih krila. U radu
su ukratko opisane i plone fibule jer autor smatra da pripadaju istom kulturnom i vremenskom
horizontu. Donosi se miljenje da plastino raene fibule predstavljaju goluba ili grlicu, to se
povezuje s kranskom simbolikom. S obzirom na injenicu da su analizirane fibule pronaene
zajedno s germanskim nalazima, te na temelju usporednih primjeraka sa ireg prostora Europe,
autor fibule iz Podumaca i Danila datira u razdoblje 5. ili 6. st.
Kljune rijei: pticolike fibule, fibule u obliku goluba, Danilo, Podumci, Visovac
The author analyzes two unpublished bird-shaped fibulae found by Dane Mareti in the wider area
of the ibenik hinterland, more precisely on the sites of Danilo Gradina (Hillfort) and Podumci
Maretia umac. The fibula from Danilo is kept in the Museum Collection of the Monastery on Visovac, while the one from Podumci is in the possession of the finder. The fibulae are made of bronze in
full sculpture and they depict birds with folded wings. The plate fibulae are also briefly described in
the work as the author believes that they belong to the same cultural and chronological horizon. The
opinion is put forward that the plastically rendered fibulae depict a pigeon or a turtle-dove, which
is connected with Christian symbolism. Considering the fact that the analyzed fibulae were found
together with Germanic finds, and based on comparative pieces from the wider territory of Europe,
the author dates the fibulae from Podumci and Danilo to the period of the 5th or 6th cent. A.D.
Key words: bird-shaped fibulae, fibulae in the shape of a pigeon, Danilo, Podumci,
Visovac
Pticolike ranokranske fibule prvorazredan su arheoloki

materijal. One, osim nesumnjive uporabne i dekorativne
funkcije, imaju izraenu simboliku komponentu koja izvrsno
oslikava duh vremena u kojemu su nastale. Iako se na prvi pogled ini da su takve fibule dobro poznate, a usto su rairene
na velikim podrujima Europe, pomnija analiza pokazuje kako
su one u biti relativno rijetke, a posebice su rijetki primjerci
koji potjeu iz zatvorenih grobnih cjelina, istraenih prilikom
struno provedenih arheolokih iskapanja. Ta injenica moe
oteati njihovo kronoloko i etniko opredjeljivanje, to je vidljivo u znanstvenoj literaturi gdje se ove fibule datiraju u irok
vremenski raspon, od 4. do 7. st., pa ak i u ranija razdoblja. Nesuglasje postoji i prilikom opisa pticolikih fibula, jer se isti arte-
Early Christian bird-shaped fibulae are first class archaeological material. In addition to their indubitable utilitarian and
decorative function, they have a pronounced symbolic component that excellently depicts the spirit of the period in which
they were made. Even though at first glance it appears that such
fibulae are well known, and at the same time distributed over
wide areas of Europe, a more detailed analysis shows that they
are in fact relatively rare, and that pieces belonging to closed
grave assemblages, investigated in the course of professionally
conducted archaeological excavations, are particularly rare. This
fact can render their chronological and ethnic attribution more
difficult, as can be seen in the scholarly literature where these
fibulae are dated to a wide chronological span, from the 4th to
7th cent., and even to earlier periods. There are also disagree-
* lanak je posveen uvaenom prof. dr. sc. eljku Tomiiu koji je svojim
radovima uvelike pridonio boljem poznavanju razdoblja iz kojega potjeu
nalazi obraeni u ovome radu.
* The paper is dedicated to esteemed Prof. eljko Tomii whose works

greatly contributed to the better understanding of the period from which
come the finds analyzed in this work.
263
T. FABIJANI, Ranokranske pticolike fibule u svjetlu neobjavljenih nalaza iz Danila i Podumaca, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 263-271.
Karta 1 ibensko zalee s oznaenim mjestima nalaza fibula (Danilo i Podumci)

Map 1 Hinterland of ibenik with marked spots of discovery of the fibulae (Danilo and Podumci)
fakti smatraju ponekad prikazima goluba, ponekad pauna, pa

ak i pijetla. Stoga smatramo shodnim objaviti dvije nepoznate
ranokranske pticolike fibule iz ibenskog zalea. Unato tome to je rije o sluajnim nalazima, miljenja smo da njihova
objava moe upotpuniti sliku o ovom tipu fibula, ali i dodatno
osvijetliti sloene povijesne okolnosti na izmaku antike na prostorima sjeverne Dalmacije.

Fibule potjeu s lokaliteta Danilo Gradina i Podumci
Maretia umac (Karta 1). Kao to je ve reeno, rije je o sluajnim
nalazima za iji je pronalazak zasluan D. Mareti1. Nalaznik je
fibulu iz Danila poklonio muzejskoj zbirci franjevakog samostana na Visovcu2 zajedno s jednom germanskom aplikom koja,
sudei po njegovim rijeima, potjee s istog lokaliteta. Druga
pticolika fibula, ona iz Podumaca, nalazi se u posjedu nalazni1. Zahvaljujemo D. Maretiu to nam je pruio na uvid ovaj zanimljiv
arheoloki materijal. Zahvalnost dugujemo i kolegama J. Zaninoviu i D.
Gaurini iz Gradskog muzeja u Drniu.
2. Franjevaki samostan na Visovcu posjeduje omanju, ali vrijednu
muzejsku zbirku prikupljanu tijekom vie stotina godina franjevake
prisutnosti na tom mjestu. U dostojno ureenoj zbirci nalaze se primjerci
liturgijskog posua i pribora, liturgijsko ruho, povijesni dokumenti,
ikone, razni zavjetni darovi, fosilni materijal te raznoliki arheoloki
materijal. Arheoloke nalaze podrobno je opisao M. Menui (Menui
1997). Zbog toga ne emo se uputati u detaljniji prikaz arheolokog dijela
visovake zbirke, meutim, spomenimo samo da su u zbirci zastupljeni
nalazi od neolitika, preko rimskog razdoblja i ranokranskog vremena do
ranog srednjeg vijeka. Istiemo izvrsno ouvanu bronanu fibulu u obliku
konja, datiranu u 6. st., kojoj mjesto nalaza nije poznato. Treba rei da
je najvei dio arheolokih nalaza u visovaku zbirku dospio zalaganjem
fra M. Ujevia.
264
ments regarding the description of bird-shaped fibulae, as the

same artefacts are sometimes considered representations of pigeons, sometimes peacocks or even roosters. We therefore believe it necessary to publish two unknown early Christian birdshaped fibulae from the hinterland of ibenik. In spite of the fact
that these are chance finds, we believe that their publication can
complement the picture about this type of fibulae, but also shed
additional light on complex historical circumstances at the close
of antiquity in the areas of northern Dalmatia.
The fibulae come from the site of Danilo Gradina and Podumci Maretia umac (Map 1). As has already been said, these
are chance finds, and the credit for their discovery goes to D.
Mareti.1 The finder presented the fibula from Danilo to the Museum Collection of the Franciscan Monastery on Visovac2 together with an Germanic applique, which, judging by his words,
1. We thank D. Mareti for allowing us insight into this interesting archaeological material. We owe our thanks also to colleagues J. Zaninovi and
D. Gaurina from the Drni Municipal Museum.
2. The Franciscan Monastery on Visovac has a small but valuable Museum
Collection, collected in the course of several centuries of the Franciscan
presence in that place. The respectably arranged Collection contains
pieces of liturgical vessels and accessory, liturgical attire, historical documents, icons, various votive gifts, fossil material and diverse archaeological material. The archaeological finds were thoroughly described by M.
Menui (Menui 1997). We shall therefore not undertake a more
detailed review of the archaeological part of the Visovac Collection.
Nevertheless, let us mention that the Collection contains finds from the
Neolithic, the Roman period and the early Christian period up until the
early Middle Ages. We single out an excellently preserved bronze fibula
in the shape of a horse, dated to the 6th cent., whose site of discovery is
unknown. It should be mentioned that the greatest part of the archaeological finds reached the Visovac Collection through the effort of brother
M. Ujevi
T. FABIJANI, Early Christian Bird-shaped Fibulae in the Light of Unpublished Finds from Danilo and Podumci, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 263-271.
Sl. 1 Fibula s poloaja Danilo Gradina

Fig. 1 The fibula from the site of Danilo Gradina
ka, a izuzetno je zanimljiva injenica da je na istom poloaju D.

Mareti pronaao jo jedan germanski artefakt, tzv. rotirajuu
fibulu. 3
Fibula s poloaja Danilo Gradina izraena je od bronce (sl.
1). Izvrsno je ouvana, meutim, nedostaje joj igla koja je, sudei
po ostatcima korozije s donje strane fibule, bila nainjena od
eljeza. Fibula je plastino raena. Glava ptice je relativno pravilnog okruglog, tj. kuglastog oblika s istaknutim kljunom svijenim prema dolje. Oi su prikazane krunim udubljenjima. Tijelo
je trokutastog poprenog presjeka, a prema repu se suava.
Na vratu ptice je prstenasto zadebljanje. Tri prstenasta rebra
razdvajaju tijelo i rep koji je lepezasto proiren. Rep je ukraen s
etiri kruna udubljenja, te s dvije urezane paralelne linije (sl. 2).
S donje strane fibule nalazi se petlja koja je imala funkciju noge
fibule, te nosa mehanizma igle. Fibula je duga 4 cm.

Druga fibula, pronaena na poloaju Podumci
Maretia umac, poput prethodne izraena je od bronce te je
plastino oblikovana (sl. 3). Duina joj iznosi 4,2 cm. Glava ima
okrugle konture, meutim, za razliku od fibule iz Danila, nije kuglasta nego je sa strana spljotena. Oi su naznaene krunim
ispupenjima. Kljun, svijen prema dolje, irok je gotovo koliko i
glava. Na kratkom vratu nalazi se prstenasto zadebljanje. Tijelo
ptice, koje je trokutastog presjeka, lagano se suava prema repu. Ukraeno je dvjema urezanim paralelnim linijama koje tvore
trokutasti uzorak, a najvjerojatnije predstavljaju sklopljena krila.
etiri rebrasta ispupenja dijele rep od tijela. Rep ima lepezasti
oblik. Ukraen je urezanom linijom, paralelnom s lagano nazubljenim rubom. S donje strane fibule nalazi se ouvano leite
igle tj. noga. Sama igla nije ouvana, ipak, sudei po ostacima
korodiranog, najvjerojatnije spiralnog mehanizma, pretpostavljamo da je bila od eljeza.
Opisane fibule pripadaju tipu kod kojega je oblik ptice dan
u punoj plastici. Meutim, postoje i plone pticolike fibule. S
obzirom na to da smatramo kako obje navedene vrste pripadaju istom vremenskom i etnikom horizontu, valja se ukratko
3. Germanske nalaze analizirao je A. Uglei u ovoj publikaciji.
Sl. 2 Rep fibule s poloaja Danilo Gradina

Fig. 2 The tail of the fibula from the site of Danilo Gradina
comes from the same site. The second bird-shaped fibula, the
one from Podumci, is in the possession of the finder. Very interesting is also the fact that D. Mareti found yet another Germanic
artefact on the same position, a so-called rotating fibula.3
The fibula from the site of Danilo Gradina is made of bronze
(Fig. 1) and it is excellently preserved. However, it is missing a pin,
which, judging by the remains of corrosion on the lower part of
the fibula, was made of iron. The fibula is plastically rendered.
The birds head has a relatively regular round, i.e. spherical shape
with a prominent beak curved downwards. The eyes are depicted by means of circular depressions. The body has a triangular
cross-section and it tapers towards the tail. There is an annular
thickening on the neck. Three annular ribs separate the body
from the tail, widened in the shape of a fan. The tail is decorated
with four circular depressions and two incised parallel lines (Fig.
2). On the lower side of the fibula were the loop serving as the
bed for the pin and the frame for the mechanism of the pin. The
fibula is 4 cm long.

The second fibula, found on the site of Podumci Maretia
umac, like the previous one, is made of bronze and plastically
rendered (Fig. 3). Its length is 4,2 cm. The head has round contours but in contrast to the fibula from Danilo it is not spherical but flattened on the sides. The eyes are indicated by circular
projections. The beak, curved downwards, is of the almost same
width as the head. There is an annular thickening on the short
neck. The birds body, of triangular cross-section, gently tapers
towards the tail. It is decorated with two incised parallel lines
that make up a triangular pattern and in all likelihood represent
folded wings. Four rib-like projections separate the tail from the
body. The tail is fan-shaped. It is decorated with an incised line,
parallel with the gently serrated edge. The bed for the pin is preserved on the lower part of the fibula. The pin itself is not preserved, but judging by the remains of the corroded, most probably spiral mechanism, we assume that it was made of iron.
The described fibulae belong to the type in which the form
of the bird was rendered in full sculpture. However, plate birdshaped fibulae also exist. Considering that we believe that both
mentioned types belong to the same chronological and ethnic
horizon, we should briefly review the plate fibulae, particularly
due to the fact that the symbolic significance of both types is
the same. Such fibulae are known, e.g. from grave 349 of the
3. The Germanic finds are analyzed by A. Uglei in this publication.
265
Sl. 3 Fibula s poloaja Podumci Maretia umac

Fig. 3 The fibula from the site of Podumci Maretia umac
osvrnuti i na plone fibule, posebice stoga to je i simboliko

znaenje oba tipa isto. Takve fibule poznate su, npr. iz groba
349 nekropole Kranj Lajh, gdje je oteena pticolika fibula
pronaena zajedno s langobardskom S-fibulom (Stare 1980,
T. 105,9), te s nekropole Knin Greblje, gdje su ovakve fibule pronaene u dva groba i to u grobu 83 (Vinski 1991, 28, T.
XIII,14) i u grobu 105 (Vinski 1991, 28, T. XVII,4). U oba kninska
groba pticolike fibule su jedini grobni nalazi. Oba spomenuta groblja, na kojima je pokopano kasnoantiko autohtono
stanovnitvo uz pojedinane ukope Germana, pripisuju se 6.
st. Poznat je i jedan naseobinski nalaz i to iz Ljubljane (Petru
1976). Prema naem miljenju, ovim nalazima bi se mogao pripisati i sluajni nalaz s poloaja Gradac Boac u Makarskom
primorju, koji je u literaturi ocijenjen kao dio pojasne garniture (Boek, Kunac 1998, 77, kat. br. 38). Meutim, smatramo da
je rije o oteenoj bronanoj pticolikoj fibuli.4 Ovakve se fi4. Mjesto Gradac na Makarskom primorju vrlo je bogato antikim nalazima (grobovi, nakit, novac, ostatci arhitekture) koji potjeu s nekoliko
lokaliteta, danas, na alost, unitenih izgradnjom hotelskih objekata. S
lokaliteta Boac potjee skupina nalaza koja se sastoji od eljezne preice
bubreasta oblika, amforastog jezica, bronane fibule pticolikog oblika
i ulomka bronane T-fibule. Nalazi se uvaju u Arheolokom muzeju u
Splitu, a mogu se datirati u razdoblje od 2. do 6. st. U cit. radu navodi se
da je rije o dijelovima pojasne garniture 4.-5. st., to nije u potpunosti
tono jer predmeti po svemu sudei nisu zajedno pronaeni. Usto T-fibula
i fibula zoomorfnog oblika ne mogu biti dijelovi pojasa. Nije ispravno
ni datiranje jer T-fibulu moemo pripisati 2. st. U Inventarnoj knjizi
Arheolokog muzeja u Splitu navodi se da je predmete u muzej donio .
Rapani pri obilasku terena godine 1962. Nalazi su prikupljeni na irem
prostoru lokaliteta Boac (na informaciji zahvaljujem kolegi B. argu).
266
necropolis of Kranj Lajh, where a damaged bird-shaped fibula

was found together with a Langobard S-fibula (Stare 1980, Pl.
105,9) and from the necropolis of Knin Greblje, where such
fibulae were found in two graves: grave 83 (Vinski 1991, 28, Pl.
XIII,14) and grave 105 (Vinski 1991, 28, Pl. XVII,4). In both of these
graves from Knin the bird-shaped fibulae are the only finds. Both
mentioned cemeteries, on which the autochthonous population
of late antiquity had been buried, alongside individual burials
of the Germans, are attributed to the 6th cent. A settlement find
from Ljubljana is also known (Petru 1976). In our opinion, we
may also add to these finds a chance find from the site of Gradac Boac on the Makarska Riviera, assessed in the literature as
part of a belt set (Boek, Kunac 1998, 77, Cat. Nr. 38). However, we
believe that this is a damaged bronze bird-shaped fibula.4 Such
fibulae are considered in scholarly literature as representations
of peacocks, which symbolize immortality in Christian art. We
share that opinion, primarily due to their shape, but also due to
4. The village of Gradac on the Makarska Riviera is very rich in sites from
antiquity (graves, jewellery, coins, architectural remains), which come
from several sites, nowadays unfortunately destroyed by the building of
hotel resorts. A group of finds consisting of a kidney-shaped buckle pin,
an amphora-like strap end, a bird-shaped bronze fibula and a fragment of
a bronze T-fibula, comes from the site of Boac. The finds are kept in the
Archaeological Museum in Split, and can be dated to the period from the
2nd to 6th cent. It is mentioned in the quoted literature that they form part
of a belt set from the 4th-5th cent., which is not entirely correct, as the
objects were in all likelihood not found together. Further, the T-fibula and
the zoomorphic fibula cannot form part of a belt set. The dating is likewise
not correct, because the T-fibula can be attributed to the 2nd cent. The
entry in the Inventory Book of the Archaeological Museum in Split says
that the objects were brought to the Museum by . Rapani from a field
survey in 1962. The finds were collected in the wider area of the site of
Boac (I am grateful to my colleague B. argo for this information).
bule u znanstvenoj literaturi smatraju prikazima pauna koji u

kranskoj umjetnosti simbolizira besmrtnost. To miljenje i mi
dijelimo, poglavito poradi njihova oblika, ali i injenice da na
glavi imaju krestu, upravo poput pauna. to se tie datiranja
i etnike pripadnosti ovih nalaza, vrijedi ponoviti esto citirano miljenje Z. Vinskog. On smatra da su ove fibule svojstvene enskoj nonji, te da je rije o kasnoantiko-provincijalnim
proizvodima mediteransko-romanskog obiljeja s kranskom
simbolikom, koji se mogu datirati u 6. st. (Vinski 1991, 28). To
potvruju nalazi iz zatvorenih grobnih cjelina grobalja na redove u Kninu i Kranju. Z. Vinski ovakve fibule usporeuje s
nalazom iz Invilina u sjeveroistonoj Italiji. Na tom vanom
lokalitetu, koji je smjeten na putu iz Akvileje prema sjeveru,
pronaene su dvije pticolike fibule na poloaju Colle Santino
na kojemu se, po miljenju istraivaa, nalazio kasnoantiki i
langobardski castrum Ibligo (Bierbrauer 1990, 143). Fibula koja
se svojim tehnolokim odlikama moe usporediti s kninskim i
kranjskim primjercima osobita je po vrlo izduenom repu, pa
iako nema krestu, ipak najvjerojatnije prikazuje pauna (Fingerlin et al. 1968, Fig. 5,7). Druga fibula iz Invilina zanimljiva je
po konveksnoj prednjoj strani i vrlo karakteristinom prikazu
ptijih nogu, koje su predoene pomou trokuta izvedenog na
proboj. Zanimljivo je da s prialpskog podruja potjee nekoliko
slinih primjeraka, kao to su fibula iz groba 252 nekropole Bled
Pristava (Kastelic 1960, T. 12,1), fibula iz Celja (Knific, Sagadin
1991, 77), te fibula iz Terza kod Trevisa (von Hessen 1968, T. 26,3).
U literaturi se navode i primjerci sa sjevernotalijanskih lokaliteta
Villa Lagarina (Bierbrauer 1990, 123, II.23), Mezzocorona i Vittorio Veneto (Ibler 1991, 179). Mjesta nalaza ovih fibula mogla
bi ukazivati na njihovo radioniko podrijetlo koje bi se moglo
traiti upravo u junoj prialpskoj regiji, to je u strunoj literaturi
ve primijeeno (Ibler 1991, 20). Glede datacije, fibula iz Bleda
datirana je u drugu polovicu 6. st., ona iz Celja u 6. st. (Knific, Sagadin 1991, 77), a fibule iz Invilina u iri vremenski raspon, od 5.
do 7. st., tj. u III. fazu tamonjeg naselja (Bierbrauer 1990, 147). I
ova se inaica pticolikih fibula smatra svojinom kasnoantikoga
autohtonog stanovnitva, a nepodijeljeno je miljenje kako je
rije o prikazima pauna.5

Pticolike ranokranske fibule izraene u punoj plastici postoje u dvije inaice: s rairenim i sklopljenim krilima. Primjerci
iz Danila i Podumaca pripadaju inaici sa sklopljenim krilima,
meutim, spomenimo i nekoliko primjeraka ranokranskih fibula s rairenim krilima. Takve su fibula iz mjesta Pisignano kod
Ravenne (Cavalari 2005, 168), te fibula iz groba 25 nekropole
seobe naroda u mjestu St. Peter in Holz u Austriji, tj. antikoj
Teurniji (Piccottini 1978, 417, Abb. 4,5). Fibulu iz Teurnije se
moe datirati u drugu polovicu 6. st. (Piccottini 1978, 421), to
dokazuju ostali nalazi s nekropole, npr. langobardske S-fibule.
Rairena krila imaju i fibule iz Masluma u BiH (Mileti 1984, 387,
sl. 123), te fibula s nepoznatog lokaliteta iz Muzeja Castelvecchio u Veroni (von Hessen 1968, T. 26,1).
Pticolike fibule sa sklopljenim krilima duge su oko 3,5-5
cm. est ukras ovakvih fibula je tipian kasnoantiki motiv
5. V. Bierbrauer smatra fibulu iz Invilina prikazom pijetla (Bierbrauer 1990,
147). Isti autor u svojim prijanjim radovima tu istu fibulu smatra prikazom pauna (Bierbrauer 1973, 86).
the fact that they have a crest on the head, precisely like a peacock. As regards the dating and ethnic affiliation of these finds,
it is worth repeating the often quoted opinion of Z. Vinski, who
thinks that these fibulae are a feature of female dress and that
they are late ancient provincial products of Mediterranean-Roman character with Christian symbolism, which can be dated to
the 6th cent. (Vinski 1991, 28), as corroborated by the finds from
closed grave assemblages of the row-grave cemeteries in Knin
and Kranj. Z. Vinski compares such fibulae with the find from Invillino in northeastern Italy. On this important site, situated on
the road from Aquileia towards the north, two bird-shaped fibulae were found on the position of Colle Santino, where, in the
opinion of the excavator, lay the late ancient and Langobard castrum of Ibligo (Bierbrauer 1990, 143). The fibula, whose technological features make it comparable to the pieces from Knin and
Kranj, is distinctive for its very elongated tail, so even though it
lacks a crest it still in all probability depicts a peacock (Fingerlin
et al. 1968, Fig. 5,7). The second fibula from Invillino is interesting
because of its convex front and a very characteristic depiction
of birds legs, which are rendered by means of an openwork triangle. It is interesting that several similar pieces come from the
pre-Alpine area, such as the fibula from grave 252 from the Bled
Pristava necropolis (Kastelic 1960, Pl. 12,1), the fibula from Celje
(Knific, Sagadin 1991, 77), and the fibula from Terso near Treviso
(von Hessen 1968, Pl. 26,3). The pieces from the northern Italian sites of Villa Lagarina (Bierbrauer 1990, 123, II.23), Mezzocorona and Vittorio Veneto (Ibler 1991, 179) are likewise mentioned
in the literature. The findspots of these fibulae might point to
their workshop origin, which might be looked for precisely in
the southern pre-Alpine region, which was already noted in the
scholarly literature (Ibler 1991, 20). As regards the dating, the
fibula from Bled is dated to the second half of the 6th cent., the
one from Celje to the 6th cent. (Knific, Sagadin 1991, 77), while
the fibulae from Invillino are dated with a wider chronological
span, from the 5th to 7th cent., i.e. to phase III of the local settlement (Bierbrauer 1990, 147). This variant of bird-shaped fibulae
is likewise considered as belonging to the late ancient autochthonous population, and there is a unanimous opinion that they
represent peacocks. 5
There are two variants of early Christian bird-shaped fibulae made in full sculpture: with outspread and folded wings.
The pieces from Danilo and Podumci belong to the variant
with folded wings. Nevertheless, let us mention a few pieces
of early Christian fibulae with outspread wings. For instance,
one such fibula comes from the site of Pisignano near Ravenna
(Cavalari 2005, 168), and another one from grave 25 of the necropolis of the Migration Period in St. Peter in Holz in Austria,
i.e. the ancient Teurnia (Piccottini 1978, 417, Fig. 4,5). The fibula
from Teurnia can be dated to the second half of the 6th cent.
(Piccottini 1978, 421), which is proved by the remaining finds
from the necropolis, e.g. the Langobard S-fibulae. The outspread wings are also found on the fibulae from Maslum in
Bosnia and Herzegovina (Mileti 1984, 387, Fig. 123) and from
an unknown site from the Castelvecchio Museum in Verona
(von Hessen 1968, Pl. 26,1).
The bird-shaped fibulae with folded wings are around
3,5-5 cm long. A frequent decoration of these fibulae is the
typical late ancient motif of concentric circles, or dots within
a circle, which appears not only on the tail but also elsewhere
5. V. Bierbrauer believes that the fibula from Invillino represents a rooster
(Bierbrauer 1990, 147). In previous works by the same author this fibula
was described as a representation of a peacock (Bierbrauer 1973, 86).
267
koncentrinih krunica, ili toke u krunici, koji se osim na repu moe pojaviti i drugdje na tijelu ptice. esto su ukraene i
paralelnim urezima kojima se najvjerojatnije doaravaju sklopljena krila. Vei broj primjeraka ima prstenasto odebljanje na
vratu, te rebrasta ispupenja izmeu tijela i lepezastog repa,
iji zavretak moe biti nazubljen. Iako su igle vrlo esto izgubljene, one ouvane nam ukazuju na to da su imale spiralni
mehanizam.
Ovakve fibule potjeu s vrlo irokih prostora Europe.
Pronaene su na vizigotskim nekropolama Carpio del Tajo,
Duraton i Madrona u panjolskoj (Ibler 1991, 183). Jedan par
potjee sa sjevera Francuske, tonije iz groblja seobe naroda
u mjestu Vron (Seillier 1992, 625-626, Fig. 19). Zastupljene su
i u srednjoj Europi, npr. na groblju u mjestu Novy aldorf u
ekoj (Werner 1962, T. 57), dok iz Slovenije potjee sluajan
nalaz iz mjesta Trnje pri kofjoj Loki (Knific, Sagadin 1991, 75).
Iz Maarske istiemo fibulu s lokaliteta Keszthely-Fenkpuszta
na ijem je repu urezan kri (Garam 2003, 107), a datira se u
vrijeme avarske vladavine. Iz Italije je posebno zanimljiv nalaz
s nekropole Castel Trosino, gdje je ovakva fibula pronaena
u enskom grobu 13 zajedno s dvije ukosnice i jednom
keramikom posudom (Mengarelli 1902, 226, Fig. 76). Osim nalaza iz Castel Trosina, ije su okolnosti pronalaska i arheoloki
kontekst dokumentirani, spominjemo jo nekoliko talijanskih
primjeraka koji su bez ikakvih podataka o mjestu i okolnostima
nalaza. Radi se o pet primjeraka koji se uvaju u muzeju u Ascoli Picenu (Profumo 1995, Fig. 97-101), tri primjerka iz Muzeja Castelvecchio u Veroni (von Hessen 1968, T. 26,1-2,4-5), te o dva
primjerka sa Sicilije (Manganaro 2002, Fig. 10,5,8). Iz Bosne i
Hercegovine poznati su nalazi iz Mogorjela (Mileti 1984, 387,
sl. 122-122a) i Rotimlje kod Stolca (Mileti 1984, 387). U Srbiji je
pronaeno nekoliko ovakvih fibula, a zanimljivi su primjerci iz
zatvorenih grobnih cjelina s nekropole na Donikom brdu kod
Kragujevca (Petrovi 1965, sl. 40,1), te iz groba 63 nekropole seobe naroda u Beogradu (Ivanievi, Kazanski 2002, 114, Pl. VI).
U Hrvatskoj je pronaeno svega nekoliko plastino
izraenih pticolikih fibula. etiri ovakve fibule, datirane u 5. st.,
potjeu iz Siska, ali su bez preciznijih podataka o mjestu nalaza
(Simoni 1989, 109-110, 120-121, T. 2,6-8,10; Migotti 1994, 84, kat.
br. 43-46). Na podruju Salone pronaena je jedna pticolika
fibula (Ivevi 2002, sv. II, T. XXIV,232).6 Svi primjerci iz Hrvatske spadaju u kategoriju artefakata s nepoznatim okolnostima nalaza, to uvelike oteava njihovu kulturnu i vremensku
atribuciju. Stoga je neobino vaan neobjavljeni nalaz izvrsno
ouvane srebrne pticolike fibule s lokaliteta Privlaka kornica
u sjevernoj Dalmaciji. Naime, na tom su lokalitetu, pod vodstvom B. Marijanovia7 godine 2006. provedena istraivanja
prapovijesnog humka na kojemu i uz kojega se nalazila nekropola kasnoantikog autohtonog stanovnitva.8 U grobu 1 ove
nekropole pronaena je navedena fibula, dok je u grobu 3

6. U citiranom djelu ova se fibula datira u 2. st. (Ivevi 2002, 245).
7. Najsrdanije zahvaljujemo B. Marijanoviu na doputenju za objavu ovog
podatka.
8. Istraivanja su provedena u sklopu terenske nastave Odjela za arheologiju
Sveuilita u Zadru. Istraeno je 13 grobova koji su se nalazili u perimetru
humka, a po svemu sudei, rije je samo o dijelu vee nekropole koja se
iri i uokolo humka.
268
on the birds body. They are often decorated also with parallel
incisions which are in all likelihood meant to represent folded
wings. A large number of pieces have an annular thickening
on the neck and rib-like projections between the body and
the fan-shaped tail, whose end is sometimes serrated. Even
though the pins are very often lost, the preserved ones indicate that they had a spiral mechanism.
Such fibulae come from very wide areas of Europe. They
were found at the Visigothic necropolises of Carpio del Tajo,
Duratn and Madrona in Spain (Ibler 1991, 183). One pair
comes from the north of France, more precisely from a cemetery from the Migration Period in the village of Vron (Seillier
1992, 625-626, Fig. 19). They are also present in Central Europe,
e.g. at the cemetery in Nov aldorf in the Czech Republic
(Werner 1962, Pl. 57), while Slovenia is the origin of a chance
find from the site of Trnje near kofja Loka (Knific, Sagadin
1991, 75). From Hungary we single out a fibula from the site of
Keszthely-Fenkpuszta, which has an incised cross on the tail
(Garam 2003, 107) and is dated to the period of Avar rule. From
Italy, a particularly interesting find comes from the necropolis of Castel Torino, where such a fibula was found in female
grave 13 together with two hairpins and a ceramic vessel (Mengarelli 1902, 226, Fig. 76). In addition to the finds from Castel
Torino, whose circumstances of discovery and the archaeological context were documented, we mention a couple of other
Italian pieces which lack any information about the spot and
circumstances of discovery. These are five pieces kept in the
Museum in Ascoli Piceno (Profumo 1995, Fig. 97-101), three
pieces from the Castelvecchio Museum in Verona (von Hessen 1968, Pl. 26,1-2,4-5), and two pieces from Sicily (Manganaro
2002, Fig. 10,5,8). From Bosnia and Herzegovina we know of
the finds from Mogorjelo (Mileti 1984, 387, Fig. 122-122a) and
from Rotimlja near Stolac (Mileti 1984, 387). Several fibulae of
this type were found in Serbia, and interesting are the pieces
from closed grave assemblages from the necropolis at Doniko
Brdo near Kragujevac (Petrovi 1965, Fig. 40,1) and from grave
63 of the necropolis of the Migration Period from Belgrade
(Ivanievi, Kazanski 2002, 114, Pl. VI).
Only a couple of plastically rendered bird-shaped fibulae
were found in Croatia. Four fibulae of this kind, dated to the
5th cent., come from Sisak, but precise information about the
site of discovery is missing (Simoni 1989, 109-110, 120-121, Pl.
2,6-8,10; Migotti 1994, 84, Cat. Nr. 43-46). One bird-shaped fibula was found in the area of Salona (Ivevi 2002, vol. II, Pl. XXIV,
232).6 All the pieces from Croatia belong to the category of artefacts with unknown circumstances of discovery, which makes
their cultural and chronological attribution considerably more
difficult. The unpublished find of an excellently preserved silver bird-shaped fibula from the site of Privlaka kornica in
northern Dalmatia is therefore of great importance. In 2006 B.
Marijanovi7 directed at that site the excavation of a prehistoric tumulus, on and next to which stretched a necropolis of
the autochthonous population from late antiquity.8 The mentioned fibula was found in grave 1 of this necropolis, while grave
6. In the quoted work this fibula is dated to the 2nd cent. (Ivevi 2002,
245).
7. I most cordially thank B. Marijanovi for his permission to publish this
piece of information.
8 The excavations were carried out in the frame of fieldwork teaching of
the Department of Archaeology of the Zadar University. A total of 13
graves were excavated, situated in the perimeter of the tumulus. In all
likelihood, this is only a part of a larger necropolis that stretches around
the tumulus.
pronaena preica s ravno odsjeenom bazom trna koja se

moe datirati u 5. ili prvu polovicu 6. st. (Vinski 1991, 12).
Meu svim spomenutim fibulama gotovo je nemogue
pronai dva identina primjerka, osim u sluaju para fibula iz
Vrona u Francuskoj. Meutim, smatramo da male, ponekad
vrlo minuciozne, razlike meu njima ipak ne predstavljaju
kronoloke i etnike odrednice. Usporedba fibula potie i
pitanje njihove datacije. Naravno, pri tom treba uzimati u
obzir samo one primjerke ije su okolnosti nalaza poznate
za to su osobito pogodni primjerci iz zatvorenih grobnih
cjelina. U tome kontekstu ve smo spomenuli fibulu iz Privlake koju moemo datirati u 5. ili prvu polovicu 6. st.9 Fibula
iz Novog aldorfa datira se u 5. ili poetak 6. st., a u sredinu
5. st. datira se i usporedna fibula iz Beograda. Fibula iz Castel Trosina se s obzirom na kontekst nalaza moe datirati
u drugu polovicu 6. ili na poetak 7. st., a one s vizigotskih
nekropola u panjolskoj datirane su u 6. st., kada se mogu
datirati i primjerci s nekropole Vron u Francuskoj. Sve to
ukazuje na smjetanje ovih nalaza u vremenski okvir 5. i 6.
st., uz mogunost datacije nekih primjeraka i u rano 7. st., a
spomenimo i to da iako fibule iz Podumaca i Danila predstavljaju sluajne nalaze ipak treba zabiljeiti da su, prema
kazivanju nalaznika, pronaene zajedno s germanskim artefaktima. Vana je pojava istonogotskih nalaza i na prostorno bliskom poloaju Unei Veliki Bogoin, te injenica
da je oblinji Burnum bio zadnje uporite tog germanskog
naroda na tlu Dalmacije (Uglei 1992, 72-76).10 Meutim,
navodimo i miljenje S. Ivevi o dataciji pticolike fibule iz
Salone u 2. st. (Ivevi 2002, sv. I, 245). Smatramo da takvo
miljenje treba respektirati, posebno stoga to je antika
proizvodnja zoomorfnih fibula obilna i dobro poznata, te je
zasigurno utjecala na kronoloki mlae tipove fibula. Pri tom
posebno istiemo emajlirane fibule, este na podrujima
Rimskoga Carstva, posebno njegova zapadnog dijela. One
vrhunac proizvodnje dostiu upravo u 2. st. (Ivevi 2002,
sv. I, 240-245). U to vrijeme, prema naem miljenju, moglo bi se datirati i neke nalaze iz Slovenije, karakteristine
po rairenim krilima srcolikog oblika ukraenima emajlom,
u literaturi inae datirane u 5.-6. st. To su fibule s poloaja
Ajdna nad Potoki (Knific, Sagadin 1991, 74, kat. br. 69) i Ptuj
Zgodnja Hajdina (Knific, Sagadin 1991, 75, kat. br. 71). Gotovo identina je sluajno pronaena fibula iz Resnika, koja
je ve datirana u 2. st. (Arheologija u Katelima 1994). Glede
fibula iz Danila i Podumaca, s obzirom na mjesta pronalaska,
simboliku i povezanost s germanskim nalazima, smatramo
da pripadaju razdoblju 5. ili 6 st., a tom bi vremenu bili skloni pripisati i fibulu iz Salone. U tom je kontekstu vana pojava analizirane pticolike fibule upravo na danilskoj Gradini
koja dobiva na znaaju upravo u nemirnom razdoblju kraja
antike i poetka srednjeg vijeka.

9. Precizniji podatci e biti poznati nakon znanstvene objave istraenog
dijela groblja.
10. U literaturi postoje dva miljenja o prestanku istonogotske vlasti u
Dalmaciji. U citiranom djelu iscrpno se argumentira miljenje o kraju
istonogotske vlasti u itavoj Dalmaciji godine 537., emu se i mi priklanjamo. Neki su autori smatrali da je Liburnija ostala u gotskoj vlasti sve
do godine 552.
3 yielded a buckle pin with a straightly cut base of the pin, datable to the 5th or the first half of the 6th cent. (Vinski 1991, 12).
Among all the mentioned fibulae it is almost impossible to
find two identical pieces, except in the case of the pair of fibulae
from Vron in France. Nevertheless, we believe that small, sometimes minute differences between them do not represent chronological and ethnic determinants. The comparison of the fibulae
prompts also the question of their dating. Naturally, one can in
this take into consideration only those pieces whose circumstances of discovery are known, for which pieces from closed
grave assemblages are particularly suitable. We have already
mentioned in this context the fibula from Privlaka, which we
can date to the 5th or the beginning of the 6th cent.9 The fibula
from Nov aldorf is dated to the 5th or the beginning of the
6th cent., and a comparable fibula from Belgrade is also dated to
the mid-5th cent. The fibula from Castel Trosino can, considering
the context of the find, be dated to the second half of the 6th
or to the beginning of the 7th cent., while those from the Visigothic necropolises in Spain are dated to the 6th cent., which is
also the date of the pieces from the Vron necropolis in France. All
this points to the positioning of these finds into the chronological frame of the 5th and 6th cent., with the possibility of dating
certain pieces to the early 7th cent. Let us also mention that even
though the fibulae from Podumci and Danilo are chance finds, it
should still be registered that, in the words of the finders, they
were discovered together with Germanic artefacts. The appearance of Eastern Gothic finds on the site of Unei Veliki Bogoin
is also important, as well as the fact that the nearby Burnum
was the last stronghold of that German people in the territory
of Dalmatia (Uglei 1992, 72-76).10 However, we quote also S.
Ivevis opinion about the dating of the bird-shaped fibula from
Salona to the 2nd cent. (Ivevi 2002, vol. I, 245). We think that
this opinion deserves respect, particularly because ancient production of zoomorphic fibulae was abundant and well known,
and therefore certainly influenced the chronologically younger
types of fibulae. Here we single out enameled fibulae, frequent
in the areas of the Roman Empire, particularly its western part,
whose production reached its climax precisely in the 2nd cent.
(Ivevi 2002, vol. I, 240-245). In our opinion, this is also the date
for certain finds from Slovenia, characteristic for outspread cordate wings decorated with enamel, which are otherwise dated in
the literature to the 5th-6th cent. These are fibulae from the positions of Ajdna nad Potoki (Knific, Sagadin 1991, 74, Cat. Nr. 69)
and Ptuj Zgodnja Hajdina (Knific, Sagadin 1991, 75, Cat. Nr. 71).
A chance find of a fibula from Resnik, already dated to the 2nd
cent. is almost identical (Arheologija u Katelima 1994). Regarding the fibulae from Danilo and Podumci, considering the spot
of their discovery, the symbolism and the connection with the
Germanic finds, we believe that they belong to the period of the
5th or 6th cent., which is also the time to which we are inclined
to date the fibula from Salona. In that context it is important to
note the presence of the analyzed bird-shaped fibula on Gradina
in Danilo. It is a hillford that gains in importance precisely in that
turbulent period, when the ancient way of life in these areas
comes to an end.
9. More precise data will be available following the scholarly publication of

the excavated part of the cemetery.
10. There are two opinions about the end of the Eastern Gothic rule in Dalmatia. The quoted work offers a thorough body of arguments for the end
of the Eastern Gothic rule in all of Dalmatia in 537, to which we also
subscribe. Some authors thought that Liburnia remained under Gothic
authority up until 552.
269
Zanimljivo je pitanje koju ivotinjsku vrstu ove fibule

prikazuju. U literaturi su miljenja podijeljena izmeu pauna i goluba, dok pojedini autori ovakve fibule jednostavno
nazivaju fibulama u obliku ptice. Kao fibule u obliku pauna
definirane su, npr. dvije fibule iz muzeja u Ascoli Picenu, po
svemu sudei na temelju manje ili vie istaknutog lepezastog repa i ukrasa koncentrinih krunica, to je svojstven
ukras paunova repa, ali nota bene i uobiajen kasnoantiki
ukrasni motiv koji se javlja na itavom mnotvu nakitnih i
uporabnih predmeta, pa, tako i na zoomorfnim fibulama
u obliku konja, gdje ga je nemogue povezati sa stvarnom
ivotinjom. Golubice su prepoznate u fibulama iz Teurnije,
Salone, Trnja pri kofjoj Loki, Mogorjela itd. Smatramo da
fibule iz Podumaca, Danila i Privlake takoer prikazuju goluba. Kao jedan od argumenta u prilog tome navodimo nepostojanje kreste na tim fibulama jer je ona vaan razlikovni
element jer je paun u stvarnosti ima, a golub ne. Ta se distinkcija izvrsno vidi na primjeru fibula iz Siska od kojih dvije prikazuju goluba, a dvije pauna (Simoni 1989, 109-110, 120-121,
T. 2,6-8,10; Migotti 1994, 84, kat. br. 43-46). Uzgred reeno,
u obzir bi se mogla uzeti jo jedna ptica koja je toliko slina
golubu da se esto s njime poistovjeuje, iako predstavlja
zasebnu ivotinjsku vrstu. Rije je o grlici koja je dosad prepoznata samo u sluaju fibule iz Resnika. Meutim, traenje
distinkcija izmeu grlice i goluba na analiziranim fibulama
lako bi nas odvelo u slijepu ulicu, posebno stoga to im je
simbolika identina ili vrlo slina, to potvruje navod iz Lukina evanelja: Kad se zatim po Mojsijevu zakonu navrie
dani njihova ienja, ponijee ga u Jeruzalem da ga prikau
Gospodinu ... i da prinesu rtvu kako je reeno u Zakonu Gospodnjemu: dvije grlice ili dva golubia (Lk 2, 22-24). Citirani tekst pokazuje vanost simbolike goluba i u Mojsijevu
zakonu, tj. jo u starozavjetno vrijeme, to u kontekstu ove
analize pokazuje duboku ukorijenjenost simbolike, motiva
goluba jo u pretkransko doba kada je osim za idove11,
golub bio vaan simbol i za pogane kojima je ona sveta
Afroditina (Venerina) ptica. Inae prethodni citat opisuje Isusovo prikazanje u Hramu, ali je najvanija primjena motiva
goluba, u kranskoj umjetnosti inae simbola istoe i mira, vezana uz prikazivanje Duha Svetog, npr. u izvjetajima
o Isusovu krtenju: Promatrao sam Duha gdje s neba silazi
kao golub i ostaje na njemu (Iv, 1, 32), te kod prikazivanja svetog Trojstva (Leksikon 1990, 241-242). O znaaju toga
motiva svjedoe i prikazi goluba na ranokranskoj kamenoj plastici. U kontekstu ovoga lanka zanimljiva je pojava
golubica na hastama kriolikih fibula, od kojih istiemo onu
s poloaja Privlaka Busje (Vrtlac), sluajno pronaenu prilikom oranja (Juri 1993). 12 Rije je o lokalitetu koji se nalazi u
blizini ve spomenutog poloaja Privlaka - kornica, s kojega potjee srebrna pticolika fibula. Izuzetan primjerak fibule
u obliku goluba koji izravno dokazuje kransku simboliku
The question of which animal species is represented by these

fibulae is very interesting. The opinions in the literature diverge
between peacock and pigeon, while some authors call such fibulae simply bird-shaped fibulae. For example, two fibulae from
the museum in Ascoli Piceno were defined as fibula in the shape
of a peacock, in all probability based on the more or less prominent fan-shaped tail and the decoration of concentric circles,
which is a characteristic ornament of a peacocks tail, but nota
bene also a usual late ancient motif appearing on a multitude of
ornamental and utilitarian objects, for instance on zoomorphic
fibulae in the shape of a horse, where it is impossible to link it
with the real animal. Doves were seen in the fibulae from Teurnia, Salona, Trnje near kofja Loka, Mogorjelo etc. In our opinion
the fibulae from Podumci, Danilo and Privlaka likewise represent
a pigeon. As one of the arguments in favour of this we mention
the lack of a crest on these fibulae, as it is an important distinguishing element because in reality the peacock has it whereas
the pigeon does not. This distinction is evident on the example
of the fibulae from Sisak, two of which depict a pigeon and two
a peacock (Simoni 1989, 109-110, 120-121, Pl. 2, 6-8,10; Migotti
1994, 84, Cat. Nr. 43-46). Incidentally, there is another bird that
might be taken into consideration, so similar to the pigeon that
it is often identified with it, even though it represents a separate
animal species. This is the turtle dove, which has until now been
recognized only in the case of the fibula from Resnik. However,
the search for the distinctions between the turtle dove and the
pigeon on the analyzed fibulae might easily lead us to a blind
alley, particularly due to the fact that their symbolism is identical
or very similar, as corroborated by a quote from the Gospel of
Luke: When the time of their purification according to the Law
of Moses had been completed, they took him to Jerusalem to
present him to the Lord and to offer a sacrifice in keeping with
what is said in the Law of the Lord: a pair of turtle doves or two
young pigeons. The quoted text demonstrates the importance
of the symbolism of the dove in the Law of Moses, i.e. already
in the time of the Old Testament, which in the context of this
analysis shows how deeply rooted was the symbolism, for which
the motif of the pigeon was the main agent already during the
pre-Christian era, when it was an important symbol not only to
the Jews11 but also to the pagans, for whom it was a holy bird
of Aphrodite (Venus). Incidentally, the previous quote describes
Jesus presentation in the Temple, but what is most important
is the application of the motif of a dove, which in Christian art
represents a symbol of purity and peace, connected with the depiction of the Holy Spirit, e.g. in the reports about the baptism
of Jesus: I watched the Spirit, like a dove flying down from the
sky, making himself at home in him (John, 1, 32) and in the representation of the Holy Trinity (Leksikon 1990, 241-242). The importance of that motif is corroborated also by the depictions of
pigeons on early Christian stone sculpture. In the context of this
paper we are interested in the presence of doves on the bars of
cross-fibulae, among which we single out the one from the site
of Privlaka Busje (Vrtlac), accidentally found during ploughing
(Juri 1993).12 This is a site situated near the already mentioned
position of Privlaka - kornica, which yielded a silver bird-shaped
fibula. An exceptional specimen of a fibula in the shape of a pi-
11. Spomenimo samo dobro poznatu starozavjetnu epizodu o Noi kojemu

upravo golub donosi maslinovu granicu kao znak blizine povlaenja
vode nakon opeg potopa.
12. U citiranom radu donose se i ostali primjerci kriolikih fibula na ijim
se hastama nalaze golubice kao to su fibule iz Salone, Podgraa, Korita
itd.
11. Let us mention only the well-known Old Testament episode about Noah
to whom precisely a dove brings an olive branch as a sign that shortly the
water would recede after the deluge.
12. The quoted work mentions also the other specimens of cross-fibulae with
doves on their bars, such as those from Salona, Podgrae, Korita etc.
270
ovih artefakata je fibula s poloaja Keszthely-Fenekpuszta

u Maarskoj koja na lepezastom repu ima ugraviran motiv
latinskog kria (Garam 2003, 107, Abb. 10,6).
Slijedom iznesenog, smatramo da fibule iz Podumaca i
Danila prikazuju golubice, te da imaju kransku simboliku,
a datiramo ih, na temelju usporednih primjeraka, mjesta
nalaza i povezanosti s germanskim artefaktima, u razdoblje
5. ili 6. st. Zakljuno moemo rei da fibule iz Podumaca i
Danila predstavljaju vrijedno svjedoanstvo nemirnih vremena na prostoru koji, ne samo da nije ostao izvan tijeka
najvanijih povijesnih dogaanja, ve je bio pozornicom
kljunih zbivanja na razmei kasne antike i ranoga srednjeg
vijeka.
geon, which directly proves the Christian symbolism of these

artefacts is the fibula from the site of Keszthely-Fenkpuszta in
Hungary, which has an engraved motif of the Latin cross on its
fan-shaped tail (Garam 2003, 107, Fig. 10,6).
In our opinion, it follows from what has been said here that
the fibulae from Podumci and Danilo represent doves and that
their symbolism is Christian, and we date them, based on comparative pieces, the place of discovery and connection with the
Germanic artefacts, to the period of the 5th or 6th century. To
conclude, we can say that the fibulae from Podumci and Danilo
are valuable testimony of the turbulent times at the close of antiquity and the onset of the Middle Ages in a territory that not
only stayed within the currents of the most important historical
events, but also represented the stage for the key events of that
time.
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antichi della Reale Accademia dei Lincei 12, Roma, 146-379.
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Zagreb
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Sarajevo, 375-423.
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XIII-XIV (1962-1963), Beograd, 275-291.
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412-424.
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Longobardi nelle Marche, Ascoli Piceno, 127-173.
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Vron (Somme), JbRGZM 36, 2 (1989) Mainz, a. R., 599-634.
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271
Najnoviji germanski nalazi seobe naroda iz sjeverne Dalmacije*

The Latest Germanic Finds from the Migration Period from Northern Dalmatia*
Srednjovjekovna arheologija

Medieval archaeology
UDK/UDC 904:739](497.5-37 ibenik)653
904:672.836](497.5-37 ibenik)653
ANTE UGLEI
Sveuilite u Zadru
HR 23000 Zadar
auglesic@unizd.hr
Autor u radu obrauje dva nova germanska nalaza koja je na podruju ireg ibenskog zalea
pronaao Dane Mareti: diskoliku rotirajuu fibulu, izvorno izraenu za apliku, s poloaju Podumci
Maretia umac, i diskoliku rotirajuu apliku s nalazita Danilo Gradina. Fibula iz Podumaca
nalazi se u posjedu nalaznika, dok je apliku darovao muzejskoj zbirci franjevakog samostana
na Visovcu, gdje je izloena u muzejskoj postavi. Oba nalaza izuzetno su vrijedni i rijetki artefakti
koji se po svojim znaajkama, bez ikakve sumnje, mogu pripisati seobi naroda, odnosno vremenu
istonogotske vlasti nad prostorima Dalmacije (493.-537). Velika je vjerojatnost da su pripadali Gepidima.
Kljune rijei: diskolike rotirajue aplike, diskolike rotirajue fibule, Danilo - Gradina, Podumci,
seoba naroda, Gepidi
In this paper the author analyzes two recent Germanic finds discovered by Dane Mareti in the wider
hinterland of ibenik: a discoid rotating fibula, originally made for an appliqu, from the site of
Podumci Maretia Umac, and a discoid rotating appliqu from the site of Danilo Gradina. The
fibula from Podumci is in the possession of the finder, while he gave the appliqu to the Museum
Collection of the Franciscan monastery on Visovac, where it is exhibited in the museum display. Both
finds are exceptionally valuable and rare artefacts that based on their features can be attributed
to the Migration Period, more precisely to the time of Ostrogothic rule over Dalmatia (493-537). It is
more than likely that they belonged to the Gepids.
Key words: discoid rotating appliqus, discoid rotating fibulae, Danilo Gradina, Podumci,
Migration Period, Gepids
Pri obilasku podruja ireg ibenskog zalea radi izrade monografije Ranokranska arhitektura na podruju dananje ibenske biskupije (Drni-Zadar, 2006), kolega Joko Zaninovi, ravnatelj Gradskog muzeja u Drniu, svratio mi je pozornost na nekoliko neobjavljenih nalaza seobe naroda koji se uvaju u zbirci
franjevakog samostana na Visovcu. Meu njima je diskolika
rotirajua aplika (sl. 1),1 koju je na poloaju Danilo Gradina
pronaao Dane Mareti. Isti nalaznik je u rodnim Podumcima,
na poloaju Maretia umac, pronaao jo nekoliko nalaza iz vremena seobe naroda, meu kojima je i jedna diskolika rotirajua fibula koja je izvorno bila izlivena kao aplika, a naknadno je
* lanak posveujem kolegi i prijatelju dr. sc. eljku Tomiiu, redovitom
sveuilinom profesoru, neumornom pregaocu i istraivau, vrsnom
poznavatelju arheologije, posebice one iz razdoblja hrvatskog ranosrednjovjekovlja.
1. Termini rotirajua fibula i rotirajua aplika koji se u radu koriste poblii su opisi tih primjeraka diskolikih ukrasnih predmeta, jer
simboliki oznaavaju Sunev kolut odnosno rotiranje Sunca oko Zemlje.
U tu se pojavu vjerovalo sve do istraivanja Nikole Kopernika (1473.1543.), koji je na osnovi principa relativnosti gibanja postavio sustav da
se Zemlja i planeti jednoliko gibaju po krunicama, u sreditu kojih je
Sunce.
In his survey of the wider hinterland of ibenik with

the aim of producing the monograph Early Christian Architecture in the Territory of present-day ibenik Diocese (DrniZadar, 2006), my colleague Joko Zaninovi, the director of
the Drni Municipal Museum, drew my attention to several
unpublished finds from the Migration Period, kept in the
collection of the Franciscan monastery on Visovac. These
include a discoid rotating appliqu (Fig. 1),1 discovered
by Dane Mareti at the site of Danilo Gradina. The same
* I dedicate the paper to my colleague and friend, eljko Tomii, PhD, a
full university professor, determined worker and researcher, a true authority on archaeology, particularly that from the period of the Croatian
early Middle Ages.
1. The terms rotating fibula and rotating appliqu, used in the work,
closely describe these pieces of discoid decorative objects, as they symbolically depict the Suns disc, that is, the rotation of the Sun around the
Earth. This phenomenon was believed in until the research by Nicolaus
Copernicus (1473-1543), who based on the principle of relativity of motion
set the system in which the Earth and the planets uniformely move along
the circular orbit, in the centre of which is the Sun.
273
A. UGLEI, Najnoviji germanski nalazi seobe naroda iz sjeverne Dalmacije, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 273-276.
person found in his native Podumci, at the site of Maretia

Umac, several other finds from the Migration Period, including a discoid rotating fibula, originally cast as an appliqu
and subsequently reworked into a fibula (Fig. 2-3). 2
The discoid rotating appliqu from the site of Danilo
Gradina (Fig. 1) is made of bronze by casting and it measures 4,4 x 4,1 cm. It consists of a central disc bordered by
a punctated frame (profiled toward the central part), from
which four stylized eagles heads with necks decorated
with two rows of parallel dots protrude in the shape of a
cross. There was a rivet on each of the eagles heads, representing an eye (the rivet is missing on one of the heads).
Sl. 1 Danilo Gradina, diskolika rotirajua aplika

Fig. 1 Danilo - Gradina, the discoid rotating appliqu
preinaena u fibulu (sl. 2-3).2

Diskolika rotirajua aplika s lokaliteta Danilo Gradina
(sl. 1) izraena od bronce tehnikom lijevanja, a veliine je 4,4 x
4,1 cm. Sastoji se od sredinjeg diska obrubljenog istokanim
okvirom (profiliranom prema sredinjem dijelu), iz kojeg krino izlaze etiri stilizirane orlovske glave s vratovima ukraenim
s dva niza paralelnih toaka. Na orlovskim glavama nalazila se
po jedna zakovica koja ujedno predstavlja oko (na jednoj glavi
zakovica nedostaje).
Diskolika rotirajua fibula s poloaja Podumci Maretia
umac (sl. 2-3) izraena je takoer od bronce tehnikom lijevanja,
a veliine je 3,5 x 3,3 cm. Njezina prvobitna namjena bila je aplika. Imala je oblik diska obrubljenog s dva istokana profilirana
okvira, unutar kojih su u dva reda naizmjence rasporeeni ukrasi oblika kruia i zareza. Iz diska krino izlaze etiri stilizirane orlovske i sokolske glave (s tek naznaenim vratovima), ije su oi
predstavljale eljezne zakovice. Sredinji dio diska je perforiran
i na njemu se takoer najvjerojatnije nalazila eljezna zakovica
za privrivanje. Aplika je nakon nekog vremena preinaena
u fibulu i to na nain da joj je sa stranje strane zalemljena eljezna igla iji je (takoer eljezni) mehanizam za zakopavanje
privren s dvije eljezne zakovice (sl. 2-3). Vrlo je vjerojatno da
su se na glavama ptica kao oznake oiju, a isto tako i na sredinjem dijelu diska, nalazili stakleni umetci, koji se nisu sauvali.
Opisani nalazi izuzetno su rijetki i na naim prostorima zasad nemaju analogija. Kao jedinu analogiju fibuli iz Podumaca
moe se navesti diskolika rotirajua kloazonirana fibula pronaena u grobu 185 nekropole Villa Clelia u Imoli kod Bolonje
(Maioli 1994, 250-251, Fig. III,157), koji se pripisuje Gepidima.
Ova fibula iz Italije ipak se ne moe smatrati posve bliskom ana2. Najiskrenije zahvaljujemo Dani Maretiu to nam je omoguio objavu
ove fibule. Isto tako zahvaljujemo provincijalu franjevakog samostana
na Visovcu fra arku Maretiu, koji nam je ustupio za objavu diskoliku
rotirajuu apliku iz postave zbirke toga samostana. Zahvalnost takoer
dugujemo kolegi Joku Zaninoviu koji nam je svratio pozornost na oba
nalaza.
274
The discoid rotating fibula from the site of Podumci

Maretia Umac (Fig. 2-3) is also made of bronze by casting
and it measures 3,5 x 3,3 cm. Its original function was that
of an appliqu. It had the shape of a disc bordered with
two punctated profiled frames, with decoration consisting of two rows of alternating small circles and notches.
Four stylized eagles and hawks heads (with barely outlined necks), with iron rivets representing the eyes, protrude radially from the disc. The central part of the disc
is perforated and it most probably likewise contained an
iron rivet for attaching. At a certain point the appliqu was
transformed into a fibula by welding an iron pin at its back,
whose (also iron) clasping mechanism was attached with
two iron rivets (Fig. 2-3). It is quite likely that glass inserts,
which have not been preserved, stood on the birds heads
as representations of the eyes, as well as on the central
part of the disc.
The described finds are exceptionally rare and so far
have no analogies in our areas. The only analogy for the
fibula from Podumci is that of a discoid rotating cloisonn
fibula discovered in grave 185 of the Villa Clelia necropolis
in Imola near Bologna (Maioli 1994, 250-251, Fig. III,157), attributed to the Gepids. However, this fibula from Italy can
not be considered an entirely close analogy, because it is
a type with six protrusions in the shape of birds of prey,
instead of four as is the case on the fibula from Podumci.
The rotating fibulae and appliqus like these from
Podumci Maretia Umac and Danilo Gradina, analyzed
in this paper, have origins in the decorative objects in the
shape of a swastika a hooked cross (crux gammata), appearing already in the prehistoric times, and representing
the motion of the Sun (the Suns disc). The swastika was
at the same time a symbol of space, as it represented four
directions of the world, but it also had a temporal meaning
considering that it represented the four seasons.
2. We most sincerely thank Dane Mareti for letting us publish this fibula.
We likewise thank the provincial of the Franciscan monastery on Visovac brother arko Mareti, who permitted us to publish the discoid
rotating appliqu from the display of the collection of that monastery.
We are also grateful to our colleague Joko Zaninovi who drew our attention to both finds.
A. UGLEI, The Latest Germanic Finds from the Migration Period from Northern Dalmatia, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 273-276.
Sl. 3 Podumci Maretia umac, diskolika rotirajua fibula

(stranja strana)
Fig. 3 Podumci Maretia Umac, the discoid rotating fibula
(back)
Sl. 2 Podumci Maretia umac, diskolika rotirajua fibula

(prednja strana)
Fig. 2 Podumci Maretia Umac, the discoid rotating fibula
(front)
logijom, jer je rije o tipu sa est, a ne s etiri izdanka oblika

glava ptica grabljivica, koliko ih ima fibula iz Podumaca.
Rotirajue fibule i aplike poput ovih iz Podumaca Maretia umca i Danila Gradine koje u radu obraujemo, svoje podrijetlo vuku iz ukrasnih predmeta oblika svastike kukastog
kria (crux gammata), koji se javljaju jo u prapovijesnom vremenu, a predstavljaju Sunevo gibanje (Sunev kolut). Svastika
je ujedno bila prostorni simbol, jer je oznaavala etiri strane
svijeta, ali je imala i vremensko znaenje s obzirom na to da je
predstavljala etiri godinja doba.
to se tie vremenske pripadnosti diskolike rotirajue fibule iz Podumaca, kao i diskolike rotirajue aplike iz Danila,
bez ikakve sumnje se moe zakljuiti da je rije o razdoblju
seobe naroda. Izgled glava ptica grabljivica (orlovskih i sokolskih) na diskovima tih ukrasnih predmeta upuuje na njihovu
germansku pripadnost, odnosno na vrijeme istonogotske
vlasti nad prostorima Dalmacije (493.-537.). Kako kod Istonih
Gota nema zasad potvrene pojave takvih predmeta, a jedinu
analogiju nalazimo u spomenutoj fibuli iz gepidskog groba u
talijanskoj Imoli, skloni smo pretpostaviti kako bi oba nalaza
zasad trebalo pripisati upravo Gepidima. Prisutnost pripadnika
te etnike skupine s vie je nalaza potvreno na podruju nekadanje rimske provincije Dalmacije u vremenu istonogotske
vlasti nad tim prostorima (Uglei 2000, 93). Gepidi su na prostore Dalmacije najveim dijelom naseljavani kao istonogotski
podanici, koji su sluili u njihovoj vojsci. S gepidskim vojnicima
su dolazili lanovi i njihovih obitelji, a dio pripadnika te etnike
skupine naseljavan je i iz drugih razloga, vjerojatno prvenstveno ekonomske naravi.
When it comes to the chronological attribution of the

discoid rotating fibula from Podumci, as well as of the
discoid rotating appliqu from Danilo, it can be concluded beyond doubt that they belong to the Migration
Period. The appearance of the heads of the birds of prey
(eagles and hawks) on the discs of these decorative objects points to their Germanic affiliation, that is the period
of Ostrogothic rule over Dalmatia (493-537). Considering
that so far there have been no documented instances of
such objects in the case of the Eastern Goths, and the only
analogy is found in the mentioned fibula from a Gepid
grave in the Italian Imola, we are inclined to assume that
both finds should at present be attributed precisely to
the Gepids. The presence of the members of that ethnic
group has been confirmed with several finds in the territory of the former Roman province of Dalmatia in the
time of Ostrogothic rule over these lands (Uglei 2000,
93). The Gepids were settled in Dalmatian areas mostly as
Ostrogothic subjects who served in their army. The Gepid
soldiers were accompanied by the members of their families, and a part of the members of that ethnic group was
settled also owing to other reasons, probably primarily
those of economic nature.
When we speak of the workshop origin of the rotating fibula from Podumci and the rotating appliqu from
Danilo, we believe that these were local workshops in the
territory of Dalmatia. These workshops produced jewellery for the Eastern Goths (Beloevi 1965, 135; Vinski 1973,
187, 209; Uglei 1990, 211, 219-220, 226; Uglei 1996,
139-140, 145-147, 154; Uglei 1996a, 75, 126; Uglei 2003,
104), but the case of an eagles clasp from grave 50 at the
275
A. UGLEI, Najnoviji germanski nalazi seobe naroda iz sjeverne Dalmacije, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 273-276.
Kada govorimo o radionikom podrijetlu rotirajue fibule

iz Podumaca i rotirajue aplike iz Danila, miljenja smo kako
se radi o lokalnim radionicama na podruju Dalmacije. Te su
radionice izraivale nakit za Istone Gote (Beloevi 1965, 135;
Vinski 1973, 187, 209; Uglei 1990, 211, 219-220, 226; Uglei
1996, 139-140, 145-147, 154; Uglei 1996a, 75, 126; Uglei 2003,
104), ali isto tako sluaj orlovske kope iz groba 50 nekropole
Knin Greblje potvruje da su one izraivale nakitne predmete
i za Gepide (Uglei 2000, 96-97). Kao radioniko sredite najee se pretpostavlja sredite Provincije Salonae. Meutim, s
obzirom na disperziju nalaza, sve smo vie miljenja da u obzir
treba uzimati i druge gradove, kao npr. Iader. Nalazi rotirajue
fibule iz Podumaca i rotirajue aplike iz Danila daju mogunost za pretpostavku kako su takve radionice moda postojale
i u samom dananjem Danilu, odnosno municipiju Rider (Municipium Riditarum), koji se na tom prostoru nalazio u rimskom
vremenu.
S obzirom na to da su na poloajima Podumci Maretia umac i Danilo Gradina, osim nalaza koji se u ovom radu
obrauju, pronaeni i drugi nalazi seobe naroda meu kojima
posebno istiemo zoomorfne fibule,3 pretpostavljamo da bi
se u oba sluaja moglo raditi o kasnoantikim nekropolama na
redove. Meutim, pravi karakter tih nalazita mogu pokazati samo sustavna arheoloka istraivanja, a njih bi, s obzirom na vrijednost nalaza i ugroenost terena, trebalo to prije provesti.
Knin-Greblje necropolis confirms that they produced jewellery pieces for the Gepids as well (Uglei 2000, 96-97).
The centre of the Province Salona, is usually considered
a workshop centre. However, considering the dispersion
of finds we increasingly believe that other towns should
also be taken into account, e.g. Iader. The finds of the rotating fibula from Podumci and the rotating appliqu
from Danilo offer grounds for the assumption that such
workshops perhaps existed in present-day Danilo, that is
the municipium Rider (Municipium Riditarum), which was
situated in that zone in the Roman period.
Considering that the sites of Podumci Maretia Umac
and Danilo Gradina, in addition to the finds analyzed in
this paper, produced also other finds from the Migration
Period, among which we single out the zoomorphic fibulae,3 we presume that in both cases the sites might represent row-grave necropolises from late antiquity. However,
the true character of these sites can be demonstrated only
by systematic archaeological excavations, which, considering the value of the finds and the endangered physical
integrity of the site, should be carried out as soon as possible.
Beloevi J., 1965, Prvi arheoloki tragovi velike seobe naroda na
podruju sjeverne Dalmacije, Diadora 3, Zadar, 129-141.
Maioli M. G., 1994, Ravenna e la Romagna in epoca gota, u: I Goti, Milano,
232-251.
Uglei A., 1990, Tipoloko-stilska analiza istonogotskog nakita na
podruju rimske provincije Dalmacije, RadFfZd 29(16), Zadar, 207229.
Uglei A., 1996, Nakit Istonih Gota na podruju rimske provincije Dalmacije, u: Hrvati i Goti, ur. R. Tafra, Split, 135-168.
Uglei A., 1996a, Nazonost Istonih Gota u jugoistonoj Europi u svjetlu

arheoloke i povijesne izvorne grae, disertacija, rukopis, Zadar
Uglei A., 2000, O etnikoj pripadnosti groba 2 s poloaja Njive Podstrana u Naroni, RadFfZd 38(25), Zadar, 93-100.
Uglei A., 2003, Nakit Istonih Gota na podruju rimske provincije Dalmacije, u: Hrvati i Goti, ur. R. Tafra, Split, 99-135.
Vinski Z., 1973, O rovaenim fibulama Ostrogota i Tirinana povodom
rijetkog tirinkog nalaza u Saloni, VAMZ VI-VII, Zagreb, 177-214.
3. Mr. sc. Tomislav Fabijani u ovom prigodnom zborniku s tih nalazita

objavljuje dvije ranokranske pticolike fibule.
3. Two early Christian bird-shaped fibulae from these sites are published in
this celebratory publication by Tomislav Fabijani, MSc.
276
Nalazi seobe naroda i ranog srednjeg vijeka iz Sotina

Funde der Vlkerwanderung und des Frhmittelalters aus Sotin
MATO ILKI
Sveuilite u Zadru
Obala Kralja Petra Kreimira IV, br. 2
HR 23000 Zadar

UDK/UDC 902.2(497.5 Sotin)
904(497.5 Sotin)653
U lanku je rije o arheolokim nalazima koji su sluajno pronaeni na podruju Sotina, vieslojnom
lokalitetu u Vukovarsko-srijemskoj upaniji. Spone s tijelom u obliku slova S vremenski se izdvajaju iz
razdoblja seobe naroda te se ta vrsta arheoloke grae povezuje s rimskom provincijalnom batinom.
Nekoliko desetaka arheolokih nalaza, meu kojima ima i takvih koji su veoma rijetki na podruju
Hrvatske, omoguuju sagledavanje kontinuiteta ivota na istom prostoru na kojem je prethodno egzistirao rimski Kornakum (Cornacum) te se na kraju utvruje poloaj do sad nepoznatog naselja iz razdoblja
seobe naroda i ranog srednjega vijeka.
Kljune rijei: Sotin, hrvatsko Podunavlje, seoba naroda, rani srednji vijek, spone u obliku slova S,
II. avarski kaganat, bjelobrdska kultura
Der Artikel behandelt archologische Funde, die zufllig im Gebiet von Sotin, einem mehrschichtigen
Standort in der Gespanschaft Vukovar-Sirmien, gefunden wurden. Die S-Haken werden in die Zeit der
Vlkerwanderung datiert, und diese Art von archologischen Bestnden wird mit dem Erbe der rmischen Provinzen verbunden. Mehrere Dutzend archologischer Funde, darunter auch einige auf dem
Gebiet der Republik Kroatien uerst seltene, ermglichen einen berblick ber die Siedlungskontinuitt
in dem Gebiet, wo sich zuvor das rmische Cornacum befand. Zum Abschluss wird die Lage einer bisher
unbekannten Siedlung aus der Zeit der Vlkerwanderung und des Frhmittelalters festgestellt.
Schlsselwrter: Sotin, kroatischer Donauraum, Vlkerwanderung, Frhmittelalter, S-Haken,
II. Awarisches Khaganat, Bijelo-Brdo-Kultur
Dosad na prostoru Sotina, mjestu 10 km jugoistono od

Vukovara, nisu vrena sustavna arheoloka istraivanja. Ipak,
mnogobrojni sluajno pronaeni artefakti govore o tome
da je rije o jednom od najvanijih nalazita u hrvatskom Podunavlju. Razdoblju seobe naroda i ranom srednjem vijeku
pripada nekoliko desetaka nalaza.1 Veina ih je otkrivena na
dunavskoj obali Vruak, tj. u podnoju sredinjeg dijela Sotina (kat. br. 1-4, 6-15, 17-20, 23-25; T. 1,1-4,6-8, T. 2,1-7, T. 3,14,7-9). Dva arheoloka predmeta su izvaena iz Dunava, i to
jedan s rijenog dna uz obalu Vruak (kat. br. 26; T. 3,10a-b),
a drugi iz korita uz obalu Kamenac, odnosno ispod vinograda Ivice Radia (kat. br. 22; T. 3,6). Jedan nalaz potjee
sa zemljita oko 150 m jugoistono od Ilkievog vinograda
(kat. br. 16; T. 2,8a-b), a dva s poloaja Jaro, izvan rubnog
dijela dananjeg Sotina (kat. br. 5, 21; T. 1,5a-b, T. 3,5). Ta
arheoloka graa je vana za utvrivanje kontinuiteta ivota
ljudi na sotinskom prostoru i nakon propasti kasnoantikog
Kornakuma. Takoer, poloaji nalaza tih artefakata, uz druge vane imbenike, a osobito geomorfoloke osobitosti
Bisher wurden im Groraum von Sotin, einem Ort 10 km

sdstlich von Vukovar, keine systematischen archologischen
Ausgrabungen vorgenommen. Doch zahlreiche zufllig gefundene Artefakte weisen darauf hin, dass es sich um einen der bedeutendsten Fundorte im kroatischen Donauraum handelt. In die
Epoche der Vlkerwanderung und in das Frhmittelalter gehren mehrere Dutzende von Funden.1 Die meisten wurden am Donauufer bei der Vruak-Quelle, d.h. unterhalb des Zentrums von
Sotin, entdeckt (Kat.-Nr. 1-4, 6-15, 17-20, 23-25; T. 1,1-4,6-8, T. 2,1-7,
T. 3,1-4,7-9). Zwei archologische Artefakte wurden in der Donau
gefunden, und zwar eines aus dem Flussgrund am Ufer Vruak
(Kat.-Nr. 26; T. 3,10a-b), und das andere aus dem Flussbett am Ufer
Kamenac, beziehungsweise unterhalb des Weinbergs von Ivica
Radi (Kat.-Nr. 22; T. 3,6). Ein Fund stammt von einem Grundstck
ca. 150 m sdstlich von Ilkis Weinberg (Kat.-Nr. 16; T. 2,8a-b),
und zwei vom Standort Jaro, auerhalb des Randbereichs des
heutigen Sotin (Kat.-Nr. 5, 21; T. 1,5a-b, T. 3,5). Diese archologischen Bestnde sind fr die Feststellung der Siedlungskontinuitt der Menschen im Gebiet von Sotin auch nach dem Untergang
des sptantiken Cornacum wichtig. Auerdem ermglichen die
1. Veina te arheoloke grae u privatnom je vlasnitvu. Stavljena je pod

preventivnu zatitu Ministarstva kulture Republike Hrvatske.
1. Der Groteil des archologischen Fundguts ist Privateigentum. Es befindet sich unter dem vorbeugenden Schutz des Kultusministeriums der
Republik Kroatien.
277
M. ILKI, Nalazi seobe naroda i ranog srednjeg vijeka iz Sotina, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 277-288.
Karta 1 Poloaj naselja iz razdoblja seobe naroda i ranog srednjeg vijeka na podruju Sotina
Karte 1 Die Lage der Siedlungen aus der Vlkerwanderung und des Frhmittelalters aus Sotin
uskog pojasa uz desnu obalu Dunava, omoguuju spoznaje

o smjetaju dosad nepoznatog naselja iz razdoblja seobe
naroda i ranog srednjeg vijeka na podruju Sotina.2
Spone s korpusom u obliku slova S, poput onih iz Sotina (Cornacum) (kat. br. 1-3; T. 1,1-3), pripadaju dosta rijetkoj
vrsti arheoloke grae. Dosad je poznato tek nekoliko desetaka takvih nalaza otkrivenih na nekolicini lokaliteta u
Hrvatskoj, Bosni i Hercegovini, Maarskoj i Srbiji.3 Razliito
su vremenski i etniki opredjeljivane. Jedan primjerak iz Pirotskog grada (Kale) datiran je u 4. st. (Milovanovi 1986, 48,
kat. br. 84). No, veina znanstvenika ih opredjeljuje u razdoblje seobe naroda. D. Mrkobrad ih vezuje uz hunsku dominaciju (Mrkobrad 1980, 17-18, T. VI,1-3), pa ak i II. avarski kaganat (Mrkobrad 1980, 96, T. CXXXVI,1). F. Bukariol dri da
pripadaju Istonim Gotima (Bukariol 1990, 21-28, T. I-II). A.
Uglei ne osporava njihovu izradu pod barbarskim utjecajem, a pretpostavlja da pripadaju autohtonom romaniziranom stanovnitvu 6. i 7. st. (Uglei 1994, 149). Zbog prikaza
zmaja, A. Jovanovi takvim artefaktima pripisuje germanski
2. Na vanost i znaaj sotinske arheoloke grae iz razdoblja seobe naroda
i ranog srednjega vijeka upozorio me vrsni arheolog, prof. dr. sc. eljko
Tomii. Tome ravnatelju zagrebakog Instituta za arheologiju ovom se
prigodom od srca zahvaljujem na darovanoj dobroti.
3. Poznato mi je jo devet neobjavljenih spona s korpusom u obliku slova
S: po dvije iz Sotina i s nepoznatog nalazita u istonoj Slavoniji, te po
jedna iz trbinaca, Solina i Aserije. Jedna potjee s prostora ida, a jedna
iz Bijeljine. lanak o njima je u pripremi.
278
Fundorte dieser Artefakte neben sonstigen wichtigen Faktoren,

vor allem der geomorphologischen Besonderheit eines engen
Grtels am rechten Donauufer, Erkenntnisse ber die Lage einer
bisher unbekannten Siedlung aus der Zeit der Vlkerwanderung
und aus dem Frhmittelalter im Gebiet von Sotin.2
S-Haken wie die aus Sotin (Cornacum) (Kat.-Nr. 1-3; T. 1,1-3) gehren zu einer uerst seltenen Art unter den archologischen Bestnden. Bisher sind nur einige Dutzend solcher Funde bekannt,
die an einigen Standorten in Kroatien, Bosnien und Herzegowina,
Ungarn und Serbien gefunden wurden. 3 Sie wurden zeitlich und
ethnisch unterschiedlich klassifiziert. Ein Exemplar aus Pirotski
grad (Kale) wurde in das 4. Jahrhundert datiert (Milovanovi 1986,
48, Kat.-Nr. 84). Aber die meisten Wissenschaftler datieren sie in
die Epoche der Vlkerwanderung. D. Mrkobrad verbindet sie mit
der Herrschaft der Hunnen (Mrkobrad 1980, 17-18, T. VI,1-3), und
sogar mit dem II. awarischen Khaganat (Mrkobrad 1980, 96, T.
CXXXVI,1). F. Bukariol vertritt die Meinung, dass sie zu den Ostgoten gehrten (Bukariol 1990, 21-28, T. I-II). A. Uglei bestreitet
nicht ihre Produktion unter barbarischem Einfluss, er vermutet jedoch, dass sie zur autochthonen romanisierten Bevlkerung des
2. Auf die Bedeutung der archologischen Bestnde aus der Epoche der
Vlkerwanderung und dem Frhmittelalter wies mich der vortreffliche
Archologe, Prof. Dr. sc. eljko Tomii, hin. Dem Direktor des Zagreber
Instituts fr Archologie mchte ich bei dieser Gelegenheit herzlichst fr
seine Gte danken.
3. Mir sind neun weitere unverffentlichte S-Haken bekannt: je zwei aus
Sotin und von einem unbekannten Fundort in Ostslawonien und je eine
aus trbinci, Solin und Aserija. Eine stammt vom Gebiet von id und eine
aus Bijeljina. Der Beitrag hierzu wird vorbereitet.
M. ILKI, Funde der Vlkerwanderung und des Frhmittelalters aus Sotin, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 277-288.
karakter. Misli da pripadaju Gotima i to crnomorskoj produkciji 5. st. (Jovanovi 1978, 72).
Ali zmaj (draco) se ne bi smio vezati samo za razdoblje
seobe naroda i njihove nositelje. Antiki izvori i likovni
prikazi svjedoe o tome da je rimska konjica jo tijekom
1. st., ili najkasnije poetkom 2. st., uvela u uporabu novu
vrstu bojne zastave, isprva s vujom, a neto kasnije i sa
zmajevom glavom. Preuzeli su je od Sarmata. Jedan takav
draco otkriven je na lokalitetu Niederbieber u Njemakoj
(Coulston 1991, 101-114; Dixon, Southern 1992, 61, Pl. 10;
Southern, Dixon 1996, 126, Pl. 19). Veoma slina bronana
glava, ali znatno manja, pronaena je i u Sotinu (Ilki 2003,
74, kat. br. 158). Meutim, jedna spona u obliku slova S, koja
potjee iz Bosiljeva, iznimno je vana za ue datiranje takve
vrste arheoloke grae. Dodue, opisana kao privjesak, ona
je na tom lokalitetu posve sluajno pronaena u jednom
rimskom grobu, i to s jo nekolicinom priloga (Gregl 1994,
44, 132, T. 1,3; Gregl 1997, 71). Najvaniji od njih za datiranje
grobne cjeline je sidrasta fibula (Gregl 1994, 44, T. 1,2; Gregl 1997, 66), vrsta koja se moe vremenski opredijeliti najkasnije u poetak 3. st. (Koevi 1980, 24-25; Bojovi 1983,
44-46; Ivevi 2002, 237-238). Ali to nije sve. Kao komparativna arheoloka graa vane su i neke, ne ba tako rijetke,
kasnoantike pojasne preice s prikazom ivotinjskih glava
razjapljenih usta i krijesnicom na tjemenu. Primjera radi izdvajam nalaz takve vrste osobne opreme rimske vojske iz Sotina (Ilki 2003, 66, kat. br. 101) koji je ukraen gotovo na isti
nain kao i jedna spona s istoga lokaliteta (kat. br. 1; T. 1,1).
Prema svemu sudei, mislim da spone s korpusom u
obliku slova S pripadaju rimskoj provincijalnoj batini. S obzirom na njihovu malobrojnost, ini se da nisu bile u uporabi
u duem vremenskom razdoblju. Prema grobnom nalazu iz
Bosiljeva, ali i usporednoj kasnoantikoj arheolokoj grai,
valja ih datirati u 3. i 4. st. Mogu li se vremenski vezati i za
seobu naroda, zasad nije mogue pouzdano utvrditi.
Kako got bilo, arheoloki nalazi nakon propasti
kasnoantikog Kornakuma potkraj 4. st. pa sve do II. avarskog kaganata, veoma su rijetki na podruju Sotina. Na tom
lokalitetu u hrvatskom Podunavlju ini se da je ivot skoro
zamro u prvih nekoliko stoljea seobe naroda. Drugoj polovici 5. st. vjerojatno pripada samo jedna fragmentirana mala
srebrna luna fibula (kat. br. 4; T. 1,4). Pretpostavlja se da je
istonogotskog podrijetla (Uglei 1994, 146-147, T. I,1-1a, T.
II,1-1a).
Sljedei nalaz pouzdano datira iz 6. st. Rije je o bakrenjaku bizantskog cara Justinijana I. (kat. br. 5; T. 1,5a-b). To je
zasad prvi numizmatiki nalaz iz razdoblja seobe naroda.
Ranobizantske monete nisu osobito brojne niti na drugim
lokalitetima u hrvatskom Podunavlju. Otkrivene su jo samo
u Batini (Ad Militare), Dalju (Teutoburgium), Laslovu, Oroliku,
Osijeku (Mursa), trbincima (Certisia) i Vinkovcima (Cibalae)
(Metcalf 1960, Nos. 84-88; Gricke-Luki 1998, 1145-1159;
Mirnik, emrov 1998, 141, Nos. 21, 108, 125, 597, 622, 703,
832, 865, 868). Na podruju Srijema uglavnom je pronaen
Justinijanov novac iz istonih kovnica (Tomii 2000, 280281). U taj monetarni krug ulazi i primjerak iz Sotina. Kovanica pripada nominalnoj vrijednosti od 16 numa, vrsti emisije
koja je iskovana u Solunu (Thessalonica) i to izmeu 527. i
562. god. (Wroth 1908, No. 163, Pl. VI,11; Sabatier 1930, 188,
Pl. 6-8; Bellinger 1992, No. 98, Pl. XXIII,98a-h).
6. und 7. Jahrhunderts gehren (Uglei 1994, 149). Wegen der

Darstellung eines Drachens schreibt A. Jovanovi solchen Artefakten einen germanischen Charakter zu. Er glaubt, dass sie den
Goten zuzurechnen sind, und zwar der Schwarzmeerproduktion
des 5. Jahrhunderts (Jovanovi 1978, 72).
Allerdings drfte der Drachen (draco) nicht nur mit der Epoche der Vlkerwanderungen und ihrer Trger verbunden werden. Antike Quellen und bildliche Darstellungen zeugen davon,
dass die rmische Kavallerie schon im Laufe des 1. Jahrhunderts
oder sptestens zu Beginn des 2. Jahrhunderts eine neue Art der
Kriegsstandarte zu verwenden begonnen hatte, die am Anfang
mit einem Wolfskopf, und etwas spter mit einem Drachenkopf
versehen war. Sie wurde von den Sarmaten bernommen. Ein
solcher draco wurde am Standort Niederbieber in Deutschland
gefunden (Coulston 1991, 101-114; Dixon, Southern 1992, 61, Pl.
10; Southern, Dixon 1996, 126, Pl. 19). Ein sehr hnlicher Bronzekopf, aber wesentlich kleiner, wurde auch in Sotin gefunden
(Ilki 2003, 74, Kat.-Nr. 158). Indessen ist ein S-Haken aus Bosiljevo
fr die genauere Datierung dieser Art des archologischen Fundguts von uerst groer Bedeutung. Er wurde zwar als Anhnger
klassifiziert und an diesem Fundort ganz zufllig in einem rmischen Grab mit einigen anderen Beigaben entdeckt (Gregl 1994,
44, 132, T. 1,3; Gregl 1997, 71). Die wichtigste unter ihnen fr die
Datierung der Grabanlage ist eine Ankerfibel (Gregl 1994, 44, T.
1,2; Gregl 1997, 66), eine Sorte, die sich zeitlich sptestens an den
Anfang des 3. Jahrhunderts datieren lsst (Koevi 1980, 24-25;
Bojovi 1983, 44-46; Ivevi 2002, 237-238). Das ist aber nicht alles. Als vergleichbare archologische Bestnde sind auch einige
nicht so seltene sptantike Grtelbgel mit Darstellungen von
Tierkpfen mit weit aufgerissenem Maul und einem Leuchtkfer
am Scheitel von Bedeutung. Als Beispiel hebe ich einen Fund dieser Art aus der persnlichen Ausstattung des rmischen Heeres
aus Sotin hervor (Ilki 2003, 66, Kat.-Nr. 101), der fast genauso wie
ein Haken von demselben Standort verziert ist (Kat.-Nr. 1; T. 1,1).
Aus alldem schliee ich, dass die S-Haken Teil des Erbes der
rmischen Provinzen sind. Wegen ihrer geringen Zahl wurden sie
wahrscheinlich nicht whrend eines lngeren Zeitraums verwendet. Anhand des Grabfundes von Bosiljevo, aber auch der parallelen sptantiken Funde, knnen sie in das 3. und 4. Jahrhundert
datiert werden. Ob man sie zeitlich auch mit der Vlkerwanderung verbinden kann, lsst sich zu diesem Zeitpunkt nicht mit
Sicherheit feststellen.
Jedenfalls sind archologische Funde nach dem Untergang
des sptantiken Cornacum Ende des 4. Jahrhunderts bis zum II.
awarischen Khganat im Gebiet von Sotin uerst selten. In den
ersten Jahrhunderten der Vlkerwanderung scheint das Leben
an diesem Ort im kroatischen Donauraum fast zum Erliegen
gekommen zu sein. Aus der zweiten Hlfte des 5. Jahrhunderts
stammt wahrscheinlich nur eine bruchstckhaft erhaltene kleine
silberne Bogenfibel (Kat.-Nr. 4; T. 1,4). Es wird angenommen, dass
sie ostgotischer Abstammung ist (Uglei 1994, 146-147, T. I,1-1a,
T. II,1-1a).
Der nchste Fund wird mit Sicherheit in das 6. Jahrhundert
datiert. Es handelt sich um eine Kupfermnze des byzantinischen
Kaisers Justinian I. (Kat.-Nr. 5; T. 1,5a-b). Dies ist einstweilen der
erste numismatische Fund aus der Zeit der Vlkerwanderung.
Frhbyzantinische Mnzen sind auch an anderen Standorten im
kroatischen Donauraum nicht besonders zahlreich. Sie wurden
nur in Batina (Ad Militare), Dalj (Teutoburgium), Laslovo, Orolik,
Osijek (Mursa), trbinci (Certisia) und Vinkovci (Cibalae) gefunden.
(Metcalf 1960, Nos. 84-88; Gricke-Luki 1998, 1145-1159; Mirnik,
emrov 1998, 141, Nos. 21, 108, 125, 597, 622, 703, 832, 865, 868).
Im Gebiet von Sirmien wurden berwiegend Mnzen des Justinian aus stlichen Mnzsttten entdeckt (Tomii 2000, 280-281).
Zu diesem Whrungskreis gehrt auch das Exemplar aus Sotin.
Der Nominalwert der Mnze betrgt 16 Num, einer Art der Emis-
279
Iz stoljea koje slijedi rijetki su nalazi s podruja Sotina.

S tog lokaliteta, i to s poloaja Vinjica, potjee tek jedna
gruba keramika posuda raena tehnikom gnjeenja. Z.
Vinski ju usporeuje s keramikim oblicima kesteljske kulture. Pretpostavlja da ona datira iz 7. st. ili poetka sljedeeg
stoljea (Vinski 1954, 75, 77, 80).
Bilo kako bilo, arheoloki nalazi iz 8. st. znatno su brojniji.
Osim u Sotinu, otkriveni su jo na nizu lokaliteta uz desnu
obalu Dunava na irem vukovarskom prostoru, to svjedoi
o gustoj naseljenosti toga podruja u vrijeme II. avarskog
kaganata (Tomii 1999, 229). Tom razdoblju pripada niz
razliitih i to mahom ukrasnih dijelova pojasnih garnitura iz
Sotina.4 Osim primjeraka s dunavske obale Vruak (kat. br.
6-8, 10-15, 17-19, 23; T. 1,6-8, T. 2,10-15, T. 3,1-3,7), a koje je
ve objavio A. Uglei (Uglei 1994, 145-147, 149-152, T. I,46,8-12,14-18, T. II,4-6,8,10-18), poznat je i jedan istovremeni
nalaz s poloaja Zmajevac nekoliko kilometara jugoistono
od Sotina, te jo nekolicina artefakata s nepoznate sotinske
lokacije (Csallny 1956, 188; Dimitrijevi, Kovaevi, Vinski
1962, 90-91; Vinski 1971, 66; Mrkobrad 1980, 85-86, 92, T.
CXVIII,10, T. CXX,7, T. CXXVIII,5; Simoni 1986, 220; Simoni
2000, 104). Takoer, na dunavskoj obali Vruak otkriven je i
jedan okov ukrasnoga stila Blatnica (kat. br. 25; T. 3,9). Pripada zavretku II. avarskog kaganata (Uglei 1994, 150, T. I,13,
T. II,9). S istog poloaja potjee i jedan dosad neobjavljeni
pojasni jeziac (kat. br. 9; T. 2,1a-b). uva se u vukovarskom
Gradskom muzeju.5 Unato fragmentarnosti, u veem ukrasnom polju su vidljiva dva simetrina i izduena lista. Prema
takvom ukrasnom motivu, taj je primjerak blizak jednom
dvodijelnom okovu pojasa iz Biskupije nedaleko Knina, koji
je datiran u kraj 8. ili poetak 9. st. (Petrinec 2000, 236).
Tom vremenu ili neto kasnije vjerojatno je bliska i jedna
bronana naunica, takoer s dunavske obale Vruak. Od nje
je sauvana samo kariica. No, oito je bila ukraena koljencima i privjeskom ije se izvorne pozicije zamjeuju samo u
tragovima i to po sredini bonih strana te na sreditu donjeg dijela obrua (kat. br. 20; T. 3,4). Dosta slina bronana
naunica s istog nalazita uva se i u vukovarskom Gradskom
muzeju.6 Na njoj je sauvan jedan od bonih koljenaca koji
se sastoji od est granula (kat. br. 24; T. 3,8). Naunice takve
vrste otkrivene su na brojnim lokalitetima. Izdvajam primjerak od plemenite kovine iz groba 62 na drijacu u Ninu, gdje
su ti enski oblici nakita bizantske provenijencije datirani u
sredinu 9. st., i to zahvaljujui srebrnom novcu franakog cara Lotara (Beloevi 1984, 42-43, T. I-II; Beloevi 2007, 256259, T. CLXXXIX,1-4).
Lunulasta naunica s dunavske obale Vruak (kat. br. 26;
T. 3,10a-b) pripada vrlo rijetkoj vrsti nakita.7 Dodue, srodne su joj znatno brojnije ranosrednjovjekovne naunice sa
zvjezdolikim privjeskom (Vinski 1952, 29-52; Koroec 1954,
77-86; Vinski 1955, 231-238; Stakov-tukovsk 1999,
250-298). Ipak, po obliku ukrasa i nainu izrade dosta joj je
4. Prije Domovinskog rata darovao sam Gradskom muzeju u Vukovaru vei
broj arheolokih nalaza s podruja Sotina, meu inim i desetak artefakata
iz razdoblja II. avarskog kaganata, koji su odmah bili uvrteni u stalni
postav. Ta je arheoloka graa iz razdoblja seobe naroda nestala u vrijeme
dok je Vukovar bio pod srpskom okupacijom. Naalost, nije sauvana niti
dokumentacija pa ju nisam mogao uvrstiti u ovaj lanak.
5. Artefakt je zaveden pod inventarnim brojem AZ-125. Njegovu objavu
mi je dozvolila ravnateljica Rua Mari. Njoj, kao i Mireli Hutinec, Maji
Buni i Ivani Miljak, koje su mi omoguile uvid u depo i inventarne
knjige, zahvaljujem na ukazanom povjerenju.
6. Naunica je zavedena pod inventarnim brojem AZ-113.
280
sion, die in Thessalonica zwischen den Jahren 527 und 562 geprgt wurde (Wroth 1908, No. 163, Pl. VI,11; Sabatier 1930, 188, Pl.
6-8; Bellinger 1992, No. 98, Pl. XXIII,98a-h).
Auch aus dem darauf folgenden Jahrhundert gibt es Funde
vom Sotiner Gebiet. Von diesem Standort, genauer von Vinjica,
stammt nur ein grobes, durch Quetschen angefertigtes Keramikgef. Z. Vinski vergleicht es mit den Keramikformen der Keszthely-Kultur. Es wird angenommen, dass es aus dem 7. Jahrhundert oder dem Anfang des darauf folgenden Jahrhunderts stammt (Vinski 1954, 75, 77, 80).
Wie dem auch sei, archologische Funde aus dem 8. Jahrhundert sind wesentlich zahlreicher. Auer in Sotin wurden sie in einer Reihe von Standorten am rechten Donauufer im Groraum
von Vukovar entdeckt, was von der dichten Besiedlung dieses
Gebiets zur Zeit des II. awarischen Khaganats zeugt (Tomii
1999, 229). Zu dieser Epoche gehrt auch eine Reihe unterschiedlicher Teile von Grtelgarnituren aus Sotin, die vorwiegend als
Verzierung dienten.4 Neben den Exemplaren vom Donauufer
Vruak (Kat.-Nr. 6-8, 10-15, 17-19, 23; T. 1,6-8, T. 2,10-15, T. 3,1-3,7),
die schon von A. Uglei verffentlicht worden sind (Uglei 1994,
145-147, 149-152, T. I,4-6,8-12,14-18, T. II,4-6,8,10-18), sind ein gleichzeitiger Fund vom Standort Zmajevac, einige Kilometer sdstlich von Sotin, sowie einige Artefakte von einem unbekannten
Fundort im Raum Sotin bekannt (Csallny 1956, 188; Dimitrijevi,
Kovaevi, Vinski 1962, 90-91; Vinski 1971, 66; Mrkobrad 1980,
85-86, 92, T. CXVIII,10, T. CXX,7, T. CXXVIII,5; Simoni 1986, 220; Simoni 2000, 104). Auerdem wurde am Donauufer Vruak ein im
Blatnica-Stil verzierter Beschlag freigelegt (Kat.-Nr. 25; T. 3,9). Er
stammt vom Ende des II. awarischen Khaganats (Uglei 1994,
150, T. I,13, T. II,9). Von demselben Standort stammt auch eine
bisher unverffentlichte Riemenzunge (Kat.-Nr. 9; T. 2,1a-b). Sie
wird im Stadtmuseum von Vukovar aufbewahrt.5 Trotz ihrer Bruchstckhaftigkeit sind im greren Zierfeld zwei symmetrische
lngliche Bltter zu erkennen. Anhand dieses Ziermotivs ist dieses Exemplar mglicherweise mit einem zweiteiligen Grtelbeschlag aus Biskupija in der Nhe von Knin verwandt, welcher an
das Ende des 8. oder den Anfang des 9. Jahrhunderts datiert wurde (Petrinec 2000, 236).
In dieselbe Zeit, oder etwas spter, liee sich wohl auch ein
Bronzeohrring, ebenfalls vom Donauufer Vruak, datieren. Davon
ist nur der Ring erhalten. Der Ohrring war jedoch offenbar mit
Gelenken und Anhngern verziert, deren ursprngliche Positionen nur noch ansatzweise sichtbar sind, und zwar in der Mitte
der Seiten sowie in der Mitte des unteren Reifenteils (Kat.-Nr.
20; T. 3,4). Ein hnlicher Bronzeohrring vom selben Fundort wird
auch im Stadtmuseum von Vukovar aufbewahrt.6 Bei ihm ist eines der Seitengelenke erhalten, das aus sechs Kgelchen besteht (Kat.-Nr. 24; T. 3,8). Ohrringe dieser Art wurden an zahlreichen
Fundorten entdeckt. Ich hebe ein Exemplar aus Edelmetall aus
Grab 62 von drijac in Nin hervor, wo diese Formen weiblichen
Schmucks byzantinischer Provenienz in die Mitte des 9. Jahrhunderts datiert wurden, und zwar mit Hilfe von Silbermnzen des
frnkischen Kaisers Lothar (Beloevi 1984, 42-43, T. I-II; Beloevi
2007, 256-259, T. CLXXXIX,1-4).
4. Vor dem Heimatkrieg habe ich dem Stadtmuseum in Vukovar eine grere
Anzahl an archologischen Funden aus dem Gebiet von Sotin, u.a. auch
ca. zehn Artefakte aus der Zeit des II. awarischen Khaganats, geschenkt,
die sofort Teil der Dauerausstellung wurden. Diese archologischen
Bestnde aus der Vlkerwanderungszeit sind whrend der serbischen
Besatzung von Vukovar verschwunden. Leider ist keine Dokumentation
erhalten, so dass ich sie nicht in diesen Beitrag aufnehmen konnte.
5. Das Artefakt wird unter der Inventarnummer AZ-125 gefhrt. Seine
Verffentlichung erlaubte mir die Direktorin Rua Mari. Bei ihr sowie
bei Mirela Hutinec, Maja Buni und Ivana Miljak, die mir die Einsicht
in das Depot und die Inventarbcher ermglichten, bedanke ich mich fr
das erwiesene Vertrauen.
6. Der Ohrring wird unter der Inventarnummer AZ-113 gefhrt.
slina jedna naunica iz Hrvatske, i to ona iz Garduna, datirana u 7. st. (Miloevi 1991, 313-322, sl. 1). Sotinskom primjerku
bliska je i nekolicina lunulastih naunica s podruja donjeg
Podunavlja. One su opredijeljene u neto kasnije vrijeme.
Jedan takav nalaz je otkriven u Korbovu (Jankovi 1983, 101,
T. II,6, T. V,4-5), a dva na rumunjskom lokalitetu Grlia (Crjan
1969, 133, Fig. 18; Fiedler 1992, 177, Abb. 39,14-15). Primjerak
s nepoznatog nalazita, koji se uva u Beogradu, datiran je
u 9.-10. st. (Bajalovi-Hai-Pei 1984, 31, kat. br. 6, T. III,7, T.
XXIII,3). Fragmentiranu naunicu pronaenu nedaleko od
Banatske Palanke vremenski se smjeta u 10.-12. st. (Jankovi
1979, 42, sl. IV,8). Vrsnom kvalitetom izrade sotinska lunulasta naunica pripada meu ljepe izraevine takve vrste,
dodue jo uvijek slabo poznatog nakita. Naalost, za sad
ju nije mogue pouzdano ue datirati, ve samo okvirno u
razdoblje ranog srednjeg vijeka.
Na podruju Sotina otkriven je vei broj nalaza koji pripadaju bjelobrdskoj kulturi. U Dunavu, uz obalu Vruak,
pronaen je donji dio ukrasnog dvodijelnog privjesaka (kat.
br. 27; T. 3,11a-b). Ta se vrsta enskog nakita razvila prema
maarskim uzorima, a bila je u uporabi tijekom druge polovice 10. st. i prvih desetljea 11. st. (Demo 1983, 275-281).
Dvodijelni privjesci su geografski veoma rasprostranjeni.
No, s podruja hrvatskog Podunavlja poznati su samo iz Vukovara (Demo 1996, 50, sl. 30, kat. br. 11,1-2; kat. br. 50a,1) i
Dalja (Demo 1983, 273, T. 1,4). Prema obliku ukrasa, sotinski
primjerak slian je ili gotovo isti onome iz elekovca (Demo
1983, 274, T. 1,8). Jedan se takav uvao i u kninskom muzeju
(Karaman 1940, 37, sl. 29). Osim privjeska iz Gomjenice nedaleko od Prijedora (Mileti 1967, 131, T. XXXI,4), sotinskom
primjerku su analogna i dva iz Maarske, i to s lokaliteta
Tiszalc-Sarkadpusztai (Kovcs 1986, 222-223, Abb. 2,7) i s
podruja Hajd-Bihar (Nepper 1993, 79-106, T. III,95).
Iz Sotina potjeu etiri bronane grozdolike naunice
(Ercegovi 1958, 183; Tomii 1989, 115). S istog nalazita
zanimljiva je jedna neuspjelo odlivena vrsta takvog nakita, koja vjerojatno svjedoi o postojanju lokalne radionice
za njihovu izradu (Vinski 1970, 49, T. III,9). Istom kulturnom
krugu pripadaju i dvije kariice sa S zavretkom (kat. br. 21;
T. 3,5; kat. br. 22; T. 3,6). Jedan takav sotinski primjerak prvi spominje J. Brunmid (Brunmid 1903, 40). Meutim, u
zagrebakom Arheolokom muzeju uvaju se jo tri kariice
sa S zavretkom, od kojih su dvije od bronce, a jedna od srebra. Za njih se pretpostavlja, kao i za ve spomenute grozdolike naunice, te nekolicinu drugih ukrasnih predmeta, ali i
4 keramike posude, da vjerojatno potjeu iz unitenih bjelobrdskih grobova s nepoznatog poloaja u Sotinu (Tomii
1989, 115). Kariice sa S zavretkom standardni su oblik nakita bjelobrdske kulture. Kao najblie analogije navodim
primjerke iz Vukovara (Demo 1996, 47), Vinkovaca (IskraJanoi 2002, 73, kat. br. 345b, 348), Osijeka (Bulat 2007, 430,
432, 435, T. I,1,5) i Batine (Tomii 1997, 71-72, Abb. 2).
Iz samog zavretka ranog srednjega vijeka datira jedan
ugarski novac (kat. br. 16; T. 2,8a-b). Taj srebrnjak pripada
jednoj od desetak vrsta denara kovanih za kralja Kolomana (1095.-1116.) (Unger 1997, 67, 32). Otkriven je oko 150 m
jugoistono od Ilkievog vinograda.
7. Naunicu potpuno iste vrste pronaao je Saa Draa. S obzirom na to da ju
je otkrio takoer na dunavskoj obali Vruak, vrlo je vjerojatno da pripada
istom paru, moda grobu. Naalost, pronalaza ju je odnio u Srbiju. O njoj
nije sauvana nikakva dokumentacija.
Der Halbmondohrring vom Donauufer Vruak (Kat.-Nr. 26; T.

3,10a-b) gehrt zu einer uerst seltenen Schmuckart.7 Zwar sind
damit die wesentlich zahlreicheren frhmittelalterlichen Ohrringe mit sternfrmigem Anhnger verwandt (Vinski 1952, 29-52;
Koroec 1954, 77-86; Vinski 1955, 231-238; Stakov-tukovsk
1999, 250-298), doch nach seiner Schmuckform und Anfertigungstechnik ist er mit einem Ohrring aus Kroatien, und zwar aus
Gardun, datiert in das 7. Jahrhundert, verwandt (Miloevi 1991,
313-322, Abb. 1). Verwandt mit dem Exemplar aus Sotin sind auch
einige Halbmondohrringe vom Gebiet des unteren Donauraums.
Diese wurden in einen etwas spteren Zeitabschnitt datiert. Ein
solcher Fund wurde in Korbovo entdeckt (Jankovi 1983, 101, T.
II,6, T. V,4-5), zwei am rumnischen Standort Grlia (Crjan 1969,
133, Fig. 18; Fiedler 1992, 177, Abb. 39,14-15). Das Exemplar von einem unbekannten Fundort, das in Belgrad aufbewahrt wird, wurde in das 9-10. Jahrhundert datiert (Bajalovi-Hai-Pei 1984, 31,
Kat.-Nr. 6, T. III,7, T. XXIII,3). Der bruchstckhaft erhaltene Ohrring
aus der Nhe von Banatska Palanka wird in das 10-12. Jahrhundert
datiert (Jankovi 1979, 42, Abb. IV,8). Wegen seiner hervorragenden Fertigungstechnik gehrt der Halbmondohrring von Sotin
zu den schnsten Artefakten dieser Art von allerdings noch immer kaum bekanntem Schmuck. Leider lsst er sich zurzeit nicht
zuverlssig nher datieren, sondern nur ungefhr in die Epoche
des Frhmittelalters.
Im Gebiet von Sotin wurde eine grere Anzahl von Funden
entdeckt, die zur Bijelo-Brdo-Kultur gehren. In der Donau wurde am Ufer Vruak der untere Teil eines zweiteiligen Zieranhngers gefunden (Kat.-Nr. 27; T. 3,11a-b). Diese Art von weiblichem
Schmuck entwickelte sich nach ungarischen Vorbildern, die im
Laufe der zweiten Hlfte des 10. Jahrhunderts sowie in den ersten Jahrzehnten des 11. Jahrhunderts verwendet wurden (Demo 1983, 275-281). Zweiteilige Anhnger sind geographisch sehr
weit verbreitet. Allerdings sind vom Gebiet des kroatischen Donauraums nur die aus Vukovar (Demo 1996, 50, Abb. 30, Kat.-Nr.
11,1-2; Kat.-Nr. 50a,1) und Dalj bekannt (Demo 1983, 273, T. 1,4).
Nach der Verzierungsform ist das Exemplar von Sotin hnlich
oder fast gleich wie das aus elekovec (Demo 1983, 274, T. 1,8).
Ein solches wurde auch im Museum von Knin aufbewahrt (Karaman 1940, 37, Abb. 29). Neben dem Anhnger aus Gomjenica in
der Nhe von Prijedor (Mileti 1967, 131, T. XXXI,4) gibt es auch
zwei analoge Exemplare aus Ungarn, und zwar vom Standort
Tiszalc-Sarkadpusztai (Kovcs 1986, 222-223, Abb. 2,7) und vom
Gebiet Hajd-Bihar (Nepper 1993, 79-106, T. III,95).
Aus Sotin stammen vier bronzene traubenfrmige Ohrringe
(Ercegovi 1958, 183; Tomii 1989, 115). Von demselben Fundort
sind auch einige Schmuckstcke, deren Guss misslungen ist, interessant, da dies vom Bestehen einer lokalen Produktionswerkstatt zeugt (Vinski 1970, 49, T. III,9). Zu demselben Kulturkreis
gehren auch zwei Ringe, die in einem S auslaufen (Kat.-Nr. 21;
T. 3,5; Kat.-Nr. 22; T. 3,6). Ein solches Exemplar aus Sotin erwhnt
zum ersten Mal J. Brunmid (Brunmid 1903, 40). Allerdings werden im Zagreber Archologischen Museum zwei weitere Ringlein
mit einem S-Ende aufbewahrt, davon zwei aus Bronze und einer
aus Silber. Bei diesen wird genauso wie bei den schon erwhnten
traubenfrmigen Ohrringen und einigen weiteren Schmuckgegenstnden, wie auch bei 4 Keramikgefen vermutet, dass sie
wahrscheinlich aus den zerstrten Bijelo-Brdo-Grbern von einem unbekannten Standort in Sotin stammen (Tomii 1989,
115). Ringe mit einem S-Ende sind eine Standardschmuckform
der Bijelo-Brdo-Kultur. Als die nchsten Analogien seien die
Exemplare aus Vukovar (Demo 1996, 47), Vinkovci (Iskra-Janoi
2002, 73, Kat.-Nr. 345b, 348), Osijek (Bulat 2007, 430, 432, 435, T.
7. Einen Ohrring derselben Art fand Saa Draa. Da er ihn ebenfalls am
Donauufer Vruak entdeckte, ist es sehr wahrscheinlich, dass er Teil desselben Paars ist oder aus demselben Grab stammt. Leider hat der Finder
ihn nach Serbien gebracht. Darber besteht keine Dokumentation.
281
Nakon propasti rimskoga Kornakuma (Cornacum) potkraj 4. st., a to je vjerojatno izravno povezano odlaskom
vojske s tog istaknutog kastruma na dunavskom limesu, i to
po svoj prilici prije ljeta 392. (Ilki 2006, 60-61), o kulturnopovijesnom razvoju naselja na podruju dananjega Sotina
ne zna se gotovo nita, sve do 1289. god., kada se spominje
utvrda Szata (Pavii 1940, 178-180). Upravo su zato iznimno
vani podatci koje prua arheoloka graa seobe naroda i
ranog srednjega vijeka. Iako su nalazi iz prvih stoljea nakon propasti rimskog kastruma dosta rijetki, kao to je npr.
novac Justinijana I. (kat. br. 5; T. 1,5a-b), oni ipak potvruju
kontinuitet ivota, vjerojatno samo u skromnim okvirima.
Poetkom II. avarskog kaganata naselje je doivjelo snaan
impuls, o emu svjedoe brojni i razliiti artefakti. Ono je
egzistiralo i kasnije, tj. u razdoblju bjelobrdske kulture.
Zahvaljujui sauvanim podatcima o tonom mjestu
pronalaska pojedinih artefakata mogue je locirati prostorni smjetaj naselja. Ono je obuhvaalo isto podruje koje je
prethodno pripadalo Kornakumu, i to iz njegovog vremena
nakon to je prostorno reducirano potkraj vladavine rimskoga cara Valentinijana I., ili moda potkraj vladavine njegovog
brata Valensa (Ilki 2003, 127-128). Naselje iz razdoblja seobe
naroda i ranog srednjeg vijeka lealo je uz rubni dio lesne
zaravni, odnosno iznad dunavske obale Vruak i sredita
dananjeg Sotina. Na sjeverozapadu je ogranieno sa surdukom izmeu Popinog brda i Gradine. U jugoistonom
smjeru prualo se do surduka izmeu Ilkievog vinograda i Srednjeg polja. Njegova irina nije prelazila duinu tih
dubokih i strmih uleknua zemljita (Karta 1). S dva kraa
surduka naselje je bilo povezano s obalom, gdje je nekoliko
izvora pitke vode. ini se da je nekadanje stanovnitvo bilo
ivotno vezano uz Dunav, osobito njegovu obalu Vruak, na
to upuuju mnogobrojni arheoloki nalazi s toga poloaja
u podnoju Sotina.
KATALOG
1. Spona u obliku slova S. Sauvan je samo zavrni dio
koji je ukraen sa stiliziranom zmijolikom glavom razjapljenih usta i uzdunom krijesnicom povie tjemena. Vjerojatno
prikazuje zmaja (draco). Stanjeni vrat je romboidnog presjeka. Bronca s tamnosmeom patinom. Veliina: 2,4 x 1 x 0,6
cm. T. 1,1.
2. Spona u obliku slova S. Sauvana je veim dijelom. Na
njezinom zavretku vjerojatno je prikazana veoma stilizirana zmijolika glava s razjapljenim ustima. Tjeme je profilirano
s tri poprjena rebra. Po sredini tijela, priblino polukrunog
presjeka, nalazi se poliedarsko zadebljanje. Bronca s tamnom patinom. Veliina: 3,8 x 2,4 x 0,7 cm. T. 1,2.
3. Spona u obliku slova S. Zavretci u obliku nepravilnog
stoca prelaze u vrat priblino krunog presjeka. Po sredini
tijela je etvrtasto zadebljanje. Na vie savijenoj strani spone visi karika krunog presjeka. Bronca s tamnom patinom.
Veliina spone: 2 x 1,1 x 0,4 cm; promjer karike: 1,1 cm. T.
1,3.
4. Luna fibula. Sauvana je polovica fibule. Luk trokutastog presjeka suen je na prijelazu u ploasto proirenje.
Po sredini njegove donje strane je fragmentirani dra igle.
Srebro s tamnom sivom patinom. Veliina: 1,7 x 1 x 0,4 cm.
T. 1,4a-b.
5. Bizantski novac kovan za Justinijana I. (527.-565.). U
sreditu polja na prednjoj strani je prikaz udesno okrenute
282
I,1,5) und Batina angefhrt(Tomii 1997, 71-72, Abb. 2).

Ganz aus dem ausgehenden Frhmittelalter datiert eine ugrische Mnze (Kat.-Nr. 16; T. 2,8a-b). Diese Silbermnze gehrt zu
einer von ungefhr zehn Arten von Denaren, die zur Zeit des Knigs Koloman (1095-1116) geprgt wurden (Unger 1997, 67, 32). Sie
wurde ca. 150 m sdstlich von Ilkis Weinberg entdeckt.
Nach dem Untergang des rmischen Cornacum am Ende des
4. Jahrhunderts, was wahrscheinlich in direktem Zusammenhang
mit dem Rckzug des Militrs aus diesem exponierten Castrum
am Donau-Limes stand, und zwar allem Anschein nach vor dem
Sommer 392 (Ilki 2006, 60-61), hat man fast berhaupt keine Erkenntnisse mehr ber die kulturhistorische Entwicklung der Siedlung im Gebiet des heutigen Sotin bis in das Jahr 1289, als die
Festung Szata erwhnt wird (Pavii 1940, 178-180). Gerade deshalb sind die Daten, die die archologischen Materialien aus der
Vlkerwanderung und dem Frhmittelalter bieten, auerordentlich wichtig. Obwohl Funde aus den ersten Jahrhunderten nach
dem Untergang des rmischen Castrums in der Tat selten sind,
wie zum Beispiel die Mnzen des Justinian I. (Kat.-Nr. 5; T. 1,5a-b),
besttigen sie doch die Siedlungskontinuitt wahrscheinlich
nur in bescheidenen Ausmaen. Am Anfang des II. awarischen
Khaganats erfuhr die Siedlung einen starken Impuls, wovon zahlreiche und diverse Artefakte zeugen. Sie bestand auch spter,
d.h. in der Zeit der Bijelo-Brdo-Kultur, weiter.
Dank der erhaltenen Daten ber die genaue Fundstelle der
einzelnen Artefakte lsst sich auch die rumliche Verteilung der
Siedlung lokalisieren. Die Siedlung umfasste dasselbe Gebiet, das
frher Cornacum bildete, und zwar aus der Zeit, als es gegen Ende der Herrschaft des rmischen Kaisers Valentinian I. rumlich
reduziert worden war, oder vielleicht am Ende der Herrschaft seines Bruders Valens (Ilki 2003, 127-128). Die Siedlung aus der Zeit
der Vlkerwanderung und des Frhmittelalters lag am Rand des
Lplateaus beziehungsweise oberhalb des Donauufers Vruak
und des Zentrums des heutigen Sotin. Im Nordwesten wird sie
von einem Hohlweg zwischen Popino brdo und Gradina begrenzt. Nach Sdwesten breitete sie sich bis zum Hohlweg zwischen
Ilkis Weinberg und Srednje polje aus. Ihre Breite berschritt nicht
die Lnge dieser tiefen und steilen Schlucht (Karte 1). Durch zwei
krzere Hohlwege war die Siedlung mit dem Ufer verbunden,
wo sich einige Trinkwasserquellen befinden. Es scheint, dass die
einstigen Einwohner eine vitale Bindung an die Donau hatten, insbesondere an ihr Ufer Vruak, worauf zahlreiche archologische
Funde von diesem Standort oberhalb von Sotin hindeuten.
KATALOG
1. S-Haken. Es ist nur der Endteil erhalten, der mit einem stilisierten schlangenfrmigen Kopf mit weit aufgerissenem Maul
und einem lnglichen Leuchtkfer ber dem Hinterkopf verziert
ist. Wahrscheinlich stellt er einen Drachen dar (draco). Der dnne
Hals hat einen rhomboiden Querschnitt. Bronze mit dunkelbrauner Patina. Ma: 2,4 x 1 x 0,6 cm. T. 1,1.
2. S-Haken. Er ist grtenteils erhalten. Das Ende bildete
wahrscheinlich ein sehr stilisierter schlangenfrmiger Kopf mit
weit aufgerissenem Maul. Der Hinterkopf ist mit drei Lngsrippen
profiliert. In der Mitte des Krpers, mit annhernd halbkreisfrmigem Querschnitt, befindet sich eine vieleckige Verdickung. Bronze mit dunkler Patina. Ma: 3,8 x 2,4 x 0,7 cm. T. 1,2.
3. S-Haken. Enden in Form eines unregelmigen Kegels gehen in den Hals mit annhernd rundem Durchschnitt ber. In der
Mitte des Krpers ist eine viereckige Verdickung. An der strker
gewlbten Seite der Fibel hngt ein Ring mit rundem Querschnitt. Bronze mit dunkler Patina. Ma der Fibel: 2 x 1,1 x 0,4 cm;
Ringquerschnitt: 1,1 cm. T. 1,3.
4. Bogenfibel. Teilweise erhalten. Der Bogen mit dreieckigem
Querschnitt verjngt sich am bergang zu einer abgeplatteten
careve biste u draperiji i s dijademom na glavi koju tvore

dva reda bisera. Od legenda je itljiva samo prva polovica
natpisa: D N IVSTINI-[]. U sreditu na stranjoj strani je vidljiva lijeva polovica natpisnog polja. itljivo je slovo A te
djelomino i gornji dijelovi slova I i S. Posljednje slovo P je
neitljivo. Iznad natpisa su slabo vidljive dvije zvjezdice ili
moda krunice. U odsjeku je kratica TE[S]. Bakar sa svjetlom smeom patinom. Veliina: 2,3 x 1,9 cm; teina: 6,40 g.
T. 1,5a-b.
6. Pojasna kopa. Na titastom okovu su tri simetrino
rasporeene krune rupe za spajanje na koni dio remena.
Po sredini prijelaza u necjelovito sauvanu etvrtastu alku
je kruna perforacija za trn koji nedostaje. Slitina bijele boje
sa sivom patinom. Veliina: 2,8 x 2,2 x 0,4 cm. T. 1,6.
7. Pojasni jeziac. Sauvana je priblino polovica. Njegova prednje strana ukraena je stiliziranim biljnim motivom.
Na zavretku su dvije krune rupice, te jedna po sredini
ploastog tijela. Bronca s tamnom patinom. Veliina: 2,1 x
1,6 x 0,3 cm. T. 1,7.
8. Pojasni jeziac. Sauvan je samo manji dio tijela sa
zaobljenim zavretkom. Priblino po sredini prednje strane, ukraene stiliziranim biljnim motivom, je kruna rupica.
Bronca s tamnom patinom. Veliina: 1,4 x 1,8 x 0,4 cm. T.
1,8.
9. Pojasni jeziac. Sauvana je polovica jezica. Na obje
strane ima isti prikaz. Pri zavretku tijela, odmah iza zakovice
za privrivanje na koni dio pojasa, nalazi se malo ukrasno
pravokutno polje sa stiliziranim biljnim motivom u obliku
slova S. U veem ukrasnom polju vidljivi su samo dijelovi
dvaju simetrino postavljenih izduenih listova. Bronca s
tamnom patinom. Veliina: 2,1 x 1,5 x 0,3 cm. T. 2,1a-b.
10. Okov u obliku elise. Sauvan je samo dio jednog kraka. Priblino je trokutastog presjeka. Prednja strana tijela je
ukraena s biljnim motivom. Bronca s tamnom patinom i
tragovima pozlate. Veliina: 3 x 1,6 x 0,4 cm. T. 2,2.
11. Okov u obliku elise. Sauvan je samo jedan krak trokutastog presjeka kao i dio sredinjeg krunog ploastog
proirenja s tragovima rupice za privrivanje na koni dio
remena. Bronca sa sivkastom patinom. Veliina: 2,9 x 1, x 0,3
cm. T. 2,3.
12. Okov u obliku elise. Sauvan je samo dio jednog
plonog kraka ija je prednja strana ukraena biljnim motivom. Bronca sa smeom patinom. Veliina: 2,4 x 1 x 0,2
cm. T. 2,4.
13. Okov sa zoomorfnim zavretcima. Sauvan je jedan
krak koji prikazuje ivotinjsku protomu, okrenutu udesno.
Prednji dio tijela ukraen je stiliziranim biljnim motivom. Na
plonom tijelu je dijelom sauvana i sredinja kruna rupica za privrivanje na remen. Bronca s tamnom patinom.
Veliina: 2,6 x 1,5 x 0,2 cm. T. 2,5.
14. Okov kvadratinog oblika. Prednja strana plonog
tijela ukraena je motivom u obliku kria meu ijim su
krakovima ovalni ukrasi. U sreditu okova je kruna rupica
za privrivanje na remen. Bronca sa tamnom patinom.
Veliina: 1,4 x 1,4 x 0,3 cm. T. 2,6.
15. Okov kvadratinog oblika. Sauvana je polovica okova. Prednja strana plonog tijela ukraena je motivom u obliku kria meu ijim su krakovima ovalni ukrasi. U sreditu
okova je kruna rupica za privrivanje na remen. Bronca
sa zelenom patinom. Veliina: 1,4 x 1,1 x 0,3 cm. T. 2,7.
16. Ugarski novac kralja Kolomana (1095.-1116.).
Djelomino oteen. Na prednjoj strani uz kruni rub je niz
Erweiterung. In der Mitte seiner Unterseite befindet sich das Fragment einer Nadelhalterung. Silber mit dunkelgrauer Patina. Ma:
1,7 x 1 x 0,4 cm. T. 1,4a-b.
5. Byzantinische Mnze, geprgt unter Justinian I. (527-565).
In der Feldmitte auf der Vorderseite befindet sich die Darstellung
einer nach rechts gewandten Kaiserbste in Draperie und mit
einem Diadem auf dem Kopf, bestehend aus zwei Perlenreihen.
Von den Legenden ist nur die erste Hlfte der Inschrift leserlich:
D N IVSTINI-[]. In der Mitte auf dem Revers ist die linke Hlfte
des Inschriftfeldes erkennbar. Leserlich sind der Buchstabe A und
teilweise auch der obere Teil der Buchstaben I und S. Der letzte
Buchstabe P ist unleserlich. Oberhalb der Beschriftung sind zwei
schwer erkennbare Sternchen oder vielleicht Kreise. Im Segment
befindet sich die Abkrzung TE[S]. Kupfer mit hellgrauer Patina.
Ma: 2,3 x 1,9 cm; Gewicht: 6,40 g. T. 1,5a-b.
6. Grtelschnalle. Auf dem schildfrmigen Beschlag befinden
sich drei symmetrisch verteilte runde Lcher zur Befestigung am
ledernen Teil des Grtels. In der Mitte des bergangs in einen unvollstndig erhaltenen viereckigen Ring befindet sich eine runde
Perforation fr den Dorn, der fehlt. Weie Legierung mit grauer
Patina. Ma: 2,8 x 2,2 x 0,4 cm. T. 1,6.
7. Riemenzunge. Ungefhr die Hlfte ist erhalten. Ihre Vorderseite ist mit einem stilisierten Pflanzenmotiv verziert. Am Ende
sind zwei kreisfrmige Lcher, ein weiteres Loch befindet sich in
der Mitte des plattenfrmigen Krpers. Bronze mit dunkler Patina. Ma: 2,1 x 1,6 x 0,3 cm. T. 1,7.
8. Riemenzunge. Nur ein kleinerer Teil des Krpers mit abgerundetem Ende ist erhalten. Ungefhr in der Mitte der Vorderseite, verziert mit einem stilisierten Pflanzenmotiv, befindet sich ein
kreisfrmiges Loch. Bronze mit dunkler Patina. Ma: 1,4 x 1,8 x 0,4
cm. T. 1,8.
9. Riemenzunge. Teilweise erhalten. Auf beiden Seiten trgt
sie die gleiche Darstellung. Am Ende des Krpers, unmittelbar
hinter der Niete zur Befestigung am ledernen Teil des Grtels, befindet sich ein kleines rechteckiges Zierfeld mit einem stilisierten
S-frmigen Pflanzenmotiv. Im greren Zierfeld sind nur Teile
zweier symmetrisch angeordneter lnglicher Bltter erkennbar.
Bronze mit dunkler Patina. Ma: 2,1 x 1,5 x 0,3 cm. T. 2,1a-b.
10. Propellerfrmiger Beschlag. Nur ein Teil eines Schenkels
ist erhalten. Annhernd dreieckiger Querschnitt. Die Vorderseite des Krpers ist mit einem Pflanzenmotiv verziert. Bronze mit
dunkler Patina und Spuren von Vergoldung. Ma: 3 x 1,6 x 0,4 cm.
T. 2,2.
11. Propellerfrmiger Beschlag. Es ist nur ein Schenkel mit
dreieckigem Querschnitt sowie ein Teil der zentralen runden
plattenfrmigen Verbreiterung mit Spuren eines Befestigungslochs gefunden. Bronze mit grulicher Patina. Ma: 2,9 x 1, x 0,3 cm.
T. 2,3.
12. Propellerfrmiger Beschlag. Es ist nur ein Teil eines flchigen Schenkels erhalten, dessen Vorderseite mit einem Pflanzenmotiv verziert ist. Bronze mit brauner Patina. Ma: 2,4 x 1 x 0,2
cm. T. 2,4.
13. Beschlag mit zoomorphen Enden. Es ist ein Schenkel
erhalten, der eine nach rechts gewandte Protome darstellt. Der
Vorderteil des Krpers ist mit einem stilisierten Pflanzenmotiv
verziert. An dem flchigen Schenkel ist teilweise auch das mittlere Befestigungsloch erhalten. Bronze mit dunkler Patina. Ma: 2,6
x 1,5 x 0,2 cm. T. 2,5.
14. Quadratischer Beschlag. Die Vorderseite des flchigen
Krpers ist mit einem kreuzfrmigen Motiv verziert, unter dessen
Schenkeln sich ovale Verzierungen befinden. In der Beschlagmitte ist ein kreisfrmiges Befestigungsloch. Bronze mit dunkler Patina. Ma: 1,4 x 1,4 x 0,3 cm. T. 2,6.
15. Quadratischer Beschlag. Teilweise erhalten. Die Vorderseite des flchigen Krpers ist mit einem kreuzfrmigen Motiv
verziert, unter dessen Schenkeln sich ovale Verzierungen befinden. In der Beschlagmitte ist ein kreisfrmiges Befestigungsloch.
283
motiva u obliku kvadratia. U sredinjem dijelu je kri meu

ijim su krakovima simetrino rasporeeni motivi u obliku polumjeseca s tokom. Na stranjoj strani izmeu dvije
krunice je niz motiva u obliku razliitih crta. U sreditu je
kri meu ijem su krakovima motivi u obliku trokuta. Srebro
bez patine. Veliina: 1,2 x 1,1 cm; teina: 0,25 g. T. 2,8a-b.
17. Dio dvodijelnog okova pojasa. Izraen je tehnikom
na proboj. Nedostaje jedna uica zglobnog mehanizma
kojim je bio povezan s nesauvanim drugim dijelom okova. U sredinjem prostoru prednje strane srcolikog tijela je
bogati ukras u obliku biljnog ornamenta. Na rubovima, koji
su ukraeni motivom pletenice, dvije su krune rupice za
privrivanje na koni pojas. Bronca tamnosmee patine.
Veliina: 3,1 x 2,8 x 0,5 cm. T. 3,1.
18. Dio dvodijelnog okova pojasa. Ispod uice je ukraen
motivom reljefnih ljusaka. Po sredini tijela je kruna rupica
za zakovicu s kojom je bio privren na koni remen. Bronca tamnosive patine. Veliina: 1,4 x 0,9 x 0,3 cm. T. 3,2.
19. Dio dvodijelnog okova pojasa. Na prednjoj reljefno
ukraenoj povrini, ispod uice, su dvije nepravilne perforacije. Bronca sa zelenom patinom. Veliina: 1,9 x 1,4 x 0,5
cm. T. 3,3.
20. Naunica u obliku nepravilne izduene krune osnove. Poetak gornjeg dijela rastavljenih krajeva je stanjen i
ima kruni presjek. Ostali dio tijela je kvadratinog presjeka. S lijeve i desne strane karike, kao i po sredini donjeg dijela, vidljivi su tragovi privjesaka koji nedostaju. Bronca sa
tamnosmeom patinom. Veliina: 2,1 x 1,4 x 0,2 cm. T. 3,4.
21. S-kariica. Jedan kraj deformiranog ianoga tijela je
stanjen i zavrava u obliku slova S. Bakar sa zelenom patinom. Veliina: 3,3 x 2,2 x 0,4 cm. T. 3,5.
22. S-kariica. Jedan kraj deformiranog ianoga tijela je
stanjen i zavrava u obliku slova S. Bakar s tamnosmeom
patinom. Veliina: 2,6 x 1,3 x 0,4 cm. T. 3,6.
23. Okov s dvije rupice za privrivanje na remen.
Plono tijelo ukraeno je u obliku stilizirane glave. Bronca sa
crnom patinom. Veliina: 1,2 x 1,1 x 0,2 cm. T. 3,7.
24. Naunica sa sauvanim bonim koljencem koje se
sastoji od est granula. Djelomino deformirana karika je
etvrtastog presjeka u donjem dijelu, a krunog presjeka u
gornjem dijelu. Bronca tamne patine. Veliina: 2,1 x 1,4 cm.
T. 3,8.
25. Okov titastog oblika s dvije rupice za privrivanje
na remen. Na prednjoj strani plonog tijela urezan je motiv u obliku niza zaobljenih crta. Bronca tamnosive patine.
Veliina: 1,8 x 1,7 x 0,1 cm. T. 3,9.
26. Lunulasta naunica. Rubovi prednje strane ukraeni
su u obliku trostruke pletenice. Sredinji prostor je okomito razdijeljen s etverostrukom pletenicom. Povie nje je
trokutasti izdanak u obliku tri granule. Tijelo je razdijeljeno od nesauvane karike skupinom vodoravnih pletenica.
Naunica u donjem dijelu zavrava s pet simetrinih trokutastih izdanaka. Sredinji je vei i oblikuju ga est granula.
Boni su u obliku tri granule. Slitina bijele boje s tamnosivom patinom. Veliina: 1.6 x 1,8 x 9,3 cm. T. 3,10a-b.
27. Dvodijelni privjesak. Zaobljeno srcoliko tijelo
ukraeno je biljnim ornamentom iji sredinji dio tvori ornament u obliku trolista. Pri vrhu je kruna rupica za vjeanje.
Bronca sa smeom patinom. Veliina: 2,7 x 1,7 x 0,3 cm. T.
3,11a-b.
284
Bronze mit grner Patina.. Ma: 1,4 x 1,1 x 0,3 cm. T. 2,7.
16. Ugrische Mnze des Knigs Koloman (1095-1116). Teilweise beschdigt. An der Vorderseite am kreisfrmigen Rand befindet sich eine Reihe von quadratischen Motiven. Der zentrale Teil
zeigt ein Kreuz, unter dessen Schenkeln sich symmetrisch verteilte Motive in Form eines Halbmonds mit Punkt befinden. Auf
der Rckseite zwischen zwei Kreisen befindet sich eine Reihe von
unterschiedlichen Linienmotiven. In der Mitte ist ein Kreuz, unter
dessen Schenkeln sich dreieckige Motive befinden. Silber ohne
Patina. Ma: 1,2 x 1,1 cm; Gewicht: 0,25 g. T. 2,8a-b.
17. Teil eines zweiteiligen Grtelbeschlags. In Durchbohrungstechnik angefertigt. Es fehlt eine se des Gelenkmechanismus,
welche mit dem nicht erhaltenen zweiten Teil des Beschlags
verbunden war. Im Mittelteil der Vorderseite des herzfrmigen
Krpers ist eine reiche Verzierung in Form eines Pflanzenornamentes. An den Rndern, die mit einem Zopfmotiv verziert sind,
befinden sich zwei kreisfrmige kleine Befestigungslcher. Bronze mit dunkelbrauner Patina. Ma: 3,1 x 2,8 x 0,5 cm. T. 3,1.
18. Teil eines zweiteiligen Grtelbeschlags. Unter der se mit
dem Motiv eines Schuppenreliefs verziert. In der Mitte des Krpers ist ein rundes Loch fr die Niete, mit der der Beschlag am
Ledergrtel befestigt war. Bronze mit dunkelgrauer Patina. Ma:
1,4 x 0,9 x 0,3 cm. T. 3,2.
19. Teil eines zweiteiligen Grtelbeschlags. Auf der vorderen
mit einem Relief verzierten Oberflche, unter der se, befinden
sich zwei unregelmige Perforationen. Bronze mit grner Patina. Ma: 1,9 x 1,4 x 0,5 cm. T. 3,3.
20. Ohrring in Form eines unregelmigen lnglichen Kreises.
Der Anfang des oberen Teils mit getrennten Enden ist verjngt
und hat einen runden Querschnitt. Der brige Teil weist einen
quadratischen Querschnitt auf. An der linken und rechten Seite
des Ringes sowie in der Mitte des unteren Teiles sind Spuren der
fehlenden Anhnger erkennbar. Bronze mit dunkelbrauner Patina. Ma: 2,1 x 1,4 x 0,2 cm. T. 3,4.
21. S-Ring. Ein Teil des deformierten Drahtkrpers ist verjngt
und endet in der Form des Buchstabens S. Kupfer mit grner Patina. Ma: 3,3 x 2,2 x 0,4 cm. T. 3,5.
22. S-Ring. Ein Teil des deformierten Drahtkrpers ist verjngt
und endet in der Form des Buchstabens S. Kupfer mit dunkelbrauner Patina. Ma: 2,6 x 1,3 x 0,4 cm. T. 3,6.
23. Beschlag mit zwei Lchern zur Befestigung am Grtel. Der
flchige Krper ist in der Form eines stilisierten Kopfes verziert.
Bronze mit schwarzer Patina. Ma: 1,2 x 1,1 x 0,2 cm. T. 3,7.
24. Ohrring mit erhaltenem Seitengelenk, bestehend aus sechs Kgelchen. Der teilweise deformierte Ring hat unten einen
viereckigen Querschnitt, oben einen runden Querschnitt. Bronze
mit einer dunklen Patina. Ma: 2,1 x 1,4 cm. T. 3,8.
25. Schildfrmiger Beschlag mit zwei Lchern zur Befestigung am Grtel. Die Vorderseite des flchigen Krpers zeigt ein
eingeritztes Motiv in Form einer Reihe von dicken Linien. Bronze
mit dunkelgrauer Patina. Ma: 1,8 x 1,7 x 0,1 cm. T. 3,9.
26. Halbmondohrring. Die Rnder der Vorderseite sind in
Form eines dreifachen Zopfes verziert. Die Mittelflche ist senkrecht mit einem vierfachen Zopf unterteilt. Darber befindet sich
eine dreieckige Knospe in Form von drei Kgelchen. Der Krper
ist vom nicht erhaltenen Ring durch eine Gruppe von horizontalen Zpfen getrennt. Der Ohrring endet unten mit fnf symmetrischen dreieckigen Knospen. Die mittlere ist grer und besteht
aus sechs Kgelchen. Die seitlichen haben die Form von drei Kgelchen. Weie Legierung mit dunkelgrauer Patina. Ma: 1.6 x 1,8
x 9,3 cm. T. 3,10a-b.
27. Zweiteiliger Anhnger. Der runde herzfrmige Krper ist
mit einem Pflanzenornament verziert, dessen zentraler Teil ein
Dreiblattornament ausmacht. An der Spitze ist ein rundes Loch
zum Aufhngen. Bronze mit brauner Patina. Ma: 2,7 x 1,7 x 0,3
cm. T. 3,11a-b.
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T. 1
T. 1: 1-4, 6-8 Sotin-Vruak; 5a-b Sotin-Jaro
286
T. 2
T. 2: 1-7 Sotin-Vruak; 8a-b Sotin-Ilkiev vinograd
287
T. 3
10a
10b
11a
11b
T. 3: 1-4, 7-10a-b Sotin-Vruak; 5 Sotin-Jaro; 6, 11a-b Sotin-Dunav
288
Rani srednji vijek od alpskih obronaka do Panonije

The Early Middle Ages from the Alpine Slopes to Pannonia
MITJA GUTIN
Intitut za dediino Sredozemlja
Univerza na Primorskem
SI PIRAN, P.P. 14
mitja.gustin@zrs.upr.si


UDK/UDC 904(=164)
904:738](=164)653
Primljeno/Received: 02. 09. 2007
Prihvaeno/Accepted: 10. 09. 2007
Zahvaljujui istraivanjima na trasama autocesta uz tokove Drave i Mure, dobili smo znaajne
podatke o prvom naseljavanju i materijalnoj kulturi Slavena iz 6. i 7. st. Otkrivena su i brojna naselja
kasnijeg razdoblja, 10.-15. st., koja zbog stanja istraenosti dobivaju znaajnu ulogu u upoznavanju
tog dijela povijesti. U prilogu navedeni radovi i nalazi sa C14 datacijama nude kvalitetan pristup
obradi materijalne kulture, osobito keramikih nalaza.
Kljune rijei: Alpski Slaveni, rani srednji vijek, Murska Sobota-Nova tabla, Zatak
The archaeological research on the motorway routes along the Drava and Mura rivers has yielded
important data on the first Slavic settlement and their material culture from the 6th and 7th centuries. Numerous settlements from the later period, from the 10th to 15th century were discovered and
these, due to the state of research, play an important role in the understanding of that period. The
material mentioned in the paper, as well as the C14 dates, offer a quality approach to the analysis of
material culture with special focus on pottery finds.
Keywords: Alpine Slavs, Early Middle Ages, Murska Sobota-Nova, Tabla, Zatak
Zahvaljujui izgradnji dijelova trase autoceste u posljednjem desetljeu na koridoru od Budimpete prema
Mariboru i prema Zagrebu, na obje strane slovensko-maarske granice kao i na potezu izmeu akovca i Varadina, na ravnicama uz tokove Mure i Drave, izvedena su
brojna arheoloka istraivanja. Iskopavanjima na opsenim
nenaseljenim i intenzivno obraivanim ravnicama stvorena je potpuno nova, a prije svega s materijalnim dokazima
dobro potkrijepljena, povijesna slika za razdoblje starog i
srednjeg vijeka (Gutin 2002; Motorway 2003-2004; Zalai
Mzeum 12-15, 2003-2006; Beki 2006).
Uz mnotvo podataka o prapovijesti i rimskom dobu,
kao i iznimno vanih nalaza za povijest, u ovom prilogu
nas posebno zanima naseljavanje nakon 568. god. na prostoru Mure i Drave i njihovih pritoka, kada rub istonih Alpa i zapadne Panonije naputaju germanski Langobardi.
Doseljavanje tzv. alpskih Slavena u drugoj polovici 6. st.
na administrativno prazan prostor s malobrojnim stanovnitvom svakako je povezano s odlaskom politike i vojne
elite Langobarda u Italiju (Grafenauer 1988).
Za Slavene koji se u drugoj polovici (bolje posljednjoj
Owing to the construction of portions of the motorway

route on the corridor from Budapest to Maribor and Zagreb
during the last decade, numerous archaeological excavations were carried out on both sides of the Slovenian-Hungarian border, as well as on the section between akovec
and Varadin on the plains along the Mura and Drava rivers.
The excavations on the vast, uninhabited and intensively
cultivated plains helped create an entirely new historical
picture of Antiquity and the Middle Ages, which is above all
well-substantiated by material evidence (Gutin 2002; Motorway 2003-2004; Zalai Mzeum 12-15, 2003-2006; Beki
2006).
In addition to a wealth of information about prehistory
and the Roman period, as well as exceptionally important
historical finds, this paper focuses particularly on settlement in the territory along the Mura and Drava rivers with
their tributaries after 568, when the German Langobards
left the edge of the eastern Alps and western Pannonia. The
immigration of the so-called Alpine Slavs in the second half
of the 6th cent. to an administratively vacant area with sparse population is certainly connected with the departure
of the political and military elite of the Langobards to Italy
289
M. GUTIN, Rani srednji vijek od alpskih obronaka do Panonije, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 289-300.
Sl. 1 Nalazita srednjovjekovnog naseljavanja oko Drave i Mure (na osnovu radova: Luka Beki, Tajana Sekelj Ivanan,
Branko Kerman, Timotej Knific, Marina imek, eljko Tomii, Ilona Valter, Marijan Zadnikar. Kartu realizirali: Daa
Pavlovi i Andrej Prelonik)
Fig. 1 Sites of medieval settlement along the rivers Drava and Mura (after works of: Luka Beki, Tajana Sekelj Ivanan, Branko
Kerman, Timotej Knific, Marina imek, eljko Tomii, Ilona Valter, Marijan Zadnikar. Map realization: Daa Pavlovi i
Andrej Prelonik)
290
M. GUTIN, The Early Middle Ages from the Alpine Slopes to Pannonia, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 289-300.
1 RANA SLAVENSKA NASELJENOST / EARLY SLAVIC SETTLEMENT (6.-9. st.), Slovenija/Slovenia (1-19), Hrvatska/
Croatia (20-28): 1 Hoe, 2 Slivnica, 3 Maribor-Pobreje, 4 Malenik, 5 Zgornji Duplek, 6 Ptuj-Ptujski
grad, 7 Ptuj- Brstje, 8 Turnie pri Ptuju, 9 Grofovsko, 10 Krog-abnjek, 11 Krog-Pod Kotom (jug, sever,
cesta), 12 Kotare-baza, 13 Murska Sobota-Nova tabla, 14 Lipovci- Popava, 15 Turnie-Kalimovnjek,
16 Jurina vas-Annikovo gradie, 17 Brezje nad Zreami, 18 Brinjeva gora, 19 Zbelovska gora, 20
Donja Voa-Vindija, 21 Nedelie-Stara ves, 22 Varadin, 23 Varaidn-Brezje, 24 Jakopovec-Blizna,
25 Zbelava-Pod lipom, 26 Prelog-Cirkovljan, 27 Torec (Preno pole I, Blaevo pole 6), 28 elekovecJegeni.
2 NASELJENOST NAKON UPADA MADARA / SETTLEMENT AFTER HUNGARIAN RAIDS (10.-13. st.), Slovenija/Slovenia (1-17), Madarska/Hungary (18-21), Hrvatska/Croatia (22-37): 1 renjevec, 2 MariborRadvanje, 3 Maribor-Piramida, 4 Ptuj-Ptujski grad, 5 Hajdina, 6 Sredie pri Dravi-Cirkevca, 7 Gornja
Radgona, 8 Nemka vrata, 9 Verej, 10 Dokleovje, 11 Selo-Gradie 12 Turnie-Gorice, 13 Dolga
vas-Gornje njive, 14 Dolnji Lako-Oloris, 15 Lendava-Pri Muri, 16 Zatak, 17 Pince-Pod Grunti, 18 Muraszemenye-Hossz-dl, 19 Muraszemenye-Gly-parlag, 20 Letenye-Egyeduta, 21 Letenye-Korongitbla, 22 Gorian, 23 Sv. Juraj u Trnju, 24 akovec, 25 enkovec, 26 Nedelie-Stara ves, 27 Macinec,
28 Jakopovec-Blizna, 29 Varadinske toplice-Ciglenica, 30 emovec-arnjak, 31 emovec-Kupinje,
32 Veliki Bukovec, 33 Ludbreg, 34 Sigetec Ludbreki-Loke, 35 Torec (Gradi, Cirkvie), 36 Torec
(Preno pole I, Blaevo pole 6, Ledine), 37 elekovec.
CRKVENA ROMANIKA / CHURCH ROMANESQUE ART, Slovenija/Slovenia (1-24), Madarska/Hungary

(25-36), Hrvatska/Croatia (37-39): 1 ie (samostanska cerkev, pitali), 2 Poljane, 3 Studenice, 4 Koritno pri Oplotnici, 5 Slovenska Bistrica, 6 renjevec, 7 martno na Pohorju, 8 Slivnica, 9 Hoe, 10
Maribor, 11 Vuzenica, 12 Jarenina, 13 Jurovski Dol, 14 Benedikt, 15 Ptuj (Dominikanski samostan, Sv.
Jurij) , 16 Dravinjski vrh, 17 Velika Nedelja, 18 Murska Sobota, 19 Turnie, 20 Bogojina, 21 Selo-Sv.
Nikolaj, 22 Domanjevci-Sv. Martin, 23 Gornji Petrovci, 24 Hodo, 25 Kerca-Szent Venzel, 26 Velemr,
27 Csesztreg, 28 Gosztola, 29 Pka, 30 Szcsisziget-Mrok, 31 Muraszemenye, 32 Becschely-Pola, 33
Letenye-Szentkereszt, 34 Szepetnek, 35 Mriczhely, 36 Csurg, 37 Kriovljan, 38 Kelemen, 39 Mihovljan.
291
treini) 6. st. doseljavaju u Pomurje, Podravinu i dalje do

ravniarskih prostora Friulija te zalea morske obale u Istri,
u strunoj je literaturi uvrijeen termin alpski Slaveni. O
njima smo do nedavno imali na raspolaganju samo pisana
vrela koja za politiku i vojnu povijest biljee sukobe Samove plemenske zajednice (623.-658.) s Francima i Avarima i postojanje Karantanije (664.-772.) koja se u strahu od
avarske dominacije povezala s Bavarcima, a time posredno
i s franakim kraljem te kranskom crkvom (Bitenc, Knific
2001; Gutin 2004 s literaturom).
Opsena su arheoloka istraivanja dokazala intenzivno naseljavanje i u kasnijim razdobljima, a posebno od 10.
do 15. st. jer su otkrivena brojna, dobro dokumentirana naselja, posebno na prostoru izmeu Beltinci, Pince kraj Lendave, na drugoj strani dananje granice sa Madarskom
izmeu Mure i potoka Ledava/Lendva, kao i na vieslojnim
nalazitima u okolici Varadina i akovca (Gutin 2006; Beki 2006).
Prilikom arheolokih iskopavanja u Slivnici kod Maribora 1996. god. otkrivene su prve ovalne, do 0,80 cm duboke
jame, interpretirane kao ranosrednjovjekovne zemunice
(Cigleneki, Strmnik Guli 2002), karakteristina prebivalita tog vremena u kontinentalnoj Europi (alkovsky 2001;
2006). Nalazima jama kasnije su se pridruili slini objekti
na nekoliko lokacija u okolici Murske Sobote, gdje predstavljaju najraniji i najvei opseg dokumentiranog ranosrednjovjekovnog naseljavanja junog ruba istonih Alpa
(Gutin 2002; Motorway 2003-2004).
U prilog odreivanja etnike pripadnosti stanovnitva
iz okolice Murske Sobote slavenskoj grani govori nekoliko
obiljeja od kojih neke vrijede kao znaajke srednjeg i istonoeuropskog prostora, a u kombinaciji nude mogunost
etnikog opredjeljivanja (ako uzmemo u obzir rezerviranost koja se u posljednje vrijeme esto navodi, npr. Brather
2004). Za prvi val vano je naseljavanje na ravnici uz vodu,
s rasprenim pojedinanim seoskim gospodarstvima ili
manjim zaseocima od nekoliko gospodarstava sa kuama
za stanovanje i gospodarskim objektima te s pripadajuim
inventarom.
Prvi stanovnici grade jednostavne kue, ukopane u zemlju, prekrivene s krovom od trstike u obliku atora. Lagani krov bio je privren na konstrukciju od granja koja
nije imala nosive stupove za krov, a sljeme je bilo dodatno
privreno s kamenjem da je ne bi otpuhao vjetar. U jednoj kui je u nii sa strane pronaeno pravokutno ognjite napravljeno od oblutaka i gline. Inventar u jamama za
stanovanje i u pomonim jamama predstavlja prostoruno
nainjena, porozna i u veini primjeraka neukraena keramika, koja odgovara poznatom prakom tipu.
Rana datacija na kraj 6. i poetak 7. st., potvrena brojnim C14 analizama, kronoloki se podudara s pisanim
vrelima o slavenskoj seobi nakon 568. god. Odreivanje
etnike pripadnosti tih ranosrednjovjekovnih naseobina,
uz pomo neposredne usporedbe materijalne kulture sa
292
(Grafenauer 1988).
The Alpine Slavs is the conventional term used in scholarly literature for the Slavs who moved into Pomurje (the
Mura basin), Podravina (the Drava basin) and further to the
lowland territories of the Friuli and the coastal hinterland
of Istria in the second half (or better, the last third) of the
6th century. Until recently, our knowledge about them was
limited to written sources recording the political and military history with the confrontations of Samos tribal union
(623-658) with the Franks and Avars, as well as the existence
of Karantania (664-772), which, fearing the Avar domination, came into tied itself to the Bavarians and consequently
indirectly also to the Frankish king and the Christian church
(Bitenc, Knific 2001; Gutin 2004 with bibliography).
The extensive archaeological excavations provided
evidence of intensive settlement even in the later periods,
particularly from the 10th to 15th cent., as numerous, welldocumented settlements were discovered, especially in the
territory between Beltinci, Pince by Lendava, on the other
side of the present-day border with Hungary between the
Mura and the Ledava/Lendva stream, as well as on the multi-layer sites in the vicinity of Varadin and akovec (Gutin
2006; Beki 2006).
In the 1996 archaeological excavations in Slivnica near
Maribor the first oval pits, up to 80 cm deep, were discovered and interpreted as early medieval pit-houses (Cigleneki,
Strmnik Guli 2002), the characteristic dwellings of that period in Continental Europe (alkovsky 2001; 2006). The finds
of pits were to be later accompanied by similar structures
found on several sites in the vicinity of Murska Sobota, where they represent the earliest and most extensively documented early medieval settlement on the southern edge of
the eastern Alps (Gutin 2002; Motorway 2003-2004).
Several features speak in favour of ethnically ascribing
the population from the surroundings of Murska Sobota to
the Slavonic branch. Some of these features are regarded as
traits of the Central and Eastern European areas and together offer the possibility of ethnic attribution (if we take into
consideration the reservations that are often cited recently,
e.g. Brather 2004). The first wave is characterized by the
settlement on plains adjacent to water, with scattered individual farms or smaller hamlets comprising several farms,
with simply constructed dwelling houses and economic
structures, with the accompanying inventory.
The first inhabitants built simple houses dug into the soil
and covered with a tent-like thatched roof. The light roof
was attached to a structure of branches without roof-supporting posts and was additionally reinforced with stones
on the ridge, lest the wind should blow it away. A rectangular hearth made of pebbles and clay was found in a side
niche in one of the houses. The inventory of the dwelling
pits and the accessory pits consisted of hand-made, porous
and in most cases undecorated pottery, corresponding to
the well-known Prague type.
The early dating to the end of the 6th and the beginning of the 7th century, substantiated by numerous C14
analyses coincides chronologically with the written sources
on the Slavonic migration after 568. The determination of
srodnim nalazima iz zapadne Slovake i Moravske, koji

zajedno s navedenim znaajkama naseljavanja, gradnje
objekata i inventarom, dobro potvruju slavensko doseljavanje na juni rub Alpa sa sjevera kroz Moravska vrata
(Gutin, Tiefengraber 2002, 60-62; Gutin 2004, 264; Beki
2006, 211-220).
Seoske naseobine s rasprenim, ali bolje izgraenim,
seoskim gospodarstvima i gospodarskim objektima iz okolice Murske Sobote, bez oitog prekida nastavlja se i u 8. st.
Prvim arnim grobovima, otkrivenim 2006. god. na Popovi
kraj Lipovaca (iskopavanje Irene avel, Pokrajinski muzej
Murska Sobota, neobjavljeno), slijede groblja s kosturnim
pokopima koje, na temelju dijelova nonje i priloenih lonaca, moemo opredijeliti kao batinu pretkranskog doba (usporediti Knific 2002; Tomii 2002; Gutin 2004, sl. 7;
Sekelj Ivanan, Tkalec 2006).
ivot se u naseobinama slavenske pokrajine oko Murske Sobote u 9. st. ne nastavlja. Izgleda da u to vrijeme, s
vladavinom Pribine i njegova sina Koclja u Donjoj Panoniji i njihova novoizgraenog upravnog centra Blatograd,
odnosno Blatenskog Kostela (Masapurch, Zalavr), dolazi
do veih drutvenih promjena, povezanih s oblikovanjem
feuda i misionarskim radom kranske crkve, a time i pomicanjem naseljavanja prema novim sreditima koja postaju
nosioci uprave karolinke drave.
Jedan vaan povijesni izvor, poznat kao Rianski placit,
ukazuje na naseljavanje Slavena u zaleu jadranske obale.
Dokument iz 804. godine je ekcerpt jednog sudskog procesa Karla Velikog zbog prelaska iz bizantinske u franaku
vlast, zastupanog njegovim delegatima. Lokalnu franaku
vlast je zastupao vojvoda Johannes a na drugoj strani su
bili zastupnici crkve i gradskih vlasti gradova Istre (biskupi
in primateso). Izmeu ostalog se spominje i slavanska kolonizacija Istre (Krahwinkler 2004).
Na irem podruju Murske Sobote za rano razdoblje
slavenskog naseljavanja, na temelju vrlo brojnih nalaza horizontalne stratigrafije, odnosno rasporeda objekata, s pojedinanim podrujima naseljavanja, tipolokih obiljeja
keramike i radiokarbonskih rezultata, raspolaemo s jasno
opredijeljenim stupnjevima razvoja materijalne kulture.
Najstarije ranosrednjovjekovne nalaze predstavljaju dobro ouvane ovalne zemunice i prije svega karakteristina
graa kao to su jednostavni, prostoruno napravljeni porozni i neukraeni lonci, koje moemo pripisati poznatom
prakom tipu (Murska Sobota horizont 1a ; Curta 2001). Tipoloke usporedbe i C14 datacije postavljaju prilian broj
zemunica kod Murske Sobote u drugu polovicu 6. st. (s
rezervom zbog irokog vremenskog raspona radiokarbonskog datiranja; usporediti Curta 2006, 25, op. 64).
Pri analizi materijalnih ostataka posebno je vano da
za kronoloko opredjeljivanje keramike horizonta Murska
Sobota 1 u najstariju fazu, raspolaemo dobrim analogijama i iz okolice Varadina, npr. Jakopovec-Blizna, Nedelie-
ethnic affiliation of these early medieval settlements with

the help of a direct comparison of the material culture with
similar finds from western Slovakia and Moravia, which together with the mentioned features of the settlement, the
construction of structures and the inventory, demonstrate the Slavonic immigration to the southern edge of the
Alps from the north through the Moravian Gate very well
(Gutin, Tiefengraber 2002, 60-62; Gutin 2004, 264; Beki
2006, 211-220).
The rural settlements with scattered, but more solidly
constructed farmsteads and economic structures from the
surroundings of Murska Sobota, continue without apparent
interruption also through the 8th cent. The first cinerary
graves, discovered in 2006 at Popova near Lipovci (excavation by Irena avel, Regional Museum of Murska Sobota, unpublished) are followed by cemeteries with skeletal burials,
which, based on pieces of costume and furnished pots, can
be seen as the legacy of the pre-Christian period (compare
Knific 2002; Tomii 2002; Gutin 2004, Fig. 7; Sekelj Ivanan,
Tkalec 2006).
Life in the settlements of the Slavonic province around
Murska Sobota does not continue in the 9th cent. It appears
that at that time, with the rule of Pribina and his son Kocelj
in Lower Pannonia and their newly-built administrative centre of Blatograd that is Blatenski Kostel (Masapurch, Zalavr), major social changes occurred, related to the founding
of a fiefdom and with the missionary work of the Christian
church and thus also with the shift of settlement toward
new centres that become the agents of the administration
of the Carolingian state.
An important document, known as the Riana agreement, reports of the Slavic migrations towards the hinterland of the Adriatic Sea. It is a transcript of a trial in a court
of justice constituted by order of Charlemagne and in the
presence of his delegates dealing with a transition of the region from Byzantine under Franconian feudal rule. The local
Franconian authority was represented by the Duke Johannes, whereas on the other side were the representatives of
the church and profane authorities of Istrian cities (bishops
in primateso). They discussed also about colonisation of
Istria with Slavic settlers (Krahwinkler 2004).
We have at our disposal clearly defined developmental
phases of material culture for the early period of Slavonic
settlement in the wider area of Murska Sobota, based on
horizontal stratigraphy, the layout of structures with individual zones of settlement, on the typological features of
pottery and radiocarbon results, respectively.
The oldest early medieval finds consist of well-preserved
oval pit-houses and, above all, characteristic material, such
as simple, hand-made, porous and undecorated pots that
we can attribute to the well-known Prague type (Murska
Sobota horizon 1a Curta 2001). The typological comparisons and C14 dates place a substantial number of pit-houses
near Murska Sobota in the second half of the 6th cent. (with
a reservation due to the wide chronological span of the radiocarbon dating; compare Curta 2006, 25, note 64).
In analysing the material remains it is of particular importance that we have good analogies for the chronological
293
Sl. 2 Murska Sobota, horizont 1a: 1-6 zemunica SZ 11 (C14 datacija AD 602), 7-15 zemunica SZ 9 (C14 datacija AD 630). Karakteristina
porozna keramika blagih profila. Lonac ukraen s kotaiem (6) i ulomak poklopca (15) pronaeni su zajedno s dijelovima opeke i
pripadaju prethodnom, rimskodobnom naseljavanju. M= 1:3, staklo 10-14= 1:1.
Fig. 2 Murska Sobota horizon 1a: 1-6 characteristic pottery from residential pit SZ 11 (dated AD 602); 7-15 residential pit SZ 9 (AD 630). Characteristic porous pottery with simple cross-sections. Pot decorated with wheel (6) and fragment of a lid (15) were found together with bricks and
date to the previous, Roman settlement. M=1:3, glass beads 10-14= 1:1.
Stara ves (Beki 2006, 125-126, T. 27, 211-218, T. 6-8). Veinu

keramike horizonta Murska Sobota 1a moemo povezati s
karakteristinim oblicima rane romensko-borevsk skupine, koju isto tako odlikuju narezani, razbrazdani rubovi i
karakteristini pekai (Eisner 1966, 267-268, obr. 37).
I u kronolokoj shemi G. Fuseka (1994) keramika prvog
horizonta Murske Sobote karakteristina je za ranoslavensko doba u Slovakoj. Lonci te vrste uobiajeni su meu
ranosrednjovjekovnim materijalom 6. i 7. st. na prostoru
koji see do podruja Penkivske skupine u Moldaviji (Teodor 1994). Zajedno s tipom prebivalita omoguava pra-
294
attribution of the pottery of the Murska Sobota horizon 1 to

the oldest phase from the surroundings of Varadin, e.g. Jakopovec-Blizna, Nedelie-Stara Ves (Beki 2006, 125-126, Pl.
27, 211-218. Pl. 6-8). The majority of the pottery of the Murska Sobota horizon 1a can be compared to the characteristic forms of the early Romensko-Borevsk group, likewise
characterized by incised, grooved mouths and characteristic baking lids (Eisner 1966, 267-268, Fig. 37).
The ceramics of the first horizon of Murska Sobota is
also characteristic for the early Slavonic period in Slovakia
in the chronological scheme by Gabriel Fusek (1994). Pots
of that type appear regularly in the early medieval material
enje slavenskih pridolica u Prekmurju i sjeverozapadnoj

Hrvatskoj preko Slovake i Moravskih vrata do njihove pradomovine.
Ve poznatom materijalu tog najstarijeg horizonta slavenskog naseljavanja oko Murske Sobote dodajemo objavu inventara zemunica SZ 9 (vel. 5,4 x 2,7 m, dubina 0,63
m) i SZ 11 (vel. 6,29 x 1,83 m, dubina 0,26 cm), iskopanih
2002. god. na Novoj Tabli kod Murske Sobote, koji zajedno
s brojnim drugim dobro dopunjavanju sliku ranog slavenskog naseljavanja. S tim primjerima inventara zemunica(sl.
2), pridruujemo se nastojanjima prof. dr. eljka Tomiia
(1978; 2002) za prepoznavanjem i razumijevanjem kulture
tog prvog vala naseljavanja Slavena, kao i puno kasnijih ranosrednjovjekovnih naseobinskih faza.
Zemunice SZ 9 i SZ 11 s pripadajuim spaljenim kamenjem koje je uvrivalo krovnu konstrukciju, keramikom
te izvanredno malim perlicama crne, ute i zelene boje,
pripadaju horizontu Murska Sobota 1, to potvruju i kalibrirani datumi AD 602 (SZ 11) i AD 630 (SZ 9), radiokarbonskih analiza iz Leibniz-laboratorija u Kielu.
Sljedei horizont Murska Sobota 1b datira iz prve polovice 7. st. i u proizvodnji keramike pokazuje napredak.
Posude su jo uvijek prostoruno napravljene i porozne, a
njihove pojedinane valovite linije i pojasevi ve ukazuju
na daljnji razvoj. Taj horizont prisutan je i na lokaciji Nedelie-Stara ves (Beki 2006, 211-216).
Keramika horizonta Murska Sobota 1c iz sredine i druge
polovice 7. st. za sada je skromno objavljena. Tu su ve oite
tehnoloke promjene pri izradi keramike. Lonci, uglavnom
ukraeni valovnicana ili horizontalnim urezima, ve su doraeni, odnosno u cijelosti napravljeni na kolu (usporedi i
Machek 1996).
U drugoj polovici 7. st. naseljavanje na rubu jugoistonih Alpa postaje gue. To je dobro vidljivo i u vezi procesa akulturacije, koja se na keramici izraava prije svega u
preuzimanju ukrasa valovnice, inae karakteristine ve za
kasno antiko romansko stanovnitvo. Nalazi tog doba u rijetkim se sluajevima pojavljuju i na visinskim nalazitima,
pa ak i u alpskom svijetu, oko jezera na Bledu i nisu, kao u
prethodnoj najstarijoj fazi, ogranieni na ravniarske prostore. Bez oitog prijeloma taj se razvoj nastavlja u 8. st.,
kada je naseljavanje jo intenzivnije i kada se uspostavljaju
prva skeletna groblja (usporedi Knific 2002; Gutin 2004).
Poetak horizonta Murska Sobota 2 predstavlja odluan prijelom kontinuiranog naseljavanja. Dok je u starijem
horizontu bilo mogue prepoznati naseljavanje po prilino
brojnim prebivalitima, kao to su, primjerice, ukopane zemunice ovalnih oblika, sada se uz brojne plitke, nepravilno
oblikovane, ponekad i okrugle jame prije svega pojavljuju
kue, izgraene od kolaca (za tipove slavenskih kua vidjeti alkovsky 2001; 2006).
Keramika s groblja na Novoj Tabli ima odgovarajue
of the 6th and 7th cent. in the territory reaching the area
of the Penkovka group in Moldova (Teodor 1994). Together
with the type of dwellings this makes it possible to trace the
Slavonic immigrants in Prekmurje and northwestern Croatia across Slovakia and the Moravian Gate to their ancestral
homeland.
To the already known material of the oldest horizon of
Slavonic settlement we add the publication of the inventory
of pit-houses SZ 9 (measuring 5,4 x 2,7 m, depth 0,63 m) and
SZ 11 (measuring 6,29 x 1,83 m, depth 0,26 m), excavated
in 2002 at Nova Tabla near Murska Sobota, which, together
with numerous other assemblages, nicely complement the
picture of the early Slavonic settlement near Murska Sobota. With this (Fig. 2), as well as with a much later horizon (Fig.
3), we are joining the attempts of Prof. eljko Tomii (1978;
2002) to recognize and understand the culture of the first
wave of Slavic settlement, as well as the much later early
medieval settlement phases.
The pit-houses SZ 9 and SZ 11 with the associated burnt
stones used to reinforce the roof construction, with pottery
and exceptionally small beads of black, yellow and green
colour, belong to the Murska Sobota horizon 1, which is
confirmed by calibrated dates AD 602 (SZ 11) and AD 630
(SZ 9) with radiocarbon analyses from the Leibniz Laboratory in Kiel.
The next horizon, Murska Sobota horizon 1b, dating to
the first half of the 7th cent., shows advances in the production of pottery. The vessels are still hand-made and porous but their single wavelines and belts already point to
further development. This horizon is present at the site of
Nedelie-Stara Ves, as well (Beki 2006, 211-216).
The pottery of the Murska Sobota horizon 1c from the
middle and the second half of the 7th cent. Has only been modestly published until now. It already shows obvious
technological changes in the production of pottery. The
pots, generally decorated with wavelines or horizontal incisions, are mostly finished on a wheel or they are entirely
wheel-made (compare also Machek 1996).
In the second half of the 7th cent. settlement on the edge of the southeastern Alps becomes denser. This is quite
obvious in relation to the acculturation process expressed,
above all, in pottery with the taking over the waveline motif, otherwise characteristic for the Roman population of
Late Antiquity. The finds from that period are also found,
although seldomley, on elevated sites and even in the Alpine regions around the Bled lake and are not, like in the
previous, oldest phase, restricted to the lowlands. This development continues with no apparent break into the 8th
cent., when settlement gains in intensity and when the first
skeletal cemeteries are established (compare Knific 2002;
Gutin 2004).
The beginning of the Murska Sobota horizon 2 represents a clear break in continuous settlement. While it was
possible to recognize settlement by fairly numerous dwellings in the older phase, such as e.g. oval dug-in pit-houses,
now, above all, houses built of stakes, in addition to numerous shallow, irregularly-shaped and occasionally circular
pits appear (for the types of Slavonic houses see alkovsky
295
analogije meu naseobinskom keramikom horizonta Murska Sobota 2, a posebno meu oblicima i ukrasima mlae
faze koja je znaajna za drugu polovicu 8. st i ve oznaava
prijelaz u 9. st.
Poetkom 9. st., na kraju horizonta Murska Sobota 2b,
naputene su dosadanje naseobine, to je vjerojatno posljedica veih drutvenih promjena, povezanih s oblikovanjem feuda i s misionarskim radom crkve te se na taj nain
naseljavanje usmjerava prema novim zemljoposjednikim
ili vjerskim sreditima koji postaju nositelji uprave karolinke drave.
U prilog etnikom opredjeljivanju najstarijeg ranosrednjovjekovnog stanovnitva na Novoj tabli kod Murske
Sobote slavenskom stablu, govore sljedee toke: poloaj
naseobine na ravnici uz vodu, niz karakteristinih gospodarskih objekata i kua zemunice bez jama za kolce s
ognjitem u nii, karakteristina prostoruno napravljena,
porozna i neukraena keramika, prije svega lonci i pekai
te rana datacija nalaza (kraj 6. i poetak 7. st.), na temelju
analogija oblika posuda sa slino oblikovanim materijalom
iz Slovake i apsolutno na temelju radiokarbonskih analiza.
Prema povijesnim podacima i arheolokim istraivanjima, naseobinska slika Pomurja i Podravine u vrijeme sumraka izmeu 9. i 13. st. vrlo je skromna, jer se oslanja na
nekolicinu sluajnih nalaza i groblja s karakteristinim pridacima ketlake i bjelobrdske kulture. Malobrojni predromaniki i neto brojniji romaniki sakralni i profani zidani
objekti te manji broj grobalja iz tog doba, ispunjava prazninu do nastanka dobro prepoznatljivih srednjovjekovnih
naseobinskih zidanih struktura (Kerman 1997; Valter 2005;
Gutin 2006).
Arheolokim iskopavanjima u sklopu programa izgradnje autocesta donekle je ispunjena praznina u poznavanju naseobina, vrste naseljavanja i znaajka gospodarskih
objekata i kua tog doba u okolici Lendave, otkriem prilinog broja lokacija. Istraivanja na lokaciji Gornje njive kod
Dolge vasi od 1997. do 1998. god., a posebno 2006. god.
(avel 2004) i na lokaciji Pince (Kerman, neobjavljeno) te
lokaciji Zatak 2005. god. (Gutin 2005, 29-31; 2006), kao i
u manjem opsegu na nalazitu Ciglenica kod Varadinskih
toplica, Blizni kod Jakopovca i Staroj vesi kod Nedelia, a
i neobjavljeni nalazi iz Brezja kod Varadina, arnjaka kod
emovca (Beki 2006), pruila su dokaze u prilog o intenzivnom naseljavanju u razdoblju izmeu 10. i 15. st., s posebnim naglaskom na ravniarskom prostoru uz breuljkasto zalee Gorica, koje dijele prostor Mure i Ledave od Zale
u Maarskoj.
Prema rezultatima terenskih istraivanja, u ranom i
srednjem vijeku u iroj okolici Lendave nalaze se ruralna
naselja, koja djelomino ukazuju na seoski uzorak, koji
se vremenom razvija u zbijeni tip naselja. Najstarija seoska gospodarstva sastavljena su od jednostavnih drvenih
296
2001; 2006).
The pottery from the cemetery at Nova Tabla has corresponding analogies among the settlement pottery of the
Murska Sobota horizon 2, and particularly among the forms
and decorations of the younger phase, which is typical for
the second half of the 8th cent. and already marks the transition to the 9th cent.
At the beginning of the 9th cent., at the end of the Murska Sobota horizon 2b, the settlements inhabited until then
are abandoned, probably a consequence of major social
changes related with the establishment of the fiefdom and
the missionary work of the church. In this way settlement is
directed toward new land-owning or religious centres that
become the managing agents of the Carolingian state.
The following points speak in favour of the ethnic attribution of the oldest early mediaeval population at Nova
Tabla near Murska Sobota to the Slavonic tree: the position
of the settlement on a plain adjacent to water; a series of
characteristic economic structures and houses pit-houses
without stake-pits with a hearth in a niche; characteristic
hand-made, porous and undecorated pottery, primarily
pots and baking lids and the early dates of the finds (the
end of the 6th and the beginning of the 7th cent.) based on
vessel forms analogies with similarly shaped material from
Slovakia, and absolutely based on radiocarbon analyses.
Based on historical data and archaeological excavations,
the population picture of Pomurje and Podravina during
the twilight between the 9th and 13th cent. is very modest, as it relies on a few chance finds and cemeteries with
characteristic finds of the Kttlach and Bijelo Brdo cultures.
Few pre-Roman and somewhat more numerous Roman sacral and profane built structures, as well as a small number
of cemeteries from that period, fill in the vacuum until the
appearance of well-recognizable built medieval settlement
structures (Kerman 1997; Valter 2005; Gutin 2006).
The discovery of a significant number of sites during the
archaeological excavations undertaken as part of the motorway building program the gaps in the knowledge about
settlements, the type of colonization and the features of
the economic structures and houses of that period in the
vicinity of Lendava were filled up to a certain extent. The excavations at the site of Gornje Njive near Dolga Vas between
1997 and 1998, and particularly in 2006 (avel 2004) as well
as at the sites of Pince (Kerman, unpublished) and Zatak in
2005 (Gutin 2005, 29-31; 2006), and on a smaller scale at
the sites of Ciglenica near Varadinske Toplice, Blizna near
Jakopovec and Stara Ves near Nedelie, together with the
unpublished finds from Brezje near Varadin and arnjak
near emovec (Beki 2006), offer evidence in favour of intensive colonization in the period between the 10th and
15th cent., with emphasis on the lowland region along the
hilly hinterland of Gorica, which separates the territory of
the Mura and Ledava from Zala in Hungary.
According to the results of fieldwork research, there were rural settlements in the wider surroundings of Lendava
during the early Middle Ages, which partly indicate a rural
pattern that eventually developed into a compact type of
settlement. The oldest farmsteads were composed of sim-
Sl. 3
Zatak kod Lendave, keramika iz kue 496 (C14 datacija AD 1277). Izbor karakteristine trbuaste keramike jako i raznoliko profiliranog ruba, u jednom sluaju je na dnu lonca urezan kri, a pod brojem 13 je svjetiljka. M= 1:5.
Fig. 3 Zatak by Lendava, pottery from the residential house 496 (dated AD 1277). Selection of characteristic pot-bellied pottery with
strongly profiled rims, a cross is engraved on the bottom of one pot. Number 13 is a fragment of a lamp. M=1:5.
297
objekata, dijelom ukopanih u zemlju, zbog ega su oznaeni kao poluzemunice. Ognjita ine sastavni dio kunog
tlocrta. U jednom primjeru dobro su ouvana ognjita uz
vanjske zidove kue (Gutin 2006). Slino kao i kod ostalih
kua, i te su okruene otpadnim jamama nastalim prilikom
iskopa ilovae. Za ranosrednjovjekovnu kontinentalnu Europu takve su kue uobiajene, pa njihovim stanovnicima
teko moemo odrediti etniku pripadnost.
Na nalazitu Zatak kod Lendave kua 1, s obiljejima
poluzemunice s konceptom ognjita postavljenih na stranu, izvan tlocrta kue, ima dobre analogije u kui 1 na
ranosrednjovjekovnom nalazitu Feldszsolza-Vrdomb
(Takacs 2003, T. 6,2). Ve smo objavili karakteristian tlocrt
iz Zataka sa specifinim poloajem, zajedno s inventarom
dvije jame, s karakteristinom, na kolu izraenom i kotaiem ukraenom keramikom iz jame 32 i keramikom iz jame
522, s novcem Albrechta I. (1282.-1298.). Kua i keramika
dobro ilustriraju specifinu materijalnu kulturu stanovnitva na tom podruju (usporediti i Gutin 2005; 2006) te
opredjeljuju navedene primjerke u kasno doba dinastije
Arpadovia (859.-1301.).
Prije sistematske obrade cijele naseobine Zatak kod
Lendave, u zborniku posveenom prof. dr. sc. eljku Tomiiu, kao ilustraciju emo predstaviti jo jedan zakljueni
naseobinski objekt, iji je inventar karakteristian za drugu polovicu 13. st. na tom podruju. Izabrali smo objekt
SO 496 koji je otkriven u sredinjem dijelu naselja. Jama
veih dimenzija bila je ukopana u zdravicu. Prilino pravilnog ovalnog oblika u tlocrtu i polukrunog presjeka,
veliine 2,20 x 1,80 m, a ispod razine oranja je sezala do
dubine 0,50 m. Ispuna jame je siva sipka pjeana ilovaa
s rijetkim dodacima manjeg kamenja, lijepa i ugljena i ak
354 ulomaka keramike ( sl.3 ). Pomou ugljena datirana je
u vrijeme oko 1277. god.
Arheolokim istraivanjima na trasi autoceste u oblinjoj Maarskoj, izmeu Nagykanisze i Tornyiszentmiklsa,
otkriven je materijal koji taj prostor povezuje sa irim podrujem porjeja Ledave/Lendva u prilino dobro prepoznatljiv naseobinski uzorak. Prepoznavanje srodne i istodobne materijalne kulture na tom prostoru mogue je na
temelju usporedbi oblika i ukrasa keramike (Kvassay 2003;
2004; 2006). Istodobno su, slino kao i u zaleu Lendave, u
okrugu Zala, ouvani ili prepoznati brojni sakralni objekti,
meu kojima se neki izvorno povezuju s vremenom vladanja Arpadovia (Valter 2005).
Izmeu Save i Drave u sjevernoj Hrvatskoj brojni su
nalazi tog razdoblja poznati (vidjeti Sekelj Ivanan 2001;
Sekelj Ivanan et al. 2003), a u posljednje vrijeme u okolici
Varadina, na ve spomenutim pustarama koje datiraju od
10. do 16. st., dobro je datiran niz nalaza koji se mogu usporediti s onima pronaenim na nalazitima oko Lendave:
Ciglenica kod Varadinskih toplica (C14 datacije 1279+6;
1543+65; 1560 +52: Beki 2006, T. 2-14); Blizna kod Jako-
298
ple wooden structures, partly dug into the soil, a feature

which earned them the description of semi-pit-houses. The
hearths form an integral part of the houses ground plan. In
one instance the hearths along the outer walls of a house
were well-preserved (Gutin 2006). Similar to other houses,
these are also surrounded by refuse pits, created by the
digging of loamy clay. Such houses are a regular feature for
early medieval central Europe, so it is difficult to determine
the ethnic affiliation of their inhabitants.
House 1 at the site of Zatak near Lendava, with traits of
a semi-pit-house with a group of hearths placed on the side outside the houses ground plan, has good analogies in
house 1 on the early medieval site of Feldszsolza-Vrdomb
(Takacs 2003, Pl. 6,2). We have already published the characteristic ground plan from Zatak with a specific position,
together with the inventory of two pits, with typical wheelmade and wheel-decorated pottery from pit 32 and pottery
from pit 522, with a coin of Albrecht I (1282-1298). The house and pottery nicely illustrate the specific material culture
of the population of that area (compare also Gutin 2005;
2006) and attribute the mentioned pieces to the late period
of the Arpd dynasty (859-1301).
Prior to the systematic analysis of the entire settlement
of Zatak near Lendava in the publication dedicated to Prof.
eljko Tomii, we shall present, as an illustration, yet another closed settlement structure unit, whose inventory is
characteristic of the second half of the 13th cent. in that
area. We chose the structure SO 496 discovered in the central part of the settlement. A large-size pit was dug into the
sterile soil. It had a fairly regular oval shape in the ground
plan and a semi-circular cross-section. It measured 2,20 x
1,80 cm and reached a depth of 0,50 m below the plowing
level. The fill of the pit consisted of grey, loose, sandy clay
loam with rare inclusions of smaller stones, daub and charcoal, and as many as 354 pottery fragments. It was dated by
the charcoal to a time around 1277.
The archaeological excavations on the motorway route
in nearby Hungary between Nagykanizsa and Tornyiszentmikls revealed material that ties this zone and the wider
area of the Lendava/Lendva basin into an easily recognizable settlement pattern. The recognition of a similar and synchronous material culture in that area is possible based on
the comparisons of pottery forms and decorations (Kvassay
2003; 2004; 2006). At the same time, resembling the situation in the hinterland of Lendava, numerous sacral structures have been preserved or recognized in the Zala district,
among them some that are originally connected to the period of the Arpd rule (Valter 2005).
Numerous known finds from that period have been
found in northern Croatia between the Sava and Drava rivers (see Sekelj Ivanan 2001; Sekelj Ivanan et al. 2003); and
recently, a well-dated series of finds comparable to those
discovered on the sites around Lendava has been found
on the already mentioned barrens dated between the 10th
and 16th cent. in the vicinity of Varadin: Ciglenica near
Varadinske Toplice (C14 dates 1279+6; 1543+65; 1560 +52:
Beki 2006, Pl. 2-14); Blizna near Jakopovec (6th?-9th cent.,
12th cent.?: Beki 2006, Pl. 2-14; Pl. 28,9-10); Stara Ves near
povca (6.?-9. st., 12. st.?: Beki 2006, T. 2-14, T. 28,9-10); Stara ves kod Nedelia (7.-11. st. C14 datacije 1080+47: Beki
2006, T. 12-13, T. 14 (16. st.), a i neobjavljeni nalazi iz Brezja
kod Varadina 9.-12. st. i arnjaka kod emovca 8.-9. st. (podaci L. Beki).
Niz spomenutih naselja iz okolice Lendave prua kvalitetne podatke za razumijevanje geneze tog prostora, a pomou materijalnih dokaza naseobinskih struktura i sitnih
nalaza (sl. 3) dokazuje povezanost naseljavanja i prostora
koji kasnije postaje sastavnim dijelom formiranja maarskog pograninog obrambenog pojasa, ma. Gyepelve
(Kerman 1997; 1997a).
Takav je naseobinski uzorak dobro vidljiv na lokaciji
Gornje njive kod Dolge vasi, gdje su iskopavanja u proljee
2006. god. pod vodstvom Branka Kermana pokazala kako
se radi o zbijenom naselju, ije se postojanje podudara s
nastankom susjednog ranosrednjovjekovnog dvorca u
Lendavi (Lindvi), vlasnika Haholda, kasnijih Bnffyja (Stopar
1997) i razvojem trga (Alslinda) pod njim u 14. st. (Zelko
1982).*
Nedelie (7th-11th cent., C14 dates 1080+47: Beki 2006,

Pl. 12-13, Pl. 14 (16th cent.), as well as the unpublished finds
from Brezje near Varadin (9th-12th cent.) and arnjak near
emovec (8th-9th cent.) (information by L. Beki).
The mentioned settlements from the vicinity of Lendava
offer good information for the understanding of the genesis of this area and by means of the material evidence from
settlement structures and small finds (Fig. 2-3), prove the
close ties between settlement and the area, which is later
to become an integral part of the formation of the Hungarian border defense zone, Hung. Gyepelve (Kerman 1997;
1997a).
Such a settlement pattern is readily apparent at the site
of Gornje Njive near Dolga Vas, where the excavations in the
spring of 2006, led by Branko Kerman, showed that this was
a compact settlement whose existence corresponds with
the emergence of the neighbouring early medieval castle
in Lendava (Lindva) owned by the Hahold family, later the
Banffy (Stopar 1997) and the development of a market (Alslinda) below it in the 14th cent. (Zelko 1982).*
* Za redakcijsku pomo zahvaljujem prof. dr. sc. Timoteju Knificu (Narodni

muzej Slovenije, Ljubljana) i mag. Luki Bekiu (Hrvatski restauratorski
zavod, Zagreb), a za prijevod Zrinki Mileusni (Intitut za dediino
Sredozemlja Univerze na Primorskem).
* I thank Prof Timotej Knific (National Museum of Slovenia, Ljubljana) and

Luka Beki, MA (Croatian Conservation Institute, Zagreb) for their help
in editing, and Zrinka Mileusni (Institute for the Mediterranean Heritage
of the University of Primorska) for the translation.
299
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Problematika pravokutnih i elipsoidnih zemunica kod Slavena

Problm obdnikovitch a ovlnych zemnc u Slovanov
PETER ALKOVSK
Archeologick stav SAV
Akademick 2
SK - 94921 Nitra
peter.salkovsky@savba.sk

UDK/UDC 904:711.423](=163)
711.423(=163)05/08
Zemunice elipsoidnog i pravokutnog tlocrta predstavljaju manjinski oblik nastambi ranog srednjeg
vijeka na prostorima srednjoistone Europe, naseljenih naroito Slavenima. Njihovo prostorno
irenje, tipologija, funkcionalne i genetike interpretacije, teme su arheolokih rasprava. Najstarije
se pojavljuju ve u slavenskim kolonizacijskim migracijama, kako kod sjeverozapadnih Slavena,
tako i u Karpatskoj kotlini. U narednim stoljeima (8.-9.) pojavljuju se u jo manjem broju, naroito u
potplaninskim regijama, ali samo rijetko kao jedini ili glavni tip nastambe. Izrazitom, ali takoer ne
masovnom pojavom, smatraju se i veoma dugi i uski objekti, esto u kombinaciji s glinenim peima.
Objekte, naroito u sjevernim zonama, moemo smatrati izrazom manjinske graevinske kulture
sjeverozapadnih Slavena u razdoblju njihovih premjetanja. Ako se na istom naselju pojavljuju
u manjem broju, zajedno s etvrtastim zemunicama, moe se razmiljati i o drugom socijalnom
statusu i etnikom podrijetlu njihovih graditelja. Vrijedi to naroito za objekte koji se pojavljuju
u mjeovitim slavensko-avarskim zonama ili naseljima vojnog karaktera. Rekonstrukcije izgleda
graevina pretpostavljaju smjetaj strehe izvan jama kako bi se bitno poveala ploha interijera.
Pravokutna jama oito je bila samo sredinji, najfrekventniji dio nastambe, oko kojeg su mogli biti
raireni leajevi i prostori za odlaganje. Kue su vjerojatno imale samo nekakav atorast oblik, s
krovom naslonjenim na zemlju ili uvrene strehe na niski okvir brvnare. Ako postoje indicije da
je neukopani dio povrinom znatno prelazio ukopani, vjerojatna je rekonstrukcija graevine kao
nadzemne kue s ukopanom jamom za ognjite.
Kljune rijei: elipsoidne i pravokutne stambene zemunice, rani srednji vijek, 6.-9. stoljee, Slaveni,
srednjoistona Europa
Zemnice ovlneho a obdnikovitho pdorysu tvoria meninov formu obydlia vasnho stredoveku v priestoroch stredovchodnej Eurpy oslench najm Slovanmi. Ich priestorov rozrenie, typolgie i funkn a genetick interpretcie s predmetom diskusie archeolgov. Najstarie sa objavuj
u v slovanskch kolonizanch prdoch, tak u severozpadnch Slovanov ako i v Karpatskej Kotline. V alch storoiach (8.-9.) sa vyskytuj ete v mench potoch, najm v podhorskch reginoch
ale iba zriedka ako jedin i hlavn typ domu. Vraznm ale tie nie masovm zjavom s vemi dlh
a zke pdorysy, asto v kombincii s hlinenmi interirovmi pecami. Objekty najm v severnch
znach mono poklada za prejavy meninovej stavebnej kultry asti severozpadnch Slovanov v
obdob ich presunov. Ak sa vyskytuj na tom istom sdlisku meninovo spolu s kvadra -tickmi zemnicami d sa uvaova aj o inom socilnom statuse i kultrnom a etnickom pvode ich staviteov.
Plat to najm o objektoch vyskytujcich sa v zmieanch slovansko-avarskch znach i sdliskch
vojenskho charakteru. Rekontrukcie vzhadu stavieb predpokladaj umiestnenie strechy i zrubu
zvonku jm tak aby sa podstatne zvila plocha interiru. Obdna jama bola zrejme iba centrlnou, najviac frekventovanou asou obydlia, okolo ktorej mohli by rozloen lka a odkladacie
priestory interiru. Domy mali pravdepodobne iba aksi salaovit formu so strechou oprenou o
zem alebo fixovanie strechy na nzky zrubov rm. Ak s indcie, e nezahben as znane plone
presahovala zahben je pravdepodobn rekontrukcia stavby ako nadzemnho domu so zahbenou ohniskovou jamou.
Kov slov: ovlne a obdnikovit obytn zemnice, vasn stredovek, 6.-9. stor., Slovania, stredovchodn Eurpa
301
P. ALKOVSK, Problematika pravokutnih i elipsoidnih zemunica kod Slavena, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 301-307.
U naseljima starijeg dijela ranog srednjeg vijeka (6.-9. st.)

u srednjoistonoj Europi su bile istraene, osim tipinih nastambi u obliku etvorokutnih zemunica, i razne druge vrste
vie ili manje ukopanih objekata pravokutnog, elipsoidnog,
bubreastog ili nepravilnog tlocrta, s tragovima ureaja za
loenje, razliito oblikovanim dnom i konstrukcijskim elementima, u najmanju ruku dio kojih se funkcionalno takoer moe obrazloiti kao nastambe.
U strunoj literaturi, naroito u poljskoj, o ovoj temi
postoji relativno bogata rasprava (Dulinicz 2001; Chudziak 1987; Chudziak 1993; Kobyliski 1988; Parczewski 1993;
alkovsk 2001; Szymaski 1967 i drugi), iz koje proizlazi da
se openito radi o relativno ivopisnoj skali objekata, kako
sa stajalita formalnog-oblikovnog, dimenzionalnog, tako i
tehnolokog.
Na sdliskch starieho seku vasnho stredoveku (6.-9.

stor.) v stredovchodnej Eurpe boli preskman okrem
typickch obydl vo forme kvadratickch zemnc i viacer
druhy viac i menej zahbench objektov obdnikovitho,
ovlneho, oblikovitho i nepravidelnho pdorysu, so
stopami vykurovacieho zariadenia, s rzne formovanm
dnom i kontruknmi prvkami, prinajmenom as ktorch je funkne interpretovaten tie ako obydlia.
V odbornej literatre, najm v poskej, existuje k tejto problematike pomerne bohat diskusia (Dulinicz 2001;
Chudziak 1987; Chudziak 1993; Kobyliski 1988; Parczewski
1993; alkovsk 2001; Szymaski 1967 a al), z ktorej vyplva, e tu celkove ide o pomerne pestr klu objektov
tak z hadiska formlneho - tvarovho, rozmerovho ako i
technologickho.
Pravokutno-elipsoidni i pravokutni objekti, vidljivo izdiferencirani od klasinih etverokutnih zemunica, predstavljaju samo mali dio (manje od 5%) ukopanih graevina, koji
su prije svega poznati s podruja zapadnih Slavena. Oni se
pojavljuju se u sjevernom smjeru slavenske kolonizacije u
vie regija Poljske, naroito u njenim nizinama kao i u sjeveroistonoj Njemakoj ve u najstarijim naseljima, gdje
se zatim zadravaju nekoliko stoljea. Rije je o fenomenu
razliitom od etverokutnih zemunica, to dokazuje i veinska opremljenost ognjitima te izostanak kamenih pei sa
svodovima.
Najbrojnije od njih su bile manje ili vie pravilnih tlocrta
te manjih i srednjih dimenzija (priblino 4-8 m2) pravokutnog oblika sa zaobljenim uglovima i ponekad blago ispupenim sredinjim (ognjinim) dijelom, s razmjerom due i
krae osovine 1,8-2,2:1 (Szeligi, Chwalkw, ukowice, Sukow,
Dziedzice; Bialobrzegi, Grodzisko Dolne, Sanok, Nowa Wies,
Zolwin, Wetzenow i druge) (sl. 1,1-3). Vjerojatno su srodne,
a esto se i teko razlikuju od slinih elipsoidnih objekata,
interpretiranih kao elipsoidne ili nepravilne zemunice (Dulinicz 2001, 120-160; Kobyliski 1988, 102-114; alkovsk 2001,
34-55; Parczewski 1993, Kunisz 1966), kao i od slinih objekata bez ognjita interpretiranih kao gospodarski objekti.
Obdno-ovlne a obdnikovit pdorysy vydiferencovan zretene od klasickch kvadratickch zemnc predstavujcu iba zlomok (menej ako 5%) zo zahbench stavieb a
poznme ich predovetkm na zemiach zpadnch Slovanov. Objavuj sa v severnom prde slovanskej kolonizcie
vo viacerch oblastiach Poska, najm jeho nin a severovchodnho Nemecka u na najstarch sdliskch, prevajc tu potom niekoko storo. Ide o fenomn odlin od
kvadratickch zemnc, o doklad i ich prevan vybavenie
ohniskami a absencia kamennch klenbovch pec.
Najpoetnejie z nich boli viac menej pravideln pdorysy mench a strednch rozmerov (cca 4-8 m2) obdnikovitho tvaru so zaoblenmi rohmi a niekedy mierne vypuklou stredovou (ohniskovou) asou s pomerom dlhej
a kratej osi cca 1,8 a 2,2:1 (Szeligi, Chwalkw, ukowice,
Sukow, Dziedzice, Bialobrzegi, Grodzisko Dolne, Sanok, Nowa Wies, Zolwin, Wetzenow a alie) (obr. 1,1-3). S asi prbuzn a asto aj ako odliten od podobnch ovlnych
pdorysov interpretovanch ako ovlne i nepravideln
zemnice (Dulinicz 2001, 120-160; Kobyliski 1988, 102-114;
alkovsk 2001, 34-55; Parczewski 1993, Kunisz 1966) ako
aj od podobnch pdorysov bez ohniska interpretovanch
ako hospodrske objekty.
Manje pravilni ili vei oblici (7-15 m2) koji su imali ognjite ili su samo povrinski bili bitno vei (Dahlewicz, BerlinMarzahn 2 i 3, Mecklenburg Dorf 2) (obr. 1,4), smatrani su
za ukopane nastambe, odnosno kao dio nadzemnih kua
(alkovsk 2001, 52; Dulinicz 2001, 124-160). Naime, ovakve
objekte bez ognjita teko je oznaiti kao podrume, kako
to ine neki istraivai, jer bi tada morali zauzimati veinski
dio unutranjosti nadzemne kue. Pitanje prekrivanja ovakvih podruma drvenim podom u starijim razdobljima srednjeg vijeka kod Slavena (za razliku od zapadnoeuropske
germanske sredine), posebno u provincijskoj zajednici,
vjerojatno nije aktualno. Poznato je kako je prekrivanje podova drvetom u seoskoj sredini bilo skupocjeno i rijetko jo
i u starijem novom vijeku. Bez obzira na funkciju ovakvih jama, ako je pretpostavka da je jama bila dio neke nadzemne
konstrukcije i da je zauzimala glavni veinski dio interijera,
vjerojatno bi bilo prikladno ovakvu kuu oznaiti kao uko
Menej pravideln alebo vie tvary (7-15 m2), ktor

mali ohnisko, alebo boli iba plone podstatne vie (Dahlewicz, Berlin-Marzahn 2 i 3, Mecklenburg Dorf 2) (obr. 1,4)
s povaovan za zahben obydlia alebo sas nadzemnch domov (alkovsk 2001, 52; Dulinicz 2001, 124-160).
Takto tvary bez ohnsk toti ako oznai za pivniku, ako
to robia niektor bdatelia, lebo by musela zabera podstatn as interiru nadzemnho domu. Otzka prekrvania
takchto pivnc drevenou podlahou v starch obdobiach
stredoveku u Slovanov (na rozdiel od zpadoeurpskeho
- germnskeho prostredia), zvl vo vidieckom prostred
asi nie je aktulna. Vieme, e vdreva podlh v dedinskom
prostred bola vzcna ete v starom novoveku. Bez ohadu
na funkciu takchto jm, ak je predpoklad, e jama bola sasou nejakej nadzemnej kontrukcie a zaberala podstatn - nadpolovin as interiru asi by bolo vhodn takto
dom oznaova za zahben alebo s iastonm zahbenm
a na odlenie od typickch zemnc mono by
302
3
4
10
14
11
15
18
22
12
13
16
17
19
23
20
24
21
25
Sl. 1 Pravokutno-elipsaoidne i pravokutne zemunice: 1 ukowice 5, o.8; 2 Chwalkw, o. 2; 3 Szeligi 2, o. 4; 4 -BerlinMahrzahn 3,r.989; 5 Sternberger Burg, o. 2; 6 Devnska Nov Ves, o. 6; 7 Komarivci, o. 5; 8 Parchovany, o. 11; 9
Spisk Tomovce, o. 87; 10 Sommerein, o. 7; 11 Vsrosnamny, o. 11; 12 Murska Sobota; 13 Podgorica; 14
Petrove, o. 2; 15 Hurbanovo-Bohat, o. 1; 16 Cefa, o. 10; 17 Garvan, o. 56; 18 Garvan, o. 26; 19 Kladenci; 20 Durankulak; 21 Popina, o. 61; 22 Zaceve; 23 Bratislava-Rusovce; 24 Beclav-Pohansko-JP, o. 224; 25 Dunaujvaros o.
27.
Obr. 1 Obdno-ovlne a obdnikovit zemnice (vber): 1 ukowice 5, o.8; 2 Chwalkw, o. 2; 3 Szeligi 2, o. 4; 4 Berlin-Mahrzahn
3,r.989; 5 Sternberger Burg, o. 2; 6 Devnska Nov Ves, o. 6; 7 Komarivci, o. 5; 8 Parchovany, o. 11; 9 Spisk Tomovce,
o. 87; 10 Sommerein, o. 7; 11 Vsrosnamny, o. 11; 12 Murska Sobota; 13 Podgorica; 14 Petrove, o. 2; 15 HurbanovoBohat, o. 1; 16 Cefa, o. 10; 17 Garvan, o. 56; 18 Garvan, o. 26; 19 Kladenci; 20 Durankulak; 21 Popina, o. 61; 22
Zaceve; 23 Bratislava-Rusovce; 24 Beclav-Pohansko-JP, o. 224; 25 Dunaujvaros o. 27.
303
panu ili djelomino ukopanu. A za razlikovanje od

tipinih zemunica moda bi bilo prikladno upotrijebiti termin poluzemunica ili opisno kua s djelomino ukopanim interijerom.
Posebna skupina dugih zemunica kod sjeverozapadnih Slavena (sl. 1,5) bili su razmjerno najmasivniji objekti
(20-50 m2), ponekad lanano povezani u liniju s unutarnje
strane du utvrde (Sternberger Burg, Hohenau, Wildberg,
Chotbuz) (Dulinicz 2001, 152-154; Kouil 1994, 94).
U Karpatskoj kotlini i srednjem Podunavlju takoer su
evidentirani slini objekti (sl. 1,6-13), no tu se ne radi o cjelovitoj skupini. Pojavljuju se u manjem broju i zajedniki na
jednom lokalitetu, ali rijetko kao jedini ili glavni tip kue,
iako esto dolaze i kao samostalne graevine.
Vjerojatno su najbrojniji elipsoidni i pravokutni ili
tzv. bubreasti objekti, koji se izrazito veu na planinska
podruja srednje i istone Slovake, Moravske i eke.
Srodni su pravokutno-elipsoidni pa i pentagonalni
objekti, meutim, uvijek s minimalno dva ravna zida p oja v ljuju se u jugozapadnoj Slovakoj (Devnska Nov Ves), u
sjevernoj Maarskoj (Zalavr, Vsrosnamny) ili sjevernoj
Sloveniji i Hrvatskoj (Podgorica, Murska Sobota, Muii, Slivnica). Znamo za njih i drugdje, esto zajedno s pravilnijim
pravokutnim objektima (s razmjerom duega i kraeg zida
oko 2:1) (alkovsk 2001, 133- 142, sl. 27-28; Erdlyi, Szimonova 1987, sl. 3- 5; remonik 1970; remonik 1977; Szimonova 1980; Zgodnji Slovani 2002).
Relativno pravilni pravokutni objekti pojavljuju se u
inaicama s ognjitima ili glinenim peima na podu ili s glinenim peima u udubljenjima (sl. 1,14-21). Iz potkarpatske
Ukrajine poznajemo iz 7.-9. st. pravokutne objekte opremljene ognjitima ili kamenim peima (Cholmok, Petrove), slino
kao i u Rumunjskoj (Lpuel, Panic, Cefa, Turulung, Biharia),
gdje su kao u Slovakoj i Moravskoj vjerojatno nekakav sporedan tip nastambe ili vienamjenska graevina (BratislavaRusovce, Brno-Le, Palonn, Lechotice, Chotbuz, Hryzely
(Cosma 2002, 412, 451, 521, Magureanu, Szmoniewski 2003;
Stanciu, Bader 2003; Kouil 1994; Staa 1972; alkovsk
2001, 133-136).
Slini objekti opremljeni pei (Komarivci, Orosievo, Hurbanovo-Bohat) (Kotigoroko 1978; Peak 1980; Rejholcov 1977), koja se mogla nalazizi i izvan objekta (Sommerein) (Frieseinger 1971-1974), znaajni su za Potkarpatlje te
podruja iznad srednjeg Dunava. Vei broj slinih objekata relativno je pouzdano interpretiran kao radionice s
peima raznih namjena, naroito kao pekarnice, dio i kao
lonarske pei. Za razliku od njih, stambene ili polifunkcionalne graevine sadravale su osim keramike, npr. utege za
tkalake stanove, noeve, ribarske udice, iljke strelica.
Izrazitom, ali takoer ne masovnom pojavom, oznaeni
su posebno dugi i uski objekti (sl. 1,22-25). Odnos duljine
i irine je u njima dosezao 3:1 4:1. S peima su poznati
naroito u junoj Moravskoj. Najvei uzorak 21 ovakvih
objekata otkriven je na kompleksno istraenom naselju
junog predgraa gradine u Beclavi-Pohansku, zajedno s
oko 80 etvrtastih stambenih zemunica, 13 nadzemnih
304
bolo vhodn pouva termn polozemnica - alebo popisne dom s iastkovo zahbenm interirom
Osobitou skupinou dlhch zemnc u severozpadnch
Slovanov (obr. 1,5) boli rozmerovo najmasvnejie objekty
(20-50 m2) reazen do svislej lnie zvntra pozd opevnenia hradsk (Sternberger Burg, Hohenau, Wildberg, Chotbuz) ( Dulinicz 2001, 152-154; Kouil 1994, 94).
V Karpatskej kotline a strednom Podunajsku evidujeme
tie podobn pdorysy (obr. 1,6-13). Aj tu sa ale nejedn o
jednotn skupinu, vyskytuj sa v mench potoch aj spolone na jednej lokalite ale iba zriedka ako jedin i hlavn
typ domu, asto vak aj ako solitrne stavby.
Asi najpoetnejie s ovlne a obdnoovlne, i tzv.
advinovit pdorysy, ktor sa vrazne viau najm na horsk zemia strednho, a vchodnho Slovenska, Moravy i
iech.
Prbuzn s obdnoovlne a pentagonlne pdorysy
avak vdy s minimlne dvomi stenami rovnmi vyskytuj sa na juhozpadnom Slovensku (Devnska Nov Ves), v
severnom Maarsku (Zalavr, Vsrosnamny) i severnom
Slovinsku a Chorvtsku (Podgorica, Murska Sobota, Muii,
Slivnica) ale poznme ich aj inde asto spolone s pravidelnejmi obdnikovitmi pdorysmi (s pomerom dlhej
a kratej steny cca 2:1) (alkovsk 2001, 133-142, obr. 27-28;
Erdlyi, Szimonova 1987, obr. 3-5; remonik 1970; remonik 1977; Szimonova 1980; Zgodnji Slovani 2002).
Relatvne pravideln obdnikovit sa vyskytuj vo variantoch s ohniskami alebo s hlinenmi pecami na podlahe
i s hlinenmi pecami vo vklenku (obr. 1,14-21). Z Podkarpatskej Ukrajiny poznme z 7.-9. stor. obdnikovit pdorysy vybaven ohniskami alebo kamennmi pecami (Cholmok, Petrove), podobne ako v Rumunsku (Lpuel, Panic,
Cefa, Turulung, Biharia) kde s asi podobne ako na Slovensku i Morave pravdepodobne akmsi vedajm druhom
obydlia i polyfunknej stavby (Bratislava-Rusovce, Brno-Le, Palonn, Lechotice, Chotbuz, Hryzely) (Cosma 2002,
412, 451, 521; Magureanu, Szmoniewski 2003; Stanciu, Bader
2003; Kouil 1994; Staa 1972; alkovsk 2001, 133-136).
Podobn pdorysy vybaven s hlinenou interirovou
pecou (Komarivci, Orosievo, Hurbanovo-Bohat) (Kotigoroko 1978; Peak 1980; Rejholcov 1977); i exterirovou
(Sommerein) (Frieseinger 1971-1974) s v Podkarpat i nad
strednm Dunajom vzcnejie. Viacer podobn pdorysy
boli pomerne spoahlivo interpretovan aj ako dielne - s pecami rzneho elu - najm pekrne i dokonca hrniarske
pece. Na rozdiel od nich obytn i polyfunkn stavby okrem keramiky obsahovali napr. prasleny, noe, rybrske
hiky, strelky pov.
Vraznm ale tie nie masovm zjavom s vrazne dlh
a zke pdorysy (obr. 1,22-25). Pomer dky a rky u nich dosahoval 3:1 a 4:1. S hlinenmi pecami s znme najm na
junej Morave. Najvia vzorka spolu 21 takchto pdorysov bolo odkrytch na komplexne preskmanom sdlisko
junho predhradia hradiska v Beclavi-Pohansku so spolu s
asi 80 kvadratickmi obytnmi zemnicami, 13 nadzemnmi
obydliami so znenou podlahou a asi trojn sobnm
objekata sa sputenim podom i priblino trostruki broj

raznih gospodarskih objekata (radionice, skladita, rupe,
pei, zdenci (Vignatiov 1992, 15-42). Autorica istraivanja
naziva ih izrazito udubljene produljene zemunice i dijeli ih
u dvije skupine: a) s pei ugraenom u zid, i b) s ognjitem ili
kamenom pei na podu ili na postolju.
Naravno, postoji tu znatna tipoloka slinost s podrumima i drugim gospodarskim objektima, ali stambeni karakter breclavskih graevina (i prema autorici istraivanja)
nedvosmisleno dokazuje njihov inventar (keramika, ostava,
npr. o. 412; 115). Povrinski su bili veliine 8-11 m2, ukopani do dubine 60-100 cm. Ovi objekti ne ine na lokalitetu
jednu skupinu. Bili su u skupinama od dva do tri, dijelom
svih triju ovdanjih naselja datiranih u drugu polovicu 9. st.,
ali ih se najvie koncentrira u zapadnom dijelu nalaselja I.
Cijeli kompleks naselja interpretiran je kao naselja nekoliko
postrojbi velike dravne pratnje velikomoravskog vladara,
njihovih obitelji i prateeg osoblja (Vignatiov 1992, 97- 99).
Istonije analogije su, primjerice, u potkarpatskom Znjacevu (Peak 1980). Zasad su posebni viedijelni koridorni
objekti iz potkarpatske-srednjodunavske zone (Komarivci,
Vranov nad Topou, Dunaujvros) (Peak 1980; BudinskKrika 1990; Bna 1973).
Pregled i odnos pojedinih inaica dugih zemunica
mnostvom rznych hospodrskych objektov (dieln,

skladov, jm, pec, studn) (Vignatiov 1992, 15-42). Autorka
vskumu ich nazva vrazne zahben pretiahle zemnice
a del ich na dve skupiny: a) s hlinenou pecou zabudovanou
do steny a b) s ohniskom i kamennou pecou na podlahe i
hlinenom sokli.
Samozrejme existuje tu znan typologick podobnos
pivnikm a inm hosp. stavbm ale obytn charakter beclavskch stavieb (aj poda autorky vskumu)
- jednoznane doklad ich inventr (keramika, domce
vrobn nstroje, depot - napr. o. 412; 115). Plone mali 811 m2, hlbok aiskovo 60-100 cm. Tieto objekty netvoria na lokalite jednu skupinu, boli v skupinkch po dvochtroch sasou vetkch troch tunajch osd datovanch
aiskovo do 2. pol. 9. stor. ale najviac sa sstreuj v zpadnej asti osady I. Cel sdliskov komplex je interpretovan ako osady niekokch oddielov vekej ttnej druiny
vekomoravskho panovnka, ich rodn a sprievodnho personlu (Vignatiov 1992, 97- 99). Vchodnejie analgie s
napr. v podkarpatskom Zaceve (Peak 1980).
Zvltne - zatia vnimon s viacdielne - koridorov
pdorysy z podkarpatsko-stredodunajskej zny (Komarivci,
Vranov nad Topou, Dunaujvros) (Peak 1980; BudinskKrika 1990; Bna 1973).
Pvod a vzahy jednotlivch variant dlhch zemnc
Tek e naredna istraivanja pokazati postoje li neki

openiti odnosi meu srednjopodunavskim, donjopodunavskim, moda ak i sjeverozapadnoslavenskim zemunicama.
Zasad se ini da se objekti na poljskim i njemakim
podrujima mogu smatrati izrazom manjinske graevinske
kulture dijela sjeverozapadnih Slavena, s korijenima vjerojatno u nekim sjevernijim zonama slavenske pradomovine. Vrijedi to vjerojatno ne samo za lanane duge graevine
du bedema gradina, s moguim vie ili manje bliskim
predlocima na gradinama tipa Tuemlja-Chotomel (Kucharenko 1957).
Srodni oblici s kamenom pei ili ognjitem takoer
mogu biti izraz kolonizacijskih zajednica u razdoblju njihova premjetanja iz pradomovine, odnosno prvih generacija
naseljenika (vrijedi to naroito za objekte datirane u ranoslavensko razdoblje). Zbir objekata iz 7.-8. st. pojavljivao se
kako u slavenskoj sredini (Poljska, pretkarpatska Ukrajina,
Slovenija), tako i u mjeovitim slavensko-avarskim zonama (jugozapadna Slovaka, Hrvatska, Transilvanija). Ako
se pojavljuju na istom naselju u manjem broju, zajedno s
etvrtastim zemunicama, moe se razmiljati i o drugom
socijalnom statusu ili kulturnom (etnikom) podrijetlu
njihovih graditelja (naravno, osim graevina, koje se sa
sigurnou mogu interpretirati kao radionice).
i existuj nejak obecn genetick vzahy medzi stredodunajskmi, dolnodunajskmi i aj severozpadoslovanskmi zemnicami doku a alie vskumy.
Zatia sa zd, e objekty na poskch a nemeckch zemiach mono poklada za prejavy meninovej stavebnej
kultry asti severozpadnch Slovanov, s koremi pravdepodobne v niektorch severnejch znach slovanskej pravlasti plat to pravdepodobne nielen pre reazovit dlh
zstavby pozd valov hradsk, s monmi viac i menej
blzkymi predlohami na hradiskch typu Tuemlja-Chotomel (Kucharenko 1957).
Prbuzn tvary s kamennou pecou i ohniskom mu
by tie prejavom kolonizanch komunt v obdob ich presunov z pravlasti, resp. prvch generci usadlkov (plat
to najm o objektoch datovanch do vasnoslovanskho
obdobia). Sbor objektov zo 7.-8. stor. sa vyskytoval tak v
slovanskom prostred (Posko, podkarpatsk Ukrajina, Slovinsko, ale aj zmieanch slovansko-avarskch znach (JZ
Slovensko, Chorvtsko, Sedmohradsko).
Ak sa vyskytuj na tom istom sdlisku meninovo spolu
s kvadratickmi zemnicami d sa uvaova aj o inom socilnom statuse i kultrnom (etnickom) pvode ich staviteov
(samozrejme okrem stavieb, ktor sa daj spoahlivo
interpretova ako dielne).
Zasad se ini da duge zemunice s glinenim kupolastim

peima u Podunavlju imaju vjerojatnije istone, moda djelomice nomadske korijene. Pojavljuju se u donjem Podunavlju, gdje ih poznajemo naroito sa slavensko-bugarskih
lokaliteta (Garvan, Popin, Kladency, Durankulak) (Vaarova
Zatia sa zd, e dlh zemnice s hlinenmi kupolovmi

pecami v Podunajsku, maj skr vchodn, mono sasti
nomdske korene. Vyskytuj sa v dolnom Podunajsku, kde
ich poznme najm zo slovansko-bulharskch lokalt (Garvan, Popin, Kladency, Durankulak) (Vaarova 1965; Vaarova
305
1965; Vaarova 1986, Todorova 1989; Vaklinov, Stanilov

1981), esto zajedno s prvom skupinom, a posebice u etniki
mjeovitoj regiji. Bliske analogije pravokutnih objekata s
peima i iz saltovo-majake kulture jugoistone Ukrajine
(Novolimarevka, Majaky) ili slavensko-bugarskog razmea
Dunavsko-Dnjestrovskog meurijeja (Kozlov 1997). Zanimljiva je nalazna veza ovakvog objekta u Hurbanovu. U naselju s kraja 8. st. je, osim spomenute duge zemunice s pei,
u interijeru otkrivena i kruna jurtoidna zemunica, to je
sluaj i s mnogih slavensko-bugarskih naselja.
Posebice obeavajui u interpretacijskom smislu su,
osim objekata s peima, iznimno dugi objekti (djelomice
takoer opremljeni peima ili peima u udubljenju zida),
koji bi mogli ukazivati na pouzdane zapadno-istone koneksije ili premjetanja za sada blie neidentificiranih manjih (ratnikih?) skupina iz istone Europe (Pletneva 1967; Tipy tradicionnogo 1979), negdje krajem 8. i u 9. st. preko potkarpatske Ukrajine, sve do moravsko-austrijsko-slovakog
razmea. Jo je J. Vignatiov (1992a, 99) to naznaila pri
traenju ishodita dugih zemunica s peima iz Pohanska.
Mogue paralele su iz podruja srednjega i gornjeg Povolja
(Boljoe Timerovo) (Tomsinskij 1982, sl. 1-2).
Graevine slinog principa uporabe interijera bile su
poznate na irem prostoru Europe od Vikinga u kotskoj do
zajednica gornjeg Povolja i Protobugara u junoj Ukrajini,
a takoer se i kronoloki pojavljuju jo od 10. do 13. st. u
Poljskoj, Maarskoj te Rumunjskoj.
1986; Todorova 1989; Vaklinov, Stanilov 1981) asto spolu s

prvou skupinou) a obzvl v etnicky zmieanch reginoch.
Blzke analgie obdnikovm objektom s hlinenmi pecami poznme aj zo saltovo-majackej kultry juhovchodnej
Ukrajiny, (Novolimarevka, Majaky) i slovansko-bulharskho pomedzia Dunajsko-Dnestrovskho medzirieia (Kozlov
1997). Zaujmav je nlezov svislos takhoto objektu v
Hurbanove - na sdlisku konca 8. stor. sa okrem zmienenej
dlhej zemnice s hlinenou pecou v interiri odkryla aj kruhovit - jurtoidn zemnica - o je prpad aj viacerch slovansko-bulharskch sdlisk.
Zvl ndejn v zmysle interpretanom s okrem stavieb s hlinenmi pecami mimoriadne dlh pdorysy (sasti tie vybaven hlinenmi pecami i pecami vo vklenku
steny) ktor by mohli poukazova na ist zpado-vchodn
konexie i presuny zatia bliie neidentifikovanch mench
(bojovnckych?) skupn z vchodnej Eurpy (Pletneva 1967;
Tipy tradicionnogo 1979) niekedy koncom 8. a v 9. stor. cez
podkarpatsk Ukrajinu a do Moravsko-Raksko-Slovenskho pomedzia. U J. Vignatiov (1992a, 99) to naznaila
pri hadan pvodu dlhch zemnc s hlinenmi pecami z Pohanska. Mon paralely s z oblasti strednho a hornho
Povolia (Booe Timerovo) (Tomsinskij 1982, obr. 1-2).
Stavby podobnho princpu vyuitia interiru boli znme na irom priestore Eurpy od Vikingov v ktsku po etnik hornho Povolia a Protobulharov na junej Ukrajine a
tie aj chronologicky sa ete vyskytuj v 10.-13. storo tak v
Posku, Maarsku i Rumunsku.
Sl. 2 Rekonstrukcije pravokutno-elipsoidnih i pravokutnih zemunica: 1 inaica bez ljebastih zidova s kljetastim kosturom krova
i strehe koja se naslanja na zemlju; 2 inaica s niskom okvirnom konstrukcijom nadzemnih zidova.
Obr. 2 Rekontrukcie obdno-ovlnych a obdnikovitch zemnc. 1 - variant bez odkvapovch stien s klieovou kostrou krovu a strechou
dosadajcou na zem; 2 - variant s nzkou rmovou kontrukciou nadzemnch stien.
306
to se tie izgleda graevina i njihove rekonstrukcije

(sl. 2), vjerojatno su opravdane pretpostavke da u veini
sluajeva utvreni tlocrti ovog tipa ne predstavljaju cijeli
plan graevine, jer je u takvim, relativno malim, jamama
jedva mogla ivjeti obitelj od pet-est lanova. Izgradnjom
krova ili brvnare oko 1 m izvan jama bitno bi omoguilo
poveanje plohe unutranjosti, koja je tako mogla dosei i
dvostrukost ukopane, dakle priblino 7-14 m2 i vie. Pravokutna jama bila je oigledno samo sredinji, najfrekventniji
dio nastambe oko kojeg su mogli biti raireni leajevi i prostori za odlaganje. Naroito manji objekti su mogli imati u
nadzemnom dijelu samo nekakav atorast oblik s krovom
do zemlje (sl. 2,1) ili uvrenje krova na pravokutni drveni okvir koji oslonjen o zemlju podupire strehu (sl. 2,2). U
sluajevima kada neukopani dio znatno plono prelazi ukopani, vjerojatno je opravdani prijedlog rekonstruirati ih kao
nadzemne kue s ukopanom jamom za ognjite.
Pokia sa tka vzhadu stavieb a ich rekontrukcie (obr.

2), asi s oprvnen predpoklady, e vo vine prpadov
zisten pdorysy tohto typu nepredstavuj cel pln stavby, pretoe v takchto relatvne malch jamch sotva mohla
i p-eslenn rodina. Umiestnenie strechy i zrubu cca
1 m zvonku jm by umonilo podstatne zvi vyuit plochu interiru, ktor tak mohla dosahova aj dvojnsobok zahbenej - pribline 7-14 m2 i viac. Obdna jama bola zrejme
iba centrlnou, najviac frekventovanou asou obydlia, okolo ktorej mohli by rozloen lka a odkladacie priestory
interiru. Najm menie pdorysy mohli ma v nadzemnej
asti iba aksi salaovit formu so strechou o zem (obr. 2,1)
alebo fixovanie strechy na pravouhl dreven rm spovajci na zemi podopierajce strechu (obr. 2,2). V prpadoch
ak nezahben as znane plone presahovala zahben je
asi oprvnen nvrh rekontruova ich ako nadzemn domy
so zahbenou ohniskovou jamou.
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307
Poruovanie telesnch zvykov zomrelch vo vekomoravskom prostred z zemia

Slovenska
Zerstrung von Krperresten der Verstorbenen im gromhrischen Milieu aus dem Gebiet
der Slowakei
MILAN HANULIAK
Akademick 2
SK 949 21 Nitra
milan.hanuliak@savba.sk

UDK/UDC 904:726.821](437.6)
393(437.6)(091)
Na vekomoravskch lokalitch nie s neobvykl prpady poruench telesnch zvykov zomrelch.

Ich skeletov materil bva pritom rozlomen i presunut z anatomickej polohy alebo niektor kosti v hrobovej jame chbaj. Na osvetlenie jej prin bol vytvoren materilov sbor. Sklad sa z 253
hrobov a sdliskovch objektov umiestnench na 61 lokalitch. Najbliie interpretan monosti
k poruovaniu tiel zomrelch pochdzaj z etnologickch prameov. Poda nich boli popisovan
zkroky vykonvan u jedincov revenantov, ktor mohli po smrti rznym spsobom pokodzova
zdravie, spenos v hospodrskej innosti a alie vznamn sfry ivota pozostalch. Dvody k
takmto zkrokom mohli prameni nielen z nedostatkov, ku ktorm dolo pri pohrebnch obradoch,
ale aj nesplnenm zvzkov zomrelch i neobvyklm spsobom mrtia.
Kov slov: Slovensko, vekomoravsk obdobie, poruovanie telesnch zvykov, analza,
interpretcia
Auf gromhrischen Fundstellen sind die Flle der zerstrten Krperreste der Toten nicht ungewhnlich. Dabei ist ihr Skelettmaterial oft zerbrochen oder von der anatomischen Lage verschoben oder
irgendwelche Knochen in Grabgrube fehlen. Die Grundinformationen darber werden vom Materialkomplex gebildete aus den Vertretern der bearbeiteten Kategorie geboten. Er besteht aus 253
Grbern und Siedlungsobjekten situierten auf 61 Fundstellen. Die nahesten Analogien zur absichtlichen Grabzerstrung vom bearbeitenden Komplex stammen aus ethnologischen Quellen. Nach
ihnen wurden die Eingriffe, die bei den Individuen Revenanten ausgebt wurden, beschrieben.
Diese Individuen konnten nach ihrem Tod auf verschiedene Weise die Gesundheit, erfolgreiche Wirtschaftsttigkeit und weitere bedeutungsvolle Sphren des Lebens der Hinterbliebenen beschdigen.
Die Grnde fr solche Eingriffe konnten nicht nur aus Mangeln, zu den es whrend der Bestattungszeremonien kam, oder auch wegen der nicht Erfllung von Verpflichtungen der Verstorbenen, oder
aber auch aus ungewhnlichen Todesursachen folgen.
Schlsselwrter: Slovakei, gromhrische Zeit, Zerstrung von Krperresten, Analysis,
Interpretation
Na vekomoravskch lokalitch nie s neobvykl prpady poruench telesnch zvykov zomrelch. Ich skeletov
materil bva pritom rozlomen i presunut z anatomickej polohy alebo niektor kosti v hrobovej jame chbaj.
Osvetovanie prin takchto anomli nie je jednoduch.
spenos zvldnutia danej lohy je toti zvisl od toho,
i pri odkryve nlezovch situci bolo mon zachyti relevantn indcie a akm spsobom boli prslun informcie
zaznamenan v dokumentanch materiloch. Archeologick pramene oboch kategri s z tohto pohadu vak
nepoetn a mlo konkrtne. Z uvedench prin bvaj
anomlie v uloen skeletovho materilu bez vch vhrad dvan do svislosti s nhodnou innosou alebo so
zmernmi aktivitami.
Auf gromhrischen Fundstellen sind die Flle der zerstrten

Krperreste der Toten nicht ungewhnlich. Dabei ist ihr Skelettmaterial oft zerbrochen oder von der anatomischen Lage verschoben
oder irgendwelche Knochen in Grabgrube fehlen. Die Erklrung von
Ursachen solcher Anomalien ist nicht einfach. Erfolg bei der Bewltigung dieser Aufgabe ist nmlich davon abhngig, ob es mglich wre, bei der Abdeckung der Fundsituationen die relevanten Indizien
zu erfassen und auf welche Weise die betreffenden Informationen in
den Dokumentationsmaterialien eingetragen wurden. Die archologischen Quellen der beiden Kategorien sind doch von dieser Ansicht nicht zahlreich und nur wenig konkret. Wegen angegebenen
Ursachen wurden die Anomalien in der Lage des Skelettsmaterials
vorbehaltlos in den Zusammenhang mit einer zuflligen Ttigkeit
oder mit den absichtlichen Aktivitten gegeben.
309
M. HANULIAK, Poruovanie telesnch zvykov zomrelch vo vel'komoravskom prostred z zemia Slovenska, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 309-316.
Vznik anomli v uloen skeletovho materilu mono

v prvom rade zli s recentnou abou zemitho materilu, stavebnou innosou a kultivciou ponohospodrskej
pdy. Nevek posun niektorch kost bol skr intuitvne
spjan aj s innosou hlodavcov alebo koreovch systmov vegetanho porastu (Dostl 1982, 181). K anomlim
tohto druhu dochdzalo vak aj poas vasnostredovekho
obdobia. Mohla sa o to priini naprklad dekompozcia telesnch zvykov pochovanch alebo tlak zosvajcej sa zeminy po strven drevench kontrukci. Niektor kosti boli
zasa strven v hroboch s vskytom drevnej hmoty a inch
organickch materilov (ern 1995, 310-311; Geisler 1992,
361). U detskch jedincov bol tento proces uahen nzkym
stupom osifikcie ich skeletovho materilu. Nhodn posun kost mohol nasta aj v dvojhroboch pri neskorom pochovan zomrelho do starej hrobovej jamy (Pollex 2000,
409-410).
Poruovanie telesnch zvykov zomrelch z vekomoravskch nekropol mono takisto spoji aj so zmernou innosou vykonvanou prleitostne prslunkmi svekej populcie. Zkladn informcie o tom poskytuje materilov
sbor vytvoren z reprezentantov spracvanej kategrie.
Sklad sa z 253 hrobov a sdliskovch objektov umiestnench na 61 lokalitch tyroch rozdielnych typov (osamoten
hrob, hrob zo sdliskovho arelu, sdliskov objekt s telom
jedinca a pohrebisko). Spracvan prpady predstavuj vo
vekomoravskom nlezovom prostred diel s hodnotou 7,4%
(Hanuliak 2004, 114-115, 255-258). Uveden nlezisk nie
s sstreden v niektorom z reginov, ale nerovnomerne
rozptlen v oblastiach s rznou hustotou znmych lokalt.
Vnimkou je iba nitrianska sdliskov aglomercia, pretoe
v tomto priestore evidujeme aj najvyiu koncentrciu svekch nekropol.
K zkladnm charakteristikm zmerne poruench tiel
zomrelch patr, e tto innos bola prednostne zacielen
nielen na horn polovicu trupu, ale aj na cel telo zomrelch. Zriedkavejie ilo o hlavu s hornou polovicou trupu,
iba o hlavu, iba o doln polovicu trupu. Zsahy spracvanej
kategrie evidujeme u jedincov rozdielneho pohlavia a veku rozdelench do tyroch zkladnch kategri. Po rektifikcii tchto hodnt sa preuke, e intenzita spracvanho
poruovania postupne narast s pribdajcim vekom jedincov. Analogick vvojov lniu mono zaznamena aj v prpade chronologickch ukazovateov. alie analzy poruovania zomrelch ukzalo, e vyhodnocovan ukazovatele
bvaj na jednotlivch nleziskch odlin. Znamen to, e
kad zo svekch komunt pristupovala prednostne k zmernmu poruovaniu niektorch ast telesnch zvykov,
u pochovanch rozdielneho pohlavia i veku a poas takho
chronologickho seku, ak sa vyskytli pre dan innos urujce dvody.
Za jednu z monch prin asovo svekch a zmerne vykonvanch vkopov bva v odbornej literatre povaovan snaha po odcudzen hodnotnejch exemplrov
pohrebnho inventra (Kavnov 2003, 281-282; Profantov
2003, 50). Nzory tohto druhu nemono jednoznane prija
ani odmietnu bez zohadnenia dostupnch informci. Ich
kvalita vak nezodpoved naim poiadavkm. K dispozcii
310
Die Entstehung von Anomalien in der Lage des Skelettmaterials kann man in erster Reihe mit der rezenten Erdmassefrderung,
Bauttigkeit und Ackerbodenkultivation vereinigen. Eine nicht groe Verschiebung von irgendwelchen Knochen wurde intuitiv auch
mit Ttigkeit von Nagetieren oder Wurzelnetzen des Vegetationsbestands verbunden (Dostl 1982, 181). Zu den Anomalien dieser Art ist
doch auch whrend der frhmittelalterlichen Zeit gekommen. Dazu
konnte z. B. die Dekomposition von Krperresten der Toten oder der
Bodenrutschdruck nach einer Verzehrung der Holzkonstruktion hinzufgen. Irgendwelche Knochen wurden in den Grbern mit dem
Vorkommen der Holzmasse und der anderen organischen Materialien verzehrt (ern 1995, 310-311; Geisler 1992, 361). Bei den Kinderindividuen wurde dieser Prozess mit der niedrigen Ossifikationsstufe
ihres Skelettsmaterials erleichtert. Die zufllige Knochenverschiebung konnte auch in den Doppelgrbern bei spterer Beisetzung
des Toten in die ltere Grabgrube eintreten (Pollex 2000, 409-410).
Die Zerstrung von Krperresten der Toten auf den gromhrischen Grberfeldern kann man auch mit der absichtlichen Ttigkeit,
gelegentlich vollbrachte von den Angehrigen zeitgenssischer Population verbinden. Die Grundinformationen darber werden vom
Materialkomplex gebildete aus den Vertretern der bearbeiteten Kategorie geboten. Er besteht aus 253 Grbern und Siedlungsobjekten situierten auf 61 Fundstellen der vier verschiedenen Typen (ein
einzelnstehender Grab, ein Grab aus dem Siedlungsareal, ein Siedlungsobjekt mit dem Krper eines Individuums und ein Grberfeld).
Die bearbeiteten Flle stellen im gromhrischen Fundraum den
Teil im Werte von 7,4% vor (Hanuliak 2004, 114-115, 255-258). Die angefhrten Fundorte sind nicht in irgendeinem Region konzentriert,
sondern ungleichmig in den Gebieten mit verschiedener Dichte
der bekannten Fundstellen zerstreut.
Zur grundlegenden Charakteristik der absichtlich zerstrten
Krper der Toten gehrt, dass diese Ttigkeit vorzugsweise nicht nur
an die obere Rumpfshlfte, sondern auch an den ganzen Krper der
Toten gezielt wurde. Seltener ging es um den Kopf mit der oberen
Hlfte des Rumpfs, nur um den Kopf, nur um die untere Rumpfshlfte. Die Eingriffe der bearbeiteten Kategorie fhren wir in Evidenz bei
den Individuen vom verschiedenen Geschlecht und Alter, die in vier
Grundkategorien geteilt wurden. Nach einer Rektifikation dieser
Werte erweit es sich, dass die Intensitt der bearbeiteten Zerstrung fortlaufend mit dem zuwachsenden Alter der Individuen anwachsen wird. Die analogische Entwicklungslinie kann man auch im
Fall der chronologischen Kennziffern verzeichnen. Die weiteren Analysen der Zerstrung der Toten haben gezeigt, dass die bewerteten
Zeiger auf den einzelnen Fundorten verschieden sind. Es bedeutet,
dass jede der zeitgenssischen Kommunitt vorzugsweise an die
absichtliche Zerstrung irgendwelcher Teile der krperlichen Reste
bei den Verstorbenen von verschiedenem Geschlecht und Alter und
in solchem chronologischen Zeitabschnitt herantreten wrde, wenn
sich fr angefhrte Ttigkeit die bestimmten Grnde vorgefunden
haben.
Fr eine der mglichen Ursachen zeitgenssischer und absichtlich ausgefhrter Grabungen wird in der Fachliteratur das Bestreben
nach Entfremdung der wertvolleren Exemplare vom Grabinventar gehalten (Kavnov 2003, 281-282; Profantov 2003, 50). Die
Anschauungen dieser Art kann man ohne Bercksichtigung der
erreichbaren Informationen nicht eindeutig annehmen oder ablehnen. Doch ihre Qualitt entspricht unseren Ansprchen nicht. Zur
Verfgung stehen nur die indirekten Indizien, von den die Raub-
M. HANULIAK, Zerstrung von Krperresten der Verstorbenen im groSSmhrischen Milieu aus dem Gebiet der Slowakei, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 309-316.
s iba nepriame indcie, ktor vykrdanie s vou i menou presvedivosou spochybuj. Do ich kolekcie patr aj
skutonos, e medzi prpadmi s najastejie poruovanou
hornou asou tela boli musk jedinci zastpen iba o 1,2%
a 3,4% prpadov zriedkavejie ako jedinci opanho pohlavia. V uvedenej asti tela boli u prslunok enskho pohlavia nachdzan predovetkm perky, no u muov iba
vnimone. Analogick rozdielnos bva dodran aj pri
rozruenej dolnej polovice trupu, aj ke bvaj do tchto
miest vo zvenej miere prikladan militri prznan pre
muov. Prekvapiv je tie to, e nlezy ozdb boli njden
v 65-69% prpadov v oblasti hlavy a hrudnka aj napriek tomu, e ilo o miesta zmerne poruen. K spochybneniu cielenho vykrdania hrobov prispieva aj poznatok o rastcej
intenzite poruovania telesnch zvykov poas mladieho
seku vekomoravskho obdobia a v povekomoravskom
obdob, ke nlezy z hrobov ubdaj a rastie poet hrobov
bez ich akejkovek prtomnosti. Aj samotn vykrdanie hrobov odporovalo vtedajm zsadm pohrebnho rtu, pretoe predmety priloen k mtvemu nadobudli neist stav.
Neprpustn bolo aj okradnutie zomrelho, ktor neprestal
by integrlnou sasou prslunej komunity (Le Goff, Smitt
1999, 283; Slupecki 2002, 87). Pohrebiskov arel predstavoval takisto v ivote vasnostredovekch komunt posvtn
priestor chrniaci pokojn odpoinok zomrelch. Bez obv
zo zvanho poruenia svekch ritulnych princpov
mohlo k poruovaniu tiel zomrelch djs iba vtedy, ak sa
mali touto cestou odstrni zvan skutonosti ohrozujce
najvznamnejie oblasti ivota komunity (Hanuliak 2004a,
41; Chorthov 2001, 34).
Prednostnm poruovanm istch ast tela zomrelch sa
vyluuje nhodnos pri ich vbere. V opanom prpade by
nebola uprednostovan oblas hlavy s obvanmi zmyslovmi orgnmi. V hrudnku, resp. celej hornej polovici trupu
sa zasa nachdzaj pre ivot najvznamnejie orgny (obr.
1,2-4,6). Poruenie dolnej asti trupu s konatinami me
by azda zliten so snahou o znefunknenie pohybovch
orgnov potrebnch k navtevovaniu pozostalch. Prbuzn
vsledn efekt mohol by dosiahnut aj vtedy, ke boli oddelen a presunut jednotliv asti tela alebo konatn (obr.
1,5). Pri kompletnom rozruen tela treba uvaova o najdokonalejej forme vyhodnocovanch aktivt so zjavnm likvidanm obsahom. Pri ich vykonvan neboli znien iba
vznamn orgny zomrelho, ale i samotn podstata jeho
fyzickej existencie (Bednrik 1939, 59; Galuka 2004, 81).
Priny poruovania telesnch zvykov pochovanch
spracvanej kategrie nie s v dostatonej miere znme.
Archeologick pramene poskytuj k ich objasneniu iba nepriame indcie. Podstatn vak je, e jedinci s poruenm
telom sa zsadnejm spsobom neodliuj od ostatnch
pochovanch formou hrobovej jamy ani na zklade majetkovho postavenia alebo socilneho statusu. Zmerne
poruen hroby s bez postrehnutenho systmu nerovnomerne rozptlen medzi ostatnmi hrobmi prslunho
pohrebiska (obr. 10-12). Na skeletovom materili sa nezistili
anomlie vnimonho charakteru a v takom hojnom zastpen, na zklade ktorch by boli tto vnimon. Aj preto boli pri ich pohrebe vykonan tradin obrady a poda
grabung mit grerer oder kleinerer berzeugungskraft bezweifelt wird. In ihre Kollektion gehrt auch die Wirklichkeit, dass unter
den Fllen mit dem hufigst zerstrten oberen Krperteil sind die
Mnner nur um 1,2% bis 3,4% Flle seltener als die Individuen des
Gegengeschlechts vertreten. Im angefhrten Krperteil wurden bei
Frauen vor allem die Schmucksachen, sondern bei den Mnnern nur
selten gefunden. Eine analogische Verschiedenheit wird auch bei
der zerstrten unteren Rumpfshlfte gehalten, wenn auch an diese
Stellen im hheren Ma die Militaria, kennzeichnend fr die Mnner,
beigelegt wurden. berraschend ist es auch, dass die Schmuckfunde in den 65-69 % Fllen beim Kopf und Rumpf trotzdem gefunden
wurden, dass es um die absichtlich zerstrten Stellen ging. Zur Bezweiflung der gezielten Grberruberei steht auch die Erkenntnis
ber die wachsende Intensitt der Zerstrung von Krperresten im
jngeren Zeitabschnitt der gromhrischen Zeit und in der nachgromhrischen Zeit bei, wenn die Funde aus den Grbern geringer
werden und die Anzahl der Grber ohne jedwede ihre Anwesenheit
anwachsen wird. Auch alleine Grberruberei wurde den zeitgenssischen Grundstzen des Bestattungsritus widersprechen, weil die
zum Toten beigelegte Gegenstnde in den unreinen Zustand gebracht wurden. Unzulssig war auch die Beraubung des Toten, der
ein integraler Bestandteil der zugehrigen Kommunitt zu sein nicht
aufgehrt hat (Le Goff, Smitt 1999, 283; Slupecki 2002, 87). Ein Grberfeldareal stellte so auch im Leben der frhmittelalterlichen Kommunitten die geheiligte Sttte schtzende den stillen Ruhestand
der Verstorbenen vor. Ohne Furcht vom schwerwiegenden Bruch
der damaligen Ritualsprinzipien konnte zur Zerstrung der Krper
erst dann kommen, wenn sich durch diesen Weg die schwerwiegenden Tatsachen, die die Lebenssicherheit der Kommunitt bedrohten,
beseitigen sollten (Hanuliak 2004a, 41; Chorvthov 2001, 34).
Mit der Vorzerstrung der gewissen Krperteile wird die Zuflligkeit bei ihrer Auswahl ausgeschlossen. Im Gegenfall wrde nicht das
Kopfgebiet mit gefrchteten Sinnenorganen bevorzugt. Im Brustkorb, bzw. in der ganzen oberen Rumpfshlfte befinden sich wieder
die bedeutendsten Lebensorgane (Abb. 1,2-4,6). Die Beschdigung
der unteren Rumpfshlfte mit den Gliedmaen kann vielleicht mit
dem Bestreben nach Entfunktionierung der Bewegungsorgane, die
notwendig zum Besuchen der Hinterbliebenen waren, vereinbart
sein. Ein hnlicher Resultatseffekt konnte auch damals erreicht werden, wenn die einzelnen Krper- oder Gliedmaenteile abgetrennt
oder verschoben wurden (Abb. 1,5). Bei einer kompletten Krperzerstrung ist es ntig die vollkommene Form der ausgewerteten Aktivitten mit einem offenkundigen Liquidationsinhalt zu bedenken.
Bei ihrer Vollziehung wurden nicht nur die bedeutenden Organe des
Toten, sondern auch die alleine Wesenheit seiner physischen Existenz vernichtet (Bednrik 1939, 59; Galuka 2004, 81).
Die Ursachen der Zerstrung von Krperresten der Toten der bearbeiteten Kategorie sind nicht gengend bekannt. Die archologischen Quellen bieten zu ihrer Erklrung nur die indirekten Indizien.
Doch ist es wesentlich, dass die Individuen mit beschdigtem Krper
auf keine grundstzlichere Weise von den anderen Verstorbenen
weder mit der Grabgrubenform noch auf dem Grund des Besitztums oder des Sozialstatus unterschieden werden. Die absichtlich
beschdigten Grber werden ohne bemerkbaren System ungleichmig unter anderen Grbern des gehrigen Grberfelds zerstreut.
Auf dem Skelettmaterial wurden keine Anomalien vom Ausnahmecharakter festgestellt und so zahlreich vertreten, dass man die Individuen fr auergewhnlich halten knnte. Auch deswegen wurden
311
3
2
5
4
Obr. 1 Jedinci zo zmerne poruench hrobov: 1 Buany; 2,6 akajovce; 3 Nitra- Zobor-Lupka; 4 Mula-enkovVilmaker; 5 Buany.
Abb. 1 Individuen in den absichtlich zerstrten Grbern: 1 Buany; 2,6 akajovce; 3 Nitra-Zobor-Lupka; 4 Mulaenkov-Vilmaker; 5 Buany.
312
1
2
7
6
11
9
10
12
13
14
15
16
17
19
18
20
21
Obr.2 Vber predmetov pohrebnho inventra: 1-2 Bojniky; 3,5,9,16 Mula-enkov-Vilmakert; 4,6 BratislavaDevn-Star vinohrady; 7,10,12 Ipesk Sokolec; 8,14 Bratislava-Devn-Za kostolom; 11,15,19 akajovce;
13,17-18,21 Mula-enkov-Orechov sad; 20 Michal nad itavou.
Abb. 2 Auswahl der Gegenstnde des Grabinventars: 1,2 Bojniky; 3,5,9,16 Mula-enkov-Vilmakert; 4,6 Bratislava-Devn-Star vinohrady; 7,10,12 Ipesk Sokolec; 8,14 Bratislava-Devn-Za kostolom; 11,15,19 akajovce; 13,17-18,21
Mula-enkov-Orechov sad; 20 Michal nad itavou.
313
majetkovho statusu boli aj patrine vystrojen na cestu do

zhrobia (Vondrkov, Hanuliak 2005, 476-477, obr. 13; Vondrkov, Hanuliak 2006, 377, obr. 19).
Pohrebn inventr bol v ich hroboch doloen v 60,9%
prpadov. Okrem zstupcov podpriemernej a priemernej
ekonomickej hodnoty figurovali v jeho zostave aj britvy,
kosky, vedierka a militri s ich funknmi sasami. Medzi perkami a sasami odevu nie s vzcne ani hodnotn exemplre vyroben nronmi technikami z drahch
a vzcnych materilov ako aj ich kolekcie s vym potom
kusov v jednom celku (obr. 2,3). Na druhej strane nemono
prehliadnu, e v analyzovanej truktre pohrebnho inventra dominuj predovetkm exemplre prznan pre
podpriemern a priemern socilny status. Tto skutonos
nie je prekvapiv, lebo zo 61 evidovanch lokalt a 86% reprezentantov patrilo obyvateom dedinskch sdlisk agrrneho typu.
Najbliie analgie k zmernmu poruovaniu hrobov
zo spracvanho sboru pochdzaj z etnologickch prameov (Bednrik 1939, 59-67; Mjartan 1953, 129). V nich
boli tto zomrel oznaen za vamprov uprov, ktor mohli
posmrtne zneuva svoje schopnosti v neprospech pozostalch. Za obzvl zvan sa povaovalo hroziace nebezpeie pri pokodzovan zdravia, spenosti v hospodrskej
innosti a v alch vznamnch sfrach ivota. Na zamedzenie oakvanch negatvnych dopadov bola vyuvan
kla magickch prostriedkov a mechanickch praktk. Do
ich kolekcie patr aj zmern poruovanie hrobov vykonvan posterirne, t. j. v istom ase po uloen zomrelho
do hrobu (Galuka 2004, 81-87; Hanuliak 1997, 173; Hanuliak
1998, 102-104). Podozrenie o monej kodlivosti takchto
zomrelch sa muselo dotvori neskr. Zrejme vtedy, ak sa
v niektorch vznamnejch sfrach ivota objavil rad nevysvetlitench, no podozrivch okolnost negatvneho obsahu. Uvedenm zomrelm, t. j. revenantom sa pripisovala
schopnos opa hrob. Dvody k tomu mohli by individulne. Pramenili z nedostatkov ku ktorm mohlo djs poas pohrebnch obradov. Do ich kolekcie sa daj naprklad
zaradi nedostaton prejavy iau voi zomrelmu, jeho
neprimeran vystrojenie odevom i predmetmi. Mohlo to
by vak aj chbajce spravodliv odlenie od majetku,
nesplnenie subov a zvzkov, ku ktormu nemohlo djs
z dvodov predasnho mrtia (Horvthov 1993, 61; Chorvthov 2001, 34).
Okrajov poloha intencionlne poruench hrobov v
rmci niektorch nekropol nznakovo presvieda o monch negatvnych danostiach jedincov u v ase mrtia
(obr. 10-12). Do vahy prichdza mrtie za podozrivch a
neobjasnench okolnost, nhla alebo nsiln smr, utopenie, skonanie poas vznamnch prelomovch okamikov
ivota alebo v osamoten. Vo vine uvedench prpadov
nemohli by v poadovanej miere vykonan vetky potrebn sasti pohrebnch obradov o mohlo zvi podozrenie o negatvnej psobnosti takchto zomrelch (Hanuliak
2004a, 45-46; Hattenhauer 1998, 11).
Poetnos evidovanch prpadov so zmerne poruenm telom vo vekomoravskom nlezovom prostred (7,4%
prpadov) pritom ukazuje, e zkroky tohto druhu neboli
314
bei ihrer Bestattung die traditionellen Trauerzeremonien vollbracht

und auch nach dem Besitzstatus wurden sie auf den Weg ins Jenseits gebhrend ausgestattet (Vondrkov, Hanuliak 2005, 476,-477,
obr. 13; Vondrkov, Hanuliak 2006, 377, obr. 19).
Das Grabinventar wurde bei 60,9% Fllen in ihren Grbern belegt. Auer den Gegenstnden vom konomischen mittelmigen
und untermittelmigen Wert figurierten in seiner Zusammenstellung auch die Rasiermesser, Sicheln, Eimer und Militaria mit ihren
Funktionsbestandteilen. Unter den Schmucken und Kleidungsbestandteilen sind nicht selten weder die Wertexemplare mit anspruchsvollen Techniken aus teueren Materialien hergestellt, noch
ihre Kollektionen mit hherer Stckanzahl in einem Komplex. An der
anderen Seite kann man nicht beachten, dass in analysierter Struktur
des Grabinventars vor allem die Exemplare bezeichnend fr den mittelmigen und untermittelmigen Sozialstatus dominieren (Abb.
2,3). Diese Tatsache ist nicht berraschend, weil aus den evidierten
61 Fundstellen mehr als der 86% Reprsentanten zu den Bewohnern
der Dorfsiedlungen vom Agrartypus gehrt haben.
Die nahesten Analogien zur absichtlichen Grabzerstrung vom
bearbeitenden Komplex stammen aus ethnologischen Quellen
(Bednrik 1939, 59-67; Mjartan 1953, 129). Darin wurden diese Toten
wie die Vampire bezeichnet, die ihre Fhigkeiten zum Schaden den
Hinterbliebenen missbrauchen konnten. Fr besonders schwerwiegend wurde die drohende Gefahr bei der Gesundheitsbeschdigung, erfolgreicher Wirtschaftsttigkeit und weiteren bedeutungsvollen Lebenssphren gehalten. Zur Verhinderung der erwarteten
Negativfolgen wurde eine Skala von magischen Mitteln und mechanischen Praktiken verwendet. In ihre Kollektion gehrt auch die absichtliche posterir vollfhrte Grabszerstrung, d. h. in gewisser Zeit
nach Grabbeisetzung des Toten (Galuka 2004, 81-87; Hanuliak 1997,
173; Hanuliak 1998, 102-104). Der Verdacht wegen der mglichen
Schdlichkeit solchen Toten musste spter dargestellt werden. Offensichtlich damals, wenn in irgendwelchen bedeutenden Lebenssphren eine Reihe von unerklrbaren verdchtigen Umstnden des
Negativinhalts herausgestellt wurde. Den angefhrten Toten, d. h.
Revenanten wurde die Fhigkeit den Grab zu verlassen zugeschrieben. Die Grnde dazu konnten individuell sein. Diese sind aus den
Mangeln, zu den es whrend der Bestattungszeremonien kommen
konnte, entsprungen. In ihre Kollektion kann man z. B. auch die nicht
gengenden Kummeruerungen gegenber dem Toten, seine
nicht entsprechende Kleider- und Gegenstandsausrstung einreihen. Doch es konnte auch die fehlende gerechte Abgeschlossenheit
vom Besitz sein oder die Versprechen und Verpflichtungen, zu denen man aus Grnden des vorzeitigen Todes nicht kommen konnte
(Horvthov 1993, 61; Chorvthov 2001, 34).
Die Randlage der vorstzlich zerstrten Grber im Rahmen irgendwelcher Grberfelder berzeugt andeutungsweise von mglichen negativen Tatsachen der Individuen schon in der Sterbezeit.
In Betracht kommt der Tod unter verdchtigen und unerklrbaren
Umstnden, ein jher oder gewaltsamer Tod, ein Ertrinkungstod,
das Ableben um bedeutende Lebenswende oder in Vereinsamung.
In der Mehrheit der angefhrten Flle konnten nicht im verlangten
Ma alle notwendigen Bestandteile von Bestattungsbruchen getan sein, was den Verdacht von negativen Wirkung dieser Toten erhhen konnte (Hanuliak 2004a, 45-46; Hattenhauer 1998, 11).
Die Menge von evidierten Fllen mit dem absichtlich zerstrten Krper im gromhrischen Fundraum (7,4% Flle) zeigt dabei,
dass die Eingriffe dieser Art auf keine Massenweise, sondern nur
5
3
11
10
12
13
14
16
15
17
18
19
Obr. 3 Vber predmetov pohrebnho inventra: 1-4,7,9,15-16,18-19 Nitra-Zobor-Lupka; 5,13-14,17 Mula-enkovVilmakert; 6,8,10,12 Nitra-Star Mesto-Hrad; 11 Nitra-Zobor-Dolnozoborsk cesta
Abb. 3 Auswahl der Gegenstnde des Grabinventars: 1-4,7,9,15-16,18-19 Nitra- Zobor-Lupka;5,13-14,17 Mula-enkovVilmakert; 6,8,10,12 Nitra-Star Mesto-Hrad; 11 Nitra-Zobor-Dolnozoborsk cesta
315
vykonvan masovejm spsobom, ale skr prleitostne.

Najm vtedy ak sa tradin sasti pohrebnch obradov s
mnostvom ochrannch a oistnch prostriedkov ukzali
ako mlo inn, resp. neboli s potrebnou istotou schopn
ochrni pozostalch pred hroziacim negatvnym vplyvom
niektorch zomrelch. Nzorov predstavy tohto druhu
nie s neobvykl poas 9.- polovicou 10. stor. Ide o obdobie pohansko-kresanshho sykretizmu. Poas neho dochdzalo k viacvrstvovej transformcii aiskovch zloiek
predkresanskho systmu (Hanuliak 2001, 114-115). S tm
priamo sviselo objavenie sa viacerch ruivch elementov
v nadstavbovej oblasti a ich detruktvnej innosti vo sfre
ivotnch istt, ktor bolo treba odstrni takmto drastickm spsobom. Je to tak zrejme preto, lebo ide o posledn
prleitos, ktor mohli pozostal vyui vo svoj prospech a k
ochranne kolektvnych istt zo vetkch vznamnejch sfr
ivota.
gelegentlich vollgebracht wurden. Vor allem damals, wenn sich

die traditionellen Bestandteile des Bestattungsritus mit einer Menge der Schutz- und Reinmittel wie wenig tatkrftig gezeigt haben,
bzw. sie waren nicht zu notwendiger Sicherheit der Hinterbliebenen vor dem bedrohlichen Einfluss irgendwelcher Toten fhig. Die
Meinungsvorstellungen dieser Art sind whrend des 9. bis die Hlfte
des 10. Jahrhunderts gewhnlich. Es geht um die Zeit des heidnischchristlichen Synkretismus. In dieser Zeit ist zur mehrschichtlichen
Transformation der Schwerpunktkomponente des vorchristlichen
Systems gekommen (Hanuliak 2001, 114-115). Damit war direkt im
Zusammenhang das Erscheinen von mehreren Strungselementen
im berbaugebiet und ihrer destruktiven Wirkung in Sphre der
Lebenssicherheit und es war ntig sie auf solche drastische Weise
zu beseitigen. Es ist so wahrscheinlich darum, weil es um die letzte
Angelegenheit geht, welche die Hinterbliebene zu ihrem Gunsten
und zur Schutz der kollektiven Sicherheit von allen bedeutenden
Sphren des Lebens ausntzen konnten.
LITERATRA / LITERATUR
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Nrodopis. Sbor. 1, Martin, 54-94.
ern V., 1995, Vznam tafonomickch proces pi studiu pohebnho
ritu, ARozhl 47, Praha, 301-313.
Dostl B., 1982, Drobn pohebit a rozptlen hroby z BeclaviPohanska, Sbornik E 27, Brno, 135-201.
Galuka L., 2004, Velkomoravsk hroby revenant ze Starho Msta, in:
Zbornk na poes Dariny Bialekovej, G. Fusek (red.), Nitra, 81-87.
Geisler M., 1992, Statistick zhodnocen mladohraditnho pohebit z
Holubic, okr. Vykov, Pravk (N. .) 2, Brno, 259-370.
Hanuliak M., 1997, K problematike skeletov udskch jedincov zo sdliskovch objektov, SlovArch 45, Bratislava, 157-182.
Hanuliak M., 1998, Vampirizmus na pohrebiskch z prelomu vasnho a
vrcholnho stedovku, Hieron 3, Bratislava, 102-105.
Hanuliak M., 2001, Pohansko-kresansk synkretizmus a jeho prejavy na
nekropolch z mladieho seku vasnho stedovku, Stud. Arch.
Slovaca Mediaev. 3-4, Bratislava, 109-126.
Hanuliak M., 2004, Vekomoravsk pohrebisk. Pochovvanie v 9.-10.
storo na zem Slovenska, Nitra.
Hanuliak M., 2004a, Charakter a vznam hranc v asopriestorovej dimenzii pohrebnho rtu z mladieho seku vasnho stredoveku,
ArchHist 29, Brno, 37-50.
Hattenhauer H., 1998, Evropsk djiny prva, Praha.
Horvthov E., 1993, Predstavy o posmrtnom ivote a korelcii s pohrebnmi obradmi, in: Kultov asocilne aspekty pohrebnho rtu od
najstarch ias po sasnos, E. Krekovi (zost.), Bratislava, 60-67.
Chorvthov ., 2001, Slovensk udov pohrebn obrad v slovanskom
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kontexte, in: Obyajov tradcie pri mrt apochovvan na Slovensku

sosobitnm zreteom na etnick akonfesionlnu mnohotvrnos, J.
Botk (zost.), Bratislava, 33-49.
Jgerov M., 2001, Slovensk pohreb, in: Obyajov tradcie pri mrt
apochovvan na Slovensku sosobitnm zreteom na etnick akonfesionlnu mnohotvrnos, J. Botk (zost.), Bratislava, 13-31.
Kavnov B., 2003, Mikulice - pohebit v okol 12. kostela, in: Mikulice
pohebit u 6. a 12. kostela kostela, P. Kouil (ed.), Spisy A AV R
Brno 22, Brno 2003, 211-413.
Le Goff, J., Smitt, J-C., 1999, Encyklopedie stedovku, Praha.
Mjartan J., 1953, Vamprske povery v Zemplne. Slov. Nrodopis 1, Bratislava, 107-134.
Pollex A., 2000, Betrachtungen zu jungslawischen Mehrfachbestattungen. Ethnogr.-Arch. Zeitschr. 41, Berlin,407-422.
Profantov N., 2003, Mikulice - pohebit u 6. kostela. Pokus o chronologick a sociln zhodnocen, in: Mikulice pohebit u 6. a 12.
kostela kostela, P. Kouil (ed.), Spisy A AV R Brno 22, Brno, 7-209.
Slupecki L. P., 2002, Pohansk nboenstv zpadnch Slovan, in: Stred
Eurpy okolo roku 1000, Historick, umeleckohistorick a archeologick tdie a katalg kvstave, Praha, 87-92.
Vondrkov M., Hanuliak M., 2005, Prnos antropologickho vskumu k
interpretcii vnimonch zloiek pohrebnho rtu na prklade
pohrebiska vBuanoch, in: Ve slubch archeologie 5, V. Hoek, R.
Nekuda, M. Ruttkay (ed.), Brno, 46-479.
Vondrkov M., Hanuliak M., 2006, Vnimon formy poloh telesnch
zvykov pochovanch v Malch Kosihch z pohadu antropologie, in: Ve slubch archeologie 6, V. Hoek, R. Nekuda, M. Ruttkay
(ed.), Brno, 369-380.
Zgodnjesrednjeveki pozlaeni predmeti z Gradia nad Baljem (Slovenija)

Early Mediaeval Gilded Artefacts from Gradie nad Baljem (Slovenia)
TIMOTEJ KNIFIC
Narodni muzej Slovenije
Preernova 20
SI-1000 Ljubljana


Mediaeval archaeology
UDK/UDC 904: 671.14](497.4-37 Kranj)653
Severno od Kranja se dviga v poboju gore Stori prepadna vzpetina Gradie nad Baljem. Na
njenem koniastem vrhu so razvaline poznoantine naselbine. Te so ponekod prekrite z debelo ganinsko plastjo, ki vsebuje ostaline iz zgodnjega srednjega veka. Najve jih pripada vojaki opravi in
konjski opremi; med mnoico eleznih, pogosto pokositernih predmetov te vrste, je tudi nekaj bronastih in pozlaenih izdelkov: jermenski razdelilec, jermenski zakljuek, obro pasne spone, obealnik z
zanko in del ostroge. Trije predmeti z Gradia nad Baljem so glede na slogovne znailnosti in uporabne lastnosti pripadali luksuzni garnituri, bodisi jermenskem oglavju konja ali pasu za obeanje
mea. Pozlaene najdbe z Gradia nad Baljem po navedenih arheolokih primerjavah kaejo karolinki vpliv in so nedvomno pripadale vladajoemu sloju v zgodnjesrednjeveki Karnioli oz. Kranjski
ob koncu 8. in v 9. st. Zgodnjesrednjeveki pozlaeni predmeti so bili najdeni tudi na drugih najdiih
v Sloveniji. Na kljunih poloajih so tamkajnje postojanke, podobno kot drugod v slovanskem svetu
9. st., tudi na ozemlju sedanje Slovenije vojakemu plemstvu zagotavljale oblast.
Kljune rijei: zgodnji srednji vek, vojaka oprava, konjska oprema, karolinki vpliv, vladajoi sloj
North of Kranj, on the slope of the mount Stori, there rises the steep elevation of Gradie nad
Baljem. On its conical summit is the location of the ruins of a late antiquity settlement which are in
some places covered with a thick layer of ashes, which contains remains dating from the Early Middle
Ages. Most of these remains are elements of military equipment and horse gear. Among many items
of this kind which were made of iron, and often tinned, there are also several bronze and gilded
artefacts: a strap separator, a strap end, a belt buckle ring, a hanger with a suspension loop and
fragment of a spur. Judging by their stylistic characteristics and their functional features, three items
from Gradie nad Baljem belong to a luxury set either to a horses headgear made of straps, or to
a belt used as a sword hanger. Based on the analogies, the gilded finds from Gradie nad Baljem
indicate Carolingian influence, and there is no doubt that they belonged to the ruling class in early
mediaeval Carniola, i.e. Kranjska, in the late 8th and in the 9th centuries. Early Mediaeval gilded
items have also been found at other sites in Slovenia. The strongholds that were located in the key
positions secured the power of the military aristocracy in the territory of present-day Slovenia, similarly to the way in which they functioned in other parts of the 9th century Slavic world.
Key words: Early Middle Ages, military equipment, horse gear, Carolingian influence, aristocracy
Severno od Kranja se dviga v poboju gore Stori prepadna vzpetina Gradie nad Baljem. Na njenem koniastem vrhu, ki dosee nadmorsko viino 873 m, so razvaline
poznoantine naselbine. Te so ponekod prekrite z debelo
ganinsko plastjo, ki vsebuje ostaline iz zgodnjega srednjega veka (Knific 1999; Knific 1999a). Najve jih pripada
vojaki opravi in konjski opremi (Bitenc, Knific 2001, 96-101,
kat. 315-329); med mnoico eleznih, pogosto pokositernih
predmetov te vrste (Karo, Knific, Mili 2001), je tudi nekaj
bronastih in pozlaenih izdelkov: jermenski razdelilec, jermenski zakljuek, obro pasne spone, obealnik z zanko in
del ostroge (sl. 1).
North of Kranj, on the slope of the mount Stori, there rises

the steep elevation of Gradie nad Baljem. Its conical summit
reaches an altitude of 873 m above sea level, and it is the location of the ruins of a late antiquity settlement. In some places
the ruins are covered with a thick layer of ashes, which contains
remains dating from the early Middle Ages (Knific 1999; Knific
1999a). Most of these remains are elements of military equipment and horse gear (Bitenc, Knific 2001, 96-101, Cat. 315-329).
Among many items of this kind which were made of iron, and
often tinned (Karo, Knific, Mili 2001), there are also several
bronze and gilded artefacts: a strap separator, a strap end, a
belt buckle ring, a hanger with a suspension loop and fragment
of a spur (Fig. 1).
317
T. KNIFIC, Zgodnjesrednjeveki pozlaeni predmeti z Gradia nad Baljem (Slovenija), Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 317-326.
Sl. 1 1-5 Pozlaeni bronasti predmeti z Gradia nad Baljem (foto: T. Lauko)
Fig. 1 1-5 Gilded bronze artefacts from Gradie nad Baljem (photo by T. Lauko)
Trije predmeti z Gradia nad Baljem (sl. 1,1-3, sl. 2,1-3,

kat. 1-3) so glede na slogovne znailnosti in uporabne lastnosti pripadali luksuzni garnituri, bodisi jermenskemu
oglavju konja ali pasu za obeanje mea. Zob asa je najbolj nael pasno spono, pri kateri je bilo sledove pozlate
mogoe ugotoviti le s specialnimi meritvami.1 Spono z razdelilcem in zakljukom povezuje okras lovorovega venca,
simbolnega znanilca zmage in venosti. Okras je izveden z
globokimi in natannimi klinastimi vrezi, pri razdelilcu je s
kombinacijo ploskovne pozlate in rebrastega srebrenja poudarjena krina oblika predmeta.
Po videzu ima baeljski krini razdelilec primerjavi med
kovinskimi deli jermenske oprave v grobu slovanskega
kneza, pokopanega v Blatnici na Slovakem na zaetku 9.
st. Krina razdelilca pripisujejo konjski opremi (Garam 2000,
146, kat. 06.01.01g), zaradi najdenega dragocenega mea
Judging by their stylistic characteristics and their functional features, three items from Gradie nad Baljem (Fig. 1,1-3,
Fig. 2,1-3, Cat. 1-3) belong to a luxury set either to a horses
headgear made of straps, or to a belt used as a sword hanger.
The ravages of time have inflicted the greatest damage to the
belt buckle, so the traces of gilt could only be established by
special measurements1. The element that links the buckle with
the separator and strap end is ornamentation in the shape of
a laurel wreath, a symbolic sign of victory and eternity. The ornamentation is made with deep, thin, wedge-shaped incisions,
and on the separator a combination of surface gilt and wavy
silver-coating emphasises the objects cruciform shape.
Based on its appearance, the Baelj cross-shaped separator
can be compared to metal elements of the strap gear found
in the grave of a Slavonic prince buried at Blatnica in Slovakia
in the early 9th century. The cross-shaped separator has been
interpreted as an element of horse gear (Garam 2000, 146, Cat.
1 Analizo kovin z metodo EDS XRF je pri vseh pozlaenih predmetov

iz Slovenije opravil ing. Zoran Mili v laboratoriju Narodnega muzeja
Slovenije v LJubljani.
1 The EDS XRF analysis of all gilded artefacts from Slovenia was carried
out by Zoran Mili B.S.E., in the Laboratory of the National Museum of
Slovenia in LJubljana.
318
T. KNIFIC, Early Mediaeval Gilded artefacts from Gradie nad Baljem (Slovenia), Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 317-326.
Sl. 2 Pozlaeni predmeti z najdi v Sloveniji: 1-5 Gradie nad Baljem, 6 Tonovcov grad pri Kobaridu, 7 Gradie nad Sotesko, 8-13
Ljubina nad Zbelovsko Goro, merilo 1: 2 (risba D. Knific Lunder)
Fig. 2 Gilded artefacts from sites in Slovenia: 1-5 Gradie nad Baljem, 6 Tonovcov grad near Kobarid, 7 Gradie above Soteska, 8-13 Ljubina
above Zbelovska Gora, Scale 1:2 (drawing by D. Knific Lunder)
in slabo poznanih okoliin najdbe v Blatnici pa se zanju

domneva tudi, da sta skupaj z obealnikoma z zanko in pravokotnimi okovi pripadala dvema pasnima garniturama za
obeanje mea (Wachowski 1992, 12-17, tip I 2). Na Gradiu
nad Baljem je bilo v naselbinski plasti posamino najdenih
tudi ve krinih razdelilcev iz eleza, med njimi dva enaka
primerka (Bitenc, Knific, 97, kat. 317, na desni). Kot par bi
lahko bila pritrjena na jermenje uzde, kar bi govorilo v prid
njuni pripadnosti konjski opremi (Karo 2003, 102-103).
Baeljska pasna spona bi lahko bila uporabljena pri uzdi
ali pasu za me. Zapenjala se je s trnom ali pa je bila e prvotno narejena kot zanka za privezovanje jermenov. Med
podobnimi pozlaenimi sponami se pojavljata oba naina uporabe, prvi npr. v Kolnu, drugi v Mikulicah na ekem (prim. Wieczorek, Hinz 2000, 203, 219, kat. 08.02.10b,
09.01.01b). Oblikovne primerjave ima baeljska spona tudi
v zakladni najdbi z najdia Deusminde na danskem otoku
Lollandu, med frankovskimi sponami iz srednje tretjine 9.
st. (Wamers 2005, 135, kat. 36e.1). Baeljski pravokotni jer-
06.01.01g), but due to the find of a precious sword and the

little-known circumstances of the Blatnica discovery, there are
also those who believe that, together with hangers with loops
and rectangular metal mounts, it belonged to two belt swordhanger sets (Wachowski 1992, 12-17, type I 2). At Gradie nad
Baljem, in the settlement layer, there were also several separate finds of cross-shaped separators made of iron, and two of
them were identical (Bitenc, Knific, 97, Cat. 317, on the righthand side). As a pair they could have been fixed to leather reins,
which would confirm that they were indeed elements of horse
gear (Karo 2003, 102-103).
The Baelj belt buckle could easily have been used on a rein
or on a sword belt. It was fixed with a thorn, or it was originally made as a loop for fastening straps. Both uses are present
among similar gilded buckles, the former in Koln, for example,
and the latter in Mikulice in the Czech Republic (e.g. Wieczorek, Hinz 2000, 203, 219, Cat. 08.02.10b, 09.01.01b). The shape
analogous to the Baelj buckle also exists in the hoard discovered in Deusminde on the Danish island of Lolland, among
Frankish buckles dating from the middle third of the 9th cen-
319
menski zakljuek (2) pa je mogoe primerjati - tudi po valjasto odebeljenem krajem robu - s srebrnim primerkom iz
zakladne najdbe v Marsumu na Nizozemskem, ki je opredeljen kot sestavni del pasne garniture za me severnofrankovskega izvora, datirane v zadnjo tretjino 9. st. (Wamers
2005, 120-122, kat. 35b).
Nezanesljiva je tudi funkcionalna opredelitev baeljskega obealnika z zanko (sl. 1,4, sl. 2,4, kat. 4), ki je bil najden
nakljuno zunaj naselbinskega obmoja, nekoliko pod vrhom Gradia. Okraen je z natanno izrisanim vitievjem,
ki je sestavljeno iz enakih ornamentalnih delcev kot vzorci
okrasja na jermenskih zakljukih in objemkah iz grobov,
odkritih v razvalinah cerkve sv. Marije v Biskupiji pri Kninu na Hrvakem (Jelovina 1986, 22-23, T. 6,67,74-75,78-79),
datiranih v prvo polovico 9. st. (Miloevi 2000, kat. IV 53
b2-3; Petrinec 2000, 226-227, kat. IV 54 b1). Oblikovni primerjavi ima v e omenjenem knejem grobu v Blatnici, v
paru pozlaenih bronastih obealnikov, ki sta opredeljena
kod sestavna dela konjske opreme (Garam 2000, 146, kat.
06.01.01h). Po drugi interpretaciji naj bi pripadala pasnima
garniturama za obeanje mea: v tipoloki shemi sestavljajo garniture za obeanje mea s taknim obealnikom posebno skupino, datirano v glavnem v prvo polovico 9. st.
(Wachowski 1992, 12-17, tip I 2).
Veliko tevilneji kot bronasti so elezni obealniki z
zanko, najdeni pogosto kot posamine najdbe, pojavljajo
pa se tudi v grobovih oboroencev z meem, npr. v Zvadi (Bialekov 1982, 132-134, 149-154, T. 23: grob 23, obr.
13-14,16-18). Na Gradiu nad Baljem je bilo najdenih ve
eleznih obealnikov, ki jih je po izrazitih oblikovnih in
okrasnih znailnostih mogoe povezati s drugimi kovinskimi deli v garniture (Bitenc, Knific 2001, 97-98, kat. 317, 320).
Med njimi so tudi znailni dvojni oziroma simetrini okovi, s
katerimi je bilo jermenje pritrjeno na nonico mea, kot to
prikazujejo upodobitve meenoscev pred vladarskim prestolom na soasnih iluminiranih rokopisih (Wamers 2005,
52-55, Abb. 7-11,18).
Zadnji predmet z Gradia nad Baljem, ki odlino dopolnjuje zbirko insignij gosposkega sloja, je delno ohranjena pozlaena ostroga z masivnim trnom in na polja razlenjenim vrviastimokrasom (sl. 1,5, sl. 2,5, kat. 5). Oblikovni
primerjavi zanjo sta par ostrog z grobia pri rotundi (2.
cerkev) v Mikulicah, ki imata podobnovrviastoobrobo
okrasnih polj, v tipologiji ostrog prehodno formo (tip III B
in IVA) in sta datirani v sredino 9. st. (Profantov, Kavnov 2003, 22, 61, obr. 36,7-8, grob 50). Sorodnost baeljskih
najdb, tudi tevilnih eleznih ostrog (Bitenc, Knific 2001,
96-97, kat. 315-317), z najdbami na velikomoravskem ozemlju potrjujejo e v zadnjem asu odkriti predmeti z najdia Bojn na Slovakem (Pieta, Ruttkay, Ruttkay 2006).

Zgodnjesrednjeveki pozlaeni predmeti so bili najdeni tudi na drugih najdiih v Sloveniji (Karta 1), tako na
Tonovcovem gradu pri Kobaridu, Gradiu nad Sotesko in
Ljubini nad Zbelovsko Goro (sl. 2,6-13). Jermenski zakljuek s Tonovcovega gradu (sl. 2,6, kat. 6) oblikovno in po
okrasu spada med karolinke izdelke druge polovice 8. st.,
med predmete, okraene z anglosako ivalsko ornamen-
320
tury (Wamers 2005, 135, Cat. 36e.1). The Baelj rectangular strap
end (2) can be compared also by its cylindrically thickened
shorter end to the silver strap end from the hoard in Marsum,
the Netherlands, which has been identified as an element of a
sword belt set of north Frankish origin, and dated to the last
third of the 9th century (Wamers 2005, 120-122, Cat. 35b).
The functional classification of the Baelj hanger with suspension loop is also unreliable (Fig. 1,4, Fig. 2,4, Cat. 4). It was
found accidentally within the settlement area, some distance
below the summit of Gradie. It is decorated with a precisely
drawn tendril motif, composed of the same ornamental parts
as the decoration patterns on the strap ends and clamps from
the graves that were found in the ruins of the church of St.
Mary in Biskupija near Knin in Croatia (Jelovina 1986, 22-23,
Pl. 6,67,74-75,78-79), dated to the first half of the 9th century
(Miloevi 2000, Cat. IV 53 b2-3; Petrinec 2000, 226-227, Cat.
IV 54 b1). An analogous shape can be found in the previously
mentioned princely grave in Blatnica, in a pair of gilded bronze
hangers that have been identified as elements of horse gear
(Garam 2000, 146, Cat. 06.01.01h). According to another interpretation, these hangers belonged to belt sets used to hang
swords: in the typology, sword-hanging sets with such hangers
are identified as a separate group, dated mostly to the first half
of the 9th century (Wachowski 1992, 12-17, type I 2).
Much more numerous than bronze hangers with suspension loops are iron ones, which have often been discovered as
individual finds, but they also appear in swordsmens graves,
such as, for example, those in Zvada (Bialekov 1982, 132-134,
149-154, Pl. 23: grave 23, Fig. 13-14,16-18). In Gradie nad
Baljem several iron hangers have been discovered, and by their
pronounced shape and decorative features they can be linked
to other metal items and thus separated into sets (Bitenc, Knific
2001, 97-98, Cat. 317, 320). Among them, particularly important
are the dual or symmetrical clamps that were used to fasten the
belt to the sword sheath, as can be seen on representations of
swordsmen standing in front of the sovereigns throne in contemporary illuminated manuscripts (Wamers 2005, 52-55, Abb.
7-11,18).
The last find from Gradie nad Baljem, which excellently
completes the collection of aristocratic insignia, is a partially
preserved gilded spur with a massive thorn and ribbon-like
decoration divided into several fields (Fig. 1,5, Fig. 2,5, Cat. 5).
The shape of the spur can be compared to the pair of spurs
found in the cemetery by the rotund church (the 2nd church) in
Mikulice, which display a similar ribbon-like border on the
decorative fields; according to the spur typology they belong
to the transitional form (type III B and IV A) and they have been
dated to the middle of the 9th century (Profantov, Kavnov
2003, 22, 61, Fig. 36,7-8, grave 50). The affinity of the Baelj finds,
including the numerous iron spurs (Bitenc, Knific 2001, 96-97,
Cat. 315-317), to the finds from the region of the Great Moravian Empire has also been confirmed by the items recently discovered at the site of Bojn in Slovakia (Pieta, Ruttkay, Ruttkay
2006).
Early Mediaeval gilded items have also been found at other
sites in Slovenia (Map 1); for example, at Tonovcov grad near
Kobarid, Gradie above Soteska and Ljubina above Zbelovska Gora (Fig. 2,6-13). Based on its shape and decoration, the
strap end from Tonovcov grad (Fig. 2,6, Cat. 6) belongs to the
Carolingian artefacts from the second half of the 8th century,
decorated with Anglo-Saxon animal ornaments (e.g. Giesler
Karta 1 Najdia s pozlaenimi predmeti v Sloveniji: 1 Tonovcov grad pri Kobaridu, 2 Gradie nad Sotesko 3 Gradie nad Baljem,
4 Ljubina nad Zbelovsko Goro (karta Roman Hribar)
Map 1 Sites with gilded finds in Slovenia: 1 Tonovcov grad near Kobarid, 2 Gradie above Soteska, 3 Gradie nad Baljem, 4 Ljubina above
Zbelovska Gora (Map by Roman Hribar)
tiko (prim. Giesler 1974). Iz zgodnjega karolinkega obdobja so z najdi v zahodni Sloveniji e ostroga z jermensko
garnituro iz Goja v Vipavski dolini (Svoljak, Knific 1976,
13-14, 54-55, T. 2; 53) in bronasta objemka iz Kopra (Cunja
1996, 65-66, 144, T. 2,25), iz notranjosti Slovenije pa drobni
jermenski zakljuki s Sv. Lamberta pri Pristavi nad Stino,
iz struge Savinje v Celju in z Gradia pri Dunaju (Bitenc,
Knific 2001, 94, kat. 307-309), verjetno pa v ta sklop spada
tudi pozlaen gladek jermenski zakljuek z Ljubine nad
Zbelovsko Goro (sl. 2,10, kat. 10). Ti predmeti so znailni za
as frankovskega prodora proti vzhodu v zadnji tretjini 8.
st. in za obdobje vzpostavljanja novih politinih razmerij v
Srednjem Podonavju, Posavju in ob jadranski obali v zaetku 9. st. (prim. Tomii 1997).
Mlaji so jermenski zakljuki, okraeni v tehniki klinastega vreza. Zanimiv okras z rozetami ima jeziek z Gradia
nad Sotesko (sl. 2,7, kat. 7). Z motivom rozet je okraen pozlaen jermenski zakljuek iz Mogorjela pri apljini v Hercegovini (Miloevi 2000a, datacija: zaetek 9. st.), pa tudi
ostroge in deli garniture za njihovo pritrditev iz dekega
groba, odkritega v Biskupiji pri Kninu (Jelovina 1986, 24, T.
7,82-89; 31; Petrinec, 2000, 220-221, kat. IV.50, datacija: prva
polovica 9. st.). S esterolistnimi rozetami v krogu so okraeni tevilni kamniti spomeniki z ozemlja Hrvake, datirani
veinoma v drugo polovico 8. in prvo polovico 9. st. (npr.
1974). Several other finds discovered at sites in western Slovenia also belong to the early Carolingian era: a spur with a strap
set from Gojae in the Vipava Valley (Svoljak, Knific 1976, 13-14,
54-55, Pl. 2,53) and a bronze clamp from Koper (Cunja 1996,
65-66, 144, Pl. 2,25). Finds from the same period discovered in
central Slovenia include small strap ends from Sv. Lambert near
Pristava nad Stino, from the Savinja river bed in Celje and from
Gradie near Dunaj (Bitenc, Knific 2001, 94, Cat. 307-309). Even
a gilded smooth strap end from Ljubina above Zbelovska Gora
probably belongs to the same group (Fig. 2,10, Cat. 10). These
items are significant for the period of the Frankish penetration
to the west in the last third of the 8th century, and for the period
of establishment of new political circumstances in the Central
Danubian region and the areas along the Sava River and the
Adriatic coast in the early 9th century (e.g. Tomii 1997).
The strap ends decorated with wedge-shaped incisions are
somewhat younger. An interesting ornament with a rosette is
present on a strap end from Gradie above Soteska (Fig. 2,7,
Cat.7). With rosettes is decorated the gilded strap end from
Mogorjelo near apljina in Herzegovina (Miloevi 2000a,
dating: early 9th century), and also on the spurs and parts of
the set used to fasten them from a boys grave discovered in
Biskupija near Knin (Jelovina 1986, 24, Pl. 7,82-89; 31; Petrinec
2000, 220-221, Cat. IV.50, dating: first half of the 9th century).
Numerous stone monuments from the territory of Croatia were
decorated with sixfoil rosettes placed within a circle, and most
of them have been dated to the second half of the 8th century
321
Buri 2000; Jaki 2000; Jurkovi 2000). Jermenski zakljuek

z Gradia nad Sotesko je nakljuna najdba tako kot veina
od obravnavanih pozlaenih predmetov iz Slovenije, ki so
bili nestrokovno odkriti v zgodnjih devetdesetih letih prejnjega stoletja z iskalnikom kovin, pozneje pa so nekateri
prili v muzejsko hrambo. Arheoloko neraziskano Gradie
nad Sotesko lei pod Ajdno nad Potoki, najvijo znano poznoantino viinsko naselbino v Sloveniji (1048 m), kjer so
bile leta 2003 med starejimi razvalinami odkrite tudi tevilne in bogate najdbe iz 9. st. (Vidrih Perko, Sagadin 2004,
219-221, sl. 7-8).
Pasna jeziasta zakljuka z Ljubine nad Zbelovsko Goro (sl. 2, 8-9, kat. 8 in 9) sta okraena s cikadami, starim in
priljubljenim motivom v zgodnjem obdobju preseljevanja
ljudstev, v 9. st. pa so takni predmeti izjemni. Pravokotni
okov s tega najdia (sl. 2,11, kat. 11) je po primerjavi z okovom iz zakladne najdbe iz nizozemskega Marsuma pripadal
garnituri za me (Wamers 2005, 122, kat. 35b, t. A6). Za pravokotni jermenski zakljuek z Ljubine nad Zbelovsko Goro
(sl. 2,12, kat. 12) pa je znailna groba izdelava okrasa.
Med pozlaenimi predmeti iz Slovenije je le eden, ki je
bil ulit v srebru: pokodovana in deformirana objemka (del
garniture za pripenjanje ostroge) z Ljubine nad Zbelovsko
Goro (sl. 2,13). Po neizrazitem palmetastem okrasu spominja na objemko iz ekega Kolna, datirano v zaetek 9. st.
(Wieczorek, Hinz 2000, 221, kat. 09.01.01e). Pozlaeni srebrni
predmeti so pogosti na evropskem severu, v frankovskem
in tudi vikinkem svetu, raznovrstnost predmetov pa dobro
ilustrira zakladna najdba iz Duesmindeja na Danskem, kjer
sta bili najdeni tudi garnituri za pripenjanje ostroge (Wamers 2005, 133, kat. 35c).
and the first half of the 9th century (e.g. Buri 2000; Jaki 2000;
Jurkovi 2000). The strap end from Gradie above Soteska is an
accidental find, as are most of the gilded items from Slovenia
here analysed, which were discovered unprofessional during
the early 1990s with metal-detectors, and some of which were
later stored in museums. Gradie above Soteska, which has still
not been explored archaeologically, is located below Ajdna nad
Potoki, the highest known late antiquity highland settlement
in Slovenia (at 1048 m above sea level), where in 2003 numerous and abundant finds from the 9th century were discovered
among some older ruins (Vidrih Perko, Sagadin 2004, 219-221,
Fig. 7-8).
The tongue-shaped belt ends from Ljubina above Zbelovska Gora (Fig 2,8-9, Cat. 8 and 9) are decorated with cicadas, an
old and much-loved motif in the early Migration Period mount,
while in the 9th century such items were exceptional. Based on
its comparison to the mount from the hoard found in Marsum,
the rectangular reinforcement from Ljubina (Fig. 2,11, Cat. 11)
belonged to a sword set (Wamers 2005, 122, Cat. 35b, No. A6).
The rectangular strap end from Ljubina above Zbelovska Gora
(Fig. 2,12, Cat. 12) is characterised by rough shaping of the decoration.
Among the gilded items discovered in Slovenia, there is also
one that was cast in silver: a damaged and deformed clamp (a
part of the set for fastening spurs) from Ljubina above Zbelovska Gora (Fig. 2,13). Its unpronounced palm-leaf decoration
is reminiscent of a clamp from the Czech Koln, dated to the
early 9th century (Wieczorek, Hinz 2000, 221, Cat. 09.01.01e).
Gilded silver objects are frequent in northern Europe, both
in the Frankish and in the Viking regions, and the diversity of
such items is well illustrated by the hoard from Deusminde in
Denmark, which also included sets for fastening spurs (Wamers
2005, 133, Cat. 35c).

Pozlaene najdbe z Gradia nad Baljem po navedenih arheolokih primerjavah kaejo na karolinki vpliv
in so nedvomno pripadale vladajoemu sloju v zgodnjesrednjeveki Karnioli oz. Kranjski ob koncu 8. in v 9. st. (Knific
1999, 67). Deelo Pavel Diakon pozna kot domovino Slovanov (Carniola Sclavorum patria), frankovski anali v letu 820
omenjajo njene prebivalce, ivee ob Savi (Carniolenses, qui
circa Savum fluvium habitant), ob zatonu karolinkega obdobja pa je na tem ozemlju leta 895 nastala Marchia iuxta
Souwam, frankovska grofija, ki se je verjetno navezovala
na tradicijo plemenske kneevine Karniolcev (tih 1966).
Gradie nad Baljem je blizu pokrajinskega sredia Kranj
(antini Carnium, zgodnjesrednjeveka Creina), ob poti ez
gorske prelaze med Kranjsko in Koroko. Na izrazito geografsko mejnih obmojih so razporejena tudi druga najdia pozlaenih predmetov v Sloveniji: Tonovcov grad
pri Kobaridu in Gradie nad Sotesko na vstopu iz irokih
alpskih dolin v ozki soteski ob Soi oziroma Savi, Ljubina
nad Zbelovsko Goro pa na prehodu iz hribovitega v ravninski svet Podravja. Na kljunih poloajih so torej tamkajnje
postojanke podobno kot drugod v slovanskem svetu 9. st.,
npr. na Velkomoravskem (Profantov 1997; Ruttkay 2002) in
Hrvakem (Miloevi 2000b), tudi na ozemlju sedanje Slovenije vojakemu plemstvu zagotavljale oblast.
Based on the cited archaeological analogies, the gilded

finds from Gradie nad Baljem indicate Carolingian influence,
and there is no doubt that they belonged to the ruling class in
early mediaeval Carniola, i.e. Kranjska, in the late 8th and in the
9th centuries (Knific 1999, 67). Paul the Deacon described this
region as the homeland of the Slavs (Carniola Sclavorum patria),
the Frankish chronicles from the year 820 make mention of its
inhabitants who lived by the Sava River (Carniolenses, qui circa
Savum fluvium habitant), and at the very end of the Carolingian era, in 895, the Frankish county Marchia iuxta Souwam was
established in that region, probably continuing the tradition of
the principality of the tribe of Carniolian (tih 1966). Gradie
nad Beljem is situated in the vicinity of the regional capital of
Kranj (Roman Carnium, early medieval Creina), on the road leading through the mountain passes between Carniola and Carinthia. Some other sites in Slovenia in which gilded items have
been discovered are also located in geographical borderlands:
Tonovcov grad near Kobarid and Gradie above Soteska at the
entrance from the spacious Alpine valleys into the narrow gorges of the Soa or Sava River, Ljubina above Zbelovska Gora in
the area between the mountainous region and the plains by
the Drava River. Therefore, the strongholds that were located in
the key positions secured the power of the military aristocracy,
similarly to the way in which they functioned in other parts
of the 9th century Slavic world, e.g. in the region of the Great
Moravian Empire (Profantov 1997; Ruttkay 2002) and Croatia
(Miloevi 2000b), and in the territory of present-day Slovenia.
322
KATALOG PREDMETOV:
1. Bronast jermenski razdelilec, ulit, okraen v tehniki

klinastega vreza ter pozlaen in deloma posrebren (sl. 1,1,
sl. 2,1). Najdie: Gradie nad Baljem, nakljuna najdba na
skalnatem vrhu (skupaj z jermenskim zakljukom t. 2). Na
preseiu krakov razdelilca je piramida, ki ima robove okraene s trojnimi zrnatimi nizi, vznoje je obrobljeno z narezanim rebrom, trikotna polja so gladka in posrebrena. Kraki
kria so na koncu odebeljeni, vsak je z vzdolnim rebrom
polkronega preseka razdeljen na polji, ki sta okraeni z lovorovima vencema, obrobljenima z narezanima rebroma.
Trikotna polja piramide in vzdolna rebra na krakih so bila
posrebrena, vendar je ponekod srebro izginilo, drugod se je
kapljasto nabralo. Na spodnji strani sta na koncu krakov po
dve uesci za pritrditev, ki sta bili uliti hkrati z razdelilcem.
Vel. 7,35 x 7,15 cm, vi. 2,7 cm, tea 93,6 g. Predmet hrani
zasebnik. Objava: Bitenc, Knific 2001, 97, kat. 318 (zgoraj).
2. Bronast pravokotni jermenski zakljuek, ulit, okraen
v tehniki klinastega vreza ter pozlaen in deloma posrebren (sl. 1,2, sl. 2,2). Najdie: Gradie nad Baljem, nakljuna najdba na skalnatem vrhu (skupaj z jermenskim razdelilcem t. 1). S posrebrenim vzdolnim rebrom polkronega
preseka je jermenski zakljuek razdeljen na polji, okraeni z
lovorovim vencem med narezanima rebroma. Na delu, kjer
je bil zakljuek pritrjen na jermen, je pet srebrnih zakovic,
obrobljenih z narebreno pozlaeno bronasto ico, na nasprotnem koncu je rob odebeljen. Vel. 4,6 x 2,46 cm, vi.
1,0 cm, tea 38,0 g. Predmet hrani zasebnik. Objava: Bitenc,
Knific 2001, 97, kat. 318 (levo).
3. Bronast ovalni obro pasne spone, ulit, okraen v tehniki klinastega vreza, na povrini so bili z XRF meritvami
ugotovljeni sledovi pozlate (sl. 1,3, sl. 2,3). Najdie: Gradie
nad Baljem, nakljuna najdba pri terenskem pregledu najdia, ki ga je leta 1992 opravil Intitut za arheologijo ZRC
SAZU iz Ljubljane. Obro je okraen s simetrino postavljenima lovorovima vencema. Sprednji del obroa je pravokotnega preseka, na delu, kjer je bil pritrjen trn, je okroglega
preseka in gladek. Vel. 4,0 x 3,14 cm, vi. 0,65 cm, tea 14,3 g.
Predmet hrani Narodni muzej Slovenije v Ljubljani, inv. t. S
2623. Objava: Bitenc, Knific 2001, 97, kat. 318 (spodaj).
4. Bronast obealnik z zanko, ulit, okraen v tehniki klinastega vreza in pozlaen (sl. 1,4, sl. 2,4). Najdie: Gradie
nad Baljem, nakljuna najdba v strugi potoka na zahodni
strani pod vrhom. Na robu pravokotnega okova obealnika
je bilo est eleznih zakovic (ohranjene so tri), obrobljenih
z narebreno bakreno ico. Z dvignjenima romboma z usloenimi stranicami je razdeljen na osem trikotnih in dve
rombasti polji, ki so zapolnjena s spiralnimi motivi. Okov je
s pecljem zaobljeno trikotnega preseka povezan s pravokotno zanko, na zgornji strani razlenjeno s irokimi prenimi
vrezi. Obealnik je mono usloen. Dol. 9,35 cm, ir. do 3,4
cm, dol. trna 2,11 cm, tea 34,8 g. Predmet hrani Gorenjski
muzej v Kranju. Objavi: Vali 1995; Bitenc, Knific 2001, 98,
kat. 322.
5. Trn in del loka bakrene ostroge, ulite, okraene v tehniki klinastega vreza ter posrebrene in nato pozlaene, le
kopasta konica eleznega trna je bila pobakrena in nato
posrebrena (sl. 1,5, sl. 2,5). Najdie: Gradie nad Baljem,
CATALOGUE OF THE FINDS:
1. Bronze strap separator, cast, decorated with wedgeshaped incisions, gilded and partially silver-coated (Fig. 1,1, Fig.
2,1). Site: Gradie nad Baljem, accidental find on the rocky
summit (together with the strap end, No. 2). At the intersection of the separator branches there is a pyramid, the edges
of which are decorated with triple granulated lines, while at its
foot there is an incised rib-like border, and its triangular sides
are smooth and coated with silver. The branches of the cross
are thickened at their ends, each of them divided by a rib of
semi-circular cross-section in fields decorated with laurel
wreaths and framed with an incised rib-like border. The pyramids triangular sides and the longitudinal ribs on the separator
branches used to be coated with silver, although the silver has
disappeared from some places and in other places is corrugated in the shape of drops. On the reverse side, at the ends of the
branches, there are two small loops for fastening, which were
cast simultaneously with the separator. Dimensions: 7.35 x 7.15
cm, height 2.7 cm, weight 93.6 g. The item is stored privately.
Publication: Bitenc, Knific 2001, 97, Cat. 318 (above).
2. Bronze rectangular strap end, cast, decorated with
wedge-shaped incisions, gilded and partially silver-coated (Fig.
1,2, Fig. 2,2). Site: Gradie nad Baljem, accidental find on the
rocky summit (together with the strap separator, No. 1). The
silver-coated longitudinal rib of semi-circular cross-section divides the strap end into fields, decorated with laurel wreaths
and incised ribs. In the part where the strap end was attached
to the strap, there are five silver rivets, trimmed with ribbed
gilded bronze wire, while at the opposite end the edge is thickened. Dimensions: 4.6 x 2.46 cm, height 1.0 cm, weight 38.0 g.
The item is stored privately. Publication: Bitenc, Knific 2001, 97,
Cat. 318 (left).
3. Bronze oval belt buckle ring, cast, decorated with wedgeshaped incisions; the XRF measurements established traces of
gilt on the surface (Fig. 1,3, Fig. 2,3). Site: Gradie nad Baljem,
accidental find during the reconnaissance of the site carried out
in the summer of 1992 by the Institute of Archaeology of the
SRC of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts in Ljubljana.
The ring is decorated with symmetrically set laurel wreaths. The
front part of the ring is of rectangular cross-section, while the
part where the thorn used to be is of circular cross-section, and
smooth. Dimensions: 4.0 x 3.14 cm, height 0.65 cm, weight 14.3
g. The item is stored at the Narodni muzej Slovenije (National
Museum of Slovenia) in Ljubljana, Inv. No. S 2623. Publication:
Bitenc, Knific 2001, 97, Cat. 318 (below).
4. Bronze hanger with a suspension loop, cast, decorated
by wedge-shaped incisions and gilded (Fig. 1,4, Fig. 2,4). Site:
Gradie nad Baljem, accidental find in the rivulet bed on the
western side below the summit. On the edge of the rectangular reinforcement of the hanger there were six iron rivets (three
have been preserved), trimmed with ribbed copper wire. The
hanger is divided by raised rhombs with curved sides into eight
triangular and two rhomboid fields filled with spiral motifs. The
reinforcement is connected to the rectangular loop with a rod
of a rounded triangular cross-section. The loop is divided on its
upper side by wide transverse incisions. The hanger is strongly
twisted. Length: 9.35 cm, width: up to 3.4 cm, length of the
thorn 2.11 cm, weight 34.8 g. The item is stored at the Gorenjski
muzej in Kranj. Publications: Vali 1995; Bitenc, Knific 2001, 98,
Cat. 322.
5. Thorn and fragment of the arch of a copper spur, cast,
decorated with wedge-shaped incisions, silver-coated and
323
v naselbinski plasti na skalnatem pomolu na severni strani

najdia med izkopavanji, ki jih je leta 1939 opravil Rajko
Loar iz Narodnega muzeja v Ljubljani. Trn je bil vstavljen
v ostrogo skozi odprtino na loku in zakovan s ilastim
orodjem. Povrina ostroge je okraena z geometrijskimi in
(stiliziranim) rastlinskimi motivi; ti so na loku razdeljeni na
polja, na plau trna pa obrobljeni z bisernima nizoma. Po
obodu ostroge poteka razlenjeno rebro. Vel. ohranjenega
dela 4,0 x 3,8 cm, dol. trna 2,1 cm, tea 22,4 g. Predmet hrani Narodni muzej Slovenije, inv. t. S 2294. Objavi: Kastelic
1952-1953, 103-104, sl. 16; Bitenc, Knific 2001, 97, kat. 318
(desno).
6. Bronast jermenski zakljuek, ulit, okraen v tehniki klinastega vreza in pozlaen (sl. 2,6). Najdie: Tonovcov grad
pri Kobaridu, nakljuna najdba. Zakljuek je okraen s stiliziranim ivalskim motivom. Spodnji rob zakljuka je oblikovan v ivalsko glavico. Ob zgornjem robu sta ohranjeni bakreni zakovici. Vel. 2,5 x 1,6 cm, tea 4,06 g. Predmet hrani
Kobariki muzej v Kobaridu inv.t.22492. Objave: Cigleneki
1994, 6, T. 1,26; Cigleneki 1994a, 204, T. 1,14; Bitenc, Knific
2001, 94, kat. 305.
7. Bronast jermenski zakljuek, ulit, okraen v tehniki
klinastega vreza ter pobakren in nato na zgornji strani pozlaen (sl. 2,7). Najdie: Gradie nad Sotesko, nakljuna
najdba. Dvignjeni deli oblikujejo dotikajoa se kroga, zapolnjena z rozetama. Na robu, kjer je bil zakljuek pritrjen
na jermen, so tiri zakovice, obrobljene z narebreno ico.
Vel. 4,07 x 2,2 cm, tea 12,9 g. Hrani ga Narodni muzej Slovenije v Ljubljani, inv. t. S 3114. Objava: Bitenc, Knific 2001,
95, kat. 313.
8. Bakren jermenski zakljuek, ulit, okraen v tehniki
klinastega vreza, na prednji strani in po obodu pozlaen
(sl. 2,8). Najdie: Ljubina nad Zbelovsko Goro, nakljuna najdba. Z vzdolnim, na koncu razcepljenim rebrom je
razdeljen na okrasni polji, zapolnjeni s tremi krati v vrsti
in piko pod njimi. Vrsti kratov sta obrobljeni z bisernim
nizom. Na delu, kjer je bil zakljuek pritrjen na jermen, so
tiri luknjice za zakovice. Vel. 3,88 x 1,85 cm, deb. 0,8 cm,
tea 21,4g. Predmet hrani Narodni muzej Slovenije v Ljubljani, inv. t. S 2537. Objava: Bitenc, Knific 2001, 102, kat.
336 (levi).
9. Bakren jermenski zakljuek, ulit, okraen v tehniki
klinastega vreza, na prednji strani in po obodu pozlaen
(sl. 2,9). Najdie: Ljubina nad Zbelovsko Goro, nakljuna najdba. Z vzdolnim, na koncu razcepljenim rebrom je
razdeljen na okrasni polji, zapolnjeni s tremi krati v vrsti
in piko pod njimi. Vrsti kratov sta obrobljeni z bisernim
nizom. Na nekoliko pokodovanem delu, kjer je bil zakljuek pritrjen na jermen, so tiri luknjice za zakovice. Vel. 4,0
x 1,80 cm, deb. 0,65 cm, tea 17,7 g. Predmet hrani Narodni
muzej Slovenije v Ljubljani, inv. t. S 2538. Objava: Bitenc,
Knific 2001, 102, kat. 336 (desni).
10. Bakren jermenski zakljuek, ulit in pozlaen (sl. 2,10).
Najdie: Ljubina nad Zbelovsko Goro, nakljuna najdba.
Ob valovitem robu zakljuka je osem okroglih luknjic. Na
jermen je bil pritrjen s tremi srebrnimi zakovicami, obrobljenimi z narebreno bakreno ico. Vel. 2,95 x 1,55 cm, deb.
do 0,5 cm, tea 9,18 g. Predmet hrani Pokrajinski muzej v
Celju inv,t. 1577. Objavi: Cigleneki 1992, 84-85 (barvna sli-
324
then gilded; only the conical tip of the iron thorn was coated
with copper and then silver (Fig. 1,5, Fig. 2,5). Site: Gradie
nad Baljem, in the settlement layer on the rocky shelf on the
northern side of the site during the excavations carried out in
the summer of 1939 by Rajko Loar of the Ljubljana National
Museum. The thorn was fixed to the spur through a hole in the
arch and hammered down with a pointed tool. The spur surface
is decorated with geometrical and (stylised) vegetative motifs
on the arch they are divided into fields, while on the body of
the thorn they are framed with lines of pearls. An articulated rib
passes along the edge of the spur. Dimensions of the preserved
part: 4.0 x 3.8 cm, length of the thorn 2.1 cm, weight 22.4 g. The
item is stored at the Narodni muzej Slovenije (National Museum
of Slovenia) in Ljubljana, Inv. No. S 2294. Publications: Kastelic
1952-1953, 103-104, Fig. 16; Bitenc, Knific 2001, 97, Cat. 318 (on
the right).
6. Bronze strap end, cast, decorated with wedge-shaped incisions and gilded (Fig. 2,6). Site: Tonovcov grad near Kobarid,
accidental find. The strap end is decorated with a stylised animal motif. The lower edge of the strap end is in the shape of an
animal head. On the upper edge two copper rivets have been
preserved. Dimensions: 2.5 x 1.6 cm, weight 4,06 g. The item is
stored at the Kobariki muzej (Kobarid Museum) in Kobarid, Inv.
No. 22492. Publications: Cigleneki 1994, 6, Pl. 1,26; Cigleneki
1994a, 204, Pl. 1,14; Bitenc, Knific 2001, 94, Cat. 305.
7. Bronze strap end, cast, decorated with wedge-shaped
incisions, coated with copper and then gilded on the upper
side (Fig. 2,7). Site: Gradie above Soteska, accidental find. The
raised parts form adjoining circles, each filled with a rosette.
On the edge used to fasten the end to the strap, there are four
rivets, trimmed with ribbed wire. Dimensions: 4.07 x 2.2 cm,
weight 12.9 g. The item is stored at the Narodni muzej Slovenije
(National Museum of Slovenia) in Ljubljana, Inv. No. S 3114. Publication: Bitenc, Knific 2001, 95, Cat. 313.
8. Copper strap end, cast, decorated with wedge-shaped
incisions, gilded on the front side and along the edges (Fig. 2,8).
Site: Ljubina above Zbelovska Gora, accidental find. A longitudinal rib, with split ends, divides the strap end into decorative fields, filled with three cicadas in a column and a dot under
them. The rows of cicadas are framed with a line of pearls. The
part which used to be fastened to the strap contains four rivet
holes. Dimensions: 3.88 x 1.85 cm, thickness 0.8 cm, weight 21.4
g. The item is stored at the Narodni muzej Slovenije (National
Museum of Slovenia) in Ljubljana, Inv. No. S 2537. Publication:
Bitenc, Knific 2001, 102, Cat. 336 (on the left).
9. Copper strap end, cast, decorated by wedge-shaped incisions, gilded on the front side and along the edges (Fig. 2,9). Site:
Ljubina above Zbelovska Gora, accidental find. A longitudinal
rib, with split ends, divides the strap end in decorative fields,
filled with three cicadas in a row and a dot under them. The
rows of cicadas are framed with lines of pearls. The somewhat
damaged end which used to be fastened to the strap contains
four rivet holes. Dimensions: 4.0 x 1.80 cm, thickness 0.65 cm,
weight 17.7 g. The item is stored at the Narodni muzej Slovenije (National Museum of Slovenia) in Ljubljana, Inv. No. S 2538.
Publication: Bitenc, Knific 2001, 102, Cat. 336 (on the right).
10. Copper strap end, cast and gilded (Fig. 2,10). Site:
Ljubina above Zbelovska Gora, accidental find. On the wavy
edge of the strap end there are eight round holes. It was fastened to the strap with three silver rivets, trimmed with ribbed
copper wire. Dimensions: 2.95 x 1.55 cm, thickness up to 0.5 cm,
weight 9,18 g. The item is stored at the Pokrajinski muzej (Re-
ka); Bitenc, Knific 2001, 102, kat. 337 (desni).

11. Bronast okov, ulit, okraen v tehniki klinastega vreza
in pozlaen (sl. 2,11). Najdie: Ljubina nad Zbelovsko Goro, nakljuna najdba. Pravokoten okov je ob daljih robovih
okraen z (verjetno lovorovima) vencema. Srednji del okova krasijo veja in dve manji rozeti. Kraja robova okova
sta polkrono odebeljena, dalja okrepljena z rebroma na
hrbtni strani. Vel. 3,06 x 2,12 cm, deb. do 1,3 cm, tea 20,7
g. Predmet hrani zasebnik. Objava: Bitenc, Knific 2001, 102,
kat. 337 (zgornji).
12. Bronast jermenski zakljuek, ulit, okraen v tehniki
klinastega vreza in pozlaen (sl. 2,12). Najdie: Ljubina
nad Zbelovsko Goro, nakljuna najdba. Odebeljena robova okraenega dela zakljuka sta razlenjena s po tirimi
vzdolnimi preno narezanimi rebri, niji srednji del pa s
prenima narezanima rebroma. Na stanjanem delu, kjer
je bil okov pritrjen na jermen, so tri luknjice. Vel. 3,5 x 1,85
cm, deb. do 0,6 cm, tea 14,81 g. Predmet hrani Pokrajinski
muzej v Celju, inv.t. 2128. Objavi: Cigleneki 1992a, 84-85,
T. 2,5; Bitenc, Knific 2001, 102, kat. 337 (levi).
13. Srebrna objemka, ulita, okraena v tehniki klinastega vreza in pozlaena (sl. 2,13). Najdie: Ljubina nad Zbelovsko Goro, nakljuna najdba. Delno ohranjena in deformirana objemka je okraena s stiliziranim rastlinskim motivom. Vel. 2,7 cm x 1,2 cm, deb. 0,3 cm, tea 3,2 g. Predmet
hrani zasebnik. Neobjavljena.
gional Museum) in Celje, Inv,No. 1577. Publications: Cigleneki

1992, 84-85 (colour photograph); Bitenc, Knific 2001, 102, Cat.
337 (on the right).
11. Bronze mount, cast, decorated with wedge-shaped incisions and gilded (Fig. 2,11). Site: Ljubina above Zbelovska Gora,
accidental find. This rectangular item is decorated on its longer
edges with wreaths (probably laurel wreaths). Its central part is
adorned with one larger and two smaller rosettes. The shorter
edges are thickened, with a semi-circular cross-section, while
the longer ones are reinforced by ribs on the reverse side. Dimensions: 3.06 x 2.12 cm, thickness up to 1.3 cm, weight 20.7 g.
The item is stored privately. Publication: Bitenc, Knific 2001, 102,
Cat. 337 (above).
12. Bronze strap end, cast, decorated with wedge-shaped
incisions and gilded (Fig. 2,12). Site: Ljubina above Zbelovska
Gora, accidental find. The thickened edges of the decorated
part of the strap end are divided by four longitudinal ribs with
cross cuts, while the lower central part is decorated with transverse ribs also containing cross cuts. In the thinned section,
which was used to fasten the end to the strap, there are three
holes. Dimensions: 3.5 x 1.85 cm, thickness up to 0.6 cm, weight
14,81 g. The item is stored at the Pokrajinski muzej (Regional
Museum) in Celje, Inv.No. 2128. Publications: Cigleneki 1992a,
84-85, Pl. 2,5; Bitenc, Knific 2001, 102, Cat. 337 (on the left).
13. Silver clamp, cast, decorated with wedge-shaped incisions and gilded (Fig. 2,13). Site: Ljubina above Zbelovska Gora,
accidental find. This partially preserved and deformed clamp is
decorated with stylized vegetative motif. Dimensions: 2.7 cm
x 1.2 cm, thickness 0.3 cm, weight 3.2 g. The item is stored privately. Unpublished.
325
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O slinostima tipova prikaza*

A trgy- s kptpusok hasonlsgairl

UDK/UDC 904(4-191.2):739.048
904(4-11):739.048
CSAND BLINT
Magyar tudomnyos Akadmia
Rgszeti intzete
ri u. 49
H- 1014 Budapest
balint@archeo.mta.hu

U arheolokim istraivanjima Nagyszentmiklsa, stepskih naroda i openito srednje i istone Europe nailazimo
na razliite probleme kao to su podrijetlo materijalnih kultura i umjetnost izrade metalnih posuda. Meutim,
elimo li utvrditi kako vrednovati karakter predaje i preuzimanja umijea izrade metalnih posuda koje u sluaju
stepskih naroda treba jo i posebno istraivati moramo si prethodno postaviti pitanje kakvo je uope znaenje
slinosti koje smo utvrdili, odnosno koje tek treba utvrditi na tipovima predmeta, ornamentalnim elementima
i scenskim prikazima. Jasno je, dakle, da arheolozi koji se bave ranim srednjim vijekom srednje i istone Europe
moraju razraditi metodologiju za specifine probleme arheolokih nalaza. Kod vrednovanja prikaza na nalazima bilo bi vano, primjerice, pripaziti na ono to u europskoj povijesti umjetnosti srednjeg vijeka, novog vijeka
i moderne spada u najnormalnije znanje kojemu se posveuju i cijele izlobe. Zbog znanstvene rutine mnogima
teko pada suoavanje s tim da puka injenica to se ornamentalni elementi orijentalnih korijena, odnosno
tipovi, pojavljuju na ranosrednjovjekovnim predmetima iz srednje, jugoistone i istone Europe sama po sebi
ne znai da predmeti posjeduju neposrednu vrijednost izvora za dogaajnu povijest. Sukladnost ornamentike ne
treba automatski promatrati kao dokaz da je spomenuta ornamentika posljedica izravne veze mjesta podrijetla
odreenog predmeta sa svojom irom regijom i/ili kulturom, a jo manje da su te sukladnosti izraz izravnog
orijentalnog nasljea.
Kljune rijei: metalne posude, Nagyszentmiklls, rani srednji vijek, stepski narodi, scenski prikazi
Ja mislim da je to Makedon gdje se Aleksandar rodio. Ja vam kaem, kapetane, ako pogledate u karte svijeta
jamim da ete nai, u usporedbama izmeu Makedona i Monmoutha, da je stanje, pazite, oboje slino.
Ima rijeka u Makedonu, a ima takoer povrh toga rijeka u Monmouthu: zove se Wye u Monmouthu; ali izvan
moje pameti je kako je ime druge rijeke; ali to je sve jedno, to je kao moji prsti prema mojim prstima, a ima
lososa u obje. Ako pogledate Aleksandrov ivot dobro, ivot Henrika od Monmoutha bez razlike dobro; jer ima
usporedbe u svim stvarima.
(W. Shakespeare: Henrik V., 4. in, 7. prizor, u: Historije I, W. Shakespeare, prev. Mate Maras, Matica hrvatska ,
Zagreb 2006. (Sabrana djela / W. Shakespeare; knj. I.)
Azt hiszem, Macednia az, ahol Nagy Sntor szletett. S n azt mondom magnak, kapitny, hogyha a vilg
trkpeibe pillant s Macednia s Monmouth kzt tesz sszehasonltst, pisztosthatom, azt fogja ltni, hogy a
fekvse, nzze csak, mindkettnek hasonl. Macedniban is van egy foly, azonkvl Monmouth-ban is van
egy foly; a monmouthit Wyenek hvjk, a msik foly, az kiment az atyambl, hogy hvjk, de mindegy; mint
ujjam az ujjamhoz, gy hasonlt s mind a kettben van lazac. S ha Sntor lett megfigyeli, Harry Monmouth
lete igen jl mg tehet, mert minden tologban van hasonlatossgok.
(W. Shakespeare: V. Henrik, IV. felvons 7. szn, ford. Nmeth Lszl)
* Ovaj rad predstavlja VIII. poglavlje iz knjige: Csand Blint, A nagyszentmikls kincs, Rgszeti tanulmnyok, Varia Archaeologica Hungarica
XVIa, Balassi Kiad, Budapest 2004, 317-402.
327
C. BLINT, O slinostima tipova prikaza, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 327-404.
UVOD
Formuliranje arheolokog problema
Tupavko Fluellen, od kojeg potjee ovo objanjenje, bio
je zastavnik Henrika V. u Shakespeareovoj drami o tom kralju. Taj neobian tijek misli L.Vajda smatra vrhuncem jalovih
usporedbenih metoda (Vajda 1974, 31, nap. 26). Meutim,
valja imati na umu da on nije bio prvi koji ih je zapazio. Ve
je Aristofan, stavljajui te rijei u usta Sokratu, ismijavao one
koji su usporeivali nepovezive stvari (Oblaci, I. in). Opasnost koja se krije u takvoj metodi veliki su umovi slono
uoili ve prije 2400 i prije 400 godina; zato bi i pristae
pomodnih (te stoga i efemernih!) smjerova u arheologiji u
mnogim zemljama svijeta trebali ozbiljno shvatiti upozorenje L. Vajde. Nitko od onih kojima je namijenjena ova knjiga
za to ne treba nikakva dokaza: usporeivanje konkretnih arheolokih pojava iz razliitih razdoblja i s razliitih kontinenata, s konkretnim problemima nekog potpuno drugog podruja istraivanja i potpuno druge arheoloke kulture, ne
moe rezultirati povijesno utemeljenim zakljucima. Tako
se, primjerice, kod junoamerikih arheolokih fenomena
iz razliitih razdoblja mogu povui paralele sa zapadnoeuropskim iznimnim pojavama iz razliitih razdoblja, ali to nee pridonijeti naemu poznavanju niti jednog niti drugog,
ukoliko nas doista zanima bit povijesti i kulturne povijesti,
a ne samo njihova povrina, odnosno predoena struktura.
(M.Bloch je to ovako formulirao: Bitak se krije u onome to
meusobno usporeujemo?!: Bloch 1963, 17).
Znanstvena argumentacija s usporedbom (parabole) i
s analogijom, prvobitno koritenom kao matematiki pojam ili kao pojam koji se odnosio na etiku, u europskom se
induktivnom miljenju pojavio u filozofiji Pitagorejaca, a
kasnije u Sokrata i Platona te takoer u Hipokratovoj zakletvi.1 Analogija se u dananjem smislu po prvi put javlja u
Aristotelovoj Poetici (21, a u Nikomahovoj se Etici vie puta
pojavljuje (Lafrance 1990, 80): Pod analogijom podrazumijevam odnos u kojemu se druga veliina prema prvoj ponaa slino kao etvrta prema treoj .2 Pojam paralela u
znanstvenu je argumentaciju uao puno kasnije, koristi se
tek od Leibnitza (Runggaldier 1987, 98-100), a sinonimom za
analogiju postao je zato to veina od nas netono upotrebljava te rijei.
Koritenje analogija u svakodnevnom ivotu i u duhovnom stvaralatvu prisutno je u najrazliitijim razdobljima i
oblicima, u razliitim kulturama svijeta (usp. npr., vradbine). Otkrie analogije bilo je nuno u procesu znanstvenog
spoznavanja i dokazivanja3, a dugo je zamjenjivalo sustavno promatranje i pokus. Stoga je razumljivo da su ta metoda
i pristup bili i prirodno pomono sredstvo arheologije u 19.
1. Remane 1971, 224-229; Guthrie 1971, 48, nap.1, 109; Dufour, Wartelle
1973, 145; Szab 1978, 145-161; Track 1978, 625-626, 630-633.
2. Aristotel, Poetika, 56.
3. Kod filozofskog postupka sa zakljucima koji se temelje na analogiji
treba uzeti u obzir sljedee pretpostavke (v. Filozfiai kislexikon,
Budimpeta 1972, 18):
1) analogija se mora temeljiti na bitnim znaajkama i najveem moguem
broju zajednikih svojstava objekata koje usporeujemo,
2) znaajke koje su sastavni dio zakljuka moraju biti povezane sa
zajednikim znaajkama raspoznatim u dotinim objektima,
3) objekti si moraju meusobno odgovarati samo u odreenom kontekstu,
a ne u bilo kakvom meuodnosu,
4) pored utvrivanja slinosti valja utvrditi i razlike.
328
BEVEZETS
A problma rgszeti szempont megfogalmazsa
A bugris Fluellen, akitl a fenti fejtegets szrmazik, V.
Henrik hadnagya volt Shakespeare drmjban. Vajda L.
volt az, aki ezt a sajtos eszmefuttatst lltotta a parttalan
sszehasonlt mdszerek csimborasszjul (Vajda 1974, 31,
26.j), de tudnunk kell, hogy nem volt az els, aki az ilyesfajta sznvonaltalansgokra flfigyelt. Szkratsz szjba adva
mr Arisztophansz gnyoldott azokon, akik ssze nem
tartoz dolgokat hasonltanak ssze egymssal (Felhk I.
felv.). A mdszerben rejl veszlyt teht a gondolkod elmk mr 2400 s 400 vvel ezeltt is egyformn jl rzkeltk; Vajda L. figyelmeztetst rdemes lenne a vilg sok orszgban divatos (ezrt efemer!) rgszeti irnyzat hveinek
is megszvlelnik. Azok szmra, akiknek ez a knyv kszlt,
nem ignyel bizonytst: a klnbz kontinensek sokszor
klnbz korokbl szrmaz, de minden esetben konkrt
rgszeti jelensgeinek sszehasonltsa egy teljesen msik
kutatsi terlet s teljesen msik rgszeti kultra konkrt
problmaival nem tartogatja olyan kvetkeztetsek feltrsnak grett, melyektl valamilyen trtneti relevancia is
vrhat. gy pl. a klnfle kor dl-amerikai rgszeti jelensgek prhuzamba llthatk ugyan klnfle kor nyugat-eurpaiakkal, csak ppen az mr amennyiben tnyleg
a trtnelem lnyege s a kultra trtnete, s nem azoknak
felszne, illetve kpzelt struktrja rdekel bennnket
egyikk megismerst sem mozdtja elre. (Ezt fogalmazta
meg gy M. Bloch, hogy a lnyeg abban rejlik: mit hasonltunk ssze mivel?!: Bloch 1963, 17)
Az eurpai gondolkodsban az indukcik sorn hasonlattal (parabol) s az eredetileg matematikai fogalomknt,
vagy geometriai, vagy etikai sszefggsben hasznlatos
analgival val tudomnyos rvels a pythagoreusok,
majd Szkratsz s Platn filozfijban fordul el, a
hippokratsi esk is tartalmazza.1 Az analgia a mai rtelemben Arisztotelsz Potikjban (21) jelent meg elszr
(a nikomakhoszi etikban tbbszr fordul el Lafrance
1990, 80): Analginak nevezem azt, ha a msodik gy viszonylik az elshz, mint a negyedik a harmadikhoz....2 A
prhuzam fogalma a tudomnyos rvelsben ennl jval
fiatalabb kelet, Leibniz ta hasznlatos (Runggaldier 1987,
98-100), s csak a legtbbnk pontatlan szhasznlatban
vlt az analgia szinonimjv.
Az analgik felhasznlsa a mindennapi letben s a
szellemi tevkenysgekben a legklnflbb korokban s
formban, a vilg legklnflbb kultriban megfigyelhet (v. pl. az analgis varzsls). Az analgia feltrsa a
tudomnyos megismers s bizonyts sorn nlklzhetetlen,3 hossz idn t ez helyettestette a rendszeres meg1. Remane 1971, 224229; Guthrie 1971, 48. 1. j.; 109; Dufour, Wartelle
1973, 145; Szab 1978, 145-161; Track 1978, 625-626, 630-633.
2. Arisztotelsz, Potika, 56.
3. Az analgin alapul kvetkeztetseknek filozfiai megkzeltsben az
albbi feltteleknek kell megfelelnik (ld. Filozfiai kislexikon, Budapest 1972, 18.):
1) lnyeges ismertetjegyekre s az sszehasonltott objektumok lehet
legnagyobb szm kzs tulajdonsgra kell alapulnia,
2) a kvetkeztetsben szerepl ismertetjegyeknek ssze kell fggnik az
objektumokban feltrt kzs ismertetjegyekkel,
3) az objektumok megfelelse csak bizonyos sszefggsben s nem minden
vonatkozsban szksges,
C. BLINT, A TRGY- S KPTPUSOK HASONLSGAIRL, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 327-404.
st., iji je organski nastavak upravo ova arheologija kojom

se bavimo na pragu 21. st., usprkos brojnim metodama kojima je naa disciplina dosad ve obogaena. U onom je
istraivakom razdoblju jo uvijek u prvom redu, barem u
grubim crtama, trebalo utvrditi vrijeme iz kojega potjeu
odreeni predmeti i kulture te njihov meuodnos; zato je
koritenje analogija u ono vrijeme, na onom stupnju znanja,
bilo u potpunosti opravdano. Na poetku 20. st. inilo se da
je to dobilo svoju konanu potvrdu kao i naoko vrlo uvjerljivu osnovu u obliku usporedbene metode koju je razradio
L. Frobenius (Frobenius 1898; 1921) u poetku primjenjivane samo u okviru etnologije, a potom, u drugoj polovici
stoljea, i u razliitim modernim arheolokim smjerovima
(vidjeti u nastavku teksta). vrsto sam uvjeren da se od tog
naina rada nee moi odustati ni u buduim istraivanjima, usprkos otkriima i primjeni najnovijih metoda. Izjava
All archaeology is based on analogy (Hodder 1982, 9), koja
je vrlo brzo postala popularna, potpuno pogaa bit stvari,
ma koliko lapidarna i trivijalna bila. Nuno je istaknuti da bi
povijesno precjenjivanje paralela i analogija, a moda ak
i identinosti, ali i njihovo potpuno potiskivanje zbog najsuvremenijih metoda i tehnika, bilo i jest temeljna pogreka. Naalost, susreemo se i s jednim i s drugim (dakle, i s
precjenjivanjem i sa zanemarivanjem) u srednjoeuropskoj i
istonoeuropskoj arheologiji; stoga im moramo obratiti posebnu pozornost.
to se tie povijesti, ve je u 19. st. bilo upozorenja da
slinost nije isto to i mogunost meusobna povezivanja
(M.Renan),4 ali arheolozi poznaju bezbroj primjera koji pokazuju da je situacija u svijetu predmeta ipak drukija to je
razlog zbog kojeg je lako pasti u iskuenje i zamku precjenjivanja injenice da su neke stvari sline. Primjerice, problematika Nagyszentmiklsa: kod scenskih je prikaza gotovo
besmisleno usporeivati jednu stvar s drugom, odnosno,
injenica da je neto meusobno slino iziskuje daljnju analizu, budui da uestalost slinosti i to to se slinost moda
pokazuje u velikoj mjeri, ne iskazuje nuno bit stvari, niti
znai da sigurno postoji izravna povezanost dvaju prikaza.
U nastavku ovog teksta bit e jo puno govora o tim pitanjima jer na temelju svoga iskustva smatram nunim da ne
samo istraivai blaga iz Nagyszentmiksa, nego i itatelji i
autori djela koja se openito bave arheologijom ranosrednjovjekovne stepe i Avara, Maara i Protobugara, razmisle
o tome to se krije iza razliitog stupnja stvarne slinosti
predmeta, prikaza i ornamentike.
U doba kada se znanstvene blizanke, arheologija i povijest umjetnosti, jo nisu posve ni razdvojile, bavljenje
prikazima iz arheolokih nalaza bilo je vrlo jednostavno.
Taj se proces u suvremenoj arheologiji u prouavanim razdobljima kao i u pojedinim zemljama, odvijao u razliitim
razdobljima: najranije u istraivanjima rimskog doba (prva
polovica 19. st.). U okviru istraivanja ranog srednjeg vijeka, koja najvie zanimaju itatelje ove knjige, prouavanje
ornamentike i tipova slika, u pojedinim je znanstvenim podrujima dosegnulo vrlo razliite stupnjeve: u sluaju, primjerice, germanskog stila prikazivanja ivotinja, skandinav4. Les ressemblances en histoire nimpliquent pas toujours des rapports
(Bloch, 1963, 24).
figyelst s ksrletet. Ezrt rthet, hogy a szban forg

mdszer s szemlletmd a 19. szzadi rgszetnek is termszetes eszkze volt, melynek szmtalan mdszerbeli
gazdagodsa mellett is szerves folytatsa az ltalunk a 21.
szzad kszbn mvelt diszciplna. Abban a kutatsi korszakban mg elssorban a trgyak, kultrk kort s egymshoz val viszonyt kellett legalbb nagy vonalakban
megllaptani; ezrt analgikkal operlni akkoriban, az
ismereteknek azon a fokn teljesen indokolt volt. A 20. szzad elejn aztn vgrvnyesnek tnen erstette meg ezt
s igen meggyznek ltsz alappal ltta el a L. Frobenius
ltal kidolgozott (Frobenius 1898; 1921), kezdetben csak a
nprajzban kifejld, majd a szzad 2. felben a klnfle modern rgszeti irnyzatokban is alkalmazott sszehasonlt mdszer (ld. albb). Szilrd meggyzdsem,
hogy az ilyen tpus munkt a jvend kutatsok sorn a
legjabb mdszerek flfedezse s alkalmazsa kzepette
sem lehet majd mellzni; a rvid id alatt hress vlt lapidris, de egyben trivilis kijelents tkletesen helytll:
All archaeology is based on analogy (Hodder 1982, 9) Azt
is szksgesnek tartom leszgezni, hogy vlemnyem szerint mind a prhuzamok s analgik, netn azonossgok
trtneti szempont tlrtkelse, mind pedig azoknak a
legmodernebb mdszerekre s technikkra val tekintettel teljes httrbe szortsa alapvet hiba (lenne). Sajnos
mindkettvel (rtsd: tlrtkels s mellzs) tallkozni a
kzp- s kelet-eurpai rgszetben ezrt is szksges
kln figyelmet fordtanunk r.
A trtnelem vonatkozsban mr a 19. szzadban elhangzott a figyelmeztets, hogy a hasonlsg nem jelent
mindig egyttal kapcsolatot is (M. Renan),4 a rgszek
azonban pldk vgtelen szmval tudjk igazolni, hogy
ez msknt ll a trgyak vilgban innen ered a csbts,
egyszersmind a kelepce, hogy a hasonlsg tnyt tlrtkeljk. Nagyszentmikls problematikjt nzve: a jelenetes
brzolsok esetben nem rdemes brmit brmivel sszehasonltani, illetve a hasonlsg tnye tovbbi elemzst
ignyel, mert a hasonlsgok gyakorisga, azok esetleg
nagy mrtke mg nem felttlenl fejezi ki a lnyeget, nem
okvetlenl jelent kt brzols kztt kzvetlen kapcsolatot. Az albbiakban nem kis mrtkben errl a krdskrrl
lesz sz, mert a tapasztalataim alapjn clszernek ltom,
hogy nemcsak a nagyszentmiklsi kincs kutati, hanem ltalban a kora kzpkori eurzsiai steppe s az avarok, honfoglal magyarok s protobolgrok rgszetvel foglalkoz
munkk olvasi s szerzi is utnagondoljanak: mi llhat a
trgyak, az brzolsok, az ornamentika klnfle fok hasonlsgainak tnye mgtt?
Abban az idben mg nagyon egyszer volt foglalkozni
a rgszeti leleteken lthat brzolsokkal, amikor a kt
iker tudomny, a rgszet s a mvszettrtnet mg nem,
vagy csak alig vlt szt. Ez a folyamat a modern rgszetben
mind a kutatott korszakok, mind az egyes orszgok esetben eltr idszakokban ment vgbe: legkorbban a rmai
4) a hasonlsgok feltrsa mellett a klnbsgek is szksges.
4. Les ressemblances en histoire nimpliquent pas toujours des rapports,
idzi (Bloch 1963, 24).
329
ske umjetnosti, bizantske svile i karolinkih minijatura to je

prouavanje postalo samostalna disciplina koja je iznjedrila
i bogatu strunu literaturu. Taj je proces u sluaju nalaza koji
potjeu iz stepe ili od stepskih naroda u najboljem sluaju
tek zapoeo i trenutno se jo bavi registriranjem izravnih
slinosti. Budui da je baza podataka u usporedbi s prije
spomenutim podrujima istraivanja iznimno skromna i siromana, povjesniari umjetnosti i arheolozi moraju (morali
bi) to je vie mogue zajedniki kroiti putem upoznavanja
ornamentike i scenskih prikaza iz stepskih nalaza, ali pritom
ne pomijeati svoje metode i podruja svoje strunosti. Naravno, arheologa e zanimati gdje i iz kojeg vremena postoje paralele i analogije u prikazu koji istrauje i kakvo je njihovo znaenje. Meutim, mora znati da se po svemu sudei ne
moe uvijek dokazati izravna povezanost meu pojedinim
sauvanim prikazima i da se tipovi slika, uvijek podloni preuzimanju, samo uz veliki oprez mogu koristiti za datiranje i
odreivanje podrijetla nekog predmeta.
Istraivanje stupnja i znaenja slinosti predmeta, prikaza i ornamentalnih elemenata, prije svega je potrebno i
zato to u arheologiji koja se bavi spomenutim narodima
i kulturama, ali i openito u istraivanjima ranosrednjovjekovne srednje i istone Europe, esto moemo naii na karakteristinu metodoloku pogreku. Ta se pogreka temelji
na injenici da se slinost, zapravo, veinom samo jedan
(svjesno ili nesvjesno) izdvojeni dio te slinosti, analizira
tako da se pritom ne uzimaju u obzir prostor, vrijeme, kulturni ili etniki odnosi te se umjesto njih uvijek promatraju
samo odreeni detalji (i pritom zanemaruju ostali tipoloki
detalji!). Ta pogreka doista postoji, i to ne samo u istraivanjima Nagyszentmiklsa i arheologije srednje i istone
Europe. Ni anglosaksonska istraivanja, inae naprednija u
teoriji i metodologiji, kod ove nam pogreke i obrade problema koji su s njom povezani nisu od pomoi. Pregledao
sam itav niz prirunika, leksikona i enciklopedija s podruja
arheologije i povijesti umjetnosti i pritom kod prouavanja
pojmova paralela i analogija ili uope nisam naiao na
te pojmove kao samostalno koritene rijei ili su se, pak,
autori njihovim znaenjem bavili tako da se vie ne odnose
na razliite stupnjeve slinosti i eventualno njihovu teinu
(Champion 1982, 19.5-19.6; Encyclopedia II, 151-156; Development in Archaeology). Imam dojam da se u zanimanje za
drutveno-povijesno i apstraktno-teorijsko, karakteristino
za New Archaeology i Postprocessual Archaeology koje su
zbog svojih drutveno-povijesnih tendencija i neprijateljskog stava prema tipokronologiji srodne marksizmu, nekada svojstvenom istonoeuropskim zemljama ne uklapaju
temeljna pitanja arheologije koja se odnose na predmete i
pogrebne obiaje: to? Od kada? Gdje i kod koga jo? itd.
Jedna od tih tendencija puno se bavi pojmom analogije,
ali mnogo rjee to ini kada se radi o slinostima tipova
predmeta,5 dok slinosti koje se mogu uoiti na prikazima
uope ne analizira.6 Razlog tome vjerojatno treba traiti u
razliitom podrijetlu tradicionalne i postmoderne arheologije i njihovim razliito usmjerenim djelatnostima. Analogija
5. Rijetka iznimka, ali u regiji koja nam ovdje nije relevantna: Pedersen
1997, 171-183.
6. Za najnoviju literaturu s radovima koji se bave pojmom analogije u
sklopu arheoloke metodologije: Bernbeck 1997, 85-104.
330
kor kutatsban (19. szzad 1. fele). A jelen knyv olvasit

elssorban rdekl kora kzpkor kutatsn bell az ornamentika s a kptpusok tanulmnyozsa tudomnyterletenknt igen eltr fokokra jutott el: pl. a germn llatstlus,
a skandinv mvszet, a biznci selymek, a karoling miniatrk esetben nll diszciplnv vlt, mindegyikk gazdag
szakirodalmat hozott ltre ugyanez a folyamat a steppei
(eredet) npek leletei esetben legfljebb mg csak elkezddtt, s jelenleg csak a kzvetlen hasonlsgok szmbavtelnl tart. Tekintettel a rendelkezsre ll adatbzisnak
az imnt felsorolt kutatsi terletekkel sszehasonltva
rendkvl szerny s szegnyes voltra, a steppei leleteken
lthat ornamentika, jelenetes brzolsok megismershez vezet ton a mvszettrtnetnek s a rgszetnek
lehetsg szerint kz a kzben kell(ene) menetelnie, mikzben a mdszereiket, valamint az illetkessgi terleteiket
nem (lenne) szabad sszekeverni. A rgszt termszetesen
az rdekli, hogy az ppen kutatott brzolsnak hol s mely
korbl vannak prhuzamai, analgii s azoknak mi a tanulsga. Tudomsul kell azonban vennie, hogy minden jel arra
mutat: az egyes, rnk maradt brzolsok kztt nem mindig mutathat ki kzvetlen kapcsolat, s hogy a kptpusok
folytonos tvtel trgyai lvn csak nagy krltekintssel
hasznlhatk mind az adott trgy kornak, mind pedig az
eredetnek meghatrozsa sorn.
A trgyak, brzolsok, ornamentikai elemek kzti hasonlsgok mrtknek, jelentsgnek vizsglatra fknt azrt van szksg, mert az emltett npekkel s kultrkkal foglalkoz rgszetben s ltalban is: a kora kzpkori Kzp- s Kelet-Eurpa kutatsban nem egyszer lehet
tallkozni egy jellegzetes mdszertani hibval. Ez abban
ll, hogy a klnfle hasonlsgokat leginkbb azonban
azoknak mindig csak egy (akarva vagy akaratlanul) kiragadott rszt gy elemzik, hogy kzben figyelmen kvl
hagyjk a teret, az idt, a kulturlis s etnikai kapcsolatokat,
s azok helyett mindig csak bizonyos rszleteket tartanak
szem eltt (ugyanakkor ms tipolgiai rszleteket mellznek!). Nos, ez a hinyossg valban fennll, de nem egyedl
Nagyszentmikls kutatsban s Kzp- s Kelet-Eurpa
rgszetben. Az a helyzet, hogy az elmlet s mdszertan tekintetben klnben lenjr angolszsz kutats
sem knl segtsget az rdekldnek a jelzett hibval s
az azzal sszefgg problmk kezelsvel kapcsolatban.
Rgszeti s mvszettrtneti kziknyvek, lexikonok s
enciklopdik sort lapoztam vgig, de a kutatsban rendszeresen hasznlt prhuzam, analgia fogalmakkal nll cmszknt vagy nem tallkoztam, vagy amikor igen, akkor a szerzk azoknak csak olyan jelentsvel foglalkoztak,
amely a hasonlsgok klnfle fokozatait s azok esetleges jelentsgt mr nem rinti (Champion 1982, 19.5-19.6;
Encyclopedia II, 151-156; Development in Archaeology).
gy ltom, hogy a New Archeology s a Postprocessual
Archeology mely a trsadalomtrtneti irnyultsga s
a tipokronolgia-ellenessge rvn a kelet-eurpai orszgokban korbban mvelt marxizmussal rokon trsadalomtrtneti s absztrakt elmleti rdekldsbe nem frnek bele a trgyakkal s temetkezsi szoksokkal foglalkoz
rgszet alapkrdsei: milyen? mikori? hol s kiknl mg?
e nam pomoi da to shvatimo: vrlo je korisno proitati kako

je od tradicionalne etnografije nastala drutveno-povijesno
usmjerena kulturna antropologija.7 U Europi su se od discipline archaeologia, prouavanja starine, razvile blizanke
arheologija i povijest umjetnosti. Engleski i ameriki arheolozi su se zbog politikog poloaja svojih zemalja oduvijek susretali s razliitim narodima i kulturama, pa im se kao
najblii znanstveni partner prirodno nametnula etnografija,
ivua arheologija. (Razliit razvoj i pristup jasno su vidljivi po razliitom pristupu bavljenju povijeu umjetnosti u
Europi i Americi, usp., npr., H. Belting (raniji radovi) E.Panowsky, A.Gombrich).
Meutim, ne samo u zapadnoj arheologiji nego ni u
istraivanjima Orijenta osim djela R. Ettinghausena o kojemu e kasnije jo biti rijei nisam pronaao nikakve analize
koje bi iziskivale povijesnu i kulturnu interpretaciju slinosti.
Toj injenici ovdje valja obratiti vie pozornosti.
Kada su arheolozi i povjesniari umjetnosti istraivali sasanidsko, bizantsko i islamsko carstvo pokazalo se s
obzirom na to da tamonje povijesne i umjetnike procese
poznajemo znatno bolje od procesa u ranosrednjovjekovnoj srednjoj i istonoj Europi da iz vie razloga nije nuno
provesti podrobne teorijske i metodike studije o koritenju
paralela i analogija. Kao prvo, kretanje utjecaja, motiva, dekorativnih elemenata itd., u iranskoj, bizantskoj i islamskoj
umjetnosti relativno je lako pratiti i ve je dobro poznato.
S druge strane, o arheologiji Orijenta i Bizanta ve imamo
toliko mnogo podataka i literature da bi ovjek trebao poivjeti nekoliko ivota da stigne istraiti neko struno podruje (npr., staklo, tekstil, keramiku itd.), to nam jasno govori o
prirodi i nunosti zapadnoeuropskog muzejskog sakupljatva, tipinoga za 19. st. Naime, prouavanje materijalne kulture u tim je znanostima donedavno bilo ili samo antikvarno-tipolokog smjera ili se, pak, gotovo iskljuivo svodilo na
prouavanje s gledita povijesti umjetnosti i kronologije. A
kada bi netko ipak i odluio napraviti kakav vei pregled zakljuaka, mogao ga je ograniiti na svoju vlastitu regiju i/ili
vlastito struno podruje, pa ak i vlastiti muzej, a da ga pritom ne optue za ogranieno gledite. Pri povijesnoj obradi povijesno-umjetnikih i arheolokih problema Orijenta i
Bizanta gotovo se iskljuivo radi o podrijetlu, o meuodnosima i djelovanju dotine umjetnosti. Lako je uvidjeti da o
tome ovdje ne moemo raspravljati; jednostavno moemo
utvrditi da se u prouavanjima Bizanta i Orijenta pod povijesno-umjetnikim i arheolokim problemima podrazumijeva neto posve drugo, nego u istraivanjima ranog
srednjeg vijeka u srednjoj i istonoj Europi.
U svakom sluaju, u arheolokim istraivanjima Nagyszentmiklsa, stepskih naroda i openito srednje i istone
Europe moramo se susresti s posve drukijim problemima;
ovdje je esto ak jo i kod podrijetla materijalnih kultura, a
time eventualno i umjetnosti izrade metalnih posuda, prijeko potrebno razjanjenje. Meutim, elimo li utvrditi kako
vrednovati karakter predaje i preuzimanja umijea izrade
metalnih posuda koje u sluaju stepskih naroda treba
jo i posebno istraivati moramo si prethodno postaviti
7. in leichten Fllen hilft auch die Terminologie. ( u laganim
sluajevima pomae i terminologija. nap. prev.): Fischer 1993, 148,
150.
mirt? stb. Br az egyik irnyzatuk igen sokat foglalkozik az

analgia fogalmval, jval ritkbban teszi azt a trgytpusok hasonlsgaival kapcsolatban,5 az brzolsok esetben megfigyelhet hasonlsgokat pedig egyltaln nem
elemzi.6 Ennek oka vlemnyem szerint a hagyomnyos
s a posztmodern rgszetnek eltr eredetben s msms irny mvelsben kereshet. Ennek megrtst egy
analgia elsegti: tanulsgos elolvasni, hogyan alakult ki a
hagyomnyosan kutatott nprajzbl a trsadalomtrtneti
irnyultsg kultrantropolgia.7 Eurpban a rgisgtudomnybl (archaeologia, Altertumskunde) fejldtt ki,
a rgszet s a mvszettrtnet. Az angol s az amerikai
rgsz az orszguk vilgpolitikai pozcija kvetkeztben
mindig is sokfle nppel s kultrval tallkozott, ezrt
szmra kzenfekv mdon knlkozott a legszorosabb
trstudomnyul az l rgszet, a nprajz. (Az eltr fejlds, szemlletmd jl megmutatkozik a mvszettrtnetnek Eurpban s Amerikban egymstl eltr szemllet mvelsben is, v. pl. H. Belting E. Panowsky, A.
Gombrich.)
m nemcsak a nyugati rgszetben, hanem R.
Ettinghausen albb trgyaland mvtl eltekintve a
Kelet kutatsban sem talltam a hasonlsgok trtneti
s kulturlis rtelmezst elsegt elemzseket. E krlmnynek mr tbb figyelmet kell itt szentelnnk.
A szsznida, biznci s iszlm birodalom rgszeti, mvszettrtneti kutatsban tekintettel arra, hogy az ott
lezajlott trtneti, mvszeti folyamatokat a kora kzpkori
kzp- s kelet-eurpaiaknl lnyegesen jobban ismerjk
a prhuzamok s analgik flhasznlsnak szentelt,
rszletes elmleti, mdszertani tanulmnyokra tbb okbl
sem mutatkozik nagy szksg, illetve igny. Elszr is mert
a hatsok, a motvumok, a dsztelemek stb. vndorlsa a
szsznida, biznci s iszlm mvszetben viszonylag knnyen nyomon kvethet s jl is ismert. Msodsorban mert
Kelet s Biznc archeolgijban mr oly nagy tmeg adat
s irodalom ll rendelkezsre, hogy leteket lehet eltlteni egy-egy szakterlet kutatsval (pl. veg, textil, kermia
stb.), amit a nyugat-eurpai mzeumok 19. szzadi tpus
gyjtmunkjnak termszete kzenfekvv, st ktelezv is tesz. Az anyagi kultra tanulmnyozsa e tudomnyokban ugyanis a legutbbi idkig vagy csak antikvriusi-tipolgiai, vagy szinte kizrlag mvszettrtneti-kronolgiai
irnyultsg volt. Ennek folytn mg ha valaki nagyobb
sszefoglalsra vllalkozott, akkor is megmaradhatott a
sajt rgija s/vagy a sajt szakterlete, ha nem ppen a
mzeuma hatrain bell anlkl, hogy szkltkrsggel
vdolhatnk. Ami pedig Kelet s Biznc mvszettrtneti,
rgszeti problminak trtneti jelleg trgyalst illeti,
annak sorn szinte kizrlag az adott mvszet eredetrl,
kapcsolatairl s hatsairl folyik a sz. Mindennek megvitatsa knnyen belthat mdon nem tartozik ide, egyszeren azt kell leszgeznnk, hogy Biznc s a Kelet vizs5. Egy ritka kivtel, csak ppen szmunkra irrelevns rgiban: Pedersen
1997, 171-183.
6. Az analgia fogalmval foglalkoz rgszeti mdszertani munkk
legfrissebb irodalmt: Bernbeck (1997, 85-104).
7. in leichten Fllen hilft auch die Terminologie.: Fischer 1993, 148,
150.
331
pitanje kakvo je uope znaenje slinosti koje smo utvrdili,

odnosno koje tek treba utvrditi na tipovima predmeta, ornamentalnim elementima i scenskim prikazima. (Ovdje bih
napomenuo da smo jo jako daleko od odgovora na ova
pitanja. [Ako je uope mogue doi do odgovora!]). Jasno
je, dakle, da arheolozi koji se bave ranim srednjim vijekom
srednje i istone Europe moraju razraditi metodologiju za
specifine probleme arheolokih nalaza. Kod vrednovanja
prikaza na nalazima bilo bi vano, primjerice, pripaziti na
ono to u europskoj povijesti umjetnosti srednjeg vijeka,
novog vijeka i moderne spada u najnormalnije znanje kojemu se posveuju i cijele izlobe. Tu su, naime, shvatili da
ishodite veine osnovnih tipova umjetnikih kompozicija,
tema i scenskih prikaza treba traiti u ranijim stoljeima, pa
ak i tisuljeima, te da se oni otad uvijek iznova kopiraju,
oponaaju, variraju, kombiniraju i dopunjavaju i to tako da
od prvobitnog tipa slike moe biti bitnih odstupanja ne samo u ikonografskom programu kasnijeg prikaza, ve i u sadraju prikaza koji su do njega doveli.
Sa svim tim elementima moraju raunati i istraivai
Nagyszentmiklsa, jednako kao i s nunou dobro ralanjenog pristupa problemima, budui da su utvrene ve
mnoge injenice koje se odnose na datiranje blaga i njihovo
povijesno znaenje, a koje se oslanjanju na neku od paralela
iz prikaza. Da bismo otkrili znaenje, folkloristiki sadraj tih
scenskih prikaza, prije svega ih treba usporediti s kulturom
ranosrednjovjekovne stepe s jedne strane i kulturom Irana,
srednje Azije i Bizanta s druge strane. Poznajemo samo njihovu materijalnu i duhovnu kulturu, korijene i utjecaje tih
kultura u iznimno razliitom stupnju, a najmanje nam je poznata upravo ona koja je za nas najvanija kultura stepe.
Stoga je provedba znanstveno besprijekorne usporedbe, ija je teorijsko-metodoloka osnova upravo koritenje baza
podatka jednake kakvoe, posebice u vezi s pojavnostima
duhovne kulture, gotovo nemogua. I to treba uzeti u obzir,
kako pri vrednovanju ovog djela, tako i glede realnosti nastojanja da se istrai pozadina prikaza iz ranosrednjovjekovne stepe, iz srednje i istone Europe.
Bez pouzdanih postojeih istraivanja koja se oslanjaju
na nalaze iz srednje i istone Europe, pokuat u konkretno prouiti neka pitanja slinosti pojedinih scenskih prikaza
i tipova predmeta na primjerima koji spadaju u temu ove
knjige te u istodobno donijeti neke openite zakljuke. To
inim prije svega u interesu diferenciranog vrednovanja
odreenih tvrdnji i ve uvrijeenih opih mjesta u dosadanjim istraivanjima Nagyszentmiklsa, u nadi da se neki tipovi pogreaka vie nee pojavljivati u buduim radovima.
STANJE DOSADANJIH ISTRAIVANJA
Za jedan od temeljnih problema pri prouavanju slinosti predmeta i/ili prikaza postoji trivijalni razlog: naime, da
istraivai iz raznoraznih razloga a ba zato i tako esto
ne poznaju originalne predmete i/ili prikaze koji su utjecali na nastanak predmeta koji prouavaju. Ili su zauvijek
izgubljeni ili naprosto jo nisu naeni, a to veina arheologa
uope ne uzima u obzir! U praksi koja se uvrijeila u arheologiji srednje i istone Europe ranog srednjeg vijeka, istraivai se obino slue nekom od navedenih metoda:
a) Neki e se zadovoljiti time da ustvrde postojanje odre-
332
glatban a mvszettrtneti s rgszeti problmk

alatt egszen mst rtenek, mint a kora kzpkori kzp- s
kelet-eurpai kutatsban.
Neknk azonban Nagyszentmikls, a steppei npek s
ltalban Kzp- s Kelet-Eurpa rgszeti kutatsban
alapveten ms problmkkal kell megkzdennk; itt az
anyagi kultrknak gy teht az esetleges fmedny-mvessgnek sokszor mg az eredete is tisztzsra szorul.
Mrmost hogy az tadsok-tvtelek tnye s jellege miknt
rtkelend a steppei npeknek ppensggel kln kutatsra vr fmedny-mvessge esetben, annak megvilgtshoz elbb azon krds flvetsre van szksg, hogy
egyltaln mit jelentenek a trgytpusok, ornamentikai elemek s jelenetes brzolsok esetben megfigyelt, illetve
megfigyelhet hasonlsgok. (Mr itt elrebocstom, hogy
ennek megvlaszolstl tvol vagyunk.) Egyrtelm teht,
hogy a Kzp- s Kelet-Eurpa kora kzpkorval foglalkoz rgszeknek maguknak kell megteremtenik a sajt
leletanyaguk sajtos problmira vonatkoz mdszertant.
A leleteken lthat brzolsok rtkelse sorn pl. fontos lenne flfigyelni arra, ami a kzpkorral, az jkorral s
a modern korral foglalkoz eurpai mvszettrtnetben
a legkznsgesebb tudsszmba megy, aminek ott kln killtsokat is szenteltek. Flismertk, hogy a mvszi
kompozcik, tmk, jelenetes brzolsok legtbb alaptpusa vszzadokra, esetleg vezredekre megy vissza, melyeket folyton msoltak, utnoztak, variltak, kombinltak,
kiegsztettek, mgpedig gy, hogy nemhogy a ksbbi
brzols ikonogrfiai programja, de mr az ahhoz vezet
lncszemek tartalma is lnyegesen eltrhetett az eredeti
kptpustl.
Mindezzel, a problmakr szlesebb megkzeltse
szksgessgvel Nagyszentmikls kutatjnak is kell szmolnia, mert sok olyan, a kincs korra, trtneti jelentsgre vonatkoz megllapts szletett mr, amelyik a jelenetek egy-egy prhuzamra tmaszkodott. E jelenetes brzolsok jelentsnek, folklorisztikus tartalmnak feltrsa
cljbl mindenekeltt egyfell a kora kzpkori steppe,
msfell Irn, Kzp-zsia s Biznc kultrjt kellene velk
sszehasonltani. Csakhogy ezek anyagi s szellemi kultrjt, e kultrk gykereit s kisugrzsait rendkvl eltr
fokon ismerjk, s kzlk a legkevsb ppen a szmunkra
leginkbb fontosat, a steppt. gy ht egy tudomnyosan
kifogstalan sszehasonlts vgigvitele, melynek elvi-mdszertani alapja: az azonos minsg adatbzisok hasznlata, elssorban a szellemi kultra megnyilvnulsaival kapcsolatban szinte lehetetlen ezt is bele kell szmtani mind
a jelen munka megtlsbe, mindpedig azon trekvsek
realitsaiba, melyek kora kzpkori steppei, kzp- s keleteurpai brzolsok szellemi httert prbljk feltrni.
Megbzhat, a kzp- s kelet-eurpai leletekre tmaszkod kutatsi elzmnyek nlkl prblkozom meg teht
azzal, hogy egyes jelenetes brzolsok s trgytpusok
hasonlsgainak nhny krdst a jelen knyv tmjba
vg pldkon keresztl, egyszerre konkrtan s nhny ltalnos tanulsg levonsra is trekedve tanulmnyozzam.
Ezt elssorban a Nagyszentmikls kutatsban eddig tett
bizonyos megllaptsok, kialakult kzhelyek rnyaltabb
ene pojave, da neki predmet ili prikaz postoji i da postoje

sluajevi gdje je na velikoj prostornoj ili vremenskoj udaljenosti pronaeno neto slino. Ostanu li istraivai na toj
tvrdnji, prvobitni e sustav meusobne povezanosti predmeta ili prikaza zasigurno ostati nerasvijetljen.
b) Pojedinci e, pak, zaboraviti ili zanemariti injenicu
da treba barem razmisliti o kulturnom kontekstu ondanjega vremena (to je jo gori stav od prethodnoga, ali ipak uz
prednost da je manja mogunost pogreke).
c) Drugi e bez razmiljanja i paljive procjene predmet ili prikaz koji je srodan s nekom odreenom kulturom
povezati s regijom i vremenom potpuno drukijima od ishodine. Oni, dakle, zbog injenice da je neto slino nee
prepoznati opi karakter dotinog predmeta ili prikaza,
kada slinost koriste za donoenje konkretnog povijesnog
zakljuka; umjesto toga e svojom povijesnom interpretacijom slinosti prijei na podruje neke druge discipline u
koju njihovi izvori po prirodi stvari ne pripadaju.
Na povrnost prvih dviju metoda vjerojatno ne treba
posebno ukazivati, a rizik koji se krije u ovoj posljednjoj vrsti
postupka je oit. irom svijeta moemo pronai meusobno (naoko) srodne, ako ne ak i identine tipove predmeta,
samostalne motive i ornamentalne elemente, i to esto u
prostorno i vremenski meusobno vrlo udaljenim kulturama koje se nikako ne mogu dovesti u meusobnu vezu.
Budui da su takve slinosti glavna osnova istraivanja po
analogiji u postmodernoj arheologiji, na primjerima koji slijede ukazat u na temeljnu razliku koja se, u usporedbi s tradicionalnim nainom rada arheologije, iskazuje meu njima
u interpretaciji povijesnosti. Analognim se moe smatrati neki simbol moi,8 uporabni predmet,9 komad nakita,10
motiv,11 ornamentalni element, ali e se ve sljedeeg trenutka pokazati da nisu prikladni za donoenje povijesnih
zakljuaka.12
Svi znaju da budistiki spomenici srednje Azije svjedoe o indijskom utjecaju. Meutim, radi se o trodimenzionalnim prikazima, a takve prikaze Indijci u ono doba nisu
8. Zacijelo je suvino ukazivati na vladarske krune koje nalazimo kod svih
naroda svijeta kao tipoloki posvuda jedinstveni simbol moi. Pouna je
injenica to se identinost moe vidjeti ne samo na smom tipu predmeta
i njegovoj drutvenoj simbolici, nego i po ritualima povezanim s krunom,
a takoer i u sluajevima gdje identinost zasigurno ne potjee izravno iz
neke povijesne, etnike ili kulturne poveznice (npr., vjeanje krune kod
Sasanida i Vizigota). Isto se pokazuje i na drugim tipovima predmeta
(npr., sellacurulis je etrurskoga podrijetla i od Rimljana se proirila po
svijetu i to bez izravnog oponaanja i/ili djelovanja Rima, ak i u Kini) i
npr., graevnim elementima koji izraavaju vladarsku mo (v. najstarije
nama poznate: prijestolje ukraeno likom lava i vrata u Mikeni), usp.
Wanscher 1980;Fitzgerald 1965; Berthier 1990, 114-123; Berthier 1991,
111-121.
9. Peka koja se od eljeznog doba do dana dananjeg koristi na itavom
Mediteranu i Balkanu u nepromijenjenom obliku, i to kod naroda koji
nikada nisu imali meusobnih doticaja (Vida, u tisku).
10. Neke vrste kauri-pueva (Cypreae) od paleolitika do danas u itavoj su se
Euroaziji i sjevernoj Africi koristile prije svega za zatitu plodnosti uz
razliitu simboliku pozadinu (Kovcs 2000).
11. Od Etruana takoer potjee i lavlja glava s prstenom u gubici, inae vrlo
proirena u itavoj Euroaziji (islamski svijet, Kina) i danas uobiajena,
koja je neko imala apotropejsko znaenje (Kurz 1972; Gombrich 1982,
283, sl.329-331).
12. Sline prastare korijene ima prototip drva ivota, vrlo dobro poznat grkoj,
rimskoj, bizantskoj i sasanidskoj, kao i narodnoj umjetnosti itave Europe.
Njegov prototip potjee iz Srednjeg istoka, a zorni prikaz nalazimo u 2.
Knjizi Mojsijevoj (37.17-24). Saeti pregled ranosrednjovjekovnih prikaza:
Hodak 1996.
megtlse rdekben s annak remnyben teszem, hogy

a jvend munkk sorn nhny hibatpus mr nem bukkan majd minduntalan el.
KUTATSI HELYZET
A trgyak s/vagy brzolsok hasonlsgainak vizsglatban az egyik alapvet problmt az a trivilis helyzet
okozza, hogy szmtalan oknl fogva ppen ezrt vgtelenl gyakran elfordulhat: a kutat nem ismeri a szeme eltt
lev trgyon megnyilvnult hatst kivlt eredeti trgyakat
s/vagy brzolsokat. Az utbbiak ugyanis vagy mindrkre elvesztek, vagy egyszeren mg nem kerltek el csak
ht a rgszek legtbbje mindezzel nem szmol! A Kzp- s
Kelet-Eurpa kora kzpkori rgszetben kialakult gyakorlat
szerint a kutat a kvetkez mdszerek valamelyikt szokta
kvetni:
a) Megelgszik azzal, hogy magt a jelensget konstatlja, nevezetesen azt, hogy adva van egy trgy vagy brzols,
melyhez esetenknt csak igen tvoli helyrl s idbl lehet
hasonlt tallni. E ponton megrekedve egszen bizonyos,
hogy homlyban marad a trgyak, brzolsok kzti eredeti
sszefggsrendszer.
b) Megfeledkezik, illetve nem szndkozik az akkori vilg
kulturlis sszefggseire akr csak gondolni is (ez a magatarts mg az elbbinl is sajnlatosabb, elnye viszont, hogy
kisebb hibalehetsget rejt magban),
c) Krltekints, mrlegels nlkl kt egy bizonyos kultrval rokon trgyat s/vagy brzolst egy olyan rgihoz
s korhoz, amely valsznleg teljesen eltr az eredetitl.
A hasonlsg tnybl teht nem az adott trgytpus, brzols ltalnos jellegt ragadja meg, amikor a hasonlsgot
konkrt trtneti kvetkeztetsre hasznlja fel; ahelyett a hasonlsgok trtneti interpretcijval egy msik, olyan diszciplna terletre lp t, amelyen a sajt forrscsoportja nem
magtl rtetden illetkes.
Az els kett ignytelensgre szksgtelen rmutatnom,
az utbbi eljrsban rejl kockzat pedig nyilvnval. Szerte a vilgban megfigyelhetk ugyanis egymssal rokon(nak
mutatkoz), ha nem ppen azonosnak mondhat trgytpusok, nll letet l motvumok s ornamentikai elemek,
mgpedig sokszor olyan kultrkban is, amelyek trben
s idben tvol esnek egymstl, s amelyeket egymssal
semmilyen kapcsolatba sem lehet hozni. Minthogy az ilyen
hasonlsgok kpezik a posztmodern rgszet analgia-kutatsnak egyik f bzist, az albbi pldkkal arra az alapvet klnbsgre mutatok r, ami a rgszet hagyomnyos
mvelsvel sszehasonltva a trtnetisg rtelmezsben
megnyilvnul kzttk. Analg lehet hatalmi szimblum,8
8. A fldkereksg minden npnl megtallhat uralkodi koronkra mint
tipolgiailag mindentt egysges hatalmi szimblumra flsleges is
utalnom. Tanulsgos ltni, hogy nemcsak a trgytpusban magban s
annak trsadalmi szimbolikjban figyelhet meg azonossg, hanem a
koronkkal kapcsolatos rtusok esetben is, mghozz olyan esetekben
is, amikor az azonossg biztosan nem kzvetlen trtneti, etnikai, kulturlis kapcsolatbl fakad (pl. a korona felfggesztse a szsznidknl
s a vizigtoknl). Ugyanezt mutatjk ms trgytpusok (pl. a sella
curulis etruszk eredet s a rmaiaktl terjedt el a vilgban, mgpedig
Rma kzvetlen utnzsa s/vagy hatsa nlkl, mg Knban is) s pl.
az uralkodi hatalmat kifejez ptszeti elemek is, ld. az Eurpbl
ltalunk legkorbbrl Myknbl ismert oroszlnokkal dsztett trnus
333
mogli izraditi. Kao objanjenje se nude dvije mogunosti:

sjevernobaktrijske i toharistanske budistike slike izradili
su ili lokalni umjetnici koji su uili po helenistikoj koli ili,
pak, oni koji su tamo doli iz orijentalnih provincija Rimskog
Carstva. to god se kasnije pokazalo tonim, to u svakom
sluaju znai da se nastanak srednjoazijskog budistikog
zidnog slikarstva ubudue vie ne moe smatrati indijskim
utjecajem. Stoga se nuno namee sljedee pitanje: kako su
se ti umjetnici upoznali s budistikom ikonografijom, ako
nisu poznavali indijske tradicije? Na to postoji samo jedan
odgovor: neki tip slike, odnosno, kao to smo vidjeli i itav
ikonografski sustav i umjetnika kola bez ikakva ideolokog sadraja! mogue je preuzeti i na njemu izgraditi posve vlastitu umjetnost!13
Treba, dakle, istraiti koliko daleko uope smijemo ii
pri vrednovanju slinosti koje se mogu dovesti u vezu s
Nagyszentmiklsem. Time bih, s jedne strane, elio poneto smanjiti ogroman jaz koji je u posljednjih jedan do dva
desetljea nastao izmeu postmoderno-teorijskog i tradicionalno-praktinog arheolokog istraivanja, a s druge strane, itava je ta problematika u vezi s arheolokom graom
potpuno neistraena. Razlozi za to raznovrsni su i ovdje ih
nije potrebno nabrajati. Ipak, mislim da treba istaknuti jedan od njih: takva se pitanja nisu postavljala vjerojatno zato
to se vrednovanje slinosti u srednjoeuropskoj i istonoeuropskoj arheologiji koja se bavi euroazijskom stepom ve
generacijama esto jo samo posredno hrani postavkama istraivaa koji je slinosti bez prethodnog ispitivanja
tretirao kao imbenik to ih sve odreuje. Shvatljivo je da su
djela i to doista monumentalna! tog nevjerojatno produktivnog austrijskog znanstvenika postala nedostini uzor
kojemu su teili mnogi, budui da je mnogim srednjoeuropskim i istonoeuropskim arheolozima u prrvoj polovici 20.
st. ve i smo spominjanje njegove i o vremenu i o prostoru
podjednako velike upuenosti predstavljalo velik zadatak.
Stoga se veina njih doista zadovoljavala koritenjem podataka J. Strzygowskoga (ali samo time!), ili pak otkriem
nekih novih, po tipu slinih podataka. No stvar je u tome
da puko ponavljanje djela Asiens bildende Kunst; Altai, Iran
und Vlkerwanderung itd., danas naprosto vie nije dovoljno, a jo manje praenje tragova i metoda J. Strzygowskog.
U uvodu ove knjige ve sam spomenuo apsolutno bitne
kvantitativne i konceptualne promjene koje su se dogodile
u istraivanju ranosrednjovjekovnog Orijenta tijekom 20. st.
Moe li uope biti jasnije da novi podaci i rezultati, koji su
u meuvremenu otkriveni, iziskuju potpuno novu metodu
i pristup istraivanju. Meutim, dok to ira baza podataka
ako treba i preko granica kontinenata istraivau moe
biti samo od koristi, taj postupak moe biti i opasan, odnosno besmislen ako netko povijesno ili kulturno nepovezane
nalaze, prikaze i tipove slika pokua objasniti s gledita koje
se ne temelji konkretno na predmetima ili prikazima to se
na njima nalaze.
Kao to je prije ve navedeno, ta metoda moe biti od
posebno velika utjecaja kada pojedini arheolozi na temelju
slinosti predmeta i/ili ukrasa, prikaza i tipova slika izvuku
povijesne zakljuke. Opasnost nerazumijevanja najvea je
u sluaju scenskih prikaza. U ranosrednjovjekovnoj arhe13. O svemu ovome Mkrtycev 1998, 188-195.
334
hasznlati eszkz,9 kszer,10 motvum,11 ornamentikai elem.12

Ennek illusztrlsra lljon itt egy plda azon kzp-zsiai brzolsok krbl, amelyekre a magyar s ltalban a steppei
npek rgszeti kutatsa rendszeresen hivatkozik, de egy
szempillants alatt kiderl, hogy ezek trtneti kvetkeztets levonsra alkalmatlanok. Mindenki eltt kztudott, hogy
Kzp-zsia buddhista emlkei indiai hatsrl tanskodnak.
Ezek hromdimenzis brzolsok csakhogy ilyeneket az
indiaiak abban az idben nem tudtak kszteni. E helyzet
magyarzatra kt lehetsg knlkozik: az szak-baktriai s
tokharisztni buddhista festmnyeket vagy hellenisztikus
iskolzottsg helyi mvszek ksztettk, vagy pedig olyanok, akik a Rmai Birodalom keleti tartomnyaibl mentek
oda. Brmelyik is bizonyul majd helyesnek, ez mindenkppen
azt jelenti, hogy a kzp-zsiai buddhista falfestmnyek ltrejttt nem lehet tbb indiai hatsknt elknyvelni. Ezutn
knyszer mdon merl fl a krds: hogyan ismerkedtek
meg ezek a mvszek a buddhista ikonogrfival, ha nem ismertk az indiai tradcikat?! Erre csakis egyfle vlasz adhat. Nevezetesen az, hogy egy-egy kptpus, st, mint ltjuk,
egsz ikonogrfiai rendszer s mvszeti iskola is minden
ideolgiai tartalom nlkl! tvehet s arra egy egsz sajt
mvszet rpthet!13
Szksges teht annak vizsglata, hogy egyltaln meddig mehetnk el a Nagyszentmiklssal kapcsolatba hozhat
hasonlsgok rtkelse sorn. Ezzel egyrszt valamelyest
cskkenteni szeretnm a posztmodern teoretikus s a hagyomnyos gyakorlati rgszeti kutats kztt az utbbi
1-2 vtized sorn ltrejtt hatalmas tvolsgot, msrszt
a kinccsel kapcsolatban ez az egsz problmakr teljesen
kutatatlan. Ennek oka sokfle lehet; a szmbavtelk nem
idetartozik. Egyet tartok csak szksgesnek kiemelni: valsznleg azrt sem tettek fl ilyen tpus krdseket, mert
az eurzsiai steppvel foglalkoz kzp- s kelet-eurpai
rgszetben a hasonlsgok megtlse nemzedkek ta
a legtbbszr mr csak kzvetett ton egy olyan kutat szemlletbl tpllkozik, aki a formai hasonlsgokat
elzetes krdsfeltevs nlkl mindent meghatroz
tnyezknt kezelte. A roppant termkeny osztrk tuds
valban monumentlis! mvei rthet mdon vltak
sokak eltt kvetend, vagy ppensggel kvethetetlen
pldv, hiszen a 20. szzad 1. felben a legtbb kzp- s
kelet-eurpai rgsz szmra mr pusztn az trben s
idben egyarnt risi tjkozottsgnak elrse is igen
s kapu), v. Wanscher 1980; Fitzgerald 1965; Berthier 1990, 114-123;
Berthier 1991, 111-121.
9. Az egsz Mediterrneumban a vaskor ta, egymssal soha kapcsolatban
nem volt npeknl elterjedt s a Balknon mind a mai napig vltozatlan
formban hasznlatos stharang (Vida, u pripremi).
10.A kauricsigk (Cyprae) nhny fajt a paleolitikumtl napjainkig
klnbz jelkpi httrrel elssorban a termkenysg vdelmre
hasznltk egsz Eurzsiban s szak-Afrikban (Kovcs 2000).
11. Ugyancsak az etruszkoktl szrmazik az Eurzsia-szerte szlesen
elterjedt (iszlm vilg, Kna) s a napjainkban is kznsges, eredetileg
apotropaikus rendeltets oroszlnfej, melynek szjban egy karika van
(Kurz 1972; Gombrich 1982, 283, Abb. 329-331).
12. Hasonlan si gyker a grg, rmai, biznci s szsznida mvszetben
s egsz Eurpban, a npmvszetben is jl ismert letfa prototpusa.
Ennek prototpusa a Kzel-Keletrl ered, szemlletes lersa Mzes 2.
trvnyknyvben (37.17-24) olvashat. A kora kzpkori brzolsok
sszefoglalsa: Hodak 1996.
13. Minderrl ld. Mkrtycev 1998, 188-195.
ologiji srednje i istone Europe pojavljuju se dvije glavne

pogreke. Jedna od njih se sastoji u tome da istraivai ba
i ne uzimaju u obzir postojanje i kretanje tipova slika. Povijest umjetnosti ima zadatak istraiti zbog ega su se tipovi
slika odrali stoljeima, pa ak i tisuljeima te zato i dalje
postoje, ali ni arheolozi ne smiju zaboraviti mogunost prenoenja tradicijom, upravo u interesu izbjegavanja pogrenih povijesnih zakljuaka. Drugi se izvor pogreaka krije u
varijacijama tipova slika, a to nije lako prepoznati. Naravno,
odreeni tip slike moe imati vie varijanti i samo e kolovano oko umjetnika prepoznati njihov potpuni identitet. To
je vrlo zorno pokazao E. H. Gombrich kada je ukazivao na
jednu studiju W. Cranea. Crte je prikazivao istu kompoziciju u razliitima varijacijama i grafikim stilovima: kompoziciju konja i ovjeka koji u kontrapostu stoji pred njim, gledano
sprijeda i straga, zrcalno zakrenuto oko sredinje osi, istih
kontura sa zavijenim ili uglatim linijama (Gombrich 1982, 26,
sl. 13). Nevjerojatno je pouno kako u svakom od tih sluajeva vidimo naoko potpuno drugu sliku, drugi stil i moebitni
sadraj, a pritom je sm osnovni tip prikaza jedan te isti! Jedan drugi primjer ve vie od stotinu godina arheolozima,
koji se bave ornamentikom, slui kao opomena. A.Riegl je
jedan ukras s Ibn Tulunove damije, izgraene 878. god. u
Kairu, preveo na jezik klasine grke forme razlika je takva da ide gotovo do neprepoznatljivosti (Riegl 1893, 304,
sl. 167-167a)! Zato prikaze i elemente ornamentike moramo
promatrati tako da pri slinostima ne traimo samo tip slike
ili dekorativnog elementa o ijem se kretanju radi, nego i
odnose li se razlike na njihovu bit ili samo ukazuju na varijaciju i, eventualno, njihov formalni prepjev.
IRENJE KULTURNIH FENOMENA I TIPOVA PRIKAZA14
Istraivaima srednjoeuropske i istonoeuropske arheologije ranog srednjeg vijeka u poetnom se razdoblju te
znanosti prirodno nametnuo zadatak da pokuaju dokazati
arheoloke tragove povijesno manje ili vie poznatih seoba
naroda u stepi. Dokazivanje historijskih dogaaja i procesa
i danas je glavni zadatak te discipline. Na tom je podruju
postignuto puno rezultata, na taj se nain, primjerice, stvorila mogunost odreivanja nalaza vie naroda te rasvjetljavanja dotad nepoznatih povijesnih i kulturnih procesa.
Meutim, ako se usredotoimo na korijene i nastanak materijalne kulture pojedinih naroda, odmah e se pokazati
kako se tu, zapravo, nalazimo na nesigurnom terenu.15 Ne
znam koliko je cjelokupnoj dananjoj istraivakoj djelatnosti poznato ono to je nekim arheolozima potpuno jasno:
veina arheolokih pojava u vezi s materijalnom kulturom
ranosrednjovjekovnih stepskih naroda nije konkretno povezana sa seobama naroda i ne moe se s njima povezati.
(Tu postoji i druga problematika: budui da vjerojatno nikad nee biti mogue razjasniti kronologiju arheolokih
nalaza odreivanjem tone godine, vjerojatno e zauvijek
ostati neutvreno u kolikoj je mjeri proirenost pojedinih
pomodnih pojava dotinog razdoblja bila openita, dakle,
ne neetnika pojava [moda], odnosno, kada je izravno
bila povezana sa seobom nekog naroda. Ve sam jednom
14. Arheolozima preporuujemo da na to obrate pozornost.
15. Prvi pokuaj u istonoeuropskoj regiji koji daje nadu, dodue bez
medolokog udubljivanja: Jacenko 2000, 142-145.
nagy feladatnak mutatkozott. Ezrt a legtbben valban

meg is elgedtek J. Strzygowski adatai felhasznlsval (de
csak azzal!), vagy nhny, azokhoz hasonl tpus jabbnak a flkutatsval. Csakhogy az Asiens bildende Kunst,
az Altai, Iran und Vlkerwanderung stb. megismtlse nmagban ma mr nem elegend, s mg kevsb nem az
J. Strzygowski nyomdokainak s mdszernek kvetse. E
knyv bevezetjben mr jeleztem azokat az abszolt lnyegbevg mennyisgi s koncepcionlis vltozsokat,
amelyek a kora kzpkori Kelet kutatsban a 20. szzad
folyamn bekvetkeztek. Mi sem nyilvnvalbb annl, mint
hogy az idkzben ismertt vlt j adatok s j eredmnyek teljesen j kutatsi mdszert s szemlletet tesznek
szksgess. Mg azonban a minl szlesebb, szksg esetn akr kontinensekre is kiterjed adatgyjts a kutatnak
csakis hasznra lehet, ugyanez az eljrs veszlyess, illetve
rtelmetlenn vlhatik, amikor trtnetileg vagy kulturlisan ssze nem kapcsolhat leleteket, brzolsokat, kptpusokat valaki olyan szempontok segtsgvel kvn megmagyarzni, amelyek nem konkrtan a trgyakhoz vagy a
rajtuk lthat brzolsokhoz igazodnak.
Mint fentebb utaltam mr r, klnsen nagy nyomatkkal brhat ez a mdszer azokban az esetekben, amikor
egyes rgszek a trgyak s/vagy dsztsek, brzolsok,
kptpusok hasonlsgaibl trtneti kvetkeztetseket
vonnak le. A flrerts veszlye a jelenetes brzolsok esetben a legnagyobb. Kzp- s Kelet-Eurpa kora kzpkori
rgszetben kt f hiba lehetsge forog fenn. Az egyik
abban ll, hogy a kutatk nemigen szmolnak a kptpusok
ltezsvel, azok vndorlsval. A mvszettrtnet feladata azt vizsglni, hogy mik tartjk fenn, mik ltetik a kptpusokat vszzadokon, ha nem ppen vezredeken keresztl,
de magrl a hagyomnyozds lehetsgrl a rgszeknek sem szabad megfeledkeznik, ppen a tves trtneti
kvetkeztetsek elkerlse rdekben. A msik hibalehetsg a kptpusok variciiban rejlik, amit nem knny felismerni. Magtl rtetden egyazon kptpusnak tbbfle
vltozata lehetsges, s csak a mvsz iskolzottsg szem
veszi szre a kztk fennll teljes azonossgot. Rendkvl
szemlletesen rzkeltette ezt E. H. Gombrich, amikor W.
Crane-nak egy tanulmnyrajzra hvta fel a figyelmet. A rajz
ugyanazt a kompozcit klnbz variciban s grafikai
stlusban mutatta be: egy l s egy eltte kontraposztban
ll frfi kompozcijt ellrl s htulrl nzve, egy kzptengely krl tkrzve, ugyanazok a kontrok grbe vagy
szgletes vonalakkal meghzva (Gombrich 1982, 26, Fig.
13). Roppant tanulsgos, hogy gy tnik: szinte teljesen ms
kpet, stlust s felttelezhet tartalmat ltunk, de mindekzben maga az brzols alaptpusa ugyanaz! Egy msik
plda mr tbb mint egy vszzada ll figyelmeztetsl az
ornamentikval foglalkoz rgszek eltt. A. Riegl lefordtotta a klasszikus grg formakincs nyelvre a 878-ban
plt kairi Ibn Tulun-mecset egyik dsztst a kett szinte felismerhetetlenl eltr egymstl (Riegl 1893, 304, Abb.
167-167a)! gy kell ht szemllnnk az brzolsokat s az
ornamentikai elemeket, azaz a hasonlsgaiknl nemcsak
azt kutatva, hogy milyen kptpus vagy dsztelem vndorlsval van dolgunk, hanem azt is, hogy klnbsgeik
335
kratko ukazao na to da istonoeuropske i azijske paralele

arheoloke ostavtine Huna u Karpatskoj kotlini u veini
sluajeva nije mogue datirati oko 420., odnosno prije 373.
god., dakle, u razdoblje kada Huni jo nisu doli u Karpatska
kotlina, odnosno ni u smu Europu (Blint 1993, 197-198).
To znai da su ti nalazi, dodue, odline paralele hunskih
predmeta u Karpatskoj kotlini, ali nipoto nije sigurno da su
upravo tamo naeni u grobovima hunskog stanovnitva.
Neto slino sam uoio i kod Avara i maarskih naseljenika:
niti jedna od istonoeuropskih paralela za njih nedvojbeno
tipinih tipova predmeta iz Karpatske kotline ne moe se na
zadovoljavajui nain datirati u vrijeme prije 568., odnosno
895. god.16 pa slini orijentalni nalazi prema tome nisu prethodnici onima iz Karpatske kotline. Ta bi se spoznaja mogla
proglasiti (ili ve jest proglaena) specifinou arheologije
stepe, meutim, pokazalo se da je odreivanje ostavtine
prvog narataja i kod zapadnoeuropskih naroda iz doba
seoba naroda isto tako teak problem.17 Ni razni germanski
narodi u novu domovinu nisu donijeli sve prijanje tipove
predmeta, pa se stoga ni u ranosrednjovjekovnoj zapadnoj
Europi na temelju nekog predmeta samog po sebi ne moe
arheoloki dokazati pojava novih naroda. Prema tome, nije
rije o sluajnom pojedinanom primjeru ili nekoj posebnosti stepe ili pak manjem intenzitetu istraivanja, ve se radi
o opem fenomenu koji nije povezan samo s arheolokom
graom naseljenikih narataja iz doba seobe naroda. Neto
slino tome uoavamo i kod proirenosti tipova predmeta i
slika, prikaza i ornamentalnih elemenata koji u meusobno
vrlo udaljenim regijama bez izravne povezanosti ipak imaju
odreene slinosti. (Smatram nepotrebnim ovdje iznositi
primjere za to jer je pouka ono to itatelje radova J. Strzygowskog i njegovih sljedbenika i dan-danas u stopu prati).
Meutim, ako tipovi predmeta, a posebice tipovi slika i
ornamentalni elementi, nisu bili prenoeni u seobama naroda, kako su se onda proirili svijetom? U biti bismo trebali
odgovoriti na pitanje kako se uope iri kultura sma. Konkretno, to bi bilo jo vanije znati u sluaju Nagyszentmiklsa: kako se razni ikonografski prototipovi ire svijetom?
Kako su dolazili do recipijenata? To je multidisciplinarni problem. elimo li mu se pribliiti, zbog razjanjenja strune
nadlenosti najprije, oito, treba utvrditi razliku izmeu irenja kulture i konanog rezultata tog procesa. Prouavanje
ovog prvog ne moe nikako biti zadatak ove knjige, budui
da prije svega spada u podruje etnografije i sociologije.
Takoer, ne smijemo zaboraviti da si autori velikih djela s
metodoloki najrazvijenijeg podruja arheologije, arheologije neolitika u jugoistonoj Europi kao i predstavnici najmodernijih smjerova u arheologiji redovito postavljaju taj
problem, dok se slino pitanje u arheologiji ranog srednjeg
vijeka jo nije ni postavilo! Ovo poglavlje knjige nije napisano uzalud, ako e predstavnicima tog strunog podruja
ukazati na injenicu da pri vrednovanju slinosti pojedinih
tipova predmeta, a posebice prikaza, treba postupati s najveom moguom panjom.
Arheolozima, koji se bave ranim srednjim vijekom,
16. Blint 1993, 197-198; 1994; 1996, 943-944. S ovim sam gleditem trenutno usamljen meu maarskim istraivaima.
17. Usp. Landnahmen.
336
a lnyeget rintek-e, vagy csak ugyanannak a varicijt,

esetleg formai tkltst jelzik-e.
A KULTURLIS JELENSGEK S KPTPUSOK
TERJEDSRL14
A tudomny kezdeti korszakban a kzp- s kelet-eurpai kora kzpkor rgszetnek kutati szmra mi sem
volt termszetesebb feladat, mint megksrelni kimutatni a
trtnetileg tbb-kevsb ismert steppei npvndorlsok rgszeti nyomt. A trtneti esemnyek s folyamatok
feltrsa ma is e diszciplna egyik legfbb feladata. Nagyon
sok eredmny szletett e terleten, pl. lehetv vlt tbb
np leletanyagnak a meghatrozsa, s korbban ismeretlen trtneti s kulturlis folyamatokra derlt fny. Amikor
azonban az egyes npek anyagi kultrjnak a gykereire
s kialakulsra tereldik a figyelem, akkor azonnal kiderl: bizonytalan talajra tvednk.15 Nem tudom, hogy a mai
kutats egsze eltt mennyire egyrtelm az, ami nhny
rgsz szmra teljesen nyilvnval: az anyagi kultrval
kapcsolatos rgszeti jelensgek legtbbje a kora kzpkori steppei npek krben konkrtan nem ktdik, st: nem
kthet npvndorlsokhoz. (Ms problmakrbe tartozik
az, hogy mivel a leletanyag idrendjt vnyi pontossggal
sosem lehet majd tisztzni, azrt valsznleg mindig is
eldnthetetlen marad, hogy az egyes divatjelensgek terjedse mennyire az adott peridus ltalnos, nem-etnikus
megnyilvnulsa [divat], illetve mennyire fgg kzvetlenl ssze egy-egy np vndorlsval.) Egyszer rviden mr
rmutattam arra, hogy a Krpt-medencei hun rgszeti
emlkek kelet-eurpai s zsiai prhuzamai a legtbb esetben nem keltezhetk a 420 krli vek, illetve 373 el, azaz
arra a peridusra, amikor a hunok mg nem kltztek be a
Krpt-medencbe, illetve magba Eurpba (Blint 1993,
197-198). Ez azt jelenti, hogy a szban forg leletek olykor
br kitn prhuzamai a Krpt-medencei hun trgyaknak,
de a legkevsb sem biztos, hogy azok ott ppensggel
hun npessg srjban lttak napvilgot. Hasonlt vltem
megfigyelni az avarok s a honfoglal magyarok esetben
is: a rjuk ktsgbevonhatatlanul jellemz Krpt-medencei trgytpusok kelet-eurpai prhuzamai kzl megnyugtat mdon egyet sem szrmaztathatunk 568, illetve 895
elttrl,16 azaz a hasonl keleti leletek nem elzmnyei a
Krpt-medenceieknek. E megfigyelst lehetett (volna) tvesnek vagy a steppei rgszet specifikumnak minsteni,
csakhogy kiderlt: Nyugat-Eurpa npvndorls kori npeinl is hasonlan komoly gondot jelent az els nemzedk
hagyatknak meghatrozsa.17 A klnfle germn npek sem vittk magukkal az j hazba valamennyi korbbi
trgytpusukat, teht a kora kzpkori Nyugat-Eurpban
sem nmagban egy-egy trgy az, amelynek alapjn az j
npek felbukkansa rgszetileg igazolhat. Ez azt jelenti,
hogy nem egyedi, vletlen esettel, vagy ppen steppei k14. Figyelemfelkelts rgszek szmra.
15. A kelet-eurpai rgiban els, rvendetes ksrlet; igaz, mdszertani
elmlyls nlkl: Jacenko 2000, 142-145.
16. Blint 1993, 197-198; 1994; 1996, 943-944. A magyar strtnet vonatkozsban ezen llspontommal a magyar kutatsban jelenleg egyedl
llok.
17. V. Landnahmen.
oduvijek je bilo jasno kako su trgovinom,18 na Putu svile,19

putem kojeg su u ranom srednjem vijeku stvorene mnogostruke veze meu najudaljenijim tokama Euroazije, kao i
na putovanjima u razliite svrhe te izvanrednim prilikama,20
odreeni predmeti i tipovi slika na prikazima dospijevali
na odredita vrlo udaljena od mjesta na kojima su prvobitno bili izraivani. Ostaje samo veliko pitanje jesu li doista
ti predmeti (transportirani Putem svile, prilikom putovanja
diplomata itd.) i ba na taj nain postali nositelji kulture! Za
neke sluajeve to je oito djelomice tono, ali nikako ne za
irenje masovnih dobara, a jo manje za ukupni nastanak
kultura i za irenje tipova slika. Tako su istraivai, primjerice, u sluaju rimskih i bizantskih mozaika pretpostavili da
su knjige koje su smatrane uzorom za njih prenoene u oba
smjera i da su se koristile generacijama,21 ali je kod predmeta gotovo neistraivo pitanje koji je od njih bio nositelj
nekog tipa slike i tako utjecao na neki drugi.22 Pozivanje na
posredniku ulogu svile u irenju i razvoju ranosrednjovjekovne ornamentike s pravom je opepoznato23 budui da
je svila u pravom smislu rijei spektakularna luksuzna roba
koju je lako transportirati.24 Mjerodavni podaci odnose se
sigurno i na glavni grad i carski dvor u njemu; na temelju
jednog usputnog, ali vrlo vrijednog promatranja pokazalo
se da prikazi na mnogo bizantskih zdjela sadre znaajne
slinosti s mozaicima u carskoj palai (Trilling 1989, 49, nap.
89).
itav niz velikih problema jo treba istraiti, npr. zato
brojni narodi i regije u ranosrednjovjekovnoj Europi nisu
uspjeli stvoriti samostalnu umjetnost i samostalne kompozicije, poput mediteranskog svijeta, nego su bili upueni na
preuzimanje prikaza iz Rima ili Bizanta ako su za to uope imali volje i sposobnosti? Ako to isto pitanje postavimo
drukije, glasit e: zato i kako je u Skandinaviji u doba Vikinga bez klasinih uzora ili pak njihovim potpunim preoblikovanjem uspjela nastati suverena interpretatio germanica?
Treba posebno istraiti zato se to nije dogodilo kod Avara
i zato kod maarskih naseljenika nema scenskih prikaza.
(Karakter istraivanja koja su se bavila ovim potonjim dobro
18. Najiscrpniji pregled koji za razliku od svog naslova ne obrauje
samo trgovinu zapadnog Mediterana, ve i trgovinu istone Europe, u
skladu s mogunostima koje nude pisani izvori (Claude 1985); takoer
o tome i o openitim pitanjima vidi: Lopez, Raymond 1990; Randsborg
1991, 120-147.
19. Japanci su za to izmislili engleski izraz kojime ele obuhvatiti cjelokupna
istraivanja o tome: silkroadology. Pored mnogih lanaka, izlobenih
kataloga i popularnoznanstvenih radova o toj temi (literatura: Koch
1999, 538), v. najvaniju seriju izdanja posveenu ovoj problematici Silk
Road Art and Archaeology (Kamakura).
20. Po A.D.Lee (1993, 162) u kasnoantiko doba i u ranom srednjem vijeku
upravo su hodoasnici, studenti, klerici, trgovci i plaenika vojska bili
oni koji su vijesti i predmete irili svijetom. Tako se i znanstveniku koji
se bavi nekim drugim razdobljem i nekim drugim dijelom svijeta jasno
namee hipoteza da su upravo diplomatski i svadbeni pokloni, kao i
trgovaka roba, bili nain na koji su se ekskluzivni predmeti u 9.-11.st.
proirili po zapadnoj Europi (Kashnitz 1998, 58-61).
21. Brett et al. 1947, 68, nap. 1; Rice 1975, 17; Dauphin 1978, 400-423;
Bruneau 1984, 241-272.
22. U istraivanjima rimske i perzijske umjetnosti strunjaci su se time ve
iscrpno bavili, v. najnovije: Touchette 1995; Adamova 1998, 175-181;
Arnold 1924; Azarpay et al. 1981, 170-180; Ghuchani 1998, 188-191;
Lerner 1998, 162-167.
23. Primjerice Rice 1975, 17; isto na ikonama: Bank 1972, 177-184.
24. Posebnu dugovjenost uzoraka na tkanini pretpostavio je A. Stauffer
(1992; 1992a, 45-49).
lnlegessggel, netn a kutats alacsony intenzitsval van

dolgunk, hanem egy ltalnos jelensggel, ami nem egyedl a npvndorlskor honfoglal nemzedkeinek rgszeti anyagval kapcsolatos. Hasonlt figyelhetnk meg azon
trgy-, kptpusok, brzolsok s ornamentikai elemek
elterjedsnl is, amelyek egymstl tvol es, egymssal
kzvetlen kapcsolatban nem llt rgik esetben mutatnak
egymssal hasonlsgot. (Erre szksgtelennek is ltom
pldkat felhozni, mert ez a tanulsg az, ami J. Strzygowski
s kveti munkssgbl az olvas szmra ma lptennyomon leszrdik.)
Amennyiben viszont a trgy- s klnsen a kptpusok, valamint az ornamentikai elemek nem npvndorlsok rvn, akkor hogyan msknt terjedtek el a vilgban?
Ehhez alapjban vve arra kellene tudni vlaszt adni, hogy
egyltaln miknt terjed maga a kultra. Konkrtan, amit
Nagyszentmikls esetben mg fontosabb lenne tudni:
miknt terjednek a vilgban a klnfle ikonogrfiai prototpusok? Miknt jutottak el azok a befogadhoz? Ez egy
multidiszciplinris problma, melyhez kzeltve a szakmai
illetkessget tisztzand elszr is az a nyilvnval, hogy
klnbsget kell tenni a kultra terjedsnek folyamata s
annak vgeredmnye kztt. Az elbbi tanulmnyozsa a
legkevsb sem lehet e knyv feladata, mert elssorban az
etnogrfia s a szociolgia hatskrbe tartozik. Ne feledjk azt sem, hogy a rgszet mdszertanilag legfejlettebb
terletvel, a Dlkelet-Eurpa srgszetvel foglalkoz
nagy sszefoglalsok szerzi s a legmodernebb rgszeti
irnyzatok kpviseli is rendszerint flteszik maguknak ezt
a krdst, amihez hasonlk a kora kzpkor rgszetben
mg fl sem merltek! E knyvfejezet nem kszlt hiba,
ha e szakterlet mvelit r tudja breszteni arra, hogy
tbb krltekintssel kellene eljrni az egyes trgytpusok
s fleg az brzolsok kztt megfigyelhet hasonlsgok
rtkelse sorn.
A kora kzpkorral foglalkoz rgszek szmra mindig
is evidens volt, hogy a kereskedelem,18 a kora kzpkorban
Eurzsia legtvolabbi pontjai kztt sokfle kapcsolatot teremt Selyemt19 s a klnbz clbl vgzett utazsok,
rendkvli alkalmak rvn20 bizonyos trgyak, valamint az
utbbiakon lthat brzolsok kptpusai az eredeti kszlsi helyktl lnyegesen tvolabbra kerlhettek el.
Csakhogy valban ezek (a Selyemton, diplomciai utazsok stb. alkalmval szlltott) trgyak s ppen gy lettek
18. A legrszletesebb sszefoglals, mely a cmtl eltren nem
pusztn a nyugati Mediterrneum, hanem az rsos forrsok nyjtotta
lehetsgekhez mrten Kelet-Eurpa kereskedelmt is trgyalja (Claude
1985); ugyanerrl s ltalnos krdsekrl ld.: Lopez, Raymond 1990;
Randsborg 1991, 120-147.
19. A japnok egy angol nyelvi terminust teremtettek erre, mely valamennyi,
ez irny kutatst kvnja kifejezni: silkroadology. Az ezzel foglalkoz
igen nagy szm cikk, killtsi katalgus s tudomnynpszerst
munka (irodalmt ld. Koch 1999, 538) mellett ld. az e problmakrnek
szentelt legrangosabb kiadvnysorozatot: Silk Road Art and Archaeology (Kamakura).
20. Lee (1993, 1629 szerint a ks antik korban s a kora kzpkorban
zsiban a zarndokok, dikok, klerikusok, kereskedk, zsoldosok
voltak azok, akik hoztk-vittk a vilgban a hreket s a trgyakat. Egy
msik korszakkal s msik vilgrsszel foglalkoz kutat szmra is
a diplomciai ajndkok, nszajndkok s kereskedelmi ruk felttelezse a kzenfekv, mint a 9-11. szzadi nyugat-eurpai exkluzv
trgyak elterjedsnek mdja (Kahsnitz 1998, 58-61).
337
pokazuje da se tamo to pitanje uope nije ni pojavilo).

ini se da dio arheologa pri istraivanju podrijetla i
povezanosti u ranosrednjovjekovnim srednjoeuropskim i
istonoeuropskim prikazima, a s njima i u ornamentici na
posudama iz Nagyszentmiklsa, postupa poput astrologa,
dakle, kombinira iskljuivo na temelju raspoloivih nalaza i
prikaza, ne raunajui s tim da moe postojati i neto drugo
osim onoga to vidimo i poznajemo. Ostavimo li po strani
gledite povijesti umjetnosti, to je povezano s opasnou
meusobnog povezivanja elemenata koji, zapravo, nemaju
nikakve izravne veze jedni s drugima. Da bismo izbjegli tu
oitu pogreku, treba voditi rauna da sve ono to moemo
obuhvatiti, promatrajui irenje kulture, slii nainu na koji
tee u uvodu ve spomenuta rijeka ponornica. (Te rijeke izbijaju na najneoekivanijim mjestima i samo je posebnom
tehnikom mogue ustanoviti odakle dolaze). Ta nam usporedba pomae pri istraivanju kretanja motiva i ornamentalnih elemenata i moemo zakljuiti da put nastanka tradicije, put prenoenja i sve njegove postaje, gotovo nikada
nije mogue slijediti jer su nalazi i prikazi ouvani potpuno
sluajno.
Na dijelu ranosrednjovjekovnih bizantskih i azijskih
zlatarskih predmeta jasno se pokazalo da prikazi na njima
- ponekad meusobno srodni, a ponekad jednostavno slini nisu obine paralele ili analogije. Ni oni, dakle, nisu
mogli biti stvoreni drukije od mozaika u rimsko i bizantsko
vrijeme i svile u ranom srednjem vijeku: oponaanjem, kopiranjem, uz dodatak mate zlatara. A kao to kod slinosti
ornamentike, mozaika i svile obiavamo pretpostavljati postojanje umjetnike povezanosti, povezanosti meu radionicama i knjiga s uzorcima, isto tako ne smijemo izvlaiti
izravne povijesne zakljuke na temelju eventualnih slinosti
meu prikazima na zlatarskim predmetima. Poznato je da
su tijekom povijesti euroazijske umjetnosti u vie centara
nastali brojni ikonografski prototipovi koji su postojali usporedo (npr., ovjek koji sjedi na konju, prizor borbe ivotinja, ljudski lik ili boanstvo izmeu dvije ivotinje okrenute
jedna prema drugoj itd.). Veina potjee iz antike umjetnosti Bliskog istoka odakle su se proirili u raznim valovima i
posredovanjem, tako da su se odreeni tipovi slika stoljeima koristili paralelno jedni s drugima u razliitim regijama, a
sadraj im je bio daleko od prvobitna znaenja.
Koritenje postojeeg tipa slike imalo je svoj vanjski i
unutranji aspekt. Prvi se izraavao u nainu obrade osnovne sheme: majstor je odreeni tip slike mogao aktualizirati,
varirati, dopunjavati originalni prikaz vlastitim kulturnim
elementima u skladu s asocijacijama iz lokalne kulture, dakle, dodavati mu novo i vlastito znaenje i sadraj. Unutarnji,
sadrajni aspekt prepoznaje se po tome je li zlatar kopirao
uzor, prilagoavao ga svojoj kulturi ili je, pak, posve preoblikovao original. Odabir ovih metoda koje je majstor koristio
za novi prikaz vjerojatno je djelomice ovisio o umjetnikim
i folkloristikim zahtjevima drutvene sredine koja je naruivala djelo, ali nita manje i o tehnikom umijeu majstora.
To je najdalje koliko moemo ii s hipotezom u vezi s pitanjem kako je neka drutvena zajednica obraivala tip slike
koji je do nje dospio. No to e konkretno o irenju kulture
kao takve pronai arheolozi koji se bave ranosrednjovjekovnim narodima iz stepe? Veinom e se susretati s fenome-
338
volna-e a kultra hordozi? Esetenknt s rszben nyilvn

igen, de semmikppen sem a tmegruk elterjedsnek s
mg kevsb a kultrk egsznek kialakulsa esetben,
s nyilvnvalan nem lehetett gy a kptpusok terjedse
esetben sem. Pl. a rmai s biznci mozaikoknl mintaknyvek ide-odakerlst, nemzedkeken t trtnt hasznlatt felttelezi a kutats,21 de a trgyak esetben mr
szinte kiderthetetlennek ltszik, hogy melyik hordozta az
adott kptpust s hatott a msikra.22 A selymeknek a kora kzpkori ornamentika elterjedsben s fejldsben
jtszott, kzvett szerepre val hivatkozs joggal kzhelyszmba megy,23 hiszen a selyem knnyen szllthat s a
sz szoros rtelmben ltvnyos luxuscikk.24 A mrtkad
bizonyra a fvros, azon bell is a csszri udvar lehetett;
egy elejtve tett, de nagyon rtkes megfigyels szerint sok
biznci tl brzolsa szignifikns hasonlsgokat mutat a
csszri palota mozaikjaival (Trilling 1989, 49. 89. j.).
risi problmk sora vr kutatsra, pl. hogy a kora kzpkori Eurpa szmos npe s rgija a mediterrn vilgtl eltren mirt nem jutott el az nll mvszet, nll
kompozcik kialaktshoz, s mirt szorult arra mr amikor egyltaln ignye s kpessge volt r , hogy Rmtl
vagy Biznctl vegyen t brzolsokat. Ugyanez a krds
egy msik irnybl fltve: mirt s hogyan alakulhatott
ki a viking kori Skandinviban a klasszikus elkpeknek
vagy mellzsvel, vagy teljes talaktsval egy szuvern
interpretatio germanica? Kln vizsglatot ignyel, hogy
ugyanez vajon mirt maradt el az avaroknl, s mirt nincsen jelenetes brzols a honfoglal magyaroknl. (Az
utbbiakkal foglalkoz kutats jellegt jl mutatja, hogy e
krds mg csak fl sem vetdtt.)
gy ltom, hogy a kora kzpkori kzp- s kelet-eurpai brzolsok, s velk egytt a nagyszentmiklsi ednyek
ornamentikja eredetnek s sszefggseinek kutatsa
sorn a rgszek egy rsze az asztrolgusokhoz hasonlan jr el: kizrlag a rendelkezsre ll leletek, brzolsok
alapjn kombinl, s nem szmol azzal, hogy ms is ltezhetik, mint amit lt, ismer. Az ismeretelmleti vonatkozstl eltekintve ez azzal a veszllyel jr, hogy olyan elemeket
hoznak kapcsolatba egymssal, amelyeknek a valsgban
nem is volt kzvetlen kze egymshoz. Ezt a nyilvnval hibt elkerlend clszer (lenne) azzal szmolni, hogy ami a
kultra terjedsbl ltalunk megragadhat, az tbbnyire a
bvpatakok mkdsre hasonlt. (Az utbbiak a legvratlanabb helyeken bukkannak fel, s az eredetk csak specilis
technikval derthet ki.) Ez a hasonlat a motvumok s ornamentikai elemek vndorlsnak kutatsa szmra azt a
tanulsgot knlja, hogy a hagyomnyozds folyamata, az
tvtel tja, annak llomsai szinte sosem kvethetk nyomon, minthogy a leletek, az brzolsok vletlenszeren
maradtak rnk.
21. Brett et al. 1947, 68, n. 1; Rice 1975, 17; Dauphin 1978, 400-423; Bruneau
1984, 241-272.
22. A rmai s a perzsa mvszet kutatsban mr bvebben foglalkoztak
ezzel, ld. legutbb: Touchette 1995; Adamova 1998, 175-181; Arnold
1924; Azarpay 1981, 170-180; Ghuchani 1998, 188-191; Lerner 1998,
162-167.
23. Pl. Rice 1975, 17; ugyanez az ikonokon: Bank 1972, 177-184.
24. A textileken alkalmazott mintk klnsen hossz lett felttelezi A.
Stauffer (1992; 1992a, 45-49).
nom da su strani predmeti, oblici i ornamentika iz brojnih

i nepoznatih razloga bili kopirani ili adaptirani u regiji koja
se po svemu razlikuje od njihove prvobitne postojbine. (U
takvim sluajevima gdje odabrani materijal i/ili namjena
predmeta potpuno odstupaju od svoga uzora, s pravom
koristimo neto to se u arheologiji inae upotrebljava kao
doker: pojam utjecaj.25) Teko se orijentirati u labirintu kopija i prilagodbi, a pritom ak nije mogue ni povui tone
granice meu tim pojmovima. Uvijek nastojim naglasiti kako teke i este zablude nastaju zbog toga to kod slinosti
bez prijeko potrebna opreza pretpostavljamo da se radi o
izravnoj povezanosti. Stupanj slinosti ne odraava stupanj
povezanosti.
Obrada slinih scenskih prikaza u arheolokim istraivanjima ranosrednjovjekovne Karpatske kotline (studije
sluaja)
Kada sam se poeo baviti pitanjem o tome kakvo je, zapravo, znaenje slinosti koje su obino bile ili mogle biti
protumaene kao povezanost s primjerima tipova posuda,
ornamentike i prikaza na nalazima iz Nagyszentmiklsa,
nisam imao na raspolaganju nikakve prijanje istraivake radove na koje bih se mogao osloniti. (Kao to sam ve
spomenuo, bez obzira to je jedan od smjerova zapadnoeuropske arheologije veliku pozornost pridavao analogiji,
u bogatoj literaturi nisam naao nita to bih mogao primijeniti za rjeavanje tih pitanja). Srednjoeuropski i istonoeuropski arheolozi koriste pojmove analogija i paralela bez
prethodno razjanjenih kriterija, i to kao sinonime (kao to
sam i ja inio u svojim prijanjim radovima). U maarskim se
istraivanjima ne pazi na injenicu da u maarskom jeziku
atribut srodan, (genetski) srodan, isto tako moe znaiti
i slian, a to izaziva velike potekoe, to za posljedicu ima
(moe imati) semiotike nesporazume. Rijei koje u maarskom jeziku izraavaju neki odnos, maarskim e istraivaima ve unaprijed sugerirati da ono to je slino mora
biti i povezano te je takorei i meusobno srodno! (U tom
smislu i predstavnici New Archaeology razmiljaju na slian
nain: ... the inference that certain admitted resemblances
imply further similarity).26 Osim toga, upravo je kretanje pojedinih tipova slika i njihovo viestoljetno koritenje dokaz
da slino nipoto ne mora znaiti i srodno. Ne mogu se
baviti razjanjenjem mnogih teorijskih pitanja koja spadaju
u ovu temu. Razlog nije toliko injenica to je u istraivanju
ranosrednjovjekovnih stepskih naroda Euroazije i Karpatske
kotline, dakle, Avara i maarskih naseljenika, pa ak i u istraivanju itave srednjovjekovne arheologije prouavanje tih
pitanja potpuno nepoznato, nego to to nisam dovoljno
potkovan u teoriji umjetnosti. Kako bih u odreenom smislu pripremio budua temeljitija istraivanja, mogu barem
ukazati na neke probleme oko nalaza iz Nagyszentmiklsa. Dio tih problema openito se pokazuje pri povijesnom
vrednovanju slinosti, a drugi dio pri koritenju orijentalnih
paralela na koje su se svi redovito pozivali prilikom bavljenja
prikazima iz Nagyszentmiklsa.
25. O ulozi utjecaja u povijesnom nainu razmiljanja v. Schramm 1956,
1068-1072.
26. lanak R.A.Goulda, P.J.Watsona prema: Gramsch, Reinhold 1996,
238.
A kora kzpkori biznci s zsiai tvstrgyak egy rsznl egyrtelmen megmutatkozik, hogy a rajtuk lthat
s esetenknt egymssal rokonsgot vagy pusztn hasonlsgot mutat brzolsok nem egyszeren prhuzamai
vagy analgii egymsnak. Tudniillik ezek sem kszlhettek msknt, mint a mozaikok a rmai s biznci korban, s
mint a selymek a kora kzpkorban: utnzssal, msolssal
s tvs fantzija ltal hozzadott tbblettel. S ahogy
mvszeti s mhelykapcsolatokat szoks felttelezni a
mozaikok s a selymek ornamentikjban megmutatkoz
hasonlsgok esetben, gy nem szabad kzvetlen trtneti kvetkeztetseket levonni az tvstrgyak brzolsai
kztt esetleg megmutatkoz hasonlsgok alapjn sem.
Kztudott, hogy az eurzsiai mvszet trtnete sorn tbb
kzpontban szmos ikonogrfiai prototpus alakult ki s lt
egyms mellett (pl. lovon l ember, llatkzdelmi jelenet,
szembefordul llatok kztt ll emberi alak vagy istensg
stb.). Ezeknek legtbbje az kori Kzel-Kelet mvszetbl
ered, ahonnan azok klnbz hullmokban s kzvettsek rvn sztterjedtek, gyhogy bizonyos kptpusokat
vszzadokon t tbbfle rgiban, egymssal prhuzamosan s az eredeti jelentstl messze eltr tartalommal
alkalmaztak.
A rendelkezsre ll kptpus felhasznlsnak volt egy
kls s egy bels oldala. Az elbbi az alapsma kezelsmdjban nyilvnult meg: az adott kptpust a mester aktualizlhatta, varilhatta, az eredeti brzolst a helyi kultrbl fakad asszociciknak megfelelen a sajt kulturlis
elemeivel kiegszthette, teht azt j s sajt jelentssel s
tartalommal ltta el. A bels, tartalmi vonatkozs abban ragadhat meg, hogy az tvs az elkpet lemsolta-e, azt a
maga kultrjhoz adaptlta-e vagy pedig az eredetit teljesen talaktotta. Hogy aztn az j brzolst kszt mester
a felsoroltak kzl ppen melyik mdszert vlasztotta, az
rszben nyilvn a megrendel trsadalmi kzeg mvszi
s folklr ignytl, de bizonyra nem kis mrtkig az tvs technikai felkszltsgtl is fggtt. Ennyi felttelezs
megengedhet azzal a krdssel kapcsolatban, hogy a befogad krnyezet miknt kezelhette a hozz eljutott kptpust. De mi az, amivel a kultra mint olyan terjedsbl a
kora kzpkori steppei eredet npekkel foglalkoz rgsz
konkrtan szembetallja magt? Tbbnyire azzal a jelensggel, hogy az idegen trgyakat, formkat, ornamentikt
szmtalan s ismeretlen oknl fogva egy, az eredetitl
mindenben klnbz rgiban msoljk vagy adaptljk. (Mindenesetre az ilyen esetekben, amikor is a kulturlis
krnyezet, a vlasztott anyag s/vagy a trgy rendeltetse
az elkpl szolgltl teljesen eltr, joggal hasznljuk
a rgszetben klnben Jolly Joker-knt hasznlt hats
fogalmt.25) E msolsok, adaptcik tvesztjben, ahol
ezen terminusok hatrvonalai nem is hatrozhatk meg
pontosan, rendkvl nehz eligazodni. Szksgt ltom
minduntalan hangslyozni, hogy slyos s nem ritka tveds szrmazhatik abbl, ha a hasonlsgok kztt kell
krltekints nlkl kzvetlen kapcsolatot feltteleznk. A
hasonlsg foka nem a kapcsolat fokt tkrzi.
25. A hatsnak a trtneti gondolkodsban jtszott szereprl ld. Schramm 1956, 1068-1072.
339
Meu najstarije metode arheologije spadaju tipokronoloki, kulturoloki, a ponekad ak i povijesni argumenti koji se oslanjaju na slinosti razliita stupnja na temelju
promatranja oblika, ukrasa, umjetnikih zahvata zlatarske
tehnologije itd. Pri prouavanju nalaza iz Nagyszentmiklsa istraivai su se obino pozivali na povijesne dogaaje,
kontekst i/ili lingvistike podatke i tumaenja djelomice
zbog specifinih povijesnih istraivakih tradicija, a djelomice uslijed nedostatka spomenutih metodolokih osnova, kako bi takorei zamijenili ove prve. Taj mjeoviti nain
argumentacije karakterizira i postupak koji se esto koristi
pri vrednovanju slinih obrisa i fenomena, ije se postojanje
moe dokazati u usporedbi nalaza iz ranosrednjovjekovne
Karpatske kotline i istonoeuropske stepe. Naime, pogreno je pridavati pretjerano znaenje slinostima tipologije,
ornamentike i prikaza ili pak prekritino podcijeniti njihovu
ulogu.27 (Oba tipa greke mogue je pronai u arheologiji
srednje i istone Europe u ranom srednjem vijeku). U istraivanju Nagyszentmiklsa i u arheologiji srednje i istone
Europe mnogi se pri procjenjivanju paralela i analogija openito jo nalaze u poetnoj, heuristikoj fazi u kojoj neki
novi nalaz ili nova informacija jo uvijek mogu dati sasvim
novi smjer vrednovanju dotine grae ili kulture. To samo
po sebi ne predstavlja veliku opasnost, ve je u najgorem
sluaju poneto razoaravajue; prava pogreka nastat e
ako se novootkrivenim (i pretpostavljenim) paralelama pri
donoenju zakljuaka pripie povijesno odluujua uloga.
Potonji je sluaj u svojoj osnovi rezultat sljedeih teorijskih,
odnosno istraivakih nedostataka:
Odnos izmeu predmeta i etniciteta
Jedna od najopenitijih pogreaka je pristup kojim se
predmeti, tonije, odreeni predmeti, promatraju kao etnika posebnost. Ovo nije mjesto za analizu i osporavanje
etnoarheologije koja je rairena u srednjoeuropskoj i istonoeuropskoj arheologiji;28 u vezi s vrednovanjem odreenih
27 Zanimljivo je to je ve vie desetljea prije New Archaelogy i Postprocessual Archaeology u maarskoj arheologiji postojalo shvaanje da
je prikupljanje podataka o paralelama iskljuivo pitanje marljivosti
(Gy.Lszl, predavanja na sveuilitu), dakle, do spoznaja o prolosti
moglo se doi i drugim metodama, a ne samo analizom po mogunosti
cjelokupnih raspoloivih podataka.
28 Istraivanje ranosrednjovjekovne arheologije srednje i istone Europe
od 1945. god. odredila su tri imbenika: a) povijesno zaostajanje za
teorijsko-metodolokim razvojem do kojeg je dolo u Zapadnoj Europi (osim hvalevrijednih iznimaka!), b) vulgarizirani nain primjene
marksizma, obiljeen aktualnom politikom, koji je svojom (prisilnom)
iskljuivou u prvo vrijeme onemoguavao praenje suvremenih
duhovnih strujanja i metodolokog razvoja, a kasnije ga samo oteavao.
Iz istih su razloga i moderni metodoloki radovi u Zapadnoj Europi ovdje
su ostali bez odjeka, i to oni koji se bave etnikim poveznicama predmeta
i arheolokih kultura, c) prodor nacionalizma u pojedine zemlje, uz koji
je u zemljama neslavenskih jezika na dulje ili krae vrijeme dolo jo i
do potpomaganja panslavizma.
Dosad su o bivem Sovjetskom Savezu i Bliskom istoku provedene analize, v. Klejn 1993; Shnirelman 1996; 1998, 215-224; Silberman 1997,
103-112. Samo su kratki pregledi napravljeni o arheologiji prijanjih
socijalistikih zemalja nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata, v. Antiquity 67
(1993) 121-156. Suvremena kritika ekstremne etnoarheologije, posebno u Istonoj Europi nakon Drugog svjetskog rata: Snirelman 1984;
Klejn 1993, 339-348; Werbaert 1997, 97-128. O povijesno-teorijskim
poveznicama tog pitanja v. Geary 1983, 15-26. Posljednja razmiljanja s
gledita arheologije doba seoba naroda v. Kaltofen 1984, 99-100; Wendowski 1995; Jones 1997; Pohl 1998, 1769; Daim 1998, 71-93; Brather
2000, 139-177.
340
A hasonl jelenetes brzolsok kezelsmdjrl a

Krpt-medence kora kzpkori rgszeti kutatsban
(esettanulmnyok)
Amikor elkezdett foglalkoztatni, hogy valjban mit jelentenek azok a hasonlsgok, amelyeket a nagyszentmiklsi
kincs ednytpusaival, ornamentikjval s brzolsaival
kapcsolatba szoktak, illetve lehet hozni, nem tudtam kutatsi elzmnyekre tmaszkodni. (Mint emltettem, az analginak a nyugat-eurpai rgszet egyik irnyzatban
szentelt nagy figyelem ellenre a bsges irodalomban
nem talltam hasznosthatt e krdskr szmra.) A kzp- s kelet-eurpai rgszek elmleti kritriumok nlkl,
egyms szinonimjaknt hasznljk az analgia s a prhuzam terminust (korbbi munkimban n is gy tettem).
A magyar kutatsban nem gyelnek arra pedig kln
bonyodalmat jelent, mert szemiotikai flrertst szl(het)
, hogy nyelvnkben a rokon jelz egyformn jelenthet
(genetikailag) rokon-t s hasonl-t. Ez pedig azt jelenti,
hogy a magyar kutatnak az anyanyelve relcikat kifejez szavai mr eleve azt sugalljk: ami hasonl, az egyben
ssze is tartozik, teht gymond: egymssal rokon! (E
vonatkozsban a New Archaeology mveli is hasonl mdon gondolkodnak: ...the inference that certain admitted
resemblances imply further similarity).26 Mrpedig klnsen egyes kptpusok vndorlsa s tbb vszzadon t tart hasznlata ppensggel azt bizonytja, hogy a hasonl
a legkevsb sem jelenti felttel nlkl a rokonsg-ot. Az
e tmakrrel kapcsolatos szmos elmleti krds tisztzsra nem vllalkozhatom. Nem is annyira azrt, mert ennek
vizsglata a kora kzpkori eurzsiai steppe s a Krpt-medencei steppei npek: az avarok s a honfoglal magyarok
kutatsban, st az egsz kzp-eurpai rgszetben is teljesen ismeretlen, hanem mert a mvszetelmletben jratlan vagyok. A jvend, elmlylt vizsglatokat valamelyest
elksztend annyit tudok tenni, hogy a nagyszentmiklsi
kinccsel kapcsolatos nhny problmra flhvom a figyelmet. Ezek egyik rsze ltalban a hasonlsgok trtneti rtkelse, a msik rszk a nagyszentmiklsi brzolsokkal
kapcsolatban rendszeresen hivatkozott keleti prhuzamok
felhasznlsa sorn mutatkozik meg.
A rgszet legrgibb mdszerei kz tartozik a klnfle
trgyak formi, dsztsei, tvstechnikai fogsai stb. kztt
megfigyelhet s klnbz fok hasonlsgokra tmaszkod tipokronolgiai, kulturlis, st, olykor trtneti rvels. A nagyszentmiklsi kincs kutatsban rszben a sajtos
kutatstrtneti hagyomnyok hatsra, rszben az emltett mdszertani alapok hinya kvetkeztben, s mintegy
az elbbieket ptland szoktak trtneti esemnyekre, sszefggsekre s/vagy nyelvszeti adatokra, megfejtsekre
hivatkozni. Ez a vegyes rvelsmd jellemzi azt az eljrst
is, amelyet a kora kzpkori Krpt-medence s a kelet-eurpai steppe leletei kztt kimutathat hasonl vonsok s
jelensgek rtkelse sorn gyakran alkalmaznak. Ugyangy
tves a tipolgiban, ornamentikban s az brzolsokban megmutatkoz hasonlsgoknak tlzott jelentsget
tulajdontani, vagy azok szerept hiperkritikusan albecsl26. R. A. Gould, P. J. Watson cikke, Gramsch, Reinhold 1996, 238 nyomn.
Sl. 1 Vr br. 2
1. kp A2. szam kancs
nalaza i kultura iz ranog srednjeg vijeka ve sam u jednom

drugom radu naznaio svoj kritiki stav (Blint 1995), pa prirodno smatram nunim podvrgnuti metodiolokoj kritici i
srednjoeuropsku i istonoeuropsku inaicu takvoga pristupa.
Povezanost kulture i povijesti
Druga pogreka proizlazi iz injenice to je u arheologiji
razdoblja seobe naroda u srednjoj i istonoj Europi ostalo nerazjanjeno koliko se daleko moe ii pri povijesnom
vrednovanju slinosti koje se ponegdje uoavaju u materijalnoj i duhovnoj kulturi?29
U ovom u se poglavlju u vezi sa scenskim prikazima
iz Nagyszentmiklsa baviti vrednovanjem slinosti koje se
mogu uoiti u svijetu (vani) i na samom nalazu (unutra),
kao i slinostima, identitetima pojedinih komada i u odnosu
Ne mogu ne spomenuti injenicu da u arheologiji posebice anglosaksonskoj postoji i pozitivan smjer etnoarheologije; ona prilagoava
etnografske spoznaje i pokuava ih primijeniti, v. Ethnoarchaeology
1979; Cribb 1991, 4-6; Ethnoarchologie 1992; Carter 1997, 280-284;
Bernbeck 1997, 104-106.
29. U iznimno sretnoj situaciji nalazi se ranosrednjovjekovna arheologija
skandinavskih naroda jer se ini da se tamo prikazane osobe i predmeti
esto mogu dobro identificirati. Njihovo prouavanje potjee iz poetaka
istraivanja germanske arheologije, gdje su zlatni brakteati kompleksom Slika i pismo (Bild und Schrift, nap. prev.) ponudili iznimne
mogunosti, usp. Werner 1966.
Sl. 2 Vr br. 7
2. kp A7. szam kancs
ni.27 (Mindkt hibatpus fllelhet a kzp- s kelet-eurpai

kora kzpkori rgszetben.) Nagyszentmikls kutatsban
s ltalban a kzp- s kelet-eurpai rgszetben sokan a
prhuzamok, analgik megtlsben mg mindig a kezdeti, heurisztikus fzisnl tartanak, azaz egy-egy j lelet
vagy kzlemny kpes az adott leletegyttes vagy kultra
rtkelsnek teljesen j irnyt szabni. Ez nmagban nem
hordoz nagy veszlyt, legfljebb kiss kibrndt; igazi hiba akkor keletkezik, amikor az jonnan felfedezett (s vlt)
prhuzamok a kvetkeztetsekben trtnetileg is dnt jelentsghez jutnak. Ez utbbi az alapjait tekintve az albbi
elmleti, illetve kutatsi hinyossgokra vezethet vissza:
Trgy s etnikum kapcsolata
Az egyik legltalnosabb hiba az a szemllet, amelyik a
trgyakat, pontosabban bizonyos trgyakat etnospecifikusak
tekinti. Nem ez a hely hivatott az etnoarcheolgia kzps kelet-eurpai rgszetben elterjedt vltozatnak az
elemzsre s cfolatra;28 a kora kzpkor bizonyos lele27. rdekessg kedvrt megjegyzem, hogy mr vtizedekkel a New
Archaeology s a Postprocessual Archaeology eltt is volt a magyar
rgszetben olyan felfogs, amely szerint a prhuzamok sszegyjtse
kizrlag szorgalom krdse (Lszl Gy., egyetemi eladsok), azaz
hogy a mlt feltrsa ms mdszerekkel is elvgezhet volna, mint a
lehetsg szerint rendelkezsre ll valamennyi adat elemzsvel.
28. Kzp- s Kelet-Eurpa kora kzpkori rgszeti kutatst 1945-tl
a napjainkig hrom tnyez hatrozta meg: a) a Nyugat-Eurpban
vgbement elmleti-mdszertani fejldstl val trtneti lemarads
341
jednih prema drugima, u odnosu prema ostalima. Kao uvod

e posluiti dvije studije sluaja. Prvom bih elio pokazati
koliko se raznoliko moe interpretirati ve i sam pojam slinosti, a drugom kakvu opasnost posebice pri istraivanjima scenskih prikaza u sebi moe kriti traenje paralela
i analogija koje se odvija u jednom jedinom smjeru, bilo to
zbog unaprijed stvorenih koncepcija ili zbog neinformiranosti.

Studija sluaja 1: Nagyszentmikls i Rakamaz?
Ovdje u prikazati nain inae vrlo rairen u maarskim istraivanjima na koji se izmeu prizora uzaaa
na vrevima br. 2 i 7 (sl. 1-2) u sklopu grae iz Nagyszentmiklsa i prikaza na srebrnim ploicama iz doba naseljavanja,
koji su doli u muzej iz Rakamaz-gyepi fldeka (Blint 2004,
sl. 26,1), povlae meusobne paralele. (U vezi s hipotetskim
maarskim podrijetlom grae vidjeti poglavlje VI). Povezivanje tih dvaju prikaza svojedobno je bilo odluujui korak
u povijesnom vrednovanju grae jer je najvie pridonijelo
stvaranju miljenja, a potom i njegova iroka prihvaanja u
1970-im godinama, naime, da Nagyszentmikls valja smatrati rezultatom maarske zlatarske djelatnosti 10.-11. st.
Teko je objasniti zato dominantni dio istraivaa30 nije
primijetio kako u ovom sluaju jednostavno ne moe biti
govora o bilo kakvoj spomena vrijednoj slinosti! Zamisao
D. Csallnyja da ta dva prikaza treba smatrati identinima, odnosno meusobno srodnima, zajednikih korijena
(Csallny 1959, 324), u Maarskoj je jednako kao i u djelu
meunarodno priznatog B. I. Maraka31 ugraena u itav
niz znanstvenih rezultata i to tako da se ta hipotetska identinost smatrala dokazanom, evidentnom te se miljenje D.
Csallnyja preuzimalo jednostavnim pozivanjem na njega, a
pritom se uope nisu razmatrale temeljne razlike izmeu ta
dva prikaza. Ovo potonje emo sada razmotriti:
Kao to je ve spomenuto (Blint 2004, sl.29), u umjetnosti naseljenikog razdoblja uope nema ljudskih prikaza
(iznimka: Srrtudvari-Hzfld, grob83 (Ancient Hungarians, 260, sl. 7)), pa ak niti prizora s dva bia (ovjek i ivotinja u razliitim varijantama). (Iznimka: u rijetkim sluajevima
u maarskoj zlatarskoj umjetnosti 10. st. mogu se vidjeti same ivotinje, tamo gdje se ne radi o biljnoj ornamentici ili
biima iz mate.) To ve samo po sebi ukazuje na injenicu
da se dvije kompozicije koje usporeujemo, ma kakav bio
njihov duhovni sadraj (u naemu sluaju prizori uzaaa
iz Nagyszentmiklsa i prikazi ptica grabljivica iz Rakamaza),
u svakom sluaju naelno razlikuju. To, pak, automatski dovodi do zakljuka kako u ornamentici maarskih naseljenika uope nema prikaza kod kojega bi postojala i najmanja
sumnja na mogunost interpretacije kao mistinog prizora,
slinog onima iz Nagyszentmiklsa.
Jedan od prikaza je ptica iz mate (Nagyszentmikls:
grifon), a drugi je prava, ornitoloki odrediva ptica (Raka30. U vezi s povezivanjem Nagyszentmiklsa i Rakamaza izraen je,
dodue, oprez, ali niti autori tih formulacija iz toga nisu izvlaili nikakve
zakljuke, ve su iz drugih razloga izravno ili neizravno i dalje ustrajali na teoriji o podrijetlu maarskih naseljenika, npr. Bartha 1968, 131;
Lszl 1986, 114.
31. Marschak 1986, 345: [Ploe iz Rakamaza i Zemplna] ...prirodno odgovaraju kompozicijama...iz Nagyszentmiklsa.
342
teinek, kultrinak rtkelsvel kapcsolatban egy msik

munkmban tbbszr is jeleztem az ezzel kapcsolatos kritikai llspontomat (Blint 1995), s termszetesen szksgt
ltom e szemllet kzp- s kelet-eurpai vltozata mdszeres brlatnak is.
A kultra s a trtnelem sszefggse
A msik hiba abbl a hinyossgbl fakad, hogy Kzps Kelet-Eurpa npvndorls kori rgszetben tisztzatlan maradt: meddig lehet elmenni a trgyi s a szellemi
kultra itt-ott megfigyelhet hasonlsgainak trtneti
rtkelsben?29
E fejezetben Nagyszentmikls jelenetes brzolsaival
kapcsolatban a vilgban (kvl) s a kincsen bell megfigyelhet hasonlsgok rtkelsvel, valamint a kincs
egyes darabjainak egymssal s msokkal val hasonlsgaival, azonossgaival foglalkozom. Bevezetsknt kt
esettanulmnyt mutatok be. Az elsvel azt kvnom illusztrlni, hogy mg magnak a hasonlsgnak a fogalma is
milyen sokflekppen rtelmezhet, a msodikkal pedig
azt, hogy klnsen a jelenetes brzolsok kutatsban
mekkora veszlyt hordozhat magban a prhuzamoknak,
analgiknak akr prekoncepcibl, akr tjkozatlansgbl fakadan egyetlen irnyban trtn keresse.
1. esettanulmny: Nagyszentmikls s Rakamaz?
A nagyszentmiklsi kincs 2. s 7. sz. korsjn lthat
gberagadsi jeleneteknek s a Rakamaz-Gyepi-fldekrl
mzeumba kerlt honfoglals kori ezstkorongokon lthat brzolsnak a magyar kutatsban szlesen elterjedt,
egymssal val prhuzamba lltsa mdjt mutatom itt
be. (A kincs felttelezett magyar eredetrl ld. IV. fejezet.) A
kt brzols sszekapcsolsa annak idejn dnt jelent(tiszteletre mlt kivtelektl eltekintve!); b) a marxizmus vulgarizlt
s aktulpolitikval tlttt alkalmazsa, mely a (knyszer) kizrlagossgval az els idkben lehetetlenn tette, ksbb mr csak
megneheztette a modern szellemi ramlatok s a mdszertani fejlds
kvetst. Ugyanezen okokbl maradtak itt visszhang nlkl azok a Nyugat-Eurpban kszlt modern mdszertani munkk, melyek a trgyak,
rgszeti kultrk etnikai kapcsolatait taglaljk; c) egyes orszgokban a
nacionalizmus trnyerse, melyhez a nem-szlv nyelv orszgokban mg
a pnszlvizmus hosszabb-rvidebb ideig trtn kiszolglsa is jrult.
E korszak kutatstrtnetrl egyedl a volt Szovjetunival s a KzelKelettel kapcsolatban kszltek behat elemzsek ld. Klejn 1993; Shnirelman 1996; 1998, 215-224; Silberman 1997, 103-112. A volt szocialista
orszgok II. vilghbor utni rgszetrl csak rvid ttekintsek szlettek, ld. Antiquity 67 (1993) 121-156. A klnsen a II. vilghbor
utni Kelet-Eurpban szlssgesen mvelt etnoarcheolgia modern kritikjt ld. Snirelman 1984; Klejn 1993, 339-348; Werbaert 1997,
97-128. A krds trtneti-elmleti vonatkozshoz ld. Geary 1983,
15-26. A rgszet szempontjbl tett legutbbi llsfoglalsokat ld.
Kaltofen 1984, 99-100; Wendowski 1995; Jones 1997; Pohl 1998, 17-69;
Daim 1998, 71-93; Brather 2000, 139-177.
Nem hagyhat itt emlts nlkl, hogy klnsen az angolszsz rgszetben nagyon is ltezik az etnoarcheolginak egy pozitv irnyzata
is; ez a nprajzi ismereteket adaptlja s ksrli meg kamatoztatni, ld.
Ethnoarchaeology 1979; Cribb 1991, 4-6; Ethnoarchologie 1992; Carter
1997, 280-284; Bernbeck 1997, 104-106. Ennek megtrgyalsa kvl esik
e knyv vllalt clkitzsn.
29. Kivtelesen szerencss helyzetben van a kora kzpkori skandinv npek
rgszete, mert ott az brzolt szemlyek s trgyak sokszor jl azonosthatnak tnnek. Tanulmnyozsuk a germnok rgszeti kutatsnak
kezdeteire megy vissza, amihez az aranybraktetk a Bild und Schrift
egyttese ltal klnleges lehetsget knltak, v. Werner 1966.
Sl. 3 Ploica s nalazita Star Msto

3. kp A Star Msto lelhely tblay
maz: vrsta sokola ili strvinar).32

Te dvije ptice imaju u kandama posve razliite stvari:
jedna od njih dri ovjeka (Nagyszentmikls),33 a druga dvije
male ptice, vjerojatno svoje mlade (Rakamaz). Naa se sumnja tu jo pojaava: iako nipoto ne moemo tono znati to
su prvobitno izraavala ta dva prikaza,34 ipak ve moemo
utvrditi da su njihova znaenja sigurno bila razliita.
Detaljna usporedba Nagyszentmiklsa i Rakamaza omoguuje niz zakljuaka, ali nas i upuuje na samokritiku: istra32. Iz lanka D.Csallnyja ne vidi se tko je ornitoloki odredio ivotinjske
likove to ih autor spominje (Nagyszentmikls: bradati sup, Rakamaz:
smeoglavi sup) i tko je utvrdio da su dvije male ptice na ploi iz
Rakamaza ptice vodarice. Osim A.Alfldija o kojem e u nastavku biti
govora, pticama vodaricama smatra ih i Z.Kdr (1968, 105-112).
Danas pokojni ornitolog Pter Beretzk na moju je molbu bio analizirao
ptice na ploi iz Rakamaza: Jako svijen kljun, upava glava. Noge nesumnjivo slue za hvatanje, kande se ne vide, ali sigurno im je vrh otar.
Da su krila bila rairena, vidjelo bi se da imaju vrlo irok luk takva
krila nemaju ptice grabljivice (tj. ptice koje se koriste u lovu). Te ptice
imaju uska i kratka krila Krilo ptice iz Rakamaza ima iljasti kraj, a to
ukazuje na injenicu da bi se moglo raditi o ptici sa iljatim krajem krila,
tj. o ptici koja brzo leti, moda o nekoj vrsti sokola. Zlatar je istodobno
itavu povrinu tijela osim nogu i dijela glave i vrata prikazao golu,
bez perja. Ta okolnost, kao i relativno dulji vrat, jako svijen kljun, relativno slabe kande ukazuju na mogunost da se radi o strvinaru. Koliko
god stilizirana bila ta figura, ptica o kojoj se radi nikako ne moe biti
vodarica. Vrlo je vjerojatno da su dvije male ptice u njenim kandama
zapravo njezini mladunci injenica to zlatar na vratu nije prikazao
uzduno poloeno perje nego tokice, kazuje nam da se sigurno radi o
ptijem mladuncu. Iskljueno je da se tu moglo raditi o vodaricama:
imaju svijen kljun, ali nemaju plivae koice. (Iz pisma autoru, Szeged,
23.studeni 1972.)
Iz analize ornitologa proizlazi ono to se inae moglo i pretpostaviti, a to
je da zlatar nije izradio znanstveno autentian prikaz. Nikada neemo
znati da li se pri radu oslanjao na vlastito iskustvo ili na nekakav uzor,
a ako je radio po uzoru, ne znamo u kojoj mjeri, dakle, da li ga kopirao
ili slobodno dopunjavao iz vlastite mate. Dvije injenice iz ove analize
moemo smatrati polazitem daljnjih istraivanja: a) ne radi se o prikazu
vodarice, nego ptice grabljivice, b) ptica u kandama dri svoje mlade,
a ne ptice vodarice.
33. Ovu je razliku uoio Dienes (1972, 103, nap.10).
34. Preduvjet za povezivanje ta dva prikaza je povezanost ploe iz Rakamaza
sa sagom Turul.
sg lps volt a kincs trtneti megtlse szempontjbl,

hiszen az meghatroz mdon jrult hozz azon felfogs
kialakulshoz, majd a 70-es vekben annak szles kr elfogadshoz, mely Nagyszentmiklst 10.-11. szzadi magyar
tvsmnek hatrozta meg. Nehz magyarzatot tallni arra, hogy a kutats meghatroz rsznek30 mirt nem tnt
fel: ebben az esetben egyszeren nem is lehet sz emltsre
mlt hasonlsgrl! Csallny D. azon tlete, amely szerint a
kt brzols azonosnak, illetve egymssal rokonnak, kzs
gykernek tekinthet (Csallny 1959, 324), Magyarorszgon akrcsak a nagy nemzetkzi elismertsgnek rvend
B. I. Marak munkssgban is31 gy plt be a tudomnyos eredmnyek sorba, hogy ezt a felttelezett azonossgot bizonytottnak tekintettk, evidenciaknt kezeltk,
s egyszer hivatkozssal tvettk Csallny D. vlemnyt
mindekzben nem mrtk fl a kt brzols kztt fennll alapvet eltrseket. Vegyk szmba az utbbiakat:
A honfoglals kori mvszetben egyltaln nincsen
emberbrzols (kivtel: Srrtudvari-Hzfld, 83. sr
(Ancient Hungarians 1996, 260, Fig. 7), st, mg kt lnybl ll jelenet (ember s llat egyttese brmilyen vltozatban) sem fordul el. (Kivtel: a 10. szzadi magyar tvssgen bell azon ritka esetekben, amikor nem nvnyi
ornamentikval vagy kpzeletbeli lnnyel van dolgunk, akkor az llatok mindig nmagukban llnak.) Ez mr nmagban is arra figyelmeztet, hogy brmilyen lehetett is az sszehasonltott kt kompozcinak (rtsd: Nagyszentmikls
gberagadsi jelenetei rakamazi ragadoz madr brzolsok) szellemi tartalma, azok kztt mindenkppen
alapvet eltrs volt. Ebbl automatikusan addik az a
kvetkeztets, hogy a honfoglal magyar ornamentikban
egyltaln nincsen olyan brzols, amelyik esetben akr
csak a legkisebb mrtkben is gyanba jhetne, hogy az a
nagyszentmiklsihoz hasonl mitikus jelenetknt lenne rtelmezhet.
Az egyik madr kpzeletbeli (Nagyszentmikls: griff),
a msik vals, ornitolgiailag meghatrozhat (Rakamaz:
slyomfle vagy kesely).32
30. Nagyszentmikls s Rakamaz sszekapcsolhatsgval kapcsolatban
vatos fenntartsok megfogalmazdtak ugyan, de azok szerzi sem
vontk le azokbl a kvetkeztetst, hanem ms okokbl kzvetett
vagy kzvetlen mdon tovbbra is kitartottak a honfoglal magyar eredet
terija mellett, pl. Bartha 1968, 131; Lszl 1986, 114.
31. Marschak 1986, 345: [a rakamazi s zemplni korongok] ...entsprechen
naturgem den Kompositionen...von Nagyszentmikls.
32. Csallny D. cikkbl nem derl ki, hogy kitl szrmaznak az ltala
hasznlt ornitolgiai meghatrozsok (Nagyszentmikls: Bartgeier,
Rakamaz: Mnchgeier) s annak megllaptsa, hogy a rakamazi korongon a kt kis madr vzimadr lenne. Vzimadrnak tartja az albb
emltend Alfldi A. kvl Kdr Z. is (1968, 105-112).
Krsemre nhai Beretzk Pter ornitolgus elemezte a rakamazi korongokon brzolt madarakat:
Ersen hajlott csr, a fejen kontyos dsz. Lba ktsgtelenl markol,
karom nincs feltntetve, de lthatlag hegyes vgzds. Ha ki lennnek
nyjtva a szrnyai, elg szles vet mutatnnak ilyet a vgmadaraknl
(azaz a vadszaton hasznlt madaraknl) nem tallni. Ugyanis a vgmadarak keskeny s rvid szrnyak... A rakamazi szrnya hegyesen
vgzdik, ez taln arra mutat, hogy hegyes szrnyvg, azaz gyors rpt
madr, taln slyomfle lenne. Ugyanakkor az tvs az egsz testfelletet a csd, valamint a fej s nyak egy rsznek kivtelvel csupasz,
toll nlklinek brzolta. Ez a krlmny, valamint az arnylag hosszabb
nyak, az ersen hajlott csr, a viszonylag gyenge karmok keselyre
utalnak. Brmennyire stilizlt is ez a figura, az semmikppen sem lehetsges, hogy ez a madr vadszmadr lett volna. Igen valszn, hogy a
343
ivai od pojave lanka D. Csallnyja nisu marili za navedene

razlike i etiri desetljea se nisu njima bavili. To se dogodilo
jednostavno zato to su istraivai koji su se stalno pozivali
na ta dva nalaza, dodue, primijetili te (skromne) slinosti,
ali su jednom za svagda na tome i ostali. Oito ni trenutak
nisu razmiljali o tome to uope moe posluiti kao osnova
za utvrivanje slinosti?!35 A ona nije bila ni u emu drugom
nego u tome to su ptice drale neto u kandama, dakle,
radi se o vrlo udaljenoj paraleli, potpuno neprikladnoj za
kulturoloku i povijesnu ocjenu.
Studija sluaja 2: Sokolar na konju iz lokaliteta Star
Msto
Studijom koja slijedi trebalo bi ukazati na injenicu da
istraivanje podrijetla pojedinih tipova slika i potraga za njihovim paralelama u istraivanjima ranosrednjovjekovnog
Karpatskog bazena i s kronolokog i s kulturolokog gledita iziskuje puno opsenije prouavanje nego to je danas
uobiajeno.
Pri obradi ploice iz lokaliteta Star Msto sa sokolarom
na konju (sl. 3) K. Benda je pokazao da posjeduje uzoran
osjeaj za pravu mjeru jer se nije poveo za historiziranjem
uobiajenim u arheologiji te regije i nije automatski precijenio kronoloki imbenik, dakle, nije se oslonio samo na injenicu to je dotini predmet spadao u moravski kompleks
nalaza iz 9. st. Zahvaljujui tom suzdranom pristupu nije
izvukao nikakve nerealne zakljuke kakvi se inae vrlo lako
mogu nai u nebrojenim sluajevima. (Drugo je pitanje to
se u katalozima izloaba i popularnoznanstvenim radovima
neizravno sugerira da se ovdje radi o moravsko/slavenskom
prikazu osoba).
Kao to je poznato, ploica sa sokolarom na konju iz
lokaliteta Star Msto pronaena je na jednom crkvenom
groblju koje se datira u vrijeme prije posljednje treine 9. st.
(Poulk 1955, 320, 328, 332, 336; Benda 1963). Nema sumnje
da tip slike na ploici nije prvobitno lokalna, dakle, moravska tvorevina njezino podrijetlo, a potom i pitanje gdje je
izraen sm predmet, jo treba razjasniti. Autor informacije
povrno je pregledao sve vanije tipove paralela koje bi mogle doi u obzir iz regija koje su mu se inile relevantnima
za ovaj problem. Uskoro emo vidjeti kako je prikupljanje
podataka, koje se od samog poetka odvijalo u ogranienom smjeru kao to je i uobiajeno i u ovom sluaju ograniavalo zakljuke autora. (Ipak je teta to je ovaj
lanak na ekom jeziku, uz kratak saetak na njemakom,
u arheolokim istraivanjima Karpatske kotline te jo i vie
u istraivanjima Bizanta i ranog islama s motrita povijesti
umjetnosti nezaslueno ostao bez odjeka). 36 Promatramo li
iskljuivo podatke K. Bende, tada ocjena njegova razmiljanja, dakle, da li ono tono ili pogreno, ne ovisi o tome da li
se u prouavanje toga pitanja moglo ukljuiti jo slinih prikaza. On je od poetka pogreno procijenio geopolitike i
kulturno-povijesne realnosti i mogunosti dospijevanja bilo
kojeg elementa srednjoazijske kulture (?) u 8.-9. st. u sjevernu polovicu Karpatskog bazena (slino Bure 1964, 44-46).
35. Od toga se ogradio samo K.Benda (1960, 284-286).
36. I posljednji istraiva prikaza sokolara na konju nije znao nita o predmetu, dobro poznatom iz izlobenih kataloga i popularnoznanstvenih
radova o ranosrednjovjekovnom Karpatskom bazenu (Durand 1998).
344
A kt madr teljesen mst tart a karmai kztt: az egyik

egy embert (Nagyszentmikls),33 a msik kt kis madarat, valsznleg a fikjt (Rakamaz). Tovbb ersdik a gyannk:
annak ellenre, hogy pontosan mg csak nem is ismer(het)
jk a kt brzols eredeti mondanivaljt,34 mr ennyibl
is megllapthat: a jelentsk csakis eltr lehetett.
Nagyszentmikls s Rakamaz rszletekbe men sszehasonltsa nemcsak tanulsgos, hanem nkritikra is ksztet: a kutats Csallny D. cikke megjelense ta a felsorolt
klnbsgekre nem figyelt fl, azokkal ngy vtizeden t
nem foglalkozott. Ez egyszeren nem kvetkezhetett msknt, mint hogy a kt lelet kapcsolatra folyton hivatkoz
kutatk szrevettk ugyan a (csekly) hasonlsgukat, de
a figyelmk ezen a ponton egyszersmind le is ragadt. Nyilvnval, hogy egy pillanatig sem gondoltk t: vgl is mi
az, ami egyltaln az sszehasonlts alapjt jelentheti?!35 Ez
mindssze annyi, hogy valamilyen madr valamit tart a karmai kztt mrpedig ez csak igen tvoli prhuzamossg;
kulturlis, trtneti rtkelsre teljesen alkalmatlan.
2. esettanulmny: A Star Mst-i lovas solymsz.
Az albbi esettanulmny annak szksgessgre kvnja flhvni a figyelmet, hogy az egyes kptpusok eredetnek kutatsa s prhuzamaik feltrsa a kora kzpkori
Krpt-medencei kutatsban a jelenleg szoksosnl mind
kronolgiai, mind kulturlis tekintetben jval szlesebb
vizsglatot ignyel.
A Star Mst-i lovas solymszt brzol korong feldolgozsa sorn K. Benda plds mrtkletessget mutatott, amikor nem kvette a rgi rgszetben szoksos
historizlst, s nem rtkelte tl automatikusan az idrendi tnyezt, azaz nem tmaszkodott egyedl arra a tnyre,
hogy a trgy egy 9. szzadi morva leletegyttesben kerlt
napvilgra. E visszafogottsgnak ksznheten nem jutott
olyan irrelis kvetkeztetsre, amelyhez hasonl klnben
szmtalan ms esetben igen knnyen megszletik. (Ms
krds, hogy killtsi katalgusokban, npszerst munkkban kzvetett mdon az sugalmazdik, hogy morva/
szlv szemly brzolsval van dolgunk.)
Kztudott, hogy a lovas solymszt brzol korong
egy, a 9. szzad utols harmada eltti idre keltezhet
templomkrli temetben ltott napvilgot (Poulk 1955,
320, 328, 332, 336; Benda 1963). Nem frhet ktsg ahhoz,
hogy a kptpus nem eredeti helyi, morva termk tisztkarmban tartott kt kis madr az kicsinyei... Az a tny, hogy a nyakon
nem hosszanti irny tollakat, hanem pontocskkat jelzett az tvs, azt
mutatja, hogy felttlenl fikkrl van sz. Kizrt, hogy vzimadarak
lennnek: hajlott csrk van, ugyanakkor pedig szhrtyjuk egyltaln nincsen. (Levl a szerzhz, Szeged, 1972. november 23.)
Az ornitolgus ltal adott elemzsbl kiderl, ami egybknt is sejthet
volt: az tvs nem tudomnyosan pontos brzolst ksztett. Sosem
lehet megtudni, hogy munkja sorn a sajt tapasztalatra vagy valamilyen elkpre tmaszkodott-e, s az utbbi esetben milyen mrtkben,
azaz hogy msolt-e vagy azt szabadon egsztette ki a sajt fantzijval.
Az rottakbl kt megllapts szmt a tovbbi kutats szmra kiindulpontnak: a) nem vzi-, hanem ragadoz madr brzolsval van
dolgunk, b) a madr a karmaiban a fikit s nem vzimadarakat tart.
33. Erre az eltrsre flfigyelt Dienes (1972, 103. 10. j).
34. A kt brzols egymssal val ssszekapcsolsnak elfelttele a rakamazi korongnak a turul-mondval val kapcsolatba hozatala.
35. Fenntartsokat egyedl Kl. Benda fogalmazott meg Benda (1960,
284-286).
Budui da je K. Benda od prikaza sokolara na konju

prouavao samo zapadnoeuropske i orijentalne iz ranog
srednjeg vijeka, to se tie njihove ukupnosti doista se nije prevario u injenici da je onaj iz lokaliteta Star Msto
u svakom sluaju jedan od najranijih. Meutim, njegovo
razmatranje nije obuhvatilo ostale epohe i regije, iako bi
uz naelno iskljuenje svake mogunosti povezivanja s bizantskim bilo svrhovito razmotriti kako i zato bi uope bilo za pretpostaviti da se u tom razdoblju, koje je smatrao
moguim vremenom nastanka ploice, drugom polovicom
8. st., u Karpatskoj kotlini radilo o umjetnikom utjecaju s
jugoistoka, s ishoditem u islamu. Takvo razmatranje nije
poduzeto niti glede susjednog Bizanta, niti kalifata iz kojeg
je utjecaj navodno bio doao. K. Benda, sreom, nije razmiljao o izravnoj vezi s islamskim svijetom, budui da za to
nije bilo nikakva realnog uporita, nije pomiljao niti na mogunost da bi taj inae potpuno nerealni islamski utjecaj
do zlatara koji je izradio ploicu moda doao preko Balkana
i Bizanta ili Balkana i Sredozemnog mora ili, pak, eventualno
istonoeuropske stepe. (I to je ispravno jer se sve ovo ni na
koji nain ne bi moglo dokazati). Meutim, ako niti jedna od
tih inaica ne dolazi u obzir, kao dokaz da tip slike na ploici
s lokaliteta StarMsto potjee iz Azije, prisiljeni smo razmisliti o Bizantu kao mjestu iz kojeg je lik sokolara na konju
mogao dospjeti u Karpatska kotlina.
Kako procijeniti tu mogunost? elimo li, naime, pod
svaku cijenu ustrajati u tome kako se radi o islamskom podrijetlu, prvo bismo trebali imati hipotezu, a potom i dokaz
da je lik sokolara na konju u Bizansko Carstvo doao iz kalifata. Meutim, to je zbog sustava koji su u to vrijeme omoguavali meusobno povezivanje nezamislivo, a nije bilo
niti pokuaja potkrepljivanja te mogunosti. Zanimljivo,
K. Benda pokuavao je rijeiti taj problem upravo pomou
pretpostavke da se radilo o kasnosasanidskom ili postsasanidskom povezniku, iako njegovoj panji nisu izmakli odreeni kasnoantiki/koptski prethodnici koji se mogu dovesti
u vezu s prikazom. Za to jednostavno nema nikakve realne osnove, i to ne samo zato to bi se time dolo do spomenutih nerijeenih pretpostavki, ve i stoga to je i samo
postojanje tog posrednog poveznika vie nego nesigurno.
Ono to, zapravo, iznenauje u cijelom tom razmatranju
jest injenica da potjee od ekog znanstvenika ija su
znanja vie usmjerena na Bizant, a ne na Orijent. Zacijelo ne
postoji drugo objanjenje za to to je elio slomiti panslavistiku koncepciju L. Niederlea koja je u njegovoj domovini
desetljeima odreivala znanstveno vrednovanje Avara i
Slavena, to je traio druge naine koji su moda omoguili pribliavanje pa tako i sam dospio pod utjecaj preferiranja Orijenta. Budui da je to ipak neobino za ekog
znanstvenika (znakove razmiljanja koja upuuju na neto
slino nalazimo i u djelu J. Wernera), pokazalo se da takvo
gledite kod maarskih i bugarskih arheologa nije iskljuivo izraz nacionalne pristranosti, ve pristup svojstven za tu
znanstvenu kolu.
Ploica s lokaliteta Star Msto stalno se pojavljuje meu izlocima arheoloke ostavtine kneevine Moravske.
K.Benda je dopustio mogunost da se radi o lokalnoj, moravskoj proizvodnji;37 slovaki istraivai uope ni ne misle
37. Svoje je prijanje miljenje o proizvodnji u Karpatskom bazenu i kasnije
zsra vr teht annak eredete s persze az is, hogy hol kszlhetett maga a trgy. A kzlemny szerzje vzlatosan
ttekintette az ltala ismert s a problma szempontjbl
relevnsnak tn rgikbl szmbavehet prhuzamok valamennyi fbb tpust. Hamarosan ltni fogjuk: az eleve korltozott irny adatgyjts mint rendszerint ez esetben
is elre meghatrozta a szerz vgkvetkeztetst. (Ezzel
egytt kr, hogy a cseh nyelven megjelent s csak egy rvid
nmet kivonattal elltott cikk rdemtelenl visszhang
nlkl maradt a Krpt-medencei rgszeti s mg inkbb a
biznci, korai iszlm mvszettrtneti kutatsban).36 Mrmost ha kizrlag a Kl. Benda ltal ismert adatokat nzzk,
akkor gondolatmenetnek megtlse, hogy tudniillik az
helytll-e vagy tves, nem azon mlik, hogy mg tbb hasonl brzols is bevonhat a krds tanulmnyozsba;
eleve a geopolitikai s kultrtrtneti realitsokat, valamint
annak lehetsgt mrte fel tvesen, hogy miknt jutott
volna el a kzp-zsiai kultrnak (?) valamilyen eleme a
8.-9. szzadi Krpt-medence szaki felbe (hasonlkppen
Bure 1964, 44-64).
Minthogy K. Benda a lovas solymsz-brzolsok kzl
egyedl a kora kzpkori nyugat-eurpaiakat s keletieket
vizsglta, azok egyttest nzve valban nem tvedett,
hogy a Star Mst-i mindenkppen az egyik legkorbbi.
Nem terjedt ki azonban a figyelme ms korszakra s ms
rgira, pedig clszer lett volna azt is mrlegelnie, hogy
miutn elzetesen kizrtnak vlte mindennem biznci kapcsolat lehetsgt a korongnak ltala flttelezett
egyik lehetsges kszlsi idszakban, a 8. szzad 2. felben egyltaln hogyan s mirt kpzelhet el a Krpt-medencben egy dlkeleti irnybl rkez, iszlm eredet mvszeti hats. Ez a vizsglat sem a szomszdos Biznc, sem
pedig az tadnak felttelezett Kaliftus vonatkozsban
nem trtnt meg. Kzvetlen iszlm kapcsolatra K. Benda
szerencsre nem gondolt, annak viszont mindennem relis tmpont hinyban mg a lehetsge sem merlt fl,
hogy ez a klnben teljesen irrelis iszlm hats netaln
a Balknon s Bizncon vagy a Balknon s a Fldkzi-tengeren keresztl, esetleg a kelet-eurpai steppn keresztl
jutott volna el a korongot kszt tvshz. (Helyes, mert
mindez a legcseklyebb mrtkben sem volna igazolhat.)
Amennyiben pedig mindezen vltozatok egyiknek figyelembevtelvel sem lehetsges a Star Mst-i korong kptpust zsibl szrmaztatni, akkor knytelenek vagyunk
Bizncot szmtsba vennnk, hogy onnan juthatott el a
lovas solymsz alakja a Krpt-medencbe.
Hogyan kezeljk ezt a lehetsget? Ha ugyanis mindenron ki akarnnk tartani az iszlm eredeztets mellett, akkor
elszr is annak elfelttelezsre, majd bizonytsra volna
szksg, hogy a lovas solymsz alakja a Kaliftusbl kerlt
volna t a Biznci Birodalomba. Ez azonban a szban forg idben, az adott kapcsolatrendszereket tekintetbe vve
elkpzelhetetlen nem is trtnt ksrlet e lehetsg igazolsra. Igen rdekes, hogy mikzben K. Benda figyelmt
nem kerltk el az brzolssal kapcsolatba hozhat bizo36. A lovas solymszbrzolsok legutbbi kutatja sem tudott errl a kora
kzpkori Krpt-medencvel foglalkoz killtsi katalgusokbl,
npszerst kiadvnyokbl jl ismert trgyrl (Durand 1998).
345
na neku drugu mogunost kao to je avarsko podrijetlo u

8. st. Potonje se na temelju dosad poznatih nalaza ne moe nedvojbeno dokazati, jer niti sam tip predmeta niti nain punciranja nemaju avarska obiljeja. Ali, i sa svim tim
znaajkama ta je ploica jedinstvena upravo za moravske
nalaze iz 9. st.! Na kraju, taj lijepi ukras zbog niza znaajki
(usp. tip predmeta, tehnika) koje ga nedvojbeno razlikuju
od velikog broja avarskih zlatarskih predmeta, ipak moramo
smatrati moravskim proizvodom.
to se tie podrijetla tipa slike prikaza na ploici, situacija je tu drukija. U vrijeme kada je lanak K. Bende bio
napisan jo nisu bila poznata dva kasnoavarska nalaza, od
kojih jedan vjerojatno, a drugi sigurno iskljuuje bilo kakvu
kombinaciju vezanu uz islamsku kulturu. Prvi od njih spada u bogate nalaze iz avarskog groba u mjestu Zamrdi, a
radi se o bronanoj ploici izvedenoj na proboj s prikazom
konjanika (Brados 1998, sl. 38). Na njoj se unato visokom
stupnju stilizacije dobro raspoznaje kako desna ruka jahaa,
tijela okrenutog prema promatrau, dri konja za glavu, dok
je lijeva ruka vodoravno ispruena. Ta je ruka sve ira kako se
prua prema aci; ne moe se rei je li to zbog nespretnosti
onoga koji je izradio model odljeva ili se pak time htjelo naznaiti da jaha dri neto u aci (Blint 2004, sl. 125,3). Ikonografija jednog bronanog ukrasnog privjeska iz okolice
Odesse potpuno je identina, samo to se na njoj bolje vidi
da je na prototipu bio prikaz ptice (Stanilov 1985, 43, sl. 1-2).
Koliko god prikaz bio nepotpun, moe se utvrditi sljedee:
svi vaniji dijelovi tijela jahaa i konja naznaeni su u osnovnim crtama. Slinih prizora, dakle, onih na kojima jaha ima
ispruenu ruku, ima i na bizantskim i ranosrednjovjekovnim
zapadnoeuropskim prikazima,38 s tim da tamo jaha ne dri
nita u ruci; stoga nema sumnje u rimsko podrijetlo takvog
tipa slike (car pobjednik). Nasuprot tome, prikaz na drugom avarskom nalazu potpuno je jasan: na titastom pojasnom okovu od lijevane bronce s nepoznatog nalazita vidi
se ovjek koji jae na nekom biu iz mate ili lavu, a desnicom dri koplje upereno prema naprijed (?), dok ljevicom
dri pticu velikog kljuna i dugakog repa (Blint 2004, sl.
125,4) (Daim 1996, 353, br.5.282). Na temelju obaju podataka tip slike sokolara jahaa sigurno je postojao kod Avara
u 8. st. Uzmemo li u obzir da taj tip ne susreemo u kalifatu
prije 10. st. (ak se ni zdjela iz Kutemska (Blint 2004, Abb.
125,6)39, dobro poznata maarskim istraivaima zbog svog
navodnog staromaarskog podrijetla [?], ne moe datirati u
ranije doba, dok se peeneko/uzeki grob u kojemu se na
jednoj ploici takoer nalazi grubi prikaz tog tipa slike moe datirati na kraj 10. st. Dvornicenko, Fdorov-Davydov
1989, 111, sl. 88), oito je da arhetip moemo traiti samo u
Bizantu, gdje emo ga doista i nai, premda u malom broju i
kao kronoloki meusobno nesukladne poveznike.
Kao prvo bih spomenuo prikaz koji je po vremenu i prostoru najblii onima iz Karpatske kotline to ih ovdje obraujemo, a na iju je vanost za arheologiju Avara i doseljenikog razdoblja Gy. Lszl ukazao ve prije dobrih pola
zadrao (Benda 1973, 101).
38. Brown 1989, 72, sl. 2; Nord de France 98, br.113b; Brown 2000, 121.
39. Lszl 1942, XIII, T.1; Darkevi 1976, 172, T. 56,4; Marschak 1986, sl.
119; Fodor et al. 1996, 56, gore. Taj je tip slike koriten i kasnije u Volga
Bugarskoj: Smirnov 1964, 61, sl.23,1, 63, sl.24; Belavin 2001, 116-122;
Lang 2003.
346
nyos ks antik/kopt elzmnyek, mgis mindenron egy

ks vagy posztszsznida kzvett lncszem felttelezsvel prblta a problmt megoldani. Ennek egyszeren
nincsen realitsa, s nemcsak azrt, mert az a fennemltett,
megoldsra vr elfeltteleket vonn maga utn, hanem
mert mr magnak e kzvettnek a ltezse is tbb mint
bizonytalan. Az egsz elkpzelsben igazn az a meglep,
hogy egy cseh tuds rszrl merlt fl, akinek az iskolzottsga ppensggel Biznc- s nem Kelet-irnyultsg
kellett, hogy legyen. Nem is tallni r ms magyarzatot,
mint hogy szaktani kvnvn az avarok s a szlvok megtlst a hazjban vtizedeken t meghatroz, pnszlv
ihlets L. Niederle-i koncepcival, ms megkzeltsmd
utn kutatva is a keletpreferencia hatsa al kerlt. Minthogy pedig ez egy cseh kutat rszrl mgiscsak szokatlan (hasonlra utal jellel J. Werner munkssgban is tallkozunk), ezrt megmutatkozik, hogy e ltsmd a magyar
s bulgr rgszeknl nem kizrlag a nemzeti elfogultsgnak, hanem egy tudomnyos iskolnak, szemlletmdnak a
megnyilvnulsa.
A Star Mst-i korong llandan szerepel a morva fejedelemsg rgszeti hagyatkt bemutat trgyak kztt.
Kl. Benda a helyi, morva kszlsnek is eslyt adott;37 a msikkal, a 8. szzadi avar eredet lehetsgvel a szlovk kutats egyltaln nem szmol. Ktsgtelen, hogy ez utbbi a
jelenleg ismert leletek alapjn nem bizonythat, mert sem
a trgytpus maga, sem a poncols jellege nem mutat avar
jellegzetessget. Csakhogy ugyanezen vonsok tekintetben egyedlll a korong a 9. szzadi morva leletanyagban
is! Vgl is az risi darabszmmal kpviselt avar tvstrgyaktl val, egyrtelmen elhatrol jegyek (v. trgytpus, technika) alapjn mgis csak morva ksztmnynek kell
gondolnunk ezt a szp dsztrgyat.
Ms lehet a helyzet a rajta lthat brzols kptpusnak eredetvel kapcsolatban. K. Benda cikke rsa idejn
mg nem volt ismert az a kt ks avar kori lelet, amelyek
kzl az egyik feltehetleg, a msik pedig egyrtelmen
flslegess tesz minden, az iszlm kultrval kapcsolatos
kombincit. Az els a zamrdi avar temet gazdag leletanyagba tartozik. Ez egy lovast brzol ttrt bronzkorong (Brados 1998, 38. kp.), melynl a nagyfok stilizls
mellett is jl ltszik, hogy a testtel szembefordul lovas
jobb keze a l fejt fogja, a bal karja pedig vzszintesen
kinyjtott. Ez a kar a kz irnyba haladva fokozatosan kiszlesedik; eldnthetetlen, hogy vajon ez az ntmintt
kszt mester gyakorlatlansga miatt alakult-e gy, vagy
pedig azt akarta-e jelezni, hogy a lovas valamit tart a kezben (Stanilov 1985, 43, Fig. 1-2). Az brzols minden
kezdetlegessge mellett is meg kell llaptani: a lovas s
a l valamennyi fontosabb testrsze jelzsszeren fel van
tntetve. Hasonl brzolsokkal, azaz amelyeknl a lovas
kinyjtja a karjt, biznci s kora kzpkori nyugat-eurpai
brzolsokon is tallkozunk,38 de ott a kzen nincsen semmi sem; a kptpus rmai eredete (gyztes csszr) aligha
vonhat ktsgbe. A msodik avar kori leleten lthat br37. Korbbi vlemnyt a Krpt-medencei kszlst illeten ksbb is
fenntartotta: (Benda 1973, 101).
38. Brown 1989, 72, Fig. 2; Nord de France 98, No. 113b; Brown 2000, 121.
stoljea.40 U sjevernotalijanskoj opatiji San Pietro u Valleu

nalazi se fragment jedne mramorne ploe s prikazom konjanika, a na prikazu se vidi ovjek s pticom na ruci (Blint
2004, sl. 125,2). Kompozicija se poklapa s ploom iz nalazita
StarMsto: konj se kree na lijevu stranu, jaha u desnoj
ruci dri uzde, a na lijevoj mu sjedi velika ptica. Zahvaljujui
identifikaciji imena na natpisu, Dux von Spoleto HilderikII.
(739.-740.), mramornu plou valja datirati u sredinu 8. st.,
dakle, upravo u razdoblje prikaza u Karpatskoj kotlini koje
ovdje obraujemo (Menis 1991, 307-308, br. VII.10). Ta paralela nije sluajna: i druge se paralele sa sokolarima na konju
iz Karpatske kotline mogu nai na mediteranskom prostoru:
na kasnoantikim spomenicima (Romanini 1971, II, 425-467),
na jednoj koptskoj tkanini iz 4.-5. st. (Pfister 1932, T. 6, srednji
red, lijevo) i na jednom mozaiku s kraja 5.-poetka 6. st. u
vili koja je pronaena u dijelu Kartage pod nazivom Byrsa
(Blint 2004, sl. 125,1) (Gaukler 1904, 1-14; Parrish 1984, T. 25).
Novi nalaz slian onom iz Kutemska naen je u sjevernom
Sibiru, na jamalsko-nenekom podruju; ta je srebrna zdjela
sauvana u izrazito fragmentarnom stanju. Na temelju ukrasnog oglavlja jahaa i prikaza stremena, ini se da se zbog
slinosti u oblikovanju lica sa seldukim prikazima 10.-12.
st.41 ovdje ipak radi o proizvodu 10.-11. st., ime otpada zakljuak da je rije o staromaarskom zlatarskom proizvodu
iz 9. st. (Fedorova 1990, 161-162; Marak 1986, 120-121, br.
55). Iz razdoblja ovog potonjeg potjee i jedan okov pojasne
torbice od slonovae, proizveden u Bizantu, na kojemu je
takoer prikazan jaha koji pue u rog, s lovakom pticom
(Blint 2004, sl. 125,7).
Nema nikakve sumnje da tip slike sokolara na konju nije
orijentalnog ve kasnoantikog podrijetla te da spomenuti
prikazi iz Karpatske kotline potjeu iz Bizanta.42 I iz kronolokih se odrednica vidi da je taj tip slike upravo iz Bizanta mogao dospjeti u islamsku umjetnost, a ne obrnuto! (Drugo je
pitanje da li bi prikazi sokolara na konju na srednjovjekovnoj
svili u zapadnoj Europi zahvaljujui ve dobro istraenom
arapskom posredovanju, a moda i mozarapskoj umjetnosti, mogli doista potjecati iz Orijenta, a ne iz Bizanta gdje
se nakon 10. st. vie ne pojavljuju).43 U takvoj situaciji, to
se tie sluaja ploice iz lokaliteta StarMsto, ne trebamo
nuno raunati ak niti s avarskim posredovanjem, jednostavno zato to je taj tip slike kod potonjih mogue dokazati
u ranije doba. Zlatar koji je izradio ploicu s lokaliteta Star
Msto mogao je crpiti ak i izravno iz nekog bizantskog
izvora, jednako kao to izvor bizantskih crta na moravskom
nakitu iz 9. st. ne moramo, odnosno ne moemo traiti kod
40. Lszl 1942, XIII, T.2 (kao nalazite pogreno navodi Rim, Santa Saba).
On je primijetio tamo prikazani repni remen ukraen okovima kapljastog
oblika. Istodobno je, s jedne strane, zanimljivo da prikaz na temelju svog
jasnog kronolokog i geografskog poloaja nije zanimljiv za potragu za
izravnim poveznicama prema avarskim nalazima i maarskim nalazima
iz naseljenikog doba. S druge strane, valja razmisliti o injenici to je
u neoekivanoj regiji pronaena mogua paralela avarskih i maarskih
konjskih orma iz naseljenikog razdoblja.
41. Vidi npr. Islamische Kunst 113, br. 4.
42. Kiss 2002, 239, T.6,6,9 obrauje ove prikaze u sklopu onih sa svecima
na konju.
43. Motiv sokolara na konju svoju omiljenost u zapadnoj i sjevernoj Europi
djelomice zahvaljuje poznatom utjecaju arapske umjetnosti na europsku
umjetnost, a drugim dijelom lovu sa sokolovima koji je bio vrlo rairen u
doba feudalizma, usp. kerstrm-Hougen 1981, 266-270; Lindner 1971;
Lindner 1976, 163-171.
zols viszont teljesen egyrtelm: az ismeretlen lelhelyrl

szrmaz, pajzs alak, nttt bronz vveret esetben egy
kpzeletbeli lnyen vagy oroszlnon lovagl embert ltunk,
aki a jobb kezben elretartott lndzst (?), a bal karjn pedig nagy csr, hossz fark madarat tart (Daim 1996, 353,
br.5.282). E kt adat alapjn egyrtelmen megllapthat:
a lovas solymsz kptpusa megvolt a 8. szzadi avaroknl
is. Mrmost tekintettel arra, hogy ugyanezzel a Kaliftusban
a 10. szzad eltt nem tallkozunk (a magyar kutatsban a
felttelezett smagyar eredete [?] miatt jl ismert kutemski
tl39 sem keltezhet ennl korbbra, amint 10. szzad vgi
lehet az a beseny/uz sr, amelyben egy korongon elnagyoltan szintn ezt a kptpust brzoltk Dvornicenko,
Fdorov-Davydov 1989, 111, ris. 88), ezrt nyilvnval, hogy
az archetpust csakis Bizncban kereshetjk. Meg is talljuk,
mgha kis szmban s kronolgiailag egymshoz nem kapcsold lncszemekknt.
Elsknt azt emltem, amelyik trben s idben a legkzelebb esik a most trgyalt Krpt-medenceiekhez. Ezen
brzolsnak az avar s honfoglals kori rgszet szmra
relevns voltra Lszl Gy. mr b fl vszzada flhvta a
figyelmet.40 Az szak-itliai San Pietro in Valle aptsgban
rzik egy olyan lovast brzol mrvnylap tredkt, amelyen a kezben madarat tart embert ltunk. A kompozcija megegyezik a Star Mst-i korongval: a l balra halad,
a lovas jobb kezvel a gyeplt tartja, a bal kezn viszont
valamilyen nagy madr l. A feliratban szerepl szemlynvnek II. Hilderich spoleti duxszal (739-740) val azonostsa rvn ez a mrvnylap a 8. szzad kzepre, azaz
ppen a most trgyalt Krpt-medencei brzolsok korra
keltezhet (Menis 1991, 307-308, No. VII.10). Ez a prhuzam
nem vletlen: a Krpt-medencei lovas solymsz-brzolsok tbbi prhuzamt is a Mediterrneumban leljk fl:
ks antik emlkeken (Romanini 1971, II, 425-467), egy 45.
szzadi kopt szveten (Pfister 1932, Pl. 6, kzps sor, balra)
s a Karthago Byrsa rszben feltrt villa 5. szzad vgi6.
szzad eleji mozaikjn (Gaukler 1904, 1-14; Parrish 1984, Pl.
25). jabb, a kutemskihez hasonl lelet kerlt el szak-Szibriban, a Jamal-Nyenyec terleten; ez az ezsttl ersen
tredkes. A lovas fejdsze s a kengyel brzolsa, az arc
megformlsnak a 10.-12. szzadi szeldzsuk trgyakon
lthat brzolsokkal val hasonlsga41 alapjn sokkal
inkbb 10.-11. szzadi ksztmnynek tnik, ami ltal elesik
a 830 utni smagyar tvsmnek trtnt meghatrozsa
(Fedorova 1990, 161-162; Marak 1996, 120-121, No. 55).
Nem lehet ktsgnk afell, hogy a lovas solymsz kptpusa nem keleti, hanem ks antik eredet, s hogy az
emltett Krpt-medencei brzolsok Bizncbl erednek.42
39. Lszl 1942, XIII, T. 1; Darkevi 1976, 172. T. 56,4; Marschak 1986, Abb.
119; Fodor et al. 1996, 56: fell. E kptpust ksbb is hasznltk Volgai
Bolgrorszgban: Smirnov 1964, 61, ris. 23,1; 63, ris. 24; Belavin 2001,
116-122; Lang 2003.
40. Lszl 1942, XIII, T. 2. (A szrmazsi hely nla tvesen: Rma, Santa
Saba.) Flfigyelt az ott brzolt csepp alak veretekkel dsztett farhmra.
Ugyanakkor egyfell tanulsgos, hogy az brzols egyrtelm idrendi
s fldrajzi helyzete miatt az avar s a honfoglal magyar leletanyaggal
val kzvetlen kapcsolat keresse szempontjbl rdektelen. Msfell
elgondolkodtat az, hogy avar s honfoglal magyar lszerszmok egy
lehetsges prhuzamt egy szokatlan rgiban fedezhetjk fel.
41. Ld. pl. Islamische Kunst 113, No. 4.
42. Kiss 2002, 239, T. 6,6,9 a lovas szentek sorban trgyalja ezeket.
347
Avara 8. st.
Ploica s lokaliteta Star Msto namee jedno ikonoloko pitanje koje bi moglo biti vano i za interpretaciju drugih
ranosrednjovjekovnih srednjoeuropskih i istonoeuropskih
prikaza: to su Moravljani 9. st. uope mogli zapoeti s tipom slike iju ikonografiju, pa ak niti temu, nisu poznavali?!
Budui da ne postoji ni najmanji pisani, arheoloki i etnografski podatak, ni naznaka za to da su se ljudi u sjevernoj,
umovitoj regiji Karpatske kotline prije razvoja zrelog doba
feudalizma uope bavili lovom sa sokolovima jaui na konjima, moemo zakljuiti samo sljedee: moravski je zlatar
od samog poetka izraivao prikaz ija su tema i ikonografija bile strane sredini koja je predmet upotrebljavala. Lik sokolara na konju preuzeo je od svog uzora tako da u vlastitoj
kulturnoj zajednici nije bilo nikakve ni formalne ni sadrajne srodnosti, niti osnove za asocijaciju!
Kako je to bilo mogue? Kao odgovor lako je iz kruga
maarskih znanstvenika formulirati objanjenja koja su
karakteristina za kolu Gy. Lszla; bilo bi pouno istraiti
koliko su ta objanjenja mogua. injenica koja se smatra
evidentnom, ali je zapravo nedokazana (prije bi se reklo
nedokaziva) glasi da je narod koji je preuzeo predloak za
tu sliku naao tumaenje iz svoje vlastite kulture to jest,
mi, znai, ne znamo nita o duhovnoj kulturi Moravljana 9.
st.! Drugo objanjenje te vrste moglo bi biti da je moravskoj aristokraciji avarska kultura bila uzor pa je tako tip slike
sokolara na konju dospio u Star Msto. Meutim, tu treba razmisliti: to bi Magna Moravia, zemlja koja je traila
svoje mjesto izmeu Zapada i Bizanta, smatrala ideoloki
opravdanim i materijalno moguim da 30-50 godina nakon raspada avarskoga kaganata oponaa nekakav prikaz
od Avara koji su ve vie narataja prije toga izgubili svoju
mo? Druga bi stvar bila u sluaju da ploica doista potjee
iz 8. st., kao to je naznaio K. Benda. Tada bi doista vrijedio
argument o avarskom prestiu samo to stvarnost takva
tumaenja odreuje injenica da u tom stoljeu kod Moravljana jo nije bilo ba samostalne materijalne kulture, u koju
bi se ova onda uklopila. Nije bilo niti drutvenoga medija
koji bi uope tako neto traio ili dao izraditi.
Zakljuak: Budui da nam pisani i arheoloki podaci nita
ne kazuju i da zbog nerealnosti povijesne situacije moemo
odbaciti mogunost kako je prikaz iz lokaliteta Star Msto
mogao nastati djelovanjem izravnih arapsko-moravskih
veza i budui da zlatar oito nije ovjekovjeio neku lokalnu
anrovsku sliku, ve je lik sokolara na konju nastao preuzimanjem od drugih, moemo utvrditi sljedee: Preuzimanje
nekog tipa slike nije nuno bilo povezano s preuzimanjem
sadraja i znaenja. To nam mora biti znak za veliki oprez pri
istraivanju znaenja prikaza.
KAKO TRETIRATI SLINOSTI PRI ISTRAIVANJU RANOSREDNJOVJEKOVNE UMJETNOSTI U VLASTITIM
KULTURNIM KRUGOVIMA
Nekoliko pouka
Gledita i metode istraivaa koji se bave bizantskim,
sasanidskim i srednjoazijskim nalazima naelno su drukiji
od onih koji istrauju arheologiju Europe. Oni nalaze koje
prouavaju dovode u kronoloki slijed i na temelju tog utvr-
348
A kronolgiai helyzet miatt mg az is nyilvnval, hogy ez

a kptpus ppensggel Bizncbl kerlhetett t az iszlm
mvszetbe s nem fordtva! (Ms krds, hogy a nyugat-eurpai kzpkori selymeken lthat lovas solymsz-brzolsok a sokat trgyalt arab kzvettsnek, taln a mozarab
mvszetnek ksznheten mr tnyleg Keletrl eredhetnek, s nem Bizncbl, ahol ezek a 10. szzad utn tbb
nem fordulnak el).43 E helyzetben a Star Mst-i korong
esetben nem is kell okvetlenl avar kzvettsre gondolni,
egyedl azrt, mert ez a kptpus korbban az utbbiaknl
mutathat ki. A Star Mst-i korongot kszt tvs merthetett kzvetlenl is biznci forrsbl, hiszen a 9. szzadi
morva kszereken megfigyelhet biznci vonsokat sem
szksges a 8. szzadi avaroktl eredeztetni.
A Star Mst-i korong egy olyan ikonolgiai krdst vet
fl, ami ms kora kzpkori kzp- s kelet-eurpai brzols rtelmezse szmra is relevns lehet: egyltaln mit
tudtak kezdeni a 9. szzadi morvk egy olyan kptpussal,
amelynek nemcsak az ikonogrfija, de mg maga a tmja
is ismeretlen volt a szmukra?! Minthogy pedig a legcseklyebb rsos, rgszeti, nprajzi adat, jel nincsen arra nzve,
hogy a Krpt-medence szaki, erds rgijban az rett
feudalizmus kiplse eltt valaha is ztek volna lrl slyommal trtn vadszatot, meg kell llaptanunk: a morva tvs mr eleve egy olyan brzolst ksztett, amelynek
mind a tmja, mind pedig az ikonogrfija idegen volt a
trgyat hasznl kzegben. A lovas solymsz alakjt az elkprl gy vette t, hogy ahhoz semminem formai s tartalmi rokonsg, semmilyen asszocicis alap nem akadt a
sajt kulturlis kzegben!
Hogyan volt ez lehetsges? A magyar kutatk krben
vlaszknt knnyen fogalmazdnak meg olyan magyarzatok, amelyek a Lszl-iskola jellegzetessgei; tanulsgos
most megvizsglnunk ezek lehetsgt. Evidenciaknt
hasznlatos ugyan, pedig igazol(hat)atlan, hogy az adott
kpbe a befogad np a sajt kultrjt magyarzta bele
tudniillik semmit sem tudunk a 9. szzadi morvk szellemi
kultrjrl! Egy msik ilyen magyarzat lehetne, hogy az
avar kultra a morva arisztokrcia szmra kvetend pldnak tnhetett, s gy kerlt volna el Star Mstba a lovas
solymsz kptpusa. Ehhez azonban mrlegelend: 30-50
vvel az avar kagantus sszeomlsa utn ideolgiailag
mi indokolhatta volna, materilisan pedig mi tehette volna
lehetv a helyt Nyugat s Biznc kztt keres Magna
Moraviban, hogy a hatalmukat nemzedkekkel korbban
elvesztett avaroktl valamilyen brzolst lemsoljanak?
Ms volna a helyzet abban az esetben, ha a korong valban
a 8. szzadbl szrmaznk, amire K. Benda clzott. Ebben
az esetben valban llna az avar presztzzsel kapcsolatos
rv csakhogy ezen interpretci realitst megszabja az
a tny, hogy abban az vszzadban a morvknl mg nem
volt olyan nll anyagi kultra, amelybe ez beleillenk, s
biztosan nem volt olyan trsadalmi kzeg, amelyik ezt egyltaln ignyelte volna s el tudta volna kszttetni.
sszefoglalva: Minthogy az rsos s rgszeti adatok
43. A lovas solymsz motvum nyugat- s szak-eurpai npszersge rszben az arab mvszetnek az eurpaira gyakorolt kzismert hatsnak,
rszben a feudalizmussal terjed solymszatnak volt ksznhet, v. kerstrm-Hougen 1981, 266-270; Lindner 1971; Lindner 1976, 163-171.
uju (pretpostavljaju) epohe promjena u umjetnosti. Tome

odgovaraju i njihovi najvaniji pojmovi: konzervativizam,
daljnja opstojnost, novi stil. (O pojmu utjecaj sada neu govoriti). Pri prouavanju scenskih prikaza pojam tip slike gotovo se uope ne uzima u obzir; paralele se uglavnom
nabrajaju, ali se nitko, zapravo, ne bavi znaenjem toga to
je veina majstora pri radu koristila openito rairene, a ponekad i prastare tipove slika, kompozicija i ornamentalnih
elemenata. Ne samo da bi sve to trebalo vie uzimati u obzir,
ve bi trebalo i nastojati razlikovati strujanja koja uvode nove elemente od onih arhainih iz jednog te istog razdoblja.
U takvoj situaciji, usred i usprkos svih tih nesigurnih injenica, sada emo razmotriti kakvo teoretsko iskustvo bi se za
Nagyszentmikls i za arheologiju Karpatske kotline moglo
stei na temelju sinteza proteklih stoljea o materijalnoj kulturi dvaju velikih svjetskih carstava koja su najblia i najdostupnija naoj grai.
U dugom nizu bezbrojnih znanstvenih i popularnoznanstvenih monografija i u mnogim izlobama o Bizantu i Iranu, posvuda u svijetu dosad su, koliko znam, postojala samo
dva pothvata u kojima je bila obraivana materijalna i duhovna kultura tih carstava u njihovom idealnom jedinstvu,
pravoj sintezi. Jedan od njih bila je izloba, uz pripadajui
katalog, prireena 1977. god. u muzeju The Metropolitan
Museum of Art (koncepcija i katalog: K.Weitzmann). Nitko
kasnije nije slijedio taj pristup i metodu, niti u koncepciji postavljanja kasnijih izloaba, niti u istraivanju; jedino je izloba o sasanidskoj umjetnosti (The University of Michigan
Museum of Art, koncepcija i katalog: O. Grabar), otvorena
te iste godine u Ann Arboru (Michigan), mogla biti slinoga karaktera i razine, kada bismo i arheoloke spomenike
i spomenike kulture ranosrednjovjekovnog Irana poznavali
barem priblino koliko i bizantske. Ta dvojica znanstvenika
bila su, dakle, sposobna prikazati raspoloive predmete u
njihovoj duhovnoj cjelovitosti tako to su ih uskladili sa
svime to se zna o cijeloj dotinoj kulturi.
U koncepciji K. Weitzmanna predmeti, prikazi i motivi iz
Bizanta i zona njegova utjecaja ne slue kao paralele, nego
kao razliiti materijalni izrazi kulture shvaene u najirem
smislu. Jedinstven je i pristup koji je koristio za obradu stranih utjecaja: ne po skupnim pojmovima, pukim nabrajanjem
pojedinih vrsta materijalne kulture (npr., arhitektura, zlatarska umjetnost, tekstil itd.), kao to je to gotovo uvijek
sluaj u svim zbirnim djelima i katalozima, nego u procesu
njihove bizantinizacije, primjerice, pogledajte naslove poglavlja kao to su The Classical Realm, The Jewish Realm
itd. (To je jedan od posljednjih, najvanijih zadataka arheologa i povjesniara umjetnosti: obuhvatiti korijene neke
kulture, proces njezina nastajanja i njenu ideoloku bit!).
Sinteza O.Grabara zbog toga je ispala puno jednostranija pa je niti za potrebe ovog rada ne moemo koristiti u
veoj mjeri. (A to je udno, posebice zato istodobno je to
i vrlo ozbiljno upozorenje za istraivae orijentalnih poveznica u Nagyszentmiklsu to devet desetina ilustracija
u tom svesku prikazuje upravo predmete koji spadaju u
umjetnost izrade metalnih posuda). Zna se da u arheologiji
ranosrednjovjekovne stepe materijalni nalazi sasanidskog
Irana imaju izuzetno vanu ulogu (drugo je pitanje koliko
pouzdanih i konkretnih rezultata moe donijeti povlae-
teljes hallgatsa, a trtneti helyzet irrealitsa alapjn elvethetjk azt a lehetsget, hogy a Star Mst-i brzols kzvetlen arabmorva kapcsolatok hatsra jtt volna
ltre, s mivel az is nyilvnval, hogy az tvs nem egy helyi letkpet rktett meg, hanem a lovas solymsz alakja
tvtel eredmnye, gy megllapthatjuk: egy kptpus tvtele nem felttlenl jrt egytt a tartalom s a jelents
tvtelvel. Ez az brzolsok jelentsnek kutatsa sorn
nagyfok vatossgra kell, hogy intsen bennnket.
A HASONLSGOK KEZELSMDJA NHNY
KZPKORI MVSZET KUTATSBAB
Nhny tanulsg
A biznci, a szsznida s a kzp-zsiai leletekkel foglalkoz kutatk ltsmdja, mdszere alapveten ms, mint
az eurpai rgszek: k a tanulmnyozand leleteket kronolgiai sorrendbe lltjk, s annak alapjn llaptjk meg
a mvszet vltozsainak (vlt) korszakait. Legfontosabb
terminusaik: konzervativizmus, tovbbls, j stlus. (A
hats terminusrl most nem beszlek.) A jelenetes brzolsok vizsglata sorn a kptpus fogalma szinte egyltaln nem kap figyelmet; a prhuzamokat tbbnyire felsoroljk, de annak jelentsgvel mr nemigen foglalkoznak,
hogy a mesterek legtbbje ltalnosan elterjedt, olykor
ppen srgi kptpusokat, kompozcikat s ornamentikai elemeket hasznlt fel a munkja sorn. Mindennek
fokozottabb figyelembevtele mellett arra is kellene trekedni, hogy el lehessen klnteni az egyazon periduson
bell jelen lev archaizl s j elemeket hoz ramlatokat.
E kutatsi helyzet s bizonytalansgok kzepette s ellenre! tekintsk most t, hogy milyen elmleti tapasztalat
nyerhet Nagyszentmikls s a Krpt-medence rgszete
szmra azokbl a szintzisekbl, melyek a kincsnkhz kzenfekv mdon legkzelebb ll kt nagy vilgbirodalom
anyagi kultrjrl az elmlt vtizedekben kszltek.
A Bizncrl s Irnrl rt szmtalan tudomnyos s tudomnynpszerst monogrfia s a vilgban rendezett sok killts sorban tudtommal mindeddig kt vllalkozs akadt,
mely e birodalmak anyagi s szellemi kultrjt azok idelis egysgben, valdi szintzisben kezelte. Az egyik The
Metropolitan Museum of Art-ban 1977-ben rendezett killts s katalgusa (koncepci s katalgus: K. Weitzmann)
volt. Szemlletnek, mdszernek nem akadt kvetje sem
a ksbbi killtsok rendezi koncepcijban, sem a kutatsban; egyedl az ugyanazon vben Ann Arborban (Mich.)
megnylt szsznida mvszeti killts (The University of
Michigan Museum of Art, koncepci s katalgus: O. Grabar)
lehetett volna hasonl jelleg s sznvonal, amennyiben a
kora kzpkori Irn rgszeti s mvszettrtneti emlkeit
is a Biznct megkzelt mrtkben ismernnk. E kt kutat volt az, aki kpes volt a rendelkezsre ll trgyi anyagot
az adott kultra egszre vonatkoz valamennyi ismerettel sszhangba hozva a maga szellemi teljessgben
bemutatni.
K. Weitzmann megkzeltsmdjban a Bizncbl s
annak kisugrzsbl ismert klnfle trgyak, brzolsok, motvumok nem egyms prhuzamaiknt, hanem a
349
nje paralela meu njima). Zato je, po mome miljenju, u

analizi O. Grabara najvanije to atribut sasanidski doista
predstavlja o vremenu i prostoru na neki nain neovisni
umjetniki stil pa se slijedom toga ne odnosi iskljuivo na
predmete koji su nastali unutar politikih granica sasanidskog Irana i vremena postojanja dinastije. (Nekoliko godina
prije toga O. Grabar je, kao to je poznato, zastupao slino
miljenje i o islamskoj umjetnosti (1977, 12-27). U svjetlu
novih sasanidskih posuda koje su nam poznate posljednja
dva desetljea vrlo je vano izdvojiti krivotvorine i sasanidizirane zlatarske radove koji su nastali kasnije.
Iz navedenih dviju izloaba i njihovih kataloga posluit
emo se s dvije opevaee spoznaje koje nam mogu koristiti i u istraivanjima Nagyszentmiklsa:
a) Zajedniki pristup u tim sluajevima jer je materijal
to omoguavao nije se obazirao na to to pojedini predmeti, prikazi i motivi moda uope ne slie jedni drugima,
ali ideoloki i ikonoloki ipak spadaju skupa! Za arheologe
i povjesniare umjetnosti koji se bave velikim euroazijskim
civilizacijama to nije nikakvo iznenaenje; oni znaju jer
im to omoguuju pisani izvori i predmeti da predmeti
mogu odraavati najrazliitija duhovna strujanja; predmete, a prije svega prikaze, povezuje nain njihova koritenja,
odnosno njihov ideoloki sadraj, ono to izraavaju, a ne
primarno njihov izgled. Nama, koji se bavimo arheologijom
ranosrednjovjekovne srednje i istone Europe, ta spoznaja
mora ukazati na prijeko potreban oprez pri usporeivanju
(naoko) srodnih prikaza.
b) Nakon gotovo pola stoljea i raznolikih nalaza koje
treba prouiti jo uvijek je jasno kako umjetniki stilovi i
utjecaji doista slijede zakone umjetnike industrije koje je
definirao A. Riegl na poetku 20 st. Po tome se teme i oblici,
premoujui vrijeme i prostor, oponaaju (Grabar 1967, 45),
ali se majstori, odnosno umjetnici pri razradi detalja kao i,
naravno, ornamentike uvijek okreu svojoj vlastitoj kulturi
i zadovoljavaju potrebe svoje vlastite sredine ili pak uzor
preobliuju izravno prema svojim umjetnikim potrebama.
(Kao to se E. Kitzinger odlino izrazio, to je bilo creative
copying (Kitzinger 1946, 59); a mogue inaice tog procesa
odmah emo iscrpnije obraditi.) Samo je na taj nain bilo
mogue da se jedni te isti motivi stoljeima pojavljuju u regijama koje sigurno nikada nisu bile izravno povezane to
u u nastavku teksta potkrijepiti s nekoliko primjera.
Nasuprot tome, potpuno su drukije situacije u kojima se
odvijaju istraivanja i mogunosti koje stoje na raspolaganju
u podrujima to se izravno nastavljaju na tematiku knjige
C. Blinta (2004). Poznavanje materijalne (a tek duhovne!)
ranosrednjovjekovne kulture u Karpatskoj kotlini te openito u srednjoj i istonoj Europi svjetlosnim je godinama udaljeno od poznavanja bizantske i iranske kulture. (Trebalo bi
usporediti koliko je iroka skala materijalne kulture koja je
svedena ili bi mogla biti svedena pod pojam arheologija
Bizanta!). Meutim, nesporno je da bolje poznajemo vie
vrsta predmeta iz svakodnevnog ivota ali, naalost, samo
odreenoga tipa! i to zahvaljujui sustavnim arheolokim
iskapanjima i publikacijama u tim dijelovima kontinenta (a
to bi moglo, odnosno trebalo oploditi arheoloka istraivanja itavog Bizantskog carstva). Naalost, konkretno stanje
u istraivanjima s gledita istraivanja Nagyszentmiklsa je
350
legszlesebb rtelemben vett kultra klnfle trgyi megnyilvnulsaiknt szerepelnek. Egyedlll az a bellts is,
ahogyan az idegen hatsokat kezelte: nem gyjtfogalmak szerint, az anyagi kultra egyes vlfajai ttelszer felsorolsban (pl. ptszet, tvssg, textilek stb.), ahogyan ez minden sszefoglal mben s katalgusban szinte
trvnyszeren fllelhet, hanem azok bizantinizldsa
folyamatban, pl. The Classical Realm, The Jewish Realm
stb. fejezetcmekkel. (Ez a rgsz s mvszettrtnsz vgs, legfbb feladata: egy kultra gykereit, kialakulsa folyamatt s az ideolgiai lnyegt megragadni!)
O. Grabar szintzise a fennemltett ok miatt lnyegesen
egyoldalbbra sikeredett, ezrt a jelen munka kevesebbet
tud belle a sajt cljaira gymlcsztetni. (Ez azrt klnsen furcsa egyben Nagyszentmikls keleti kapcsolatainak
kutatsa szmra egy rendkvl komoly figyelmeztets! ,
mert a ktet illusztrcis anyaga a kilenctizedben ppen a
fmedny-mvessg krbe tartoz trgyakbl ll.) Az kztudott, hogy a kora kzpkori steppei rgszeti kutatsban
a szsznida Irn trgyi emlkei mennyire kiemelten fontos
szerepet jtszanak (ms krds, hogy ezek a prhuzamba lltsok mennyi megbzhat s konkrt eredmnyt hoznak).
Ezrt O. Grabar elemzsbl szerintem az a legfontosabb,
hogy a szsznida jelz valjban egy trtl s idtl
bizonyos mrtkig fggetlen mvszeti stlust takar, kvetkezsknt az nem kizrlag a szsznida Irn politikai
hatrain s a dinasztia fennllsa idejn bell szletett trgyakra vonatkozik. (Tudnival, hogy O. Grabar nhny vvel
korbban hasonl felfogst fejtett ki az iszlm mvszettel kapcsolatban is. (Grabar 1977, 12-27). Az utbbi kt vtizedben nagy szmban megismert j szsznida ednyek
fnyben nagy szksg mutatkozik a hamistvnyok s a
ksbb kszlt, szsznizl tvsmunkk kiszrsre.
Az emltett kt killts s a katalgusaik kt, ltalnos
rvny, Nagyszentmikls kutatsban is hasznosthat tanulsggal szolglnak:
a) az egyttes kezelsmd a trgyalt esetekben tekintet
nlkl volt arra mert az anyag ezt lehetv tette , hogy
egyes trgyak, brzolsok, motvumok esetleg mg csak
nem is hasonltanak egymsra, ugyanakkor ideolgiai s
ikonolgiai tekintetben mgis sszetartoznak! A nagy eurzsiai civilizcikkal foglalkoz rgszek s mvszettrtnszek szmra nincsen ebben semmi meglep; elttk
kztudott mert ennek flismerst az rsos s a trgyi
forrsanyag lehetv teszi , hogy szellemi ramlatok trgyi
tkrzdse a legklnbzbb lehet; a trgyakat s fknt
az brzolsokat valjban a hasznlatuk mdja, illetve az
ideolgiai tartalmuk, mondanivaljuk s nem elssorban a
kls jegyek kthetik ssze egymssal. Ez a tanulsg bennnket, Kzp- s Kelet-Eurpa kora kzpkori rgszetvel
foglalkozkat a rokon(nak ltsz) brzolsok sszehasonltsai sorn vatossgra kell, hogy intsen.
b) Kzel egy vszzad elmltval, a tanulmnyozhat leletanyag megsokszorozdsa utn is egyrtelmen
mutatkozik meg: a mvszeti stlusok s a hatsok valban az A. Riegl ltal a 20. szzad legelejn meghatrozott
Kunstindustrie trvnyeit kvetik. Eszerint a tmkat s a
formkat teret s idt tvelve msoltk ugyan (Grabar
takvo da se poznavanje materijalne kulture cijelog naroda i

vodeeg sloja u istonoeuropskoj stepi i Karpatskoj kotlini
k tome jo i ogranieno na odreena podruja u tom
pogledu ne moe posebno obogatiti, budui da su oblici,
ornamentika, a naravno i uporabna svrha keramike i metalnih dijelova nonje i uporabnih predmeta vie (ako ne ak i
naelno!) razliiti nego to je to sluaj kod grae. A duhovnu pozadinu ranosrednjovjekovne zlatarske umjetnosti Karpatske kotline, srednje i istone Europe zbog nedostataka
izvora uope ne poznajemo; svaku zamisao i objanjenje u
tom smislu smatram doputenim i poticajnim, ali istodobno
i neutemeljenim.
Osnovno pitanje ostaje, dakle, i dalje isto: u kojoj mjeri
i u koju svrhu moemo koristiti slinosti? Prije eventualnog
odgovora treba odrediti metodu. Naravno, bilo bi dobro
kada bismo nali zlatnu sredinu izmeu pesimistinog puta
superkritinosti koji ne vodi nikamo i besciljnog strujanja
koje se krije u pristupu svaki nalaz = (gotovo uvijek jedna)
paralela. Moglo bi se moda i rei da bi u danim okolnostima za istraivanje arheolokog blaga Nagyszentmiklsa te
openito zlatarskih predmeta u Karpatskoj kotlini, srednjoj i
istonoj Europi, bilo korisno razraditi vlastitu metodu za bolje razumijevanje paralela i analogija. Meutim, razmislimo
li imalo o pretpostavkama koje su za to prijeko potrebne,
ispostavit e se sljedee: to nije mogue jer nema odgovarajue baze podataka i zato to je datiranje nejasno, odnosno
sporno. Zbog te nesigurnosti u pristupu pitanje bismo zbog
kontrole mogli postaviti (i) obrnuto: da li bi za (bolje) vrednovanje prikaza i ornamentike arheoloke grae iz Nagyszentmiklsa bilo mogue kreirati samostalnu metodu, da li
bi to imalo smisla i utemeljenosti? S obzirom na jedinstvenost te grae s jedne strane i odreenih veza s ostalim kulturama i nalazima s druge strane, bilo bi dobro prethodno
razmisliti bi li to uope bilo mogue i, ako je odgovor potvrdan, to bi bio smisao takve samostalne, individualne potrage. Ta, glavni cilj istraivaa oduvijek je bio na neki nain
odrediti, odnosno precizirati razdoblje i kulturalni poloaj
neke grae u arheolokim nalazima Karpatske kotline. A to
se opet donekle d izvesti samo pomou onakve usporedbe s nalazima i prikazima kakva istodobno barem djelomice predstavlja nastavak prethodnih istraivanja. Nadamo
se, naravno, kako e jednom istraivanja doi do stupnja na
kojemu emo, primjerice, osim postojeih podataka moi
meusobno usporeivati i puno vie podataka, a moda i
grau i kneevske nalaze iste vrste kao iz Nagyszentmiklsa
iz prostora srednje i jugoistone Europe. A dotad, do te, ne
ba tako bliske budunosti, ne vidim nikakvo drugo rjeenje
od koritenja ve postojeih podataka i metoda.
Tipologizacija slinosti scenskih prikaza u bizantskim i
ranoislamskim nalazima
Dosad su se pojavila dva rada koja sadre i korisne teorijske poveznice za vrednovanje slinosti koje su s jedne strane
uoene i stalno ih spominju istraivai s obje strane na
ranosrednjovjekovnim prikazima i nalazima iz Irana, srednje
Azije i Bizanta, a s druge strane na nalazima iz stepe.
Jedan od tih radova je epohalno djelo R. Ettinghausena
u kojem autor pokuava obraditi problem umjetnike pre-
1967, 45), de a rszletek s termszetesen az ornamentika kidolgozsban a mester, illetve mvsz mindig a maga sajt
kultrjhoz folyamodott, a sajt krnyezetnek ignyeit
elgtette ki, vagy ppen az elkpet a sajt mvszi ignye
szerint formlta t. (E. Kitzinger kitn kifejezse szerint ez
creative copying volt (Kitzinger 1946, 59); e folyamat lehetsges vltozatairl mindjrt bvebben lesz sz.) Csakis gy
lehetsges, hogy ugyanazok a motvumok vszzadokon
keresztl olyan rgikban is fl-flbukkanhattak, amelyek
kzvetlen kapcsolatban biztosan sohasem lltak egymssal az albbiakban ezt nhny pldval szemlltetni is
fogom.
Gykeresen ms viszont a kutats helyzete s a rendelkezsre ll lehetsge az e knyv tematikjhoz kzvetlenl kapcsold terleteken. A trgyi nemhogy a szellemi!
kultra ismerete a kora kzpkori Krpt-medencben s
ltalban: a korabeli Kzp- s Kelet-Eurpban a bizncitl s az irnitl fnyvnyi tvolsgban van. (rdemes sszehasonltani, hogy az anyagi kultra milyen szles skljt
rtik milyen szleset lehet rteni a biznci rgszet fogalma alatt!) Vitathatatlan viszont, hogy a mindennapi let
tbbfle mde csak bizonyos tpus! trgyi megnyilvnulst a kontinens most emltett rszeiben folytatott mdszeres rgszeti feltrsoknak s publikcis tevkenysgnek ksznheten lnyegesen jobban ismerjk (s ez termkenytleg hathatna [illetve kellene, hogy hasson] az egsz
Biznci Birodalom rgszeti kutatsra). Sajnos azonban
konkrtan, Nagyszentmikls tanulmnyozsa szempontjbl a kutatsi helyzet jelenleg olyan, hogy a kelet-eurpai
steppei s a Krpt-medencei kznp s vezetrteg rnk
maradt anyagi kultrjnak annak is csak bizonyos terleteire korltozd ismerete e tekintetben vajmi kevss
gymlcsztethet, mivel a kermia s a fmbl kszlt
viseleti s hasznlati trgyak formavilga, ornamentikja
s termszetesen a rendeltetse nagyban (ha nem ppen
alapveten!) eltr a kincstl. Ami pedig a Krpt-medencei, kzp- s kelet-eurpai tvsmvszet szellemi httert illeti, azt forrsadatok hjn egyltaln nem ismerjk;
gy ht minden ezzel kapcsolatban felrppentett tletet,
magyarzatot megengedhetnek s gondolatbresztnek,
de egyben megalapozatlannak tartok.
Az alapkrds teht vltozatlan: mily mrtkben s mire
hasznlhatk fl a hasonlsgok, azok klnbz fokozatai?
Az esetleges vlaszadshoz elbb mdszert kell vlasztani.
Termszetesen j volna megtallnunk az arany kzputat
a pesszimista, sehov nem vezet szuperkritika svnye s
a minden lelet = (majdnem) prhuzam-felfogs parttalan
cenja kztt. Azt is knny lenne mondani, hogy az adott
helyzetet figyelembe vve a nagyszentmiklsi kincs s ltalban a Krpt-medencei, kzp- s kelet-eurpai tvstrgyak kutatsa, a prhuzamok, analgik jobb megrtse
szmra egy kln mdszert clszer kidolgozni. Csakhogy
a rendelkezsre ll lehetsgeinknek egy kicsit is utnagondolva kiderl: kell adatbzis hjn, st, a kincs tisztzatlan, illetve vitatott kormeghatrozsa kvetkeztben ez
nem lehetsges. A megkzeltsmddal kapcsolatos ezen
bizonytalansg lttn megengedhet, hogy ellenrzsl a
351
daje i preuzimanja na primjeru kretanja triju motiva. Prvo je

analizirao sasanidske i ranoislamske prikaze Dioniza i Pegaza te arhitekturu i ornamentiku prijestolne dvorane u jednoj
od najpoznatijih palaa iz doba Ommayade, palau Khirbat
al-Mafjar. Ambiciozni metodoloki ciljevi vide se i iz podnaslova te studije: Three Modes of Artistic Influence. R.Ettinghausen je prouavao recepciju razliite kakvoe i stupnja
spomenutih triju motiva. Isplati se in extenso citirati teoretsko razjanjenje pojmova koje je koristio (Ettinghausen
1972, 1-2): One form of reception and the most limited
one was transfer, the taking over of shapes or concepts
as they stand, without change or further development,
possibly because reinterpretation proved impossible; such
motifs are rather rare, are found only in isolated cases, and
did not have an extended life. A more fundamental transformation was achieved by adoption. Just as a child may
be adopted and brought up in a milieu entirely at variance
with that of his original home so that his whole personality may thus modified, though biologically he remains the
same human being, so may artistic forms transferred form
one region to an other and remodeled according to novel
princeples differ so much from their original configurations
that their true identities become obscured. The third and
most farreaching form of cultural reception involves the
ready acceptance, owing to special conditions, of major
artistic forms from another civilization and their creative
combination with indigenous elements, in what might best
be called a process of integration; being a form of artistic
interchange, it is difficult to say which is the giver and which
is the receiver. Peculiar to this mode is the fact that such
felicitous co-equal intermingling could occur in an off-beat,
marginal region.44
Upotrijebimo li Ettinghausenove stupnjeve na primjeru
Nagyszentmiklsa, dobit emo mjeovit rezultat koji nam,
usprkos tome to nas ne dovodi do zakljuka, ipak puno
govori.
Prvi stupanj (transfer) se kod prikaza na nalazima moe
dokazati moda tek u sluaju prizora uzaaa na vrevima
2 i 7 i prizora borbe ivotinja na posudama br. 2 i 21 (vidjeti u
nastavku). Moda je najvanija posebnost Nagyszentmiklsa upravo to to se kompozicije koje su tipine za dosad poznate kulture i njihove umjetnosti u njemu ne mogu otkriti
u svojoj originalnoj formulaciji i znaenju.
O treem stupnju, integratio, kod prikaza na nalazima
ne moe biti govora iz dva razloga. S jedne strane, iz arheolokih i povijesnih razloga trenutano nemamo argument
za pretpostavke o postojanju predmeta, prikaza i kulture na
koju bi Nagyszentmikls dokazano mogao utjecati. S druge strane, drutvena zajednica koja je koristila tu grau i
njezina reakcija potpuno su nam nepoznate, odnosno, ne
znamo koja sredina je i na koji nain bila recipijent tih, njoj
stranih, prikaza na posudama. U vezi s tim pitanjima moemo se pozvati samo na vie-manje ope prihvaeni, iako ne
i dokazani, stav istraivaa. Po njemu su Avari klasine scene
borbe ivotinja doista svojevrsnu prilagodbu uskladili sa
44. Pojmove koje je upotrijebio R. Ettinghausen ovako sam preveo na
njemaki: transfer = bernahme (preuzimanje, nap. prev.); adoption =
Adaptation (adaptacija, nap. prev.); integration = Integration (integracija,
nap. prev.).
352
krdst fordtott irnyban (is) tegyk fl: vajon indokolt-e,

lehetsges-e, rdemes-e a nagyszentmiklsi kincsre, az brzolsainak, ornamentikjnak (jobb) rtkelsre nll
mdszert alkotnunk? Ltva a kincsnek egyfell egyedlll voltt, msfell bizonyos kapcsoldsait ms kultrkhoz s leletekhez, tancsos elbb utnagondolnunk, hogy
egyltaln lehetsges lenne-e, s ha igen, akkor mi lenne az
rtelme egy ilyen nll, egyedi tkeressnek. A kutats f
clja ugyanis ppensggel mindig is az volt, hogy valamilyen mdon kijelljk, illetve pontostsuk a kincs kort s
kulturlis helyt a Krpt-medencei leletanyagban. Ez pedig
kzenfekv mdon mgis csak egy olyan, a leletekkel, az
brzolsokkal val egybevets rvn vgezhet el, amely
egyttal legalbb rszben folytatsa a korbbi kutatsnak. Termszetesen remljk, hogy egyszer elrkezik egy
olyan kutatsi helyzet, amikor majd pl. a jelenlegieken kvl
a kzp-, kelet- s dlkelet-eurpai trsgbl lnyegesen
tbb, a nagyszentmiklsival azonos nem adatokat, netn
kincseket s fejedelmi leleteket is mdunkban ll sszehasonltani. Addig viszont, a nem kzeli jvendig nem ltok
ms megoldst, mint a mr rendelkezsre ll adatok s
mdszerek felhasznlst.
A jelentes brzolsok hasonlsgainak tipologizlsa a
biznci s korai iszlm leletanygon bell
Eddig kt olyan munka szletett, amelyik az egyfell az
Irn, Kzp-zsia s Biznc, msfell a steppe kora kzpkori brzolsai s leletei kztt megfigyelhet, mindkt
oldal kutatsa rszrl fl-flemlegetett hasonlsgok rtkelse szmra is hasznosthat elmleti vonatkozsokat
tartalmaz.
Az egyik R. Ettinghausen ttr jelentsg mve, melyben a mvszeti tads-tvtel problmjt hrom motvum
vndorlsa pldjn keresztl ksrelte meg nyomon kvetni. A szerz elbb Dionysos s Pegazus szsznida s korai
iszlm brzolsait s az egyik leghresebb omajjida palota,
a Khirbat al-Mafjar-i trnterem architektrjt s dsztst
elemezte. Mdszertani ignyessgt a tanulmny alcme
is jelzi: Three Modes of Artistic Influence. R. Ettinghausen
az emltett hrom motvum ms-ms minsg, illetve
fokozat befogadtatst vetette vizsglat al. rdemes
az ltala hasznlt fogalmak elmleti tisztzst in extenso
idznem (Ettinghausen 1972, 1-2): One form of reception
and the most limited one was transfer, the taking over of
shapes or concepts as they stand, without change or further
development, possibly because reinterpretation proved
impossible; such motifs are rather rare, are found only in
isolated cases, and did not have an extended life. A more
fundamental transformation was achieved by adoption.
Just as a child may be adopted and brought up in a milieu
entirely at variance with that of his original home so that his
whole personality may thus modified, though biologically
he remains the same human being, so may artictic forms
transferred form one region to an other and remodeled
according to novel principles differ so much from their
original configurations that their true identities become
obscured. The third and most farreaching form of cultural
reception involves the ready acceptance, owing to special
svojim vjerovanjima (mitologijom).45 ini se da i to spada

u pojam koji sam nazvao avarizacijom bizantske materijalne kulture (Blint 1993, 222, 225, 234), a o tome zapravo
u njihovu sluaju moemo sa sigurnou govoriti samo na
podruju materijalne kulture, a ne i u duhovnoj sferi Avara.
Tu spada i injenica koju mnogi u Srednjoj Europi vie
uope ne znaju: ishodite pristupa Lszlve kole (bez upuivanja na nju) u vezi s umjetnikom recepcijom treba traiti
u teoriji A. Riegla o recepciji kasnorimske umjetnosti u barbara. On je bio prvi koji je izjavio kako su barbari svoju
vlastitu kulturu tumaili rimskim umjetnikim djelima koja
su do njih dospjela (Riegl 1893, 300). Citirajmo ponovo izreku: Habent sua fata libelli jer, kada se prisjetimo zakljuka N.
Maculevia (Bartha 1968, 185, nap. 72) po mom miljenju
spornog da je stanovnitvo u porjeju Kame prizore na
sasanidskim zdjelama koje su do njih dospjele, integriralo
u svoja vlastita vjerovanja,46 tada se vjerojatno ne misli na
to da su ruski bizantolozi primijenili koncepciju A. Riegla
poznajui tadanje odnose u Sovjetskom Savezu, lako je zamisliti kako nisu ni mogli znati. Ono to je u sluaju naroda
u porjeju Kame metodoloki ipak doputeno s obzirom
na podatke o folkloru koji odande potjeu, bez obzira na to
to su se pojavili itava stoljea kasnije bilo bi kod ranosrednjovjekovnih naroda u Karpatskoj kotlini ve u samom
poetku beznadan pothvat. Mislim da ne postoje ni najmanji izgledi da emo u sluaju nekakvih prikaza Huna, Avara i
maarskih naseljenika jednog dana moi govoriti o integraciji u Ettinghausenovom smislu; za to bi nam nuno trebalo
mnogo dublje poznavanje duhovne kulture ovih naroda,
oslonjeno ne samo na primarne izvore. Tipizacija koju predlae R. Ettinghausen ne moe se primijeniti u arheologiji
Karpatske kotline zato to ima dinamiki i sadrajni znaaj,
to obuhvaa proces preuzimanja, odnosno primanja i to
stupanj toga procesa odreuje s gledita recipijenta. A time
dolazimo do zakljuka da tipologija prema Ettinghausenu,
naalost, u cijelosti nije prikladna za tumaenje ranosrednjovjekovnih prikaza iz Karpatske kotline. Meutim, udubimo li se barem malo vie u tu problematiku, otkrit emo
sljedee: razlog tome nije iskljuivo injenica to ne poznajemo folklor tih naroda u ono vrijeme.
Postoji i druga sistematizacija koja tei tumaenju slinosti meu prikazima, a potjee od O. Grabara, u vezi s tzv.
sasanidskim prikazima (Grabar 1979, 49). U vezi s tim slinostima obvezno moramo imati na umu dvije okolnosti. Prvo,
kronologija tih srebrnih zdjela ni u kom sluaju nema vrsto uporite.47 Nadalje, ispostavilo se da su zdjele izraene
45. Za razliku od openitog miljenja, Gy.Lszl je dobro formulirao (samo
to je i sam kasnije esto od toga odstupio): Wer kann heute noch sagen,
aufgrund welcher Umdeutungen und Auslegungen die antiken Motive
in die awarische Bronzegieerei Eingang fanden ... (Tko bi jo danas
znao rei kakvim su prilagodbama i tumaenjima antiki motivi uli u
avarsku umjetnost izrade predmeta od lijevane bronce, prev.), usp.
Lszl 1970, 63.
46. Maculevi 1940, 139-158. U svakom sluaju, nain na koji je lokalno
stanovnitvo tretiralo ove posude u nekim sluajevima opovrgava tu
predodbu. Crtei koji su naknadno urezbareni u zdjele i buenje rupa o
koje su se posude mogle objesiti, pokazuju da se stanovnitvo u kamskoj
oblasti nije (uvijek) dralo originalnih prikaza.
47. Poznato je da se opa tipokronologija tzv. sasanidskih zdjela temelji na
prikazanoj kraljevskoj kruni. Koliko znam, J.Strzygowski je prvi pomislio da bi za odreivanje vremena nastanka orijentalnih srebrnih posuda
od pomoi bila usporedba sa sasanidskim novcima, v. Strzygowski 1909,
conditions, of major artistic forms from another civilization

and their creative combination with indigenous elements,
in what might best be called a process of integration; being
a form of artistic interchange, it is difficult to say which is the
giver and which is the receiver. Peculiar to this mode is the
fact that such felicitous co-equal intermingling could occur
in an off-beat, marginal region.44
Az Ettinghausen-fle fokozatokat Nagyszentmiklsra
vonatkoztatva vegyes, de mg a rszleges eredmnytelensgben is tanulsgos eredmnyt kapunk.
Az 1. fokozat (transfer) a kincs brzolsai esetben
legfljebb a 2. s 7. sz. kors gberagadsi s a 2. s 21.
sz. edny llatkzdelmei jelenetei esetben mutathat ki
(ld. albb). Nagyszentmikls taln legfbb jellegzetessge
ppen az, hogy az eddig ismert kultrk, mvszetek jellegzetes kompozcii az eredeti megfogalmazsukban s
jelentskben nem fedezhetk fl rajta.
A 3. fokozatrl, az integrcirl a kincs brzolsaival
kapcsolatban kt okbl sem beszlhetnk. Egyrszt mert
rgszeti s trtneti okokbl jelenleg nincsen alapunk
olyan trgyak, brzolsok s olyan kultra ltezst felttelezni, amelyre Nagyszentmikls kimutathatan hatssal
lett volna. Msrszt pedig mert teljesen ismeretlen elttnk
az a kincset hasznl szellemi kzeg s annak reakcija is,
amelyik, illetve ahogyan az ednyeken lthat, a szmra
idegen eredet brzolsokat fogadta. E krdskrrel kapcsolatban mindssze annyira hivatkozhatunk, ami a magyar
kutatsban tbb-kevsb ltalnosan elfogadott, mbr
bizonytottnak nem tekinthet felfogst fejezi ki. Eszerint
az avarsg a klasszikus llatkzdelmi jeleneteket valban
egyfajta adaptciknt a maga hiedelemvilgval (mitolgijval) sszhangba hozta volna.45 Ltszlag ez is abba a fogalomba tartozik, amelyet a biznci anyagi kultra
elavarostsnak neveztem el (Blint 1993, 222, 225, 234),
valjban azonban ilyenrl az esetkben bizonyossggal
csak az anyagi kultra terletn beszlhetnk, s nem az
avarok szellemi szfrjban.
Ide kvnkozik annak megjegyzse, hogy Kzp-Eurpban taln sokan nem is tudjk: a mvszi befogadssal kapcsolatban a Lszl-iskolban l felfogs az eredett nzve
A. Rieglnek a ks rmai mvszet barbr fogadtatsval
kapcsolatos elmletre megy vissza. volt az, aki elszr
fejtette ki: a barbrok a maguk kultrjt magyarztk bele a hozzjuk eljutott rmai alkotsokba (Riegl 1893, 300).
jbl idznem kell, hogy habent sua fata libelli, mert amikor
L. A. Maculevi megllaptsaknt idzik (Bartha 1968, 185,
nap. 72) azt a szerintem vitathat gondolatt, hogy a
Kma-vidk lakossga integrlta volna a maga hitvilgba
a hozzjuk eljutott szsznida tlak jeleneteit,46 akkor va44. Az R. Ettinghausen ltal hasznlt terminusokat az albbi mdon fordtottam magyarra: transfer: tvtel, adoption: adaptci, integration:
integrci.
45. A kzfelfogssal szemben Lszl Gy. jl fogalmazott (csak ksbb sokszor maga is eltrt ettl): Wer kann heute noch sagen, aufgrund welcher
Umdeutungen und Auslegungen die antiken Motive in die awarische
Bronzegieerei Eingang fanden... V. Lszl 1970, 63.
46. Maculevi 1940, 139-158. Az a md azonban, ahogyan a helyi lakossg
kezelte ezeket az ednyeket, nhny esetben ellene szl ennek az elkpzelsnek. A tlakra utlag karcolt rajzok s a felfggesztskre szolgl
lyukak elhelyezkedse azt mutatja, hogy a Kma-vidki lakossg nem
(mindig) volt tekintettel az eredeti brzolsokra.
353
izvan politikih granica Irana, i to daleko od razdoblja vladavine dotino prikazanog kralja (Harper 1993, 96-98) (to sam
potvrdio i na jednom primjeru, vidjeti u nastavku). Upravo
stoga mislim da nam inaice slinosti, kako ih je razlikovao
O. Grabar, zbog spomenutog kretanja u prostoru i vremenu nude odreene teorijske pouke za prouavanje nalaza
iz Karpatskog bazena nalaza optereenih raznovrsnim nesigurnim pretpostavkama, ali koje je ipak mogue znatno
tonije datirati nego orijentalne nalaze:
1. Kopiranje(oponaanje) uzora. To se dogaalo na mnogim mjestima, u mnogim kulturnim i drutvenim zajednicama najrazliitijih razdoblja. Ovaj se pojam pri prouavanju
srednjoeuropskih i istonoeuropskih nalaza moe bolje
upotrijebiti od onog to je R. Ettinghausen, u velikoj mjeri, razmiljajui o ideolokim procesima, predloio kada je
uveo pojam transfer.
2. Mijeanje tijekom kojeg su se meusobno stopili pojedini elementi modela iz dviju razliitih kultura (R.Ettinghausen: integration).
3. Individualna promjena: u ovom sluaju majstor u
skladu s uzorom provodi promjene narativnog ili nekog
drugog, za njegovu kulturnu zajednicu tipinog karaktera
(R.Ettinghausen: adoption).
Kako sada u svjetlu svega toga odrediti poloaj grae iz
Nagyszentmiklsa? Nesporno je da su u njoj preraeni mnogi formalni i ornamentalni elementi i kompozicije stranog
podrijetla i to ak prevedeno na apsolutno individualni kulturni jezik. to se tie istraivanja scenskih prikaza na vrevima br. 2 i 7, mislim da bi iz tipologizacije primljenih kulturnih
utjecaja za njih mogao biti relevantan pojam individualna
promjena, adoption. Podsjetimo li se ponovo na injenicu
kako nam je duhovna okolina, koja je stvorila i primila grau iz Nagyszentmiklsa, potpuno nepoznata (a vjerojatno
e zauvijek i ostati nepoznata), moramo biti svjesni da jedino moemo utvrditi ishodinu toku procesa prilagodbe;
dakle, istraiti koji su elementi i odakle doli do zlatara koji
su izradili posude. Na dananjem stupnju istraivanja ve i
prouavanje toga pitanja mnogo obeava jer moe biti od
velike pomoi pri odreivanju vremena i mjesta kulture u
svezi te grae. Individualne izmjene pri izradi detalja valja
smatrati sekundarnim i organskim sastavnicama zanatskog
radnog procesa jer one daju individualni karakter radionici
dotinog majstora i itavoj kulturnoj pozadini. To su, zapravo, bitne sukladnosti koje mogu pobuditi nae zanimanje
jer su ili znak kulturne i/ili kronoloke pripadnosti ili ak
dokaz da su ti zlatarski majstori slijedili identini prototip.
Otkrivanje odgovora na to moe biti jedino individualni pokuaj i to ne samo kakljiv zadatak, ve esto i od samog
poetka beznadan pothvat.
Pogledajmo stoga to se od svega toga moe upotrijebiti za arheologiju ranosrednjovjekovlja Karpatske kotline i
konkretno za istraivanje grae iz Nagyszentmiklsa. Osim
678. K.Erdmann je bio prvi koji ih je usporedio s krunama razliitog
tipa na novcima, usp. Erdmann 1943, 268-283; Erdmann 1951, 87-123.
Nesigurnost te metode poznata je ve jako dugo, jo otkad je na to ukazao
O.Grabar, usp. Grabar 1967, 44. Moglo bi se oprezno rei kako se na
temelju tipa krune doista s gotovo potpunom sigurnou moe utvrditi
kojeg je kralja zlatar htio prikazati, samo to se iz toga nikako ne moe
automatski utvrditi razdoblje u kojem je proizvedena zdjela.
354
lsznleg nem szmolnak azzal, hogy az orosz bizantinolgus a korabeli szovjetunibeli viszonyok ismeretben
elkpzelhet, hogy nem is tudva rla A. Riegl koncepcijt alkalmazta. Ami azonban tekintettel az ugyanonnan
szrmaz, habr vszzadokkal ksbbi folklr adatokra a
Kma-vidki npek esetben mdszertanilag mg megengedhet, az a Krpt-medence kora kzpkori npeinl
mr eleve remnytelen vllalkozs volna. Mg csak eslyt
sem ltok arra, hogy a hunok, avarok, honfoglal magyarok
esetben valamelyik brzolsukkal kapcsolatban valaha is
beszlhessnk majd az Ettinghausen-fle integrcirl; ehhez ugyanis az emltett npek szellemi kultrjnak a jelenleginl nagysgrendekkel elmlyltebb s nem utols sorban primr forrsokra alapozott ismeretre lenne szksg.
A mvszeti kapcsolatoknak, a motvumok vndorlsnak
R. Ettinghausen ltal javasolt tipologizlsa azrt sem alkalmazhat a Krpt-medence rgszetben, mert az elbbi
dinamikus s tartalmi szempont, mely az tvtel, illetve
a befogads folyamatt ragadja meg, s annak a befogad
szempontjbl mrhet fokt hatrozza meg. S ezzel eljutottunk annak kimondshoz, hogy az Ettinghausen-fle
tipolgia egszben a kora kzpkori Krpt-medencei brzolsok rtelmezsre alkalmazhatatlan. Ha azonban egy
kicsit jobban elmlyednk ezen problmakrben, akkor rjvnk: ez utbbinak nem kizrlag az az oka, hogy nem
ismerjk az itt lt npek folklrjt.
Van egy msik rendszerezs is, amelyik az brzolsok
kztt mutatkoz hasonlsgok rtelmezsre vllalkozott, ezt O. Grabar ksztette az n. szsznida brzolsokra (Grabar 1979, 49). E hasonlsgokkal kapcsolatban
kt dolgot felttlenl tekintetbe kell vennnk. Elszr is
azt, hogy a szban forg ezsttlak kronolgija egyltaln
nem ll biztos lbakon.47 Kiderlt tovbb, hogy azokat Irn
politikai hatrain kvl is s a mindig ppen brzolt kirly
uralkodsi peridusn jval tlnylva is ksztettk (Harper
1993, 96-98) (ezt egy pldval magam is megerstettem,
ld. albb). ppen ezekrt vlem azt, hogy az emltett trbeli
s idbeli rugalmassg kvetkeztben a hasonlsgok O.
Grabar ltal elklntett vltozatai knlnak nmi elmleti
tanulsgot a szintn sokfle bizonytalansggal megterhelt, ugyanakkor a keleti leleteknl lnyegesen pontosabban keltezhet! Krpt-medencei emlkanyag kutatsa
szmra is:
1. Az elkprl trtn msols. Ilyen szmos helyen,
szmos kulturlis s trsadalmi kzegben, klnfle idkben trtnt. Ez a terminus jobban alkalmazhat a kzp- s
kelet-eurpai leletanyag tanulmnyozsban, mint amit R.
Ettinghausen nagymrtkben az ideolgiai folyamatokat
szem eltt tartva a transfer fogalma bevezetsvel ja47. Kztudott, hogy az n. szsznida tlak ltalnos tipokronolgija az
brzolt kirly koronjra alapul. Tudtommal J. Strzygowski gondolt
elszr arra, hogy a keleti ezstednyek kormeghatrozshoz segtsget
nyjt a szsznida pnzekkel val sszehasonlts, ld. Strzygowski 1909,
678. Mdszeresen K. Erdmann vetette ssze elszr azokat a pnzeken
lthat, mindig ms-ms tpus koronkkal, v. Erdmann 1943, 268-283;
Erdmann 1951, 87-123. J ideje, O. Grabar intsei ta ismeretesek e mdszer bizonytalansgai, v. Grabar 1967, 44. Krltekinten fogalmazva
azt mondhatjuk, hogy a korona tpusa alapjn az valban szinte teljes
biztonsggal megllapthat: mely kirlyt kvnta brzolni az tvs,
csakhogy abbl a tl kszlsnek kora egyltaln nem kvetkeztethet
ki automatikusan.
sustava R. Ettinghausena i O. Grabara mogli bismo postaviti

jo jedan tipoloki sustav, i to statian, koji utvruje u kojoj
mjeri postoji slinost. Za nas, istraivae grae iz Nagyszentmiklsa kao i openito iz ranosrednjovjekovlja Karpatske
kotline i istonoeuropske stepe, takav je pristup svrhovit iz
dva razloga. Prvo, to u toj regiji opet moram na to ukazati u veini sluajeva uope nije jasno tko je predavatelj,
a tko preuzimatelj; najvjerojatnije su sve sredine koje su
nam poznate, odnosno majstori koji su izraivali predmete,
zapravo bili preuzimatelji; drugo, zbog ve vie puta spomenutog razloga to ovdje ne poznajemo duhovne procese, a ako ipak poznajemo, onda nipoto tako detaljno kao
to je to sluaj s pisanim izvorima i umjetnikim spomenicima neusporedivo bogatijih svjetskih carstava.
STUPNJEVI SLINOSTI I GRAA IZ NAGYSZENTMIKLSA
Kod srednjoeuropskih i istonoeuropskih prikaza iz ranog srednjeg vijeka nalazimo, po mom miljenju, razliite
naine na koje se izraava adoption pomou individualnih
promjena. Predlaem razlikovanje prema tri stupnja slinosti: paralela analogija identinost.
U strunoj arheolokoj literaturi Srednje i Istone Europe ovi se pojmovi pojavljuju bez jasnog razjanjenja njihova
znaenja. Nadalje, na studijama sluaja namjeravam, koliko
je mogue, precizirati njihov sadraj. Time bih pokuao (djelomice) rasvijetliti to bi znaile tipoloke, ornamentalne i
motivske slinosti i ima li ega u eventualnim slinostima,
identinostima u pojedinim sluajevima prikazanih prizora
i pojedinanih predmeta. Ovaj se pokuaj sigurno moe i
osporavati, ali nadam se kako istodobno ukazuje i na to da
je pri vrednovanju raznih slinosti potrebno postupati vrlo
oprezno.
Paralele
Paralela je najei izraz manje ili vie sinkronih arheolokih pojava. U skladu s opim znanstvenim shvaanjem,
odnosno praksom, u taj pojam ubrajam injenicu slinosti
scenskih prikaza koju smatram najniim stupnjem slinosti
(kod predmeta je to izraeno pojmom tip). Valja misliti na
to da se slini (oni koje smatramo ili bismo ih trebali smatrati
slinima) dekorativni elementi i scenski prikazi mogu pojaviti, odnosno proiriti neovisno o vremenu, prostoru, kulturi
i etnicitetu.
Argumentacija pomou paralela, dakle, najjednostavnije vrste slinosti, u arheologiji je najea, bez obzira na
to to povezanost izmeu predavatelja i primatelja esto ne
samo da nije razjanjena, nego e zbog brojnih i nepoznatih
puteva prenoenja vjerojatno zauvijek ostati nerazmrsiva.
U dananjim istraivanjima nigdje ne vidim nastojanje za
pronalaenjem granica takvih (i slinih) zakljuaka. Slinosti
meu scenskim prikazima mogu, naime, nastati zbog bezbroj nepoznatih, pa i subjektivnih razloga koje nije mogue
kontrolirati (npr., mata majstora zlatara). Stoga kronoloke
zakljuke koji se oslanjaju na takve injenice treba donositi
samo uz veliki oprez, a povijesni i etniki zakljuci koji se na
njima temelje stoje na jo nesigurnijim nogama. Moj prvi,
pozitivno nastrojeni, primjer ima veze s jednim od najpoznatijih prikaza meu tim nalazima.
vasolt.
2. Kevereds, melynek sorn a ktfle kultrbl szrmaz modellek egyes elemei flolvadnak egymsban (R.
Ettinghausen: integration).
3. Egyedi vltoztatsok: ezen esetekben a msols sorn az elkphez viszonytva a kszt mester narratv vagy
ms, a sajt kulturlis kzegre jellemz vltoztatsokat
hajt vgre (R. Ettinghausen: adoption).
Ezek fnyben mi a helyzet a nagyszentmiklsi kincs
esetben? Vitathatatlan, hogy a legtbb idegen eredet
formai, ornamentlis elem, kompozci tdolgozva, mghozz egy abszolt egyedi kulturlis nyelvre lefordtva van
benne jelen. Ami a 2. s 7. sz. korsk jelenetes brzolsaival kapcsolatos kutatsokat illeti, gy vlem, hogy azok
szmra a kulturlis hatsok befogadsnak trgyalt tipologizlsbl az egyedi vltoztats, az adoption fogalma lehet relevns. Megismtelve azt a kijelentst, hogy a
nagyszentmiklsi kincset ltrehoz s befogad szellemi
kzeg teljesen ismeretlen elttnk (s valsznleg mindig
is az marad), szmolnunk kell azzal, hogy egyedl az adaptci folyamatnak a kiindulpontja marad szmunkra
megragadhatnak; annak a kutatsa, hogy mely elemek s
honnan kerltek el az ednyeket alkot tvskhz. A jelen
kutatsi helyzetben mr pusztn ennek vizsglata sem gr
keveset, hiszen segtsget nyjthat a kincs kornak s kulturlis helynek meghatrozsban. A rszletek kidolgozsban megmutatkoz, egyedi vltoztatsokat msodlagosnak, az iparmvszeti munkafolyamat szerves velejrjnak
kell tartanunk, hiszen mindig ezek adjk a kszt tvs
mhelynek s egsz kulturlis htternek egyni karaktert. Igazbl a lnyegbevg egyezsek azok, amelyek az
rdekldsnket flkelthetik, mert azok vagy a kulturlis
s/vagy kronolgiai egyv tartozsnak jelei, vagy pedig
ppensggel annak bizonytkai, hogy az adott tvsk
azonos prototpust kvettek. Ennek fltrsa csakis egyedi
ksrlet lehet, s nemcsak fogas feladatot jelent, de sokszor
taln eleve remnytelen vllalkozs is.
Nzzk most meg, hogy mindebbl mi hasznosthat
a kora kzpkori Krpt-medence rgszete s konkrtan: mi a nagyszentmiklsi kincs kutatsa szmra. Az R.
Ettinghausen s O. Grabar ltal ksztettek mellett flllthat egy msfle tipolgiai rendszer is, amelyik statikus
s a hasonlsgnak a mrtkt ragadja meg. Szmunkra,
a nagyszentmiklsi kincset s ltalban a kora kzpkori
Krpt-medenct s a kelet-eurpai steppt kutatk szmra kt okbl is ez a megkzeltsmd a clravezetbb.
Elszr is mert jbl emlkeztetnem kell erre e rgiban
a legtbb esetben egyltaln nem nyilvnval, hogy ki az
tad s ki az tvev; a legvalsznbb az, hogy valamennyi ltalunk ismert kzeg, illetve trgyat kszt mester
tvev volt. Msodsorban azon, szintn mr tbbszr emltett okbl, hogy itt nem ismerjk a szellemi folyamatokat, s
amelyiket igen, azt a legkevsb sem olyan rszletessggel,
mint az rott forrsokban s mvszeti emlkekben arnytalanul gazdagabb vilgbirodalmak esetben.
355
Prizor uzaaa s vreva br. 2 i 7 (povezanost s drugim

takvim prizorima)
Od prikaza na posudama u sklopu tih nalaza ovaj je prizor slavan kao i onaj s knezom pobjednikom48 i najee se
pojavljuje u raznim znanstvenim i popularnoznanstvenim
radovima, prirunicima i leksikonskim lancima o Nagyszentmiklsu. O njemu, naravno, postoji mnogo miljenja i
objanjenja, nemalo njih iz pera povjesniara umjetnosti i
religije, koji su malo ili nimalo potkovani u arheologiji Karpatske kotline. Naravno, posebna znanja i razliiti pristupi
ovih potonjih obogauju istraivanja, a istodobno i odraavaju beskrajnu raznolikost nerijeenih pitanja u vezi s nalazima iz Nagyszentmiklsa. Ovi su radovi problematini u
dva sluaja. Prvo, ti strunjaci uope ne mare za povijesni
kontekst nalaza, za lokalne i europske veze meu tipovima
predmeta i prikaza, niti za injenicu da se radi o nalazima iz
Karpatske kotline, gdje je od poetka poznato da odreene
kulturne veze postoje, a neke druge pak ne. Drugi problem
se izraava u suprotnosti tom stavu tada, naime, kada povjesniari umjetnosti i religije izau iz svog strunog podruja i ponu se baviti povijesnim poveznicama nalaza, ne
uzimajui pritom u obzir kronologiju. Znamo da je vrijeme
osnovna kategorija (jedne vrste) istraivanja povijesti, jedno od njenih osnovnih naela pri ureivanju podataka koje
se u istraivanju povijesti umjetnosti i religije ne ostvaruje u
istoj mjeri kao u arheologiji. U dvije prvo spomenute znanosti u nekoliko se smjerova istrauju ideoloke pojave, procesi i njihov odraz u umjetnosti, to je bez dvojbe uzbudljiva
tendencija u povijesti umjetnosti, samo to je, naalost, irelevantna za Nagyszentmikls uz dananji stupanj istraivanja, jer tu najprije jo treba razjasniti osnovna pitanja u vezi
s graom!
Nije sluajno to su propali svi pokuaji rjeavanja problema datiranja i etniko-kulturne pripadnosti grae pomou analogija na prikazima s vreva br. 2 i 7, s gledita povijesti religije, odnosno folkloristike. Pozivanje na mogue
paralele prizora uzaaa (Mavrodinov 1943, 94-105; Lszl, Rcz 1977, 73, 91-98; Makkay 1996, 787) ni na koji nain
nije rijeilo najvanije pitanje starost i povijesno-kulturnu
pripadnost tog blaga. Uope ne iznenauje injenica da ta
ptica, gdje god se pojavila, u svakom narodu uvijek simbolizira snagu, plemstvo, a odnos izmeu ovjeka i orla gotovo
uvijek ima pozitivan sadraj. Zbog toga bajku o ovjeku ili
eni koje otima orao nalazimo kod mnogih naroda Euroazije i u mnogim epohama.49 Upravo je stoga orao kod mnogih
naroda totemska ivotinja i zato mnoge vrste orlova hrane i
ene (primjerice Gyrffy 1959, 111-115). Ve dugo (von Karabacek 1916, 11-15) su nam poznati i drugi prikazi na kojima
su prikazani orao i ovjek zajedno, ak i izravno slini prizori
uzaaa. Oni potjeu ili iz kulture s kojom stvaraoci i posjednici te grae nikada nisu mogli doi u kontakt (klasina grka umjetnost i Gandhara-umjetnost: Blint 2004, sl.
126,1) (Azarpay 1995), ili iz kasnijih stoljea koja su apsolutno nezanimljiva za nastanak i datiranje Nagyszentmiklsa
(11.-12.st.).50 Povjesniari umjetnosti i religije raspravljali su
48. U ovoj knjizi sam prizorima na medaljonima s vreva br.2 i 7 (Blint
2004, sl. 129) dao oznake Gy.Lszla (a pritom se nisam bavio njegovim
tumaenjima): uzaae, knez pobjednik, nebeski lov, borba
ivotinja.
49. Motif-Index of Folk-Literature 1958, 238-239; deVries 1976, 152-154;
Uther 1977, 106-110.
50. Trever 1937, 29; Khnel 1956, sl.14,23-26; Marak 1978, 43, sl.15,8;
Trever, Lukonin 1987, 89; Otavsky, Salim 1995, 127-130, No.77.
356
A HASONLSGOK FOKOZATAI S NAGYSZENTMIKLSI KINCS

A kora kzpkori kzp- s kelet-eurpai brzolsok
esetben megtlsem szerint az egyedi vltoztatsokkal
vghezvitt adoption klnfle megnyilvnulsaival tallkozunk. A megfigyelhet hasonlsgok hrom fokozatt javaslom megklnbztetni: prhuzam analgia azonossg.
A kzp- s kelet-eurpai rgszeti szakirodalomban e
terminusok a jelentsk egyrtelm tisztzsa nlkl szerepelnek. Az albbiakban esettanulmnyokon keresztl
prblkozom meg a tartalmuk (egyfle) lehetsges pontostsval. Ksrletet teszek annak (rszleges) megvilgtsra, hogy mit jelenthetnek a tipolgiai, ornamentlis s motvumbeli hasonlsgok, mit tovbb az brzolt jelenetek s
egyes trgyak kztt esetleg megmutatkoz hasonlsgok,
esetleges azonossgok. Ez a ksrlet nyilvn vitathat, de
egyben remlhetleg figyelmeztet majd annak a nagyfok
vatossgnak szksgessgre, mellyel a klnfle hasonlsgok rtkelse sorn tancsos eljrni.
A prhuzamok
A prhuzam a tbb-kevsb szinkron rgszeti jelensgek kztt a leggyakoribb megnyilvnuls. E fogalom al
a tudomnyos kzfelfogssal, illetve gyakorlattal egyez
mdon a jelenetes brzolsok kzti hasonlsg tnyt
sorolom, amit a hasonlsg legalacsonyabb foknak tartok
(a trgyak esetben ezt fejezi ki a tpus fogalma). Szmolni
kell azzal, hogy a hasonl(nak tartott, illetve tarthat) dsztelemek s jelenetes brzolsok az idtl, trtl, kultrtl s etnikumtl fggetlenl jelenhetnek meg, illetve
terjedhetnek el.
A prhuzamokkal, azaz az egyszer hasonlsgokkal
trtn rvels a rgszetben a leggyakoribb, annak ellenre, hogy az tadtvev kzti kapcsolat sokszor nemcsak tisztzatlan, de a szmos s ismeretlen tttel miatt
az valsznleg mindig is kibogozhatatlan marad. A jelenlegi kutatsban sehol sem ltok arra irnyul trekvseket,
hogy megksrelnk feltrni: mik lehetnek ezen (s a hasonl) kvetkeztetsek korltai? A jelenetes brzolsok kztt
ugyanis szmtalan s szmunkra ismeretlen, ellenrizhetetlen s szubjektv okokbl is keletkezhettek hasonlsgok (pl. az tvs alkot fantzija). Ezrt rjuk tmaszkodva
kronolgiai megllaptsokat csak krltekintssel szabad
tenni, mg a segtsgkkel levont trtneti s etnikai kvetkeztetsek mg az elbbieknl is bizonytalanabb alapokon
llnak. Els, pozitvnak sznt pldm a kincs egyik legismertebb brzolsval kapcsolatos.
A 2. s 7. sz. kors gberagadsi jelenete(kls kapcsolataik)
A kincs ednyein lthat brzolsok kztt a gyztes
fejedelem48 mellett ez a msik leghresebb, ez szerepel
a leggyakrabban a klnfle tudomnyos s tudomnynpszerst munkkban, a kziknyvekben, valamint a
48. E knyvben a 2. s 7. sz. kors medaillonjaiban lthat jeleneteket a
Lszl Gy. rvn ltalnoss vlt megnevezsekkel illetem (anlkl,
hogy az ltala adott interpretciikkal foglalkoznk): gberagads,
gyztes fejedelem, gi vadszat, llatkzdelmi jelenet.
se oko pitanja treba li prikaz iz Nagyszentmiklsa i/ili Bolaje

Anikovke smatrati varijantom mita plodnosti podrijetlom iz
stepe ili motiva Garude i Nage,51 ili je rije o prikazu uzaaa Ganimeda, odnosno Aleksandra Velikog (dobar pregled
dosadanjih miljenja dao je Kdr 1961, 122-123) ili se ak
radi o alegoriji dobrih djela po zaratustranskom shvaanju
(Marak 1992, 120). Pojavila se i misao da se kod dva vra
iz Karpatske kotline o kojima ovdje govorimo radi o indijskoj mitolokoj sceni (to se tie podrijetla) ili prikazu prie
o Anahiti iz Aveste (Trever 1937, 32-35; Trever, Lukonin 1987,
89-90); to se ne moe dokazati ak ni uz raspoloive izvore neusporedivo bogatijeg indijskog i iranskog folklora.52
Nemjerljiv broj raznovrsnih mogunosti tumaenja prizora
uzaaa iz Nagyszentmiklsa jasno se odraava i u nedavnim razmiljanjima kako, zapravo, orao hrani otetu enu, a
ne obrnuto (usp. Marshak 1998, T. XIII,b). To je u metodolokom smislu vrlo upitno: sve te hipoteze ve postoje, a da
starost tog vra, odnosno blaga kao i etnika pripadnost
proizvoaa i vlasnika jo uvijek nisu razjanjene, pri emu
u ovom sluaju jo uope nije poznat najvaniji podatak
kako je izgledao religijski svijet ovog potonjeg! Smijemo li
se na takav nain uputati u konkretnu vjersko-povijesnu i
historijsku analizu prikaza? vrsto sam uvjeren da ne smijemo, a znanost je ve odavno morala doi do, uzgred reeno
trivijalnog, zakljuka: ako prizore uzaaa nalazimo od
grko-rimskog vremena, u ranom srednjem vijeku u srednjoazijskoj i islamskoj kulturi (Blint 2004, sl. 126,4), na indijskim, permskim (Blint 2004, sl. 126,2-3) i skandinavskim
prikazima i u sagama, onda se oito radi o motivu koji je
dugo vremena bio rairen posvuda u svijetu pa nam stoga,
zapravo, nije prikladan za donoenje povijesnih zakljuaka
u vezi s nalazima iz Nagyszentmiklsa. Po mom miljenju,
prizor uzaaa a kao to emo jo vidjeti, ni prikazi na
ostalim medaljonima s vra br. 2 sam po sebi, ako ga prouavamo ikonografski i/ili ikonoloki, od samog poetka nije
prikladan za rjeavanje temeljnih povijesnih pitanja oko Nagyszentmiklsa.
U nastavku emo razmotriti koliko daleko moemo ii u
donoenju zakljuaka na temelju najblieg srodnika prizora uzaaa iz Nagyszentmiklsa.
Jedina zaista dobra53 paralela prizoru uzaaa s vreva br. 2 i 7 nesporno je prikaz na ve dugo poznatoj i u
kontekstu nalaza iz Nagyszentmikls redovito spominjanoj
51. Kada je M.Rosenberg vr br.7 nazvao Nag-Kanne, moglo bi ak biti
da je na njega utjecala slinost u natpisu, usp. Rosenberg 1921, 22, sl.
35: Breitseite der Nag-Kanne von Nagy-Scent[sic!]-Mikls .... Bez
argumentacije, oito s osloncem na lanak G. Supke iz 1914. i knjigu
A.leCoqa iz godine prije (LeCoq 1925, 79, sl.149) dolo je do ideje
N.Fetticha da se radi o indijskom prikazu Ganimeda, usp. Fettich 1926,
90; Filov 1932, 17; deTakcs 1932, 35; Jans 1935, 69; Coomaraswamy
1937, 38-41, 56-57; Ackerman 1939, 881-883; Appelgren-Kivalo 1912,
11; Lundstrm 1960, 190-198; Egami 1974, T.XXV, sl.17.
52. Dovoljno je baciti pogled na literaturu koja se bavi Anahitom i utvrditi da
prikazi ena iz Nagyszentmiklsa nemaju nikakve veze s njima: Chaumont 1958, 154-175; Chaumont 1965, 178-181; Djakonova, Smirnova
1967, 74-83; Trever 1967; Duchesne-Guillemin 1971, 379; Azarpay 1976,
536-546; Shepherd 1960, 43-49; Shepherd 1980, 47-83; Goldman 1997,
246, Anm.38; Potts 2001, 23-35. O bliskoistonom podrijetlu prikaza
golih ena i njihovih brojnih varijacija (potnia theron, Itar, Lilith itd.)
korisno je proitati Vrtesalji 1991, 101-148; Bajpakov, Ternovaja 2001,
219-234.
53. Makkay 1996, 784: sozusagen vollkommene Parallele (takorei
savrena paralela, prev.).
Nagyszentmiklssal foglalkoz lexikoncikkekben. Magtl

rtetdik, hogy szmos nzet, magyarzat szletett vele
kapcsolatban, amik kztt nem kevs olyan is akad, amelyik
a Krpt-medence rgszetben kevss vagy egyltaln
nem jratos mvszettrtnsz, vallstrtnsz tollbl
szrmazik. Az utbbi kutatk specilis ismeretei, a tbbfle
megkzeltsmd termszetesen gazdagtottk a kutatst,
egyben tkrzve a tisztzand krdseknek azt a vgtelen
soksznsgt, amelyet Nagyszentmikls megjelent. Az
emltett munkk kt esetben vlnak problematikuss. Egyszer akkor, amikor a specialistk egyltaln nem fordtanak
figyelmet a kincs trtneti sszefggseire, a trgytpusok
s az brzolsok helyi s eurpai kapcsoldsaira, valamint magra a tnyre, hogy egy Krpt-medencei lelettel
van dolgunk, melynek bizonyos kulturlis ktdsei mg
msoknak a hinyai eleve adottak voltak. A msik problmt e szemlletnek az ellenkez megnyilvnulsa jelenti,
amikor mvszet- s vallstrtnszek kilpnek a maguk
szakterletrl, s a kincs trtneti vonatkozsaival kezdenek el foglalkozni, mgpedig a kronolgia figyelembevtele
nlkl. Az id kztudottan a trtnelem (egyik fle) kutatsnak egyik alapkategrija, f rendez elve, aminek alkalmazsa nem a rgszetvel azonos mrtkben rvnyesl a
mvszettrtnet, vallstrtnet kutatsban. Az utbbiakban tbb irnyzat az ideolgiai jelensgeket, folyamatokat
s azok mvszi lecsapdsait kutatja, ami a mvszettrtnetnek ktsgkvl izgalmas irnyzatait jelenti, csakhogy
ez Nagyszentmikls esetben a kutats jelen llsa mellett
irrelevns, hiszen egyelre a kinccsel kapcsolatos alapkrdsek vrnak tisztzsra!
Mindazon ksrletek, amelyek a kincs keltezsnek, etnikai-kulturlis hovatartozsnak problmjt a 2. s 7. sz.
kors brzolsainak vallstrtneti, illetve folklr analgii
segtsgvel prbltk megoldani, nem vletlenl vezettek
zskutcba. Az gberagadsi jelenet lehetsges prhuzamaira val hivatkozsok (Mavrodinov 1943, 94-105; Lszl,
Rcz 1977, 73, 91-98; Makkay 1996, 787) a legfbb krdst a
kincs kort, trtneti-kulturlis hovatartozst egyltaln
nem oldottk meg. Nincs is abban semmi meglep, hogy
ahol csak elfordul ez a madr, minden npnl az ert, a
nemessget szimbolizlja; az ember s a sas viszonya pedig
szinte mindig pozitv tartalm. Ezrt a sas ltal elragadott
frfi vagy n mesjvel Eurzsia szmos npnl s sok korszakban lehet tallkozni,49 ugyanezrt igen sok npnl totemllat ez a madr s ezrt is etetnek asszonyok sokfel sast
(Pl. Gyrffy 1959, 111-115). Hossz ideje (von Karabacek 1916,
11-15) tudunk ms olyan brzolsokrl is, amelyeken sas s
ember egyttese, st, ppensggel hasonl gberagadsi
jelenet lthat. Ezek vagy olyan kultrbl valk, amelyekkel a kincs ksztinek s birtokosainak nem lehetett kzvetlen kapcsolata (klasszikus grg, Gandhara-mvszet)
(Azarpay 1995), vagy pedig olyan ksi szzadokbl szrmaznak, amelyek Nagyszentmikls keletkezse s keltezse szempontjbl mindenkppen rdektelenek (11.-12.
szzad).50 Mvszet- s vallstrtnszek azon vitatkoztak,
49. Motif-Index of Folk-Literature 1958, 238-239; de Vries 1976, 152-154;
Uther 1977, 106-110.
50. Trever 1937, 29; Khnel 1956, Abb. 14,23-26; Marak 1978, 43, ris. 15,8;
Trever, Lukonin 1987, 89; Otavsky, Salim 1995, 127-130, No. 77.
357
srebrnoj zdjeli iz skupine nalaza Bolaje Anikovke (Blint

2004, sl. 127,2), koju novija istraivanja jednoglasno datiraju otprilike na prijelaz 6.-7. st.54 Meutim, ostavimo li po
strani ikonografsku istovjetnost, ne moe biti govora o bliskoj i pravoj srodnosti tih dvaju prizora jer su razlike doista
znaajne. One dosad nisu bile uzimane u obzir, iako se zbog
naglaavanja slinosti moe krenuti krivim putem. Usporedimo ih, dakle, pozorno:
a) Sukladnosti: sama kompozicija, otmica i gesta hranjenja, poloaj nogu (koji je isti kao kod Gandhare!), dva stabla
koja uokviruju scenu i friz od biljnih elemenata oko prikaza.
b) Manje odstupanje znai da ena na zdjeli iz Bolaje
Anikovke u svojoj lijevoj podignutoj ruci ne dri nita i, za
razliku od one iz Nagyszentmiklsa, osim narukvica nosi
i nanogvice, dok ena iz Nagyszentmiklsa na vratu ima
torques, a na runom zglobu narukvicu (Blint 2004, sl. 157,
sl. 159-160). Razlike u razradi figura oito nisu znaajne, ali
razlike u cjelokupnim detaljima biljnih ukrasnih elemenata
itekako jesu.
c) Bitne razlike pokazuju se u njihovoj ikonologiji:
Na temelju anatomskih obiljeja i nainu kako je ureena kosa na orijentalnoj zdjeli nema nikakve sumnje da
ljudski lik predstavlja enu, za razliku od Nagyszentmiklsa
gdje je ena prikazana samo na vru br. 2, dok je na vru br.
7 mukarac (vidjeti u nastavku) (Lszl, Rcz 1977, 198).
Mislim da bi bilo dobro ponovo razmisliti o svim ikonografskim detaljima i znanju o religijskoj povijesti koje se
temelji na izvorima jer je zbog njih i dalje dvojbeno radi li se
kod poznatih sasanidskih posuda koje prikazuju plesaice
doista o Anahiti.55
Pogledajmo sada te tri skupine prikaza s gledita tog tumaenja:
ikonografija sasanidskih Anahita-vreva ne nalikuje
onoj iz Nagyszentmiklsa,
povezivanje prikaza iz BolajeAnikovke s kultom Anahite vie je nego upitno (naime, likovi sa sjekirom i lukom na
dnu posude ukazuju na jedan posve drukiji kontekst),
ne poznajemo ideoloki sadraj prikaza iz Nagyszentmiklsa.
enskim likovima na vrevima s hipotetskim prikazima
Anahite, na zdjeli iz BolajeAnikovke i u prizoru uzaaa
iz Nagyszentmiklsa jedino je zajedniko to to je tijelo svih
njih (manje ili vie) neodjeveno, ali pritom ne smijemo previdjeti injenicu da bi prozirni veo i ukrasi na glavama ena
na sasanidskim vrevima (Blint 2004, sl. 128) mogli ukazivati na sasvim drukiju funkciju od one o kojoj bi moglo biti
rijei na dva vra iz Karpatske kotline. Zanemarimo li spomenute injenice i utvrdimo li da se na zdjeli iz BolajeAnikovke ipak radi o Anahiti, jo uvijek nam ostaje pitanje kakve
bismo uvjerljive pouke iz tog mogli izvui glede prizora na
vrevima iz Nagyszentmiklsa. to bi sasanidski kult plod54. Prvapolovica 7. st. (Trever, Lukonin 1987, 113); kraj 6.st.- prvapolovica
7.st. (Marak 1993, 224, br.74). S gledita razlika meu disciplinama
valja paziti na injenicu da se K.Trever u svom prvom radu posveenom
toj zdjeli uope nije bavila njenom starou; nju su zanimali samo
vjersko-povijesni aspekti prikaza, usp. Trever 1937. Isto je tako nedavno postupila i G.Azarpay, usp. Azarpay 1995. Mavrodinov je bez
obrazloenja datira u 5.-6.st. (1943, 99, sl.62).
55. Mavrodinov 1943, 98-99; Trever, Lukonin 1987, 89; Grabar 1967, 60-65,
njegovo je gledite osporio Egami 1974, 222-223. V. jo i Ringbom 1957;
Gbl 1960, 49-50, nap.48.
358
hogy a nagyszentmiklsi s/vagy a Bolaja Anikova-i brzolst vajon a steppei eredet termkenysg-mtosz, vagy a
Garuda- s a Naga-motvum varinsnak51 lehet-e tekinteni,
vagy pedig Ganymds, illetve Nagy Sndor gbevitelt (az
addig szletett vlemnyekrl j ttekintst ad Kdr 1961,
122-123), netaln a jcselekedetek zoroaszterinus felfogs allegrijt (Marak 1992, 120) brzolja-e. Flmerlt
az a gondolat is, hogy az itt trgyalt kt Krpt-medencei
kors esetben indiai (eredet) mitolgiai jelenetrl vagy
az Avesta egyik Anahita-trtnete brzolsrl volna sz
(Trever 1937, 32-35; Trever, Lukonin 1987, 89-90); ezt vgl
is mg a rendelkezsre ll forrsok tekintetben sszehasonlthatatlanul gazdagabb indiai s irni folklr fell
kzeltve sem lehetett bebizonytani.52 A nagyszentmiklsi
gberagadsi jelenet roppant sokfle rtelmezhetsgt
az is jl mutatja, hogy nemrg flvetdtt: ppensggel a
sas az, amelyik eteti az elragadott nt, s nem fordtva (v.
Marshak in: Curtis 1998, Pl. XIII,b). Mdszertani szempontbl
nagymrtkben kifogsolhat: ezek a hipotzisek mind gy
szlettek, hogy kzben az adott korsnak, illetve a kincsnek
a kora, a ksztjnek s birtokosnak etnikuma tisztzsra
vr, ami mellett az ebben az esetben a leglnyegesebb vonatkozs: az utbbiak hiedelemvilga abszolt ismeretlen
elttnk! Szabad-e gy egy brzols konkrt vallstrtneti s trtneti elemzsbe bocstkozni? Szilrd meggyzdsem szerint nem, s a kutatsnak mr rgen le kellett volna
vonnia a klnben trivilis kvetkeztetst: ha gberagadsi jelenetek a grg-rmai kor ta, a kora kzpkorban
megtallhatk a kzp-zsiai s korai iszlm kultrban, az
indiai, permi s skandinviai brzolsokon s mondkban,
akkor mi sem nyilvnvalbb annl, mint hogy egy vilgszerte s hossz idn t elterjedt motvummal van dolgunk, s
ezrt a nagyszentmiklsi kinccsel kapcsolatos trtneti kvetkeztets levonsra nemigen alkalmasak. Meggyzdsem szerint az gberagadsi jelenet s mint ltni fogjuk:
a 2. sz. kors tbbi medaillonjban lthat brzols is nmagban, ikonogrfiailag s/vagy ikonolgiailag vizsglva
a Nagyszentmiklssal kapcsolatos trtneti alapkrdsek
megoldsra eleve alkalmatlan.
Az albbiakban azt nzzk meg, hogy meddig lehet elmenni a kvetkeztetsekkel a nagyszentmiklsi gberagadsi jelenet legkzelebbi rokona alapjn.
51. Mg az is meglehet, hogy amikor M. Rosenberg a 7. sz. korst Nagkorsnak nevezte, a kt sz rskpben mutatkoz hasonlsg befolysolta t, v. Rosenberg 1921, 22, Fig. 35: Breitseite der Nag-Kanne von
Nagy-Scent [sic!]-Mikls... [a kurzv tlem B. Cs.]. rvels nlkl,
nyilvnvalan Supka Gza 1914-ben s A. le Coq elz vben megjelent
cikkre, illetve knyvre (Le Coq 1925, 79, Fig. 149) tmaszkodik Fettich N. azon tlete, mely szerint indiai Ganymds-brzolssal volna
dolgunk, v. Fettich 1926, 90; Filov 1932, 17; de Takcs 1932, 35; Jans
1935, 69; Coomaraswamy 1937, 38-41, 56-57; Ackerman 1939, 881-883;
Appelgren-Kivalo 1912, 11; Lundstrm 1960, 190-198; Egami 1974, Pl.
XXV, Fig. 17.
52. Az Anahitval foglalkoz irodalomba val bepillants elegend annak
megllaptshoz, hogy a nagyszentmiklsi nbrzolsoknak nincsen
azokhoz kzk: Chaumont 1958, 154-175; Chaumont 1965, 178-181;
Djakonova, Smirnova 1967, 74-83; Trever 1967; Duchesne-Guillemin
1971, 379; Azarpay 1976, 536-546; Shepherd 1960, 43-49; Shepherd
1980, 47-83; Goldman 1997, 246. 38. j.; Potts 2001, 23-35. A meztelen
n-brzolsok kzel-keleti eredetrl, sokfle varicijrl (potnia
theron, Istar, Lilith stb.) tanulsgos Vrtesalji 1991, 101148; Bajpakov,
Ternovaja 2001, 219-234.
nosti (kao prikaz) uope imao traiti u ranosrednjovjekovnoj Karpatskoj kotlini? Lako je rei to zasad jo ne znamo,
ali onda, molim, nemojmo ni Anahitu zasad jo povezivati s
nalazima iz Nagyszentmiklsa!
Podrijetlo navedenog prizora na vru br. 2 iz Nagyszentmiklsa nedvojbeno nije bizantsko ve orijentalno. Kao prvo, nema izravne antike prethodnice (kao to je poznato,
Ganimed je bio mukarac), a kao drugo, ni u kranskoj se
ikonografiji ne pronalazi nikakva ni priblino srodna scena.
Ta je odrednica (orijentalno), naravno, vrlo iroka, ali bilo
bi izuzetno teko i riskantno rei o tome bilo to odreenije.
Tema i tip prizora uzaaa iz Nagyszentmiklsa oteta ena hrani orla mogu se, dodue, nai u sasanidskom folkloru, ali smatrati da imaju izravno sasanidsko, odnosno srednjoazijsko podrijetlo nije mogue zato to u prilog tome ne
govore ni stilistike, ni povijesne injenice kao niti injenice
utvrene prouavanjem povijesti umjetnosti i religije. Slino
bismo mogli zakljuiti i u sluaju zdjele iz BolajeAnikovke;
ona, naime, bez sumnje ne spada u zlatarske proizvode sasanidskog kraljevskog dvora, kako ih je utvrdio R. O. Harper,
a ve ih je i K. V. Trever definirala samo kao prijelaz izmeu
sasanidskih zdjela i prikaza iz Nagyszentmiklsa. Zdjelu iz
BolajeAnikovke valja pribrojiti skupini sasanidske periferne zlatarske umjetnosti (P.O.Harper) koja se i geografski i
kulturno takoer daleko proirila i nisu poznati (a sigurno
nee ni biti) njeni etniki i vjerski aspekti, tako da iz toga nije
mogue izvui konkretne zakljuke o povezanosti prikaza s
pripovijetkom AbanYata (K.V. Trever).
Predloeno svrstavanje s gledita kulture (prijelaz) potvruje se i time to su i tehnoloka istraivanja dokazala
da se radi o potpuno individualnom karakteru zdjele unutar
orijentalnih nalaza srebra (Trever, Lukonin 1987, 148). Ve
i zakljuak K.V.Trever sadri vrlo vanu kulturnu spoznaju.
Prikaz na orijentalnoj zdjeli i vrevima iz Karpatske kotline
oito se ne moe smatrati jedinim i jedinstvenim proizvodom niti jedne niti druge regije (srednje Azije, odnosno Karpatske kotline), ve zacijelo potjee iz neke dosad nepoznate kulture. A budui da ne moemo pretpostavljati da je izmeu dvije spomenute regije postojao izravni sustav veza,
valja utvrditi da ikonografski identitet nije identian s povijesnom povezanou (naravno, taj je zakljuak za povjesniare umjetnosti trivijalan). Gledajui cijeli ovaj problem vrlo
je razumljivo, odnosno, nije sluajno da dvojica od trojice
najiskusnijih strunjaka koji su se bavili cjelokupnom srednjoazijskom zlatarskom umjetnou uope nisu obraivali
ovu svjetski poznatu i ikonografski posebnu zdjelu, te ni u
treem djelu nisu ak ni traili mjesto u kojemu je izraena
(V. P. Darkevi, B. I. Marak, K. V. Trever, V. G. Lukonin)! Taj
zadatak, dakako ne mogu izvriti oni koji se bave nalazima
iz Nagyszentmiklsa i arheologijom srednje Europe.
Proteklih je godina G.Azarpay obradila motiv uzaaa
uz iroku perspektivu za budunost.56 Iz njezinog se rada vi56. Azarpay 1995; njezin pristup koji prouava iskljuivo umjetnike elemente vidi se u tome to je problem starosti i sasanidske pripadnosti
zdjele iz Bolaje Anikovke koju je istraivala rijeila samo kratkom
naznakom, a nije obratila pozornost niti na povijesne poveznice prikaza
iz Nagyszentmiklsa, koje je viestruko obraivala. Proitala je knjigu
N.Mavrodinova, ali je iz knjige Gy.Lszla koristila samo njegovo datiranje grae u 9.-10.st. Podaci koji se tamo nalaze, kao i pristup Gy.Lszla
mogli su takoer biti korisni G.Azarpay.
Nem lehet vita afell, hogy a 2. s 7. sz. korsk gberagadsi jelenetnek a Bolaja Anikovka-i kincs hossz ideje
kzismert s a nagyszentmiklsi kinccsel kapcsolatban is
rendszeresen hivatkozott ezsttljn lthat brzols az
egyetlen igazn j53 prhuzama, amit az jabb kutats egybehangzan a 6.-7. szzad fordulja tjra keltez.54 Az ikonogrfiai azonossgtl eltekintve azonban e kt jelenet kzeli, valdi rokonsgrl nem lehet sz, annyira jelentsek
az eltrseik. Az utbbiakat mindeddig nem vettk szmba,
mrpedig anlkl tvtra vihet a hasonlsgok hangslyozsa. Hasonltsuk ht ssze ket figyelmesen:
a) Megegyezik a kompozci maga, az elragads s az
etets gesztusa, a jelenetet ktoldalt szeglyez fk s az
brzolst krbefog nvnyi frz meglte.
b) Kisebb eltrst jelent, hogy a Bolaja Anikova-i tlon brzolt n felemelt bal kezben semmi sincsen s
a nagyszentmiklsiaktl eltren a karperecek mellett
lbpereceket is visel, mg a nagyszentmiklsiak nyakban
torques, csukljukon karperec van. Az alakok kidolgozottsgban megmutatkoz klnbsgeknek nyilvn szintn
nem kell nagyobb jelentsget tulajdontani, viszont nem
ez a helyzet a nvnyi dsztelemek valamennyi rszletben megmutatkoz eltrsek esetben.
c) Lnyeges eltrs az ikonolgijukban mutatkozik:
A keleti tlon az brzolt emberi alak ni volta irnt
(anatmiai jegyek, hajviselet) nem merlhet fl ktsg.
Msknt ll e dolog a nagyszentmiklsiak esetben, mert
csak a 2. sz. korsn ltunk nt, a 7. sz. korsn viszont frfit
(ld. albb) (Lszl, Rcz 1977, 198).
Tancsosnak ltom utnagondolni mindazon ikonogrfiai rszleteknek s forrsadatokkal altmasztott
vallstrtneti ismereteknek, melyek alapjn hatrozottan vitatott vlt, hogy a kzismert, tncosnket brzol
szsznida ednyeken valban Anahitt lthatnnk.55
Vegyk most szmba ezen interpretci alapjn az elttnk ll hrom brzolscsoportot:
a szsznida Anahita-korsk ikonogrfija nem hasonlt a nagyszentmiklsiakra,
a Bolaja Anikovka-inak az Anahita-kultusszal val
kapcsolata tbb mint krdses (a tl aljn brzolt balts s
jas alakok ugyanis teljesen ms kontextust jeleznek),
a nagyszentmiklsiak ideolgiai tartalmrl semminem ismerettel nem rendelkeznk.
Az Anahita-brzolsosnak tartott korsk, a Bolaja
Anikovka-i tl s a nagyszentmiklsi gberagadsi jelenet
nalakjai kztt csupn annyi a kzs, hogy mindegyikk
teste (tbb-kevsb) fedetlen, de ne tvesszk szem ell:
a szsznida korskon brzolt nk ltal viselt tltsz ftyol s a fejdsz egszen msfle szerepet sejtet, mint amit a
53. Makkay 1996, 784: mondhatjuk tkletes prhuzam.
54. 7. szzad 1. fele (Trever, Lukonin 1987, 113); 6. szzad vge-7. szzad
1. fele (Marsak 1993, 224, No. 74). A diszciplnink kzti klnbsgek
szempontjbl tanulsgos flfigyelni arra, hogy a tlnak szentelt els
munkjban K. Trever egyltaln nem foglalkozott annak korval,
t kizrlag az brzols vallstrtneti vonatkozsai rdekeltk, v.
Trever 1937. Ugyangy jrt el a kzelmltban G. Azarpay is, v. Azarpay
1995. Indokls nlkl 5.-6. szzadinak tartotta Mavrodinov (1943, 99,
Fig. 62).
55. Mavrodinov 1943, 98-99; Trever, Lukonin 1987, 89; Grabar 1967, 60-65.
nzett vitatja Egami 1974, 222-223. Ld. mg Ringbom 1957; Gbl 1960,
49-50. 48. j.
359
di sljedee: za (kulturno) povijesno vrednovanje prikaza iz

Nagyszentmiklsa i BolajeAnikovke najvanije su pojave
Gandhara i Gupta umjetnosti, budui da ukazuju na antiko srednjoazijsko, nesasanidsko podrijetlo prizora u kojemu
orao otima enu. To istraivanje eka svoj nastavak.
Ovdje valja jo posebno spomenuti onu skupinu tzv.
permskih bronci na kojima ptica u kandama dri ljudsku
glavu. Na njih se svi redovito57 pozivaju pri prouavanju
prizora uzaaa iz Nagyszentmiklsa, ali ipak bi trebalo
paljivo provjeriti to im je jo zajedniko, osim samog uzaaa. Nitko se u istraivanjima nije pitao kakve temeljne
sadrajne vjerske, odnosno epske razlike mogu postojati
izmeu prikaza gdje razliite ptice otimaju realistino nacrtani ljudski lik ([trudna?] ena) i onih na kojima je prikazana
apstraktna ljudska glava (Blint 2004, sl. 126,3)! To se jasno
vidi u sluajevima gdje je krilato bie, zapravo, medvjed koji
prema udmurtskim bajkama dri djevojku prednjim apama (Blint 2004, sl. 126,2) (Ojateva 2001, 160, sl. 4,2). Naravno, naelno bismo se mogli pozvati na to da je tematika prikazana na permskim broncama inae vrlo individualna, u
svojoj pozadini oito i stilski i duhovno lokalna mogla biti
pod utjecajem slikovnog svijeta sasanidskih i srednjoazijskih
posuda koje su dolazile iz kamske regije, ali nije sluajno to
to nitko nije uinio jer o tome nema nikakvih raspoznatljivih
tragova. Ako je takvih utjecaja doista i bilo prije 10. st.,58 nisu mogli biti ni intenzivni, niti irokog spektra. Uza sadanji
stupanj istraivanja ne vidim, dakle, nikakva razloga za bilo
kakvo povezivanje prizora uzaaa iz Nagyszentmiklsa
sa slikama na permskim broncama. Potonje ne svjedoe ni
o emu drugom nego o dugovjenosti i velikoj proirenosti
slike uzaaa te stoga nisu prikladne za donoenje zakljuaka o povijesti, povijesti umjetnosti i religije u vezi s nalazima iz Nagyszentmiklsa.
Zakljuak: Prizor uzaaa iz Nagyszentmiklsa spada
u tip slike nesasanidskog podrijetla koji je od antikog doba
bio proiren u srednjoj Aziji. Prizor na vru br. 2 iz Nagyszentmiklsa nastao je kao njegova adaptacija; iako se na zdjeli
iz Bolaje Anikovke vidi analogija prikazima na naim nalazima, ipak nema razloga pretpostavljati da je izmeu njih
postojala izravna povijesna veza i/ili identini folkloristiki
sadraj. Isto tako, nije mogue traiti izravne veze izmeu
Nagyszentmiklsa i prizora uzaaa iz Pakistana u 4. st.
(Gandhara-umjetnost), sjeverne Indije u 5.st. (Gupta-umjetnost) kao ni istonog Irana u 6.-7.st. (? BolajaAnikovka)
dakle, pred sobom imamo adaptaciju iz Karpatske kotline
jednog srednjoazijskog tipa slike.
Nebeski lov na vru br.2 (sl. 4)
Podsjetimo se najprije jedne poznate injenice: u Karpatskoj kotlini u ranom srednjem vijeku nije bilo lavova. (Zbog
nemalog broja prikaza lavova iz avarskog doba o tome bi
bilo dobro razmisliti kada se govori o podrijetlu avarske
umjetnosti i njene vanosti za rekonstrukciju svakodnevnog ivota i kulture Avara!). Prizor lova na vru br. 2 iz Nagys57. Mavrodinov 1943, 102-104; Werner 1952, T. 6,1-4. Nakon bogate ruske
i sovjetske literature o ovoj temi, najnoviji pregled permskih bronci:
Oborin, agin 1988; Ojateva 2001, kao i raniji radovi koji su tamo navedeni.
58. Pritom, nakon 10. st. mislim na tip slike sokolara na konju.
360
kt Krpt-medencei korsn lthatk jtszhattak. Ha pedig

az emltett fenntartsok ellenre netn mgis Anahitt
lthatnnk a Bolaja Anikova-i tlon, meggyz mdon
mg akkor is milyen tanulsgot lehetne abbl levonni a
nagyszentmiklsi korsk jelenete szmra?! Mit kereshet
a szsznida termkenysgkultusz (brzolsa) a kora kzpkori Krpt-medencben? Erre knnyen mondhatni azt,
hogy egyelre nem tudjuk, de akkor egyelre ne is kapcsoljuk ssze Anahitt a nagyszentmiklsi kincssel!
Ami a nagyszentmiklsi 2. sz. kors szban forg jelenetnek az eredett illeti: az irnt nem lehet ktsgnk, hogy
az nem biznci, hanem keleti. Egyrszt azrt, mert kzvetlen antik elzmnye nincsen (Ganymds kztudottan
frfi volt), msrszt mert a keresztny ikonogrfiban nem
tallkozunk mg a legcseklyebb mrtkben sem hasonl
jelenettel. Ez a meghatrozs (keleti) termszetesen rendkvl tg, de ennl akr csak kevssel is pontosabbat mondani mr roppant nehz s kockzatos. A nagyszentmiklsi
gberagadsi jelenet tmja s tpusa az elragadott n
tpllja a sast fllelhet ugyan a szsznida folklrban,
de azt kzvetlenl szsznida, illetve kzp-zsiai eredetnek mgsem lehet tartani, mert ez ellen a mvszeti stlusbelieken tl trtneti, mvszettrtneti s vallstrtneti kifogsok is emelhetk. Hasonl mondhat a Bolaja
Anikova-i tllal kapcsolatban is; ez ugyanis ktsgtelenl
nem a P. O. Harper ltal meghatrozott szsznida kirlyi
udvari tvstermkek sorba tartozik, mr K. V. Trever is
csak tmenetnek hatrozta meg a szsznida tlak s
a nagyszentmiklsi brzols kztt. A Bolaja Anikova-i a
szsznida perifrikus tvssg (P. O. Harper) csoportjba
sorolhat, ami fldrajzilag s kulturlisan szintn igen tg,
etnikai s vallstrtneti vonatkozsaiban pedig ismeretlen
(s bizonyra az is marad), gyhogy az brzolsnak az Aban
yat-tal val kapcsolatba hozatala (K. V. Trever) konkrt kvetkeztetsre mr nem ad lehetsget. (A javasolt kulturlis
besorolst megersti, hogy a tlnak a keleti ezst leleteken bell teljesen egyedi jellegt a technolgiai vizsglatok
is kimutattk Trever, Lukonin 1987, 148). Mr a K. V. Trever
ltal adott meghatrozs (tmenet) is egy nagyon fontos
kulturlis tanulsgot rejtett magban. Az ugyanis nyilvnval, hogy a trgyalt keleti tlon s Krpt-medencei korskon lthat brzols sem az egyik, sem a msik rgi
termknek nem tekinthet (szsznida kori Kzp-zsia,
illetve Krpt-medence), hanem egy harmadikbl kell,
hogy szrmazzk. Minthogy pedig az emltett kt rgi kztt semminem kzvetlen kapcsolatrendszer nem felttelezhet, ezrt megllapthatjuk: az ikonogrfiai azonossg
nem azonos a trtneti kapcsolattal. (Mvszettrtnszek
szmra ez trivilis.) Az pedig mindezen problma lttn
nagyon is rthet, illetve nem vletlen, hogy a kzp-zsiai
tvssggel sszefoglal mdon foglalkoz ngy specialista kzl kett egyltaln nem is trgyalta ezt a vilghres
s klnleges ikonogrfij tlat, a harmadik mben pedig
mg csak tallgatsba sem bocstkoztak a kszlsi helyt
illeten (V. P. Darkevi, B. I. Marak, K. V. Trever, V. G. Lukonin)!
E feladat elvgzse termszetesen nem a nagyszentmiklsi
kinccsel, Kzp-Eurpa rgszetvel foglalkozk feladata.
Az elmlt vekben G. Azarpay dolgozta fl az gberaga-
Sl. 4 Prikaz lova na vru br. 2

4. kp A2. szam kancs aljn tallhat vadszatot brzolo kp
zentmiklsa mogao je, dakle, doista nastati na dva naina:

na temelju iskustva koje je zlatar stekao negdje drugdje (jugoistona Europa, istona Europa, Azija) ili je izraiva vra
radio po gotovom tipu slike. Meutim, budui da je mogue dokazati povezanost nalaza s avarskom kulturom 7.-8. st.,
(pogledati poglavljeIX), moemo utvrditi sljedee: ak i gledite koje smo spomenuli potvruje injenicu da tu posudu
nije izradio zlatar koji nije iz Karpatske kotline. Iz toga dalje
slijedi zakljuak kako je oito radio po nekom uzoru. Odakle
je mogao biti taj uzor?
Isto kao to kod prizora uzaaa nema sumnje u njegovo srednjoazijsko podrijetlo, tako ni kod prizora lova na vru
br. 2 nitko nije sumnjao da spada u ikonografski tip mnogostruko analiziranih zdjela s prikazima kraljevskog lova na tzv.
orijentalnom srebru,59 tako da ih s pravom moemo smatrati paralelama Nagyszentmiklsa. (Obrnuto, naalost, ne
ide; strunjaci za tzv. orijentalno srebro nisu obratil pozornost na injenicu da bi taj prikaz iz Nagyszentmiklsa i za
njih mogao biti relevantan). Meutim, istodobno smatram
nunim ukazati tradicionalistikim istraivaima Nagyszentmiklsa na injenicu da tip slike koja prikazuje kraljevski
lov nije suigeneris sasanidskog podrijetla; nalazimo ga i u
Bizantu i to i u sasanidskoj i u vlastitoj formulaciji!60
U skupini sasanidske zlatarske umjetnosti s najveim
brojem predmeta, zdjelama s prizorom kraljevskog lova,
najvie nas zanima ikonografija onih iz ije kompozicije moemo izvui pouke za istraivanje vra br. 2. Zajednike crte
te skupine ujedno je ine razliitom od veine sasanidskih
zdjela (Blint 2004, sl. 130, sl. 131,1). Na njima kralj koji sjedi
na konju to tri na lijevu stranu, okrenut unatrag svojim lukom, cilja na neku vrstu make koja se propinje, a pod njima
lei mrtva ivotinja (veinom lav, uz iznimku prizora koji je
u svakom pogledu jedinstven, s natpisom Pr-i Vahmn, na
59. Njihov pregled: vonGall 1990.
60. Egger 1956, 27-28, sl. 25-27; Berliner 1963, 39-54; Martiniani-Reber
1985, 258-269; Lorquin 1992, 162-163.
ds motvumt szles kitekintssel.56 Munkjbl kitnik:

Nagyszentmikls s Bolaja Anikova brzolsainak (kultr)
trtneti rtkelse szempontjbl a Gandhara- s Guptamvszetben val elfordulsok a leglnyegesebbek, jelezvn a n sas ltal trtn elragadsnak kori kzp-zsiai,
nem-szsznida eredett. Ez a kutats vr folytatsra.
Kln meg kell itt emlkeznnk az n. permi bronzok
azon csoportjrl, amelyeken egy madr egy emberi fejet
tart a karmai kztt. Ezekre is rendszeresen hivatkoznak57
a nagyszentmiklsi gberagadsi jelenetek trgyalsa sorn, de rdemes figyelmesen megnzni, hogy magn az gberagads tnyn tl egyltaln mi a kzs bennk. A kutatsban senki sem firtatta, hogy egy realisztikusan brzolt
emberi alak ([terhes?] n) s egy absztrakt emberi fejnek
ms-msfle madr ltal trtn elragadsa brzolsai
kztt milyen alapvet tartalmi hitvilgbeli, illetve epikai
klnbsg rejtezhetett! Egyrtelmen megmutatkozik ez
azokban az esetekben, amelyeknl a szrnyas lny egy
medve s az udmurt mesk szerint a lnyt tartja a mells
lbaival (Ojateva 2001, 160, ris. 4,2). Elvileg, hallgatlagosan
lehet(ett volna) hivatkozni arra, hogy a nagyon is egyedi, nyilvnvalan loklis stlus s szellemi htter permi
bronzokon brzolt tematikra hatssal lehetett a Kmavidkre ramlott szsznida s kzp-zsiai ednyek kpi
vilga, de hogy ez nem trtnt meg, az nem vletlen; ennek
ugyanis semmi nyoma sem ltszik. Amennyiben pedig a 10.
szzad eltt ilyen hatsok mgis lettek volna,58 azok akkor
sem lehettek sem intenzvek, sem szles spektrumak. A
jelen kutatsi helyzetben nem ltom teht annak alapjt,
hogy a nagyszentmiklsi gberagadsi jeleneteket a permi bronzokon lthatkkal brmi mdon kapcsolatba lehetne hozni. Az utbbiak nem tbbrl, mint az gberagads
kptpusnak szles elterjedtsgrl tanskodnak, gy teht a kincs szempontjbl trtneti, mvszet- s vallstrtneti kvetkeztetsek levonsra alkalmatlanok.
sszefoglalva: A nagyszentmiklsi gberagadsi jelenet egy az kor ta Kzp-zsiban szlesen elterjedt, nem-szsznida eredet kptpusba tartozik. A
nagyszentmiklsi 2. sz. kors ennek adaptcijval jtt
ltre; s br a Bolaja Anikova-in a trgyalt kincs brzolsainak analgija lthat, mgsincs alap arra, hogy kettejk kztt kzvetlen trtneti kapcsolatot s/vagy azonos
folklorisztikus tartalmat lehetne felttelezni. Ugyangy nem
kereshet kzvetlen kapcsolat Nagyszentmikls s a 4. szzadi pakisztni (Gandhara-mvszet), 5. szzadi szak-indiai (Gupta-mvszet), valamint a 6.-7. szzadi kelet-irni(?,
Bolaja Anikovka) gberagadsi jelenetei kztt egy
kzp-zsiai kptpus Krpt-medencei adaptcijval van
56. Azarpay 1995 Kizrlag a mvszeti elemeket kutat szemllett mutatja, hogy az ltala trgyalt Bolaja Anikovka-i tl kornak, szsznida
meghatrozsnak problmjt egy rvid hivatkozssal intzi el, s br
tbbszr trgyalja a nagyszentmiklsi brzolsokat, az utbbi trtneti
vonatkozsai sem keltettk fel a figyelmt. Mg N. Mavrodinov knyvt
olvasta, Lszl Gy. mvbl csak annyit hasznostott, hogy a kincs kort
a 9.-10. szzadra tette, pedig az utbbiban olvashat adatok s Lszl Gy.
szemlletmdja G. Azarpay szmra ppensggel gymlcsztethetk
lettek volna.
57. Mavrodinov 1943, 102-104; Werner 1952, T. 6,1-4. A tmnak szentelt
bsges orosz s szovjet irodalom utn a permi bronzok sszefoglalsa: Oborin, agin 1988; Ojateva 2001 s az ott idzett korbbi munki.
58. Ilyennek gondolom a 10. szzad utn a lovas solymsz kptpust.
361
kojemu je prikazana divlja svinja).61 Kompozicija jednog od

njih poneto odstupa od ostalih jer je lav koji stoji okrenut
prema van, a kralj je prikazan na anatomski nerealistian nain: njegovo tijelo i noga potpuno su okrenuti unatrag, kao
da sjedi naopako na konju. Izgleda da se zdjele identine
ikonografije i kompozicije koje poznajem po svojoj veliini dijele u dvije vee skupine: jednu s manjim i jednu s veim promjerom (pogledajte Shsin: 26cm, Pr-i Vahmn:
28,3cm, Sari: 28,8cm, bzw. Ufa: 20,3cm, Cleveland: 20,6 cm,
Turueva: 22,9 cm). Tip slike prizora lova iz Nagyszentmiklsa odgovara toj skupini.
Ve je J.Hampel otkrio da svjetski poznata zdjela iz nepoznatog ruskog nalazita s natpisom Pr-i Vahmn iz Ermitaa nikako nije nezanimljiva za istraivanje Nagyszentmiklsa.62 To je s obzirom na publikacije koje su tada postojale,
dakle, prije pojavljivanja knjiga sa Zichyjeve ekspedicije
(1905) i kataloga J.I.Smirnova (1909) svjedoilo o izvrsnoj
informiranosti toga maarskog znanstvenika o orijentalnim
nalazima. injenicu da su rezultati maarske arheologije na
meunarodnoj sceni bili slabo poznati i da su istraivanja
Nagyszentmiklsa tekla samo jednom linijom, potkrepljuje
podatak da se o toj slinosti, zapravo, saznalo tek dobrih pola stoljea kasnije i to u radu N. Mavrodinova (Mavrodinov
1943, 127). Zdjela s natpisom Pri Vahmn od veeg se dijela
tematski slinih sasanidskih zdjela ne razlikuje samo svojim
realizmom, detaljima na kojima se vide oruje i nonja toga
doba (npr., prisutnost stremena, tip ukrasa na konjskoj ormi
i ma, nain kako je ma ovjeen itd.) i izrazom lica prikazane
osobe, nego i svojom veliinom zbog koje je bliska jednoj
starijoj zdjeli (Sari: Blint 2004, sl. 130,1). Isplati se paljivo je
usporediti s prikazom iz Nagyszentmiklsa.
Doista postoje sukladnosti u prizoru lova sa zdjele s
natpisom Pr-i Vahmn i vra br. 2 iz Nagyszentmiklsa. Na
oba predmeta prikazan je junak ili plemi koji jae na konju
to se kree na lijevu stranu i ispaljuje strijele prema natrag,
ciljajui na uspravljenu makoliku ivotinju.
Ipak, razlike su tu znaajnije. S jedne strane u anru, jer
bie iz Nagyszentmiklsa koje je prikazano kao jahaa ivotinja stoji, dok je konj na svim orijentalnim prizorima u
skladu sa sasanidskim standardom prikazan u galoppe
volant. Glava mukarca iz Nagyszentmiklsa prikazana je u
profilu, dok je ovaj drugi s natpisom Pr-i Vahmn prikazan
en face. S druge strane, razlika je i u ikonologiji jer se zlatar
koji je izradio primjerak iz Nagyszentmiklsa uope nije ni
trudio da prikaz bude realistian, dok je to kod zdjele s natpisom Pri Vahmn bio izriit cilj. (Jedinstvenost potonje u
srednjoazijskoj umjetnosti obrade metala poiva upravo na
tome jer su proizvoai zdjela orijentalnog srebra s prizorom lova koristili poneto drukiji tip slike ija je glavna crta
bila upravo idealizacija). Kod primjerka iz Nagyszentmiklsa
izraiva kao da je upravo odsutnou realizma elio nagla61. Shepherd 1964, 8,: lijevo; Splendeur Sassanide 193, No.52, 196, No.54;
Harper 1981, 169, 171, 173. Od kompozicija svih sasanidskih srebrnih
zdjela s prizorom lova razlikuje se prizor na okovu konjske orme (?)
od alabastra u muzeju The Cleveland Museum of Art, u kojemu jaha
sprijeda napada lava, v. Shepherd 1964, korice.
62. Prvo spominjanje predmeta: OAK za 1868, 612; nije mi bilo dostupno.
Kasnije je mnogo puta objavljivano, a s gledita grae time se prvi put
bavio Hampel 1886, 86, sl.46; Pulszky 1897, 60; Odobesco 1896, II, 55;
Nagy1901, 320-322. Natpis v. Livic, Lukonin 1964, 162.
362
teht dolgunk.
A 2. sz. kors gi vadszata
Mindenekeltt nem rt egy evidencira emlkeztetnnk: a Krpt-medencben nem lt oroszln. (A nem kis
szm avar kori oroszlnbrzols miatt tancsos ezen elgondolkodni olyankor, amikor az avar mvszet eredetrl s annak az avarok mindennapi letnek, kultrjnak
rekonstrukcija szempontjbl relevns voltrl esik sz!)
A nagyszentmiklsi 2. sz. korsn lthat vadszati jelenet
teht csakis ktflekppen keletkezhetett: vagy az tvsnek msutt (Dlkelet-, Kelet-Eurpban, zsiban) szerzett
tapasztalata alapjn, vagy pedig gy, hogy a kors ksztje egy ksz kptpus nyomn dolgozott. Minthogy pedig a
kincsnek kimutathatk kapcsoldsai a 7.-8. szzadi avar
kultrhoz (ld. IX. fejezet), ezrt az emltett szemponttal is
megerstve lthatjuk: a szban forg ednyt egy, a Krptmedencben nem idegen tvs ksztette. Az elbbibl
kvetkezik: eszerint valamilyen elkp alapjn dolgozott.
Honnan merthetett?
Miknt az gberagadsi jelenet esetben annak kzpzsiai eredetvel, gy a 2. sz. kors vadszati jelenetvel kapcsolatban sem merlt fl ktsg, hogy az ne illenk bele az
n. keleti ezst sokat trgyalt, kirlyi vadszatot brzol
tljainak ikonogrfiai tpusba,59 gy ht az utbbiak joggal
tekinthetk a nagyszentmiklsi prhuzamnak. (Fordtva
ez sajnos nem kzenfekv; az n. keleti ezst specialisti
nem figyeltek fl arra, hogy a szban forg nagyszentmiklsi
brzols az szmukra is relevanciartk lehet.) Egyttal
azonban szksgt ltom Nagyszentmikls hagyomnyos
ton jr kutatinak figyelmt felhvni arra, hogy maga
a kirlyi vadszat kptpusa nem sui generis szsznida
eredet; megtallhat volt Bizncban is, mghozz mind
szsznida, mind sajt fogalmazsban!60
A szsznida tvssg legnagyobb darabszm csoportjn, a kirlyi vadszatos tlakon bell azon nhny
ikonogrfija rdekel bennnket, amelynek kompozcija
a 2. sz. kors kutatsa szmra kzelebbi tanulsgot knl.
E csoport kzs vonsai egyben megklnbztetik ket a
hasonl tematikj szsznida tlak tbbsgtl. Ezeken
a lovn balra halad lovas kirly htrafel fordulva az jval
egy gaskod macskaflre l, alattuk egy dgltt llat
(tbbnyire oroszln) fekszik (kivtel a minden tekintetben
egyedi Pr-i Vahmn-feliratos, azon vaddiszn van).61 Az
egyikk kompozcija kiss eltr a tbbitl, mert ezen az
ll oroszln kifel fordul s a kirlyt anatmiailag irrelisan
brzoltk: teste s a lba teljesen htrafel fordult, mintha
a lovon fordtva lne. Az ltalam ismert azonos ikonogrfij s kompozcij tlak a mretk szerint kt nagyobb
csoportra ltszanak oszlani: egy nagyobb s egy kisebb tmrjre (ld. Tokyo: 26 cm, Pr-i Vahmn: 28,3 cm, Sari: 29
cm, illetve Ufa: 20,3 cm, Cleveland: 20,6 cm, Turuseva: 22,9
59. sszefoglalsuk: von Gall 1990.
60. Egger 1956, 27-28, Fig. 25-27; Berliner 1963, 39-54; Martiniani-Reber
1985, 258-269; Lorquin 1992, 162-163.
61. Shepherd 1964, 80, balra; Splendeur Sassanide 193, No. 52; 196, No.
54; Harper 1981, 169, 171, 173. Valamennyi szsznida vadszjelenetes
ezsttl kompozcijtl eltr a The Cleveland Museum of Art alabstrom lszerszmdszn (?) brzolt jelenet, melynl a lovas szembl
tmad az oroszlnra, ld. Shepherd 1964 bort.
siti da prikazani mukarac nije stvarni plemi s ovog svijeta:

na glavi nosi simbolinu krunu, jae na biu iz mate, puca iz
malog63 luka, nema nikakvog drugog oruja, nema konjske
opreme i ne nosi pojas. Dakle, drugi je tip slike isti, ali su
umjetniko shvaanje i sadraj koji se iz njega moe naslutiti
temeljno drukiji.
Zna se da je zdjela s natpisom Pr-i Vahmn nastala
kasnije od sasanidskih zdjela sline tematike; prema tome,
njihov se tvorac oslanjao na neki drugi tip slike koji se ve u
doba kada je izraen smatrao prastarim, barem tri stoljea.
To je ve samo po sebi vrlo zanimljivo! Koliko znam, najranije oblikovanje takvog tipa slike bila je zdjela iz Sarija koju
moemo datirati u prvu polovicu 4. st. (Harper 1981, 127, T.
10). Datiranje jedne druge zdjele koja prikazuje Hormuzda
u slinoj kompoziciji sporno je, a u obzir dolazi razdoblje izmeu kraja 5., 6. i poetka 7.st. (Harper 1981, 127-128, T. 14).
Kralj koji je prikazan na treoj zdjeli, ouvanoj u Shsinu,
identificiran je kao apur II. (Hayashi 1975) (ali je zdjela nastala kasnije, pogledati u nastavku), dok zdjelu iz Ufe valja
povezati s vremenom Ardaira III. (628.-630.) (Harper 1981,
129, T. 18). Zdjelu s natpisom Pr-i Vahmn znanost doista
jednoglasno datira u 8.st., odnosno, eventualno u vrijeme
izmeu 7./8. i sredine 8. st. (Darkevi 1976, 57-59, 66, T. 2;
Trever, Lukonin 1987, 112, br. 17, T. 34-35). Koliko znam, jedna od najkasnijih pojava toga tipa slike nalazi se na jednom
medaljonu u sklopu nalaza iz Rjabinovskaje (kamska regija), koji se smatra iranskim proizvodom iz 9.-10. st. (Darkevi
1976, 8, 80, T. 6,2). Njegova se kompozicija tono poklapa s
onom iz sasanidskog vremena: konj se kree u galoppe volant, divlja na koju je naciljana strelica takoer je prikazana
u uspravnom poloaju, a kralj nosi krunu s vrpcama (Blint
2004, sl. 131,2) (Radlov 1895, T. XXXII,4). Jednu od kasnijih
upotreba tog tipa slike susreemo na istonoj strani svjetski
poznate Ahtamarske crkve na otoku koji se nalazi u jezeru
Van (Blint 2004, sl. 131,3). Na frizu koji je nastao izmeu 915.
i 921. god. nalazi se ista scena koju je klesar samo aktualizirao: glava jahaa nesporno je euromongolskog tipa, stopalo
mu je oslonjeno na stremen, a lice mu je izraajno, za razliku
od ukoenih lica poput maske na sasanidskim prikazima (Ipsiroglu 1963, 65, sl. 22, lijevo; Nersessian 1987, sl. 70). Vrlo je
pouno vidjeti kako je ovaj ikonografski prototip, uz mijeanje kultura, opstao dobrih pola tisuljea: sasanidski tip slike iz 4. st., naen u armenskoj kranskoj crkvi 10. st., u ijim
se antropolokim i materijalnim znaajkama ve raspoznaje
pribliavanje Selduka!
Slina nam se pouka nudi i u sluaju drugih dviju sasanidskih zdjela, samo to nee biti tako jasna kao to je to
sluaj s medaljonom iz Rjabinovskaje i s frizom iz Ahtamara. Scena na zdjeli Turueva, prema openito prihvaenom
miljenju koje se temelji na tipu krune kralja prikazanog
za vrijeme lova, prikazuje apura II. (310.-320.) pa se zbog
toga datira u to rano razdoblje (Trever, Lukonin 1987, 107,
63. Taj je detalj Gy.Lszl podsjetivi se na sadraj svog prijanjeg lanka
o hunskom zlatnom luku (usp. Lszl 1951, 91-106, v. jo Harmatta,
1951, 107-151) smatrao znakom mitskog sadraja prizora iz Nagyszentmiklsa, v. Lszl, Rcz 1977, 80(71). Meutim, nije sigurno radi li se
ovdje doista o simbolinom luku ili simbolinom prikazu luka, jer je i u
svim slinim prizorima isto tako relativno malen. Mislim da je taj iznimno sposoban zlatar osjetio da bi vjerni prikaz dimenzija luka naruio
estetiku kompozicije.
cm). A nagyszentmiklsi vadszati jelenet kptpusa ebbe a

csoportba illik bele.
Mr Hampel J. flfedezte, hogy az Ermitzs vilghr,
ismeretlen oroszorszgi lelhely, Pr-i Vahmn-feliratos
tlja egyltaln nem rdektelen Nagyszentmikls kutatsa
szempontjbl.62 Ez az akkori publikcis viszonyok kztt,
a Zichy-expedci ktetei (1905) s Ja. I. Smirnov katalgusa
(1909) megjelense eltt a magyar tudsnak a keleti leletanyagban val kitn tjkozottsgrl tanskodott. A magyar rgszet eredmnyeinek gyenge nemzetkzi ismertsgrl s a Nagyszentmiklssal foglalkoz kutats egysk
jellegrl rulkodik, hogy ez a hasonlsg csak b fl vszzaddal ksbb, N. Mavrodinov munkja rvn vlt tnylegesen ismertt (Mavrodinov 1943, 127). A Pr-i Vahmnfeliratos a hasonl tematikj szsznida tlak nagyobbik
rsztl nemcsak realizmusval, fegyver- s viselettrtneti
rszleteivel (pl. a kengyel meglte, a lszerszmdsz s a
kard tpusa, az utbbi felfggesztsmdja stb.), valamint az
brzolt szemly arckifejezsvel, hanem a mretvel is hatrozottan eltr s egy korai tlhoz (Sari) ll kzel. rdemes
ket figyelmesen sszehasonltani.
Egyezsek valban vannak a Pr-i Vahmn-feliratos tl
s a nagyszentmiklsi 2. sz. kors vadszati jelenetei brzolsban. Mindkettn egy hs vagy fejedelem vadszik,
aki a lovn balra tart s htrafel nyilaz, melynek clpontja
egy gaskod macskafle llat.
Az eltrsek azonban ezeknl jelentsebbek. Egyrszt
zsnerbeliek: a htasknt hasznlt nagyszentmiklsi lny
ugyanis ll, mg a keletiek mindegyikn a l a szsznida
szabvnynak megfelelen repl galoppban brzolt.
A nagyszentmiklsi frfi feje profilban, mg a Pr-i Vahmnfeliratos szembenzetben lthat. Msrszt ikonolgiai
is, mert a nagyszentmiklsit kszt tvs mg csak nem is
trekedett arra, hogy az brzols realisztikus legyen, ami
viszont a Pr-i Vahmn-tlnak kifejezetten a clja volt. (Az
utbbi ednynek a kzp-zsiai fmmvessgben egyedlll volta is ppen ebbl fakad, mivel a keleti ezst vadszjelenetes tljait kszt tvsk ettl kiss eltr kptpust kvettek, melynek egyik f vonsa ppen az idealizls volt.) A nagyszentmiklsi esetben a realizmus hinyval
a kszt eleve azt kvnta hangslyozni, hogy az brzolt
frfi nem valsgos, nem fldi vezr: a fejn szimbolikus koront visel, kpzeletbeli llaton lovagol, kismret63 jjal l,
nincsen msik fegyvere, nincs lszerszma, nem visel vet.
A kptpus teht megegyezik, de a mvszi felfogs s a
sejthet tartalom alapveten eltrt.
Kztudott, hogy a Pr-i Vahmn-feliratos tl a hason62. A trgy els kzlse OAK za 1868, 612; ehhez nem tudtam hozzjutni.
Ksbb szmtalan helyen kzltk, a kincs szempontjbl foglalkozott
vele legkorbbban Hampel 1886, 86, fig. 46; Pulszky 1897, 60; Odobesco
1896, II, 55; Nagy 1901, 320-322. Feliratt ld. Livic, Lukonin 1964,
162.
63. Ezt a rszletet Lszl Gy. a hun aranyjrl korbban rt cikkben
foglaltakra emlkezve (v. Lszl 1951, 91-106, ld. mg Harmatta, 1951,
107-151) a nagyszentmiklsi jelenet mitikus tartalma jelnek tartotta, ld.
Lszl, Rcz 1977, 80 (71). Nem biztos azonban, hogy itt valban egy
szimbolikus j vagy egy j szimbolikus brzolsval volna dolgunk,
mert az valamennyi hasonl jelenet esetben ugyanilyen arnytalanul
kis mret. gy gondolom, hogy a klnleges tehetsg tvs rezte:
egy valsgh arnyaiban brzolt j megzavarta volna a kompozci
eszttikumt.
363
br. 3; Harper 1981, 197-199; Tanabe 1998, 98). Meutim, po

mom miljenju ta zdjela sigurno ne potjee iz vremena tog
kralja nego iz jednog puno kasnijeg stoljea (Blint 2004, sl.
130,4). Tip maa vrlo se jasno razlikuje od svih prikaza maa
sasanidskog vremena: balak svijenog kraja i unjasti krini
dra tipoloke su znaajke koje se pojavljuju iskljuivo kasnije zbog toga bih ih ja prije datirao u 9. st.! Jaha prikazan na zdjeli s natpisom Pr-i Vahmn ima isti krini dra
i kod tog predmeta meu znanstvenicima nikada nije bilo
spora o tome da nije nastao u nekom stoljeu nakon sasanidskog vremena. Isto bi tako moglo biti i u sluaju zdjele iz
ostave u Shsinu. I kralj koji je prikazan na njoj takoer je
identificiran kao apur II., oito zbog tipa krune (to se iz publikacije ne vidi), a i odjea i naoruanje kralja, kao i svi detalji konjske opreme, doista se tono uklapaju u niz slinih
zdjela. Meutim, na desnoj strani sedlenog pokrivaa nalazi
se izdajniki detalj: na jednom se medaljonu nalazi tono
onakav prikaz Senmurwa ija se pojava na to sam ve ukazao u Tqi Bostnu (Fukai, Horiuchi 1972, II, T. XLVI), a prije
svega na poetku 4. st., niti jednom na zadovoljavajui nain ne moe datirati u sasanidski Iran. Smatram vjerojatnim
da bi i ovu zdjelu trebalo datirati nekoliko stoljea kasnije
od vremena apura II.64
O.Grabar je ve prije dosta vremena izrazio sumnju koja se otad javlja i kod mnogih drugih: sasanidske zdjele s
prizorima lova ne potjeu nuno iz vremena vladavine kralja kojeg moemo identificirati na temelju prikazane krune.
Analizirani prikazi to jasno potvruju; tip slike koji prikazuje
kralja na konju, okrenutog prema natrag, kako strijelom gaa uspravljenog lava, preivio je stoljeima, vie narataja
nakon sloma sasanidskog carstva i proirio se i po nesasanidskim krajevima. U sluaju zdjele s natpisom Pr-iVahmn
dodatno je jako pouno kako je na njoj odabirom veliine
izraena arhainost (to je, naime, bilo uobiajenije u 4. st.,
kasnije su se openito koristile manje veliine) i kako je zlatar istodobno pri razradi detalja prikaza dao odraz znaajkama svog vlastitog vremena i sredine (adoption).
Htio bih navesti jo jedan primjer za ovaj prostorno i vremenski vrlo raireni tip prikaza koji je nastao u ranosasanidskom razdoblju i koristio se pola tisuljea u srednjoj Aziji.
Tip prikaza koji prikazuje kralja na konju, okrenutog prema
natrag, kako strijelom gaa uspravljenog lava, iz sasanidskog se Irana nije proirio samo na sjever, u srednjoazijsku
stepu (Pr-iVahmn), u transkavkasko podruje (Ahtamar) i
daleko na zapad (Nagyszentmikls), ve i daleko prema istoku. Polazei od tipa lica mukarca na konju, prikazanog na
komadu svile u carstvu Horiuchi iz Nare te zbog ornamentalnih elemenata prikaza kao i kineskog pismena na stranjem
dijelu konja (sa znaenjem vladar) te odreenih svojstava
dotine tekstilne tehnologije, nitko ni trenutka nije sumnjao
da se ne radi o nekakvom sasanidskom uvozu, nego o originalnom proizvodu s Dalekog istoka. Istodobno se, naravno,
takoer nije sumnjalo ni u to da ukras na svili slijedi sasanidski tip slike. ovjek koji je na njoj prikazan sjedi na krilatom
konju i strijelom prema natrag, jednako kao u na prethodno
64. Jedna druga zdjela koja se uva u Nari i na kojoj se uspravljeni leopard
ustremio na kralja prikazanog u neobinoj pozi (Tanabe 1987, 82, sl.1).
Zdjela slinog tipa nedavno se pojavila u jednoj japanskoj privatnoj zbirci
(Tanabe 2001, Tablica u boji, 176-177).
364
l tematikj szsznidknl ksbbi; az azt kszt tvs

egy olyan kptpusra tmaszkodott, amely mr a kszlse
idejn is sinek szmtott, legkevesebb hrom vszzadra
tekintett vissza. Ez nmagban is igen figyelemre mlt! E
kptpusnak tudtommal legkorbbi megfogalmazsa volt
a Saribl szrmaz tl, mely a 4. szzad 1. felre keltezhet (Harper 1981, 127, Pl. 10). Egy msik, Hormuzdot hasonl
kompozciban brzol tl keltezse vitatott, ennek esetben az 5. szzad vge6. szzad7. szzad eleje kzti idszak
jn szmtsba (Harper 1981, 127-128, Pl. 14). A Shs-in-ban
rztt harmadikon brzolt kirlyt II. Shapurral azonostottk (Hayashi 1975) (de szerintem ksbbi a tl, ld. albb),
mg az ufai tl III. Ardashir (628-630) korhoz kapcsolhat
(Harper 1981, 129, Pl. 18). A Pr-i Vahmn-feliratost a kutats meglehetsen egybehangzan a 8. szzadra, esetleg a
7.-8. szzad fordulja s a 8. szzad kzepe kzti idszakra
teszi (Darkevi 1976, 57.59, 66, T. 2; Trever, Lukonin 1987, 112,
No. 17; T. 34-35). Ismereteim szerint a trgyalt kptpus egyik
legksbbi elfordulsa a rjabinovskajai (Kma-vidk) kincs
medaillonjn figyelhet meg, melyet 9.-10. szzadi irni ksztmnynek tartanak (Darkevi 1976, 8, 80, T. 6,2). Kompozcija pontosan megegyezik a szsznida koriakval: a l
repl galoppban halad, a nyllal clba vett vad szintn
fgglegesen brzolt, s a kirly szalagos koront visel
(Radlov 1895, Tab. XXXII,4). E kptpusnak egy msik ksi
hasznlatval a Van-t szigetn plt, vilghr achtamari
templom keleti oldaln tallkozunk. A 915-921 kztt kszlt frzen ugyanezt a jelenetet ltjuk, csak ppen a farag
mvsz aktualizlsaival kiegsztve: a lovas feje vitathatatlanul turanid tpus, lba kengyelre tmaszkodik, arca
a szsznida brzolsok merev, maszkszer megfogalmazsval szemben expresszv (Ipsiroglu 1963, 65, Abb.
22, balra; Nersessian 1987, Abb. 70). Igen tanulsgos ezt a
kulturlis keveredst s egy ikonogrfiai prototpus b fl
vezredes tovbblst tudomsul vennnk: egy olyan 4.
szzadi szsznida kptpus ll elttnk egy 10. szzadi rmny keresztny templomon, amelynek antropolgiai s
trgyi jegyeiben flismerhet a szeldzsukok kzeledse!
Hasonl tanulsg knlkozik kt msik szsznida tl
esetben is, csakhogy ez nem lesz annyira kzenfekv,
mint a rjabinovskajai medaillon s az achtamari frz esetben. A turuevai tl jelenete a vadsz kirly koronja
tpusra tmaszkod, ltalnosan elfogadott nzet szerint
II. Shapurt brzolja (310-320), ugyanezen az alapon a kort is erre a korai idszakra teszik (Trever, Lukonin 1987, 107,
No. 3; Harper 1981, 197-199; Splendeur Sassanide 193, No.
52; Tanabe 1998, 98). Vlemnyem szerint ez a tl biztosan
nem az emltett kirly korbl szrmazik, hanem egy jval
ksbbi vszzadbl. A kard tpusa ugyanis hatrozottan
eltr a szsznida kor valamennyi kardbrzolsn lthattl: grbl vg markolata, a markolatgomb s a csnak
alak keresztvas egyrtelmen olyan tipolgiai jegyek,
amelyek kizrlag ksbb fordulnak el ezek alapjn inkbb 9. szzadinak gondolom! Ugyanilyen a keresztvasa a
Pr-i Vahmn-feliratos tl lovasnak is, mrpedig e trgy
kort illeten sosem volt vita a kutatsban, hogy az ne a
szsznida kor utni szzadok valamelyikben kszlt volna. Ugyanez lehet a helyzet a Shoso-in kincstrban rztt
navedenom sluaju, gaa lava to se uspravio na stranje

noge. Starost te svile se za razliku od prijanje datacije (8.
st.) sada datira u treu etvrtinu 7. st. (von Falke 1953, sl. 80;
Domyo 1981, 115, T. XV), to bi nam bilo puno prihvatljivije
kada bi se datacija vie oslanjala na povijest dalekoistonih
svila, a ne toliko na bezrezervnu adaptaciju autora datacije
razliitih iranskih i srednjoazijskih prikaza.
Zakljuak: Predstavljeni primjeri su pokazali da se tip slike sasanidskog podrijetla, koji prikazuje kralja na konju koji
okrenut unatrag, strijelom gaa neku vrstu velike make
uspravljene na stranje noge, mnogostruko proirio u prostoru i vremenu. Na njemu su tijekom vremena napravljene
manje izmjene: koritenjem nekog vanog, karakteristinog
elementa ostvarivane su tipoloke aktualizacije dotinog
predmeta i kulturalne adaptacije. to, dakle, znai injenica da se paralele za prizor nebeskoga lova na vru br. 2 iz
Nagyszentmiklsa mogu nai meu sasanidskim, odnosno,
srednjoazijskim prikazima? Odmjerimo li sukladnosti i razlike, neemo moi rei da je itav prikaz iz Nagyszentmiklsa
ili ak i vr sm sasanidskog ili srednjoazijskog podrijetla. Jer, sukladnost se pokazuje u smom tipu slike, budui
da kompozicija, prikazana tema (lov mitska scena) i detalji
prikazanih predmeta snano odstupaju jedni od drugih. Povijesno znaenje tih razlika, dakle, injenica da vr iz Nagyszentmiklsa nije isto orijentalni proizvod, potkrijepljena je
time to ovdje obraeni orijentalni prikazi puno vie nalikuju
jedni drugima nego to onaj iz Nagyszentmiklsa slii svojim orijentalnim paralelama (uz iznimku zdjele s natpisom
Pr-iVahmn). Meutim, sve se to moe objasniti time da je
zlatar koji je izradio vr iz Nagyszentmiklsa i u konkretnom
i u prenesenom smislu doista pred oima moda imao takav
tip slike orijentalnog podrijetla, ali da ga je samo koristio i
pritom na originalu napravio bitne sadrajne promjene u
skladu s vlastitim folklorom. Prodrijeti do njegova sadraja
nije mogue i vjerojatno nikada nee ni biti mogue. Stoga
(i) zbog svega navedenog proporuujem velik oprez pri povijesnom vrednovanju paralela prikaza na vrevima br. 2 i 7.
Jo blia paralela prizoru nebeskog lova od svih dosadanjih je strijelac na prsnom brou iz Mdlinga (Blint
2004, sl. 132,2); to srodstvo po miljenju I.Bne ukazuje i na
avarsko podrijetlo nalaza u Nagyszentmiklsu (Bna 1984, I,
344). Oba su zlatara upotrijebila isti tip slike; sprijeda je sukladnost sa strijelcem koji se nalazi slijeva toliko velika da
nas mami k sljedeoj pretpostavci: jesu li oni kopirali jedan
od drugog? Meutim, o sukladnosti tako velikog stupnja
moe se govoriti samo u sluaju tog broa, budui da je
desni samo analogija lijevog: kod ovog se mukarca ne vidi
brada, a noge mu je zlatar prikazao u kleeem poloaju.
Tijelo strijelca na lijevoj ploici zlatar je odrezao u visini
slabine, a noge su loe i na anatomski nerealistian nain
smjetene ispod tijela. To pokazuje da je zlatar prikaz strijelca koji stoji koristio kao uzor pa je noge uklopio tako da
su samo naznaene. Desna ploica definitivno odstupa od
toga i ljudski je lik na njoj prikazan u cijelosti i anatomski
tono. Sukladnosti broa iz Mdlinga, prikazane slijeva, i
prikaza nebeskog lova (poloaj tijela i luka, brada, etverokutne oklopne ploice) doista ukazuju na avarsku povezanost u sluaju vra br. 2 iz Nagyszentmiklsa.
tllal kapcsolatban. Az ezen brzolt kirlyt is II. Shapurral

azonostjk, ami nyilvnvalan a korona tpusa alapjn
trtnt (ez az adott publikcibl nem derl ki), s a kirly
ruhja, fegyverzete s a lszerszm minden rszlete valban pontosan beleillik a hasonl tlak sorba. Egy rulkod
rszletet flfedezhetnk azonban a nyeregtakar jobb sarkban: egy medaillonban szenmurvbrzols lthat, ami
erre mr utaltam (nagysze1 13.old. 64b j.) Taq-i Bostan
(Fukai-Horiuchi 1972, II, Pl. XLVI) eltt s klnsen nem a 4.
szzad elejn! megnyugtatan keltezheten egyszer sem
fordul el a szsznida Irnban. Valsznnek tartom, hogy
ez a tl is (vszzadokkal) ksbbi II. Shapur kornl.64
O. Grabar mr j ideje megfogalmazta azt a gyant, ami
azta sokakban l: a szsznida vadszati jelenetes tlak
nem felttlenl a rajtuk brzolt korona alapjn ltalunk
azonosthat kirly uralkodsi idejbl szrmaznak. A most
elemzett brzolsok egyrtelmen megerstik ezt: a htrafordulva, gaskod oroszlnra nyilaz lovas kirly kptpusa vszzadokkal, tbb nemzedkkel tllte a szsznida
birodalom sszeomlst s nem-szsznida krnyezetben
is elterjedt. A Pr-i Vahmn-felirat tl esetben kln tanulsgos mg ltni a mrete megvlasztsban megnyilvnul archaizlst (ekkora ugyanis inkbb a 4. szzadban volt
szoksos, ksbb ltalban kisebbeket hasznltak), amit sznest, hogy ugyanakkor az brzols rszletei kidolgozsnl az tvs a sajt kora s krnyezete jellegzetes vonsait
adta vissza (adoption).
Ennek a korai szsznida idkben kialakult s Kzpzsiban fl vezreden t hasznlt kptpusnak szles trbeli s idbeli elterjedtsgre mg egy pldval kvnok
rmutatni. A htrafordulva, gaskod oroszlnra nyilaz
lovas kirly kptpusa a szsznida Irnbl nemcsak szakra, az zsiai steppre (Pr-i Vahmn), a Transzkaukzusba
(Achtamar) s messze Nyugat fel (Nagyszentmikls) jutott
el, hanem igen tvolra keleti irnyban is. Azzal a selyemtredkkel kapcsolatban, mely a Narban lev Horiuchiszentlyben rztt selyemtredken lthat, a lovagl frfi
arctpusa alapjn, tovbb az brzols ornamentikai elemei, valamint a l farn feltntetett knai rsjel (jelentse:
uralkod) s meghatrozott textiltechnikai sajtossgok
kvetkeztben sosem merlt fl mg egy pillanatnyi ktsg
sem, hogy nem egy eredeti tvol-keleti ksztmnnyel, hanem valamilyen szsznida importtrggyal volna dolgunk.
Ugyangy persze az sem volt ktsges, hogy a selyem dsztse szsznida kptpust kvet. A rajta brzolt, szrnyas
lovon l, htrafel nyilaz frfira az imnt trgyaltakkal
egyez mdon, azaz kt lbon gaskod oroszln tmad.
E selyem kort az jabb kutats a korbbi keltezs (8. szzad) helyett a 7. szzad 3. negyedre teszi (von Falke 1953,
Abb. 80; Domyo 1981, 115, T. XV), amit jval knnyebb volna
elfogadnunk, ha az sokkal inkbb a tvol-keleti selymek trtnetre, s nem klnfle irni s kzp-zsiai brzolsok
kormeghatrozsnak a szerz rszrl fenntarts nlkl
trtnt adaptcijra tmaszkodnk.
64. Egy msik, Narban rztt tl, melyen egy gaskod leoprd szll
szembe a teljesen szokatlan pzban brzolt kirllyal (Tanabe 1987, 82,
Fig. 1). Egy hasonl tpus tl a kzelmltban vlt ismertt egy japn
magngyjtemnybl (Tanabe 2001, color Pl. Ia,176-177).
365
Sl. 5 Prikazi borbi ivotinja na dnu vra br. 2 i zdjele br. 21

5. kp A2. szam kancs s a 21. szam tl aljn tallhat llatviadal
brzolsa
Prizori borbe ivotinja na posudama br. 2 i 21 (i njihove

poveznice s drugim takvim prizorima)
U sluaju prizora borbe ivotinja na nalazima (osim na
dnu vra br. 2 i zdjele br. 21: sl. 5) situacija je slina kao i u
opisanim sluajevima. Poznato je da ih je mogue dokazati
od doba Nimruda (prva polovica 9. st. pr. Kr.), Perzepolisa
(485.-465.god. pr. Kr.) itd., u brojnim kulturama Euroazije a
u istonoeuropskoj stepi najranije od doba Skita (Rostovtzeff 1929; Fettich 1926, 81-92; Kossack 1998, 39-96). Zbog njihove velike rairenosti u prostoru i vremenu, nitko, naravno,
ne smatra kako tu uvijek i posvuda treba pretpostavljati da
su postojali izravni srednjoistoni, grki, rimski ili bizantski
utjecaji; svima je prihvatljivo da su borbe ivotinja oito zagolicale matu mnogih euroazijskih naroda i umjetnika (vie
pozornosti treba obratiti jedino moda nainu irenja tipa
slike).65 to se tie kompozicije, u prizorima borbe ivotinja
65. U vezi s ranosrednjovjekovnim nalazima Karpatske kotline na to je
ukazao na tragu onog to su utvrdili N.Fettich i Gy.Lszl (Dekn
1972, 365-367).
366
sszefoglalva: A bemutatott pldk azt mutatjk, hogy

a htrafordulva, gaskod nagymacskaflre nyilaz lovas
kirly szsznida eredet kptpusa trben s idben sokfel elterjedt. Ennek sorn apr vltoztatsokat eszkzltek
rajta; egy-egy fontos, jellegzetes elem szerepeltetsvel
trgytipolgiai aktualizlst s kulturlis adaptcit hajtottak vgre. Mit jelent ht az, hogy a nagyszentmiklsi 2. sz.
kors gi vadszat jelenetnek a szsznida, illetve kzp-zsiai brzolsok sorban talljuk meg a prhuzamt?
Az egyezseket s eltrseket mrlegre tve: sz sem lehet
arrl, hogy a nagyszentmiklsi brzols egszt netaln
magt a korst is szsznida vagy kzp-zsiai eredetnek tarthatnk. Egyezs ugyanis egyedl magban a kptpusban mutatkozik, mert a kompozci, az brzolt tma
(vadszat mitikus jelenet) s az brzolt trgyak rszletei
lnyegesen eltrnek egymstl. Ezen eltrsek trtneti jelentsgt, azaz hogy a nagyszentmiklsi nem tisztn keleti
ksztmny, altmasztja az, hogy az itt trgyalt keleti brzolsok egymshoz lnyegesen jobban hasonltanak, mint
a nagyszentmiklsi a keleti prhuzamaihoz (kivtelt a Pr-i
Vahmn-tl jelent). Mindez pedig gy magyarzhat, hogy
a nagyszentmiklsi korst kszt tvs szeme eltt konkrt vagy tvitt rtelemben egyarnt valban llhatott egy
ilyen keleti eredet kptpus, m azt csak felhasznlta,
melynek sorn az eredetin lnyeges, a sajt folklrjhoz igazod tartalmi vltoztatsokat eszkzlt. Ennek tartalmhoz
lehatolni nincsen s valsznleg nem is lesz mdunk. Ezrt
(is) ajnlok nagyfok vatossgot a 2. s 7. sz. korsn lthat
brzolsok prhuzamainak trtneti rtkelse sorn.
Mindennl kzelebbi prhuzama az gi vadsznak a
mdlingi mellboglron brzolt jsz; a rokonsg Bna I.
szerint a nagyszentmiklsi avar eredetre nzve is irnyad
(Bna 1984, 344). A kt tvs ugyanazt a kptpust hasznlta; a szembenzetben bal oldali boglr jszval az egyezs
oly nagy mrtk, hogy arra a felttelezsre csbt: egyiket a
msikrl msoltk volna??? Ilyen fok egyezsrl csak ezen
korong esetben beszlhetnk, mert a jobb oldali a bal oldalinak pusztn analgija: annak a frfinak nem ltszik a
szaklla, s a lbait trdel helyzetben brzolta az tvs. A
bal oldali korongon lthat jsz testt gykmagassgban
elvgta az tvs, a kt lb hinyosan, anatmiailag irrelisan van a test alatt. Ez azt mutatja, hogy az tvs egy ll
jsz brzolst hasznlta elkpl, amelyhez a lbakat
mr csak jelzsszeren illesztette hozz ettl hatrozottan eltr a jobb oldali korong, melyen az emberi alak teljes
s anatmiailag helyesen brzolt. A mdlingi bal oldali
boglr s a nagyszentmiklsi gi vadsz egyezsei (tests jtarts, szakll, ngyszgletes pncllemezek) a 2. sz.
kors avar kapcsolatt jelzik.
A 2. s 21. sz. ednyek llatkzdelmi jelenetei (kls kapcsolataik)
A most trgyalthoz hasonl a helyzet a kincsen lthat
llatkzdelmi jelenetek esetben is (2. sz. kors s a 21. sz.
cssze aljn kvl). Kztudott, hogy ilyenek Nimrud (Kr. e. 9.
szzad 1. fele), Persepolis (Kr. e. 485-465) stb. ta Eurzsia szmos kultrjban, a kelet-eurpai steppn pedig legkorbban a szkta korban kimutathatk (Rostovtzeff 1929; Fettich
po prirodi stvari uvijek grabeljivac napada slabiju ivotinju.

Postoje tri glavna tipa: pokazuju borbu izmeu lava i bika
ili jelena, orla i zmije ili zeca, kao i grifona i nekog velikog
etveronoca (Rice 1975, 18). Pitanje to bi ti prizori mogli
znaiti za pojedine, konkretne, narode spada ve u nadlenost povijesti religije i folkloristike; pored mnogobrojnih
tumaenja uz veliku se vjerojatnost moe utvrditi samo da
prikaze borbe ivotinja valja promatrati kao izraz vladalake moi (von Euw 1991, 191). Meutim, budimo realni pri
vrednovanju sluaja koji nas zanima: zbog ve poznatog razloga u sluaju prizora borbe ivotinja iz Nagyszentmiklsa
ne moemo se nadati da emo saznati koji je bio ideoloki
sadraj prikaza.
Vaan doprinos razjanjenju unutarnjih meuodnosa u
grai je to to su kompozicije prizora borbe ivotinja s posuda br. 2 i 21 meusobno bliske, ali u tehnikoj izvedbi i
prizoru ivotinja postoje i znaajne razlike (nain kako su
prikazane napadnute ivotinje je razliit, a i napadaima je
zajedniko jedino to to su oboje bia iz mate). Zbog toga
je jasno da su br. 2 i 21 izraene ili jedna nakon druge ili pak
istodobno, ali su ih radili majstori posve razliitih kola. Bilo
da je kasnija posuda nastala na temelju ranije ili su nastale
neovisno jedna o drugoj, obje su napravljene po nekom zajednikom izvoru i obje nas varijacije vode do istog vanog
zakljuka o njihovoj kulturnoj povijesti: ili su naruitelj i/ili
proizvoa osjetili potrebu za takvim prikazom ili se, pak,
radi o kontinuiranom ukusu. Redoslijed je vaan za unutarnju kronologiju grae, ali se u ovom lanku radi o stupnju
slinosti.
Kakav je odnos prizora borbe ivotinja iz Nagyszentmiklsa prema onima na ranosrednjovjekovnim orijentalnim
posudama? Od N.Mavrodinova istraivai se u vezi s graom
obino pozivaju na srebrne zdjele iz Polovodova i Komarova
(Blint 2004, sl. 133,4-5) u permskoj regiji; i jedne i druge na
sredini imaju borbe ivotinja u slinoj kompoziciji. Na prvoj
je lav rastrgao jelena; za tu je zdjelu utvreno da je istonoiranski, odnosno srednjoazijski proizvod iz 8. st., eventualno
iz njegove druge polovice (Marak 1971, 29; Marschak 1986,
sl. 24,429, br. 24; Darkevi 1976, 25, 79, T. 5,2), a za drugu, na
kojoj je napada takoer lav, da je iranski proizvod iz 7.-8.st.
(Smirnov 1909, T. CXIV,289; Darkevi 1976, 18-19, 70, T. 4,2).
Sada bi se u srednjoazijskoj zlatarskoj umjetnosti i openito
meu srednjoazijskim i unutranjoazijskim prikazima moglo traiti jo paralela pa potom doi do zakljuka: budui
da u Orijentu ima slinih, onda dakle i vr, zapravo i sva ta
graa, zasigurno ima kulturne znaajke Orijenta. Meutim,
ipak je bolje na drugi nain pristupiti tom problemu.
Razmislimo najprije o tome da je na spomenutim azijskim prikazima napada vrsta make, a ne bie iz mate kao
u Nagyszentmiklsu. Ve to ukazuje na injenicu kako je temeljna sadrajna razlika izmeu te dvije skupine tolika da bi
ve samo zbog toga trebalo odbaciti razmiljanja o srednjoazijskom podrijetlu prikaza iz Nagyszentmiklsa. I razrada
detalja i to se tie stila i to se tie ornamentalnih elemenata otro se razlikuje; majstori iz Nagyszentmiklsa kod
svakog su malog detalja postupali drukije nego orijentalni.
A i inae bi bilo pogreno proglasiti izvorno orijentalnim
one prizore borbe ivotinja u kojima se neka vrsta make
bori protiv neke vrste kopitara, budui da je i to bio prastari
1926, 81-92; Kossack 1998, 39-96). A szles trbeli s idbeli

elterjeds miatt termszetesen senki sem gondol arra, hogy
velk kapcsolatban mindig s mindentt kzvetlen kzelkeleti, grg, rmai, biznci hatst felttelezzen; mindenki
elfogadja, hogy az llatkzdelmek szemmellthatlag szmos eurzsiai np s mvsz fantzijt megragadhattk
(legfljebb a kptpus terjedse mdjnak kellene tbb figyelmet szentelni).65 Ami a kompozcit illeti, a dolog termszetbl fakad, hogy az llatkzdelmi jelenetekben mindig
egy ragadoz az, amelyik egy gyengbb llatra tmad. Hrom f tpusuk van: oroszln s bika vagy szarvas, sas s kgy vagy nyl, valamint griff s valamilyen nagytest ngylb harct brzoljk (Rice 1975, 18). Az mr a vallstrtnet s a folklorisztika illetkessgbe tartoz krds, hogy
e jelenetek az egyes, konkrt esetekben tnylegesen mit
jelenthettek a klnfle npek szmra; a sokfle interpretci kzl a legnagyobb valsznsggel mindssze annyi
llthat, hogy az llatkzdelmek brzolsai az uralkodi
hatalom kifejezdsnek tekinthetk (von Euw 1991, 191). A
bennnket rdekl eset megtlse sorn legynk azonban
realistk: a mr ismertetett okbl a nagyszentmiklsi llatkzdelmi jelenetek esetben nincs remnynk az brzols
ideolgiai tartalmnak megismersre.
A kincs bels sszefggseinek feltrshoz fontos adalk, hogy mg a 2. s 21. sz. edny llatkzdelmi jelenetnek
kompozcija kzel ll egymshoz, addig komoly kztk az
eltrs mind a technikai kivitelben, mind az llatok brzolsa tekintetben (klnbzik a megtmadottak fajtja, s
a tmadkban is csak annyi a kzs, hogy mindkett kpzeletbeli lny). Az emltett szempontok alapjn egyrtelm,
hogy a 2. s 21. sz. vagy egyms utn, vagy egyszerre, de
nagyon eltr iskolzottsg mester keztl kszlhetett.
Akr a ksbbit a korbbi alapjn, akr egymstl fggetlenl, de valamilyen kzs forrs alapjn ksztettk el ket,
mindkt varici ugyanazt a fontos kultrtrtneti kvetkeztetst knlja a szmunkra: vagy a megrendel s/vagy a
kszt rszrl nyilvnult meg igny ugyanazon brzols
irnt, vagy pedig egy zlsbeli folytonossggal van dolgunk.
A sorrendisg a kincs bels kronolgija szempontjbl br
jelentsggel, e fejezetben a hasonlsg fokozataival foglalkozunk.
Hogyan viszonyulnak a nagyszentmiklsi llatkzdelmi
jelenetek a kora kzpkori keleti ednyeken lthatkhoz?
A kincs kutatsban N. Mavrodinov ta szoks hivatkozni a
Perm-vidki Polovodovn s Komarovn tallt ezsttlakra;
mindkett kzepben hasonl kompozciban brzolt llatkzdelmet ltunk. Az elsn egy oroszln marcangol szarvast; ezt a tlat 8. szzadi, esetleg annak 2. felbl vagy vgrl szrmaz kelet-irni, illetve kzp-zsiai ksztmnynek hatroztk meg (Marak 1971, 29; Marschak 1986, Fig.
24,429, No. 24; Darkevi 1976, 25, 79, T. 5,2), mg a msodikat,
melyen szintn oroszln a tmad, irni termknek tartjk s
a 7.-8. szzadra keltezik (Smirnov 1909, T. CXIV,289; Darkevi
1976, 18-19, 70, T. 4,2). Mrmost a kzp-zsiai tvssgben
s ltalban: a kzp- s bels-zsiai brzolsok kztt le65. A Krpt-medencei kora kzpkori leletanyaggal kapcsolatban Fettich
N. s Lszl Gy. nyomdokba lpve nyomatkosan erre hvta fel jbl
a figyelmet (Dekn 1972, 365-367).
367
tip slike dovoljno je baciti pogled na jedan srebrni novac,

kovan u Trakiji oko 490. god. pr. Kr. i jedan isti takav iz Kilikije
oko 350. god. pr. Kr., na kojima je mrljasta pantera rastrgala bika, odnosno lav jelena (Blint 2004, sl. 133,2) (Rawson
1977, 11, sl. 25a-b), ili na skitski ukras konjske orme (?) iz 5.
st. pr. Kr. (Blint 2004, sl. 133,1) s panterom i jelenom u istoj
pozi (Kubyev, Kovalov 1994, 369, dolje). Zdjele iz Polovodova i Komarova (Blint 2004, sl. 133,4-5) nastale su, dodue, u
srednjoj Aziji, odnosno Iranu, ali taj tip slike ima antike korijene! Takoer, ne iznenauje injenica da se prizori borbe ivotinja mogu nai i u Bizantu, i to vie stoljea prije nego to
su proizvedeni spomenuti srednjoazijski zlatarski proizvodi,
to iz preferiraju istraivai arheologije stepe. Za istraivanje
Nagyszentmiklsa, grae iz Karpatske kotline, ne moemo
biti ravnoduni prema injenici da je Bizant tradicionalno i
na opipljiv nain stoljeima utjecao na materijalnu kulturu i
umjetnost srednje, jugoistone i istone Europe. Zato e sada biti korisno razmotriti neke primjere iz Bizanta, odnosno
njegovih zona utjecaja.
Jedan od njih je srebrna zdjela koja je proizvedena u
Konstantinopolu izmeu 450. i 525. god. i na kojoj je prikazana borba izmeu tigra i ibeksa (Spirituality 1978, 83-84,
br. 72; Mundell Mango 1986, 275, sl. 102,1). Takvi su i prizori
na slavnom mozaiku bizantske carske palae i u bazilici u
Delfima, na kojima leopard napada jelena (Trilling 1985, sl.
15,75). (U uni, ali sada izgleda i zavreni spor66 oko kronologije prikaza iz Konstantinopola ukljuio sam se nedavno
zbog prikaza pojasa s okovima i sporednih jeziaca remena i
predloio datiranje blisko prije spomenutoj zdjeli, u sredinu
6. st.: Blint 2000, 128-130) Nagyszentmiklsu emo se vie
pribliiti nego pomou navedenih primjera, ako potraimo
prizore borbe ivotinja na kojima je kao napada prikazan
grifon. Kao prvu u spomenuti zdjelu iz azerbajdanske Toprag Kale, na kojoj se krilati grifon obruava na srnu (Blint
2004, sl. 134,1).67 Kao doba nastanka te zdjele izdava je bez
posebnog obrazloenja naveo 4.-5. st., a kao podrijetlo na
temelju oblika srednju Aziju.68 Isti takav grifon postoji na
frizu crkve izgraene 873./74. god. u bojotijskom mjestu
Skripou (Blint 2004, sl. 134,2); N.Mavrodinov je bio prvi koji
ga je ukljuio u svoje prouavanje grae (Mavrodinov 1943,
170, sl. 114; Grabar 1963, T. XLI,3). Ti se primjeri na jednostavnoj kronolokoj osnovi mogu smatrati prethodnicima
i suvremenicima prizora borbe ivotinja iz Nagyszentmiklsa. Ali, to emo s onima koji su bez sumnje nastali kasnije od obraene grae? Grifon se pojavljuje na jednom
fragmentu kamene ploe iz Maarske, izraene oko 1100.
god. (Tth 1994, 91, I-32). Slina se borba ivotinja nalazi na
jednom zidnom medaljonu bazilike u Szkesfehrvru iz
istoga razdoblja (Blint 2004, sl. 134,3) (Dercsny 1943, sl.
67; Nagy, Tth 2000, 253, nap. 42). Gy.Lszl je bez podrobne analize smatrao da se potonja moe dovesti u paralelu s
66. Literatura v. Nordhagen 1993, 167-171.
67. Aslanov et al. 1966, T. XIX,1; Erdlyi 1968, 36, nap. 8 datira bocu
koja je u sklopu toga takoer naena u 5.st.; Guliev 1980, 108, T. III,1;
Koelenko 1985, 174, T.LX,10.
68. Takoer se jasno vidi da se za korijenima ovdje obraivanog prikaza
iz Nagyszentmiklsa na temelju te jedne jedine zdjele nikako ne smije
tragati u okolici Kavkaza. To, dodue, niti nije izneseno u tom obliku, ali
smatram nunim ukazati na tu injenicu zato to se hipoteza o zlatarskoj
umjetnosti Kavkaza ili kavkaskoj umjetnosti izrade metalnih posuda
stalno pojavljuje u vezi s naom graom.
368
hetne mg tovbb keresni prhuzamokat, majd pedig arra

a kvetkeztetsre jutni, hogy mivel elfordulnak hasonlk
Keleten, ezrt ht egyrtelm: a trgyalt kors, st a kincs a
Kelet kulturlis jegyeit viseli magn. Clszerbb azonban e
problmhoz ms mdon kzeledni.
Elszr is figyeljnk fl arra, hogy az emltett zsiai brzolsokon macskafle a tmad, s nem egy kpzeletbeli
lny, mint Nagyszentmiklson. Ez mris olyan alapvet tartalmi klnbsget jelent a kt csoport kztt, hogy akr mr
egyedl ennek alapjn is elvethet a nagyszentmiklsiak kzp-zsiai eredeztetsnek gondolata. A rszletek kidolgozsa is mind a stlus, mind az ornamentikai elemek tekintetben lesen klnbzik egymstl; a nagyszentmiklsiak
kszti minden apr rszletnl a keletiektl eltr mdon
jrtak el. Egybknt is hiba volna eredeti keleti kompozcinak minsteni azon llatkzdelmi jeleneteket, melyeknl
macskafle kzd egy pats llattal, mivel ez is si kptpus
volt elg csak egy pillantst vetni egy Kr. e. 490 krl
Thrkiban s egy Kr. e. 350 krl Kilikiban vert ezstpnzre, melyen foltos prduc bikt, oroszln szarvast marcangol
(Rawson 1977, 11, Fig. 25a-b), vagy egy Kr. e. 5. szzadi szkta
lszerszmdszre, melyen ugyanilyen pzban lthat prduc s szarvas egyttese (Kubyev, Kovalov 1994, bort;
Gold 369, alul). A polovodovi s komarovi tl kptpusa
antik gyker! Nem meglep, hogy llatkzdelmi jelenetekkel Bizncban is tallkozunk, mghozz vszzadokkal
a fennemltett, a steppe rgszeti kutatsa ltal preferlt
kzp-zsiai tvstermkek kszlse eltti peridusban.
Nagyszentmikls, egy Krpt-medencei kincs vizsglata
szempontjbl igazn nem lehet kzmbs az a krlmny,
hogy Biznc hagyomnyosan s kzenfekv mdon vszzadokon t hatssal volt Kzp-, Dlkelet- s Kelet-Eurpa
anyagi kultrjra s mvszetre. Ezrt tanulsgos lesz
most nhny pldt Bizncbl, illetve annak kisugrzsaibl is megtekintennk.
Egy ilyet egy 450-525 kztt Konstantinpolyban kszlt
ezsttl knl, melyen tigris s ibex harca lthat (Spirituality
1978, 83-84, No. 72; Mundell Mango 1986, 275, Fig. 102,1).
Ugyanilyen a biznci csszri palota hres mozaikjn s a
delphi bazilikban lthat jelenet is, ahol leoprd tmad
szarvasra (Trilling 1985, Fig. 15,75). (A konstantinpolyi brzols kronolgijval kapcsolatos hatalmas, de lezrultnak
ltsz vitba66 nemrg a kisszjas veretes v brzolsa alapjn belekapcsoldva az elbbi tlhoz kzel ll, a 6. szzad
kzepre val keltezst javasoltam Blint 2000, 128-130)
Az emltetteknl kzelebb kerlnk Nagyszentmiklshoz,
ha olyan llatkzdelmi jeleneteknek nznk utna, amelyeken griff a tmad. Elsknt az azerbajdzsni Toprag Kaln
tallt tlat emltem, melyen egy szrnyas griff tmad zre.67
E tl kort s szrmazsi helyt a kzztevje klnsebb
indokls nlkl a 4.-5. szzadra tette, s a formja alapjn kzp-zsiai eredetnek hatrozta meg.68 Ugyanilyen
66. Irodalmt ld. Nordhagen 1993, 167-171.
67. Aslanov et al. 1966, T. XIX,1; Erdlyi 1968, 36. 8. j. szerint a vele tallt palack az 5. szzadra keltezi; 45, Fig. 3; Guliev 1980, 108, T. III,1;
Koelenko 1985, 174, T. LX,10.
68. Egyrtelmen megmutatkozik az is, hogy ezen egyetlen tl alapjn
semmi alapunk nincsen a szban forg nagyszentmiklsi brzols
gykereit a Kaukzus krnykn keresni. Ez utbbi ilyen formban
persze nem merlt fl, de a kaukzusi tvssgnek vagy kaukzusi
prizorom borbe ivotinja iz Nagyszentmiklsa (Lszl, Rcz

1977, 78), dok ju je N.Fettich tretirao kao dokaz za daljnje
postojanje totema iz naseljenikog razdoblja u doba romanike (Budinsk-Krika, Fettich 1973, 152, 237, sl. 81). (Tim su
paralelama obojica prisvojila miljenje koje je desetljeima
bilo proireno meu maarskim istraivaima, prema kojemu bi se po klesarskim radovima 11. st. mogao dokazati
nastavak postojanja palmeta iz naseljenikog doba).69 Meutim, injenicu da se u sluaju Szkesfehrvra ba i ne
radi o daljnjoj opstojnosti lokalnog kulturnog elementa
Karpatske kotline nedvojbeno dokazuje prizor borbe ivotinja na vjenanom listu za Teofanu, izdanom 14.travnja 972.
(von Euw 1991, 177, sl. 2), na kojem isto kao i na kamenu iz
Szkesfehrvra i medaljonima iz Nagyszentmiklsa grifon napada jelena (Blint 2004, sl. 134,5). A dokument koji je
na carskom dvoru izraen za bizantsku kneginju doista nije
mogao imati utjecaja na grau iz Nagyszentmiklsa, isto
kao ni na mnoge prizore borbe ivotinja na venecijanskom
ukrasnom kamenju iz 11.-12. st. (Blint 2004, sl. 134,6).70
Ovim posljednjim, namjerno irelevantnim, podatkom
elio sam ukazati na injenicu da kod scenskih prikaza klju
dotinog tipa slike ne treba nuno traiti u kronoloki najbliem starijem elementu. A budui da se obraeni prikazi
ni u kojim okolnostima ne mogu nanizati na jedan jedini lanac koji izraava kronoloku i prostornu rairenost (Bizant
Srednja Azija Nagyszentmikls Szkesfehrvr,
Venecija i Konstantinopol), time smo ne samo nali dokaz
za dugovjenost i omiljenost tipa slike koji prikazuje borbu
ivotinja/grifona, nego i doli do novih spoznaja za istraivanje Nagyszentmiklsa:
a) Prizori borbe ivotinja slini onima iz Nagyszentmiklsa u ranom srednjem vijeku mogu se, osim u srednjoj Aziji,
pronai i drugdje i u ostalim razdobljima, i jo k tome i neovisno o tim srednjoazijskim prikazima. (Tu se takoer vidi
i kako je lako doi u zabludu kada se, na temelju unaprijed
stvorene koncepcije ili jednostrane obavijetenosti, unaprijed odabere ona regija i skupina izvora u kojima namjeravamo traiti, odnosno imamo mogunost traiti paralele i
analogije).
b) Dio navedenih paralela u svakom je sluaju nastao
prije Nagyszentmiklsa, a drugi dio kasnije. Prizori borbe ivotinja u ranom srednjem vijeku ne mogu se niti geografski
povezati s jednom jedinom regijom, niti smatrati tipinom
kompozicijom jednog jedinog ueg razdoblja. Naposljetku,
injenica da i unutar jedne grae (Nagyszentmikls) moe
biti vie vrsta prikazanih ivotinja, ukazuje na neto to je
dosad i inae bilo samo po sebi razumljivo: bit tipa slike jedino je borba dvaju bia, a sve ostalo ovisilo je o kulturnom
okoliu, individualnom gleditu i zanatskom umijeu zlatara
ili klesara itd., odnosno eventualno o zahtjevima naruitelja.
69. To je tipino hungarocentrini svjetonazor koji gubi iz vida europske
spomenike; naime, dotine palmete u susreemo posvuda u romanikoj
ornamentici. Ta nedvojbena pogreka u pristupu u pismenom je obliku, naalost, iskazana samo kratkom referencom, usp. Marosi 1996,
1032-1033.
70. Posebno je upadljiva sukladnost prizora na posudama br.2 i 21 s tipom
slike gdje grifon napada neku etverononu ivotinju (wiechowski,
Rizzi 1982). Tu sam knjigu prouio zahvaljujui ljubaznosti Melinde
Tth, kojoj na ovom mjestu zahvaljujem.
sznyoggriff lthat a boitiai Skripou 873/74-ben plt

templomnak egyik frzn; ezt N. Mavrodinov vonta be elsknt a kincs tanulmnyozsba (Mavrodinov 1943, 170,
Fig. 114; Grabar 1963, Pl. XLI,3). E pldk egyszer kronolgiai alapon elknyvelhetk a nagyszentmiklsi llatkzdelmi jelenetek elzmnynek, kortrsnak. Mit kezdjnk
viszont azokkal, amelyek minden ktsget kizran ksbbiek a trgyalt kincsnl? A sznyoggriff egy 1100 krl kszlt magyarorszgi klaptredken is elfordul (Tth 1994,
91, I-32), amihez hasonl llatkzdelmet ltunk a szkesfehrvri bazilika egyik azonos kor medaillonos faldszn
(Dercsny 1943, 67. kp; Nagy, Tth 2000, 253, 42. j.). Ezt
Lszl Gy. rszletes rtkels nlkl clszernek ltta a
nagyszentmiklsi llatkzdelmi jelenettel prhuzamba lltani (Lszl, Rcz 1977, 78), mg Fettich N. a honfoglals kori
totemek romn kori tovbblse bizonytkaknt trgyalta
(Budinsk-Krika, Fettich 1973, 152, 237, Abb. 81). (E prhuzamba lltssal mindketten azt a magyar kutatsban vtizedeken t elterjedt vlemnyt tettk magukv, mely szerint
a 11. szzadi faragott kveken a honfoglals kori palmettk
tovbblse mutathat ki.)69 m hogy Szkesfehrvr esetben mennyire nem egy helyi, Krpt-medencei kulturlis
elem tovbblsrl van sz, azt ktsgbevonhatatlanul
tanstja a Theophanu 972. prilis 14-n killtott hzassgi
okleveln lthat llatkzdelmi jelenet (von Euw 1991, 177,
Abb. 2), melyben akrcsak a szkesfehrvri kvn s a
nagyszentmiklsi medaillonokban griff az, ami szarvasra
tmad. Mrpedig egy biznci hercegnnek a csszri udvarban kszlt okmnyra igazn nem a nagyszentmiklsi
kincs lehetett hatssal, amint a 11.-12. szzadi velencei kfaragvnyok nagyszm llatkzdelmi jelenetre70 sem.
Az utbbi, szndkosan irrelevns kijelentssel arra
akartam figyelmeztetni, hogy a jelenetes brzolsoknl az
adott kptpus kulcst nem felttlenl a kronolgiailag legkzelebb ll elem nyjtja. Minthogy pedig a most trgyalt
brzolsok semmilyen krlmnyek kztt sem fzhetk
fl egyetlen kronolgiai s a trbeli terjedst kifejez lncra
(Biznc Kzp-zsia Nagyszentmikls Szkesfehrvr, Velence s Konstantinpoly), ezltal nemcsak a griffes
llatkzdelem kptpusnak a kora kzpkorban is hossz
letre s kedvelt voltra talltunk bizonytkot, hanem tanulsgokat Nagyszentmikls kutatsa szmra:
a) A nagyszentmiklsiakhoz hasonl llatkzdelmi jelenetek a kora kzpkorban msutt s mskor is fllelhetk,
mint Kzp-zsiban, radsul azok a kzp-zsiai brzolsoktl fggetlenek. (Ezltal is megmutatkozik, hogy
mennyire megtveszt lehet, ha egy prekoncepcitl vagy
egyoldal tjkozottsgtl vezettetve elre kivlasztjuk azt
a rgit, azt a forrscsoportot, ahol a prhuzamokat, anafmedny-mvessgnek a kincsnk kapcsn is vissza-visszatr felttelezse miatt mgis szksgesnek lttam erre rmutatni.
69. Ez egy jellegzetesen hungarocentrikus szemllet, amelyik nem szmol
az eurpai emlkekkel; a szban forg palmettk ugyanis a romn kori
ornamentikban mindentt fllelhetk. E szemlletmd egyrtelmen
elhibzott voltrl rsban eddig sajnos csak rvid clzs esett, v. Marosi 1996, 1032-1033.
70. Klnsen szembetn a 2. s 21. sz. ednyen lthat jelenetnek azzal a kptpussal val egyezse, amelynl griff tmad ngylb llatra
(wiechowski, Rizzi 1982). Ezt a knyvet Tth Melinda szvessgbl
ismertem meg, itt is ksznetet mondok rte.
369
c) Konkretno: Prikaz borbe grifona i jelena na posudama

iz Nagyszentmiklsa je bizantskog a ne orijentalnog! podrijetla.
Na kraju emo jo prouiti prikaz jednog orijentalnog,
a zapravo bizantskog prizora borbe ivotinja! I ovaj nam
primjer omoguuje dva razliita zakljuka i potkrepljuje
dosadanje tvrdnje. Radi se o jednoj ve dugo poznatoj
svilenoj tkanini koja je u mnogo komada dospjela u zapadnoeuropske riznice (Blint 2004, sl. 135,1)71 i o ijem je
fragmentu meu senzacionalnim nalazima sjevernokavkaske Moevaje balke objavljen poseban rad (Blint 2004, sl.
135,2) (Ierusalimskaja 1961, 40-50; Ierusalimskaja 1997, 239;
T.LXXXV, sl.222). Taj predmet i njegove varijante nastao
je u 8.st. u jednom od unutranjih bizantskih provincija ili u
Siriji, a njegova prva i openito zanimljiva posebnost je ta
to je na njemu bez obzira na bizantsko podrijetlo! prikazan poznati lov BahramaGra (420.-438.). (Prema jednoj
varijanti te pripovijesti koju su stoljeima opjevavali u arapskome svijetu taj je sasanidski kralj u lovu jednom jedinom
strijelom ubio jelena i panteru koja ga je napadala.)72 Tkalac
koji je tkao svilu sadrajno je dopunio vremenski i prostorno vrlo rairenu temu upravo tih prizora borbe ivotinja i
preoblikovao njihovu kompoziciju, i to tako da je meusobno kombinirao dva elementa, tisuljeima star prizor borbe
ivotinja i sasanidsku pripovijest o lovu (sam tip slike bio je
openito proiren na bizantskim svilama u 8.-9. st.: Stauffer
1992). (Njegov je postupak dobra ilustracija ve vie puta
spomenute individualne obrade te u svakom sluaju i
Ettinghausenova pojma adoption). Za istraivanje Nagyszentmiklsa u vezi s ovim prikazima valja samo spomenuti
da je skupina obaju ivotinja posebno ako pogledamo kako je glava jelena okrenuta unatrag bliska onoj na vru br.
2, iako tome vjerojatno ne treba pridavati nikakvo pretjerano znaenje.
Drugu pouku moemo izvui iz mjesta u kojemu se
proizvodila svila s prizorima BahramaGra, a koje se spominje ve u Liber Pontificalis iz vremena pape Grgura IV.
(827.-844.),73 jer istraivai nisu niti pomislili na mogunost
da bi njihovo podrijetlo moglo biti iz Irana ili srednje Azije tako je nespornom bila smatrana injenica kako se radi o bizantskim proizvodima! Poveemo li sada povijesna
motrita u vezi s tim tkaninama, onda e nas mjesto njihove proizvodnje dovesti do vrlo vanog zakljuka openite
naravi glede kretanja tipova slika i meusobnog utjecaja
meu kulturama. Vrlo se esto govori o utjecaju sasanidske
umjetnosti na Bizant;74 to, meutim, dosad nije tangiralo
arheoloka istraivanja Nagyszentmiklsa i itave ranosrednjovjekovne istonoeuropske stepe. Meutim, sada je pred
nama sluaj toliko konkretan da obvezno moramo uzeti u
obzir njegove teorijske pouke. Kada kod srednjoeuropskih
71. Vidi npr. von Falke 1953, 11, sl. 59; Vial 1964, 27-38; Wentzel 1972,
22-23, sl.19-20; Wentzel 1973, 71, sl.28; Bizantini 1982, sl. 346, br. 259;
Stauffer 1991, 34, br.35, 102-103, br.35; Muthesius 1997, sl.26A, sl. 79B;
Glory 1997, 406.
72. Christensen 1944, 277, nap.2. Pripovijest koju su opjevali u mnogo
inaica i njeni razliiti prikazi, v. Orbeli 1939, 725-732; Ettinghausen
1979, 25-31.
73. Beckwith 1974, 347.A; La Barre Starensier 1982, 163-180 (proitano u
Bibliotheque Byzantine, Pariz).
74. Provjera je potrebna za vie detalja, ali i danas je jo najiscrpnija ona
A.Grabara (1971, 679-707).
370
lgikat egyltaln szndkunkban, illetve mdunkban ll

keresni.)
b)
A
szmbavett
prhuzamok
egy
rsze
Nagyszentmiklsnl mindenkppen korbbi, a msik pedig ksbbi. Az llatkzdelmi jelenetek a kora kzpkorban
sem fldrajzilag nem kthetk egyetlen rgihoz, sem pedig egyetlen szkebb peridus jellegzetes kompozcijnak
nem tarthatk. Vgl pedig az a tny, hogy az brzolt llatok fajtja mg egyazon kincsen (Nagyszentmikls) bell is
lehet ms-ms, megersti azt, ami klnben eddig is magtl rtetd volt: a kptpus egyedli lnyege a kt lny
kzdelme, s minden tovbbi az tvs vagy kfarag stb. kulturlis krnyezetn s egyni ltsmdjn, kzgyessgn
mlott, illetve esetleg a megrendel ignytl fggtt.
c) Konkrtan: a griff s szarvas kzdelmnek brzolsa a nagyszentmiklsi ednyeken biznci s nem keleti!
eredet.
Befejezsl vizsgljunk meg mg egy keleti, valjban biznci llatkzdelmi jelenet-brzolst! Ez is ktfle
kvetkeztets lehetsgt knlja, tovbb altmasztja
az eddigiekben tett megllaptsokat. Egy rgta ismert
selyemszvetrl van sz, melynek sok darabja jutott el
klnfle nyugat-eurpai kincstrakba,71 s amelyiknek az
szak-kaukzusi Moevaja balka szenzcis leletei kztt
napvilgot ltott tredkrl kln feldolgozs is szletett (Ierusalimskaja 1961, 40-50; Ierusalimskaja 1997, 239;
T. LXXXV, Abb. 222). Ez s varinsai a 8. szzadban Biznc bels tartomnyai egyikben vagy Szriban kszlt,
s az els, ltalnos vonatkozs rdekessge az, hogy biznci termk ltre! Bahram Gr (420438) hres vadszatt brzoltk rajta. (Az arab vilgban vszzadokon t
megnekelt trtnet egyik vltozata szerint ez a szsznida
kirly egy vadszaton egyetlen nyllal tertett le egy szarvast s az arra tmad prducot.)72 A selyemszv az imnt
trgyalt llatkzdelmi jelenetek trben s idben szlesen
elterjedt tmjt tartalmilag kiegsztette, kompozcijt
tformlta. Ez gy trtnt, hogy a kt elemet: az vezredes
llatkzdelmi jelenetet s ezt a szsznida vadszati trtnetet (maga a kptpus ltalnosan elterjedt a 8.-9. szzadi
biznci selymeken: Stauffer 1992) egymssal kombinlta.
(Eljrsa a tbbszr emlegetett egyedi feldolgozsnak s
mindenkppen az Ettinghausen-fle adoption fogalmnak j illusztrcija.) Nagyszentmikls kutatsa szmra
ezen brzolssal kapcsolatban mindssze annyi rdemel
emltst, hogy a kt llat egyttese klnsen ha a szarvas
htrafordul fejt nzzk kzel ll a 2. sz. korsn lthathoz, br ennek valsznleg nem szabad tlzott jelentsget tulajdontani.
A msodik tanulsg a mr a Liber Pontificalis ltal IV.
Gergely ppa idejben (827-844) emltett73 Bahram Grjelenetes selymek kszlsi helybl vonhat le, mert a kutatsban mg csak fl sem merlt annak lehetsge, hogy
71. Ld. pl. von Falke 1953, 11, Abb. 59; Vial 1964, 27-38; Wentzel 1972,
22-23, Abb. 19-20; Wentzel 1973, 71, Abb. 28; Bizantini 1982, fig. 346,
No. 259; Stauffer 1991, 34, No. 35; 102-103, No. 35; Muthesius 1997, Fig.
26A, Fig. 79B; Glory 406.
72. Christensen 1944, 277. 2. j. A sokfle vltozatban megnekelt trtnetet
s annak klnfle brzolsait ld. Orbeli 1939, 725-732; Ettinghausen
1979, 25-31.
73. Beckwith 1974, 347.A; La Barre Starensier 1982, 163-180.
i istonoeuropskih nalaza pretpostavljamo da se radi o sasanidskom podrijetlu i kada tragamo za takvim utjecajem,
ne bismo smjeli previdjeti spoznaje koje nam se nude iz
istraivanja svile tipa Moevajabalka: tip slike je klasinog
podrijetla, tema je sasanidska (uz individualne dopune) a
i jedne i druge moemo vidjeti na tkanini izraenoj u Bizantu! Prema tome je postojala mogunost, moglo je biti da je
zlatar iz Nagyszentmiklsa moda preuzeo ak i nesporno
sasanidski, odnosno od strane Sasanida preuzet prizor borbe ivotinja iz Bizanta!
Orijent ili Rim? Sapienti sat.
Analogije
Pod pojmom analogije podrazumijevam vii stupanj
slinosti nego to je to sluaj kod paralela. Ona znai sukladnost, ili u odreenim detaljima (npr., obliku, tipu slike,
ornamentici, zlatarskoj tehnici itd.) ili sukladnost cjelokupnog predmeta s nekim drugim predmetom u bitnim crtama. To ne moe nastati zbog svih onih hipotetskih! fenomena i procesa koje istraivai obino nazivaju eufemistikim, odnosno sveprisutnim pojmom utjecaj. Moje je
miljenje da majstor u takvim sluajevima nije jednostavno
pratio modu svog vremena ili modu75 ili ih pak opsluivao, dakle, radio u duhu postojeeg kulturnog zajednikog
dobra, ve je morao pred sobom doista imati faktiki ili teoretski neki konkretan prototip ili knjigu koja mu je sluila
kao uzor. Stoga takve sukladnosti automatski sadre dvije
razliite ali u stvarnosti meusobno povezane! mogunosti donoenja zakljuaka: kronoloku i/ili tipoloku. Obje
se temelje na opeprihvaenoj pretpostavci da je tipokronoloki razvoj na razliitim krajevima svijeta protekao otprilike u istom ritmu. (Metodoloka slaba toka ovog gledita
ve je ukratko spomenuta: konkretni oblici i naini irenja
materijalne kulture u ranosrednjovjekovnoj srednjoj i istonoj Europi potpuno su nerazjanjeni). Ocjena sukladnosti
prikaza na arheolokim nalazima jo je sloenija od one na
samim predmetima; dok je na grkim i rimskim kulturnim
spomenicima na vrlo visokom stupnju, u srednjoeuropskoj
i istonoeuropskoj grai potpuno je nerazraena. Rezultat
toga je, izmeu ostalog, i taj to su se u ocjenu slinosti ovih
potonjih uuljali mnogi subjektivni elementi.
Prikaz kneza pobjednika iz Nagyszentmiklsa (sl. 6)
Taj je prikaz, pored prizora uzaaa, jo jedan slavan i
najee objavljivan detalj grae. Usprkos mnogim miljenjima koja o njemu postoje, gotovo su sva pitanja takorei
jo nerazjanjena. Uvodno u razmotriti ta dva prizora koji
su posljednjih desetljea postali opepoznati i igrali vanu
ulogu pri istraivanju grae. Moramo se njima baviti zato
to se spominju meu dokazima za avarsko podrijetlo Nagyszentmiklsa. elim potaknuti istraivae te grae da vie
obrate pozornost na razmjere tipolokih slinosti, a moda
ak i identinosti tih kompozicija i da razmisle koliko daleko
bi trebalo ii pri vrednovanju takvih slinosti.
Analogije s Avarima?
U vezi s Nagyszentmiklsom ve se etvrt stoljea zna
75. Pod prvim pojmom podrazumijevam termin koji arheolozi esto upotrebljavaju, a pod potonjim pravu modu.
Irnbl vagy Kzp-zsibl szrmaznnak, annyira vitathatatlanul biznci ksztmnyek! Ha mrmost az ezekkel a
szvetekkel kapcsolatos trtneti szempontokat egy sorba
rakjuk, akkor az ellltsi helyk egy igen fontos, ltalnos
vonatkozs kvetkeztetsre vezet bennnket a kptpusok
vndorlsval, a kultrk egymsra hatsval kapcsolatban.
A szsznida mvszetnek Bizncra gyakorolt hatsrl
igen gyakran esik sz;74 ez Nagyszentmikls s az egsz
kora kzpkori kelet-eurpai steppei rgszeti kutatst
eddig nem befolysolta. Most viszont egy olyan konkrt
eset ll elttnk, amelynek elmleti tanulsgval felttlenl
szembe kell nznnk. Amikor kzp- s kelet-eurpai leletek esetben szsznida eredetet feltteleznk, vagy ilyen
hatst kutatunk, akkor ne feledjk a Moevaja balka-tpus
selyem ltal knlt tanulsgot: a kptpusa klasszikus eredet, a tmja szsznida (egyni kiegsztssel) s mindez
egy Bizncban kszlt szveten lthat! Eszerint megvolt
r a lehetsg, elfordulhatott, hogy a nagyszentmiklsi
tvs mg egy vitathatatlanul szsznida (adaptcij) llatkzdelmi jelenetet is Bizncbl vehetett t!
Orient oder Rom? Sapienti sat.
Az analgikrl
Az analgia (Analogie) fogalma alatt a hasonlsgnak
olyan, a prhuzamnl magasabb fokt rtem, mely vagy
bizonyos rszleteknek (pl. forma, kptpus, ornamentika,
tvstechnika stb.), vagy a trgy egsznek egy msik trggyal lnyegesnek tekinthet vonsokban val egyezst
jelenti. Ilyenek nem kvetkezhetnek be mindazon felttelezett! jelensgek, folyamatok kvetkeztben, melyeket a
kutats rendszerint az eufemisztikus, illetve brhov behelyettesthet hats fogalma alatt knyvel el. Felttelezsem szerint ezekben az esetekben a mesterember mr nem
egyszeren a maga kora divatjt, illetve divatjt75 kvette,
vagy szolglta ki, azaz az adott kulturlis kzkincs szellemben dolgozott, hanem a szeme eltt tnylegesen vagy
elmletben valban valamilyen konkrt prototpus vagy
mintaknyv kellett, hogy lljon. Ezrt az ilyen egyezsek
automatikusan ktfle valjban egymssal egyttjr!
kvetkeztets lehetsgt hordjk magukban: egy kronolgiait s/vagy egy tipolgiait. Mindkett arra az ltalnosan elfogadott elfelttelezsre alapul, mely szerint a
tipokronolgiai fejlds a vilg klnbz pontjain nagyjbl azonos ritmus volt. (E szemlletnek mdszertanilag
gyenge pontja az, hogy amint rviden mr jeleztem az
anyagi kultra terjedsnek konkrt formi s mdjai a kora kzpkori Kzp- s Kelet-Eurpban teljesen tisztzatlanok). A rgszeti leleteken lthat brzolsok esetben
megmutatkoz egyezsek rtkelse mg a trgyaknl is
bonyolultabb; mg ez a grg s rmai mvszeti emlkek
esetben igen magas fokra jutott el, ugyanez a kzp- s
kelet-eurpai emlkanyagon bell teljesen kidolgozatlan.
Ez eredmnyezi tbbek kztt, hogy a hasonlsgok rtkelsbe az utbbiak esetben tbb szubjektv elem is belekerlhet.
74. Tbb rszletben fellvizsglatra szorul, de a legtfogbb ma is A.
Grabar (1971, 679.707).
75. Az els alatt a rgszek ltal gyakran hasznlt terminust, a msodikon a
valdi divatot rtem.
371
A nagyszentmiklsi gyztes fejedelem brzolsa

Ez a kincsnek az gberagadsi jelenet mellett a msik
leghresebb, legtbbet publiklt rszlete. A sok vlemnynyilvnts ellenre mondhatni minden krds tisztzatlan
krltte. Bevezetsl azt a kt kzismert jelenetet veszem
szemgyre, amelyik az utbbi vtizedekben vlt ismertt
s kapott szerepet a kincs kutatsban. Azrt szksges
foglalkozni velk, mert Nagyszentmikls avar szrmazsa
bizonytkai sorban emlegetik ket. Ezzel az a clom, hogy
a kincs kutati jobban figyeljk: milyen mrtkek lehetnek
a kompozcikban megfigyelhet tipolgiai hasonlsgok,
netn azonossgok, s hogy az ilyen hasonlsgok rtkelsben meddig tancsos elmenni.
Sl. 6 Prikaz kneza pobjednika s vra br. 2

6. kp A 2. szam kancsn tallhat A gyzedelmesked herceg
brzolsa
za slinost76 prikaza na jednom prikazu iz kasnoavarskog

doba (potjee s kraja tog razdoblja: Distelberger 1996, 58)
s okruglog pojasnog okova (Nmeth1969, 156, 6, sl.7; 159,
sl. 11; Garam 2002, 100, sl. 25A,2) koji je u muzej donesen
iz groba A s lokaliteta Balatonszls-Tszistll, zajedno s
prizorom kneza pobjednika na vru br. 2. Svoju popularnost duguje injenici to se nakon prijespomenutog
nalaza kulturno i geografski inio najbliskijim toj grai. I
doista, vie elemenata tih dvaju prikaza se poklapaju: oba
konja gledaju na lijevu stranu i zauzdani su, tj. imju uzde, ali
nemaju ni sedlo ni stremen. Oba jahaa nose kacigu, u ruci
dre koplje, a koljeno im je lagano podignuto (Blint 2004,
sl. 137,1). Dio razlika koje postoje izmeu ta dva prikaza jednostavno se moe pripisati tome to je jedan dvostruko vei
od drugog (Balatonszls-promjer 3,35, Nagyszentmiklspromjer 6,8cm), a ogromna je razlika, naravno, i u veliini
zadatka koji ispunjavaju, kao i u tehnikom umijeu dvojice
zlatara. Meutim, to nije vano za usporedbu jer je razlika u
umjetnikoj koncepciji tih dvaju prikaza puno dalekosenija (o potonjemu v. Dekn 1972, 434). Nadalje, u objema se
kompozicijama nalazi element prisutnost ili odsutnost zarobljenika koji stoji to jasno ukazuje na to da su ta dvojica
zlatara svojim prikazima eljeli izraziti potpuno drukije sadraje. Na tome se temelji moje miljenje da prikaz iz Balatonszlsa nema izravne veze s onim iz Nagyszentmiklsa.
Na gornjem kraju glavnog jezica remena iz groba 71 s
avarskog groblja Komrom-Hajgyr (Komrno-Lodenice,
Slovaka) nalazi se lik jahaa (Blint 2004, sl. 137,2) koji je
teko raspoznatljiv zbog vrlo niske razine umjetnikog oblikovanja i slabe tehnike izvedbe. Istraiva koji je iskopao
taj nalaz i objavio ga doveo je taj lik u vezu s prizorom kneza pobjednika (Trugly 1987, 277, sl.13,1a, 291-294, T.XV,8a,
T. XXXIII,9a; Trugly 1994, 61, sl. 30). Zato moramo istraiti tu
76. O razmjerima slinosti postoji rasprava (Lszl 1970, 132-133; Dekn
1972, 434-435; Lszl, Rcz 1977, 66 (75) (kao nalazite pogreno navedeno: Lovasberny); Lszl 1973, 132-133).
372
Avar analgik?
Nagyszentmiklssal kapcsolatban mr egy negyed szzada tartjk szmon a Balatonszls-Tsz-istll A srjbl
mzeumba kerlt ks avar kori (annak vgrl szrmaz
Distelberger 1996, 58) kerek vvereten (Nmeth1969, 156,
6,7. kp; 159, 11. kp; Garam 2002, 100, 25. kp A,2) lthat
brzolsnak a 2. kors gyztes fejedelmvel val hasonlatossgt.76 Npszersgt annak ksznheti, hogy a
korbban idzettek utn ez a kincshez kulturlisan s fldrajzilag egyarnt legkzelebb llnak tnt. A kt brzols
tbb eleme valban megegyezik: mindkt l balra nz s fel
van kantrozva, gyepl van rajtuk, egyiken sincsen nyereg
s kengyel. Mindkt lovas sisakot visel, kezben lndzsa van
s trde enyhn fel van hzva. A kt brzols kzti eltrsek
egy rsze knnyen rhat a ktszeres mretbeli klnbsgkre (Balatonszls Nagyszentmikls tm.: 3,35 cm 6,8
cm), meg persze a kt tvs eltt ll feladat nagysga s
a technikai felkszltsgk kztti nyilvnvalan risi klnbsgre. Az sszehasonltsukkor azonban nem ennek
kell jelentsget tulajdontani, mert a kt brzols mvszi
koncepcija, a dinamikus, illetve statikus kompozci kzti
eltrs ennl jval nagyobb horderej (az utbbirl ld. Dekn 1972, 434). Van tovbb a kt kompozcinak egy olyan
eleme az ll fogoly meglte vagy hinya , mely egyrtelmen figyelmeztet arra, hogy az brzolssal teljesen msms tartalmat kvnt kifejezni a kt tvs. Erre alapozom azt
a vlemnyem, hogy a balatonszlsi s nagyszentmiklsi
brzolsnak nincsen kzvetlen kze egymshoz.
A komrom-hajgyri (Komrno-Lodenice, Szlovkia)
avar temet 71. srjban napvilgot ltott nagyszjvg fels
vgn egy lovasnak az igen alacsony sznvonal mvszi
megfogalmazs s a gyenge technikai kivitel kvetkeztben
nehezen kivehet figurja lthat. Az sat s publikl
ezt kapcsolatba hozta a gyztes fejedelem jelenetvel
(Trugly 1987, 277, Abb.13,1a, 291-294, T.XV,8a, T. XXXIII,9a;
Trugly 1994, 61, Fig. 30). Ezrt szksges megvizsglnunk
ezt a prhuzamot, mgpedig az elbbihez hasonlan ismt
szmolva azzal, hogy a komromi nagyszjvget kszt
tvs tudst a nagyszentmiklsi kincs mesterekvel nem
lehet egy napon emlteni. Ugyanakkor nyilvnval, hogy az
tvstechnikai felkszltsgek eltrse nem befolysolja az
76. E hasonlsg mrtkrl vita folyt (Lszl 1970, 132-133; Dekn 1972,
434-435; Lszl, Rcz 1977, 66 (75) (a lelhely tvesen: Lovasberny);
Lszl 1973, 132-133.
paralelu, a pritom, kao to smo prethodno ve naveli, valja

misliti na to da o umijeu zlatara koji je izradio komromski
glavni jeziac remena nikako ne smijemo govoriti u istom
dahu kojim spominjemo umijee majstora grae iz Nagyszentmiklsa. Meutim, razlika u zlatarskom umijeu ipak ne
smije utjecati na istraivanje ikonografskog identiteta.
Na jezicu remena iz Komroma prikazan je snano stilizirani konj podignutih prednjih nogu koji gleda na lijevu
stranu, a dvije crte na njegovim prsima moda naznauju
da se tu nalazi prsni remen. Lik jahaa oblikovan je vrlo loe.
S jedne je strane predimenzioniran u usporedbi s veliinom
konja stopalo ovjeka prikazano je nie nego kopito ivotinje a s druge strane zlatar zbog nedostatka prostora vie
nije uspio prikazati dio tijela koji se nalazi iznad prsa, to je
elementarna greka u kompoziciji. S druge je, pak, strane
vrlo zanimljivo usporediti taj veliki nedostatak umijea i nisku razinu s lijepom i pravilnom kompozicijom te brinom
tehnikom izvedbom koju vidimo na vitiastom ukrasu
glavnog jezica remena. Jasno je da se zlatar vrlo dobro razumio u izvedbu tog ukrasa, dok je u oblikovanju prizora
s likovima bio potpuno neiskusan. Usporedimo li izvedbu i
razinu te dvije stvari, utvrdit emo kako je darovitost zlatara
bila na razini djeje rkarije, im se odvaio izai iz podruja biljne ornamentike koja mu je oito dobro leala i okuati se u izradi figurativnog prikaza. (Ve nam i sm taj sluaj
ukazuje na posve novo gledite u vrednovanju avarske likovne umjetnosti).77 Za kosu dvostruku crtu izmeu konjskog vrata i jahaa na glavnom jezicu remena iz Komroma
S.Trugly je utvrdio da se radi o koplju, to se ne moe rei sa
sigurnou jer nema gornjeg kraja tog navodnog predmeta. Zbog tehniki loe izvedbe i primitivne umjetnike razine
ostaje nam puno prostora za razna tumaenja pa tako nije
iskljueno ni rjeenje S.Truglyja, dakle, da je zlatar pri izradi
komromskoga glavnog jezica remena htio prikazati prizor kakav nalazimo na medaljonu s knezom pobjednikom
iz Nagyszentmiklsa. Meutim, osim toga i meu detaljima
kompozicija i prizora postoje temeljne razlike:
Kompozicija i sadraj: bitan element prikaza iz Nagyszentmiklsa lik zarobljenika koji stoji na prikazu iz Komroma ne pojavljuje se niti u naznakama; ta dva prikaza u
najboljem sluaju mogu imati zajedniko samo to to se na
oba (?) nalazi jaha s kopljem.
Komunikacijski medij mjesta prikaza: ve i sama injenica to se prizor s jahaem iz Komroma nalazi na jezicu
remena jasno opovrgava miljenje da bi ono to taj prizor
izraava moglo biti srodno s prizorom iz Nagyszentmiklsa. Na vru je prizor s knezom pobjednikom izravno pred
oima promatraa. Situacija je drukija u sluaju nalaza iz
Komroma. Kao prvo, spljoteni kraj obje zakovice kojima
se okov privruje na remen kod tuljca za jeziac remena
pokazuje kako se radi o poleini, dakle, manje vanoj strani.
(Na suprotnoj se strani na istome mjestu nalaze medvjed [?]
i jelen [?].) Drugo, zlatar koji je izradio komromski jeziac
remena, da je vlasnika ili promatraa pojasa doista elio
podsjetiti na neki mit, epsku pripovjetku ili povijest, tom bi
prizoru zasigurno dao vie prostora i upadljivije mjesto na
glavnom jezicu remena nego beskrajnom vitiastom moti77. O tome kanim pisati na drugom mjestu; neke bitno nove zamisli u odnosu
na koncepciju Gy.Lszla nabacio je Fancsalszky (1999, 210, 215-216).
ikonogrfiai azonossg vizsglatt.

A komromi szjvgen a felemelt mells lbakkal brzolt, ersen stilizlt l balra nz, a melln lthat kt vonal a szgyelt jelezheti. A lovas alakja rendkvl gyengn
megkomponlt. Egyrszt a lhoz kpest tlmretezettre
sikeredett: az ember lba lejjebb r, mint az llat, msrszt
testnek a melltl flfel es rszt hely hinyban mr
nem tudta brzolni az tvs. Ez egy elemi kompozcis
hiba. Nagyon tanulsgos ezt a nagyfok jratlansgot, alacsony sznvonalat azzal a szp s szablyos kompozcival,
valamint gondos technikai kivitellel sszehasonltanunk,
ami a nagyszjvg inds dsztsnl lthat. Egyrtelmen megmutatkozik, hogy mg az tvs az utbbiban igen
gyakorlott, az alakos jelenet megalkotsban teljesen jratlan volt. Ha mrmost szembelltjuk egymssal a ktfle
kivitelt s sznvonalat, akkor meg kell llaptanunk, hogy a
nagyszjvget kszt tvs tehetsgbl csak gyerekrajz
sznvonal firkra futotta, amikor a szmra szemmel lthatlag megszokott nvnyi ornamentika terletrl kimerszkedve egy alakos brzolssal prblkozott meg. (Mr
egyedl ez az egy eset is teljesen j szempontot vihet az
avar brzol mvszet megtlsbe).77 A l nyaka s a
lovas kztt rzst irnyban hzd ketts vonalat Trugly S.
lndzsnak hatrozta meg, amit biztonsggal nem lehet lltani, minthogy az brzolni kvnt trgy fels vge nem
lthat. A kivitel technikailag gyenge s mvszileg primitv sznvonala kvetkeztben tbbfle interpretcira nylik
tr, gy ppensggel nem zrhat ki a Trugly S. ltal flvetett lehetsg sem, azaz hogy a komromi nagyszjvget
kszt tvs valban egy olyan jelenetet kvnt volna
brzolni, mint amilyen a nagyszentmiklsi gyztes fejedelmet brzol medaillonban lthat. Ezen tl azonban
mind a kompozcik rszleteiben, mind pedig a jelenetek
kztt alapvet klnbsgek figyelhetk meg:
Kompozci s tartalom: a nagyszentmiklsi (egyik)
lnyeges eleme az ll fogoly a komromin a legcseklyebb jelzssel sem szerepel; a kt brzols kztt legfeljebb annyi kzs vons llapthat meg, hogy mindkettn
(?) lndzst tart lovas van.
Az brzols helynek kommunikcis kzege: a
komromi lovas jelenetnek mr egyedl a szjvgen elfoglalt helye is hatrozottan ellene szl annak, hogy az a
nagyszentmiklsival rokon mondanivalt hordozott volna.
A szban forg korsn a gyztes fejedelem jelenete kzvetlenl a nz szeme eltt llt. Nem gy volt a komromi
esetben. Elszr is mert a nagyszjvg tokjnl a szj rgztst biztost kt szegecs elkalaplt vge mutatja: ez az
oldala volt a hts, azaz a kevsb fontos. (A szembenzeti
oldalon ugyanezen a helyen egy medve [?] s egy szarvas
[?] lthat.) Msodsorban mert ha a komromi szjvget kszt tvs valban valamilyen mtoszra, epikus elbeszlsre vagy trtnetre kvnta volna emlkeztetni az v tulajdonost s mindenkit, aki csak ltja azt, akkor rtelemszeren
az kapott volna nagyobb teret s szembetnbb helyet a
nagyszjvgen, s nem az ells s hts oldal legnagyobb
77. Errl msutt tervezek rni; a Lszl Gy. ltal alkotott koncepcihoz
kpest nhny lnyegesen j gondolatot vetett fel Fancsalszky (1999, 210,
215-216).
373
vu koji pokriva najvei dio prednje i stranje strane.78 Stoga

moemo ustvrditi da nema naznake o tome kako je prikaz
na komromskom glavnom jezicu remena za vlasnika ili
promatraa tog jezica imao bilo kakav sadraj. Vjerojatno
se radi o ukrasnom elementu bez sadraja koji se nalazi na
gornjem kraju jezica remena i koji nije nita drugo nego
zaigrani pokuaj zlatara da izradi prikaz za koji nije posjedovao nimalo umijea.
Opisani prikazi iz kasnoavarskog doba nemaju, dakle,
nikakve izravne veze s onima iz Nagyszentmiklsa i treba
ih promatrati kao njihove daleke paralele, jednako kao i primitivan prikaz jahaa na ploici iz groba 1275 u Tiszafredu
koja je spomenuta u vezi s tom graom (Garam 2002, 100,
sl. 25A,3), ili ljudski lik na jednom dalmatinskom ukrasnom
kamenu iz 11.st. (Petricioli 1983, 48-49).
rszt bebort vgtelen indamotvum.78 Megllapthat:

semmi jele sincs annak, hogy a komromi nagyszjvgen
lv brzols akr a tulajdonos, akr a szjvg szemllje
szmra valamilyen tartalmat fejezett volna ki. gy vlem,
hogy a szjvg fels vgn egy tartalom nlkli, dszt
elemmel van dolgunk, mely nem volt egyb, mint egy olyan
tvs jtkos prblkozsa, aki az brzol mvszetben
teljesen jratlan volt.
A trgyalt ks avar kori brzolsok teht nincsenek
kzvetlen kapcsolatban a nagyszentmiklsival, annak tvoli prhuzamnak tekinthetk, akrcsak a kinccsel sszefggsben emltett tiszafredi 1275. srban tallt korongon
lthat lovas primitv brzolsa (Garam 2002, 100, 25. kp.
A,3), vagy egy 11. szzadi dalmciai kfaragvny emberalakja (Petricioli 1983, 48-49).
Mogui korijeni kompozicije

U ranosrednjovjekovnoj zapadnoj Aziji i istonoj i srednjoj Europi paralelno su postojali, kao to je poznato, prikazi
jahaa na tri tipa prikaza razliita podrijetla: antiki (car pobjednik), sasanidski (kralj u lovu) i kranski (sv. Juraj, odnosno, prema drugom tumaenju, Krist pobjednik).79 Oito su
majstori poput onog koji je izradio vr iz Nagyszentmiklsa,
s tehnikim znanjem i posebno velikim osjeajem za lijepo,
dakle, majstori s natprosjenim obrazovanjem koje se u ranosrednjovjekovnoj zlatarskoj umjetnosti srednje i istone
Europe bez dvojbe smatralo iznimno velikim, poznavali barem jedan od navedenih tipova slike. S druge strane, knez
pobjednik iz Nagyszentmiklsa nije analogija niti jednom
od navedenih triju tipova. O srodnosti sa sasanidskim prizorima kraljevskog lova ne moe biti govora zbog sadrajnih
imbenika, a isto tako ni o bilo kakvoj povezanosti s prikazima sv. Jurja (slika iz Nagyszentmiklsa nema, naime, nikakva
kranskog sadraja [ne moe ga imati], a osim toga, nema
ni zmaja). Zato nam polazite moe biti antiki motiv jahaa i zarobljenika pjeaka. To je znanost ve odavno prepoznala, ali jo nije iscrpila tu injenicu (Mavrodinov 1943, 123;
Lszl, Rcz 1977, 74, (65)). Zbog kronoloke bliskosti i neobino ranog prikaza stremena zanimljiva je jedna rezbarija
u slonovai koja potjee iz Egipta i datirana je u 7.-8. st. koja
prikazuje cara pobjednika, budui da jaha na tom prikazu
u lijevoj ruci dri tit (Blint 2004, sl. 137,3) (Shepherd 1971,
rujan 248, sredina), isto kao i jaha na glavnom jezicu remena iz Prag-rke (Blint 2004, sl. 205,2), kojeg je vrijedno
spomenuti zbog geografske i kulturne blizine.
A kompozci lehetsges gykerei

A kora kzpkori Nyugat-zsiban s Kelet- s KzpEurpban a lovasbrzolsoknak kztudottan hrom,
klnbz eredet kptpusa lt egyms mellett: az antik
(gyztes csszr), a szsznida (vadsz kirly) s a keresztny (Szent Gyrgy, illetve ms rtelmezs szerint a gyztes
Krisztus).79 Nyilvnval, hogy egy olyan mesterember, mint e
nagyszentmiklsi korst kszt, aki a kora kzpkori kzps kelet-eurpai tvssgben ktsgkvl kiemelkednek
szmt technikai ismerettel s rendkvl nagy eszttikai
rzkkel, teht tlag fltti iskolzottsggal rendelkezett,
az emltett kptpusoknak legalbb egyikt ismerte. Ugyanekkor a nagyszentmiklsi gyztes fejedelem a felsoroltak
egyiknek sem analgija. A szsznida kirlyi vadszjelenetekkel val rokonsgrl tartalmi okbl nem lehet sz,
s ugyangy a Szent Gyrgy-brzolsokkal val brminem kapcsolatrl sem (a nagyszentmiklsi kp ugyanis nem
[lehet] keresztny tartalm, ezenkvl srkny sincsen rajta).
Kvetkeztetsknt az antik lovas s gyalogos foglya motvum az, amelyik kiindulpontul szolglhat a szmunkra.
Ezt a kutats mr rgen flismerte, csak mg nem aknzta
ki (Mavrodinov 1943, 123; Lszl, Rcz 1977, 74, (65)). A kronolgiai kzelsg s a kengyel szokatlanul korai brzolsa
miatt figyelemre mlt egy Egyiptombl szrmaz, a 7.-8.
szzadra keltezett, gyztes csszrt brzol elefntcsont
faragvny, mert a lovas ezen is pajzsot tart a bal kezben
(Shepherd 1971, September 248, kzpen), akrcsak ez pedig a fldrajzi s kulturlis kzelsg miatt rdemel emltst
a praha-rkai nagyszvgen brzolt lovasok.
Antika, bizantski uzori

Ikonografski uzor nagyszentmiklkog jahaa i zarobljenika pjeaka poznat je iz kasnorimskog vremena; postoje novci i medalje iz 4. st. na kojima je prikazan car kako
dri za glavu zarobljenika koji stoji (Blint 2004, sl. 138,1-2).80
78. Bilo bi suvino udubljivati se u neutemeljeno i svakako nedokazivo
objanjenje kakav je ideoloki, mitski itd. sadraj kod Avara iskazivan
biljnom ornamentikom biljnu ornamentiku nalazimo posvuda u svijetu.
79. Odlian pregled zapadnoeuropskih i istonoeuropskih (Quast 2002,
267-280).
80. U Verhivnji kod itomira pronaen je medaljon, izraen nakon 358.
god. u Akvileji (Garbuz 1993, korice; Gorochovskyj, Kornienko 1993,
130-150; Or s ostalom literaturom).
374
Antik, biznci elkpek

A nagyszentmiklsi lovas s gyalogos foglynak ikonogrfiai elkpe a ks rmai korbl ismert; van nhny
4. szzadi pnz s medaillon, amelyen a csszrt gy brzoltk, hogy az ll foglyt annak fejnl fogva tartja.80 (A
78. Kr lenne abba a teljesen tmpont nlkli s gy mindenkppen igazolhatatlan magyarzatba belefogni, hogy az avaroknl a nvnyi ornamentika valamilyen ideolgiai, mitikus stb. tartalmat fejezett volna ki
nvnyi ornamentika fllelhet szerte a vilgban.
79. A nyugat- s szak-eurpaiak kitn sszefoglalsa (Quast 2002,
267-280).
80. A itomir melletti Verhivnjban kerlt el egy 358 utn, Aquileiban
kszlt medaillon (Garbuz 1993, bort; Gorochovskyj, Kornienko
1993, 130150; Or tovbbi irodalommal).
(Ta je gesta prastara i vrlo rairena; hvatanje za kosu kao znak

potinjavanja postojalo je i u Rimu (Blint 2004, sl. 138,3) i u
Iranu (Settis et al. 1988; Istvnovits, Kulcsr 1997, 158-160;
Makkay 2002, 8)). Taj je tip slike nastavio svoje postojanje u
Bizantu, a vremenski najblii Nagyszentmiklsu je Barberinijev diptih; prema jednoj analizi Skit ili Perzijac koji stoji
iza cara pobjednika na konju openito predstavlja pokorene narode (Gaborit-Chopin 1992, 63-66, br.20). Znanost do
dana dananjeg jo nije dala priznanje N.Mavrodinovu za
njegovo okrie znaenja tog prikaza za Nagyszentmikls,
naime, da kod Sasanida nema slinih prizora (Mavrodinov
1943, 123-124 U njegovoj je knjizi sl. 78. prikazana naopako). U velikoj se mjeri moemo sloiti s njim i u tome da
osnovni tip toga prikaza jednako kao i prikaza borbe ivotinja i uzaaa (v. gore) nije originalni izum zlatara iz Nagyszentmiklsa, nego je zasigurno odnekud preuzet. A budui da prikaza tipa jaha i zarobljenik pjeak nema nigdje
u orijentalnoj umjetnosti osim kod Sasanida, iz svega toga
proizlazi da na medaljonu s knezom pobjednikom jaha i
zarobljenik pjeak ne mogu biti element orijentalnog, ve
samo bizantskoga podrijetla.
Na koji su nain gesta hvatanja za kosu i antika kompozicija jaha i zarobljenik pjeak mogli doi do zlatara koji je
izradio vr br. 2? U tom nam je pitanju vrlo korisno saznanje
da Barberinijev diptih prema najnovijim istraivanjima prikazuje smoga Justinijana I. To, kao prvo, znai da je pogreno N. Mavrodinovljevo pozivanje na jedan od ranih radova
A. Grabara, prema kojemu su prizori jahaa i zarobljenika
pjeaka nestali sredinom 5. st. (Grabar 1936, 45). (Nejasno
je, premda istodobno i dokazuje da je ovaj bugarski znanstvenik posjedovao dobar osjeaj za povijest umjetnosti,
to je, s druge strane, spomenutu rezbariju u slonovai dosljedno datirao u 6. st.). Osim toga, to znai da postoji realna
kronoloka i kulturalna osnova za sljedeu tezu: taj element
nagyszentmiklkog prizora mogao bi potjecati od tipa
slike koji je moda plod tzv. Justinijanove renesanse.81 Niti
jedna mi se druga hipoteza ne ini realnom, osim da je zlatar iz Karpatske kotline, kada je izraivao vr, pred oima
(doslovno ili u mislima) imao takvu sliku.
Orijentalni element
Koplje sa stijegom u ruci nagyszentmiklkoga jahaa
(sl. 6) vrlo je rano to je i razumljivo pobudilo zanimanje istraivaa. Prvi se njime stvarno bavio N. Mavrodinov; u
ono je doba analiza putem crtea koji je objavio u vezi s nagyszentmiklkim kopljem sa stijegom (Mavrodinov 1943,
126, sl.79) bila prava rijetkost. Analogije iz Altaja i Pliske bile
su opepoznate (Appelgren-Kivalo 1931, sl.81, 93; Mavrodinov 1943, 115, sl.74; Okladnikov 1951, 143-154; Alfldi 1951,
132; Gyrffy 1959, sl.1), stepski je karakter odredila K.Khalmi, ali se zapravo nije bavila njihovom rairenou82 u Kini
(Khalmi 1972, 115). Prikupljeni su i podaci o vie takvih prikaza i svi su se sloili da je to oruje na vru br. 2 orijentalni
81. O.Wulff je kritizirao koritenje pojma bizantska antika, a J.Irmscher
koritenje pojma renesansa kada se govori o Bizantu (Wulff 1932,
384-394; Irmscher 1987, 35; Speck 1981; Speck 1987, 255-275; Schreiner
1989, 389-390).
82. Primjerice, na zidnoj slikariji groba iz 701: Murals in the Tomb of Li
Chung-jun of the Tang Dynasty 1974.
gesztus si s elterjedt; a haj megragadsa mint az alvets

jelzse egyformn megvolt Rmban s Irnban (Settis et
al. 1988; Istvnovits, Kulcsr 1997, 158-160; Makkay 2002, 8).)
A kptpus Bizncban tovbb lt, Nagyszentmiklshoz korban a Barberini-diptychon ll a legkzelebb; egy elemzs
szerint a lovon l gyztes csszr mgtt ll szkta vagy
perzsa ltalban a legyztt npeket jelkpezi (GaboritChopin 1992, 63-66, br.20). A kutats mig nem fejezte ki
elismerst N. Mavrodinovnak azrt, hogy flismerte ezen
brzols jelentsgt Nagyszentmikls szmra, ami abban ll, hogy hasonl jelenetek nincsenek a szsznidknl
(Mavrodinov 1943, 123-124. Knyvben a Fig. 78.-on a
jobb s bal oldal felcserldtt!). Messzemenen egyetrthetnk vele abban is, hogy ezen brzols alaptpusa
akrcsak az llatkzdelem s az gberagads (ld. fent)
nem a nagyszentmiklsi tvs eredeti tallmnya, hanem
tvtel eredmnye kellett, hogy legyen. Minthogy pedig
lovas s gyalogos foglya tpus brzolsok a szsznidk
mellett ms keleti mvszetekben sincsenek, mindebbl
az kvetkeztets addik, hogy a gyztes fejedelmet brzol medaillonban a lovas s gyalogos foglya nem keleti,
hanem csakis biznci eredet elem lehet.
Miknt juthatott el a hajnl fogva val megragads
gesztusa s az antik lovas s gyalogos foglya kompozci
a 2. sz. korst kszt tvshz? Ezzel kapcsolatos tjkozdsunkat nagyban segti, hogy a Barberini-diptychon a
legjabb kutats szerint magt I. Justinianust brzolja (Ld.
80. j.). Ez elszr is azt jelenti, hogy N. Mavrodinov hivatkozsa A. Grabarnak egy korai munkjra, mely szerint a lovas
s gyalogos foglya jelenetek az 5. szzad kzepn eltntek
volna (Grabar 1936, 45), nem llja meg a helyt. (rthetetlen,
br egyben a bulgr tuds j mvszettrtneti rzkre
vall, hogy ugyanakkor mgis csak kvetkezetesen 6. szzadinak tartotta a szban forg elefntcsont faragvnyt.) Msodjra pedig azt, hogy eszerint megvan a relis kronolgiai s kulturlis alapja a felttelezsnek: a nagyszentmiklsi
jelenet ezen eleme egy olyan kptpusbl eredhet, mely az
n. justinianusi renesznsz81 termke lehetett. Nem ltom
realitst ms felttelezsnek, mint hogy egy ilyen llhatott
a korst kszt Krpt-medencei tvs (valdi vagy lelki)
szeme eltt.
Keleti elem
A nagyszentmiklsi lovas kezben lev zszls lndzsa
rthet mdon korn flkeltette a kutats figyelmt.
rdemben elsknt N. Mavrodinov foglalkozott vele; abban a kutatsi korszakban ritkasgszmba ment az a tpus elemz rajz, amelyet a nagyszentmiklsi zszls lndzsrl kzztett (Mavrodinov 1943, 126, Fig. 79). Az altaji
s a pliskai analgii kzismertek (Appelgren-Kivalo 1931,
Abb.81, 93; Mavrodinov 1943, 115, Fig.74; Okladnikov 1951,
143-154; Alfldi 1951, 132; Gyrffy 1959, Fig.1), a steppei jellegt Khalmi K. dombortotta ki, anlkl hogy a knai elterjedsvel82 rdemben foglalkozott volna (Khalmi 1972,
81. O. Wulff a biznci antik, J. Irmscher a renesznsz fogalmnak Bizncra trtn alkalmazst fogadta kritikval (Wulff 1932, 384394;
Irmscher In: Metallkunst 35; Speck 1981; 1987, 255275; Schreiner 1989,
389390).
82. Pl. egy 701-bl szrmaz sr falfestmnyn: Murals in the Tomb of Li
375
element to potjee iz stepe.83 Nitko nije obratio pozornost

na injenicu da je isto takvo oruje bilo upotrebljavano i u
bizantskoj vojsci te u italskih Langobarda (a k tome je jo i
u objema regijama sluilo za noenje zastava!) (Usp. Grosse
1924; O. von Hessen 1971, 37-41) i da se analogije mogu nai
i na objema rupama na solidu Tiberija III. (698.-705.) koje je
priznao i Mavrodinov te ak i na jednom neobjavljenom nalazu koplja s avarskog groblja u mjestu Teiu (Rumunjska).84
Dakle, tip koplja s dvije rupice nije orijentalnog podrijetla!
Na ovom e mjestu biti korisno ukazati na prikaze koji
se nalaze na dva nalaza to su u muzeje dospjeli s podruja
gornje Volge, odnosno iz uralskog podruja, jer nam otvaraju pitanja o ostalim detaljima.
Kotane ploe iz kurganskog groblja u ilovki kod Samare
spomenut emo ne zato to se meu njima nalazi nedavno
otkriveni ranosrednjovjekovni prikaz koplja sa stijegom, ve
stoga to imaju jedinstveni karakter (Blint 2004, sl. 140,2).85
Iznimna umjetnika vrijednost u itavoj istonoj Europi tih
bogato ukraenih okova na sedlenim oblucima86 poiva
na injenici to se na ouvanim fragmentima nalaze nizovi
prizora koji se nikada ne ponavljaju. Ikonoloki su zanimljivi
zato to ne slijede niti jedan poznati tip prikaza. Sam nalaz,
okolnosti u kojima je naen i karakter prikaza bez sumnje
pokazuju da ga je izradio neki lokalni rezbar kojega su u
toj regiji zacijelo smatrali vrlo darovitim te da se ni u kom
sluaju ne radi o predmetu s prikazom koji je tamo dospio
odnekud iz tuine. Dataciju ovdje sa sigurnou kakva je
kod nalaza istonoeuropske stepe prava rijetkost omoguuju dva probuena solida. Jedan su dali iskovati Heraklije i
HeraklijeKonstantin (613.-641.), dok se o drugom u lanku
ne govori, a ne moemo ga odrediti na temelju objavljenog
crtea (Bagautdinov et al. 1998, 225, T.XIII,9-10). Budui da
meu nalazima iz groba nema tipova predmeta karakteristinih za kulturu Saltovo-Majaki, taj se grob na osnovi nedostatka tih predmeta i na temelju spomenutog solida moe datirati u srednje etvrtine 7.st. Na kotanim ploicama
vide se opsada utvrde, borba izmeu pjeadije i konjice i
lov; velik broj detalja dat e istraivaima arheologije stepe
jo mnogo korisnih informacija (luk, konjska oprema, oklop,
kaciga itd.) (Bagautdinov et al. 1998, nenumerirane table s
fotografijama na poetku sveska; 106, sl.21, 224, T.XII,1). Nas
ovdje zanima koplje sa stijegom jer se pod dugoljastim vrhom koplja vidi uska zastava s dva kraka poput one u ruci
konjanika na vru br. 2 iz Nagyszentmiklsa.
Na ploama iz ilovke ratnici pjeaci i oni na konju meusobno se gaaju kopljem potpuno istog tipa. Mogue je
raspoznati samo jednu jedinu, malu razliku (urezani ukra83. Jedino je N. Mavrodinov (1943, 123-124) pomislio da bi mogli imati
antike korijene; oito zbog prikaza iz Pliske u ijem je sluaju zbog
geografskog poloaja bilo jasno da tu u razmiljanja u odreenoj mjeri
treba ukljuiti i Bizant.
84. Rom und Byzanz 2, 129, 33AV. Potonje sam vidio na izlobi Povijesnog
muzeja Kolozsvr (Cluj-Napoca, Rumunjska), v. jo Horedt 1968, 111, sl.
5.
85. Ne slaem se s predloenom etnikom pozadinom (onogurski Bugari,
Staromaari) i folkloristikim tumaenjem (bakirijski ep o Aldaru i
Zuhri) prikaza (Kotov 1999, 431-444).
86. Autori prvog izdanja (Bagautdinov et al. 1998, 184) hipotetski su mislili
na ukrase tobolca. Uske kotane ploice koje su naene u grobu, a nesporno su krasile rub sedlenog obluka, ukazuju na to da je moje objanjenje
prihvatljivije, usp. Bagautdinov et al. 1998, 219, T.VIII,3-25.
376
115). Nhny ilyen brzols adatt ssze is gyjtttk, s

mindenki egyetrtett abban, hogy ez a fegyver a 2. sz. korsn keleti, steppei eredet elem.83 Senki sem figyelt fl arra,
hogy ugyanilyenek a biznci hadseregben is hasznlatosak
voltak (v. Grosse 1924; von Hessen 1971, 37-41), s hogy a
nagyszentmiklsi lndzsnak N. Mavrodinov ltal is rtkelt
kt lyuknak analgija III. Tiberios (698-705) solidusn, st,
a tvisi (Teius, Romnia) avar temetben tallt kzletlen
lndzsn is fllelhet.84
Tanulsgos itt kitrni kt, a Fels-Volga, illetve az Ural vidkrl mzeumba kerlt leleten lthat brzolsra, mert
azok tovbbi rszletkrdsekre is rirnytjk a figyelmet.
A Samara krnyki ilovkai kurgntemetbl napvilgra
kerlt csontlemezeket nem azrt rdemes szba hoznunk,
mert rajtuk lthat a legutbb ismertt vlt kora kzpkori steppei jelleg zszls lndzsabrzols, hanem mert az
egyedi jelleg.85 E gazdagon dsztett nyeregkpa-vereteknek86 az egsz Kelet-Eurpban kiemelked mvszi rtkt az adja, hogy a rnk maradt tredkeken folyamatos,
egyszer sem ismtld jelenetsorok vannak. Ikonolgiai
rdekessgk abban ll, hogy nem ismert kptpusokat
kvetnek. A lelet maga s a leletkrlmnyek, valamint az
brzols jellege nem hagynak ktsget azirnt, hogy egy
a rgiban kiugr tehetsgnek tekinthet, helyi csontfarag ksztette ket; semmikppen sem idegenbl odakerlt trggyal s brzolssal van dolgunk. Keltezst
a kelet-eurpai steppn ritka biztonsggal kt, tfrt
solidus nyjtja. Egyikket Herakleios s Herakleios Konstantinos verette (613-641), a msikrl a cikkben nem esik sz,
a kzztett rajza alapjn nem lehet meghatrozst adni
(Bagautdinov et all 1998, 225, T.XIII,9-10). Minthogy a sr leletei kztt a szaltovomajaki kultra jellegzetes trgytpusai nem fordulnak el, ezrt e hiny s az emltett solidus
alapjn a temetkezs kora a 7. szzad kzps negyed szzadaira tehet. A csontlemezeken vrostrom, gyalog s
lovon vvott csata, vadszat lthat; sok rszletk fog mg
hasznos informcit knlni a steppei rgszet kutatinak
(j, lszerszm, pncl, sisak stb.) (Bagautdinov et all 1998,
sorszm nlkli fnykpes tblk a ktet elejn; 106, Fig.
21; 224, T. XII,1). Bennnket most a zszls lndzsa rdekel,
mert a hosszks lndzsacscs alatt pontosan ugyanolyan
keskeny s ktfark zszl van, mint a nagyszentmiklsi 2.
sz. kors lovasnak kezben.
A ilovkai lemezeken az egymssal harcol gyalogos
s lovas harcosok teljesen azonos tpus zszls lndzst
szegeznek egymsnak. Csak apr klnbsg figyelhet
meg kzttk (a rovtkolt dsztsk vagy az egsz felleChung-jun of the Tang Dynasty 1974.
83. Egyedl (Mavrodinov 1943, 123-124) gondolt arra, hogy antik gykerek
lennnek; nyilvn a pliskai brzols miatt, mely esetben annak
fldrajzi helyzete kvetkeztben kzenfekv valamilyen mrtkben
Bizncot is szmtsba venni.
84. Rom und Byzanz 2 129, 33AV. Az utbbit a kolozsvri (Cluj-Napoca,
Romnia) Trtneti Mzeum killtsn lttam, ld. mg Horedt 1968,
111, Abb. 5.
85. Az brzolsok javasolt etnikai httervel (onogur bolgrok, smagyarok),
folklorisztikus interpretcijval (baskr Aldar s Zuhra eposz) nem tudok egyetrteni (Kotov 1999, 431-444).
86. Az els kzlemny szerzi (Bagautdinov et al. 1998, 184) felttelesen
tegez dsztseinek gondoljk. A srban napvilgot ltott keskeny csontlemezkk, melyek vitathatatlanul a kpk peremt dsztettk, az ltalam
javasolt meghatrozs mellett szlnak, v. Bagautdinov et al. 1998, 219,
T. VIII,3-25.
si ili zauzimaju cijelu povrinu ili samo dio), ime je rezbar

vjerojatno elio naznaiti razliku u boji, ali u svakom sluaju i to da su zastave protivnika bile razliite. Zna se da se
takvi prikazi koplja sa stijegom u 9. st. mogu nai na oba
kraja pojasa koji su naseljavali euroazijski stepski narodi: u
Altaju i u Bugarskoj (Blint 2004, sl. 140,3-4, sl. 142,1), kao
i na vru br. 2 iz Nagyszentmiklsa; veinu od njih pronai emo u radovima o arheologiji protobugarske epohe i o
grai iz Nagyszentmiklsa. (Ne elim se uputati u analizu
te identinosti, ma koliko primamljivo to bilo; ipak, mislim
da bismo upravo zato, pomou ova dva mala detalja, mogli
obratiti pozornost na sukladnost materijalne, a moda i duhovne kulture dvaju naroda podrijetlom iz stepe koji su se
rairili prema srednjoj i jugoistonoj Europi i njihovih roaka koji su ostali ivjeti u istonoeuropskoj stepi). Pouno je
posebno obratiti pozornost na dva detalja kotanih ploica
iz ilovke. Na jednom od njih se vidi koliko drukije izgleda
prizor borbe ivotinja izveden na nain autentian za stepu,
bez upotrebe klasinih uzora (usporedimo ga s ukrasom kasnoavarskih glavnih jeziaca pojasa)! S drugim se detaljem
ovdje moramo posebno pozabaviti jer bismo mogli otkriti
novu ilustraciju za to koliko se daleko u prostoru i vremenu
mogu iriti pojedini motivi i koliko je lako pogreno! proglasiti neto originalnim djelom stepske kulture.
Na jednom od kotanih ploica iz ilovke simetrino su
prikazana dva zmaja (Blint 2004, sl. 141,1). Imaju pernata
krila, njihovo je zmijoliko tijelo dvaput uvijeno, a na kraju
repa imaju palmetu (peraju?). Jezici su im isplaeni daleko
iz otvorene gubice, meusobno se obavijaju i zavravaju u
palmetama. Autori koji su objavili informacije o ovom prikazu s pravom su se pozivali na podatak da slian prikaz zmaja
postoji na jednom glavnom jezicu remena iz BolieTigany
(Blint 2004, sl. 141,4); razdoblje koritenja groblja znanost
je datirala u 8.-10. st. (Chalikova, Chalikov 1981, 52-59; Sedov
1987; Fodor et al. 1996, 46, 48, 50). Meutim, autori se, naalost, nisu bavili pitanjem zato se taj tip zmaja na gornjem
porjeju Volge pojavljuje s vremenskom razlikom od dvjesto godina. Umjesto toga su pri obradi prikaza meusobno
pomijeali ono to se ne smije likove kineskog zmaja i iranskog Senmurwa!
Prikaz zmajeva iz ilovke i Bolie Tigany poklapa se u tome to krila i repovi zavravaju u palmetama, a tijelo je zavijeno dvaput; razlika je pak u tome to zmaj iz BolieTigany
ima dvije noge i jednostruki jezik. Ali, koji je element bitan,
odluujui: onaj koji iskazuje sukladnost ili pak onaj koji
iskazuje razliku? Po mom miljenju, zajedniki element: lik
dva grifona prikazana u meusobno suprotnom smjeru, sa
zavijenim tijelom i krilima. Taj su motiv i rezbar iz 7. i zlatar iz
9.st. upotrijebili svaki na svoj nain, to je posve razumljivo;
ali injenica da je i drugdje i u drugo vrijeme bilo dokazanih
pojava tog tipa slike pokazuje kako bi bila teka pogreka
zaplesti se s tim u vezi u nekakve historijske hipoteze oko
podruja gornje Volge. Imajui na umu cjelovitost stepske
kulture ne iznenauje da se isti takav prikaz moe nai i na
uloku od bakrenog lima na lijebu beke sablje koja je takoer datirana u 9. st.; tamo su takoer prikazani zmajevi
koji stoje jedan nasuprot drugom i iji se jezici isprepliu,
koji imaju jednu prednju nogu, a tijelo, odnosno rep, im
zavrava u palmeti (Blint 2004, sl. 141,2) (Budinsk-Krika,
tket, vagy annak csak egy rszt tlti be), amivel taln a
sznbeli klnbsgket akarta a csontfarag rzkeltetni,
de azt mindenkppen, hogy a szembenll felek zszlaja
eltr volt. Kztudott, hogy ilyen zszls lndzsa brzolsval tallkozunk a 9. szzadban az eurzsiai steppei npek ltal lakott sv kt szln: az Altajban s Bulgriban,
valamint a nagyszentmiklsi 2. sz. korsn; ezek legtbbje
a protobolgr korszak rgszetvel s a nagyszentmiklsi
kinccsel foglalkoz munkkban fllelhet. (Ezen azonossg elemzsbe brmily csbt is nem bocstkozom
bele, de azt gondolom, hogy ltaluk kt, Kzp- s Dlkelet-Eurpba szakadt steppei eredet np anyagi s taln
szellemi kultrjnak e kt apr rszletn keresztl a keleti rokonaik kultrjval val egyezsre figyelhetnk fl.) A
ilovkai csontlemezeknek kt rszlett tanulsgos jobban
megnznnk. Az egyik az, hogy mennyire ms egy llatkzdelmi jelenet autentikus steppei megfogalmazsban,
klasszikus elkpek flhasznlsa nlkl (hasonltsuk csak
ssze a ks avar nagyszjvgek dsztsvel)! A msikkal
azrt rdemes itt kln foglalkoznunk, mert egy jabb illusztrcijt fedezhetjk fl annak, hogy egyes motvumok
milyen szles trbeli s idbeli elterjedst mutathatnak s
hogy tvesen! milyen knnyen lehet valamit a steppei
kultra eredeti alkotsnak gondolni.
Az egyik ilovkai csontlemezen szimmetrikusan elrendezve kt srknyt brzoltak. Szrnyuk tollas, kgyszer testk ktszer tekeredik meg, a farok vgn palmetta
(uszony?) van. A nyitott szjukbl kinyl, hossz nyelvk
egymsba hurkoldik s palmettban vgzdik. A kzztevk helyesen hivatkoztak arra, hogy hasonl srknybrzols a Bolie Tigany-i temetben elkerlt egyik
nagyszjvgen van; e temet hasznlatt a kutats a 8.-10.
szzad kzti idszakban jelli meg (Chalikova, Chalikov
1981, 52-59; Sedov 1987; Fodor et al. 1996, 46, 48, 50). A szerzk sajnos nem azzal foglalkoztak, hogy mit jelenthetett az,
hogy a Fels-Volga vidkn egymstl kt vszzadnyi tvolsgban fordult el ez a srknytpus. Ehelyett egymssal
sszekeverve trgyaltk az egymssal sszekeverhetetlen! knai srknyt s az irni szenmurvot.
A ilovkai s Bolie Tigany-i srknyok brzolsa megegyezik abban, hogy a szrnyuk s farkuk vgn palmetta van, a testk ktszer tekeredik, eltrnek viszont abban,
hogy a Bolie Tigany-inak kt lba s egyszer nyelve van.
Mrmost melyik elem a lnyeges, a dnt: az egyez-e
vagy az eltr? Szerintem a kzs; a kt, ellenkez irnyban brzolt, tekerg altest, szrnyas griffnek a kpzete.
Ezt a motvumot ms-ms mdon hasznlta fel a 7. szzadi
csontfarag s a 9. szzadi tvs, ami tkletesen rthet,
csakhogy e kptpusnak msutt s mskor is kimutathat
elfordulsa azt mutatja, hogy nagy hiba volna a most trgyaltak kapcsn valamilyen Fels-Volga-vidki trtneti
hipotzisbe belebonyoldni. A steppei kultra kzmondsosan egysges voltra gondolva azon mg nem is lepdnk meg, hogy ugyanilyen brzols lthat a szintn a
9. szzadra keltezhet bcsi szablya vrcsatornjban lev
vrsrz lemezberakson is: szintn egymsba fondik a
szembefordul srknyok nyelve, egy mells lbuk van s
a testk, farkuk szintn palmettban vgzdik (Budinsk-
377
Fettich 1973, 179, sl. 41,1,5, monografska obrada Z. Tth

1930). Jedino, slinih ima i drugdje. Za podrijetlo tog osebujnog bia, za slinost ovdje opisanih istonoeuropskih
prikaza putokaz emo nai u regiji koja e sigurno iznenaditi dio istonoeuropskih istraivaa. Slini su, naime, morski lav na sarkofagu italskog langobardskog Teodata iz 8.st.
(Blint 2004, sl. 141,5) (I Langobardi, 311, VII.16), skupina koja
se sastoji od jednog ovjeka i dva zmaja na jednoj kamenoj
ploi iz 9.-10.st. u bazilici StaMariaAssunta u Akvileji (Tagliaferri 1981, T.II,3), a zanimljiv je i na srodan nain oblikovan
donji dio tijela grifona na jednom tepihu srednjoistonog
podrijetla iz 7.-9.st. (Baginski, Tidhar 1980, 122, br.179. Autori su ga pogreno identificirali kao Senmurwa). Spomenimo na kraju jo i jedan orijentalni, jedan srednjoeuropski i
jedan zapadni primjer koji dokazuju irenje tog tipa slike u
12. st.: na reljefu Talisman-Tors iz Bagdada iz 12.st. prikazan
je mukarac u turskom sjedu, okruen s dva zmaja. Njihova
zmijoliko savijena tijela pokrivaju ljuske. Imaju krila, a mukarac u ruci dri njihove isplaene jezike (Strzygowski 1930,
293, sl.283). Na ambu biskupa Konstantina II. u katedrali u
Ravellu, nastalom izmeu 1094. i 1150., klesar uz Jonu nije
prikazao pravu ribu, nego neku neman koja spada meu bia kakva smo prethodno spominjali. Zmijoliko tijelo, savijeno dvaput, i rep koji zavrava palmetom jo bi nekako mogli
odgovarati nekom neobinom vodenom biu, ali pernata
krila i prednje noge to zavravaju kopitima, nikako (Korol
1994). Klesar se, dakle, oslanjao na tip slike koji je identian
s upravo opisanim, s tom razlikom to ga je upotrijebio u
skladu s dotinim mjestom koristei druge elemente kojima je ilustrirao priu iz Starog zavjeta. Potonje prizore pola
tisuljea dijeli od kotane ploice iz ilovke i valjda nitko
ne bi tvrdio da su klesar u Maarskoj ili onaj koji je radio
u sjevernoitalskoj romanikoj crkvi ili pak onaj koji je radio
na Bagdadskim vratima radili prema tipu prikaza to ga je
stvorio rezbar iz okolice Samare! To su tipovi prikaza koji se
prenose po razliitim podrujima i mogu opstati stoljeima
pa su ih tako prilagoavali pojedinim kulturama, namjeni
prikaza i elji majstora, koristili u razliitim oblicima te dopunjavali drukijim motivima i ukrasnim elementima. Summa
summarum: Majstor koji je izradio ploicu iz ilovke ivio je
u svijetu stepe, ali je do njega dolo i neto od bizantske
kulture kao to pokazuju solidi koji su bili priloeni u grob.
Nisu svi elementi koji su naeni u stepi, odnosno ostavtini
stepskih naroda, nuno orijentalnog podrijetla!
Mislim da bi bilo dobro osvrnuti se na prikaz konjanika
koji dri koplje sa stijegom, koji je u muzej donesen s podruja Urala. Na istonoj strani Srednjega Urala, kod jezera
Sineglazovo blizu eljabinska, u kurganu (Stokolos 1962,
163-167) su pronaeni ostaci mukarca, oito bogatog za
pojmove onog vremena i regije, pokopan je zajedno s konjem, sabljom i konjskom ormom. Taj je nalaz dugo vremena bio nepoznat u strunoj literaturi srednjoazijske povijesti umjetnosti i povijesti obrade tkanine, a nesovjetski su
istraivai o njemu doznali tek iz jednog izlobenog kataloga (Ierusalimskaja 1993, 117, sl.106). Iz groba je izvaeno
mnogo odlino ouvanih fragmenata svile (Ierusalimskaja
1969, 99-109); analiza s gledita povijesti obrade tkanine koja bi odgovarala znaaju tog nalaza a naroito odreivanje
mjesta proizvodnje jo nije provedena. Na tkanini se vidi
378
Krika, Fettich 1973, 179, Abb. 41,1,5. A szablya monografikus feldolgozsa: Tth 1930). Csakhogy hasonlk msutt
is vannak. E sajtos lny eredetre, a most bemutatott
kelet-eurpai brzolsok hasonlsgra a kelet-eurpai
kutatk egyik rsze szmra nyilvn meglep rgiban s
kultrban tallunk tmutatst. Hasonl ugyanis az itliai
langobard Teodatus 8. szzadi szarkofgjn (Langobardi
311, VII.16) brzolt tengeri oroszln, az aquileiai Sta Maria
Assunta-bazilika egyik 9.-10. szzadi klapjn brzolt ember s kt srkny egyttese (Tagliaferri 1981, T.II,3), s nem
rdektelen megfigyelnnk egy kzel-keleti eredet 7.-9.
szzadi sznyegen brzolt griff altestnek rokon mdon
megformlt alakjt (Baginski, Tidhar 1980, 122, No. 179. A
szerzk tvesen szenmurvnak hatroztk meg). Vgezetl mg egy keleti, egy kzp-eurpai s egy nyugati
pldt emlthetnk, ami e kptpus 12. szzadi elterjedst
bizonytja: a bagdadi Talizmn-kapu 12. szzadi reliefjn
egy trklsben l frfit kt srkny vesz kzre. A srknyok teste pikkelyekkel bortott, kgyszeren tekereg.
Szrnyuk van, a frfi pedig kezben a kilg nyelvket tartja (Strzygowski 1930, 293, Abb. 283). A ravelloi dmban II.
Constantinus pspk 1094-1150 kztt kszlt ambjn Jnssal egytt a kfarag nem valdi halat brzolt, hanem
egy, a most trgyaltak sorba tartoz szrnyet. A ktszer
megtekered, kgyszer test, a palmettban vgzd farok mg csak elmenne egy rendkvli vzi lny brzolsnl, de a tollas szrny s a patkban vgzd kt mells lb
mr semmikppen sem (Korol 1994). Az brzols ksztje
teht az imnt ltottakkal azonos kptpusra tmaszkodott,
azzal az eltrssel, hogy azt a helyhez illen ms elemek
felhasznlsval egy testamentumi trtnet illusztrlsra
hasznlta fel. Az utbbi brzolsokat fl vezred vlasztja
el a ilovkai csontlemeztl, mrpedig azt senki sem mondan, hogy egy magyarorszgi s egy szak-itliai romn kori
templom, valamint egy bagdadi kapu kfaragja a Samara
krnyki csontfarag ltal hasznlt kptpus alapjn dolgozott volna! A kptpusok azok, amelyek vndorolnak s
vszzadokon t lhetnek, gy azokat kultrnknt, az brzols mindenkori cljhoz, a kszt mester szndkhoz
igazodva, ms-ms formban hasznltk fel s ms-ms
motvummal, dsztelemmel egsztettk ki. Mindent sszevetve: a ilovkai lemezt farag mester a steppe vilgban
lt, de mint a srba tett solidusok egybknt is mutatjk
valami elrt hozz Biznc kultrjbl is. Nem minden elem
felttlenl keleti eredet, ami a steppn, illetve a steppei
npek hagyatkban lt napvilgot!
Tanulsgosnak ltom, hogy itt kitrjnk egy olyan zszls lndzss lovas brzolsra, mely az Url vidkrl kerlt
mzeumba. A Kzp-Ural keleti oldaln, a eljabinsk kzelben lev Sineglazovo-tnl elkerlt lval, szablyval, lszerszmmal eltemetett, az adott rgiban s korszakban
gazdagnak szmt frfi kurgntemetkezse (Stokolos 1962,
163-167) hossz idn t ismeretlennek szmtott a kzpzsiai mvszet- s textiltrtnet szakirodalmban, a nemszovjet kutatk csak egy killtsi katalgus rvn szereztek
rla tudomst (Ierusalimskaja 1993, 117, Fig. 106). A srbl
nagy mennyisg, kitn megtarts selyemtredk ltott
napvilgot (Ierusalimskaja 1969, 99-109); a lelet jelents-
kralj koji jae na lijevu stranu, na glavi ima ukras sasanidskog

tipa, ljevicom dri tit, a desnicom koplje sa zastavom, dok
uz sebe ima i kratku sablju (?). Konj je zauzdan, ima remen
na prsima i repu s okovima i ukrasnim privjescima, ali nema sedlo pa ni stopalo jahaa (zbog toga ) nije u stremenu. Strunjakinja za povijest obrade tkanina koja je objavila
ovaj nalaz sigurno se nije prevarila u pretpostavci da se radi
o postsasanidskom proizvodu. Svilu je datirala na prijelaz 8./9. st. (Ierusalimskaja 1969, 99-109), ali grob ne moe
potjecati iz tog vremena; na temelju jasne tipokronoloke
situacije oko svih grobnih priloga87 taj se ukop moe datirati
jedino u 10.st. Naravno, to samo po sebi ne znai da i tkanina nuno potjee iz tog stoljea, ali nije ba vjerojatno da
bi svila dospjela u zemlju tek vie narataja nakon svoje proizvodnje. Kakva god bila tona datacija, taj nalaz poveava
broj prikaza postsasanidskog tipa. Neke znaajke ovoga
nalaza bez dvojbe se uklapaju u niz iz ilovke i u ovdje opisane avarske prikaze konjanika. Jedna od njih je koplje sa
stijegom, druga pak injenica da nema sedla ni stremena
na konju, a osim toga je i tit slian onom iz Balatonszlsa
(?) i ve prije spomenutom dalmatinskom.88 Sukladnost se
vidi i u detalju da su noge obaju konja prikazane u kretanju.
Ipak, Sineglazovo se od svih drugih u Karpatskoj kotlini razlikuje u tome to konjanik ima sablju. Kruna i ukrasi na glavi
sasanidskog tipa su elementi koji su bizantskom kulturnom
krugu prvobitno bili strani, dok je opepoznato da su trake
koje vijore straga na kacigi kneza pobjednika iz Nagyszentmiklsa sasanidskog podrijetla. Meutim, problem je puno
sloeniji jer se takav tip ukrasa na glavi relativno rano proirio i u Bizantu i u ranosrednjovjekovnoj zapadnoj Europi89
pa zbog toga trake koje vijore na kacigi kneza pobjednika
ne moemo sa sigurnou proglasiti izravnim sasanidskim
elementom na tome prikazu.
Nastanak kompozicije
U istraivanjima su se svi oduvijek slagali oko injenice
da za medaljon s knezom pobjednikom na vru br. 2 iz
Nagyszentmiklsa, gledano u njegovoj cjelokupnosti, nema analogije. Prvenstveno zbog toga to je zlatar zajedno
obradio dva tipa slike razliitih korijena: onaj gdje vladar
pobjednik za kosu dri svog zarobljenika i onaj gdje konjanik s kacigom ukraenom trakama dri koplje sa stijegom,
koji moda potjee s Orijenta. Drugi je razlog posljedica toga to je majstor sve to pretopio u potpuno individualnu
kompoziciju, dodavi joj individualne crte. Osim toga, individualnost, naravno, moe biti i rezultat posebnosti zadatka
koji je majstor imao pred sobom (usp. veliinu raspoloive
povrine, a time ve na samom poetku zahtjevnijeg naina rada zlatara), ali najvjerojatnije se radilo o rapsodijskoj
umjetnikoj suverenosti zlatara, budui da je na pojedinim
detaljima kruto i bez posebnog smisla ustrajao na oponaanju uzora, a na drugima je pak prvobitni tip slike dopunio
posve neobinim elementima. Zbog ovog se prvospome87. Usporedite s Maitov 1981; Maitov 1981a, 23-28; Maitov, Sultanova
1994, 190.
88. Na osnovi prikaza iz etiriju razliitih kultura i regija (Balatonszls,
Egipat, Zadar i Sineglazovo) valja pretpostaviti da se i ovdje radi o jednom tipu prikaza.
89. Ukrasi koji vijore na glavi islamskog jahaa u rukopisu Beatus iz Girone
iz 975. god. (Werckmeister 1997, T. 1a).
ghez mlt textiltrtneti feldolgozsuk legfkppen

a kszlsi helynek meghatrozsa mg mindig vrat
magra. A szveten egy jobbra lptet lovas kirly lthat,
aki szsznida tpus fejket visel, a bal kezben pajzsot, a
jobbjban zszls lndzst tart s rvid szablyja (?) van. A
l fel van kantrozva, veretekkel kirakott, csngdszes szgyel s farhm van rajta, de nincsen rajta nyereg s (ezrt) a
lovas lba sem nyugszik kengyelben. Textiltrtnsz kzztevjk egszen biztosan nem tved, amikor gy vli, hogy
egy posztszsznida termkkel van dolgunk. A selyem kort
a 8.-9. szzad forduljra tette (Ierusalimskaja 1969, 99-109),
csakhogy a sr nem szrmazhatik ebbl az idbl; valamennyi napvilgot ltott mellklet egyrtelm tipokronolgiai
helyzete87 alapjn a temetkezs kora csakis a 10. szzadra
tehet. Ebbl persze nem szksgszeren kvetkezik, hogy
a trgyalt szvet is ugyanebbl az vszzadbl szrmaznk,
csak ht kevss valszn, hogy egy selyem tbb nemzedkkel a kszlse utn kerlt volna a fldbe. Brmiknt is
alakul a pontos keltezse, a lelet a posztszsznida tpus
brzolsok szmt gyaraptja. Ennek a leletnek van nhny
vonsa, mely minden ktsget kizran beleillik a ilovkai
s a most trgyalt avar lovasbrzolsok sorba. Az egyik
a zszls lndzsa elfordulsa, a msik az, hogy a felszerszmozott lnak szintn nincsen nyerge, kengyele, ezen
kvl a balatonszlsihez (?) s a fennemltett dalmciaihoz
hasonlan van pajzsa Megegyeznek abban a rszletben is,
hogy mindkt l lbt lpsben brzoltk. A sineglazovi
abban eltr viszont valamennyi Krpt-medenceitl, hogy a
lovas szablyt hord. Szsznida tpus koronja s fejdsze
olyan elemek, amelyek eredetileg idegenek voltak a biznci
kultrkrben, mg a nagyszentmiklsi gyztes fejedelem
sisakjnak htoldaln lobog szalagok szsznida eredete
kzismert. A problma azonban jval bonyolultabb, mert
ez a fejdsz viszonylag korn Bizncban s a kora kzpkori
Nyugat-Eurpban is elterjedt,88 ezrt a nagyszentmiklsi
gyztes fejedelem sisakjn lobog szalagok nem felttlenl tekintendk az brzols kzvetlenl szsznida elemnek.
A kompozci ltrejtte
A kutatsban mindig is egyetrts volt afell, hogy a
nagyszentmiklsi 2. sz. kors gyztes fejedelmet brzol medaillonja sszessgben analgia nlkl ll. Ennek
elsdleges oka abban rejlik, hogy az tvs kt, nagyon is eltr gyker kptpust dolgozott ssze: a foglyt a hajnl
fogva tart gyztes uralkodt, mely antik, biznci eredet,
s a szalagokkal kestett sisakot visel lovast, mely taln
Keletrl szrmazik. A msodik ok annak kvetkezmnye,
hogy mindezt egyni kiegsztsekkel megtoldva, teljesen
egyedi kompozciban olvasztotta ssze. Mindemellett fakadhat mg az egyedisg termszetesen a feladat egyedi
voltbl is (v. a rendelkezsre ll fellet nagysga s az
tvsmunka eleve ignyesebb volta), de leginkbb az tvs
rapszodikus mvszi szuverenitsbl, mert br egyes rszleteknl mereven, rtelmetlenl ragaszkodott az elkp(ek)
87. sszehasonltsul v. Maitov 1981; Maitov 1981a, 23-28; Maitov,
Sultanova 1994, 190.
88. A 975-bl szrmaz Gironai Beatus-kzirat iszlm lovasnak lobog
fejdsze (Werckmeister 1997, Pl. 1a).
379
nutog postupka nonja kneza pobjednika i prikaz konjske

orme (nedostatak pojasa s okovima, sedla i stremena, napadakog oruja i obrambene opreme) odlikuju arhainou
i bizantinizacijom, dok je aktualizacija nesporno izraena
euromongoloidnim antropolokim karakterom mukarca
na konju. Ista ta stvar, prilagodba folkloru sredine za koju je
prikaz bio izraen, pokazala se i na prikazu bia ljudskog lica
koje je u prizoru nebeskog lova upotrijebljeno kao jahaa
ivotinja radi se, dakle, o prikazu folkloristikog lika zajednice kojoj je to bilo namijenjeno dok se pak na kopiji prizora lova na sasanidskim i srednjoazijskim zdjelama jasno vidi
europski antropoloki tip nebeskog lova.
udnovata mjeavina stremljenja k realnosti i istodobno njena odbacivanja dokaz je i objanjenje za apsolutnu
individualnost kompozicije kneza pobjednika, a time i itavoga vra br. 2. Zlatar je, dakle, preuzeo samo osnovu antikih ikonografskih arhetipova (v. bilo koji prikaz konjanika
i zarobljenika pjeaka te moda i cara pobjednika, Krista ili
sv. Jurja), a od orijentalnih prikaza (najvie) jedan element
(v. ukrase s trakama na glavi). Sve je to onda u svom stvaralakom radu opremio odreenim znaajkama svog vlastitog kulturnog okruja i odreenim etnografskim i antropolokim dopunama (v. kacigu, lanani oklop, koplje, moda
ukrase za glavu na opremi konja (usp. Szentpteri 1993, pos.
69, sl.3,5), prepleteni konjski rep, antropoloki tip kneza),
prilagoeno svom svijetu, odnosno svijetu svog nalogodavca odlian primjer za ono to zovemo adoption!
U sluaju kompozicije kneza pobjednika za vrednovanje
umjetnikog dosega zlatara s jedne je strane vano naglasiti
da uope nije kopirao, odnosno, nije robovao drugim elementima tipa slike na kojoj se prikaz temelji. S druge strane, jo
jednom treba rei da je ispustio vie elemenata materijalne
kulture tog vremena! Meusobno kombiniranje uzora i aktualizacija provedeni su nedosljedno: konj iz Nagyszentmiklsa,
dodue, na sebi ima ormu, ali nema sedlo, iako je jasno a to
je sigurno i zlatar znao da remenje oko prsa i repa ne ide bez
sedla i da se odrezana glava moe privrstiti samo na stranji
obluk, a ne na remenje oko repa. Izdajniki se detalj krije u prikazu ulara s pobonom pritkom: donje polovice pobone pritke naprosto nema pa uzda nije privrena za nju (sl. 6)! Osim
toga, istraivai su ve na poetku primijetili da nema pojasa,
a nezamislivo je da ranosrednjovjekovni knez iz Karpatske kotline slinog ranga kao to je ovaj na prikazu ne bi imao pojas
s okovima. Ovome treba dodati sljedee: bogatstvo pojedinih
detalja i veliko struno znanje zlatara svjedoe o tome kako
te netonosti nisu nastale zato to je majstor od poetka htio
izbjei realistian prikaz. Za arheologe to pak znai da se ovdje
ne radi jednostavno o potpuno individualnom oblikovanju
idealiziranog kneza, nego o umjetnikoj kompoziciji sastavljenoj od nekoherentnih elemenata, koju bez prijeko potrebnog
opreza ne bismo smjeli smatrati izvorom rekonstrukcije raznih
elemenata nonje i materijalne povijesti.
Grifon na medaljonu s posude br.20
Kao drugi primjer analogije spomenut u prikaze koji slie grifonu s medaljona na dnu alice br. 20 (sl. 7).90 On
90. Korisno je meusobno usporediti crtee grifona objavljene u knjigama koje
su objavili J.Arneth, J.Hampel i Gy.Lszl a prije svega usporediti ih s
originalnim prikazom! Razlike meu njima i netonosti bude i sumnje u vjerodostojnost ostalih njihovih crtea ili crtea napravljenih po njihovu nalogu,
380
hez, mskor teljesen szokatlan elemekkel egsztette ki az

eredeti kptpust. Az elbbi kvetkeztben mutatkoznak
az archaizmusok s a bizantinizls a gyztes fejedelem
viseletben s lszerszma brzolsban (a veretes v, a
nyereg s a kengyel, vgfegyver, jszfelszerels hinya),
mg az aktualizls vitathatatlan megnyilvnulsa a lovas
frfi turanid embertani jellege. Ugyanez, a megrendel kzeg folklrjhoz val alkalmazkods nyilvnult meg az gi
vadszat jelenetben htasknt hasznlt emberarc lny
azaz a kincset hasznl kzeg folklorisztikus alakjnak
brzolsa esetben is, mg a szsznida s kzp-zsiai tlakon lthat vadszati jelenetek msolst mutatja az gi
vadsz egyrtelmen europid embertani tpusa.
A realitsra val trekvs s annak egyidej mellzsnek sajtos elegye bizonytkot s egyben magyarzatot
ad a gyztes fejedelem s egyben a 2. sz. kors egsze
kompozcijnak abszolt egyedi voltra. Az tvs az antik
ikonogrfiai archetpusoknak csak az alapjt vette t (ld. a
lovas s gyalogos foglya s taln a gyztes csszr, Krisztusvagy Szent Gyrgy-brzolsok kzl valamelyikt), a keleti
brzolsokbl pedig (legfljebb) egy elemet (ld. a szalagos fejdsz). Mindezt azutn az alkot munkja sorn a sajt
kulturlis kzegnek bizonyos jegyeivel elltva, bizonyos
etnogrfiai s antropolgiai kiegsztsekkel beleillesztette
a maga, illetve a megrendel vilgba (ld. a sisak, a lncpncl, a lndzsa, taln a cstr a kantron (V. Szentpteri
1993, klnsen 69, 3. kp, 5.), a bogozott lfarok, a fejedelem embertani tpusa). Ez az adoption kitn pldja!
A gyztes fejedelem kompozcija esetben az tvs
mvszi teljestmnye rtkelshez egyrszt fontos hangslyoznunk, hogy egyltaln nem msolt; az alapul vett
kptpusok ms elemeit nem szolgaian vette t. Msrszt
jbl r kell mutatnunk arra, hogy a kora anyagi kultrjnak tbb elemt mellzte! Az elkpek sszedolgozsa s
az aktualizls kvetkezetlenl trtnt: a nagyszentmiklsi
lovon van ugyan lszerszm, de nincsen nyereg, holott egyrtelm, amit termszetesen az tvsnek is tudnia kellett:
szgyel s farhm nincsen nyereg nlkl, tovbb hogy
a levgott fejet csakis a hts kpra lehetett ersteni s
nem a farhmra. rulkod az oldalplcs zabla brzolsa:
az oldalplca als fele egyszeren hinyzik, a kantr annak
fels felnek egyenes folytatsa! Ezen kvl a kutats mr a
kezdet kezdetn felfigyelt az v hinyra is, minthogy elkpzelhetetlen, hogy egy, az brzolni kvnthoz hasonl rang, gazdagsg kora kzpkori Krpt-medencei vezrnek
ne lett volna veretes ve. Mindehhez tegyk hozz, hogy
az egyes rszletek gazdagsga s az tvs magas szakmai
tudsa rulkodik: a pontatlansgok nem abbl addnak,
mintha eleve kerlni akarta volna a realista brzolst. Ez
pedig a rgszet szmra azt jelenti, hogy nem egyszeren egy idealizlt vezr teljesen egyedi megfogalmazsval,
hanem egy inkoherens elemekbl sszelltott, mvszi
kompozcival van dolgunk, mely kell krltekints nlkl
nem tekinthet klnfle viselet- s trgytrtneti rekonstrukcik forrsnak.
A 20. sz. edny medaillonjban brzolt griff
Az analgira msodik pldaknt a 20. sz. cssze fenekn lev medaillonban brzolt griffhez hasonlkat em-
Sl. 7 Prikaz grifona na dnu alice br. 20

7. kp A 20. szam cssze aljn lthat griff brzolsa
spada u tip slike koji je meu prikazima grifona rairenim

tisuljeima po raznim kontinentima bio relativno kratkog
vijeka i od kojeg postoji par primjera relevantnih za istraivanje dotinog grifona iz Nagyszentmiklsa zbog geografsko-kulturnih razloga. Svi oni imaju identian poloaj krila,
prednjih nogu i repa, a kod dvojice rep zavrava palmetom.
Taj ensemble sukladnosti razlog je to ih ne smatram paralelama, ve analogijama.
Na analogiju s grifonom na zdjeli br. 20 nailazimo na jednoj zdjeli iz arheoloke grae pronaene poetkom 20. st.
u armenskom Nor-Bajazetu (ruski: NovyjBajazet),91 a nalaz
se, koliko znam, sastoji od dviju zdjela i etiriju lica. Zdjele
su se 1911. god. jo nalazile u zbirci Botkin u Sankt Petersburgu, a od 1925. su u posjedu Pruske umjetnike zbirke
(Preuische Kunstsammlungen), Muzej islamske umjetnosti
(Museum fr Islamische Kunst). Smatraju se sasanidskim
proizvodima, to kod jedne od njih doista nije sporno i to
je vrsto uporite za datiranje grae. Zahvaljujui detaljnoj
analizi znamo da bi se kod zdjele s prizorom lova moglo raditi o vremenu Ardaira III. (628.-630.) (Harper 1981, 68-70,
131, T. 20), budui da niti najmanji detalj ne opovrgava tu
injenicu (Blint 2004, sl. 146,1).92 Naalost, predstavnici arheologije i povijesti umjetnosti bizantskog doba nisu obratili pozornost na drugu zdjelu, onu koja prikazuje grifona
(Blint 2004, sl. 145,1), jer se od informacije F.Sarrea (Sarre
1931, 96-97), pa sve do danas ubrajala u partske, odnosno
sasanidske zlatarske proizvode 5.-7. st.93 i jedino je N.Mavrousp. Arneth 1850, G. XIV,22; Hampel 1886, 39, sl.30; Lszl, Rcz 1977, 128,
sl.1 v. sl. 144.
91. Nalazite se esto navodi pogreno: Novobajazet kod Smirnova (1909,

T. CXXIII) je ruski oblik armenskog naziva Nor-Bajazet (ispravno: Orbeli, Trever 1935, XI; Leenko 1976, 179; Harper 1981, 78-80), pogreno
ga navode Mavrodinov 1943, 134: Novobojarsk; Orbeli 1939, 762:
Nordbayazed.
92. Splendeur Sassanide 1993, br. 56. U jednom, meni nedostupnom, izdanju
Lukonin, Marak su je datirali na kraj 7.-poetak 8. st., usp. Leenko
1976, 179. Istraivai su smetnuli s uma injenicu da je gotovo identina
zdjela naena u porjeju Kame, v. Smirnov 1909, T. CXXIII, br. 309;
Lungenov 1968, 256-258; Fodor et al. 1996, 57, dolje.
93. Smirnov 1909, T.CXXIII, br.307; literatura v.Harper 1972, 161; Orbeli,
Trever 1935, T. XI, T. XXVII, nap.3: ne spominje se lica, dok pak S.
R. Hauser poznaje samo lice: Hauser 1992, 84, nap.374. Ta graa jo
ltem.89 Ez egy olyan kptpusba tartozik, amelyik az vezredeken s kontinenseken t elterjedt griffbrzolsokon
bell a kora kzpkorban viszonylag rvid let volt, s ezek
kztt van nhny olyan, amelyik fldrajzi-kulturlis okokbl relevns a szban forg nagyszentmiklsi griff kutatsa
szmra. Mindegyikknl azonos a szrnyak, a mells lbak
s a farok helyzete, kettejknl a farok palmettban vgzdik. Ezeknek az egyezseknek az egyttese az, ami miatt
nem egyms prhuzamainak, hanem analgiinak tartom ket.
A 20. sz. cssze griffjnek egyik analgijra a 20. szzad
elejn az rmnyorszgi Nor-Bajazetben (oroszul: Novyj
Bajazet)90 napvilgot ltott kincs egyik tljn bukkanunk.
E kincs tudtommal kt tlbl s ngy kanlbl ll. A tlak
1911-ben mg a szentptervri Botkin-gyjtemnyben voltak, 1925 ta mindkettt a Preuische Kunstsammlungen,
Museum fr Islamische Kunstban rzik. Szsznida ksztmnyknt tartjk ket szmon, ami irnt egyik trgy esetben sem merl fl ktsg; ez a kincs keltezsnek egyik
biztos pontja. Egy behat elemzsnek ksznheten tudjuk, hogy a vadszjelenetes tl kora III. Ardair uralkodsra
tehet (628-630) (Harper 1981, 68-70, 131, Pl.20), mely keltezs ellen nem szl semmilyen apr rszlet sem.91 Sajnos a
msik, a griffet brzol tl elkerlte a biznci rgszet s
mvszettrtnet mvelinek figyelmt, mert F. Sarre kzlemnye (Sarre 1931, 96-97) ta mindmig a prthus, illetve
az 5.-7. szzadi szsznida tvstermkek kztt tartjk szmon,92 egyedl N. Mavrodinov volt az, aki a kzepben brzolt griffet a nagyszentmiklsi 20. sz. csszn lthat prhuzamaknt idzte. az brzolst a flemelt jobb mells
lb alapjn egy heraldikus kompozcihoz hasonltotta,93
s a tl kort a 7. szzadra tette. E kormeghatrozsnl a kanl tipokronolgiai helyzetre tmaszkodott (Mavrodinov
1943, 134), s ezzel a tl tipolgija s ornamentikja alapjn egyetrthetnk. A tlat 0,3-4 mm vastag ezstlemezbl
kalapltk, a bels pereme s a kzepben lev brzols,
89. Tanulsgos az e griffrl J. Arneth, Hampel J. s Lszl Gy. knyveiben
kzztett rajzokat egymssal s fleg az eredeti brzolssal!
sszehasonltani! Az eltrseik s pontatlansgaik ltal a tbbi, ltaluk
kszt(tet)ett rajz hitelessgt illeten is ktely bredhet, v. Arneth 1850,
G. XIV,22; Hampel 1886, 39, Fig. 30; Lszl, Rcz 1977, 128, 1. rajz.,
144. rajz. )
90. A lelhely nevt sokszor hibsan tntetik fel: a Smirnov (1909, T.
CXXIII) szerepl Novobajazet az eredeti rmny Nor-Bajazet oroszos formja (helyesen: Orbeli, Trever 1935, XI; s Leenko 1976, 179;
Harper 1981, 78-80), mely hibsan Mavrodinov 1943, 134: Novobojarsk; Orbeli 1939, 762: Nordbayazed formban szerepel.
91. Splendeur Sassanide 1993, No. 56. V. G. LukoninB. I. Marak egy
ltalam elrhetetlen kiadvnyban a 7. sz. vgre8. sz. elejre keltezte,
v. (Leenko 1976, 179). A kutats nem szmol azzal, hogy egy vele majdnem teljesen azonos tl a Kma-vidken ltott napvilgot, ld. (Smirnov
1909, CXXIII, No. 309; Lunegov 1968, 256-258; Fodor et al. 1996, 57):
alul.
92. Smirnov 1909, T. CXXIII, No. 307; irodalmt ld. Harper 1972, 161;
Orbeli, Trever 1935, XI, XXVII, 3. j.: nem emltette a kanalakat, mg S.
R. Hauser csak a kanalakrl tud: Hauser 1992, 84. 374. j. E kincset mg
sosem tanulmnyoztk egytt!
93. Mavrodinov 1943, 136. Feltehet, hogy a heraldika sz fordtsi
hibbl kerlt a szvegbe s amennyiben a bulgr tuds ez alatt eredetileg azt rtette, hogy az brzols egy bizonyos kptpust kvethetett,
akkor nagyon is egyetrthetnk vele. A flemelt lb gesztusnak tlzott
jelentsget egybknt sem szabad tulajdontani, mivel ez a profilban
brzolt ngylb llatok esetben a klasszikus antikvits ta llandan
jelenlv elem.
381
dinov grifona, koji je prikazan u sredini, nazvao paralelom

onom iz Nagyszentmiklsa to se nalazi na zdjeli br. 20. On
je na temelju podignute desne prednje noge prikaz usporedio s heraldikom kompozicijom94 i datirao zdjelu u 7.
st. Prilikom datacije se oslanjao na tipokronoloko odreenje lice koja mu je bila poznata (Mavrodinov 1943, 136) i
s time se moemo sloiti na osnovi tipologije i ornamentike zdjele. Zdjela je napravljena od srebrnog lima debljine
0,3-0,4 mm, a unutranji rub i prikaz u sredini s prstenastim
okvirom imaju debelu pozlatu. Grifon i okvir lagano su izdignuti iz plohe zdjelice, a povrina im je poneto istroena
osim geometrijske sredine zdjelice. Punciranje je napravila
sigurna ruka majstora, a izvedeno je alatom otroga vrha.95
Budui da sline prikaze grifona uope ne nalazimo na sasanidskim metalnim posudama i da oblik glave, nain na koji
su oblikovani uho i kljun uope ne odstupaju od onog to
moemo vidjeti na bizantskim zlatarskim predmetima, zacijelo se zbog toga i zbog dimenzija zdjele kao i njene niske
noge, radi o bizantskom proizvodu. (Noga na sasanidskim
zdjelama i zdjelicama uvijek je via). Bizantske lice, naene
zajedno s tom zdjelom, potjeu iz doba vladavine Konstansa II. (641.-668.) odnosno, nepoznatog razdoblja iz tog doba
(Blint 2004, sl. 145,2-5) (Hauser 1992, 84, nap. 374, 133-134).
Ta se datacija ini vjerojatnom i u sluaju zdjele. Stoga treba
pretpostaviti da su dijelovi grae koji su u muzej doneseni iz
Nor-Bajazeta u zemlju dospjeli u drugoj polovici 7. st.
Iz istog vremena potjee i druga analogija, dobro poznata fibula iz Capue; na njoj grifon lijevom prednjom nogom
dri neku ivotinju (Blint 2004, sl. 148,6) (Werner 1936, 59,
sl.1; Bizantini, 1982 406, br.191, sl.261). Ta je fibula bez sumnje proizvod iz bizantske provincije. Isti je sluaj i s prikazom grifona na oltarnoj ploi iz 9. st. u bazilici SantaMaria
Assunta u Akvileji (Tagliaferri 1981, T.IV,9), te s kotanim eljem bizantskog podrijetla, takoer iz 9. st., na kojem su simetrino poredana dva grifona istog takvog poloaja nogu
(Bank 1959, 333-339; Kahsnitz 1998a, 195, br.56). Jo jednu
analogiju nalazimo na poznatom vru u opatiji St.Maurice
dAgaune (Blint 2004, sl. 147). Iznenaujua je injenica da
N. Mavrodinov u svojim razmatranjim nije upotrijebio taj
predmet, iako ga je poznavao. Emajlirani ukrasi na vru smatraju se jednima od najljepih i istodobno najspornijih proizvoda ranosrednjovjekovne zlatarske umjetnosti zapadne
Europe; samom se posudom prije svega bave povjesniari
umjetnosti karolinkog doba, a prikazi na emajliranim ploicama zanimaju i istraivae Sasanida i Bizanta. Glede starosti
(6.-12.st.) i mjesta proizvodnje (Iran, Bizant, kalifat Abasida,
Avari, Karolinko Carstvo, srednjovjekovna Venecija) emajliranih ploica, miljenja su vrlo podijeljena; M.Aga-Oglu je
1946. izbrojio 13(!) varijanti,96 a tu treba dodati jo i teoriju
nikada nije prouena kao cjelina!
94. Mavrodinov 1943, 136. Vjerojatno je rije heraldika u tekst dospjela
grekom u prevoenju, a ako je bugarski znanstvenik pod time prvobitno
podrazumijevao da je prikaz slijedio odreeni tip prikaza, s time bismo
se itekako mogli sloiti. Gesti podignute noge inae ne treba pridavati
pretjerano znaenje, budui da je to u klasinoj antici uobiajeni element
kod etveronoaca prikazanih iz profila.
95. Inv.-br.: J. 5384; promjer: 17,7 cm; promjer noge: 6,5 cm; visina noge
1,1cm; visina: 3,8cm. Za fotografiju zdjele i mogunost da je prouim
kao i dozvolu za objavljivanje, zahvaljujem gospoi dr.Almut von Gladyss.
96. Istraivanje vra see ve 150 godina unatrag; tumaenja u vezi s njim,
382
valamint az azt kr alakban krlvev keret vastagon aranyozott. A griff s a kr alak keret enyhn kiemelkedik a
tlka felsznbl, felsznk a tlka mrtani kzept kivve
kevss kopott. A poncols biztos kez mestertl szrmazik, les vg szerszmmal trtnt.94 Tekintettel arra, hogy
hasonl griffbrzolsokkal a szsznida fmednyeken
egyltaln nem tallkozunk, a fej formja, a fl s a csr
kialaktsa a biznci tvstrgyakon lthatktl nem tr
el, ezrt az emltettek s a tl mrete, valamint az alacsony
talpa alapjn egyrtelmen biznci ksztmnynek tarthat. (A szsznida tlak s tlkk talpa mindig magasabb.) A
vele egytt elkerlt biznci kanalak II. Constans uralkodsnak idejbl (641-668), illetve annak ismeretlen peridusbl szrmaznak (ld. Hauser 1992, 84. 374. j., 133-134), mely
kormeghatrozs e tl esetben is valsznnek ltszik.
Mindezrt feltehet, hogy a Nor-Bajazet-i kincs mzeumba
kerlt darabjai a 7. szzad 2. felben kerltek fldbe.
Ugyanebbl az idbl val a msodik analgia, a jl
ismert capuai fibula; ezen a griff a bal mells lbval mg
valamilyen llatot is tart (Werner 1936, 59, Abb.1; Bizantini
1982, 406, No.191, Fig.261). E fibula egyrtelmen biznci
provincilis ksztmny. Ugyanannak tarthat az aquileiai
Sta Maria Assunta-bazilika 9. szzadi oltrlapjn lthat griff
brzolsa (Tagliaferri 1981, T.IV,9) s egy ugyancsak 9. szzadi, biznci eredet csontfs, melyen szimmetrikus elrendezsben brzoltak kt ilyen lbtarts griffet (Bank 1959,
333-339; Kahsnitz 1998, 195, No.56). Egy tovbbi analgira
a St. Maurice dAgaune-i aptsgban rztt hres korsn figyelhetnk fel. Ezt az brzolst N. Mavrodinov meglep
mdon nem hasznlta fel, pedig magt a trgyat ismerte.
A kors zomncdszei a kora kzpkori nyugat-eurpai tvssg egyik legszebb s egyben legvitatottabb trgynak
szmtanak; az ednnyel magval elssorban a karoling kor
mvszettrtnete foglalkozik, a zomnclemezeken lthat brzolsok a szsznidk s Biznc kutatit is rdeklik.
A zomnclemezek korval (6.-12. szzad) s kszlsi helyvel (Irn, Biznc, abbaszida kaliftus, avarok, karoling birodalom, kzpkori Velence) kapcsolatban rendkvl megoszlanak a nzetek; M. Aga-Oglu 1946-ban 13 (!) vltozatot
szmolt ssze,95 amihez mg hozzszmtand az avar
eredetrl szl teria, mely a trk kutat cikke utn jelent
meg (Alfldi 1949). Ezt a korst a kzp-eurpai kutats is
szmon tartja, br a vele kapcsolatos hatalmas irodalombl kizrlag Alfldi A. cikkt ismerik, illetve idzik. (Ennek
oka taln az lehet, hogy a szerz tbb klnlenyomatban
is megkldte a volt kollginak ezt a kzvetlenl az emigrlsa utn rt s megjelentetett munkjt, de esetleg az is,
hogy Magyarorszgon az avar eredet hipotzise sokaknak
lehetett rokonszenves.) A sokfle, a kora kzpkori zomnc
trtnetben elmlylt ismereteket ignyl vlemnynyilvnts utn, a korsnak rgta aktulis monografikus feldolgozst nlklzve is kt okbl kell itt szba hoznom ezt
94. Lelt. sz.: J. 5384. tm.: 17, 7 cm; talptm.: 6,5 cm; talpm.: 1,1 cm; m.:
3,8 cm. A tl fnykprt, tanulmnyozsa lehetsgrt s a kzls
engedlyezsrt Dr. Almut von Gladyssnak mondok ksznetet.
95. A kors kutatsa 150 vre tekint vissza; a vele kapcsolatos interpretcik felsorolst ld. Aga-Oglu 1946, 160-161. Teljes irodalmt ld. de
Francovich 1984, 139-189; Thurre 1996. A zomnclemezek elmlylt
elemzse: Haseloff 1990, 25-31.
o avarskom podrijetlu koja se pojavila nakon lanka tog turskog istraivaa (Alfldi 1949). Taj vr je evidentiran i u srednjoeuropskim istraivanjima, iako se tu od sve te opsene
literature o njemu iskljuivo govori, odnosno citira lanak A.
Alfldija. (Razlog tome je moda taj to je autor taj svoj rad,
napisan i objavljen neposredno nakon to je emigrirao, vie
puta dao tiskati i poslao svojim bivim kolegama, a moda
i to to je hipoteza o avarskom podrijetlu mnogima u Maarskoj simpatina). Iako su objavljena ve mnog miljenja,
zbog temeljita poznavanja povijesti ranosrednjovjekovnog
emajla ipak spominjem ovaj vr, o kojemu je ve odavno
trebalo objaviti monografiju, iz dva razloga.
Dva ukrasna elementa emajliranih ploica vra iz opatije
St.MauricedAgaun vrlo su bliska grai iz Nagyszentmiklsa. Jedan od njih je figura grifona na emajliranoj ploici u
obliku segmenta kugle, ija se kompozicija i nain razrade
detalja u mnogome poklapaju s dotinom iz Nagyszentmiklsa to emo u nastavku iscrpnije obraditi. Drugi je
element drvo ivota na jednoj maloj etverokutnoj emajliranoj ploici na vratu vra na kojoj se kao to je uoio
A.Alfldi (Alfldi 1949, T.4,6,8) vide slinosti s prikazima
medaljona na vru br. 2. Meutim, ovo potonje ne smijemo
precjenjivati! I drugdje se mogu nai takvi prikazi drva mogranja na kojima na objema stranama vise po dva cvijeta,
odnosno ploda kao i kod spomenutih struaka lia, npr. na
langobarskim ukrasima na titu iz Stabia, iz 7. st. (Magistra
Barbaritas sl. 118), na glavnom jezicu remena od lijevane
bronce iz kasnoavarskog groblja u mjestu Csongrd-Mmaidl (Erdlyi 1966, sl.23; Awaren 69, sl.67,1), na relikvijaru biskupa Altheusa (koji je umro 799.) u sittenskoj katedrali
(Karl der Groe 1965, 137, br.231, sl.108; Hubert et al. 1967),
na jednom vizigotskom klesarskom radu iz 923. (Blint 2004,
sl. 174) (PuigICadafalch 1961, T.XLIII,b; Ordax, Alvarez 1980,
T. 11), na drvu ivota s jednog reljefa iz 12. st. u vladimirskoj
katedrali97 itd. Stoga struak lia (njegovu kompoziciju) iz
opatije St. Maurice dAgaune ne treba promatrati niti kao
originalni karolinki ornamentalni element, niti kao avarski! To je ornamentalni element koji je bio rairen po cijeloj Europi, bez sumnje bizantskih korijena, ije je prastaro
prednjeazijsko podrijetlo tek nedavno razjanjeno (jednu je
skupinu prikaza drva ivota mogue izvesti od tipa menore
opisanog u 2. Knjizi Mojsijevoj, 37,17-24).98
Vrem iz St.MauricedAgaune moramo se baviti i zato
to je A.Alfldi u svom lanku koji je izazvao veliku pozornost te ploice emajla proglasio avarskima, a to miljenje jo
i danas slui kao uporite jedne nove teorije (Thurre 1996),
iako sve to zbog spomenutih paralela u ornamentici ploica
emajla problematiku Nagyszentmiklsa opet dotie samo
neizravno. U nastavku u govoriti o vezi izmeu vreva iz
opatije St.MauricedAgaune i vreva br. 2 i 7 koji se uvaju
u Beu, jer se to smatra novim elementom i moe pridoniv. Aga-Oglu 1946, 160-161. Potpuna literatura, v. deFrancovich 1984,
139-189; Thurre 1996. Iscrpna analiza ploica emajla: Haseloff 1990,
25-31.
97. Na ovaj je paralelitet ve ranije ukazao Gy.Lszl (Lszl, Rcz 1977,
73).
98. Hodak 1996. Vrlo koristan istraivaima ranosrednjovjekovne arheologije srednje i istone Europe moe biti lanak o pojavi jednoga drugog
prednjoazijskog tipa slike u ranom srednjem vijeku (Bord, Skubiszewsk
2002, 5-24).
a trgyat.
A St. Maurice dAgaun-i kors zomnclemezeinek kt
dszt eleme ll igen kzel a nagyszentmiklsi kincshez.
Az els az egyik gmbszelet alak zomnclemezen lthat
griff alakja, melynek kompozcija s a kidolgozs rszletei
sokban megegyeznek a szban forg nagyszentmiklsival
az albbiakban errl lesz sz bvebben. A msodik a kors nyakra erstett ngyszg alak zomnclemezkk letfja, mely Alfldi A. figyelt fl r (Alfldi 1949, T.4,6,8) a
2. kors medaillonjai kztt brzoltakkal mutat hasonlsgot. Ne rtkeljk azonban tl ez utbbit! Msutt is tallkozunk olyan grntalmabokor brzolsval, melynl
mindkt oldalon ugyangy 2-2 szirom, illetve terms ll,
illetve csng lefel, mint az emltett levlcsokroknl, pl. a 7.
szzadi stabii langobard pajzsdszen (Magistra Barbaritas
Fig. 118), a csongrd-mmai-dli ks avar temetben
tallt nttt bronz nagyszjvgen (Erdlyi 1966, Fig. 23;
Awaren 69, Abb.67,1), a 799-ben meghalt Altheus pspknek a sitteni dmban rztt ereklyetartjn (der Groe
1965, 137, No.231, Abb.108; Hubert et al. 1967), egy 923-ban
kszlt vizigt kfaragvnyon (Puig I Cadafalch 1961,
Pl.XLIII,b; Ordax, Alvarez 1980, lm./tab. 11), a vladimiri szkesegyhz 12. szzadi dombormvn lthat letfn96 stb.
A St. Maurice dAgaune-i levlcsokor (kompozcija) nem tekinthet teht sem eredeti karoling ornamentikai elemnek,
sem avar eredetnek! Egy Eurpa-szerte szlesen elterjedt,
ktsgkvl biznci gykerekre visszamen ornamentikai
elemmel van dolgunk, melynek a kzelmltban fny derlt
az si el-zsiai szrmazsra is (az letfa-brzolsok egyik
csoportja ugyanis a Mzes 2. trvnyknyve 37.17-24. alatt
lert menra tpusbl vezethet le).97
A St. Maurice dAgaune-i korsval azrt is kell foglalkoznunk, mert Alfldi A. a nagy figyelmet keltett cikkben
e zomncokat avar eredeteknek hatrozta meg. Ez a vlemnye mg napjainkban is jabb elmlet tmpontjul
szolgl (Thurre 1996), mrpedig mindez a zomnclemezek
ornamentikjnak emltett prhuzamai miatt kzvetett mdon jbl csak rinti Nagyszentmikls problematikjt. Az
albbiakban a St. Maurice dAgaune-ban s a Bcsben rztt 2. s 7. sz. korsknak egy olyan kapcsoldsra hvom
fel a figyelmet, ami j elemnek szmt, s elsegtheti a svjci kors zomncdszeinek oly sokat trgyalt keleti kapcsolatai megtlst, valamint tjkoztatst nyjt egy bizonyos
grifftpus szles terleti s kulturlis elterjedtsgrl. A
korsval foglalkoz munkkban tbbszr kzlik a msik, az
oroszlnokat s az letft brzol gmbszelet kpt, mg
a griffeket brzolt ritkbban (Orbeli 1939, Pl. 247; Roth
1986, T.9). Mrpedig az utbbiak elfordulsa nmagban
is elgondolkodtathatta volna a zomncok keleti, szsznida
szrmaztatsnak hveit; lvn ez a kpzeletbeli lny a kora
kzpkorban mind az eredett, mind az brzols tipolgijt, legfkppen pedig az elterjedtsgt tekintve egyrtelmen s ltalnosan elfogadottan biznci, s nem (eredeti)
szsznida vagy kaukzusi motvum.
96. Erre a prhuzamossgra mr korbban flhvta a figyelmet Lszl Gy.
(Lszl, Rcz 1977, 73).
97. Hodak 1996. A kora kzpkor rgszetnek kzp- s kelet-eurpai kutati szmra igen tanulsgos lehet egy msik kzel-keleti kptpus kora
kzpkori elfordulsrl szl cikk (Bord, Skubiszewski 2002, 5-24).
383
jeti ocjeni tako esto obraivanih orijentalnih povezanosti

emajliranih ukrasa vicarskog vra i daje nam informacije
o velikoj geografskoj i kulturnoj rairenosti odreenog tipa grifona. U radovima koji su napisani o tom vru ee je
objavljivana slika kuglastog segmenta sa slikama lava i drva
ivota, ali rjee slika prikaza grifona (Orbeli 1939, T.247; Roth
1986, T. 9). Pritom bi pojava ovog potonjeg sama po sebi
morala biti povod za razmiljanje pristaama teorije da taj
emajl potjee s Orijenta, od Sasanida, budui da je jasno i
opepriznato kako to bie iz mate u ranom srednjem vijeku
glede svoga podrijetla, tipologije prikaza i prije svega svoje
rairenosti, predstavlja bizantski, a ne (prvobitno) sasanidski ili kavkaski motiv.
Jo analogija nalazimo u Karpatskoj kotlini (Blint 2004,
sl. 148,1-3); posve je oito da nam one neposredno koriste
u prouavanju spomenute grae iz Karpatske kotline, a ne
prikazi iz udaljenijih krajeva. U njihovo se datiranje i kulturnu pripadnost nikada nije sumnjalo: svi se nalaze na avarskim pojasnim okovima 8. st., odnosno na okovima konjske
orme.99 Ikonografska sukladnost jasno pokazuje kako su
avarski zlatari jednostavno kopirali pronaene uzore i prevodili ih na jezik avarske kulture, jer, naposljetku, nitko ne
moe misliti da su to izvorno avarske kompozicije. To pokazuje i pojava tih prikaza grifona u geografski (Kavkaz,
Karpatska kotlina, jadranska obala, zapadna Europa) i kulturno (Bizant (Blint 2004, sl. 148,4-6,9), Avari, Karolinzi) vrlo udaljenim regijama. To, naravno, uope ne znai da sm
tip slike potjee upravo iz nekog od navedenih podruja;
velika proirenost jednostavno znai kako se taj tip prikaza daleko proirio. (Istodobno je zanimljivo da te predstava u ranosrednjovjekovnom Orijentu ipak nema!) Uestalo
pojavljivanje izmeu Akvileje i provincije Duklje, koritenje
koje je prema spornom datiranju sezalo u 11. st. a prema
miljenju nekih drugih bilo uobiajeno u 9. st. (CrnaGora I,
380, sl. 62; Vinski et al. 1986, 122, sl. 69, 139, sl. 112) razlog
su za pretpostavku da je taj tip slike na obali Jadrana bio
posebno omiljen (Akvileja, Susepan iznad Herceg-Novog
(Blint 2004, sl. 148,7-8); Zadar, Sv. Lovro). Na osnovi razdoblja u kojem su vjerojatno nastali prikazi u Nor-Bajazetu i
St.MauricedAgaune i tono odredivih prikaza iz avarskog
vremena, doba koritenja ovoga tipa prikaza moglo bi se nazvati relativno uskim. Posebnu vanost treba pridati injenici da su svi nalazi iz Karpatske kotline (ukljuujui i grifone
na medaljonima s bronanog lima izvedenog na proboj na
groblju u Kttlachu: Pittioni 1943) pronaeni na zapadnoj
granici avarskog kaganata. Zbog toga valja pretpostaviti da
njihovo postojanje treba smatrati lokalnom pojavom radi
li se moda o izrazu (zapadno)avarsko-sjevernoitalskih veza
iz druge polovice 8. st.?
Sve nas to vodi do dva zakljuka u istraivanju Nagyszentmiklsa. U vezi s prikazima, openito: moramo imati
99. Garam 1975, sl. 3: grob 10; Krti, Menghin 1985, 77; Daim 1987, 321,
T.43,4/6-8; Stadler 1990, sl. 1,8; Winter 1997, 265, T.39,10; Daim 1987;
saetak: Kiss 2002, 244, T. 11,2-5. Kao dalje paralele ovdje moemo
navesti i prikaze grifona na pojasnim okovima iz groba 156 iz KiskrsVrosalatti temeta i Vrsa, usp. Horvth 1935, T. XXXI,5-8; Garam
2002, 102, sl.28a,3. U taj tip slike spada jedan pojasni okov s nepoznatog
nalazita, na kojem grifon nema tako jasne konture, v. Garam 2002, 102,
sl.28a,1. Slini poloaj nogu imaju ivotinje na dobro poznatoj ploi iz
Zalakoma, v. Awaren 77, sl.78; Garam 2002, 107, sl.32,8.
384
Tovbbi analgik a Krpt-medencbl vannak; nyilvnval, hogy mindenkppen ezek knljk a kzvetlen
tanulsgot a szban forg Krpt-medencei kincs tanulmnyozsa szmra, s nem a tvolabbi tjakon megfigyelhet
brzolsok. Keltezsk s kulturlis hovatartozsuk irnt
nem merlhet fl ktsg: mindegyikk 8. szzadi avar vvereten, illetve lszerszmdszen lthat.98 Az ikonogrfiai
egyezs egyrtelmv teszi, hogy az avar tvsk egyszeren lemsoltk s az avar kultra nyelvre lefordtottk az
eljk kerlt elkpet, hiszen azt senki sem gondolhatja,
hogy ezek eredeti avar kompozcik volnnak. Ezt mutatja
ezen griffbrzolsok elfordulsa is: egymstl fldrajzilag (Kaukzus, Krpt-medence, Adria partvidke, NyugatEurpa) s kulturlisan (Biznc, avarok, karolingok) igen
tvol ll rgikban. Ez termszetesen a legkevsb sem
azt jelenti, hogy maga a kptpus ppen a felsoroltak valamelyikbl szrmaznk; a szles elterjeds egyszeren csak
a szles elterjedsrl tanskodik. (Ugyanakkor figyelemre
mlt, hogy ez a pz nincsen meg a kora kzpkori Keleten!) Az Aquileia s Duklea provincia kztti gyakorisguk,
a vitatott keltezs szerint 11. szzadba belenyl msok
szerint: 9. szzadi hasznlatuk (Crna Gora I, 380, sl. 62;
Vinski et al. 1986, 122, sl. 69, 139, sl. 112) azt engedi sejtetni, hogy az Adria partvidkn klnsen kedvelt volt ez a
kptpus (Susepan iznad Herceg-novog; Zadar, Sv. Lovro).
A Nor-Bajazet-inak s a St. Maurice dAgaune-inak valsznsthet, az avar koriaknak pontosan megllapthat kora
alapjn e kptpus hasznlati idejt viszonylag szknek hatrozhatjuk meg. Kln figyelmet rdemel, hogy valamennyi Krpt-medencei lelet (idertve a kttlachi temetben
tallt ttrt bronzlemez medaillonjaiban brzolt griffeket
is: Pittioni 1943) az avar kagantus nyugati hatrn ltott
napvilgot. Ennek alapjn felttelezhet, hogy az elfordulst loklis jelensgnek tekinthetjk csak nem egy avar
szak-itliai kapcsolat megnyilvnulsval llunk szemben
a 8. szzad 2. felbl? (E lehetsgrl ld. tortenet.doc.)
Mindez a nagyszentmiklsi kincs kutatsa szmra kt
kvetkeztetst enged meg. Az brzolsokkal kapcsolatban, ltalban: szmolnunk kell azzal, hogy amennyiben
esetleg sikerl is majd flismerni az ednyeken lthat jeleneteket ihlet kzeget, azltal mg nem okvetlenl hatroztuk meg automatikusan a trgyak kszlsi helyt. A
20. sz. ednnyel kapcsolatban, konkrtan: feltehet, hogy
ez a tlka a 8. szzadra keltezhet. Kizrlag egy kptpus
alapjn ltalban hiba volna keltezni, hiszen ez egy 9.-10.
szzadi biznci csaton (Byzanz 2001, 342, IV.94, left) s egy
thessaliai mrvnylapon a 10.-11. szzadban is kimutathat
(Glory 36-37, No. 2A), csakhogy a Krpt-medencn bell figyelembe veend, hogy itt ez a fajta griffbrzols a rendkvl sok s teljesen msfle kztt a nagyszentmiklsin kvl
98. Garam 1975, fig. 3,10. sr; Krti, Menghin 1987, 77; Daim 1987, 321, T.
43.4,6-8; Stadler 1990, Abb. 1,8; Winter 1997, 265, T. 39,10; Daim 1987;
sszefoglalan: Kiss 2002, 244, T. 11,2-5. Tvolabbi prhuzamknt
idesorolhat a Kiskrs-Vrosalatti temet 156. srjban tallt kerek
vvereteken lthat griffbrzols is, v. Horvth 1935, T. XXXI,5-8;
Garam 2002, 102, 28. kp a, 3. Ebbe a kptpusba tartozik egy ismeretlen
lelhely vveret, melyen a griffet kevsb tiszta kontrokkal brzoltk, ld. Garam 2002, 102, 28 kp a, 1. Hasonl lbtartssal tallkozunk a
jl ismert zalakomri korongon brzolt llatoknl, ld. Awaren 77, Abb.
78; Garam 2002, 107, 32. kp, 8.
na umu da ak i kada bismo uspjeli saznati kakvo je okruje

nadahnulo prizore na posudama, time jo ne moemo automatski odrediti mjesto proizvodnje ovih predmeta. U vezi s
posudom br. 20, to konkretno znai: za pretpostaviti je da tu
zdjelu treba datirati u 8. st. Datirati iskljuivo na osnovi jednog tipa prikaza bilo bi openito pogreno, jer ga je mogue dokazati i na jednoj bizantskoj kopi iz 9.-10. st. (Byzanz
2001, 342, IV.94, lijevo) i jednoj tesalskoj mramornoj ploi iz
10.-11.st. (Blint 2004, sl. 148,9) (Glory, 36-37, br. 2A), ali, kada
govorimo o Karpatskoj kotlini, treba imati na umu kako se
ovdje ta vrsta prikaza grifona meu iznimno mnogo drugih,
posve razliitih, osim u Nagyszentmiklsu, pojavljuje samo
u navedenim sluajevima, u kasnoavarskom okruju. Budui da nema pravih naznaka o stranom mjestu proizvodnje
grae, dakle, negdje izvan Karpatske kotline, mislim da bi
zbog te sukladnosti, odnosno odstupanja bilo metodoloki
ispravno pripisati ikonografski identitet zdjele br. 20 i opisanih okova iz avarskog doba avarskim poveznicama te grae.
Identinost
Pod pojmom identinost podrazumijevam potpuno
poklapanje (Homologon) tipova predmeta ili prikaza i smatram kako u arheolokoj grai, naravno, nikada ne postoji
potpuna, stopostotna identinost te da je ne trebamo niti
oekivati. To je, naime, filozofski (usp. Heraklit: ne moemo
dvaput ui u istu rijeku) ili tehniki i/ili fiziki (gotovo) nemogue, budui da majstor koji izrauje drugi primjerak ne
moe ili ak niti ne eli u potpunosti kopirati primjerak to
se nalazi pred njim. Izrada predmeta potpuno identinog
nekom drugom predmetu od izraivaa iziskuje puno veu
pozornost i (samo)disciplinu nego to je to sluaj kada arheolozi ili povjesniari umjetnosti openito neto proglase
identinim. Zbog toga pojmu identinost, zapravo, pridodajemo injenicu da se radi o vrlo visokom stupnju tipoloke sukladnosti te sukladnosti po veliini i ukrasima. Pri
utvrivanju identinosti predmeta ili prikaza dobro je biti
vrlo oprezan, jer injenica da je neto identino moe znaiti vrlo razliite stvari pa je stoga treba razliito i tretirati.
Identinosti, odnosno slinosti u naelu mogu imati vie
uzroka koje je eventualno mogue i meusobno kombinirati: je li neto nastalo istodobno ili jedno poslije drugog,
utvrivanje identiteta ili kontinuiteta dotine radionice,
radi li se moda o jednostavnoj kopiji ili stvaralatvu iz zajednikih izvora. Njihovo je znaenje u tome to sukladnost
visokog stupnja omoguuje sljedeu hipotezu: bilo da su
dotini predmeti izraeni jedan nakon drugog ili (relativno)
istodobno, u svakom je sluaju morao postojati zajedniki
koriteni uzorak, prototip koji su majstori imali pred oima
(ukoliko neki predmet nije ba bio prekopiran od drugog,
to se uz tek poneke posebne iznimke (v. dva vra iz Apahide: Blint 2004, sl. 164 i posude u paru iz Nagyszentmiklsa) vjerojatno nikada ne moe dokazati). Niti jednom od
tih pitanja svoju pozornost nisu obratili ne samo istraivai
koji su se bavili Nagyszentmiklsom, nego ni openito istraivai koji se bave ranim srednjim vijekom Karpatske kotline, srednje i istone Europe. Studijama sluaja koje slijede
zapoet u s obradom te problematike u nadi da u time
unaprijediti istraivanje grae iz Nagyszentmiklsa.
kizrlag az idzett esetekben, ks avar kori krnyezetben

fordul el. Minthogy a kincsnk idegen, Krpt-medencn
kvli kszlsre nincsen rdemleges jel, ezrt ezen egyezs, illetve eltrs alapjn mdszertanilag megengedhetnek tartom, hogy a 20. sz. cssze s a trgyalt avar kori
veretek ikonogrfiai azonossgt a kincs avar kapcsolatai
sorban tartsuk szmon.
Az azonossgokrl
Az azonossg alatt a trgytpusok vagy az brzolsok
kzti teljes egyezst rtem. Sietve hozzteszem: a rgszeti
leletanyagban tkletes, 100 szzalkos azonossg termszetesen nincsen s nem is vrhat. Az ugyanis vagy filozfiailag (v. Hrakleitos: ktszer nem lphetnk ugyanabba a
folyba), vagy pedig technikailag s/vagy pszichsen (szinte) lehetetlen, minthogy a msodikat kszt mester nem
tudja, vagy nem is akarja tkletesen lemsolni az eltte
ll pldnyt. Egy, a msikkal tkletesen azonos trgy elksztshez a kzmves rszrl sokkal nagyobb figyelem
s (n)fegyelem szksgeltetik, mint a rgszek s mvszettrtnszek ltal ltalban megtapasztalhat azonoshoz. Ezrt az azonossg fogalma al a gyakorlatban az
igen nagyfok tipolgiai, mretbeli, dsztsbeli egyezs(ek)
(valamelyiknek) tnyt sszer sorolnunk. A trgyak vagy
brzolsok azonossgnak megllaptsakor klnsen
tancsos krltekintnek lenni, mert az azonossg tnye
sokflt jelenthet, s ezrt az sokflekppen kezelend. Az
azonossgok, illetve hasonlsgok elvileg tbb, esetleg
egymssal is kombinld okra vezethetk vissza: egyidejsg vagy egymsutnisg, mhelyazonossg vagy -folytonossg, netn egyszer msols vagy kzs forrsbl val merts. Jelentsgk abban ll, hogy a(z igen) nagyfok
egyezs megengedi a felttelezst: akr egymsutnisg,
akr (viszonylagos) egyidejsg volt is a kszlsk kztt,
mindenkppen kellett, hogy legyen egy kzsen hasznlt,
a kszt mesterek szeme eltt ll, konkrt minta, prototpus (ha nem ppen az egyiket a msikrl msoltk, ami
nhny, egszen klnleges kivteltl eltekintve (ld. az
apahidai kt kors s a nagyszentmiklsi pros ednyek)
valsznleg mindig is igazolhatatlan marad). Mindezen
krdsekre nemhogy a Nagyszentmiklssal foglalkozk, de
ltalban a Krpt-medence, Kzp- s Kelet-Eurpa kora kzpkornak kutatsa sem fordtott figyelmet. A most
kvetkez esettanulmnyokkal e problmakr taglalsba
fogok, azzal a remnnyel, hogy a nagyszentmiklsi kincs
kutatst mozdtom vele el.
Az azonossg kt nagyszentmiklsi ednytpus tipolgijban s ornamentikjban
A kincs pros ednyei esetben fl sem merlhet a ktsg az irnt, hogy esetkben nem azonossgrl lehet beszlni, hiszen az egyezs teljes a tpus, a mret, a dszts
s az aranyfinomsg tekintetben egyarnt. Ilyen egyezs
tbb is van (9., 10. sz. cssze, 11., 12. sz. pohrka, 13., 14. sz.
bikafejes cssze, 16., 17. sz. patna, 22., 23. sz. kehely), s elvileg szmolnunk kell azzal, hogy a ma meglv ednyek
nmelyiknek szintn lehetett mg prja a kincs elkalldott
rszben. Az emltett azonossgok kzl kettt ltom r-
385
Identinost u tipologiji i ornamentici dvaju tipova posuda iz Nagyszentmiklsa

Kod posuda u paru iz te grae ne moe biti nikakve
sumnje da se ne radi o identinosti, jer je sukladnost po
tipu, dimenzijama, ukrasima i finoi zlata upravo savrena.
Postoji vie takvih sukladnosti (zdjele br.9 i 10, mali vrevi
br.11 i 12, posude s glavom bika br.13 i 14, patere br.16 i 17,
kalei br.22 i 23) pa teoretski moramo imati na umu kako i
za neke druge sauvane posude mora postojati pandan u
izgubljenom dijelu grae. Meu spomenutim identinostima dvije zasluuju podrobnije razmatranje, a kod ostalih
triju identinost je evidentna pa u njihovu sluaju ne treba
ii u detalje.
Zdjele 9 i 10 (Blint 2004, sl. 149-150)
elimo li usporediti te dvije zdjele, prije toga moramo
znati to su napisali A.Riegl i H.Zimmermann (Riegl, Zimmermann 1923, 90). Takoer je nuno uzeti u obzir i ono to
su Gy. Lszl i I.Erdlyi prilikom svojih istraivanja uoili u
natpisima i urezanim znakovima na originalnim komadima
grae (Lszl, Rcz 1977, 151; Erdlyi 1985). Temeljitijim se
udubljivanjem pri usporeivanju mogu vidjeti tako velike
razlike u izradi i grkim natpisima da me to navodi na zakljuak kako se ovdje ne radi naprosto o dva razliita majstora.
Ve se na prvi pogled vidi da je br. 9 istroeniji: kanelure,
urezi na srednjem listu malog trolista u viticama oko medaljona, slova i unutranjost kapljica na laticama kria i urezi
srednjih listova na viticama vanjskog ruba puno se slabije
vide. Pritom se, dakako, radi samo o stupnju istroenosti
predmeta, ali se usprkos tome na objema zdjelama moe
vidjeti i vie razlika u zlatarskoj tehnici:
Tri zakovice na br. 9 su manje i kraj im je manje spljoten nego kod drugih; kod ove je pri zakivanju jedne zakovice mali komad probio na unutarnjoj strani, a onda ga je
majstor zamijenio te potom poravnao svu povrinu oko zakovice. Zakovice sa alice br. 10 od poetka su bile vee i vie
stre iz plohe; ak je i nakon privrivanja trake prstenaste
kope trebalo tek neznatno poravnati povrinu.100
Oblik prstenastih kopi takoer je razliit: na br.9 je iri
i deblji, a na br. 10 ima oblik prave elipse.
Rub i medaljon na sredini br. 9 nalemljeni su na, odnosno u tijelo alice; nasuprot tome, br. 10 je izraen od jednog jedinog komada lima. Lemljenje ruba i medaljona na
br. 9 moe se jasno raspoznati na vie mjesta, dok na br. 10
nema niti najmanjeg traga neemu slinom.
Krug tokica u sredini kria kod broja 9 je manji i ljepi
nego kod broja 10. Krine su grede kod prvog izvedene sigurnijim potezima nego kod drugog.
Na grkom su natpisu slova na broju 9 istije napisana;
kristogram ima bogatiju liniju, slovni znakovi koji poinju lijevo od njega napisani su sigurnijom rukom i estetski poredani. Moje je miljenje, u kojemu se ne slaem s R.Gblom,
a slaem s G.Vkonyjem (Vkony 1973, 294), da grke natpise na tim dvjema zdjelama ne moemo pripisati jednom te
istom majstoru.
Na stranjoj se strani dobro moe vidjeti razlika u to100. Erdlyi 1985, 33. On je pogreno napisao da je u vitiastoj ornamentici
oko ruba samo kod br. 9 ostavljeno mjesta za privrivanje kope, a da
je na br. 10 biljni ukraz prekriven kopom.
386
demesnek kzelebbrl szemgyre venni; a felsorolt msik

hrom evidens, a rszletezsk flsleges.
9. s 10. sz. cssze
Ha valaki ssze akarja hasonltani a kt csszt, elszr
is meg kell ismerkednie az A. RieglH. Zimmermann ltal
rottakkal (Riegl, Zimmermann 1923, 90). Mellzhetetlen
tovbb az a megfigyels, amelyet Lszl Gy. s Erdlyi I.
az eredeti trgyakon vgzett vizsglatai alapjn a kincs felirataival s bekarcolt jeleivel kapcsolatban tett (Lszl, Rcz
1977, 151; Erdlyi 1985,).99 Az sszehasonltsban jobban elmlylve a kszlskben s a grg felirataik kztt olyan
klnbsgekre derlt fny, hogy arra kvetkeztetek: nem is
egyszeren kt mesterrl van sz.
Els pillantsra szembetlik, hogy a 9. sz. kopottabb: a
kannelurk, a medaillont krlvev indkban a hrmas levlkknl a kzps szirom rovtkolsa, a betk s a kereszt
szirmaiban lev cseppek belseje, a kls peremen lev indk kzps szirmainak rovtkolsa jval gyengbben ltszik. m ez csak a hasznltsguk foka, amin tl a kt cssze
kztt tbb eredeti tvstechnikai eltrs is megfigyelhet:
A 9. sz. csatjnl alkalmazott 3 szegecs kisebb, a vgk
kevsb elkalaplt, mint a msiknl; ennl az egyik szegecs
beversekor a bels oldalon egy kis darab kitrt, ezt a mester ptolta, majd a szegecsek egsz krnykt elkalaplta.
A 10. sz.-nl alkalmazott szegecsek eleve nagyobbak, a felsznbl jobban kiemelkednek; a csatkarika pntjnak rgztse utn itt csak kisebb elkalaplsra volt szksg. 100
A csatkarikk alakja szintn eltr: a 9. sz. karikja szlesebb s vastagabb, mg a 10. sz.- szablyos ellipszis alak.
A 9. sz. pereme s a kzepben lev medaillon a cssze testre r, illetve bele lett forrasztva; ezzel szemben a
10. sz. csszt egyetlen lemezbl ksztettk. A perem s
a medaillon forrasztsa a 9. sz.-nl tbb helyen jl ltszik;
hasonlnak a legcseklyebb nyoma sincsen a 10. sz. cssznl.
A kereszt kzepben lev pontkr a 9. sz.-nl kisebb,
eszttikusabb, mint a 10. sz.-nl. A kereszt szrai az elsnl
biztosabb vonalak, mint az utbbinl.
A grg feliratban a betk tisztbban kirtak a 9. sz.nl; a chrismon gazdagabb vonal, az attl jobbra kezdd
rsjelek biztosabb kzzel kszltek s eszttikusabban vannak elrendezve. R. Gbllel szemben, Vkony G.-vel (Vkony
1973, 294) egyetrtve gy vlem, hogy a kt cssze grg
feliratait nem lehet ugyanannak a mesternek tulajdontani.
A htoldalon igen jl megmutatkozik a klnbsg a kt
tvs szerszmkezelsben: a 9. sz. csszn egyenletesen
s ersen tnyomdott a msik oldalon vgzett poncols,
mg a 10. sz. poncolsnak egyik eleme sem nyomdott t
ennyire tiszta vonalakkal. (Ez azrt tanulsgos, mert kln99. Ez utbbi cikk szerepel ugyan a Gbl, Rna, Tas 1995, vgn lev bibliogrfiban, ugyanakkor a szerzk biztosan nem hasznltk azt tbb
hasonl eset is mutatja, hogy a tnyleges knyv s annak bibliogrfija
egymstl fggetlenek.
100. Erdlyi 1985, 33. Tvesen azt rja, hogy a peremen krbefut inds
ornamentikban a csat rgztsre csak a 9. sz.-nl hagytak ki helyet, a
10. sz. csatja takarja a nvnyi dsztst.
me kako su ta dva majstora koristila svoj alat: na zdjeli br. 9

punciranje se ravnomjerno i vrsto probilo na drugu stranu,
dok se niti jedan element punciranja na br. 10 nije otisnuo
na drugu stranu tako istim linijama. (Taj nam je podatak
koristan zbog toga to se u svemu ostalom razlike meu
medaljonima dviju zdjela daju utvrditi tek temeljitim prouavanjem!). Kada gledamo stranju stranu, vidjet emo i
razliku izmeu vitica: otisak kod br. 10 je dublji i grublji.
Na temelju ovoga moemo utvrditi da su te dvije, naoko
identine zdjele, kao i njihove grke natpise s tono identinim tekstom izradili razliiti zlatari; na temelju tragova
istroenosti jasno je da je zdjela br. 9 starija. Izraiva zdjele
br.10 prvu je zdjelu vrlo tono kopirao, jedino se prilikom pisanja grkih slova pokazala nesigurnost jo vea nego kod
majstora koji je izradio onu prethodnu ali je zato njegova
prstenasta kopa ljepa. Slova urezana na zdjelu br. 9 odlikuju se manjom tonou od slova s broja 10, a budui da
je jedno slovo poneto pomaknuto, razdvojena su na dvije
skupine.
injenica to su zdjele br. 9 i 10 izraene u razliito vrijeme vrlo je znaajna jer svjedoi o vie vrsta kontinuiteta:
o povijesnom kontinuitetu: nastanak (dijela) grae ne
moe se zahvaliti iskljuivo tome to je netko u danom trenutku omoguio izradu takvog predmeta;
o kulturnom kontinuitetu: onaj tko je naruio izradu
prve posude oito je imao nasljednike u zahtjevima i ukusu;
o ekonomskom kontinuitetu: u kraju u kojemu su ivjeli vlasnici posuda uvijek je bilo zlatara koji su bili sposobni
raditi na takvoj razini.
Zdjele s glavom bika br.13 i 14 (Blint 2004, sl. 151-154)
Meu njima postoji vie malih razlika u ukrasima, ali
istodobno se ini da su potpuno identine po tipologiji, dimenzijama, ornamentici i stupnju istroenosti. Ovo potonje
je zasigurno znak da su proizvedene u istoj radionici, a tu
injenicu dosad nitko nije niti opovrgnuo. Meutim, prouimo li temeljito njihove ukrase, vidjet emo da postoje
mnoge, iako vrlo male razlike (o tome po prvi puta v. Riegl,
Zimmermann 1923, 91). Kako ih ocijeniti? Mislim da bi bilo
dobro nabrojiti neke od njih.
Ve se na prvi pogled moe vidjeti da je uzorak na br.
13 upeatljiviji: linije ukrasnih elemenata su otrije, a time
je i bolja igra svjetla i sjene nego na posudi br. 14. Ostale
razlike:
u sredini i na objema stranama ruba nosa, dolje na rubu gubice, svijeni listii na ukrasu okvira itd. Sredina malog
kruga u unutranjosti kod broja 13 je otro udubljena, a kod
broja 14 u obliku slova V. Rub listia je kod broja 13 ukraen,
a kod broja 14 punciran;
br.13: nos je ukraen ugraviranom i punciranom ornamentikom kod broja 14 nije;
br. 13: potez ispod oka poklapa se s ukraavanjem
ostalih slinih elemenata br.14: u tome se razlikuje, plohu
krasi otvoreni vijenac s odebljanjima;
br. 13: oni je prorez na kraju prema uhu jednostavno
zatvoren br.14: ukraen je punciranim uzorkom u obliku
romba;
br. 13: obrva se sastoji od 17 tokastih listia, a kod
ben a kt cssze medaillonja kztt csak gondos tanulmnyozssal figyelhet meg klnbsg!) A htoldalukat nzve
az inda is klnbzik: a 10. sz. esetben mlyebb, durvbb
a nyom.
A fentiek alapjn megllapthat, hogy a kt, teljesen
azonosnak tn csszt, gy ht azok pontosan azonos szveg grg feliratait ms-ms tvs ksztette; a kopsnyomok alapjn egyrtelmen a 9. sz.-t tarthatjuk rgebbinek.
A 10. sz.-t kszt rendkvl gondosan msolta az elbbit,
egyedl a grg betk rsa folyamn mutatott az elz
mester esetben megnyilvnultnl is nagyobb bizonytalansgot, ezzel szemben az ltala ksztett csatkarika szebb
lett. A rovsrsos felirat beti a 9. sz. cssze esetben kevsb rendezettek, mint a 10. sz.-, s az egyik rsjel picit
tvolabbra kerlse rvn kt csoportra tagozdnak.
A 9. s 10. sz. cssze klnbz idben trtnt kszlsnek nagy trtneti jelentsge van, mert tbbfle folyamatossgrl tanskodik:
Trtnetirl: eszerint a kincs (egy rsznek) ltrejtte
nem kizrlag annak ksznhet, hogy valakinek egy adott
pillanatban mdjban llt ilyet kszttetni.
Kulturlisrl: eszerint az elst kszttet ignye s zlse kvetre tallt.
Gazdasgirl: eszerint a birtokosok krnyezetben folyamatosan volt ilyen sznvonalon dolgoz tvs.
1314. sz. bikafejes csszk
A dsztsket nzve tbb apr eltrs figyelhet meg
kzttk, ugyanakkor a tipolgia, mret, ornamentika s
kopottsg tekintetben tkletesen azonosnak ltszanak.
Az utbbi egyrtelmen az egyazon mhelyben val kszlsk jele; ennek az ellenkezje nem is merlt fl eddig.
Ha azonban tzetesen megvizsgljuk a dsztsket, akkor
nagyon sok, de nagyon apr klnbsg mutatkozik meg
kzttk (errl elszr Riegl, Zimmermann 1923, 91). Hogyan rtkelendk ezek? Tanulsgosnak ltom nhnyukat
felsorolni.
Az mr az els pillantsra szrevehet, hogy a 13. sz.
mintzata marknsabb: a dsztelemek vonalai lesebbek,
s ezrt a dszts fny-rnyk jtka jobban megmutatkozik
rajta, mint a 14. sz. ednyen. Tovbbi klnbsgek:
Az orrszegly kzepn, kt szln, a pofaszeglyen
alul, a keretdszen stb. velt levlkk vannak. A 13. sz. belsejben lev kis kr kzepe hegyesen, a 14. sz.- V alakban
mlyl. E levlkk pereme a 13. sz. esetben dsztett, a 14.
sz.- poncolt.
13. sz.: az orrot vsett s poncolt ornamentika dszti
14. sz.: nem.
13. sz.: a szem alatti csk megegyezik a tbbi hasonl
elem dsztsvel 14. sz.: eltr, fellett nyjtott tojsfzr
dszti.
13. sz.: a szemrs fl felli vge egyszeren zrul 14.
sz.: poncolt rombusz alak minta dszti.
13. sz.: a szemgoly kt oldaln lev hromszg kisebb
14. sz.: nagyobb.
13. sz.: a szemldk 17 db pontkrrel dsztett levlkbl ll, a legszls 2 db esetben mr csak a pontkrre maradt hely 14. sz: 12 db levlke, az elbbieknl nagyobbak,
387
dva krajnja vanjska je ostalo mjesta samo za tokasti krug

br.14: 12 listia, veih od onih na br. 13, a na jednom dijelu
prema uhu nema kruga tokica;
br.13: u sredini oka je duboka rupa, zjenica je mala
br.14: plitka rupa, iroka zjenica;
br.13: od ruba usta do uha ima 27 listia br.14: 24listia;
br.13: etiri para sjekutia s plitkim urezima meu njima, onjaci neto manje razraeni, nakon praznog polja
na objema stranama zubi samo naznaeni, prazno je polje
potpuno glatko br.14: pet pari sjekutia s dubokim urezima, onjaci dobro razraeni, nakon praznog polja po dva
onjaka, prazno je polje puncirano, urezi meu zubima se
ne vide;
br. 13: na sredini brade 5 bradica, srednja je jednake
duine kao i ostale br.14: srednja zavrava trokutastim vrhom i see do sredine brade;
br.13: na objema stranama brade po tri vee brade,
a niz koji dosee do boka posude slijedi dvanaest manjih.
Potonje imaju polukruni presjek i uvijene su prema unutra
br.14: kod velike brade na objema stranama jedan je dio
ostao neukraen, a onda slijedi samo pet manjih. Potonje su
dvostruko uvijene i odrezane u obliku slova M;
br.13: dijelovi koji se poklapaju s dijelovima opisane
brade okruuju rogove br.14: uope nema takvih dijelova,
ve samo gui puncirani lisnati uzorak;
br. 13: gore na glavi, meu rogovima, nalazi se srcoliki mreasti uzorak br.14: gusti lisnati uzorak (usp. Lszl,
Rcz 1977, 123(112), crte 6; 124(113), crte3);
br.13: uzorak na vratu je oskudniji, elegantniji br. 14:
isti, samo gui;
br.13: duboko postavljena pozadina trolisnog uzorka
koji ini ukras glave ispunjena je okruglim punciranim uzorkom br.14: nema;
ape s likovno naglaenim pandama na objema su
posudama iznimno paljivo izraene, br.13: na kraju nonih
prstiju nalaze se rupe veliine glavice igle br.14: nema.
Iz nabrojenih se razlika moe naslutiti da bi se pri nastavku ovakva prouavanja moglo dokazati jo bezbroj malih
razlika. Ne vidim smisla nastaviti, jer niti njihovo iscrpno pobrojavanje vie ne bi promijenilo bit stvari: usprkos razlikama koje se mogu dokazati makroskopskim detaljima te dvije alice s glavom bika moemo smatrati oglednim primjerom identinosti. Budui da izmeu tih dvaju primjeraka
to se tie istroenosti uope nema razlike, moemo odluiti
dvojbu koju je formulirao Gy.Lszl:101 alice s glavom bika
nastale su u isto vrijeme, u istoj radionici.
Na ostalim posudama u paru iz te grae (mali vrevi
br.11 i 12, kalei br.22 i 23) nisam utvrdio spomena vrijedne razlike ni u zlatarskim postupcima, ni u istroenosti. (Posude br. 13 i 14, kao i posude 14 i 15 preklapaju se u svim
bitnim gleditima, a neznatna odstupanja postoje samo u
detaljima zlatarskog rada. Primjerice, kod patere br. 15 udubljenja od punciranja koja naznauju krzno na tijelu grifona
izvedena su tako gusto da su esto jedno na drugom alat
je pri punciranju pomnican tek neznatno, a isti je sluaj i s
101. Lszl, Rcz 1977, 114: Radi li se o dva komada iz ruke istog majstora
ili su pak dvojica majstora, jedan ravan drugom, radila po istom uzoru,
teko je rei.
388
a fl felliek egy rszben nincsen pontkr.

13. sz.: a szemgoly kzepben mly lyuk van, a pupilla kicsi 14. sz.: sekly lyuk, tg pupilla.
13. sz.: a szj szltl a flig 27 db levlke van 14. sz.:
24 db levlke.
13. sz.: 4 pr metszfoga van, a kztk lev rs sekly,
a 2-2 szemfog kevss kidolgozott, res mez utn mindkt
oldalon csak jeleztk a fogakat, az res mez teljesen sima
14. sz.: 5 pr metszfog, a rs mly, a szemfogak jl kidolgozottak, az res mez utn 2-2 szemfog gondosan kidolgozott, az res mez poncolt, a fogak kzti rs nem ltszik.
13. sz.: az ll kzepn 5 db szaklltincs van, a kzps
a tbbivel egyenl hossz 14. sz.: a kzps hromszg
alak hegyben vgzdik s az ll kzepig r.
13. sz.: az ll kt oldaln 3-3 db nagyobb szaklltincs
van, mely utn az edny oldalig tart sorban 12 db kisebb
kvetkezik. Ez utbbiak flkr metszetek, nmagukban
megsodortak 14. sz.: a ktoldali nagyobb szaklltincs
utn egy rsz dsztetlenl maradt, majd csak 5 db kisebb
kvetkezik. Ez utbbiak kt gbl val sodrst mutatnak,
metszetk M alak.
13. sz.: a fenti szakll gaival egyez gak veszik krl
a szarvakat 14. sz.: ilyen egyltaln nincsen, hanem csak
srbb, poncolt fellet levlminta.
13. sz.: a fejtetn, a szarvak kztt szv alak hlminta
14. sz.: sr levlminta (v. Lszl, Rcz 1977, 112, 6. rajz,
113, 3. rajz).
13. sz.: a nyak ht felli rszn a minta ritkbb, elegnsabb 14. sz.: ugyanez srbb.
13. sz.: a fej dsztst ad hrmas levlmintk mlyen
lev httert kerek poncokkal tltttk ki 14. sz.: ilyenek
nincsenek,
Mindkt ednynl a karmos mancsok rendkvl gondosan kidolgozottak, 13. sz.: az ujjak vgein gombostfej
nagysg lyukak 14. sz.: ilyenek nincsenek.
A felsoroltakbl rzkelhet, hogy ezt a fajta vizsgldst folytatva mg szmtalan tovbbi apr eltrst lehetne
kimutatni. Ennek mr nem ltom rtelmt, mert a kimert
szmbavtelk sem vltoztatna a lnyegen: az ornamentika
makroszkpikus rszleteiben megmutatkoz klnbsgek
ellenre a kt bikafejes cssze az azonossg mintaesetnek tekinthet. Minthogy a kopottsg tekintetben a kt
pldny kztt egyltaln nincs eltrs, ezrt a Lszl Gy.
ltal megfogalmazott dilemma101 eldnthet: a bikafejes
csszk egyszerre, egy mhelyben kszltek.
A kincs tbbi pros ednye (11., 12. sz. pohrka, 22., 23.
sz. kehely) kztt sem az tvseljrsokat, sem a hasznlati
nyomokat figyelve nem vettem szre emltsre mlt klnbsgeket. (A 13. s 14. sz., a 15. s 16. sz. edny minden
lnyeges vonsban megegyezik egymssal, csak egszen
apr eltrsek figyelhetk meg az tvsmunka rszleteiben. A 15. sz. patna esetben pl. a griff testn a szrt jelz
poncnyomok annyira srn kvetik egymst, hogy sokszor
egymsba ttte ket a szerszmt mindig ppen csak
arrbb cssztatta, s ugyanez figyelhet meg a keretszegly
poncolt fellet levelei esetben is. Ezzel szemben a 16. sz.
101. Lszl, Rcz 1977, 114: Egyetlen mester kt mve ez, vagy kt egyenrang mester vltozata egyazon mintra?
listiima puncirane povrine na rubu okvira. Nasuprot tome,

otisci od punciranja na br. 16 slijede jedan nakon drugog u
pravilnim nizovima i razmacima ovdje je zlatar za svaki otisak podizao alat). Budui da su proizvedeni u isto vrijeme,
moramo se pitati kako ocijeniti identinost unutar grae.
Male se razlike gotovo niti ne mogu objasniti niim nego kreativnom slobodom zlatara. Stoga bi bilo pogreno
pridavati im pretjerano znaenje zato to mi danas svojim
novovjekim, odnosno modernim nainom razmiljanja, pod
utjecajem industrijske masovne proizvodnje, oekujemo da
predmeti koji dolaze u paru moraju biti potpuno istovjetni.
U stvarnosti je, zapravo, puno tee proizvesti dva predmeta
jednaka oblika nego dva slina predmeta s manjim ili veim
meusobnim odstupanjima. Po mom miljenju, zbog toga
je oito da niti tipoloka razlika niti odstupanje u nainu
ukraavanja sami po sebi ne znae kako se radi o (bitnoj)
kronolokoj razlici. Dio srednjoeuropskih i istonoeuropskih
istraivaa jo uvijek se (podsvjesno) nije oslobodio vulgarna utjecaja darvinizma na arheologiju,102 a osim toga, predmet koji je napravljen drugi po redu to utvrujemo na
temelju opisanog naina promatranja ne mora nuno biti
ni loiji, niti kvalitetniji. Pojam industrije umjetnosti koji je
1927. god. obradio A.Riegl, a potom su ga koristili i u suvremenoj povijesti umjetnosti ranog srednjeg vijeka (O. Grabar), izmeu ostalog nam pomae i da izbjegnemo sebi
svojstveni anakronistiki i nehistorijski nain razmiljanja
o ranosrednjovjekovnom stvaralatvu. Ipak, to se ne moe
postii bez niza konkretnih analiza.
Da zakljuimo: Mislim da je iznimno bitna injenica to
identinost u tako velikoj mjeri kao kod posuda iz Nagyszentmiklsa ne susreemo drugdje u ranosrednjovjekovnoj
europskoj i srednjoazijskoj umjetnosti izrade predmeta od
plemenitog metala (uz jednu jedinu iznimku: Apahida, v.
Blint 2004, sl. 164). Ta identinost, koju moemo nazvati
totalnom, mogla je nastati samo zato to je tako elio onaj
koji je naruio izradu tih predmeta. Tamo gdje je unutar grae osim vreva bilo vie primjeraka nekog tipa posude,
uvijek su se pojavljivale u paru. Kod tako velike koliine to
ak ni kod pronaene grae ne moe biti sluajno zacijelo
se radilo o zahtjevu onog/onih koji su naruili izradu predmeta. Niti u jednom sluaju predmeta koji su se koristili za
pie, odnosno hranu iz ranog srednjeg vijeka ne postoji
nita slino, pa to moemo smatrati ponovnim znakom da
se radi o fenomenu nastanka i upotrebe te grae u kulturi
koja je svojom zlatarskom praksom, drutvenim obiajima i
kulturom blagovanja odstupala od one to su je slijedili proizvoai i vlasnici posuda iz svih ranosrednjovjekovnih veli102. Klasina formulacija navedenoga: berg 1929, 508-509: Typologie ist
die Anwendung des Darwinismus auf die Produkte der menschlichen
Arbeit. Sie geht von der Voraussetzung aus, da der menschliche Wille
an gewisse Gesetze gebunden sei, hnlich denen, die fr die Entwicklung
in der organischen Welt Geltung haben. Die Altertmer entwickeln sich,
als ob sie lebende Organisationen wren, die einzelnen Gegenstnde
sind Individuen, eine Typenserie stellt die Entwicklung einer Art dar
und eine Gruppe von Typenserien wiederum eine Entwicklung, die sich
in verschiedenen Arten verzweigt und eine Familie bildet. (Tipologija
je primjena darvinizma na proizvode ljudskog rada. Ona polazi od pretpostavke da je ljudska volja vezana odreenim zakonima, slinim onima
koji vrijede u razvoju organskog svijeta. (Predmete) starine razvijaju kao
da su ive organizacije, kao da su pojedini predmeti zapravo pojedinci,
a serija tipova predstavlja razvoj vrste, dok je pak skupina serija tipova
razvoj koji se grana u razliite vrste i tvori porodicu. prev.)
esetben a poncnyomok szablyos sorokban, szablyos

tem kzkben kvetik egymst itt fl-flemelgette az
tvs a kezt.) Az egyidej kszlsk miatt fl kell tenni
a krdst: miknt rtkelendk a kincsen belli azonossgok?
Az apr eltrsek aligha rhatk brmi msra, mint az
tvs szabad alkot kedve szmljra. A jelentsgket
azrt volna hiba tlbecslni, mert csak az ipari tmegtermels ltal befolysolt, jkori, illetve modern gondolkodsmdunk alapjn vrjuk el, hogy a prosval elfordul trgyak tkletesen megegyezzenek egymssal valjban
azonban kt egyformt mindig is nehezebb lehetett, illetve
lett volna ellltani, mint kisebb-nagyobb klnbsgekkel
hasonl trgyakat. Ezen okbl szerintem nyilvnval az
is, hogy sem a tipolgiai, sem a dsztsbeli eltrs nmagban nem szksgszeren jelent egyben (lnyeges) kronolgiai klnbsget is. Tapasztalataim szerint a kzp- s kelet-eurpai kutatk egy rsze (tudat alatt) mg mindig nem
szabadult meg a darwinizmusnak a rgszetre gyakorolt
vulgris hatstl,102 pedig az nem szksgszer, hogy az
emltett szemlletmdtl fgg megtls szerint csakis a
msodjra kszlt trgy lett volna a gyengbb vagy ppen
a jobb minsg. Az 1927-ben A. Riegl ltal kidolgozott s
a kora kzpkorral foglalkoz modern mvszettrtnet
(O. Grabar) ltal is hasznlt Kunstindustrie fogalma tbbek
kztt a kora kzpkori kzmvessggel kapcsolatban bennnk lappang anakronisztikus s ahistorikus gondolkodsmdot segti kikszblni. Ez viszont konkrt elemzsek
sora nlkl nem vgezhet el.
Befejezsl: Rendkvl lnyegesnek tartom, hogy a
nagyszentmiklsi ednyek esetben megmutatkoz mrtk azonossggal a kora kzpkori eurpai s kzp-zsiai
nemesfm ednymvessgben nem tallkozunk (egyetlen
kivtel: Apahida). Ez a teljesnek mondhat azonossguk
csakis a megrendel ignye lehetett. A kincsben a korsk
kivtelvel amelyik ednytpusbl tbb van, az mind prosval fordul el. Ilyen magas darabszm mellett ez mg
egy tallt kincs esetben sem lehet a vletlen mve a
megrendel(k) ignye szerint trtnhetett gy. Hasonlval
egyetlen ms kora kzpkori tkszlet esetben sem tallkozunk, amit azon jelensg egy jabb jelnek tekinthetjk,
hogy a kincs egy olyan kultrban kszlt s volt hasznlatban, amelyik eltrt attl az tvsgyakorlattl, trsadalmi
szoksrendszertl s asztali kultrtl, mint amit valamennyi kora kzpkori nagy civilizciban (Kna, Irn, Biznc,
Kaliftus, nyugat- s dl-eurpai kirlysgok) az ednyek
kszti s tulajdonosai kvettek.
Az ikonogrfiai azonossg nhny kora kzpkori nemesfm edny esetben
A nagyszentmiklsi 2. s 7. sz. kors s az gberagadsi
102. Klasszikus megfogalmazsa: berg 1929, 508-509: Typologie ist die
Anwendung des Darwinismus auf die Produkte der menschlichen Arbeit. Sie geht von der Voraussetzung aus, da der menschliche Wille an
gewisse Gesetze gebunden sei, hnlich denen, die fr die Entwicklung
in der organischen Welt Geltung haben. Die Altertmer entwickeln sich,
als ob sie lebende Organisationen wren, die einzelnen Gegenstnde sind
Individuen, eine Typenserie stellt die Entwicklung einer Art dar und
eine Gruppe von Typenserien wiederum eine Entwicklung die sich in
verschiedenen Arten verzweigt und eine Familie bildet.
389
kih civilizacija (Kina, Iran, Bizant, Kalifat, zapadnoeuropska i

junoeuropska kraljevstva).
Ikonografska identinost nekih ranosrednjovjekovnih
posuda od plemenita metala
Vrevi br.2 i 7 iz Nagyszentmiklsa i njihovi prizori uzaaa (usporedba) (sl. 1-2)
Dok su istraivai grae od poetka obraali veliku pozornost moguim paralelama prikaza s vreva br. 2 i 7, nisu
se gotovo nimalo bavili njihovim meusobnim odnosom
iznimka su H.Schller, N.Mavrodinov i Z.Kdr. Prije nego
to zaponem s usporedbom njihovih prizora uzaaa,
smatram da valja naglasiti sljedee: ti scenski prizori na vrevima br. 2 i 7 meusobno si puno vie nalikuju od bilo
koje od njihovih paralela na koje se redovito pozivamo. Na
temelju stupnja te slinosti, prizore uzaaa valja smatrati ikonografski identinima. (Druga je situacija s njihovom ikonologijom, v. u nastavku). Nasuprot tome, prikaz iz
BolajeAnikovke smatram analogijom onom iz Nagyszentmiklsa, a sve ostale sline zbog mnogih bitnih razlika samo kao paralele. Ta je diferencijacija potrebna ve i zbog
najrealnijeg mogueg vrednovanja slinosti sa spomenutim prikazima i moe nam biti od pomoi pri razjanjenju
pitanja do kojega se stupnja meusobno poklapaju prizori uzaaa na dva vra iz Nagyszentmiklsa. To uope
nije teoretsko pitanje, jer se iza njega krije vrlo konkretna,
a premalo prouena, odnosno teko istraiva dvojba jesu li
te dvije posude izraene jedna nakon druge i/ili jedna na
temelju druge ili ak potpuno neovisno jedna o drugoj.
Usporedba vreva (sl. 1-2)
Na vrevima br. 2 i 7 moemo uoiti sljedee vane tipoloke razlike, razlike u ukrasima kao i ostale razlike:
Tip posude:
br.2: usta u obliku kruga, br. 7: na jednom kraju ua,
eliptina;
br.2: kuglasti trbuh, br.7: spljoten s obje strane;
br.2: okrugla noga, br.7: noga u obliku mandorle.
Naelo ukraavanja:
br.2: 4medaljona, br.7: 2 medaljona;
br.2: medaljoni s prizorima promjenjive tematike, br.7:
identina tematika;
br.2: izrazito umjetniki odnos izmeu neukraenih i
ukraenih dijelova, br.7: barbarski horror vacui. (Prisutnost
spomenutog odnosa i u bizantskoj je umjetnosti predstavljao vrhunsko umijee: lune des grandes qualits des
oevres byzantines de la meilleure poque [Xe-XIe sicles]
est le tact avec lequel on sert des espaces vides et plaines:
Grabar 1956, 264).
Ikonografija:
- br.2: izmeu medaljona se nalaze samo prikazi biljaka ija je svrha iskljuivo ukrasna, br. 7: prizori s ljudskim i
ivotinjskim likovima mijeaju se s biljnom ornamentikom;
nedostaje neposredna okolina vegetacije to upuuje na
blizinu tla , dok se te dvije identine epizode na vru br.
7 odigravaju izmeu dva meusobno potpuno ista stabla
(trsa) (Lszl, Rcz 1977, 96).
390
jeleneteik (sszehasonltsaik)
Mikzben a kincset kutatk kezdettl fogva nagy figyelmet fordtottak a 2. s 7. sz. kors brzolsainak lehetsges prhuzamaira, H. Schlleren, N. Mavrodinovon s Kdr
Z.-n kvl alig foglalkoztak a kt edny egymshoz val
viszonyval. Mieltt hozzkezdenk az gberagadsi jeleneteik sszehasonltshoz, eltte szksgesnek tartom
leszgezni: a 2. s 7. sz. kors ezen brzolsai lnyegesen
jobban hasonltanak egymsra, mint a velk kapcsolatban
rendszeresen hivatkozott brmelyik prhuzamukhoz. A
hasonlsg ezen foka alapjn az gberagadsi jelenetek
ikonogrfiailag egymssal azonosnak tekinthetk (ms a
helyzet ikonolgiailag, ld. albb), ezzel szemben a Bolaja
Anikovka-i brzolst a nagyszentmiklsiak analgijnak,
mg a tbbi hasonlt a sok lnyeges eltrs miatt csak prhuzamuknak tekintem (az eltrseket ld. XXX). Erre a klnbsgttelre az emltett brzolsokkal megmutatkoz hasonlsgok lehetsg szerint relis rtkelshez van szksg,
ami hozzsegthet a tisztzshoz: a kt nagyszentmiklsi
kors gberagadsi jelenetei milyen fokon egyeznek meg
egymssal? E krds egyltaln nem teoretikus, mert mgtte az a nagyon konkrt, m kevss kutatott, illetve nehezen kutathat dilemma bjik meg, hogy vajon ez a kt
edny egyms utn s/vagy egyms alapjn, avagy pedig
egymstl teljesen fggetlenl kszlt-e.
A kt kors sszehasonltsa
A 2. s a 7. sz. korsk kztt az albbi tipolgiai, dsztsbeli s egyb klnbsgeket tekinthetjk figyelemre mltnak:
Az edny tpusa:
2. sz.: a szja kr, 7. sz: egyik vgn elkeskenyed ellipszis alak,
2. sz.: a hasa gmb alak, 7. sz: ktoldalt laptott,
2. sz.: a talpa kr, 7. sz: mandorla alak.
A dszts elve:
2. sz.: 4 db, 7 sz: 2 db medaillon van,
2. sz.: a medaillonokban vltoz, 7. sz.: azonos tematikj jelenet van,
2. sz.: a dsztett s a dsztetlen rszek magas fok mvszi arnya jellemzi, 7. sz: barbr horror vacui uralkodik. (Az
emltett arny megtallsa jelenti a biznci mvszetben
is a cscsteljestmnyt: ...lune des grandes qualits des
oeuvres byzantines de la meilleure poque (Xe-XIe sicles)
est le tact avec lequel on sert des espaces vides et plaines
(Grabar 1956, 264).
Ikonogrfia:
2. sz.: a medaillonok kztt csak tisztn dszt clzat
nvnybrzolsok vannak, 7. sz: ember- s llatalakos jelenetek keverednek a nvnyi ornamentikval; hinyzik
a kzvetlen krnyezetnek, a talajnak az brzolsa... ezzel
szemben a 7. szm korsn a jelenetek kt fa (szlt) kzt
jtszdnak le. (Lszl, Rcz 1977, 106(96))
Mvszi felfogs:
A 2. sz. kors vizsglt kptpusai sokkal plasztikusabbak, zrtabb, tisztbb kompozcijak, mint a 7. szm.
Nain mjetnikoga izraavanja:

Promatrani tipovi prikaza s vra br. 2 puno su plastiniji,
zatvoreniji, istije kompozicije od onih s broja 7. Njihovi su
sadrajni izriaj i ikonografska formulacija puno jasniji nego
ovi drugi. Gotovo bi se moglo rei da je ovaj prvi reljef, a
drugi je poput tkanine. (Kdr 1961, 121)
Tehnika razina punciranja:
- br.2: Sigurni potezi, isticanje likova iz pozadine i njihova
iznimno brina izvedba, br.7: nema nieg od navedenog.
Finoa zlata:
Vana razlika s gledita finoe zlata istraivaima je bila
poznata od poetka: br.2: 18karata; br.7: 21karat.
Slijedom toga se moe jasno utvrditi da izmeu ta dva
vra postoji niz temeljnih tipolokih razlika, dio kojih se vidi
ve na prvi pogled.103 Zato je posebno vano istraiti kakva
je situacija s prizorima uzaaa koji se ine identinima.
Ikonologija prizora uzaaa
Ta je dva prizora detaljno usporedio samo N.Mavrodinov (Mavrodinov 1943, 94); a tome treba dodati sljedee.
Izgleda da je jedina spomena vrijedna razlika u gesti
hranjenja ili napajanja: jedan ovjek hrani i napaja (Blint
2004, sl. 158, sl. 160), a drugi hrani grifona, s po jednom
palmetom u svakoj ruci (Blint 2004, sl. 157) kao to emo
vidjeti, ve to ukazuje na sadrajnu razliku izmeu ta dva
prizora. Razlika u oblikovanju stabala koja uokviruju prizor
s obje strane uope nije bitna (Lszl, Rcz 1977, 73: stabla
s br. 2 smatra umom), ali je zato itekako bitna razlika u
njihovoj ikonologiji. Naime, ljudski su likovi razliita spola
(Blint 2004, sl. 159-160); N.Mavrodinov se mnogo bavio korijenima te navodne razliitosti (Mavrodinov 1943, 95-101).
Nesigurnost koju su istraivai izraavali glede spola tih likova104 bila je neutemeljena.105 Odreeni problem predstavlja
samo spol ovjeka na vru br. 7. Njegova je prsa zlatar na
dvije strane vra prikazao na dva naina: na jednoj se vide
bradavice, na drugoj ne. Oblik prsa odstupa od onoga koji
se vidi na vru br. 2, a potonji jasno ukazuje na to da se radi o
eni. Nain oblikovanja trbuha, naglaenost miia kod vra
br. 7 upuuju na mukarca. Na vru br. 7 je razliita i pregaa oko slabina (H.Schller: pojas); nasuprot tome, enski lik
na vru br. 2 potpuno je gol. Upitno je koliko daleko smijemo ii s (povijesnim!) zakljucima na temelju oblika grudi.
N.Mavrodinov je prikaz na vru br. 2 usporedio s par stoljea kasnije izraenim junoruskim pod nazivom Kamennaja
Baba i, koristei jedini bugarski kameni kip, odredio vr (i
grau) kao protobugarske. injenica jest da se enske grudi
prikazane na vru br. 2 iz Nagyszentmiklsa i (muke) grudi na vru br. 7 ne mogu usporediti sa enstvenou likova
prikazanih na sasanidskim vrevima, v. Blint 2004, sl. 128.
(Oblik grudi ene na vru br. 2 doista slii nekima iz niza Kamennaja Baba ne znam smijemo li iz toga izvlaiti antropoloke zakljuke).
103. Neshvatljivo je kako je Pulszky (1897, 59) mogao misliti da ta dva vra
potjeu iz iste radionice.
104. Hampel 1886, 26; Lszl, Rcz 1977, 93, 102, 184-185, 198. Ne mogu
se sloiti s ocjenom koju je donio M.Fzes-Frech o liku koji otima orao
na vru br. 2, jer mi se ini da je s time otiao predaleko; prema njegovu
je miljenju to individua neutralnog karaktera koja pati od pasivne pederastije, usp. Lszl, Rcz 1977, 184, 198.
105. Schllerov lanak u ovom sluaju, osim N.Mavrodinova, nitko drugi
nije uzeo u obzir; ni oni nisu imali nikakve sumnje u spolnu razliku,
usp. Schller 1937, 119.
Tartalmi mondanivaljuk, ikonogrfiai megfogalmazsuk

is sokkal vilgosabb, mint az utbbi. Szinte azt mondhatnnk, hogy az elbbi domborm, az utbbi textilszer.
(Kdr 1961, 121)
A poncols technikai sznvonala:
2. sz.: a vonalvezets biztonsga, az alakoknak a httrbl val kiemelkedse s rendkvl gondosan kidolgozott
volta, 7. sz: az elbbieknek egyrtelm hinya figyelhet
meg.
Aranyfinomsg:
Az aranyfinomsgukban megmutatkoz jelents eltrs
a kutats kezdete ta ismert volt: 2. sz.: 18 kart; 7. sz.: 21
kart.
Egyrtelmen megllapthat teht, hogy a kt kors
kztt egy sor alapvet eltrs van, amelyeknek egyik rsze
mr az els pillantsra szrevehet.103 Ezrt klnsen fontos megvizsglnunk, hogy mi a helyzet az egymssal azonosnak tn gberagadsi jeleneteik esetben.
Az gberagadsi jelenetek ikonolgija
A kt jelenetet rszletekbe menen egyedl N.
Mavrodinov hasonltotta ssze (Mavrodinov 1943, 94). Az
ltala elvgzett munkhoz az albbiakat lehet fzni.
Ltszlag egyedl az etets-itats gesztusban figyelhet meg kzttk emltsre mlt eltrs: az egyik ember
eteti s itatja (7. sz.), a msik mindkt kezben egy-egy
palmettval eteti a griffet (2. sz.) mint ltni fogjuk, ez mr
nmagban is jelzi a kt jelenet tartalmi klnbsgt. A ktoldalt szeglyez fk megfogalmazsban megmutatkoz
klnbsg egyltaln nem lnyegbevg (Lszl, Rcz 1977,
73: a 2. sz. fit erdnek gondolja), mg az ikonolgijukban
megnyilvnul ppensggel az. A kt emberi alak ugyanis
eltr nem; N. Mavrodinov sokat foglalkozott ennek felttelezhet gykereivel (Mavrodinov 1943, 95-101). A nemisgk krl a kutatsban megnyilvnult bizonytalansg104
indokolatlan volt.105 Nmi problmt csak a 7. sz. korsn
lthat ember jelent. Ennl az tvs a mellet a kors kt
oldaln ktflekppen brzolta: az egyiken van mellbimb, a msikon nincsen. E mell formja eltr a 2. sz. korsn
lthattl; az utbbi egyrtelmen nre vall. A has kialaktsa, az izmok hangslyos jelzse a 7. sz. kors esetben frfira utal. Eltrst mutat a 7. sz. kors esetben az gykkt
(H. Schller: v) viselete is; ezzel szemben a 2. sz. kors ni
alakja teljesen meztelen. Krdses, hogy az brzolt mellek
alakja alapjn meddig szabad elmenni a (trtneti!) kvetkeztetsekben. N. Mavrodinov a 2. sz. korsn lthatt a tbb
vszzaddal ksbb kszlt dl-oroszorszgi kamennaja
babkon lthatkhoz hasonltotta, s az egyetlen bulgriai
kszobrot is felhasznlta a kors (s a kincs) protobolgrnak
trtn meghatrozshoz. Egy tny: a nagyszentmiklsi 2.
103. rthetetlen, hogyan gondolhatta Pulszky (1897, 59), hogy a kt kors
egy mhelybl szrmaznk.
104. Hampel 1886, 26; Lszl, Rcz 1977, 93, 102, 184-185, 198. FzesFrech M.-nak a 2. sz. korsn brzolt, sas ltal elragadott alakkal kapcsolatos, tlsgosan messzemen rtkelsvel nem tudok egyetrteni;
szerinte ez egy neutrlis jelleg egyn, aki passzv pederasztiban
szenved, v. Lszl, Rcz 1977, 184, 198.
105. N. Mavrodinovon kvl H. Schller cikkt ebben az esetben is mindenki
figyelmen kvl hagyta; aki eltt az brzolt emberek nemi klnbsge
szintn nem volt ktsges, v. Schller 1937, 119.
391
N. Mavrodinov je zapazio razliku u onom to su prikazani ljudi ponudili orlu. Pozvao se na sasanidski vr iz
Kvacpilaeva na kojem jedan enski lik takoer u rukama
dri dvije lisnate grane (Blint 2004, sl. 128,5); te ene i na
drugim sasanidskim posudama esto dre palmete u ruci.
Time je, dakle, prizor uzaaa s vra br. 2 i pored spola
prikazane osobe povezan s Orijentom zbog predmeta koji
se nudi orlu.106 Nasuprot tome, ljudski lik na vru br. 7 na
temelju navedenih tjelesnih detalja bez dvojbe moemo
smatrati mukarcem. On u ruci dri zdjelu; zbog toga su ga
identificirali kao Ganimeda, a ni danas nema razloga da se
ta injenica dovodi u pitanje. Prizori uzaaa na dva vra
iz Nagyszentmiklsa imaju temeljno razliite korijene, to se
dobro vidi i iz injenice da je umjetniki program ovog potonjeg nadahnut antikim uzorima (dralovi u lovu, kentaur,
rubac koji vijori), dok je kod prvog jako izmijean.
O (srednjo)azijskoj varijanti bajke o eni koju otima orao
ne znamo nita. Kao to smo vidjeli, postojala je ve i u helenistikoj umjetnosti Gandhara; je li se tamo razvila na temelju rimskog utjecaja ili neovisno o njemu, je li se radilo o
bajci koja je bila rairena u itavoj srednjoj Aziji, takoer nije
poznato. Stoga ne bi imalo smisla uputati se u odreivanje
razlike u sadraju izmeu dva razliita prikaza, budui da je
azijski osnovni tip bajke potpuno nepoznat. Jo je vanije
to ne znamo ak niti to su Ganimed i prikaz ene koju otima orao uope znaili u ranosrednjovjekovnoj Karpatskoj
kotlini! U vezi s tematikom ovog poglavlja postoji jedno
uzbudljivo pitanje: kako povijesno i arheoloki ocijeniti temeljnu sukladnost u kompoziciji tih dvaju prikaza, kada postoje jasna sadrajna odstupanja?
Na osnovi upravo opisanih razlika izmeu tih dviju posuda mislim kako nema sumnje da nisu mogle nastati u
istoj radionici. Neovisno o njihovu relativnom kronolokom
odnosu, zbog identinosti visokog stupnja dvaju prizora
uzaaa, iji je sadraj potpuno razliit, ne moe se rei
da su ta dva prizora meusobno neovisne kompozicije.107
Meutim, uzmemo li u obzir tu ikonografsku identinost s
jedne strane i razlike u odnosu na prikaze svih drugih slinih
prizora s druge strane, bez dvojbe emo zakljuiti da je majstor pri izradi posude s prizorom uzaaa kopirao djelo
drugog majstora. Umjetniki cilj koji su slijedila ta dvojica
zlatara razdvajala su dva svijeta: jedan je na svoj nain prikazao azijatsku, a drugi antiku sagu; pritom je onaj koji je
kopirao prilagodio rad svojoj kulturi i dodao mu odgovarajui sadraj. (Taj zakljuak istodobno je vano polazite za
prouavanje nastanka i unutarnju kronologiju grae.)
Iz tog proizlazi i jedna opevaea spoznaja. Pri usporeivanju predmeta ukraenih prizorima ne moemo odluivati samo na temelju slinosti prizora i stupnja slinosti.
Jer, predmet sm i prikaz na njemu mogu imati svoj vlastiti
ivot: izvedba ovog prvog ovisi o sposobnosti, odnosno
autonomnoj odluci zlatara (npr., tip, dimenzije, oblik posude, koncepcija, razina i kakvoa ukrasa), dok kod potonjeg
odluujui imbenik mogu biti kulturne okolnosti (zahtjevi i
znanje naruitelja i/ili zlatara).
sz. korsn brzolt kebel s a 7. sz. korsn lthat (frfi) mell

nem hasonlthat a szsznida korskon lthat alakok niessghez. (A 2. korsn brzolt n mellformja valban
hasolt egyes kamennaja babkon lthatkhoz nem tudom, hogy ennek alapjn szabad-e valamilyen antropolgiai kvetkeztetst levonni.)
N. Mavrodinov figyelt fl arra az eltrsre, hogy a kt
ember mivel knlja a sast. A kvacpilaevi szsznida korsra hivatkozott, melynek egyik nalakja szintn kt leveles
gat tart a kezben; ezek a nk ms szsznida ednyeken
is gyakran tartanak palmettt a kezkben. gy teht a 2. sz.
kors gberagadsi jelenete a szemly nemn tl a sasnak
knlt trgy vonatkozsban is a Kelethez ktdik.106 Ezzel
szemben a jelzett testi rszletek alapjn a 7. sz. korsn brzolt emberi alak frfinak tarthat. csszt tart a kezben;
a Ganymdsszel val azonostsa erre alapult, s ma sincs
ok azt megkrdjelezni. A kt nagyszentmiklsi kors gberagadsi jelenetei alapveten eltr gykerek, amit jl
jelez az is, hogy az utbbi mvszi programja egyrtelmen antik ihlets (vadsz darvak, kentaur, lobog kend),
az elbbi pedig ersen kevert.
A sas ltal elragadott n mesjnek (kzp-)zsiai varinsrl semmit sem tudunk. Mint ltjuk, a hellenisztikus
Gandhara-mvszetben mr megvolt; hogy aztn ez ott rmai hatsra fejldtt-e ki, vagy egy attl fggetlen, Kzpzsia-szerte elterjedt mese volt-e, szintn nem lehet tudni.
Ezrt a ktfle brzols tartalma kzti klnbsg trgyalsba az zsiai mese-alaptpus teljesen ismeretlen volta
miatt bele sem rdemes kezdeni. Ami ennl fontosabb: azt
sem tudjuk, hogy a kora kzpkori Krpt-medencben mit
jelenthetett Ganymds meg a sas ltal elrabolt n brzolsa?! Van viszont egy izgalmas, e fejezet tmakrbe vg
krds: az egyrtelm tartalmi eltrs mellett miknt rtkelend rgszetileg s trtnetileg a kt brzols kompozcijban megmutatkoz alapvet egyezs?
A kt edny kzti klnbsgeket az imnt lttuk; azok
alapjn ktsgtelen, hogy a kt kors nem kszlhetett
egyazon mhelyben. Csakhogy brmilyen volt is a relatvkronolgiai viszonyuk, a kt, tartalmban teljesen eltr
gberagadsi jelenet kztti nagymrtk azonossg
miatt nem lehet sz arrl, hogy a kt brzols egymstl
fggetlen kompozci lett volna.107 Mrmost figyelembe
vve egyfell ezt az ikonogrfiai azonossgot, msfell a
minden ms gberagadsi jelenet brzolstl val eltrseiket, egyrtelmen arra kvetkeztethetnk, hogy az
egyik nagyszentmiklsi gberagadsi jelenet ksztsekor az ednyt kszt mester a msik munkjt lemsolta.
A kt tvs ltal kitztt mvszi clt viszont egy vilg vlasztotta el egymstl: az egyik egy zsiai, a msik egy antik
mondt mutatott be a maga mdjn, s ennek sorn a msol az elkpet adaptlta a sajt kultrjhoz, megfelel
tartalommal tlttte meg azt. (Ez a kvetkeztets egyben
a kincs keletkezsnek s bels kronolgijnak vizsglathoz nyjt fontos kiindulpontot, ld. XXX).
Ebbl egy ltalnos vonatkozs tanulsg is kvetkezik.
106. ene na bliskoistonim i srednjoazijskim prikazima stoljeima su u ruci

nosile palmete ili cvijee, usp. Harper 1971, 512.
107. Prema miljenju H. Schllera meusobno su neovisne, usp. Schller
1937, 119.
106. A kzel-keleti s kzp-zsiai brzolsokon vszzadokon keresztl

megfigyelhet, hogy a nk palmettt vagy virgot tartanak a kezkben,
v. Harper 1971, 512.
107. H. Schller szerint egymstl fggetlenek, v. Schller 1937, 119.
392
Prizor borbe ivotinja na posudama br. 2 i 21 iz Nagyszentmiklsa (usporedba)

Zna se da prizori borbe ivotinja na posudama br. 2 i 21
nalikuju jedan drugom (sl. 5). Identini su samo tip slike i
kompozicija (dodue, u svim bitnim detaljima, usp. meusobni odnos ivotinja, poloaj glave, nogu i repova), sve
drugo je razliito. Ipak, ne vjerujem da razlici u vrsti ivotinja
treba pripisivati nekakvo vee znaenje: grifon na vru br. 2
oblikovan je na klasian nain, a onaj na zdjeli br. 21 potpuno individualno (prema N. Mavrodinovu to je lavlji grifon,
prema Gy. Lszlu krilati lav, a prema Z. Kdru mjeavina
pegaza i nekog grabeljivca). Isto tako je i ivotinja koju je
on svladao na prvom oblikovana jasnije (prema Z.Kdru to
nije jelen ili jelen lopatar, nego vrsta goveda, dok se prema
L. Bartosieviczu radi o nekoj vrsti lopatara).108 U ornamentici i nainu razrade detalja ima mnogo bitnih razlika, npr.
tijela ivotinja na vru br. 2 su reljefasta i ukraena samo
punciranjem, dok su na alici br. 21 podrobno razraena, s
petljama, prugama i upercima, a iza desne stranje strane
svladane ivotinje probija trostruka latica. Razlika u umjetnikom izriaju ta dva prikaza moe se usporediti s onom
na vrevima br. 2 i 7: nasuprot estetici koja bi odgovarala i
suvremenom europskom ukusu (br. 2), ovdje imamo samo
prebujnu ornamentiku (br.21). Zbog individualne zlatarske
tehnike na vru br. 2 i osebujne ornamentike na alici br. 21,
zbog preciznih poteza majstora i naina kako je obradio povrinu ne moemo niti pomisliti da bi te dvije posude bile
proizvodi jedne te iste radionice.
Znaenje tih sukladnosti u kompoziciji pokazuje se tek
kada usporeujemo prikaze s orijentalnim i bizantskim prizorima borbe ivotinja. Svi koji su meni poznati mogu se
smatrati samo paralelama dotinih iz Nagyszentmiklsa, jer
postoje odstupanja u vie malih detalja; suprotno tome, prikazi na posudama br. 2 i 21 mogu se smatrati identinima.
Isto smo prethodno mogli uoiti i na prizorima uzaaa:
zbog njihova meusobna poklapanja i razlike u odnosu
na sve ostale valja pretpostaviti da je zlatar ili izradio prikaz prema uzoru nekog drugog ili se pak radi o postojanju
konkretnog, zajednikog uzora, iju su kompoziciju vjerno
slijedila oba majstora. Oito nikada nee biti mogue konano ukloniti dvojbu kopija ili zajedniki uzor, ali je zbog
jedinstvenosti te grae u Karpatskoj kotlini i ikonografskog
identiteta obaju prikaza,109 kao i relativnom kronolokom
poloaju tih dviju posuda unutar grae, gotovo sigurno da
prizori borbe ivotinja na vru br. 2 i na zdjeli br. 21 nisu nastali neovisno jedan o drugom. Taj zakljuak slino kao i
onaj u spomenutom sluaju vreva br. 2 i 7 moe utjecati
na utvrivanje injenica oko nastanka grae.
IKONOGRAFSKA IDENTINOST U KARPATSKOJ KOTLINI 8. STOLJEA
Na primjer izraavanja ikonografske identinosti koji je u
svakom pogledu blizak Nagyszentmiklsu nailazimo u najbrojnijoj i najpoznatijoj skupini nalaza metalnih predmeta u
108. Njegov rukopis o ivotinjama prikazanima na grai koristio sam uz
njegovu dozvolu, na emu mu na ovom mjestu zahvaljujem.
109. Po Z. Kdru slike na te dvije posude potpuno su identine, samo to
je druga jako pojednostavljena varijanta prve, usp. Kdr 1961, 121.
(Nejasno je zato je tu umijeao i usamljenog grifona s posude br. 20).
Eszerint brzolssal dsztett trgyak sszehasonltsakor egyedl a jelenetek hasonlsga, a hasonlsguk foka
alapjn nem szabad dnteni. A trgy maga s a rajta lthat
brzols ugyanis kln letet lhetett: az elbbi kivitele a
kszt tvs kpessgtl, illetve nll dntstl fgg
(pl. az edny tpusa, mrete, formja, dsztsnek koncepcija, sznvonala s minsge), mg az utbbinl a kulturlis
krlmnyek (a megrendel s/vagy az tvs ignyei s ismeretei) lehettek a meghatrozk.
A nagyszentmiklsi 2. s 21. sz. edny llatkzdelmi jelenete (sszehasonltsuk)
A 2. s 21. sz. edny llatkzdelmi jelenetei kztudottan
hasonltanak egymsra. Csak a kptpus s a kompozci
azonos (az viszont valamennyi lnyeges rszletben, v. az
llatok egymshoz val viszonya, a fejek, lbak s a farok
helyzete), minden ms eltr. Nem hiszem viszont, hogy
az llatok fajtjban megmutatkoz eltrsnek nagyobb
jelentsget kellene tulajdontani: a 2. sz. korsn lthat
griff klasszikus megfogalmazs, a 21. sz. cssz teljesen
egyedi (N. Mavrodinov szerint oroszln-griff, Lszl Gy.:
szrnyas oroszln, Kdr Z.: Pegazus + valamilyen ragadoz keverke). Ugyangy az elbbin brzolt lerogy llat is
egyrtelmbben megfogalmazott (Kdr Z. szerint nem
szarvas, nem dmvad, hanem tulokfajta, Bartosievicz L.
meghatrozsa szerint dmvad).108 Az ornamentikban s a
kidolgozs rszleteiben szmos lnyeges klnbsg figyelhet meg, gy pl. a 2. sz. korsn brzolt llatok teste reliefszer s egyedl poncolssal dsztett, ugyanaz a 21. sz. csszn hurkkkal, svokkal, bojtokkal srn tagolt, a lerogy
llat jobb hts csdjbl mg egy hrmas levlszirom is
kin. A kt brzols mvszi felfogsban megmutatkoz
klnbsg a 2. s 7. sz. korsnl megfigyelthez hasonlthat:
a modern eurpai zlsnek is megfelel eszttikummal (2.
sz.) szemben itt is a tlburjnz ornamentika ll (21. sz.). A
2. sz. kors egyedi tvstechnikja s a 21. sz. cssze sajtos ornamentikja, a kszt tvs pontos vonalvezetse s
felletkezelse alapjn fl sem merlhetett, hogy ezt a kt
ednyt egyazon mhely termknek tartsuk.
A kompozciban megmutatkoz egyezsek jelentsge akkor mutatkozik meg, ha ezeket az brzolsokat a
keleti s a biznci llatkzdelmi jelenetekkel hasonltjuk
ssze (v. XXX). Valamennyi ltalam ismert a szban forg
nagyszentmiklsiaknak csak prhuzamnak mondhat,
mert tbb apr rszletkben eltrnek; ezzel szemben a 2.
s 21. sz. ednyen lthatk egymssal azonosnak tekinthetk. Ugyanezt figyeltk meg az gberagadsi jelenetek
kapcsn is: az egymssal val egyezseik s az sszes tbbitl val eltrsk alapjn felttelezhet, hogy vagy az egyik
brzolst ksztette a msik alapjn az tvs, vagy pedig
egy olyan, konkrt kzs elkp megltre kell kvetkeztetnnk, amelynek kompozcijt mindkt mester hen
kvette. Nyilvnval, hogy a msols vagy kzs elkp
dilemmjt vgrvnyesen sosem lehet majd eldnteni,
de a kincsnek a Krpt-medencben egyedlll volta s a
108. A kincsen brzolt llatokrl ksztett kziratt szves engedlyvel
hasznlhattam, melyrt itt is ksznetet mondok.
393
Karpatskoj kotlini 8. st., skupini pravokutnih pojasnih okova

s ukrasima izraenima tehnikom na proboj koji prikazuju
grifona u unju. Ikonografija tih grifona toliko je jednoobrazna da ih je mogue razlikovati samo na osnovi nebitnih, malih inaica (Stadler 1990, 305-350) koje valja smatrati
posve prirodnim izrazom varijacija nastalih bezbrojnim
ponavljanjem. Meu maarskim istraivaima, koji su bez
provjere prihvatili mnogo puta ponavljanu izjavu Gy.Lszla,
punu dalekosenog znaenja za drutvenu i kulturnu povijest iako formuliranu bez detaljnih analiza dugo je vremena postojalo miljenje kako se kod Avara ne mogu nai
dva pojasna okova ista oblika (Lszl 1956, 112; Lszl 1957,
171-172; Bna 1984, 335). Koliko je neodrivo to miljenje
pokazalo se ve i zahvaljujui jednom radu od prije etvrt
stoljea, u kojemu se radilo s odabranim primjerima i s temeljno drukijim ciljevima (Dekn 1972, 391, sl.90,3-4: Szeged-Bilisics Halimba; 394, sl.93,8-9: Zhorska Bystrica Kiskrs; 396, sl.98,3-4: Csepel Bgyog-Gyrhegy 405-407;
419), kao i jednoj disertaciji koja poiva na zbirci podataka
prikupljenoj nedavno, koju moemo nazvati potpunom, pa
je postalo jasno da tu tezu treba posve odbaciti.110 Na temelju rada G.Fancsalszkyja moemo navesti itav niz primjera
koji dokazuju identinost razliitih jeziaca remena i pojasnih okova. Zahvaljujui njegovoj ljubaznoj spremnosti
na suradnju, za ilustraciju ikonografskog identiteta odabrat
u jedan jedini primjer, individualno rjeenje kompozicije
glavnih jeziaca remena s prizorima borbe ivotinja tipa
Nykldhza, i to samo odabrane dijelove (Blint 2004, sl.
162). U identinost triju primjeraka iz groblja u rsekjvru
(NovZmky, Slovaka) nema nikakve sumnje: ne samo sma kompozicija, ve i oblikovanje likova osim sitnih detalja s gledita zlatarske tehnike u potpunosti se poklapaju;
oito su izraeni u istoj radionici. Ikonografski im nalikuju i
ostali predmeti u skupini (Blint 2004, sl. 162,1-2,5-6) pa se
hipoteza o drutvenoj vanosti individualnosti u izradi pojasnih okova i njihovu spiritualnom znaenju time pokazala
neutemeljenom.
Ikonografska identinost kod nekih bizantskih i srednjoazijskih posuda
U nastavku u na odabranim primjerima zorno pokazati kako se ikonografska identinost pojavljuje u bizantskoj umjetnosti izrade metalnih predmeta i u umjetnosti
ranosrednjovjekovne srednje Azije na koju su se istraivai
Nagyszentmiklsa uvijek bili tako skloni pozivati. Namjerno sam odabrao posude ija su nalazita meusobno vrlo
udaljena. Identinost koja je kod njih utvrena istodobno
nam omoguuje i da u tom svjetlu realnije ocijenimo identinost posuda u paru iz Nagyszentmiklsa bila ta identinost tipoloka ili ikonografska.
Bizant
Prvi primjer su dvije patere, pronaene na meusobnoj
udaljenosti od vie tisua kilometara, na dva razliita kontinenta, ije vrijeme proizvodnje dijeli itavo stoljee. Drugi
su dva vra koji potjeu iz iste grae i koji su nastali u isto
vrijeme.
110. Fancsalszky 1993. Zahvaljujem autoru za koritenje njegova rukopisa.,
v. jo Fancsalszky 2000, 306, sl. 7.
394
kt brzols kzti ikonogrfiai azonossg,109 valamint a kt

ednynek a kincsen belli relatvkronolgiai helyzete miatt
szinte bizonyos, hogy a 2. sz. kors s a 21. sz. cssze llatkzdelmi jelenete nem egymstl fggetlenl kszlt. Ez a
kvetkeztets a 2. s 7. sz. kors most trgyalt esethez
hasonlan kihatssal van a kincs kialakulsnak megtlsre.
KT IKONOGRFIAI AZONOSSG A 8. SZZADI
KRPT-MEDENCBEN
Az ikonogrfiai azonossg megnyilvnulsnak
Nagyszentmikls szempontjbl minden tekintetben kzeli pldjra knny rtallni a 8. szzadi Krpt-medence legnagyobb darabszm s legjobban ismert fmleletcsoportjnak, a tglalap alak, ttrt dszts, lekuporod
griffet brzol vvereteknek krben. E griffek ikonogrfija annyira egysges, hogy csak olyan lnyegtelen, apr
vltozataik klnthetk el (Stadler 1990, 305-350), melyek
a vgtelen szm ismtldsbl fakad varicik legtermszetesebb megnyilvnulsnak tekintendk. Lszl Gy.
sokszor megismtelt, nagy horderej trsadalom- s kultrtrtneti jelentsggel is br, mde rszletelemzsek
nlkl tett kijelentst annak ellenrzse nlkl! elfogadva a magyar kutatsban hossz idn keresztl lt az a
felfogs, mely szerint az avaroknl nincsen kt egyforma
vveret (Lszl 1956, 112; Lszl 1957, 171-172; Bna 1984,
335). Ennek alaptalan volta mr egy negyed szzada megjelent, kiragadott pldkkal s alapveten msfle clkitzssel dolgoz munknak ksznheten kiderlt (Dekn 1972,
391, Abb.90,3-4: Szeged-Bilisics Halimba; 394, Abb.93,8-9:
Zhorska Bystrica Kiskrs; 396, Abb. 98,3-4: Csepel
Bgyog-Gyrhegy 405407; 419), s egy, a kzelmltban
elvgzett, teljesnek mondhat adatgyjtsre tmaszkod
munka rvn egyrtelmv vlt, hogy azt vgrvnyesen el
kell vetni.110 Fancsalszky G. munkja alapjn nagy szmban
lehet olyan pldkra hivatkozni, amelyek a klnfle szjvgek, vveretek azonossgt mutatjk. Szvessgnek
ksznheten az ikonogrfiai azonossgot illusztrland az
utbbibl egyetlenegyet vlasztok ki, az egyedi megolds
llatkzdelmi jelenetes nagyszjvgek nykldhzi tpust,
de mg abbl is csak egy kiragadott vlogatst. Az rsekjvri temetben napvilgot ltott hrom pldny azonossghoz nem frhet ktsg: nemcsak a kompozci maga, de
egszen apr tvstechnikai rszletektl eltekintve az
alakok megformlsa is teljes mrtkben megegyezik egymssal; nyilvnvalan ugyanabban a mhelyben kszltek.
Ikonogrfiailag a csoport tbbi tagja is ugyanilyen (XXX: 1,
2, 5, 6), gyhogy az vveretek egyedi voltnak tulajdontott
trsadalmi jelzrtk s spiritulis jelentsg felttelezse
alaptalannak bizonyul.
Ikonogrfiai azonossg nhny biznci s kzp-zsiai
edny esetben
Az albbiakban kiragadott pldkkal szemlltetem,
hogy miknt jelentkezik az ikonogrfiai azonossg a bizn109. Kdr Z. szerint az e kt ednyen lthat kp teljesen azonos, csak
az utbbi az elsnek ersen egyszerstett vltozata volna, v. Kdr
1961, 121. (Flrerthet mdon idekeverte a 20. sz. edny magnyos
griffjt is.)
110. Fancsalszky 1993. Megksznm a szerznek, hogy kziratos munkjt
hasznlhattam, ld. mg Fancsalszky 2000, 306, 7. kp.
Jedna je patera naena u alirskom mjestu Cap Chnoua, a druga u porjeju Kame u muzej je navodno dola iz
Penigorta (Blint 2004, sl. 163). Prema znaku majstora reklo
bi se da obje potjeu iz Justinijanova doba, bez obzira to
su istraivai ovu drugu datirali jedno stoljee kasnije, u prvupolovicu 7.st. (Matzulewitsch 1929, 8, br. 15; 6, br.10; T.
12-15; Dodd 1961, br.14: 5; br.77; Bank 1977, br.85-87). Drak
obaju posuda gotovo do polovice obuhvaa rub, a oblik i
ukrasi su im umnogome identini: na njima je u stojeem
stavu prikazan Posejdon kako gleda na desnu stranu i u ruci
ima koplje, a pod nogom ribu. U sredini oba drka vidi se
koljka sv. Jakova s po jednim delfinom na obje strane, koji
su u jednom sluaju okrenuti prema van, a u drugom prema
unutra. Na krajevima ruba to zavravaju laganim urezom
prikazana je glava koze i glava grifona. Glede ukrasa na drku, moemo govoriti o potpunoj identinosti kompozicije;
razlike su neznatne i mogu biti samo individualne izmjene prototipa koje su izveli zlatari. (Uzgred, prototip postoji
samo u teoriji, budui da su se proizvoai uvijek oslanjali
na konkretan uzor). Bitno je to to su obojica zlatara eljela
oblikovati i ukrasiti ruku onako kako je to u ono doba pri
izradi patera posvuda bilo uobiajeno i poeljno. Vrlo vanom smatram injenicu to obje posude na sebi nose ig s
dravnim znakom, to za problem koji upravo prouavamo
znai da se tu radilo o standardnom tipu, pa ak i o tipu posude koju je drava kontrolirala, odnosno odobravala te da
je pritom bio unaprijed zadan ne samo oblik, ve automatski i tip ukrasa. Slijedom toga, oito je da je ogromna udaljenost izmeu nalazita Cap Chnoue i Penigorta zbog
pripadnosti istom tipu posude potpuno potisnuta u drugi
plan. Standardizacija tipa, oblika i ukraavanja ukazuje na
postojanje organizirane umjetnosti obrade metala, a uoene manje razlike treba promatrati kao normalne pojave u
razliitim radionicama.
Mogli bismo navesti jo primjera kako su opstali odreeni tipovi posuda koji su se u Bizantskom Carstvu u dotinom razdoblju smatrali tipinima.111 To bi se moglo dopuniti spektakularnim sluajevima u kojima upotrebu nekog
predmeta u srednjem vijeku vie od pola tisuljea dijeli od
njegova tipolokog uzora. U riznici katedrale Sv. Marka u
Veneciji jedna je zdjelica iz 10.-11. st. u tipolokom pogledu
izravni nastavak kasnorimske, patera iz 12.-13. st. nastavak
jedne ranobizantske, a unjasta zdjela iz 13. st. nastavak je
slinih sasanidskih metalnih posuda (Hahnloser 1971, T.LX,
gore, Nr.68; T. LXI, br.73; T.LXII). Iz svega toga proizlazi zakljuak inae posve evidentan za istraivae Nagyszentmiklsa, naime, da pri prouavanju povijesnih meuodnosa izmeu metalnih posuda niti tipoloka, niti ikonografska
identinost ne moe biti odluujui imbenik sam po sebi.
Dva vra koja ilustriraju identinost pronaena su
1889. god. u grobu 3 iz Apahide (Rumunjska) i potjeu iz
druge polovice 5. st. (Finly 1889, 308-309, T. I-II; Hampel
1905, III. T.32-33; Bna 1986, 146-147); udno je to istraivai bizantske umjetnosti izrade metalnih predmeta do dana
dananjeg nisu otkrili da bi im mogli biti korisni (Blint 2004,
sl. 164). Na temelju predoenih detaljnih fotografija112 vrevi
111. Prouavanje toga pitanja tek je nedavno zapoelo (Mundell Mango
2000).
112. Za dozvolu objavljivanja zahvaljujem gospodinu dr. Radu Harhoiu. Vidi
ci fmedny mvessgben s abban a kora kzpkori Kzp-zsiban, mely fel Nagyszentmikls kutatsa mindig
is magtl rtetd mdon fordul. Szndkosan olyan trgyakat vlasztottam, melyek lelhelye igen tvolesik egymstl. A tapasztalt azonossgok egyben arra is jk, hogy
a fnykben a nagyszentmiklsi pros ednyek esetben
szlelhet azonossgokat lett lgyenek azok tipolgiaiak vagy ikonogrfiaiak relisabban tudjuk rtkelni.
Biznc
Az els plda kt olyan patna esete, amelyek tbb
ezer kilomterre egymstl, ms-ms kontinensen lttak
napvilgot, s a kszlsket egy vszzad vlasztja el egymstl. A msodik kt olyan kors, amely egyazon kincsbl
szrmazik s egyszerre kszlt.
Az egyik patna az algriai Cap Chnourl szrmazik, a
msik a Kma-vidkrl, lltlag Penigortbl kerlt mzeumba. A mesterjegyek alapjn mindkett Justinianus korinak
tnik, br volt olyan kutat, aki az utbbit egy vszzaddal
ksbbre, a 7. szzad 1. felre keltezte (Matzulewitsch 1929,
8, No. 15; 6, No.10; T. 12-15; Dodd 1961, No.14: 5; No.77; Bank
1977, No.85-87). Mindkett fle majdnem flig krbefogja
a peremt. A flek alakja s dsztse messzemen azonossgokat mutat: ll Poseidon lthat rajtuk, aki jobbra nz,
lndzst tart a kezben, s a lba alatt egy hal van. Mindkt
edny fle kzepn egy Szent Jakab-kagyl, annak kt oldaln pedig egy-egy delfin lthat, melyek az egyiknl kifel, a msiknl befel nznek. A perem enyhe bevgsban
vgzd vgein egy-egy kecske- vagy griff-fej brzolsa
van. A flek dsztse tekintetben a kompozci teljes azonossgrl beszlhetnk; az eltrsek lnyegtelenek, azok
csakis az tvsk egyni vltoztatsai lehetnek a prototpushoz viszonytva. (Az utbbi egybknt is csak elmletben ltezhetett, hiszen azt a ksztk mindig egy konkrt
elkpre tmaszkodtak.) A lnyeg az, hogy mindkt tvs
egy olyan dszts flet kvnt kszteni, mely akkoriban a
patnknl ltalban elterjedt, kedvelt volt. Nagyon fontosnak tartom azt a krlmnyt, hogy mindkt ednyen llami
verdejegy van, ami a most vizsglt problma szmra azt
jelenti, hogy egy standard, st: llamilag ellenrztt, illetve
jvhagyott ednytpussal van dolgunk, melynl eszerint
nemcsak a forma volt eleve adott, hanem azzal automatikusan jrt egytt az adott dszts-tpus is. Ezek utn nyilvnval: Cap Chnounak s Penigortnak, a lelhelyeknek
egymstl val risi tvolsga teljesen httrbe szorul az
azonos ednytpushoz val tartozs mgtt. A standard tpus, forma, dszts szervezett ednymvessget jelez, s az
azon bell mutatkoz kisebb eltrsek az eltr mhelyekhez val tartozs megnyilvnulsainak tekinthetk.
Tovbbi pldkat lehetne sorolni azzal kapcsolatban,
hogy a Biznci Birodalomban miknt ltek tovbb bizonyos,
a maguk peridusban jellegzetesnek szmt ednytpusok.111 Ez kiegszthet olyan ltvnyos esetekkel, melyeknl fl vezrednl is nagyobb tvolsg vlasztja el a kzpkori hasznlatot a tipolgiai elkptl, gy pl. a velencei
San Marco-katedrlis kincstrban egy 10.-11. szzadi tlka
ks rmai, egy 12.-13. szzadi patena pedig korai biznci
s egy 13. szzadi csnak alak tl a hasonl szsznida
111 . E krds vizsglata a kzelmltban kezddtt el (Mundell Mango
2000).
395
nedvojbeno posjeduju potpunu sukladnost po tipologiji,

dimenzijama i ornamentici, a to je zamislivo jedino u sluaju
da potjeu iz iste radionice i iz ruku jednog te istog majstora. Ta je sukladnost u bizantskoj umjetnosti izrade posuda
od plemenitih metala neusporedivo visokog stupnja, tamo
se mogu nai sluajevi koji se poklapaju s ovdje navedenima, a koje moemo opisati kao u najboljem sluaju sline ili
se radi o poklapanjima jo nieg stupnja. Razmjeri identinosti ukraenih posuda u paru iz Nagyszentmiklsa (br. 9 i
10, br.13 i 14) premauju ak i one iz Apahide, to podcrtava
jedinstvenost ove grae s potpuno novog gledita.
Srednja Azija
I s ovog u podruja navesti dva primjera umjetnosti
obrade metala. Kao prvo, s lakoom se mogu pozvati na
onu identinost kod iranskih, odnosno srednjoazijskih
zlatarskih proizvoda koja je podjednako opepoznata i
meu strunjacima i meu amaterima koji se bave sasanidskom umjetnou obrade metala (Blint 2004, sl. 165).
Ikonografska identinost prizora na medaljonu iz Kurilove
i na dnu zdjelice iz Ufe (na oba orao, prikazan u identinoj
pozi, u kandama dri gazelu podignute glave) za ovo to
ovdje obraujemo zanimljiva nam je zbog toga to je isti
par izdavaa te dvije posude datirao u razliita razdoblja:
prvu u 6.-7. st., a drugu u 7.-8. st. (Trever, Lukonin 1987, 116;
br. 39, sl.97; br.29, sl.89). Ako su predloene datacije tone,
onda ne samo zbog zdjela sa sasanidskim prizorima kraljevskog lova, nego i putem ovog primjera sasanidske, odnosno srednjoazijske zlatarske umjetnosti moemo potvrditi da se radi o tipu posude koji tamo jo nije bio obraen
s gledita ikonografske identinosti: odreene scenske prikaze doista je cijenilo vie narataja zlatara.
Kao drugi primjer naveo bih tri zdjele koje prikazuju
pobjedu Dioniza,113 to ih je temeljito analizirao R. Ettinghausen (Blint 2004, sl. 166) (Ettinghausen 1972, 3-10). One
potvruju moju prethodnu tvrdnju, a njihova je ikonografska identinost pogodna i za druge spoznaje. Sve su tri
ve opepoznate u istraivanjima ranosrednjovjekovnog
Irana i srednje Azije. Zdjela iz Alkina nastala je na rubnom
podruju Irana, u 5.-6.st. (promjer: 21cm) (Marschak 1986,
sl.174). Zdjela iz nepoznatog nalazita u sklopu zbirke Freer
spada u P. Harperovu srednju skupinu sasanidskih kraljevskih zdjela i datirana je u 5.-7.st. (promjer: 21,9cm) (Gunter,
Jett 1992, 121-127). I zdjela koja se nalazi u BritishMuseumu, iz okolice Badakhsana, nastala je u rubnom podruju Irana u 5.-6. st. (promjer: 22,6cm) (Dalton 1964, 49-51,
T. XXVII). Zajedniko im je to to sve tri potjeu iz Irana,
odnosno, iz kulturnog podruja Carstva i iz istog razdoblja.
Tip slike i kompozicija identini su kod svih triju, tako da je
znaenje sitnih odstupanja u detaljima (usp., npr., izvedba
vitica i listova vinove loze, prisutnost ili odsutnost drva ivota u donjem polju itd.) sekundarno; oni su izraz kreativne slobode zlatara, ali se isto tako i njihova razliitost izrajo Harhoiu 1998, T.LX; Or 2000-2001, 189-190, sl. 30,11.
113. Ovu identifikaciju zastranjivanjem smatra Goldman (1997, 262:
B22).
396
ednyek tipolgiai tekintetben egyenes folytatst mutatja

(Hahnloser 1971, T. LX, fell, No. 68; T. LXI, No. 73; T. LXII).
Mindebbl a nagyszentmiklsi kincs kutatsa szmra az a
klnben teljesen evidens kvetkeztets addik, hogy a
fmednyek trtneti kapcsolatait kutatva sem a tipolgiai,
sem az ikonogrfiai azonossg nmagban nem tekinthet
perdntnek.
Az azonossgot illusztrl kt kors 1889-ben, a 3.
apahidai (Apahida, Romnia) srban ltott napvilgot, az 5.
szzad 2. felbl szrmaznak (Finly 1889, 308-309, T. I-II;
Hampel 1905, III. T. 32-33; Bna 1986, 146-147); klns,
hogy a biznci fmedny-mvessg kutati mindmig nem
fedeztk fel maguknak. A rendelkezsre ll rszletfotk112
alapjn egyrtelm, hogy teljes tipolgiai, mretbeli s ornamentikai egyezst mutatnak, ami csakis abban az esetben kpzelhet el, ha egyazon mhelyben, egyazon mester
keztl kszltek. Ez az egyezs a biznci nemesfm ednymvessgben pratlanul magas fok, ott csak az imnt ismertetetthez hasonl rtkekkel, vagy mg alacsonyabb
fok egyezsekkel lehet tallkozni. A nagyszentmiklsi dsztett pros ednyek (9. s 10. sz., 13. s 14. sz.) azonossgnak mrtke azonban mg az apahidaiakt is meghaladja, ami egy jabb szempontbl nzve is a trgyalt kincs
egyedlll voltt hzza al.
Kzp-zsia
E fmmvessg terletrl is kt pldt hozok fel. Elsknt knny hivatkoznom az irni, illetve kzp-zsiai tvssg termkei kzl arra az azonossgra, mely a szsznida
fmmvessg szakrti s amatrjei krben egyarnt kzismert. A kurilovai kors medaillonjban, valamint az ufai
tlka fenekn brzolt jelenetek kztt megfigyelhet ikonogrfiai azonossg (mindkettnl azonos pzban brzolt
sas felemelt fej gazellt tart a karmai kztt) azltal vlik
rdekess, hogy a kt ednyt ugyanaz a szerzpros eltr
idszakra keltezte: az els kort a 6.-7., a msodikt a 7.-8.
szzadra tettk (Trever, Lukonin 1987, 116; No. 39, fig. 97;
No.29, fig.89). Amennyiben a javasolt kormeghatrozsok
helytllak, akkor a szsznida kirlyi vadszatot brzol
tlak mellett ez a szsznida, illetve kzp-zsiai tvssgbl vett s ott az ikonogrfiai kontinuits szempontjbl eddig nem trgyalt ednytpusra vonatkoz plda is
megersti: bizonyos jelenetes brzolsok valban tbb
tvsnemzedken t voltak kedveltek.
Msodikknt arra a hrom, Dionysos113 gyzelmt brzol tlra utalok, amelyek egyttest behatan elemezte R.
Ettinghausen (Ettinghausen 1972, 3-10). Ezek megerstik
az imnt tett megllaptsom, de ikonogrfiai azonossguk
ms tanulsgok levonsra is alkalmas. A kora kzpkori
Irn s Kzp-zsia kutatsban mindhrom kzismert. Az
alkini Irn peremvidkn kszlt, 5.-6. szzadi (tm.: 21 cm)
(Marschak 1986, Fig.174). A Freer-gyjtemny ismeretlen lelhely tlja a szsznida kirlyi tlak Harper-fle kzps
csoportjba tartozik, az 5.-7. szzadra keltezik (tm.: 21,9
cm) (Gunter, Jett 1992, 121-127). A Badakhsan krnykrl a
British Museumba kerlt tl szintn az irni peremvidken
s az 5.-6. szzadban kszlt (Dalton 1964, 49-51, Pl.XXVII)
112. Kzzttelk engedlyezsrt Dr. Radu Harhoiunak tartozom ksznettel. Ld. mg Harhoiu 1998, T. LX; Or 2000-2001, 189-190, Fig. 30,11.
113. Ezt az azonostst aberrnsnak tartja (Goldman 1997, 262: B22).
ava brojnim razlikama u tehnikom umijeu zlatara. (Na

osnovi detaljnosti i bogatstva ukrasnih elemenata, punciranih ukrasa na prednjoj strani ili pak njihovih nedostatka, odnosno kakvoe punciranja, moemo ih poredati od
najkvalitetnijih prema manje kvalitetnim: nepoznato nalazite [Freer Gallery], Alkino, Badakhsan.) Komplet tih triju
zdjela strunjacima za srednjoazijsku umjetnost namee,
naravno, vie pitanja, ali i nespecijalistima, pa time i istraivaima nalaza tog doba iz Karpatske kotline, omoguuje
odreene spoznaje. Naime, ponovo ukazuje na injenicu
koliko nalazite moe biti nevano za podrijetlo dotinog
predmeta: bilo da su se te zdjele pojavile u smom Iranu, u
porjeju Kame ili u Afganistanu, uvijek su dole iz iste kulturne regije. Identinost u njihovoj tematici i kompoziciji
ne moemo zamisliti drugaije nego da su trojica zlatara,
moda regija meusobno udaljena stotinama kilometara i
barem pola stoljea, vjerno slijedili isti tip slike. Naposljetku, od velikog je kulturno-povijesnog znaenja i injenica
to je neka klasina antika tema mogla biti omiljena u sasanidskom Iranu, odnosno u srednjoj Aziji. Naznake za to
poznate su ve otprije. Ukaimo posebice jo i na veliinu
regije koju opisuju mjesta njihova podrijetla to svjedoi o
dalekom irenju te antike teme i njene omiljenosti dva do
tri stoljea ranog srednjeg vijeka. Slinu pojavu susreemo
u potrazi za ikonografskim poveznicama prikaza grifona
na zdjeli br. 20 iz Nagyszentmiklsa kao i kod upravo opisanih zdjela, i ovdje vidimo kako se u relativno kratko vrijeme dotini tip slike koristio vjerno izvorniku. Sve brojniji
podaci u tom smislu i njihova temeljita analiza valjda e
jednom rasvijetliti treba li relativnu postojanost, odnosno
uestalo koritenje pojedinih tipova slike, doista povezivati s odreenim razdobljem, ili bismo glede tog razdoblja
takoer osim identine teme prije trebali razmiljati o
koegzistenciji razliitih tipova slika.
POGOVOR
Nekoliko rijei o jo jednom od motrita nastavka postojanja ranosrednjovjekovnih scenskih prikaza u suvremeno doba, o tome kako ih promatraju neki u arheolokim
istraivanjima ranosrednjovjekovne srednje, jugoistone i
istone Europe i jo i vie u najrazliitijim poluznanstvenim i popularnoznanstvenim radovima.
Dakle, svjestan sam kako je za veliki dio znanstvenika
koji djeluju u spomenutoj regiji, ali ipak puno vie za itavu
masu amatera i diletanata neprihvatljiva misao kako kod
scenskih prikaza na ranosrednjovjekovnim nalazima, otkrivenima na njihovu podruju, moramo odustati od zamisli
da se radi o originalnim djelima umjetnosti dotinog naroda u srednjem vijeku. Promjenu gledita znanosti, osim
psiholokih i povijesnih imbenika, oteava i potreba koja
se izraava u drutvu i gospodarstvu (trite knjiga): zbog
sve veeg zanimanja za arheoloku periodiku skokovito su
narasle i mogunosti i zahtjevi koje mora zadovoljiti popularna znanost. Zbog znanstvene rutine mnogima teko pada suoavanje s time da puka injenica to se ornamentalni
(tm.: 22,6 cm). Kzs vonsuk, hogy mindegyikk Irnbl,

illetve a birodalom kulturlis terletrl s ugyanabbl a
peridusbl szrmazik. A kptpus s a kompozci mindhromnl tkletesen azonos, ami mellett az apr rszletbeli
eltrsek (pl. a szlindk s -levelek kidolgozsa, az als
mezben az letfk meglte vagy hinya stb.) jelentsge
msodlagos; azok az tvs szabad alkotkedvnek megnyilvnulsai, de ugyangy a kztk fennllt klnbsget
tkrzi az tvsmunka technikai sznvonalban megfigyelhet szmos klnbsg is. (A dsztelemek rszletessge
s gazdagsga, az ellap poncolsa vagy annak elmaradsa, illetve a poncols minsge alapjn a kvetkezkppen
rangsorolhatk, a kivltl a gyengbb fel haladva: az
ismeretlen lelhely [Freer Gallery], Alkino, Badakhsan.) E
hrom tl egyttese termszetesen tbb rszletkrdst
vet fl a kzp-zsiai mvszet szakrti szmra, de knl
nmi tanulsgot a nem-specialistknak, gy az emltett leletekvel egykor Krpt-medenct kutatknak is. jbl s
egyrtelmen figyelmeztet ugyanis arra, hogy a lelhely
az adott trgy eredete szempontjbl mily nagy mrtkben lehet indifferens: e tlak kerltek lgyen el Irnban
magban, a Kma-vidken vagy Afganisztnban, akkor is
mindenkppen ugyanazon kulturlis rgibl szrmaznak.
A tematikjukban s kompozcijukban megmutatkoz
azonossg nem kpzelhet el msknt, mint hogy a hrom,
egymstl akr szz kilomterekkel tvolabb s min. flvszzadnyi eltrssel mkd tvs hen kvette ugyanazt
a kptpust. Vgl mveldstrtnetileg nagy jelentsg
az a tny, hogy egy klasszikus antik tma kedveltt vlhatott a szsznida Irnban, illetve Kzp-zsiban, aminek
egyes jelei mr eddig is ismertek voltak (ld. XXX). rdemes
ezen kvl mg kln megfigyelni annak a rginak a nagysgt, amelyet a szrmazsi helyk kijell ez az adott,
antik eredet tma szlesen elterjedt s a kora kzpkor
2-3 vszzadn keresztl npszer voltrl tanskodik.
Hasonl jelensggel tallkozunk a nagyszentmiklsi 20. sz.
cssze griffbrzolsnak ikonogrfiai kapcsolatait keresve
(ld. XXX) miknt a most trgyalt tlak esetben, azoknl is
az adott kptpusnak viszonylag rvid idn bell trtnt s
az eredetihez h felhasznlst ltjuk. Az adatok szmbeli
gyarapodsa s azok behat elemzse remlhetleg egyszer meg tudja majd vilgtani, hogy az egyes kptpusok
viszonylagos llandsga, illetve gyakorisga valban egyegy peridushoz ktdik-e, vagy pedig egy adott idszakot
nzve azonos tma mellett is inkbb tbbfle kptpus
egyms mellett lsvel szmolhatunk.
NEM KZVETLENL IDE TARTOZ UTSZ
A kora kzpkori jelenetes brzolsok modern kori utletnek egyik aspektusrl, arrl, hogy miknt tekintenek
rjuk nhnyan a kora kzpkori kzp-, dlkelet- s keleteurpai rgszeti kutatsban s mg inkbb a legklnflbb fltudomnyos s npszerst munkkban:
Tisztban vagyok azzal, hogy az emltett rgiban dolgoz kutatk nagy rsze, de mg inkbb az amatrk s dilettnsok tmege szmra elfogadhatatlan az a gondolat,
hogy az orszguk terletn napvilgot ltott kora kzpkori
leleteken lthat jelenetes brzolsokrl le kellene mondaniuk mint az adott kora kzpkori np mvszetnek
eredeti alkotsairl. A szemlletvltst a tudomnyban a
397
elementi orijentalnih korijena, odnosno tipa, pojavljuju na

ranosrednjovjekovnim predmetima iz srednje, jugoistone
i istone Europe sama po sebi ne znai da predmeti posjeduju neposrednu vrijednost izvora za dogaajnu povijest.
Sukladnost ornamentike ne treba automatski promatrati
kao dokaz da je spomenuta ornamentika posljedica izravne veze mjesta podrijetla odreenog predmeta sa svojom
irom regijom i/ili kulturom, a jo manje da su te sukladnosti izraz izravnog orijentalnog nasljea. (Obradu ove teme
dodatno oteava to to se odreeni narodi koji danas ive
u srednjoj, jugoistonoj i istonoj Europi s razlogom ili
bez razloga, svejedno je smatraju izravnim potomcima i/
ili duhovnim nasljednicima dotinih ranosrednjovjekovnih
naroda, zemalja i kultura i na temelju te svijesti o podrijetlu
integriraju ranosrednjovjekovne nalaze i prikaze na njima
u kulturnu povijest vlastitoga naroda [ali ne zemlje!]). Bez
obzira na to, put koji je zacrtan na osnovi problema prikupljenih u ovom poglavlju i metoda koje su u njemu naznaene, smatram jedinim putem kojim je u daljnjoj budunosti mogue doi do razjanjenja onoga to je u tadanjem
svijetu bilo zajedniko i onoga to predstavlja individualni
doprinos pojedinih naroda i kultura univerzalnoj civilizaciji. Gnoti seauton.
398
pszichs s trtneti faktorok mellett megnehezti a trsadalomban s a gazdasgban (knyvpiac) megnyilvnul igny is. A rgszeti korok irnti rdeklds folyamatos
nvekedse kvetkeztben ugyanis a tudomny-npszerstsnek mind a lehetsgei, mind annak kvetelmnyei
ugrsszeren megnttek. Sokak szmra a beidegzdsek
miatt hasonlkppen nehz lehet szembenzni azzal a krlmnnyel, hogy maga a tny: keleti gyker, illetve tpus
ornamentikai elemek elfordulsa kora kzpkori kzp-,
dlkelet- s kelet-eurpai trgyakon nmagban mg nem
kzvetlen politikai trtneti forrsrtk. A megfigyelhet
egyezsek nem tekinthetk automatikusan annak a tanjelnek, hogy az adott ornamentika elfordulsa az adott
trgy szrmazsi helynek tgabb rgijval s/vagy kultrjval val kzvetlen kapcsolat kvetkezmnye lenne, s
azok mg kevsb nem egy kzvetlen kzel-keleti rksg
megnyilvnulsai. (Tovbb nehezti e problma kezelst,
amikor a ma l kzp-, dlkelet- s kelet-eurpai npek
nmelyike alappal-e vagy alaptalanul, ez itt rdektelen
is az adott kora kzpkori npek, orszgok, kultrk kzvetlen leszrmazottjnak s/vagy szellemi rksnek tartja magt, s ezen szrmazstudat alapjn a kora kzpkori
leleteket, az azokon lthat brzolsokat a sajt npnek
[s nem az orszgnak!] mvszettrtnetbe integrlja.)
Mgis, az e fejezetben sszegyjttt problmk s vzolt
mdszerek alapjn kirajzold utat ltom egyedl jrhatnak annak a folyamatos, a tvoli jvben elrend feldertshez, hogy mi volt a kzs az akkori vilgban, s mi az
egyes npek, kultrk egyedi hozzjrulsa az egyetemes
civilizcihoz. Gnthi seauton.
LITERATURA / IRODALOM :
berg N., 1929, Typologie, Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte 13, Berlin,
508-509.
Ackerman Ph., 1939, Some Poblems of Early Iconography, u: A Survey of
Persian Art from Prehistoric Times to the Present, eds. A. U. Pope, Ph.
Ackerman, Teheran-London-New York-Tokyo 2, 881-883.
Adamova A., 1998, The Repetition of Compositions and the Problem of
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Osvrt na karolinke maeve tipa H sa ireg podruja Dalmatinske Hrvatske

Rckschau auf karolingische Schwerter des Typus H aus dem Groraum des
Dalmatinischen Kroatiens
JANKO BELOEVI
iroka ulica 12 /III
HR - 23 ooo Zadar
janko.belosevic@zd.htnet.hr

UDK/UDC 904:623.444.2](497.5-3 Dalmacija)653
Autor se u radu osvre na etiri karolinka maa tipa H otkrivena na irem podruju Dalmatinske
Hrvatske i to na: ma iz groba 322 sa starohrvatskog groblja na drijacu u Ninu i sluajno otkrivene
maeve iz Gradca kod Drnia, Kreeva kod Omia i Rudia kod Glamoa. Napominje da unato
tome to su ti maevi ve registrirani u domaoj strunoj literaturi, na njih se ipak treba jo barem
kratko osvrnuti i o njima dati dodatne i potpunije podatke te ukazati na elemente o tim maevima
koji dosadanjim objavama nisu bili dovoljno istaknuti. Zbog toga autor smatra prijeko potrebnim
da se o tom karolinkom oruju, koje je bilo u uporabi kod vladajueg sloja Hrvata, obrati dodatna
znanstvena pozornost.
Kljune rijei: Dalmatinska Hrvatska, karolinki maevi tipa H, Nin drijac, Gradac kod Drnia,
Kreevo kod Omia, Rudii kod Glamoa
In seinem Beitrag beschftigt sich der Autor mit vier karolingischen Schwertern des Typus H, entdeckt im Groraum des Dalmatinischen Kroatiens, und zwar mit dem Schwert aus Grab 322 vom
altkroatischen Grberfeld drijac in Nin sowie mit den Zufallsfunden von Schwertern aus Gradac bei
Drni, Kreevo bei Omi und Rudii bei Glamo. Er weist darauf hin, dass man obwohl die Schwerter
bereits in der kroatischen Fachliteratur registriert worden sind immerhin einen zweiten Blick auf sie
werfen und ergnzende, vollstndigere Angaben zu ihnen machen sowie auf diejenigen Elemente
ber sie hinweisen sollte, die in den bisherigen Verffentlichungen nicht ausreichend hervorgehoben
worden waren. Deshalb hlt der Autor es fr unbedingt notwendig, dass diesen karolingischen
Waffen, die von der kroatischen Oberschicht gebraucht wurden, zustzliche wissenschaftliche
Aufmerksamkeit gewidmet wird.
Schlsselwrter: Dalmatinisches Kroatien, karolingische Schwerter des Typus H, Nin - drijac,
Gradac bei Drni, Kreevo bei Omi, Rudii bei Glamo
Prije osvrta na karolinke maeve tipa H koji su

predmetom ovog rada, saeto emo se osvrnuti na
podatke o nalazima karolinkih maeva s podruja
Hrvatske te Bosne i Hercegovine gdje su registrirani
na neretvanskom i zahumskom tlu kao i na podruju
zapadne Bosne, tj. rubnom podruju Dalmatinske
Hrvatske.
Arheolokom fundusu karolinkih maeva te ostalim
nalazima karolinkog kulturnog kruga s ovih podruja
u strunoj domaoj i inozemnoj literaturi posveena je
duna znanstvena pozornost. Od domaih strunjaka,
zaslunih za otkrivanje i prouavanje tih nalaza, treba
spomenuti nekoliko znaajnih imena kao to su: L. Marun,
pionir hrvatske arheologije u Dalmaciji (1998); F. Radi
(1896; 1896a; 1897; 1897a); Lj. Karaman (1930), a poseban
znanstveni doprinos prouavanju te grae pridonio je Z.
Vinski, koji je u svojim brojnim radovima dao temeljnu
Bevor wir beginnen, uns mit dem Thema dieses Beitrags,

den karolingischen Schwertern des Typus H, zu beschftigen, werden wir zusammenfassend die Angaben zu den
Funden karolingischer Schwerter aus Kroatien sowie Bosnien und der Herzegowina berblicken, wo sie im Gebiet des
Neretva-Tals und in Hinterland von Hum, wie auch in Westbosnien, d.h. im Randgebiet des Dalmatinischen Kroatiens,
registriert wurden.
Dem archologischen Fundus karolingischer Schwerter
sowie der brigen Funde des karolingischen Kulturkreises
aus diesen Regionen wurde in der kroatischen sowie auslndischen Fachliteratur die notwendige wissenschaftliche
Aufmerksamkeit gewidmet. Von den kroatischen Experten, die sich bei der Entdeckung und Untersuchung dieser
Funde verdient gemacht haben, seien einige bedeutende
Namen erwhnt, wie: L. Marun, der Pionier der kroatischen
Archologie in Dalmatien (1998); F. Radi (1896; 1896a;1897;
1897a); Lj. Karaman (1930); einen besonderen wissenschaftlichen Beitrag zur Erforschung dieser Bestnde leistete Z.
405
J. BELOEVI, Osvrt na karolinke maeve tipa H sa ireg podruja Dalmatinske Hrvatske, PRIL. INST. ARHEOL. ZAGREBU, 24/2007, STR. 405-418.
znanstvenu obradu arheolokih nalaza karolinke

provenijencije i upoznao europsku znanstvenu javnost s
tim bogatim fundusom na junoslavenskim prostorima
(Vinski 1955; 1960; 1966; 1970; 1981; 1983; 1983-1984;
1986). Osim tih strunjaka, problemima arheoloke
ostavtine karolinke provenijencije bavila se i K. VinskiGasparini (1981). Slijedi zatim nekoliko generacija
hrvatskih arheologa koji su karolinkoj ostavtini
obraali znanstvenu pozornost, a to su: J. Beloevi
(1965; 1980; 2007); I. ari (1972-1973); . Tomii (1968;
1984; 1995; 1997; 2000); D. Jelovina (1986); A. Miloevi
(2000); M. Zekan (1992; 1994); T. Sekelj-Ivanan (2004);
A. Pitea (2002) i dr. Od inozemnih znanstvenika toj su
arheolokoj ostavtini obratili panju: J. Werner (1961;
1978-1979); E. Frisienger (1972); U. Giesler ( 1974); E.
Menghin (1980) i dr.
U nastavku priloga donosimo popis nalaza karolinkih
maeva s podruja Hrvatske te Bosne i Hercegovine,
ispravljen i dopunjen na temelju novijih podataka iz
literature (Zekan 1992).
Vinski, der in seinen zahlreichen Aufstzen die archologischen Funde karolingischer Prgung grndlich wissenschaftlich bearbeitet und das europische Fachpublikum
mit diesem reichen Fundus in den sdslawischen Gebieten
vertraut gemacht hat (Vinski 1955; 1960; 1966; 1970; 1981;
1983; 1983-1984; 1986). Auer diesen Experten befasste
sich auch K. Vinski-Gasparini (1981) mit den Problemen des
archologischen Erbes karolingischer Provenienz. Darauf
folgen mehrere Generationen kroatischer Archologen, die
die wissenschaftliche Aufmerksamkeit auf das karolingische
Erbe lenkten; es sind dies u.a. J. Beloevi (1965; 1980; 2007);
I. ari (1972-1973); . Tomii (1968; 1984; 1995; 1997; 2000);
D. Jelovina (1986); A. Miloevi (2000); M. Zekan (1992; 1994);
T. Sekelj-Ivanan (2004); A. Pitea (2002). Folgende auslndische Wissenschaftler widmeten ihre Aufmerksamkeit
dem erwhnten archologischen Erbe: u.a. J. Werner (1961;
1978-1979); H. Friesinger (1972); U. Giesler (1974); E. Menghin
(1980).
Am Ende dieses Beitrags fgen wir eine Liste der Funde
karolingischer Schwerter vom Gebiet Kroatiens sowie Bosniens und der Herzegowina an, korrigiert und ergnzt anhand der neueren Angaben aus der Literatur (Zekan 1992).
Na irem podruju Dalmatinske Hrvatske otkriveno je

14 karolinkih maeva, a na ostalim podrujima Hrvatske
samo pet. Svi su ti nalazi registrirani u domaoj strunoj
literaturi i tipoloki razvrstani prema J. Petersenu, osim
nedavno, sluajno otkrivenog i jo neobjavljenog,
karolinkog maa tipa K s obale Perukog jezera. Za
podatak o nalazu tog maa zahvalnost dugujemo Upravi
Muzeja hrvatskih arheolokih spomenika u Splitu.
Na podruju Dalmatinske Hrvatske karolinki maevi
otkriveni su Biskupiji Crkvini kod Knina, u grobovima
1, 6 i 8, i sva tri pripadaju tipu K, uz napomenu da ma
iz groba 1 ima ULFBREHT sjeivo (Vinski 1970, 135;
Vinski 1981, 19, T. V-VI, usp. bilj. 81-83; Zekan 1992, 131).
U razorenim grobovima u Orliu kod Knina sluajno su
otkrivena dva karolinka maa posebnog tipa (Vinski
1977-1978, 143; Vinski 1981, 14; Zekan 1992, 132; Marun
1998). U Kninskom polju, na poloaju Gugine kue, u
sluajno otkrivenom grobu, naen je ma tipa K (Vinski
1981, 27; Vinski 1983, 486; Zekan 1992, 133). U Gornjim
Koljanima kod Vrlike takoer je u grobu otkriven ma
tipa K (Radi 1897a, 99; Vinski 1970, 141, sl. 5; Giesler
1974, 530; Jelovina 1986, 32, T. XIV; Vinski 1986, 74, usp.
bilj. 38). U selu Zadvarju, zaselku Poletnici, u omikom
dijelu Zagore, otkriven je ma tipa K (Vinski 1981, 17;
Vinski 1983, 475; Vinski 1986, 93; Zekan 1992, 136). U selu
Kreevu kod Omia naen je ma tipa H (Vinski 19771978; Vinski 1983, 475; Vinski 1985; Zekan 1992, 136). Na
podruju sjeverne Dalmacije karolinki ma posebnog
tipa 1 otkriven je na devastiranoj starohrvatskoj
nekropoli u Morpolai kod Bribira (Vinski 1981, 14; Vinski
1983, 471; Jelovina 1986, 31, T. XIII,169; Zekan 1992,
134; Marun 1998, 162, 192). Na sustavno istraenom
starohrvatskom groblju na drijacu u Ninu, u grobu
322, otkriven je ma tipa H (Beloevi 1980, 99; Vinski
1981, 29, usp. bilj. 97; Vinski 1986, 72; Vinski 1986, 72). Sa
sjevernodalmatinskog podruja treba spomenuti jo i
Im weiteren Gebiet des Dalmatinischen Kroatiens wurden 14 karolingische Schwerter freigelegt, dagegen in den
anderen Gebieten Kroatiens nur fnf. Alle diese Funde wurden in der kroatischen Fachliteratur registriert und typologisch nach J. Petersen eingeordnet, mit Ausnahme des vor
kurzem zufllig entdeckten und noch unverffentlichten
karolingischen Schwertes des Typus K vom Ufer des PeruaSees. Die Angaben ber den Fund dieses Schwertes haben
wir der Verwaltung des Museums der kroatischen archologischen Denkmler in Split zu verdanken.
Im Gebiet des Dalmatinischen Kroatiens wurden karolingische Schwerter in Biskupija Crkvina bei Knin in den
Grbern 1, 6 und 8 freigelegt; alle drei gehren zum Typus
K, mit der Anmerkung, dass das Schwert aus Grab 1 eine
ULFBREHT-Klinge hat (Vinski 1970, 135; Vinski 1981, 19, T.
V-VI, vergl. Fun. 81-83; Zekan 1992, 131). In den zerstrten
Grbern in Orli bei Knin wurden zufllig zwei karolingische
Schwerter eines Sondertypus entdeckt (Vinski 1977-1978,
143; 1981, 14; Zekan 1992, 132; Marun 1998). In Kninsko polje
wurde am Standort Gugine kue in einem zufllig entdeckten Grab ein Schwert des Typus K gefunden (Vinski 1981,
27; Vinski 1983, 486; Zekan 1992). In Gornji Koljani bei Vrlika
wurde ebenfalls in einem Grab ein Schwert des Typus K freigelegt (Radi 1897a, 99; Vinski 1970, 141, Abb. 5; Giesler 1974,
530; Jelovina 1986, 32, T. XIV; Vinski 1896, 74, vergl. Fun. 38).
Im Dorf Zadvarje, im Weiler Poletnica in Dalmatinska zagora
bei Omi, wurde ein Schwert des Typus K entdeckt (Vinski
1981, 17; Vinski 1983, 475; Vinski 1986, 93; Zekan 1992, 136).
Im Dorf Kreevo bei Omi wurde ein Schwert des Typus H
gefunden (Vinski 1977-1978; Vinski 1983, 475, Vinski 1985;
Zekan 1992, 136). Im Gebiet Norddalmatiens wurde in einer
zerstrten altkroatischen Nekropole in Morpolaa bei Bribir
ein karolingisches Schwert des Sondertypus 1 gefunden
(Vinski 1981,14; Vinski 1983, 471; Jelovina 1986, 31, T. XIII,169;
Zekan 1992, 134fMarun 1998, 162, 192). Im systematisch
ausgegrabenen altkroatischen Grberfeld von drijac in
Nin wurde im Grab 322 ein Schwert des Typus H entdeckt
(Beloevi 1980, 99; Vinski 1981, 29, vergl. Fun. 97; Vinski
1986, 72; Vinski 1986, 72). Vom norddalmatinischen Gebiet
sei auch der Zufallsfund eines bruchstckhaft erhaltenen
karolingischen Schwertes ohne Gef mit damaszierter
406
J. BELOEVI, Rckschau auf karolingische Schwerter des Typus H aus dem GroSSraum des Dalmatinischen Kroatiens, PRIL. INST. ARHEOL. ZAGREBU, 24/2007, STR. 405-418.
Sl. 1 Nin drijac, trojni grob 322 in situ s pokopom starohrvatskog dostojanstvenika s obitelji
Abb. 1 Nin drijac, dreiteiligen Grabes 322 in situ, eines altkroatischen Adeligen mit Familie
sluajni nalaz fragmentarno ouvanog karolinkog maa

bez balaka, s damasciranom otricom, iz Zvonigrada
nedaleko izvora rijeke Zrmanje (Vinski 1984, 196, sl. 5).
Izvan podruja Dalmatinske Hrvatske, na
kontinentalnom tlu Hrvatske, karolinki maevi otkriveni
su na vie lokaliteta. U Prozoru kod Otoca u Lici, ma
tipa K s ULFBREHT sjeivom (ari 1972-1973, 229; Vinski
1983, 477; Vinski 1983-1984, 190). U Podsusedu kod
Zagreba ma tipa K-O (Vinski 1983-1984, 193; Vinski
1983, 486, sl. 13). U Cirkovljanu, na poloaju Diven kod
Preloga u Meimurju, ma posebnog tipa 1 (Vinski
1983, 498; Tomii 1984, 209; Tomii 1997, 61; Tomii
2000, 142) i u Medvediki kod urevca ma posebnog
tipa 1 (Vinski 1977-1978, 143; Vinski 1983, 469, sl. 2). Uz
te nalaze, valja jo spomenuti i fragmentarno ouvan
karolinki ma s damasciranom otricom iz Legrada,
poloaj oderica, kod Koprivnice (Vinski 1983, sl. 16,2).
Na tlu Bosne i Hercegovine registrirano je ukupno
est karolinkih maeva na sljedeim lokalitetima:
Mogorjelu kod apljine ma tipa K (Vinski 1986, 61),
Stocu, na poloaju airi, ma tipa K (Vinski 1986, 68, sl. 2),
Mostaru na poloaju Vukodol i u Humcu kod Ljubukog
otkriveni su fragmentarno ouvani karolinki maevi,
tipoloki neopredijeljeni (Vinski 1986, 61, sl. 1,1, sl. 3,1),
Podgradini, na poloaju Reetarica kod Livna, otkriven
je ma tipa K (Vrdoljak 1992, 121; Zekan 1994, 55) i ma
Klinge, aus Zvonigrad, in der Nhe der Quelle des Flusses

Zrmanja, erwhnt (Vinski 1984, 196, Abb. 5).
Auerhalb des Gebiets Dalmatinischen Kroatiens, im
kontinentalen Teil Kroatiens, wurden karolingische Schwerter an mehreren Standorten entdeckt. In Prozor bei Otoac
in Lika wurde ein Schwert des Typus K mit einer ULFBREHTKlinge gefunden (ari 1972-1973, 229; Vinski 1983, 477; Vinski 1983-1984, 190); in Podsused bei Zagreb ein Schwert des
Typus K-O (Vinski 1983-1984, 193; Vinski 1983, 486, Abb. 13);
in Cirkovljan, am Standort Diven bei Prelog im Meimurje,
ein Schwert des Sondertypus 1 (Vinski 1983, 498; Tomii
1984, 209; Tomii 1997, 61; Tomii 2000, 142) und in
Medvedika bei urevac ein Schwert des Sondertypus 1
(Vinski 1977-1978, 143; Vinski 1983, 469, Abb. 2). Neben den
genannten Funden sei auch ein karolingisches Schwertfragment mit damaszierter Klinge aus Legrad, Standort
oderica, bei Koprivnica, erwhnt (Vinski 1983, Abb. 16,2).
Im Gebiet von Bosnien und Herzegowina wurden insgesamt sechs karolingische Schwerter an den folgenden
Standorten registriert: Mogorjelo bei apljina, Schwert
des Typus K (Vinski 1986, 61), Stolac, am Standort airi,
Schwert des Typus K (Vinski 1986, 68, Abb. 2), Mostar am
Standort Vukodol und in Humac bei Ljubuki, wo karolingische Schwertfragmente gefunden wurden, die typologisch nicht klassifiziert worden sind (Vinski 1986, 61, Abb.
1,1, Abb. 3,1), Podgradina, am Standort Reetarica bei Livno,
wo ein Schwert des Typus K entdeckt wurde (Vrdoljak 1992,
121; Zekan 1994, 55), und ein Schwert des Typus H wurde
in einem zerstrten Grab in Rudii bei Glamoa gefunden
407
tipa H naen je u razorenom grobu u Rudiima kod

Glamoa (Mileti 1977, 119; Vinski 1983, 475, sl. 5,3).

Nakon saeto iznesenih podataka o nalazima
karolinkih maeva, u nastavku rada pozornost
obraamo karolinkim maevima tipa H i o njima
donosimo podatke koji se odnose na tono mjesto i
okolnosti nalaza, to u dosadanjoj objavi kod nekih
maeva nije bilo ispravno navedeno te upozoravamo na
neke elemente koji do sada nisu bili dovoljno istaknuti.
Od etiri maa tipa H, koliko ih je registrirano na
irem podruju Dalmatinske Hrvatske, ma s nekropole
drijac u Ninu zavreuje osobitu pozornost. Otkriven je
u grobu 322, 4. lipnja 1987. god., u estoj i posljednjoj
kampanji sustavnih istraivanja velike i arheoloki
znaajne starohrvatske nekropole s vie od 337 istraenih
grobova (Beloevi 1980, 99; Beloevi 2007,273; Vinski
1983, 473). U trojnom grobu 322 bila je u drvenom lijesu
pokopana obitelj starohrvatskog dostojanstvenika
s maem (mukarac, ena i dijete).1 Grob se nalazio
veoma plitko ispod zemlje, na dubini od nepunih 50 cm,
to zorno potvruje fotografija groba (sl. 1). Preko groba
prolazio je poljski put i prijetila je opasnost njegova
unitenja, to se na sreu nije dogodilo, zahvaljujui
aurnosti arheologa koji su na vrijeme istraili grob.
U svezi s otkriem tog arheoloki bogatog i
znaajnog groba treba kazati kako je to do sada jedini
arheolokom rukom, tj. znanstvenom metodom istraeni
i dokumentirani starohrvatski trojni grob s prilogom
maa, otkriven na sustavno istraenoj starohrvatskoj
nekropoli s vie stotina grobova na tlu Hrvatske. Taj
podatak naglaavamo zbog toga to su gotovo svi nalazi
karolinkih maeva na podruju Hrvatske, kao i oni na
tlu susjedne Bosne i Hercegovine, sluajni grobni nalazi
ili su nalazi s nesigurnim ili manjkavim podatcima, to
je razvidno na temelju podataka navedenih u strunoj
literaturi. Na temelju tih podataka, ma iz groba 322
sa drijaca u Ninu predstavlja jedinstven i usamljen
nalaz s izvornom arheolokom dokumentarnom
vrijednou. Treba jo naglasiti da su u tom arheoloki
izuzetno bogatom trojnom grobu, uz karolinki ma
s damasciranom otricom, otkriveni i listoliko koplje
i par eljeznih ostruga karolinkog tipa te drugi brojni
arheoloki zanimljivi i vrijedni nalazi uporabne, ukrasne
i kultne namjene (T. 2). O tim nalazima na ovom mjestu
ne kanimo raspravljati, budui da smo im ve prije
obratili znanstvenu pozornost. Jo jednom treba
istaknuti da je grob 322 sa drijaca u Ninu jedinstven
meu do sada otkrivenim starohrvatskim grobovima,
ne samo po bogatstvu i raznolikosti grobnih priloga,
ve i po tome to je to jedini trojni grob u kome je
pokopana obitelj starohrvatskog plemia. Namee se
pitanje pod kojim je okolnostima uslijedio istodobni
(Mileti 1977, 119; Vinski 1983, 475, Abb. 5,3).
1. Fotografija groba 322 in situ (sl. 1) i grafiki prikaz groba in situ (T. 1) na
kojem su ucrtane konture drvena lijesa spojenog sa eljeznim avlima,
s prikazom poloaja pokojnika u grobu i ucrtanim poloajem grobnih
priloga.
1. Foto des Grabs 322 in situ (Abb. 1) sowie die graphische Gestaltung des
Grabs in situ (T. 1), wo die Umrisse des mit Eisenngeln verbundenen
Holzsargs mit der Darstellung der Lage der Verstorbenen und der Grabbeigaben im Grab eingezeichnet sind.
408
Nach diesen zusammenfassenden Angaben ber die

Funde karolingischer Schwerter lenken wir in der Folge unsere Aufmerksamkeit auf die karolingischen Schwerter des
Typus H und ergnzen die Daten ber ihren genauen Fundort sowie die Fundumstnde, was in den bisherigen Verffentlichungen bei einigen Schwertern nicht richtig zitiert
wurde, und wir weisen auf einige Elemente hin, die bisher
nicht ausreichend gewrdigt worden sind.
Von den vier Schwertern des Typus H, die im Groraum
des Dalmatinischen Kroatiens registriert worden sind, gilt
dem Schwert von der Nekropole drijac in Nin besondere
Aufmerksamkeit. Es wurde im Grab 322, am 4. Oktober 1987
in der sechsten und letzten systematischen Grabungskampagne dieser groen und archologisch bedeutenden altkroatischen Nekropole mit ber 337 erforschten Grbern
gefunden (Beloevi 1980, 99; Beloevi 2007,273; Vinski
1983, 473). Im dreifachen Grab 322 war in einem Holzsarg
die Familie eines altkroatischen Wrdentrgers mit Schwert
1
bestattet (Mann, Frau und Kind). Das Grab lag sehr flach
unter der Erde, in einer Tiefe von weniger als 50 cm, was
das Foto des Grabs in deutlich wiedergibt (Abb. 1). ber das
Grab verlief ein Feldweg, und es drohte einzustrzen, was
glcklicherweise, dank des Einsatzes der Archologen, die
es rechtzeitig ausgegraben hatten, nicht passierte.
Im Zusammenhang mit der Entdeckung dieses archologisch reichen und bedeutenden Grabs sei erwhnt, dass
es das erste von Archologen, d.h. mit wissenschaftlichen
Methoden erforschte und dokumentierte altkroatische
dreifache Grab mit einem Schwert als Grabbeigabe ist, das
auf dem Gebiet Kroatiens in einer systematisch ausgegrabenen altkroatischen Nekropole mit mehreren hunderten
von Grbern freigelegt wurde. Darauf weisen wir besonders hin, da fast alle Funde karolingischer Schwerter auf
dem Gebiet Kroatiens sowie im benachbarten BosnienHerzegowina Zufallsfunde von Grabbeigaben oder Funde
mit unsicheren oder mangelnden Daten sind, was auch aufgrund der Angaben in der Fachliteratur ersichtlich ist. Somit stellt das Schwert aus Grab 322 von drijac in Nin einen
einzigartigen und einsam dastehenden Fund mit ursprnglichem archologischen dokumentarischen Wert dar. Es sei
des weiteren betont, dass in diesem archologisch auerordentlich reichen dreifachen Grab auer dem karolingischen
Schwert mit damaszierter Klinge auch eine blattfrmige
Lanze sowie ein Paar Eisensporen karolingischen Typus
sowie zahlreiche andere archologisch interessante und
wertvolle Funde entdeckt wurden, die entweder als Gebrauchs- oder Schmuckgegenstnde verwendet wurden,
oder zu Kultzwecken dienten (T. 2). Diese Funde werden wir
hier nicht weiter diskutieren, da wir uns ihnen bereits frher gewidmet haben. Man muss noch einmal hervorheben,
dass das Grab 322 von drijac in Nin einzigartig unter den
bisher freigelegten altkroatischen Grbern ist, nicht nur wegen seines Reichtums und der Vielfalt der Grabbeigaben,
sondern auch deswegen, weil es das einzige dreifache Grab
ist, in dem die Familie eines altkroatischen Adeligen begraben liegt. Es stellt sich die Frage, unter welchen Umstnden
die gleichzeitige Beisetzung dieser adeligen altkroatischen
pokop te dostojanstvenike starohrvatske obitelji?

Ne iskljuujemo mogunost kako je obitelj mogla
biti rtvovana zbog drutveno-politikih okolnosti,
ali naalost to miljenje ne moemo znanstveno
argumentirano dokazati, ve ga iznosimo kao vie ili
manje prihvatljivu pretpostavku.
Dvosjekli karolinki ma tipa H iz groba 322 sa
drijaca u Ninu iskovan je od kvalitetnog eljeza, ima
damasciranu otricu koja s obiju strana po sredini ima
plitak lijeb (Bultrinne) (T. 3,3). Ma je imao drvene korice
presvuene platnom i koom, to je pri konzervatorskoj
obradi maa sa sigurnou utvreno, a to zorno
potvruje i reproducirana fotografija maa (T. 3,1).
Rukohvat maa ima dvodijelnu neukraenu jabuicu s
trokutasto oblikovanim vrhom te kratku i neukraenu
nakrsnicu zaobljenih rubova. Ukupna duina maa je
91,5 cm, duina otrice 77,5 cm te irina sjeiva 5,6 cm
i duina rukohvata 14 cm. Ma uva Arheoloki muzej u
Zadru (inv. br. 1181). S obzirom na masivnost, kvalitetu
i nain kovanja, s pravom bismo oekivali ukras na
jabuici i nakrsnici rukohvata maa, to je gotovo
uobiajena pojava kod karolinkih maeva tipa H na
kojima je ukras spomenutih dijelova obino izveden
platiniranjem ili tauiranjem, kao to su izvedeni ukrasi
na mau iz Gradca (T. 4,2) i Kreeva (T. 5,1-2). Ma sa
drijaca nije imao ukrasa na dijelovima balaka, ali
moe se pretpostaviti kako je ukras postojao, ali je
korozijom mogao biti uniten. Meutim, to iznosimo
kao moguu pretpostavku za koju nemamo vrstih
dokaza. Jo treba pripomenuti da uz ma iz groba 322
nisu naeni dijelovi pripadajue garniture za njegovo
zakopavanje o pojas, to je uobiajeni nalaz uz ma,
ali ne i u svim grobovima otkrivenim na tlu Hrvatske.
Na pitanje zbog ega u drijakom grobu uz ma nije
bilo garniture za privrivanje maa o pojas, na alost,
ne moemo argumentirano odgovoriti, pa stoga o
tom problemu ne kanimo raspravljati. Za ma iz groba
322 sa drijaca u Ninu bliske paralele nalazimo meu
karolinkim maevima tipa H otkrivenim na sredinjem
i rubnom podruju Dalmatinske Hrvatske, a to su ma
iz Gradca kod Drnia, Kreeva kod Omia i Rudia kod
Glamoa, a takoer i meu maevima tipa H sa ireg
europskog podruja na kome su maevi tog tipa brojno
zastupljeni.
Ma iz Gradca kod Drnia nalazi se u Muzeju hrvatskih
arheolokih spomenika u Splitu (inv. br. 2095), sluajni je
nalaz na zemljitu Jure Marjanovia koje se nalazi oko 1
km sjeverozapadno od crkve Blaene Gospe u Gradcu,
a nije nalaz iz groblja oko spomenute crkve kako se
pogreno navodilo u strunoj literaturi (Zekan, 1992,
136). Taj masivan karolinki ma tipa H (T. 4,1-3), ukupne
duine 93,5 cm, s damasciranom otricom i tragovima
tauiranog ukrasa na jabuici i nakrsnici, jedan je od
najbolje ouvanih karolinkih maeva otkrivenih na tlu
Hrvatske.
Ma iz Kreeva, s poloaja Zgon u opini Omi, u
Familie erfolgt ist. Wir schlieen die Mglichkeit nicht aus,

dass die Familie gesellschaftspolitischen Umstnden zum
Opfer gefallen ist, aber diese Ansicht knnen wir leider
nicht wissenschaftlich belegen, sondern wir uern sie als
mehr oder weniger akzeptable Hypothese.

Das karolingische Doppelklingenschwert des Typus
H vom Grab 322 von drijac in Nin wurde aus Eisen guter
Qualitt geschmiedet, es hat eine damaszierte Klinge mit je
einer flachen Blutrinne in der Mitte jeder Seite (T. 3,3). Das
Schwert hatte eine textil- und lederbezogene Holzscheide,
was bei der konservatorischen Bearbeitung des Schwertes
mit Sicherheit festgestellt wurde und auch auf dem reproduzierten Foto des Schwertes anschaulich sichtbar wird (T.
3,1). Der Schwertgriff hat einen zweiteiligen unverzierten
Knauf mit einer dreieckig geformten Spitze und eine kurze unverzierte Parierstange mit abgerundeten Rndern.
Die Gesamtlnge des Schwertes betrgt 91,5 cm, die Lnge der Klinge 77,5 cm, die Breite der Klinge 5,6 cm und die
Lnge des Handgriffes 14 cm. Das Schwert wird im Archologischen Museum in Zadar (Inv.-Nr. 1181) aufbewahrt. Im
Hinblick auf seine Robustheit, Qualitt und Schmiedeart
wrde man mit Recht eine Verzierung am Knauf und an der
Parierstange des Schwertgriffes erwarten, eine fast bliche
Erscheinung bei den karolingischen Schwertern des Typus
H, die normalerweise mit einer Platinierung oder Tauschierung versehen sind, wie bei den Schwertern aus Gradac (T.
4,2) und Kreevo (T. 5,1-2). Das Schwert von drijac hatte
keine Verzierung an den Teilen des Gefes, man kann aber
davon ausgehen, dass es eine Verzierung gab, die jedoch
durch Korrosion zerstrt wurde. Dies ist allerdings eine Vermutung, fr die wir keine festen Beweise haben. Es sei auch
noch erwhnt, dass neben dem Schwert vom Grab 322 keine Teile der dazu gehrenden Garnitur fr die Befestigung
am Grtel gefunden worden sind, was normalerweise ein
gewhnlicher Fund bei Schwertern ist, aber nicht bei allen
im Gebiet Kroatiens entdeckten Grbern. Auf die Frage,
warum es im Grab von drijac kein Schwertgehnge gab,
knnen wir leider nicht fundiert antworten, daher verzichten wir auf die Diskussion ber dieses Problem. Parallelen
fr das Schwert aus Grab 322 von drijac in Nin finden wir
unter den karolingischen Schwertern des Typus H, entdeckt
im Zentral- sowie im Randgebiet des Dalmatinischen Kroatiens aus Gradac bei Drni, Kreevo bei Omi und Rudii
bei Glamo sowie unter den Schwertern des Typus H aus
dem brigen Europa, wo dieser Schwerttypus mit einer
groen Anzahl vertreten ist .
Das Schwert aus Gradac bei Drni befindet sich im Museum der kroatischen archologischen Denkmler in Split
(Inv.-Nr. 2095); es handelt sich um einen Zufallsfund, entdeckt auf dem Grundstck von Jure Marjanovi, das ca. 1
km nordwestlich der Kirche der Seligen Madonna in Gradac
liegt und kein Fund aus dem Grberfeld um die erwhnte
Kirche ist, wie irrtmlich in der Fachliteratur angefhrt wurde (Zekan, 1992, 136). Dieses massive karolingische Schwert
des Typus H (T. 4,1-3), Gesamtlnge 93,5 cm, mit damaszierter Klinge und Spuren einer tauschierten Verzierung an
Knauf und Gef, ist eines der am besten erhaltenen karolingischen Schwerter, die auf kroatischem Gebiet entdeckt
worden sind.
Das Schwert von Kreevo, vom Standort Zgon in der Gemeinde Omi, wurde in der bisherigen Fachliteratur als der
Fund von Katun registriert; es wird im Archologischen Museum in Split aufbewahrt (Inv.-Nr. S 141). Es stellt ebenfalls
409
dosadanjoj strunoj literaturi registriran kao nalaz iz

Katuna, uva se u Arheolokom muzeju u Splitu (inv. br. S
141). To je takoer reprezentativan primjerak karolinkog
maa tipa H ukupne duine 99,5 cm, s damasciranom
otricom i tragovima tauiranog ukrasa na jabuici te
nakrsnici rukohvata (T. 5,1-2) (Vinski 1986, 92; Zekan
1992, 136).
etvrti ma karolinkog tipa H s rubnog podruja
Dalmatinske Hrvatske potjee iz unitenog groba u
Rudiima kod Glamoa (T. 5,3-5) i danas se uva u
Zemaljskom muzeju u Sarajevu (inv. br. 505). To je
najskromniji primjerak meu spomenutim karolinkim
maevima tipa H koje u ovom radu obraujemo. Ukupna
duina tog maa je 77 cm te nema ukrasa na jabuici i
nakrsnici balaaka (Mileti 1977, 119; Mileti 2001; Vinski
1983, 475).
Maevi tipa H sa ireg podruja Dalmatinske Hrvatske,
kojima smo u radu obratili znanstvenu pozornost,
meusobno su srodni, ali ne i identini. Meu njima
postoje tek neznatne razlike koje se uoavaju u veliini,
kvaliteti izrade i po ukrasu. Unato tih razlika, svi ovi
maevi proizvod su oruarskih radionica u Porajnju i
franaki su import na ire podruje Dalmatinske Hrvatske
oko 800. god., odnosno u prvoj polovici 9. st. To se
moe kazati i za ostale karolinke maeve kojih je na tlu
Hrvatske dosada registrirano 19 primjeraka (Vinski 1983,
465), a na podruju Bosne i Hercegovine est (Vinski
1986, 61; Zekan 1994, 55). Ti su maevi bili u uporabi kod
ranofeudalnog sloja drutva, kao to je to uobiajena
pojava u ranofeudalnim slavenskim dravama u
Zapadnih i Istonih Slavena, to je argumentirano u
svojim radovima dokazao Z. Vinski (Vinski 1970, 153;
Vinski 1983, 465; Vinski 1983-1984, 183; Vinski 1986, 61).
Jo se kratko valja osvrnuti na rasprostranjenost
maeva tipa H na irem europskom podruju na
kome se maevi tog tipa pojavljuju tijekom druge
polovice 8. st., traju tijekom itavog 9. st., u srednjoj
Europi do u 10. st., dok u istonoj Europi traju i due.
Brojni su u sjevernoj Europi, osobito u Skandinaviji,
gdje su izraivani po franakim uzorima u vikinkim
radionicama od kasnog 8. pa do sredine 10. st. (Arbman
1937). Nalazimo ih zapadno od ua Loare, pa istono
do rijeke Oke, s odgovarajuom gustoom nalaza u
srednjoj Europi, gdje za nae maeve tipa H nalazimo
brojne paralele. Otkriveni su u plemikim grobovima 8.
st. na tlu Njemake (Stein 1967), brojno su zastupljeni
na podruju Velikomoravske drave (Klanica 1966, usp.
kartu nalazita na str. 270), kao i na irem podruju
Karpatske kotline (Vinski 1970, 146; Kirpinikov 1966,
27; Bakay 1967, 164). Tako je npr. u velikoj nekropoli
Na Valach u Srarm Mstu otkriveno pet karolinkih
maeva, od kojih su etiri tipa H (Hrub 1955, 163). U
Mikulicama, najznaajnijem arheolokom nalazitu
Velikomoravske drave, otkriveno je 13 karolinkih
maeva od kojih pet pripada tipu H (Poulk 1957, 302;
Poulk 1963; Poulk 1975). Ma iz groba 265 otkriven
410
ein reprsentatives Beispiel eines karolingischen Schwertes

des Typus H dar, mit einer Gesamtlnge von 99,5 cm und
einer damaszierten Klinge sowie Spuren einer tauschierten
Verzierung an Knauf und Gef des Griffs (T. 5,1-2) (Vinski
1986, 92; Zekan 1992, 136).
Das vierte Schwert des karolingischen Typus H, vom
Randgebiet des Dalmatinischen Kroatiens, stammt aus dem
zerstrten Grab in Rudii bei Glamo (T. 5,3-5) und wird heute im Landesmuseum in Sarajevo aufbewahrt (Inv.-Nr. 505).
Dies ist das bescheidenste Exemplar unter den erwhnten
karolingischen Schwertern des Typus H, ber die in diesem
Beitrag die Rede ist. Die Gesamtlnge dieses Schwertes
betrgt 77 cm, es hat keine Verzierungen am Knauf oder
an der Parierstange des Gefes (Mileti 1977, 119; Mileti
2001; Vinski 1983, 475).

Die Schwerter des Typus H aus dem Groraum des Dalmatinischen Kroatiens, mit denen wir uns in diesem Beitrag
beschftigten, sind miteinander verwandt, aber nicht identisch. Unter ihnen gibt es zunchst geringere Unterschiede
in der Gre, Produktionsqualitt sowie Verzierung. Trotz
der Unterschiede wurden alle diese Schwerter in Waffenschmieden im Rheinland hergestellt; ein weiteres ist ein
frnkischer Import. In den Groraum des Dalmatinischen
Kroatiens gelangten sie um das Jahr 800 beziehungsweise in der ersten Hlfte des 9. Jahrhunderts. Dies kann man
auch von den anderen karolingischen Schwertern sagen,
von denen auf dem Gebiet Kroatiens bisher 19 Exemplare
registriert worden sind (Vinski 1983, 465), und im Gebiet
von Bosnien und Herzegowina sechs (Vinski 1986, 61; Zekan 1994, 55). Die Schwerter wurden von der frhfeudalen
Oberschicht verwendet, wie dies in den frhfeudalen westund ostslawischen Staaten blich war, was Z. Vinski in seinen Werken ausfhrte (Vinski 1970, 153; Vinski 1983, 465;
Vinski 1983-1984, 183; Vinski 1986, 61).
Es sei noch kurz auf die Verbreitung der Schwerter des
Typus H im brigen Europa hingewiesen, wo Schwerter dieses Typus im Laufe der zweiten Hlfte des 8. Jahrhunderts
vorkommen und im Laufe des ganzen 9. Jahrhunderts in
Mitteleuropa bis in das 10. Jahrhundert, und in Osteuropa
sogar lnger verbreitet sind. Sie sind auch in Nordeuropa, vor allem in Skandinavien, zahlreich, wo sie nach frnkischen Mustern in den Wikinger- Werksttten vom spten
8. Jahrhundert bis in die Mitte des 10. Jahrhunderts hergestellt wurden (Arbman 1937). Wir begegnen ihnen auch
westlich der Mndung der Loire sowie stlich des Flusses
Oka mit der entsprechenden Funddichte in Mitteleuropa,
wo wir zahlreiche Parallelen fr unsere Schwerter des Typus
H finden. Sie wurden in Adelsgrbern des 8. Jahrhunderts
im Gebiet Deutschlands entdeckt (Stein 1967) und sind
zahlreich im Gebiet des Gromhrischen Staates (Klanica
1966, vergl. Karte der Funde auf S. 270) sowie im weiteren Raum des Karpatenbeckens vertreten (Vinski 190, 146;
Kirpinikov 1966, 27; Bakay 1967, 164). So wurden zum Beispiel in der Nekropole Na Valach in Star Msto fnf karolingische Schwerter entdeckt, von denen vier vom Typus
H sind (Hrub 1955, 163). In Mikulice, dem bedeutendsten
archologischen Fundort des Gromhrischen Staates,
wurden 13 karolingische Schwerter freigelegt, von denen
fnf zum Typus H gehren (Poulk 1957, 302; Poulk 1963;
Poulk 1975). Das Schwert aus Grab 265, neben der zweiten
Kirche in Mikulice entdeckt und nach J. Petersen zum Typus H gehrig, wie J. Poulk angibt, wird in die erste Hlfte
des 9. Jahrhunderts datiert (Poulk 1975, 55, T. XXXII). Dieses
uz drugu crkvu u Mikulicama, prema J. Petersenu,

pripada tipu H, kako to navodi J. Poulk i datira ga u prvu
polovicu 9. st. (Poulk 1975, 55, T. XXXII). Taj je ma, kao
analogni primjerak za ma sa drijca u Ninu, zanimljiv
po tome to je imao drvene korice presvuene platnom
i koom kao i drijaki ma. Analogije s podruja
Velikomoravske drave za nae maeve tipa H nalazimo
meu maevima s nekropole u Pohansku kod Beclava
u kojoj su otkrivena etiri karolinka maa, a samo ma
iz groba 65 pripada tipu H (Kolousek 1971, 55, Fig. 1).
Na podruju Slovake registrirana su etiri maa tipa H
(Ruttkay 1976, 284; Ruttkay 1982, 165), od kojih je ma iz
grobnog humka 22 (grob 1) u Skalici klasini primjerak
maa tipa H datiran u prvu polovicu 9. st. (BudimskKrika 1959, 130, T. XXXII). To je masivan ma s mjedenim
tauiranim ukrasom na jabuici i nakrsnici balaka,
a srodan je s naim maevima iz Gradca kod Drnia i
Kreeva kod Omia koji takoer imaju tauiran ukras od
raskucane mjedene ice na jabuicama i nakrsnicama
rukohvata. Jo valja spomenuti kako su karolinki maevi
tipa H registrirani i na podruju Maarske i Austrije gdje
su malobrojno zastupljeni (Bakay 1967, 105; Vinski 1986,
78; Szameit 1986, 384; Szameit 2000, 507).

Zakljuno jo treba naglasiti da su etiri maa tipa
H, i to tri s nalazita u Dalmatinskoj Hrvatskoj i jedan
s nalazita u njezinoj rubnoj regiji; meu njima su
dva neukraena karolinka primjerka (kovana nakon
800. god.) koja potjeu iz starohrvatskih grobova
poodmakle prve polovice 9. st., i to: Nin drijac, grob
322 (T. 1-3) te iz razorenog groba Rudii (T. 5,3-5), a
druga dva primjerka su pojedinani nalazi iz razorenih
starohrvatskih grobova, ranokarolinki (kovani prije 800.
god.) s obiljejima starije inaice s tauiranim ukrasima
na jabuicama i nakrsnicama rukohvata, i to s nalazita
Gradac (T. 4,1-3) i Kreeva (T. 5,1-2). Ova su etiri maa
tipa H, poput ostalih, franakih import iz Porajnja na
dalmatinsko tlo, gdje su u starohrvatskim grobovima
dospjeli u zemlju tijekom prve polovice 9. st., kako je to
argumentirano i znanstveno dokazao Z. Vinski (Vinski
1981, 15; Vinski 1986, 92). Uz to treba jo naglasiti kako
su, meu mnogobrojnim i iroko rasprostranjenim
maevima tipa H diljem Europe, naa etiri maa jedini
primjerci karolinkih maeva tog tipa na podruju
Junih Slavena, pa i zbog toga zavreuju znanstvenu
pozornost.

S osobitim zadovoljstvom posveujem ovaj kratki
prilog potovanom kolegi, slavljeniku eljku Tomiiu,
uglednom
znanstveniku
hrvatske
medievalne
arheologije, koji je svojim postignuima dao veliki prinos
razvoju te znanstvene discipline. Posebne zasluge
pripadaju mu za veliki trud i brigu koju je nesebino
posvetio razvoju mladog narataja hrvatskih arheologa
koji su pod njegovim vodstvom stjecali znanstvena
zvanja, prijeko potrebna za samostalan znanstvenoistraivaki rad. Iznesene injenice potvruju
Schwert ist als Analogie fr das Schwert von drijac in Nin

interessant, weil es genauso wie das Schwert von drijac
eine textil- und lederbezogene Holzscheide hatte. Analogien vom Gebiet des Gromhrischen Staates fr unsere
Schwerter des Typus H begegnen wir unter den Schwertern
aus der Nekropole in Pohansk bei Beclav, wo vier karolingische Schwerter entdeckt wurden, aber nur das Schwert
aus Grab 65 gehrt zum Typus H (Kolousek 1971, 55, Abb. 1).
Im Gebiet der Slowakei wurden vier Schwerter des Typus H
registriert (Ruttkay 1976, 284; Ruttkay 1982, 165), von denen
das Schwert aus dem Grabhgel 22 (Grab 1) in Skalica ein
klassisches Exemplar fr ein Schwert des Typus H darstellt,
datiert in die erste Hlfte des 9. Jahrhunderts (BudimskKrika 1959, 130, T. XXXII). Es ist ein massives Schwert mit
tauschierter Messingverzierung am Knauf und am Gef der
Parierstange, und es ist mit unseren Schwertern aus Gradac
bei Drni und Kreevo bei Omi verwandt, die ebenfalls eine
tauschierte Verzierung aus eingehmmertem Messingdraht
an den Knufen und Parierstangen des Griffes haben. Es sei
zustzlich noch erwhnt, dass karolingische Schwerter des
Typus H auch im Gebiet von Ungarn und sterreich in geringer Zahl registriert worden sind (Bakay 1967, 105; Vinski
1986, 78; Szameit 1986, 384; Szameit 2000, 507).

Abschlieend sei darauf hingewiesen, dass vier Schwerter zum Typus H gehren, und zwar drei von Fundorten im
Dalmatinischen Kroatien und eines von einem Fundort in
seinem Randgebiet; darunter befinden sich zwei unverzierte karolingische Exemplare (geschmiedet nach dem
Jahr 800), die aus altkroatischen Grbern vom Ende der
ersten Hlfte des 9. Jahrhunderts stammen, und zwar aus
Nin-drijac, Grab 322 (T. 1-3) und aus dem zerstrten Grab
Rudii (T. 5,3-5) sowie zwei Exemplare von Einzelfunden
aus zerstrten altkroatischen Grbern, frhkarolingische
(geschmiedet vor dem Jahr 800) mit Merkmalen der lteren Variante mit tauschierten Verzierungen an den Knufen
und Parierstangen des Griffes, und zwar von den Fundorten
Gradac (T. 4,1-3) und Kreevo (T. 5,1-2). Diese vier Schwerter
des Typus H stellen, wie auch die anderen, frnkische Importe aus dem Rheinland nach Dalmatien dar, wo sie im Laufe
der ersten Hlfte des 9. Jahrhunderts in das Land und in die
altkroatischen Grber gelangt waren, wie dies von Z. Vinski
begrndet und wissenschaftlich belegt wurde (Vinski 1981,
15; Vinski 1986, 92). Darber hinaus sei auch erwhnt, dass
unter den zahlreichen und weit verbreiteten Schwertern
des Typus H in Europa unsere vier Schwerter die einzigen
Exemplare karolingischer Schwerter dieses Typus im Gebiet
der Sdslawen darstellen, weshalb sie wissenschaftliche
Aufmerksamkeit verdienen.

Es ist mir eine besondere Ehre, diesen kurzen Beitrag
meinem verehrten Kollegen zu widmen, dem Jubilar eljko
Tomii, einem angesehenen Wissenschaftler auf dem Gebiet der kroatischen Mittelalterarchologie, der mit seinen
Errungenschaften einen wesentlichen Beitrag zur Entwicklung dieser wissenschaftlichen Disziplin leistete. Besondere
Verdienste hat er sich erworben durch die groe Mhe und
Sorge, die er selbstlos der Entwicklung der jungen Generation kroatischer Archologen gewidmet hat, die unter
seiner Leitung in den wissenschaftlichen Beruf eingefhrt
wurden, was fr ihre selbststndige wissenschaftliche Forschungsttigkeit unbedingt notwendig ist. Dies besttigen
auch die dargelegten wissenschaftlichen Ergebnisse der
Mitarbeiter des Instituts fr Archologie in Zagreb unter
411
zapaena znanstvena postignua djelatnika Instituta

za arheologiju u Zagrebu, sa eljkom Tomiiem na
elu, koja se pozitivno odraavaju ne samo na razvoj
hrvatske arheoloke znanosti, ve su i vrijedan doprinos
europskoj arheolokoj znanosti.
der Leitung von eljko Tomii, welche sich positiv nicht

nur auf die Entwicklung der kroatischen archologischen
Wissenschaft auswirken, sondern gleichzeitig auch einen
wertvollen Beitrag zur europischen archologischen Wissenschaft darstellen.
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413
T. 1
T. 1:
T. 1:
414
Nin drijac, trojni grob 322 in situ

Nin drijac, dreiteiligen Grabes 322 in situ
T. 2
T. 2:
T. 2:
Nin drijac, prilozi iz groba 322

Nin drijac, Grabbeigaben aus Grab 322
415
T. 3
T. 3:
T. 3:
416
Nin drijac, ma iz groba 322

Nin drijac, Schwert aus Grab 322
T. 4
T. 4:
T. 4:
Gradac kod Drnia

Gradac bei Drni
417
T. 5
T. 5:
T. 5:
418
1-2: Kreevo, poloaj Zgon, kod Omia; 3-5: Rudii kod Glamoa
1-2: Kreevo, Standort Zgon, bei Omi 3-5; Rudii bei Glamo
Jo jedan nalaz ranokarolinkog koplja s krilcima iz ljunare Jegeni kraj

Koprivnice
Another Find of an Early Carolingian Winged Spearhead from the Gravel Extraction Plant
of Jegeni near Koprivnica
TAJANA SEKELJ IVANAN
HR 10000 Zagreb
tajana-sekelj.ivancan@iarh.hr


UDK/UDC 904:685.637](497.5-37 Koprivnica)653
Prigodom separacije ljunka, eksploatiranog tijekom 2002. god. na ljunari Jegeni sjeveroistono
od Koprivnice, sluajno je u travnju 2006. god. pronaen donji dio eljeznog koplja. Primjerak pripada tipu koplja s izdueno-listolikim bodilom i tuljcem za usaivanje drvenog drka. Na ukraenom
tuljcu nalaze se dva bona krilca. Prigodom daljnje separacije ljunka koji potjee s istog poloaja,
pronaen je vrh koplja za koji se pretpostavlja da pripada istom predmetu. Novopronaeno koplje s
krilcima iz ljunare Jegeni, prema oblikovnim znaajkama, moe se datirati u razdoblje od posljednjeg desetljea 8. st. do prve treine 9. st., to je potvrdila i C14 analiza ouvanog drva jasena iz
tuljca. Jo jedno koplje s krilcima pronaeno na ljunari uz rijeku Dravu, uz prije objavljene nalaze,
dodatni je prilog pretpostavci o postojanju groblja koje je uniteno eksploatacijom ljunka.
Kljune rijei: koplje s krilcima, ranokarolinki horizont, sluajni nalaz, Koprivnica
A lower part of an iron spearhead was found by chance at the gravel extraction plant of Jegeni
northeast of Koprivnica during the separation of gravel extracted in the course of 2002. The piece
belongs to the type of spearhead with an elongated leaf-shaped head and a socket for hafting the
wooden shaft. There are two lateral wings on the decorated socket. The further separation of gravel
originating from the same site produced a spearhead tip presumed to have belonged to the same
object. Based on its morphological features, the newly-discovered winged spearhead from the
Jegeni gravel plant can be dated to the period between the last decade of the 8th century until the
first third of the 9th century, which was corroborated by the 14C analysis of the preserved ash wood
from the socket. Another winged spearhead, found on the gravel extraction plant next to the Drava
river, in addition to the previously published finds, adds further weight to the assumption about the
existence of a cemetery destroyed by gravel exploitation.
Key words: winged spearhead, early Carolingian horizon, chance find, Koprivnica
Tijekom posljednjih desetljea eksploatiranja i separacije ljunka na Bilokalnikovoj ljunari Jagnje()e, Jagnee ili Jegeni, sjeveroistono od Koprivnice, prikupljeno je
mnotvo predmeta materijalne kulture koji pripadaju vremenu od prapovijesti pa sve do dananjih dana.1 U ovom je
radu pozornost usmjerena na nalaz dijela srednjovjekovnog
eljeznog koplja s krilcima koji je na svjetlo dana dospio u
travnju 2006. god. pri separaciji ljunka eksploatiranog tijekom 2002. god. i deponiranog kraj jezera Jegeni. S istog
mjesta potjee i prije otkriven nalaz cjelovito ouvanog ranokarolinkog koplja s krilcima (Sekelj Ivanan 2003, 81-82;
During the last few decades of exploiting and separating

gravel in the Bilokalnik gravel extraction plant of Jagnje()e,
Jagnee or Jegeni, northeast of Koprivnica, a wealth of objects of material culture was collected, which belong to the
time from prehistory up until the present.1 This paper focuses
on the find of a part of a mediaeval iron winged spearhead,
which saw the light of day in April 2006 during the separation of gravel exploited in the course of 2002 and deposited
next to the Jegeni lake. The same site previously yielded also
a completely preserved early Carolingian winged spearhead
(Sekelj Ivanan 2003, 81-82; Sekelj Ivanan 2004, 109-128, Map
1. Dio predmeta pohranjen je u Muzeju grada Koprivnice, a dio se nalazi u

zbirci nalaznika Ivana Zvjerca iz Toreca, Podravska 9, kojem srdano
zahvaljujem na obavijestima i ustupljenim podacima o oba ranokarolinka
koplja iz ljunare.
1. Part of the finds are deposited in the Koprivnica Municipal Museum,

while the rest is kept in the collection of the finder, Ivan Zvjerac from
Torec, Podravska 9, whom I cordially thank for the information and data
about both early Carolingian spearheads from the gravel plant.
419
T. SEKELJ IVANAN, Jo jedan nalaz ranokarolinkog koplja s krilcima iz ljunare Jegeni kraj Koprivnice, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 419-427.
Sekelj Ivanan 2004, 109-128, Karta 1/1).2 Nadalje, prigodom

daljnje separacije ljunka koji potjee s istog poloaja, pronaen je i vrh koplja koji zasigurno pripada istom predmetu. Na oba dijela koplja bili su vidljivi tragovi veih nakupina
ljunka i pijeska, to upuuje na dulju izloenost predmeta
ljunanom, odnosno pjeskovitom okruju u vodi.
Donji dio bodila koplja je izdueno-listolikog oblika sa
slabo naglaenim sredinjim bridom. Na njega se nadovezuje ouvani tuljac za usaivanje drvenog drka, odnosno
motke. U donjem dijelu, na mjestu gdje se koplje nasauje
na drvenu motku, tuljac ima dva bona, nasuprotno postavljena krilca (T. 1). Duljina donjeg dijela koplja je 19,6 cm,
od ega je 8,5 cm duljina tuljca, a 11,1 cm duljina ouvanog lista. List je punog presjeka u obliku slabo naglaenog
uskog romba debljine 0,8 cm, te najvee irine 3 cm. Vrh
lista koplja duljine je 11 cm, a pretpostavlja se da bi izvorna
duina koplja mogla biti oko 42-45 cm. Promjer donjeg dijela tuljca na mjestu gdje se nasaivao na motku je 2,7 cm,
a suava se prema listu gdje mu je promjer 1,6 cm. Dubina
ouvanog utora na tuljcu za umetanje drvene motke je 10
cm. Ukupan raspon krilaca je 8,3 cm, dok je irina svakog
krilca 2,1 cm. Na mjestu gdje su krilca spojena na tuljac, njihova visina iznosi 3,1 cm, a debljina 0,3 cm. Teina donjeg
dijela koplja je 217,5 grama, a vrha 47,2 grama.
U tuljcu je ouvan ostatak drva motke koji je predan na
ispitivanje.3 Rezultati analize su pokazali da se nedvojbeno
radi o vrsti bijelog ili obinog jasena (Fraxinus excelsior L.),
drva koje je izuzetno pogodno za obradu. Ista vrsta drveta
rabljenog za izradu motke ustanovljena je kod prije pronaenog ranokarolinkoga koplja s krilcima iz iste ljunare
(Sekelj Ivanan 2004, 110), kao i kod koplja iz Cetine (Katalog 2000, 254).
1/1).2 Moreover, during the further separation of gravel originating from the same site, the top of a spearhead was found, which
certainly belongs to the same object. Traces of clusters of gravel
and sand were visible on both spearhead parts, which suggests
that the objects were exposed to a gravelly or sandy environment
in water over an extended period of time.
The lower part of the spearhead has an elongated leaf-shape
form with a barely pronounced central ridge. A preserved socket
for hafting a wooden shaft or pole extends from the head. In
the lower portion, at the point where the spear is hafted onto a
wooden shaft, the socket contains two lateral, oppositely placed
wings (Pl. 1). The length of the lower part of the spearhead is 19,6
cm, of which 8,5 cm is the length of the socket, while 11,1 is the
length of the preserved leaf. The leaf is of a solid cross-section
in the shape of a barely pronounced narrow rhomb 0,8 cm thick
and 3 cm wide on the widest part. The top of the spearhead leaf
is 11 cm long, and it is presumed that the original length of the
spearhead may have been around 42-45 cm. The diameter of the
lower part of the socket at the point where it was hafted onto a
shaft is 2,7 cm and it tapers towards the leaf where its diameter is
1,6 cm. The depth of the preserved groove on the socket for hafting the wooden shaft is 10 cm. The total span of the wings is 8,3
cm, while the width of each wing is 2,1 cm. At the point where the
wings are attached to the socket, their height is 3,1 cm and width
0,3 cm. The weight of the lower part of the spear is 217,5 grams
and of the top 47,2 grams.
The socket contained the preserved remains of the wood of
the shaft, which was sent for analysis. 3 The results of the analysis
undeniably showed that it was a species of white or common ash
(Fraxinus excelsior L.), a type of wood exceptionally suitable for
working. The same type of wood used for the making of the shaft
was established in the case of the previously discovered early
Carolingian winged spearhead from the same gravel plant (Sekelj
Ivanan 2004, 110), as well as in the case of the spear from Cetina
(Katalog 2000, 254).
U prije objavljenom radu, pri obradi prvog pronaenog

koplja s krilcima iz Jegenia, donose se svi, prema oblikovnim znaajkama analogni i do tada evidentirani, nalazi na
podruju Hrvatske te okolnih drava: Slovenije, Bosne i
Hercegovine,4 ali i ireg europskog podruja, sa svom rele-
The previously published paper, in the analysis of the first

discovered winged spearhead from Jegeni, included by then
documented finds analogous in terms of morphological features,
from Croatia and the neighbouring countries Slovenia, Bosnia
and Herzegovina,4 but also from the wider area of Europe, with all
2. U sklopu internacionalne izlobe Charlemagne. The making of Europe

odrane u nekoliko velikih europskih gradova, u koju je bila ukljuena
i Hrvatska, svojom izlobom Hrvati i Karolinzi prezentiranom u
Muzeju hrvatskih arheolokih spomenika u Splitu 2000. god., javnosti
su bili predstavljeni svi do tada poznati arheoloki nalazi s tla Republike
Hrvatske koji su na bilo koji nain bili povezani s Karolinzima. Nalaze s
podruja sjeverne Hrvatske struno i znanstveno obradio je prof. dr. sc.
eljko Tomii (Tomii 2000, 142-161). Inae, veoma rijetki i sporadini
karolinki nalazi na tom podruju u novije su vrijeme upotpunjeni dvama
sluajno pronaenim karolinkim kopljima s krilcima od kojih se jedno
prigodno donosi u ovom radu, u svearskom broju Priloga Instituta za
arheologiju.
3. Analizu je provela dr. sc. Metka Culiberg, znanstvena savjetnica
Biolokog instituta Jovana Hadija ZRC SAZU u Ljubljani. Ovom joj
se prigodom najsrdanije zahvaljujem.
4. Radi se o pojedinanim primjercima koplja s krilcima karolinke provenijencije, a na ovom mjestu izdvojeni su primjerci koji su oblikovno najblii
naem primjerku, oni s identino ukraenim tuljcem. To je primjerak
iz rijeke Cetine kod Trilja (Katalog 2000, 253-254, IV,120) i Poletnice
kod Zadvarja (Jelovina 1976, 120, T. XC,3, fus. 212a; Vinski 1977-1978,
172-173, Sl. 2, fus. 181, 186; Vinski 1981, 20, 49, T. XIII,1, fus. 86; Katalog
2000, 356-358, IV,260a), te prije pronaeno koplje s krilcima iz Jegenia
(Sekelj Ivanan 2004). U hrvatskoj je literaturi objavljeno jo jedno
koplje kao franako koplje s krilcima iz 9. stoljea. Koplje ima neto
drukije izvedene krajeve krilaca, ali identian ukras (Kova 2003, 87,
kat. br. 106). Osim iz Hrvatske, poznati su i primjerci iz razorenog groba
2. All the until then known archaeological finds from the territory of the
Republic of Croatia that are in any way connected with the Carolingians
were presented to the public in the framework of the international exhibition Charlemagne. The Making of Europe, held in several major European
cities, in which Croatia also took part by virtue of its exhibition Croats
and Carolingians, displayed in the Museum of Croatian Archaeological
Monuments in Split in 2000. Prof. eljko Tomii performed the expert
and scholarly analysis of the finds from the territory of northern Croatia
(Tomii 2000, 142-161). Otherwise very rare and sporadic Carolingian
finds in that area have recently been complemented by two chance finds of
Carolingian winged spearheads, one of which is published in this paper, in
the celebratory volume of the Contributions of the Institute of Archaeology.
3. The analysis was carried out by Metka Culiberg, Ph.D., scientific advisor
of the Jovan Hadija Biological Institute of the SRC SASA in Ljubljana.
I thank her most cordially on this occasion.
4. These are single pieces of winged spearheads of Carolingian origin, and
in this place pieces were singled out that are morphologically closest to
our piece those with an identically decorated socket. This is a piece from
the Cetina river near Trilj (Katalog 2000, 253-254, IV,120) and Poletnica
near Zadvarje (Jelovina 1976, 120, Pl. XC,3, foot. 212a; Vinski 1977-1978,
172-173, Fig. 2, foot. 181, 186; Vinski 1981, 20, 49, Pl. XIII,1, foot. 86;
Katalog 2000, 356-358, IV,260a), as well as the previously found winged
spearhead from Jegeni (Sekelj Ivanan 2004). There is also another
spearhead, published in the Croatian literature as a Frankish winged
spearhead from the 9th century. The ends of the wings of that spearhead
420
T. SEKELJ IVANAN, Another Find of an Early Carolingian Winged Spearhead from the Grav. Extract. Plant of Jegeni, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 419-427.
vantnom literaturom (Sekelj Ivanan 2004). Veina koplja s

krilcima iz Hrvatske te susjednih drava, Slovenije i Bosne i
Hrecegovine, opredijeljena je u vrijeme kraja 8. i poetka 9.
st., dok se poneka, robusnija, datiraju i kasnije, u 9. i poetak 10. st., ali su neto drukije oblikovanog tuljca za nasad
(Sekelj Ivanan 2004, 110-114).
Na ovom mjestu valjalo bi se samo ukratko osvrnuti na
uklapanje ulomka novopronaenog koplja s krilcima u ve
razraenu tipologiju. Prema tipologiji koju je za ovu vrst
oruja predloio J. Petersen poetkom 20. st., i drugo pronaeno koplje s krilcima iz ljunare Jegeni pripadalo bi
njegovu tipu B, kao prije naen primjerak iz iste ljunare
te njima najsliniji primjerak iz rijeke Cetine i vie komada
kopalja iz Ljubljanice (Petersen 1919, 23, Fig. 8). Prema novijoj Paulsenovoj tipologiji koplje bi, s obzirom na vitku liniju
lista, ubrazdani ukras na tuljcu i razvijena krilca, pripadalo
kopljima s krilcima tzv. zrelog ili dovrenog oblika, prema
podjeli i paralelama iz Njemake (Paulsen 1967, 257-264,
Abb. 1,1-4). Prema daljnjoj podjeli ovog oblika, s obzirom
na smjetaj i oblik krilaca, novo koplje iz Jegenia pripada
tipu B ili prijelaznom obliku s tipa A na tip B po tipologiji ustanovljenoj za Austriju (Szameit 1987, 167-168, tip A
Abb. 2,1-3, tip B Abb. 3,1, Abb. 5,2) koji se datiraju oko 800.
god. i u poetak 9. st.
Na ouvanom dijelu lista naeg koplja prostim okom
nisu vidljivi tragovi damasciranja. Meutim, kako je za ovu
vrstu predmeta uobiajena primjena jedne od tehnika
damasciranja kao elementa tehnolokog procesa njegove izrade, naknadno je poduzeto rendgensko snimanje.5
Snimke su pokazale da je baza listolikog bodila damascirana, iako se bez dodatnih analiza destruktivnog karaktera
ne moe sa sigurnou ustvrditi radi li se o pravom (kovanom, lijevanom, sastavljenom, sloenom) ili lanom (zavarenom) damastu. Za pretpostaviti je da se radi o zavarenom
damastu kakav je uobiajen za ovu vrstu predmeta kao i
kod prije pronaenog itavoga koplja iz ljunare Jegeni,
za koje je zakljueno kako je najvjerojatnije napravljeno u
tehnici zavarenog damasta (o damasciranju vie u prijanjoj
objavi s popisom literature: Sekelj Ivanan 2004, 117-118).
Na cjelovito ouvanom primjerku koplja iz Jegenia jasno
je uoljiv motiv meandra i sloeniji motiv riblje kosti, dok je
kod novopronaenog ulomka koplja iz Jegenia spajanje
elemenata damastnih ipki rezultiralo jednostavnijim motivom riblje kosti (T. 1, RTG snimak). Prigodom objavljivanja
naem primjerku analognih kopalja s krilcima sa srcolikim
iz Hatelja Dabar polje kod Stoca (Mileti 1963, 160-161, sl. 7b; Vinski
1977-1978, 186; Vinski 1985, 69, sl. 2,3; Katalog 2000, 262, IV,137) te
tzv. drugo koplje iz Mogorjela (koplje a.) (Mileti 1979, T. I-II, T. IV;
Vinski 1981, 20, 49, T. XIII,2, fus. 87; Vinski 1985, 67, sl. 1,3; Katalog
2000, 282, IV,172) iz Bosne i Hercegovine, te nekoliko primjeraka iz
Slovenije, iz rijeke Ljubljanice kod Rakove Jale, juno od Ljubljane od
kojih dva primjerka nemaju krilca iako su identino ukraena (Svoljak et
al. 1997, 259, 262, T. 12,7, T. 16,3, T. 18,3; sl. 34; Bitenc, Knific 1997, 22,
26, sl. 17; 101, 102, sl. 332-334). Ostava oruja iz Sebenja pri Zasipu kraj
Bleda takoer ima identino ukraeno koplje, ali bez krilaca (Pleterski
1987, 241-248, sl. 6a-7; Bitenc, Knific 2001, 94-95, sl. 311,13), a poznato
je i koplje bez krilaca, ukraenog tuljca koje je pohranjeno u Narodnom
muzeju Slovenije u Ljubljani, a potjee s nepoznatog nalazita (Bitenc,
Knific 2001, 102, sl. 333-334).
5. Zahvaljujem Milanu Rastoviu iz Zavoda za zavarivanje na rendgenskom
snimku koplja.
the relevant literature (Sekelj Ivanan 2004). Most of the winged

spearheads from Croatia and the neighbouring countries, Slovenia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, were attributed to the end of
the 8th and the beginning of the 9th century, while some, more
robust pieces are dated also later, to the 9th and the beginning of
the 10th century, only they have a somewhat differently shaped
socket (Sekelj Ivanan 2004, 110-114).
It would be worth making a brief comment here of the fitting
of the fragment of the newly-discovered winged spearhead into
the already elaborated typology. According to the typology for
this type of weapon put forward by J. Petersen at the beginning of
the 20th century, the second discovered winged spearhead from
the Jegeni gravel plant would belong to his type B, same as the
previously discovered piece from the same gravel plant and the
piece that bears the most resemblance to them, from the Cetina
river, as well as several pieces from the Ljubljanica river (Petersen
1919, 23, Fig. 8). According to the recent P. Paulsen typology, considering the slender line of the leaf, the grooved decoration on
the socket and developed wings, the spearhead would belong
to the winged spearheads of the so-called mature or completed
type, according to the classification and parallels from Germany
(Paulsen 1967, 257-264, Fig. 1,1-4). In view of the further classification of that type, regarding the position and shape of the wings,
the new spearhead from Jegeni belongs to type B or the transitional type from A to B after the typology established for Austria
(Szameit 1987, 167-168, type A Fig. 2,1-3, type B Fig. 3,1, Fig.
5,2), which are dated to around 800 and to the beginning of the
9th century.
The preserved part of the leaf of our spearhead does not
reveal visible traces of damascening. However, as one of the
damascening techniques is habitually used as an element of the
technological process of the production of this class of artefacts,
X-ray imaging was subsequently carried out. 5 The images showed
that the base of the leaf-shaped spearhead was damascened,
although without additional analyses of a destructive nature it
can not be established with certainty whether it was the true
(wrought, cast, composite, complex) or false (welded) damascene. It
can be presumed that this was a welded damascene, as is usual
for this class of artefacts, same as in the case of the previously discovered complete spearhead from the Jegeni gravel plant regarding which it was concluded that it was most probably made
by the welded damascene technique (more about damascening
in the previous publication with bibliography: Sekelj Ivanan
2004, 117-118). The completely preserved spearhead from Jegeni
shows a clearly visible meander motif and a more complex fishbone motif, while in the case of the newly-discovered spearhead
are rendered somewhat differently, but the decoration is identical (Kova
2003, 87, Cat. No. 106). Except from Croatia, there are also known pieces
from a destroyed grave from Hatelji Dabar Polje near Stolac (Mileti
1963, 160-161, Fig. 7b; Vinski 1977-1978, 186; Vinski 1985, 69, Fig. 2,3;
Katalog 2000, 262, IV,137) and the so-called second spearhead from
Mogorjelo (spearhead a.) (Mileti 1979, Pl. I-II, Pl. IV; Vinski 1981, 20,
49, Pl. XIII,2, foot. 87; Vinski 1985, 67, Fig.1,3; Katalog 2000, 282, IV,172)
from Bosnia and Herzegovina, in addition to several pieces from Slovenia, from the Ljubljanica river near Rakova Jala, south of Ljubljana, of
which two pieces are lacking the wings even though they are identically
decorated (Svoljak et al., 1997, 259, 262, Pl. 12,7, Pl. 16,3, Pl. 18,3; Fig.
34; Bitenc, Knific 1997, 22, 26, Fig. 17; 101, 102, Fig. 332-334). The hoard
of weapons from Sebenj by Zasip near Bled also contains a spearhead
with identical decoration, but without wings (Pleterski 1987, 241-248,
Fig. 6a-7; Bitenc, Knific 2001, 94-95, Fig. 311,13). There is also a wingless
spearhead with a decorated socket, deposited in the National Museum of
Slovenia in Ljubljana, originating from an unknown site (Bitenc, Knific
2001, 102, Fig. 333-334).
5. I thank Milan Rastovi from the Welding Institute for the X-ray image of
the spearhead.
421
ljebastim ukrasom na tuljcu, nisu doneseni detalji o vrsti

damasciranja, osim konstatacije da su koplja s krilcima iz rijeke Cetine, Poletnice i Mogorjela (koplje a.) damascirana, a
iz crtea je vidljivo da su damascirana i dva koplja s krilcima
iz Ljubljanice (inv. br. 20269; inv. br. V329) (Sekelj Ivanan
2004, 118).
Kako se nadalje ne bi ponavljala ranije iznesena miljenja, valja se osvrnuti samo na nove nalaze ranosrednjovjekovnih koplja s krilcima. Od vremena objavljivanja
spomenutog teksta do danas, u Hrvatskoj je evidentiran i
objavljen jo jedan sluajni nalaz koplja s krilcima. Pronaen je pri vaenju ljunka iz rijeke Kupe pokraj Lasinjske
Kiselice, na mjestu pretpostavljenog staroga gaza preko
rijeke (Beki, 2004, 165-166, sl. 4-5). Koplje je poneto drukije oblikovano od dosadanjih poznatih primjeraka te ga
autor datira u vrijeme 8. st., moda prvu polovicu, a s obzirom na nejasne povijesne prilike u Pokuplju i Posavini u
to vrijeme, otvara i mogunost da je koplje u kraj oko Kupe
mogao donijeti neki franaki vojnik, ili ga je izgubio neki
slavenski vojnik koji je sudjelovao u borbama s Avarima na
strani Franaka. (Beki 2004, 173-174). Prema autoru, ukoliko je koplje bilo u upotrebi tijekom neto dueg vremena, moglo bi ga se vezati uz prodor franake vojske prema
Ljudevitovom uporitu u Sisku, te bi ono tada, zajedno s
drugim ranokarolinkim nalazima s ovog podruja, ocrtavalo granicu Ljudevitove kneevine (Beki 2004, 175-176).
injenica da je pronaeno u rijeci s jedne strane ukazuje na
moguu pretpostavku o kontroli prijelaza preko rijeke, ali
i ve opeprihvaena razmiljanja o nalazima koplja s krilcima iz rijeka kao obredna deponiranja. Tako je i u objavi
novog sluajnog nalaza ove vrste ranosrednjovjekovnog
koplja iz okolice Freiburga, izneseno miljenje o obrednom
deponiranju pronaenog koplja, uz obrazloenje da veina
primjeraka iz razliitih europskih drava predstavlja sluajan nalaz iz rijeka, a rijetko kada su grobni nalaz. Autor se, s
obzirom na odnos kratkoe tuljca spram izduene, veoma
uske otrice za koju smatra da je znaajka mlaeg vremena,
odluuje za vrijeme 9. i 10. st. (Gottschalk 2003, 29, Abb. 1).
Slinu, izduenu i relativno usku otricu ima i nae koplje,
ali ga se ipak ne bi moglo vezati uz predloenu dataciju,
kako zbog njegove gracilnosti, tako i zbog karakteristinog
ljebastog ukrasa na tuljcu. Naime, svi poznati primjerci s
identinim ukrasom iz Hrvatske i susjednih zemalja zasigurno pripadaju neto starijem razdoblju kraja 8. i poetka 9.
st. (Sekelj Ivanan 2004).
Da koplja s krilcima nisu iskljuivo sluajni nalazi izvan
databilnog konteksta i bez ostalih priloga koji bi mogli pomoi u preciznijem odreivanju vremena njihova nastanka
i upotrebe, ukazuje i novi nalaz ranosrednjovjekovnog ratnikoga groba iz Hradeca na Moravici, na leskomoravskoj
granici. Uz koplje s krilcima damascirane otrice, keramiki
lonac, eljeznu sjekiru i no, pronaen je i par tekih ostruga
karolinkog porijekla, s ploicom za zapinjanje. Autor itav
grob, pa tako i koplje, datira u vrijeme prve polovice 9. st., s
moguom preciznijom datacijom oko 850. god., s obzirom
422
fragment from Jegeni the composition of the elements of damascene rods resulted in a simpler fishbone motif (Pl. 1, X-ray image).
In the publication of the analogous pieces of winged spearheads
with cordate grooved decoration on the socket, no details about
the type of damascening were given, except for the observation
that the winged spearheads from the Cetina river, from Poletnica and Mogorjelo (spearhead a) are damascened, and from the
drawing it is visible that the two winged spearheads from the Ljubljanica are likewise damascened (Inv. No. 20269; Inv. No. V329)
(Sekelj Ivanan 2004, 118).
In order to avoid repeating the opinions put forward previously, we shall review only the new finds of early mediaeval winged
spearheads. From the time of publication of the mentioned text
until today, there has been another documented and published
chance find of a winged spearhead. It was discovered during the
extraction of gravel from the Kupa river near Lasinjska Kiselica,
on the spot of the presumed old ford across the river (Beki 2004,
165-166, Fig. 4-5). The shape of the spearhead differs somewhat
from the pieces known so far and the author dates it to the 8th
century, perhaps its first half, and considering the unclear historical circumstances in Pokuplje and Posavina at the time he also
puts forward the possibility that the spear was brought to the area
around the Kupa by a Frankish soldier, or it may have been lost
by a Slavonic soldier who took part in the battles against the Avars on the side of the Franks. (Beki 2004, 173-174). In the authors
opinion, if the spear was in use during a somewhat longer period
of time, it could be connected with the incursion of the Frankish army toward Ljudevits stronghold in Sisak, and it would then,
together with some other early Carolingian finds from this area,
outline the border of Ljudevits princedom (Beki 2004, 175-176).
The fact that it was found in a river points on the one hand to
the possible assumption about the control of the river crossing,
but on the other to the already widely accepted ideas about the
riverine finds of winged spearheads as votive depositions. Thus in
the publication of a new chance find of this type of early mediaeval spearhead from the surroundings of Freiburg the opinion was
put forward that the discovered spearhead had been ritually deposited, with the explanation that most specimens from various
European countries are chance finds from rivers and rarely grave
finds. Having taken into consideration the shortness of the socket
with regard to the elongated and very narrow blade, which he
considers to be a later trait, the author decided to date it to the
period of the 9th and 10th century (Gottschalk 2003, 29, Fig. 1).
Our spearhead also has a similar, elongated and relatively narrow
blade, but even so it could not be linked with the proposed date,
due to its gracility as well as to the characteristic grooved decoration on the socket. All known pieces with identical decoration
from Croatia and neighbouring countries certainly belong to a
somewhat older period the end of the 8th and the beginning of
the 9th century (Sekelj Ivanan 2004).
That winged spearheads are not exclusively chance finds
without a datable context and without accompanying goods that
might help in a more precise determination of the date of their
production and use, is shown also by a new find of an early mediaeval warrior grave from Hradec Nad Moravic, on the border
between Silesia and Moravia. A pair of heavy spurs of Carolingian
origin was found together with a winged spearhead with a damascened blade, a ceramic pot, an iron axe and a knife. The author
dates the entire grave, including the spearhead, to the first half
of the 9th century, with a possibly more precise dating to around
850, considering the dating of this type of spurs (Kouil 2004, 69,
na dataciju ovog tipa ostruga (Kouil 2004, 69, Obr. 6-8).6

Kao prilog preciznijim datacijama ove vrste nalaza provedena je radiokarbonska analiza komada ouvanog drva
iz tuljca. Dobiveni rezultati ukazuju na odreenije vrijeme
samog nastanka koplja, a ne o kraem ili duem razdoblju
njegove upotrebe, odnosno njegova odlaganja. Drvo jasena bilo je upotrijebljeno za motku naega koplja oko godine
calAD 779.7 Jo je na jednom primjerku iz Hrvatske, koplju iz
Cetine, provedena identina C14 analiza, pri emu je drvo
motke cetinskoga koplja datirano u vremenski okvir izmeu
770. i 990. god., a samo koplje datirano je u posljednju treinu 8. st. (Katalog 2000, 253-254, IV.120).
Ovakva datacija uklapa se u opu sliku opredjeljenja
kopalja s krilcima, posebno onih ukraenih lijebljenjem
na tuljcu, upravo u vrijeme oko 800. god. S druge strane,
najpoznatije koplje s krilcima ukraeno identinim srcolikim
ljebastim urezima je njemako Sveto koplje sv. Mauriciusa,
koje pripada vremenu prve polovice 11. st. Kraljevsko koplje kao vladarsku insigniju, ne moemo izravno povezati
s naim kopljem jer je ono nainjeno od franakog koplja
s krilcima na kojem je nainjena rupica na otrici u koju je
stavljena relikvija kria Isusova (avao iz Kristova raspela,
Steuer 1999, 319). Rupica je vezana srebrnom icom, a dvije
iskovane lamele koje su bile privrene s krinim trakama
bile su vjerojatno izrezane od metala koji je bio uzet iz otrice. Na donjem dijelu otrice ovijena je zatitna traka. Opeprihvaeno je miljenje kako se kod Svetog koplja s gotovo
stopostotnom sigurnou moe govoriti o sekundarnoj
upotrebi starijeg, franakoga (ili ranokarolinkog) koplja s
krilcima (Kovcs 2000, 902-903).
O tome zato je za ovako vaan predmet uzeto upravo
koplje iji je tuljac ukraen ljebastim ukrasom, moemo samo nagaati. Je li razlog gracilnost koplja, njegova, uvjetno
reeno, ljepota ukrasa, ostat e nam nepoznanica. Uvrijeeno je miljenje kako su sva koplja s krilcima izraena u radionicama na rajnskom i gornjedunavskom podruju, te da je
ova vrsta obrta vezana za velike centre u sreditu Franakog
kraljevstva (Bhne, Dannheimer 1961, 111, 121). Tako su se
i koplja s karakteristinim ukrasom urezanih linija u obliku
iljastih lukova proizvedena u centru drave Franake i to u
drugoj polovici 8. st. (Ypey, 1982, 246). Ovoj skupini nesumnjivo pripada primjerak sekundarno upotrijebljen za Sveto
6. Kombinacija damasciranog oruja s ostrugama koje imaju ploicu za
zapinjanje poznata je s jo nekih lokaliteta datiranih u prvu polovicu 9.
st. (Pohansko, Pobedim), a autor ih u nastojanju to preciznijeg datiranja,
stavlja najranije u drugu etvrtinu 9. st. Takoer smatra da su i koplja s
krilcima i ostruge bili odraz statusnog simbola, tj. oznaavali su pripadnost drutvenoj eliti i bili su izraivani po narudbi. Grob br. 1 iz Hradeca
s ovom kombinacijom priloga pronaenih uz pokojnika pripisuje nekom
voi vojske (vojnom kapetanu moravskog garnizona) koji je pokopan sa
svojim insignijama oko 850. god. (Kouil 2004, 75). Damascirana koplja
s krilcima na nekim grobljima, kao npr. na groblju Sopronkhida datirana
su u ranu fazu zaposjedanja groblja od prijelaza 8. u 9. st. odnosno do kraja
prve treine 9. st., dok se na istom groblju pojavljuju i ostruge sa sustavom
za zakopavanje koje su datirane oko sredine 9. st., odnosno najkasnije do
kraja druge treine 9. st. (Szke 2004, 377, Abb. 3,14, Abb. 4-7,8; Szke
2004a,135-136, 138-139, fig. 3).
7. AMS-C14 datacija izraena je u Leibniz Labor fr Altersbestimmung
und Isotopenforschung, Christian-Albrechts Universitu Kielu. Najvea
vjerojatnost od 33,8 % starosti drva je jo izmeu (One Sigma Range) cal
AD 788.-830. god.; (Radiokarbon Age: BP 1223 25). Kalibracija je provedena prema CALIB rev 4.3 (Dana set 2), Stuiver et a., Radiocarbon
40, 1041-1083, 1998.
Fig. 6-8).6
A radiocarbon analysis of the preserved piece of wood from
the socket was carried out as a contribution to the more accurate
dating of this type of find. The obtained results point to a more
specific time of the production of the spear, not of the shorter or
longer period of its use or deposition. The ash wood was used for
the shaft of our spear around the year cal AD 779.7 An identical C14
analysis was carried out on another piece from Croatia, a spear
from the Cetina, whose shaft wood was dated to the chronological frame between 770 and 990, and the spear itself was dated to
the last third of the 8th century (Katalog 2000, 253-254, IV.120).
Such dating fits the general picture of placing the winged
spearheads, particularly those with grooved decoration on the
socket, precisely to the period around 800. On the other hand,
the most renowned winged spearhead decorated with identical
cordate grooved incisions is the German Holy Spear of St. Maurice,
which belongs to the first half of the 11th century. A royal spear as
an insignia of a ruler can not be directly connected with our spear
as the former was made from the Frankish winged spearhead on
which a hole was perforated on the blade, into which a relic from
the Cross of Jesus was inserted (a nail from the crucifix of Christ,
Steuer 1999, 319). The hole is connected with a silver wire, and
two small metal sheets attached with cross-straps were probably
cut from the metal taken from the blade. A protective stripe is
wrapped around the lower part of the blade. There is a unanimous opinion that the Holy Spear is an almost one hundred percent certain case of the secondary use of an older, Frankish (or
early Carolingian) winged spearhead (Kovcs 2000, 902-903).
We can only conjecture as to why it was precisely a spear
whose socket was decorated with grooving that was used for such
an important object. It will remain a mystery whether it was the
gracility of the spear, its, so to speak, ornamental beauty. There is
a widely held opinion that all winged spearheads were made in
the workshops in the area of the Rhine and the Upper Danube,
and that this type of craft was connected with large centres in
the middle of the Frankish kingdom (Bhne, Dannheimer 1961,
111, 121). Thus the spearheads with a characteristic decoration of
incised lines in the shape of pointed arches were produced in the
centre of the Frankish state, in the second half of the 8th century
(Ypey, 1982, 246). The piece secondarily used for the Holy Spear
undoubtedly belongs to this group, same as our specimens from
Jegeni and Cetina.
It is not possible to ascertain at present whether all the spear6. A combination of damascened weapons with spurs with a fastening
plaque is known from some other sites dated to the first half of the 9th
century (Pohansko, Pobedim), and the author, aiming at the greatest accuracy possible, places them in the second quarter of the 9th century at
the earliest. He also thinks that both the winged spearheads and the spurs
functioned as symbols of status, i.e. they marked someone as belonging
to the social elite and they were usually commissioned. He attributes
grave No. 1 from Hradec with this combination of goods found next to
the deceased person to a military leader (a military captain of the Moravian garrison), buried with his insignia around 850 (Kouil 2004, 75).
Damascened winged spearheads are dated at some cemeteries, e.g. at the
Sopronkhida cemetery, to the early phase of occupation of cemeteries
from the transition of the 8th to the 9th century, that is until the end of
the first third of the 9th century, while the same cemetery yielded also the
spurs with a buckling system dated to around the mid-9th century, that
is until the end of the second third of the 9th century at the latest (Szke
2004, 377, Fig. 3,14, Fig. 4-7,8; Szke 2004a,135-136, 138-139, Fig. 3).
7. AMS-C14 dating was carried out in the Leibniz Labor fr Altersbestimmung und Isotopenforschung, Christian-Albrechts Universitt in Kiel.
The highest probability of 33,8 % for the age of wood is with a one-sigma
range of cal AD 788-830 (Radiocarbon age: BP 1223 25). The calibration was carried out according to CALIB rev 4.3 (Dana set 2), Stuiver
et al., Radiocarbon 40, 1041-1083, 1998.
423
koplje, ali i nai primjerci iz Jegenia i Cetine.

Potjeu li sva, na isti nain ukraena, koplja iz iste radionice, za sada nije mogue utvrditi. Razlika meu njima oituje
se jedino u ukrasu na krilcima koji se na slinim kopljima s
podruja Hrvatske, Bosne i Hercegovine i Slovenije8 sastoji
od okomitih ulijebljenih linija, dok je sekundarno upotrijebljeno koplje s krilcima za Sveto koplje, ukraeno lijebljenim
kriiem na svakom krilcu. Provedena analiza drva iz triju koplja identino ukraena srcolikom ukrasom, koja su posljednjih godina naena na tlu Hrvatske, i to iz onog iz Cetine-Trilja, te iz naa dva s Jegenia, ukazuju na upotrebu iste vrste
drva za motku koplja. Ova injenica sama po sebi ne znai da
ona potjeu iz iste radionice, ali ne treba je niti zanemariti.
U obradi kopalja s krilcima iz pokrajine vapske, P. Paulsen
za etiri koplja (Salach, Riedheim, Buchau, Tuttlingen), koja
su ukraena karakteristinim ljebastim ukrasom na tuljcu,
izraava uvjerenje da zasigurno potjeu iz istog vremena (iz
oko 800. god.) i iz iste radionice (Paulsen 1967, 257, Abb. 1). I
za E. Szameita upitno je jesu li razliiti oblici krilaca, tuljaca,
damasciranja i sama teina kopalja znaajni za kronoloka pitanja ili su oni ipak odraz razliitih radionica. Ne sumnja da
su upravo primjerci sa ljebastim ukrasom odraz kraja kasnomerovinkog i rane faze karolinkog doba te da se uestalije
pojavljuju na sjevernim i istonim rubovima Franakoga kraljevstva (Szameit 1987, 169). Tek kada e biti puno vie razliitih analiza, kao npr. vrste drva, RTG snimaka, metalografskih,
fraktografskih i analiza ispitivanja tvrdoe metala, moi e se
sa sigurnou odreivati provenijencija tog oruja s obzirom
na pojedinane radionice.
Ukoliko ipak prihvatimo razmiljanja P. Paulsena, pa konano i E. Szameita, da se koplja s karakteristinim srcolikim
ukrasom mogu povezati s pojedinanom radionicom, moemo nadalje razmiljati u tom pravcu da se moda radi o
jednoj od cjenjenijih rajnskih radionica, iji se ugled i znaaj
prenio i na sljedee narataje te bi to moglo biti razlogom
upotrebe upravo ovog tipa koplja s krilcima za predmet koji
odraava transfer ideja i stvari u vremenu druge polovice 10.
i poetka 11. st. To je vrijeme pojave mnogih novih dinastija,
kao npr. Premyslovia ili Arpadovia koji su htjeli legitimirati svoju mo upotrebom odreenih simbola, primjerice, kao
Sveto koplje. Ideja koplja kao insignije, oruja koje se povezivalo s politikom i vojnom snagom, vezivala se i za korijene
kranstva, i to sekundarnom upotrebom predmeta pretvorenog u relikviju (Dulinicz 2004, 63-64, Ryc. 1-2). Ove ideje
prevladavale su u itavoj Europi tog vremena,9 a do danas su
nam ostala sauvana samo dva takva predmeta, spomenuto
njemako koplje sv. Mauriciusa i tzv. poljsko koplje sv. Mauriciusa10 (Dulinicz 2004, 79, Ryc. 11). O ekom koplju sv. Vaclava
na kojem je bila izvjeena zastavica veoma se malo zna (Tetk, Merhautov 2000, 904-906), dok je koplje sv. Stjepana
8. Identian se ukras nalazi na tuljcima kopalja s krilcima iz rijeke Cetine,
Hatelja i Mogorjela (a.), te na nekim primjercima iz rijeke Ljubljanice.
Prije pronaeno koplje s krilcima iz Jegenia nema ukraena krilca.
9. Kraljevska se koplja, kao vladarske insignije, prestaju pojavljivati u
pisanim izvorima i na prikazima nakon 1045. god., kada je poela upotreba ezla. Prvi kralj prikazan sa ezlom je Andrija I. (Kovcs 2000,
903).
10. Radi se o koplju koje je izliveno prema uzoru na njemako koplje sv. Mauriciusa koje se uva u Krakovu. Smatra se da je spomenuto koplje Oton III. na
svom putu za Gniezno darovao Bolesawu Hrabrom. O tome aktu pie Gallus
Anonymus poetkom 12. st. (Kovcs 2000, 902; Dulinicz 2004, 79, Ryc. 11).
424
heads decorated in the same way come from the same workshop.
The differences between them lie only in the decoration on the
wings, which on the similar spearheads from Croatia, Bosnia and
Herzegovina and from Slovenia8 consists of vertical grooved
lines, whereas the winged spearhead secondarily used for the
Holy Spear is decorated with a grooved cross on each wing. The
analysis carried out on the wood from the three spears with identical cordate decoration, found in recent years in the territory of
Croatia the one from the Cetina-Trilj and the two of ours from
Jegeni, indicate the use of the same wood type for the spear
shaft. This fact by itself does not mean that they come from the
same workshop, but it should not be neglected either. In his analysis of winged spearheads from the province of Swabia, for four
spears (Salach, Riedheim, Buchau, Tuttlingen) decorated with the
characteristic grooved decoration on the socket, P. Paulsen believes that they most certainly date to the same period (around
800) and come from the same workshop (Paulsen 1967, 257, Fig.
1). E. Szameit also finds it questionable whether the different
forms of the wings, sockets, damascening and the very weight
of the spearheads are relevant for chronological issues or they
only reflect the different workshops. He does not doubt that precisely the pieces with grooved decoration reflect the end of the
late Merovingian and early phase of the Carolingian period and
that they appear with increasing frequency in the northern and
eastern rims of the Frankish kingdom (Szameit 1987, 169). Only
when many more different analyses have been carried out, e.g.
an analysis of the type of wood, X-ray images, metallographic, a
fractographic analysis and an analysis of the metal hardness tests,
will we be able to determine with certainty the origin of those
weapons with regard to individual workshops.
If, we accept P. Paulsens, and ultimately also E. Szameits
opinion, that the spearheads with the characteristic cordate
decoration can be connected with an individual workshop, we
can further pursue the thought that it may be one of the more
esteemed Rhinish workshops, whose reputation and importance
was transferred also to the subsequent generations, which is what
may have been the reason for the use of precisely this type of
winged spearhead for the object that reflects the transfer of ideas
and things in the period spanning the second half of the 10th and
the beginning of the 11th century. This is a time when many new
dynasties appear, e.g. the Pemyslids or the Arpads, who wanted
to legitimise their authority by the use of certain symbols, for
instance the Holy Spear. The idea of the spear as an insignia, a
weapon connected with political and military power, was linked
also with the roots of Christianity, through the secondary use of
an object turned into a relic (Dulinicz 2004, 63-64, Fig.1-2). These
ideas were dominant throughout Europe of that time,9 and until the present only two such objects have been preserved the
mentioned German spear of St. Maurice and the so-called Polish spear of St. Maurice10 (Dulinicz 2004, 79, Fig. 11). Very little is
known about the Czech spear of St. Vaclav, on which a pennant
was suspended (Tetk, Merhautov 2000, 904-906), while the
spear of St. Stephen is known from depictions on other objects
8. Identical decoration is found on the sockets of winged spearheads from
the Cetina river, from Hatelji and Mogorjelo (a.), and on some pieces from
the Ljubljanica river. The wings of the previously discovered winged
spearhead from Jegeni are not decorated.
9. Royal spears as insignia of rulers cease to appear in the written sources
and on depictions after 1045, when sceptres were introduced. The first
king to be represented with a sceptre was Andrew I (Kovcs 2000, 903).
10. This is a spearhead cast on the model of the German spearhead of St. Maurice,
which is kept in Cracow. It is believed that the mentioned spear was given by
Otto III to Boleslaw the Brave on his way to Gniezno. This deed was described
by Gallus Anonymus at the beginning of the 12th century (Kovcs 2000, 902;
Dulinicz 2004, 79, Fig. 11).
poznato kao prikaz s drugih predmeta (Dulinicz 2004, 71-72,

Ryc. 6-7). Iako se vrijednost ovih predmeta odnosila prvenstveno na okolnosti njihove pojave na povijesnoj pozornici, a
manje na njihov izvorni izgled, ovdje svakako treba imati na
umu mogue razloge sekundarnog koritenja upravo ovog
tipa koplja s krilcima ukraenog tuljca.
(Dulinicz 2004, 71-72, Fig. 6-7). Although the value of these objects related primarily to the circumstances of their appearance
on the historical stage and less on their original shape, we definitely ought to keep in mind here the possible reasons for the
secondary use precisely of this type of winged spearhead with a
decorated socket.
S obzirom na vrlo rijetke nalaze ove vrste na naim prostorima i ire, izuzetno je indikativna okolnost da dva identino ukraena koplja s krilcima datirana u isto vrijeme, tj. sam
kraj 8. i poetak 9. st., potjeu s istog poloaja juno od rijeke
Drave. Stavljajui novopronaeno koplje s krilcima iz ljunare Jegeni u povijesni i prostorni kontekst istonih rubova
Franakog kraljevstva, potrebno je ponoviti neka od prije
iznesenih razmiljanja. Naime, u blioj i daljoj okolici ljunare
Jegeni pronaeno je vie predmeta koji se mogu opredijeliti
u to vrijeme. Radi se o sluajnim nalazima nekoliko ranosrednjovjekovnih eljeznih sjekira i noia (Sekelj Ivanan 2004,
120, fus. 29-30), zatim iz nedaleke oderice nekoliko sjekira i
kratki ma franakog obiljeja, datirani oko 800. god. (Markovi, Zvjerac 2000, 56-57), te eljezni bojni no s dugim trnom
za nasad drka s kraja 8. st. i eljezna sablja takoer datirana
u kraj 8. st. (Katalog 2000, 90, kat. br. II, 10-11; Tomii 2000,
154). Koncentracija nalaza datiranih u kraj 8. i poetak 9. st.
pronaenih upravo na irem prostoru oko ljunara, kao i nalaz dvaju identinih koplja s krilcima, uz okolnost da s istog
poloaja na Jegeniu potjeu i nalazi lubanje starijeg mukarca, ene i djeteta te ivotinjske mandibule konja, potvruju na zakljuak o postojanju ranosrednjovjekovnog groblja
na tom mjestu (Sekelj Ivanan 2004, 120, 122).
Sam prostor ljunare nalazi se na veoma pogodnom
mjestu u blizini kojeg je vjerojatno bio i prijelaz preko rijeke
Drave, ali i glavna komunikacija u prodiranju franake vojske
iz pravca zapada, uzdu Mure i Drave prema istoku na samom
kraju 8. i poetku 9. st. (Tomii 1984, 226-228; Sekelj Ivanan
2004, 122). Ovladavanje rijenim prijelazom i pretpostavljenim cestovnim pravcem, kasnije nazvanim viae Colomani Regis (Demo 1983-1984, 233-234), kao i komunikacija du rijeke
Drave, tenja je stanovnitva svih povijesnih razdoblja, pa
tako i ranosrednjovjekovnog. Ono podrazumijeva odreeni
manji ili vei intenzitet naseljenosti, odnosno razvoj naselja
i groblja u njegovoj blizini. Na alost, arheoloku potvrdu o
njegovu egzistiranju vjerojatno nikad neemo moi dobiti
jer je pretpostavljeno naselje unitila eksploatacija ljunka.
Do nas e vjerojatno i nadalje dolaziti potvrde o postojanju
pretpostavljenog ranosrednjovjekovnog groblja, ali samo u
tragovima, u vidu sluajnih nalaza.
Na kraju valja ponoviti kako je novi nalaz koplja s krilcima izvaen na istom mjestu iz ljunare Jegeni kao i prije
pronaen primjerak, jo jedan doprinos ranije iznesenom
miljenju o postojanju groblja na tom mjestu, koje je zauvijek
uniteno iskoritavanjem ljunka.
Taking into consideration that finds of this type are very rare
in our lands and wider abroad, it is exceptionally indicative that
two identically decorated winged spearheads dated to the same
time, i.e. the very end of the 8th and the beginning of the 9th
century come from the same position south of the Drava river.
By placing the newly-discovered winged spearhead from the
Jegeni gravel plant into the historical and spatial context of the
eastern rim of the Frankish kingdom, we need to repeat some
of the previously mentioned observations. Several objects were
found in the closer and wider surroundings of the Jegeni gravel
plant that can be attributed to the same period. These are chance
finds of several early mediaeval iron axes and small knives (Sekelj
Ivanan 2004, 120, foot. 29-30); further, from nearby oderica,
several axes and a short sword of Frankish features, dated around
800 (Markovi, Zvjerac 2000, 56-57), and an iron battle knife with
a long tang for hafting the handle from the end of the 8th century
and an iron sable, likewise dated to the end of the 8th century
(Katalog 2000, 90, Cat. No. II, 10-11; Tomii 2000, 154). The concentration of finds dated to the end of the 8th and the beginning
of the 9th century discovered precisely in the wider zone around
the gravel extraction plants, as well as the find of two identical
winged spearheads, in addition to the fact that the same position in Jegeni yielded also the finds of skulls of an elderly man, a
woman and a child, as well as a horse mandible, corroborate our
conclusion about the existence of an early mediaeval cemetery at
that position (Sekelj Ivanan 2004, 120, 122).
The zone of the gravel plant itself is situated on a very convenient spot and the crossing over the Drava river probably lay in
its vicinity, same as the main communication for the advance of
the Frankish army from the west, along the Mura and the Drava
eastwards at the very end of the 8th and the beginning of the
9th century (Tomii 1984, 226-228; Sekelj Ivanan 2004, 122). The
control of the river crossing and the presumed land route, later
called viae Colomani Regis (Demo 1983-1984, 233-234), as well as
a communication along the Drava river, was the aim of populations in all historic periods, including the early Middle Ages. Its
prerequisite is a more or less pronounced intensity of settlement,
that is, development of a settlement and a cemetery in its vicinity. Unfortunately, we shall probably never obtain an archaeological confirmation of its existence, considering that the presumed
settlement was destroyed by gravel exploitation. We will probably continue receiving confirmation of the existence of the presumed early mediaeval cemetery, but only in traces, in the form
of chance finds.
At the end it should be repeated that the new find of a winged
spearhead, extracted from the Jegeni gravel plant on the same
spot as the previously found piece, represents yet another contribution to the previously expressed opinion about the existence
of a cemetery at that site, irreversibly destroyed by gravel exploitation.
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T. 1
T. 1:
Foto-snimak, crte i rekonstrukcija novopronaenog koplja s krilcima iz ljunare Jegeni (Foto i crte M. Gregl; RTG snimak M. Rastovi)
Pl. 1: A photographic image, drawing and reconstruction of the newly-discovered winged spearhead from the Jegeni
gravel extraction plant (Photo and drawing by M. Gregl; X-ray image by M. Rastovi)
427
Ulomak arhitravne grede iz zvonika franjevakog samostana na Koljunu

A Fragment of an Architrave from the Franciscan Monastery on Koljun
MIRJA JARAK
Odsjek za arheologiju Filozofskog fakulteta
Ivana Luia 3
HR 10 000 Zagreb
mjarak@ffzg.hr


UDK/UDC 726.71.04(497.5)(210.7 Koljun)
726.71.033.4
U radu se opisuje ulomak predromanikog arhitrava, pronaen u zvoniku franjevakog samostana

na Koljunu. Ulomak ima vrlo jasne stilsko-radionike karakteristike koje upuuju na njegovu
uu dataciju i povezivanje sa srodnim spomenicima na irem prostoru srednjovjekovne Hrvatske
i bizantske Dalmacije. Rije je o radionici iz vremena kneza Branimira, koja je u naoj literaturi
povezana s veim brojem benediktinskih samostana, a takvo odreenje mogao bi dodatno
potvrivati novopronaeni ulomak s Koljuna.
Kljune rijei: Koljun, benediktinski samostan, arhitravna greda, knez Branimir, benediktinska
klesarska radionica
This paper describes a fragment of a pre-Romanesque architrave, found in the bell-tower of the
Franciscan monastery on Koljun. The fragment has very clear features regarding the style and
workshop, indicating its narrower dating and relationship with similar monuments in the wider
territory of medieval Croatia and Byzantine Dalmatia. This is a workshop from the time of prince
Branimir, brought into connection in our literature with a large number of Benedictine monasteries
a view that may find further corroboration in the newly discovered fragment from Koljun.
Key words: Koljun, Benedictine monastery, architrave, prince Branimir, Benedictine stone carving
workshop
U bogatoj zbirci franjevakog samostana na Koljunu,

meu ranosrednjovjekovnim kamenim spomenicima odnedavno se nalazi jo jedna zanimljivost ulomak predromanike arhitravne grede. Ulomak je, prema usmenom
priopenju patera Mavra Velnia, pronaen prije nekoliko
godina u zvoniku franjevakog samostana na Koljunu,
gdje je bio upotrijebljen kao graevni materijal. Budui da
svojim ornamentalnim repertoarom omoguuje cjelovitu
interpretaciju, unato samo fragmentarnoj ouvanosti i
nepoznavanju izvornog konteksta, novopronaeni ulomak
pojavljuje se kao vrlo zanimljivo djelo koje bi moglo svjedoiti, ako ne o ranoj prisutnosti benediktinaca, onda svakako
o ranim benediktinskim utjecajima na otoku Krku.
Ovaj ulomak iz zvonika franjevakog samostana na
Koljunu predstavlja dio arhitravne grede, oteen na oba
kraja. Na lijevom kraju oteenje je zahvatilo sam poetak
arhitrava, to se razabire iz ouvanog poetka natpisa u donjem pojasu spomenika. Poetak natpisa je, naime, cjelovito ouvan, te je tu oteenje najmanje i zahvatilo je rubni
dio donjeg pojasa ispred poetka natpisa. U gornja dva
1. Na ovom mjestu zahvaljujem pateru Mavru Velniu na podacima o spomeniku i doputenju za njegovo fotografiranje.
A recent addition to the rich collection of the Franciscan

monastery on Koljun is another interesting item belonging
among the early medieval stone monuments a fragment of
a pre-Romanesque architrave. According to a verbal account
by father Mavro Velni, the fragment was found several years
ago in the bell-tower of the Franciscan monastery on Koljun,
where it had been used as building material. Given that its ornamental repertory enables a comprehensive interpretation, in
spite of its only fragmentary preservation and lack of information about the original context, the newly discovered fragment
emerges as a very interesting work that might bear testimony,
if not to the early presence of the Benedictines, then certainly
to the early Benedictine influences on the island of Krk.
This fragment from the bell-tower of the Franciscan monastery on Koljun is a part of an architrave, damaged at both ends.
The damage on the left end affected the very beginning of the
architrave, as inferred from the preserved beginning of the inscription in the lower belt of the monument. The beginning of
the inscription has been entirely preserved, and here the damage is minimal, spreading over the edge of the lower belt of the
monument. The damage in the upper two belts is greater, and
1. Here I would like to express my gratitude to pater Mavro Velni for the
information about the monument and the permission to photograph it.
429
M. JARAK, Ulomak arhitravne grede iz zvonika franjevakog samostana na Koljunu, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 429-435.
Sl. 1 Ulomak arhitravne grede iz zvonika franjevakog samostana na Koljunu (snimila M. Jarak)
Fig. 1 A fragment of the architrave from the bell-tower of the Franciscan monastery on Koljun (photo by M. Jarak)
Sl. 2 Dio ulomka arhitravne grede iz zvonika franjevakog samostana na Koljunu (snimila M. Jarak)
Fig. 2 A part of the fragment of the architrave from the bell-tower of the Franciscan monastery on Koljun (photo by M. Jarak)
430
M. JARAK, A Fragment of an Architrave from the Franciscan Monastery on Koljun, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 429-435.
pojasa oteenje je vee, te ornamentalni nizovi pereca u

srednjem i kuka u gornjem pojasu, nisu cjelovito ouvani.
Na desnom kraju greda je prelomljena, te su sva tri horizontalna pojasa ostala nedovrena (sl. 1).
Koljunska arhitravna greda izraena je od vapnenca.
Dimenzije ouvanog ulomka su sljedee: duina: 73 cm; visina: 22,5 cm; debljina: 9 cm.
Arhitrav je podijeljen u tri horizontalna pojasa. U gornjem pojasu su kuke prilino dobre izrade, na niskoj nozi.
Noga je plastino naglaena, a zavojnica lijepo kruno oblikovana sa sredinjim ispupenjem. Sredinji pojas, odvojen
s dva uska plastina rebra, znatno je iri od rubnih pojaseva.
Ornamentalni motiv pereca koji je ispunjavao srednji pojas,
u znatnoj je mjeri otuen, tako da se niz meusobno povezanih pereca samo djelomino ouvao. Bolje je ouvana
donja polovica ornamentalnog niza pereca, gdje se jasno
vidi tropruta izvedba motiva. U donjem horizontalnom
pojasu nalazi se natpis, pisan prilino dobro oblikovanim
slovima koja tvore cjelovite rijei i tipine kontrakcije. Rije
je o poetnom dijelu jednog posvetnog natpisa, u kojem
se vjerojatno spominjao donator povezan s crkvom kojoj je
pripadao crkveni namjetaj s ouvanim ulomkom arhitravne grede. U natpisu se ita podua invokacija i zamjenica
ego. Ime osobe i eventualna titula kao i sadraj donacije, nisu naalost ouvani na preostalom ulomku arhitravne grede. Iz ouvanog dijela natpisa moe se samo zakljuiti o povezanosti jedne osobe s nekom predromanikom crkvom,
kao to je to inae uobiajeno u naoj predromanici.
Pri razgledavanju ulomka pater Mavro Velni dao je
svoje itanje natpisa: In nomine D(omi)ni n(ost)ri [Ie]shu
Chr(ist)i ego. itanje zaista ne zadaje tekoe, jer su kontrakcije sadrane u natpisu vrlo poznate i este, kako u
starokranskim tako i u ranosrednjovjekovnim natpisima (Testini 1980, 350-351; Kaufmann 1917, 297; Marucchi
1911, Pl. XXX,2). U natpisu su sve rijei i kontrakcije dobro
vidljive, osim oblika koji bi trebao oznaavati Isusovo ime,
kod kojeg poetna slova nisu jasno vidljiva, a pojavljuju se
slova SHV s vodoravnom crticom iznad slova. Izmeu ovih
vidljivih slova i prethodne kontrakcije NRI prilino je velik
razmak koji upuuje na postojanje poetnih slova Isusova
imena (sl. 2). Budui da su rijei sadrane u invokaciji na
koljunskom natpisu brojne i dane u uobiajenom slijedu,
navedeno itanje natpisa s cjelovitim Isusovim imenom,
prilino je pouzdano. U tom sluaju je crta, koja oznaava
kontrakciju iznad slova SHV, nepotrebna. Poznato je da se
oblik Iesu u naim ranosrednjovjekovnim natpisima pojavljuje kao IHV (Delonga 1996, 389) ili IHS (Delonga 1995,
130), u oba sluaja s crticom koja oznaava kraticu. H je u
tim primjerima znak za e (grko eta). Na koljunskom natpisu H se pojavljuje iza S i predstavlja, zapravo, suvino slovo
koje se moe pripisati ranosrednjovjekovnim nepravilnostima kojima obiluju ranosrednjovjekovni natpisi. Kao moda
najpoznatiji primjer dodavanja suvinog slova H u naim
ranosrednjovjekovnim natpisima, istie se primjer na tzv.
sarkofagu Ivana Ravenjanina, gdje je H dodano na poetku
rijei. Meu slinim nepravilnostima koje se mogu nai i na
posebno vanim, kneevskim natpisima, moe se spome-
the ornamental sequences of pretzels in the middle belt and

hooks in the upper one have not been entirely preserved. The
beam is broken on the right end, leaving all three horizontal
belts unfinished (Fig. 1).
The Koljun architrave was made of limestone. The dimensions of the preserved fragment are as follows: length: 73 cm;
height: 22,5 cm; thickness: 9 cm.
The architrave is divided into three horizontal belts. The
workmanship of the hooks in the upper belt, on a short foot, is
quite fine. The foot is accentuated in relief, while the curve has a
nice circular form with a central bulge. The middle belt, separated by two narrow relief ribs, is much wider than the edge belts.
The ornamental motif of a pretzel, which filled the middle belt,
is beaten off to a significant degree, so that the sequence of
interconnected pretzels has remained only partially preserved.
The lower half of the ornamental sequence of the pretzels, with
a clearly visible three-strand rendering of the motif, is better
preserved. The lower horizontal belt bears an inscription, written in quite neatly shaped letters forming complete words and
typical contractions. This is the beginning of a votive inscription, which probably mentioned the donor connected with the
church to which the furniture with the preserved fragment of
the architrave belonged. The inscription contains a rather long
invocation and the pronoun ego. The name of the person and
the possible title as well as the nature of the donation have unfortunately not been preserved in the remaining fragment of
the architrave. From the preserved part of the inscription one
can only draw conclusions about the relationship of a person
with a certain pre-Romanesque church, as was usual in our preRomanesque period.
Having examined the fragment, father Mavro Velni offered
his reading of the inscription: In nomine D(omi)ni n(ost)ri [Ie]shu
Chr(ist)i ego. The reading indeed does not present difficulties,
as the contractions in the inscription are very well-known and
frequent, in early Christian as well as in early medieval inscriptions (Testini 1980, 350-351; Kaufmann 1917, 297; Marucchi 1911,
Pl. XXX,2). All the words and contractions in the inscription are
clearly visible but for the form that supposedly marks the name
of Jesus, where the first letters are not clearly visible and the letters SHV appear with a horizontal bar above the letters. There
is a considerable distance between these visible letters and the
previous contraction NRI, indicating the existence of the first
letters of Jesus name (Fig. 2). As the words present in the invocation on the Koljun inscription are numerous and appear in
the usual sequence, the suggested reading of the inscription
with the complete name of Jesus is fairly sound. In that case
the line indicating a contraction above the letters SHV is redundant. It is known that the form Iesu appears in our early medieval inscriptions as IHV (Delonga 1996, 389) or IHS (Delonga
1995, 130), in both cases with a line marking the abbreviation.
In these examples H is the mark for e (the Greek eta). On the
Koljun inscription H follows S and it is, in fact, a redundant
letter attributable to early medieval irregularities in which early
medieval inscriptions abound. Perhaps the best known example of the addition of a redundant letter H in our early medieval inscriptions appears on the so-called sarcophagus of John
of Ravenna, where an H is added at the beginning of the word.
Among similar irregularities appearing even on particularly important, princely inscriptions, we can mention the example of
the incorrect order of letters on the inscription from Nin with
Branimirs name on it.
431
nuti primjer pogrenog redoslijeda slova na natpisu iz Nina

s Branimirovim imenom.
Pored invokacije, u natpisu je ouvana samo rije ego. U
toj rijei pojavljuje se specifian oblik romboidnog O. Rije
je o pravilnom obliku romba bez produenih krakova. To je
slovo u paleografikom pogledu svakako najistaknutije na
koljunskom natpisu. Meu natpisima s hrvatskog teritorija
koje je skupila V. Delonga, najslinije romboidno O nalazi se
na poznatom Branimirovu natpisu iz Otresa (Delonga 1996,
217, T. LXXI,182). Ovo je prilino vana paralela, jer i neke
druge znaajke upuuju na povezanost izmeu predromanikih ulomaka iz Otresa i Koljuna. Oblik romboidnog O
bez produenih krakova datira se u naoj literaturi od kraja 9. pa do u 11. st. (Buri 1990, 240-241). Paleografiki pregled oblika slova s naih ranosrednjovjekovnih natpisa koji
je dala V. Delonga, potvruje tu dataciju slova O u obliku
istog romba (Delonga 1996, 393-414). Tu se kao najraniji,
sigurno datirani natpis sa slovom O u obliku istog romba,
pojavljuje natpis iz Otresa. Ako bi ovo datiranje primijenili
na koljunski natpis, doba kneza Branimira moglo bi predstavljati donju vremensku granicu za izradu arhitravne grede iz zvonika koljunskog samostana.
Ulomak arhitravne grede iz koljunskog samostana
odlikuje se odabirom ornamentalnih motiva koji se moe
usporediti s nizom nalaza predromanikih arhitravnih greda s razliitih lokaliteta u ranosrednjovjekovnoj Hrvatskoj
i bizantskoj Dalmaciji. O tim je arhitravnim gredama i slinosti u odabiru ornamentalnih motiva i njihovu rasporedu
u horizontalne pojaseve, pisao N. Jaki koji je i definirao
predromaniku radionicu koju, izmeu ostalog, obiljeava
podjela arhitrava na tri pojasa, od kojih dva sadre ornamentalne motive kuka i pereca, a u treem se obvezno nalazi natpis (Jaki 2000, 208-212). Tu radionicu, ija se djela
prepoznaju na nizu lokaliteta, N. Jaki je nazvao benediktinskom klesarskom radionicom i datirao u vrijeme kneza
Branimira. Do takva odreenja doao je na temelju injenice to se vei broj lokaliteta na kojima se mogu prepoznati
djela navedene radionice, izravno ili neizravno povezuje sa
sigurno utvrenim benediktinskim samostanima. Kako ak
s tri lokaliteta s nalazima arhitravnih greda specifinih karakteristika, to obiljeavaju izdvojenu klesarsku radionicu,
potjeu natpisi s imenom kneza Branimira (Mu Gornji, Nin
i Otres), cijela se produkcija benediktinske klesarske radionice moe sigurno datirati u vrijeme kneza Branimira, odnosno u posljednja desetljea 9. st.
Novopronaena arhitravna greda s Koljuna u potpunosti odgovara arhitravima s lokaliteta koje je izdvojio N.
Jaki i definirao kao lokalitete na kojima su bila prisutna
djela benediktinske klesarske radionice iz doba kneza Branimira. Iz toga proizlazi i datacija koljunske grede u vrijeme kneza Branimira, odnosno u kraj 9. st. Usporedbom sa
srodnim spomenicima s lokaliteta koje je izdvojio N. Jaki,
moe se ukazati na spomenike s kojima koljunska greda pokazuje najvie dodirnih toaka. To je u prvom redu
fragmentarno ouvani arhitrav iz crkve Sv. Krevana u Zadru. Dva ulomka arhitravne grede koji pripadaju desnom
432
In addition to the invocation, the only preserved word in the

inscription is ego. A specific form of a rhomboidal O appears in
that word a rhomb of regular shape without extended arms.
In terms of palaeography this letter is certainly the most prominent one on the Koljun inscription. Among the inscriptions
from the Croatian territory collected by V. Delonga, the most
similar case of a rhomboidal O is found on the renowned Branimir inscription from Otres (Delonga 1996, 217, Pl. LXXI,182). This
is quite an important parallel, because certain other features
also point to the connection between the pre-Romanesque
fragments from Otres and Koljun. The form of a rhomboidal O
without extended arms is dated in our literature from the end
of the 9th until the 11th century (Buri 1990, 240-241). A palaeographic review of the letter forms from our early medieval inscriptions presented by V. Delonga confirms such dating of the
letter O in the form of a pure rhomb (Delonga 1996, 393-414).
The inscription from Otres appears here as the earliest securely
dated inscription with the letter O in the form of a pure rhomb.
If we apply such dating to the Koljun inscription, the period of
prince Branimir might represent the lower chronological limit
for the production of the architrave from the bell-tower of the
Koljun monastery.
The fragment of the architrave from the Koljun monastery
features a selection of ornamental motifs comparable with a
series of finds of pre-Romanesque architraves from various
sites in early medieval Croatia and Byzantine Dalmatia. N. Jaki
wrote on those architraves and similarities in the selection of
ornamental motifs and their layout in horizontal belts. He
also determined a pre-Romanesque workshop, characterized
among other things also by the division of the architrave into
three belts, two of which contain ornamental motifs of hooks
and pretzels, while the third invariably contains an inscription
(Jaki 2000, 208-212). This workshop, whose works are recognized on a number of sites, N. Jaki called a Benedictine stonecarving workshop, and dated it to the time of prince Branimir.
He based this conclusion on the fact that a large number of
sites on which products of the discussed workshop can be
recognized, are directly or indirectly connected with securely
determined Benedictine monasteries. Taking into consideration that there are as much as three sites with the finds of architraves of specific features, marking a separate stone-carving
workshop, that at the same time yielded inscriptions bearing
the name of prince Branimir (Mu Gornji, Nin and Otres), the
entire production of the Benedictine stone-carving workshop
can be securely dated to the time of prince Branimir, i.e. the last
decades of the 9th century.
The newly discovered architrave from Koljun entirely corresponds to the architraves from the sites that N. Jaki singled out and defined as the sites containing works from the
Benedictine stone-carving workshop from the time of prince
Branimir. Consequently, the Koljun architrave is dated to the
time of prince Branimir, that is, to the end of the 9th century. By
comparison with the related monuments from the sites singled
out by N. Jaki one can point to the monuments with which
the Koljun architrave shows the most common features. This
primarily applies to a fragmentary architrave from St. Chrysogonus (Sv. Krevan) church in Zadar. Two fragments of the architrave, belonging to the right architrave of the altar partition
and bearing the final part of the votive inscription, were found
in 1888 in the floor of St. Chrysogonus church in Zadar (Ivekovi
1931, 25, Pl. XIV, Fig. 46; Hrvati i Karolinzi (Croats and Caroling-
arhitravu oltarne pregade i na kojima se nalazi zavrni dio

posvetnog natpisa, pronaena su 1888. god. u podu crkve
Sv. Krevana u Zadru (Ivekovi 1931, 25, T. XIV, sl. 46; Hrvati
i Karolinzi 2000, III.54). Kuke u gornjem pojasu arhitrava iz
Sv. Krevana posve su istih obiljeja kao i kuke na koljunskoj gredi. Odlikuje ih plastina neralanjena noga i velika
kruno oblikovana zavojnica. Kuke slinih obiljeja, ali preciznije izrade, prisutne su na ulomcima iz Otresa i Stupova
u Biskupiji. Meutim, na tim lokalitetima sveukupni izgled
pojaseva na arhitravnim gredama neto je drukiji nego na
ulomcima iz Sv. Krevana i s Koljuna. U Otresu i Stupovima
srednji pojas s motivom pereca je znatno ui i drukije klesan nego na ulomcima iz Sv. Krevana i s Koljuna (Delonga
1996, T. XXI, T. LXXI). U Lepurima, gdje takoer susreemo
slino oblikovane kuke, pojas s perecima je zamijenio mjesto s natpisnim pojasom, pa se utoliko lepurski ulomci razlikuju od ulomaka s drugih lokaliteta iste predromanike
radionice (Delonga 1995a, 303-324; Jaki 2000, 208-212). S
obzirom na navedene razlike u pogledu oblikovanja dvaju ornamentalnih pojaseva, koljunskoj arhitravnoj gredi
ostaju najsliniji ulomci iz zadarskog Sv. Krevana. Ta slinost se dodatno potencira usporedbom natpisa iz Sv. Krevana i s Koljuna. U oba natpisa susree se isto oblikovano
romboidno O koje se, na temelju datiranog natpisa iz Otresa, moe pripisati vremenu kneza Branimira. U natpisima iz
Sv. Krevana i s Koljuna su primjetne i razlike, posebno u
upotrebi kontrakcija i ligatura. Na koljunskom natpisu koriste se kontrakcije a ligatura nema, dok je na arhitravu iz
Sv. Krevana prisutna samo jedna kratica (P za PRO), a ee
se pojavljuju ligature. Te razlike, meutim, mogu se zanemariti u odnosu na slinosti koje postoje, kako izmeu dva
natpisa, tako i izmeu ukupnog izgleda ulomaka iz Zadra i
s Koljuna. Na temelju tih slinosti moglo bi se zakljuiti o
nesumnjivom zajednikom porijeklu tih ulomaka.
Dok su neki lokaliteti s djelima benediktinske klesarske
radionice precizno datirani u doba kneza Branimira (to su
prvenstveno lokaliteti s Branimirovim imenom u natpisima), kljuni benediktinski lokalitet na naoj obali Jadrana,
crkva i samostan Sv. Krevana u Zadru, predstavlja problem
u pogledu tonog datiranja pojave benediktinaca i vremena izgradnje prve crkve na mjestu kasnije crkve i samostana Sv. Krevana. Openito se u literaturi navodi siguran
podatak da je crkvu dao izgraditi zadarski prior Andrija s
predstavnikom gradskog nobiliteta Fuskulom, kojoj je prior
Andrija 918. god. oporuno ostavio dio svojeg imutka. Kako
se u oporuci priora Andrije spominje i opat Odolbert, sigurno je poetkom 10. st. ve postojao i samostan Sv. Krevana
(Ostoji 1964, 39; Katii 1998, 422). Korijeni tog samostana vjerojatno su znatno stariji, jer su u Zadru u ranije doba
djelovali egipatski monasi koji su osnovali samostansku
zajednicu (Katii 1998, 422). Na temelju postojeih izvora
ne moe se ustanoviti kada je tono utemeljen samostan
Sv. Krevana. Autori koji su u novije doba pisali o crkvi i samostanu, uglavnom tematiziraju zbivanja iz 10. i kasnijih
stoljea, kada o zadarskom samostanu svjedoe pouzdani
izvori poevi od oporuke priora Andrije i izvora o ponov-
ians) 2000, III.54). The hooks in the upper belt of the architrave
from St. Chrysogonus have completely identical features to
those on the Koljun beam. They are characterized by an unsegmented relief foot and a large circular curve. The hooks with
similar features but more precise workmanship are present on
the fragments from Otres and Stupovi in Biskupija. However, on
these sites the overall appearance of the belts on architraves is
somewhat different from that on the fragments from St. Chrysogonus and from Koljun. In Otres and Stupovi the middle belt
with the pretzel motif is considerably narrower and differently
carved than those on the fragments from St. Chrysogonus and
from Koljun (Delonga 1996, Pl. XXI, Pl. LXXI). In Lepuri, where
we also encounter similarly shaped hooks, the belt with pretzels traded places with the inscription belt, so in that respect
the Lepuri fragments differ from those from other sites of the
same pre-Romanesque workshop (Delonga 1995a, 303-324;
Jaki 2000, 208-212). Considering the mentioned differences
regarding the shaping of two ornamental belts, the Koljun architrave finds closest relatives in the fragments from St. Chrysogonus in Zadar. This similarity is additionally reinforced by
the comparison of the inscriptions from St. Chrysogonus and
from Koljun. Both inscriptions contain an identically shaped
rhomboidal O which, on the basis of the dated inscription
from Otres, can be attributed to the time of prince Branimir.
The inscriptions from St. Chrysogonus and from Koljun reveal also differences, particularly in the usage of contractions
and ligatures. Contractions are used on the Koljun inscription,
but ligatures are not, whereas on the architrave from St. Chrysogonus only one abbreviation is used (P for PRO), while the
ligatures appear more frequently. These differences, however,
can be neglected when compared with the existing similarities
between the two inscriptions as much as between the overall
appearance of the fragments from Zadar and from Koljun. On
the basis of those similarities one could reach the conclusion
about the indisputable common origin of those fragments.
While certain sites with the works of the Benedictine stonecarving workshop are precisely dated to the time of prince
Branimir (primarily the sites with Branimirs name in the inscriptions), the key Benedictine site on our Adriatic coast, the church
and monastery of St. Chrysogonus in Zadar, presents a problem
when it comes to the precise dating of the appearance of the
Benedictines and the time of construction of the first church at
the spot of the later church and monastery of St. Chrysogonus.
In general, the literature brings as an established fact that it
was the Zadar prior Andrija that had the church built together
with representative of the city nobility Fuscul to which prior
Andrija bequeathed a part of his property in 918. As the will of
prior Andrija mentions also abbot Odolbert, it is certain that
the monastery of St. Chrysogonus had already existed by the
beginning of the 10th century (Ostoji 1964, 39; Katii 1998,
422). The roots of that monastery are probably much earlier,
considering that Aegyptian monks, who founded a monastic community, were active in Zadar in previous times (Katii
1998, 422). The exact date when the monastery of St. Chrysogonus was established cannot be ascertained on the basis of
the existing sources. The authors that recently wrote about the
church and the monastery mostly concentrate on the events
from the 10th and later centuries, when reliable sources bear
testimony to the Zadar monastery, starting with the testament
of prior Andrija and the sources telling of the rebuilding of the
monastery in 986 (Freidenberg 1980-81, 31-70; Vei 1990, 163-
433
noj izgradnji samostana 986. god. (Freidenberg 1980-81,

31-70; Vei 1990, 163-178; Katii 1998, passim). O vjerojatno ranijem osnutku samostana, u 9. st., svjedoe podaci o
ranijoj samostanskoj zajednici egipatskih monaha koja je
s translacijom moi sv. Krevana posveena novom zatitniku sv. Krevanu. Takoer i nalazi ulomaka crkvenog namjetaja unutar romanike crkve Sv. Krevana, upuuju na
postojanje ranije crkve iz 9. st. Meu tim ulomcima, pored
fragmenata arhitravne grede koji su opisani u ovom radu,
nalazi se jo nekoliko ulomaka ciborija, pluteja i arhitravnih
greda (Petricioli 1990, 198; Juri 1990, 270-272). Ovdje su
osobito zanimljiva dva razliita ulomka arhitravne grede,
od kojih jedan ima ornamentalne nizove karakteristine za
benediktinsku klesarsku radionicu, ali bez natpisnog pojasa, a drugi drukiji odabir i izvedbu ornamenata. Ta je dva
ulomka objavio R. Juri (Juri 1990, 271), koji je ulomke iz
Sv. Krevana datirao u drugu polovicu 9. st. Ulomci stilski
razliito oblikovanih arhitravnih greda, upuuju svakako na
izmjene crkvenog namjetaja i u skladu s tim na rano doba
izgradnje crkve Sv. Krevana. Kao matina ustanova benediktinaca na istonoj obali Jadrana, samostan Sv. Krevana
sigurno je odigrao vanu ulogu pri formiranju benediktinske klesarske radionice iz vremena kneza Branimira. Visoka
kakvoa plastike te radionice govori o njezinom ishoditu u
bizantskim dalmatinskim gradovima, odakle su se utjecaji
mogli iriti na hrvatski teritorij. U tom kontekstu formiranje kvalitetne klesarske radionice svakako upuuje na ranije utemeljenje samostana koji je vjerojatno predstavljao
ishodite klesarske djelatnosti benediktinaca u doba kneza
Branimira.
Visok stupanj podudarnosti izmeu zadarskih ulomaka
arhitrava i novopronaenog ulomka na Koljunu, govori u
prilog izrade koljunskog spomenika u zadarskoj radionici
ili o djelovanju zadarskih benediktinskih klesara na otoku
Krku. injenica da je koljunska greda pronaena na mjestu
gdje je od 12. st. sigurno postojao benediktinski samostan,
otvara i vrlo zanimljivo pitanje o vremenu osnutka prvih
benediktinskih samostana na otoku Krku. Naime, iako je
graevni materijal za izgradnju samostanskog kompleksa
na otoiu Koljunu nesumnjivo dovoen na sam otoi,
vrlo je zanimljiva podudarnost u pronalasku jedne predromanike grede s obiljejima benediktinske klesarske
radionice iz kraja 9. st. upravo na mjestu gdje je postojao
benediktinski samostan, iji se prvi poeci i tono vrijeme
utemeljenja ne mogu sigurno utvrditi.
178; Katii 1998, passim). The probable earlier foundation of

the monastery, in the 9th century, is testified by the information about an earlier monastic community of Aegyptian monks,
which following the translation of the relics of St. Chrysogonus
was dedicated to the new patron, St. Chrysogonus. The finds of
fragments of church furniture within the romanesque church
of St. Chrysogonus likewise point to the existence of an earlier
church from the 9th century. Among these fragments, in addition to those of the architrave described in this paper, there
are several other fragments of ciboria, plutei and architraves
(Petricioli 1990, 198; Juri 1990, 270-272). Of particular interest
here are two different fragments of architraves, one of which
contains ornamental sequences typical for the Benedictine
stone-carving workshop, but lacking the inscription belt, while
the other has a different selection and rendering of the ornaments. These two fragments were published by R. Juri (Juri
1990, 271), who dated the fragments from St. Chrysogonus to
the second half of the 9th century. The fragments of architraves
revealing different stylistic forms certainly point to alterations
in the church furniture and in line with this also to an early date
of construction of St. Chrysogonus church. As the central institution of the Benedictines on the eastern coast of the Adriatic,
the monastery of St. Chrysogonus certainly played an important role in the formation of the Benedictine stone-carving
workshop from the time of prince Branimir. The high quality
sculpture of that workshop speaks of its origins in the Byzantine Dalmatian towns, from where the influences might have
spread to the Croatian territory. In that context the formation
of a quality stone-carving workshop certainly suggests an earlier foundation of the monastery that probably represented the
starting point of the stone-carving trade of the Benedictines in
the time of prince Branimir.
The many similarities between the Zadar architrave fragments and the newly discovered fragment on Koljun speak
in favour of the manufacture of the Koljun monument in the
Zadar workshop, or of the activity of the Zadar Benedictine
stone-carvers on the island of Krk. The fact that the Koljun
beam was found on the spot where a Benedictine monastery
certainly existed from the 12th century, raises a very interesting question about the time of the founding of the first Benedictine monasteries on Krk. Even though the building material
for the construction of the monasterial complex on the islet of
Koljun was undoubtedly brought to the islet, the correspondence in the discovery of a pre-Romanesque beam with features
of the Benedictine stone-carving workshop from the end of the
9th century precisely on the spot of a Benedictine monastery,
whose first beginnings and the precise time of foundation cannot be ascertained is certainly very interesting.
U pisanim izvorima prva vijest o samostanu na Koljunu potjee iz 1186. god. Tada se spominje koljunski opat
Ivan, kanonik (Ostoji 1964, 183). Iz ove vijesti ne proizlazi
vrijeme osnutka koljunskog samostana. Ostaci trobrodne
i troapsidalne samostanske crkve otkriveni su u novije doba u istraivanjima unutar dananje franjevake crkve na
Koljunu (Lipovac 1993, 131-142; Giaconi 1993, 145-150). Po
tipolokim obiljejima ta bi se crkva mogla datirati u 11. ili
12. st., svakako prije prvog spomena samostanskog opata u
drugoj polovici 12. st. Meu nalazima unutar temelja benediktinske trobrodne crkve, otkrivene su i dvije grobnice ko-
The first note in written sources about the monastery on

Koljun comes from 1186. It mentions a Koljun abbot by the
name of John (Ivan), a dean (Ostoji 1964, 183). The note does
not reveal when the Koljun monastery was founded. The remains of a three-aisled and three-apsed monasterial church
were recently discovered in the excavations within the presentday Franciscan church on Koljun (Lipovac 1993, 131-142; Giaconi 1993, 145-150). On the basis of the typological features that
church may be dated to the 11th or 12th century, certainly before
the first mention of the monasterial abbot in the second half of
the 12th century. Two tombs were discovered among the finds
within the foundations of the Benedictine three-aisled church,
which on the basis of the masonry features and relationship
434
je prema znaajkama zidanja i odnosu prema strukturama

trobrodne bazilike, prethode izgradnji te crkve. Prema miljenju istraivaa, te bi grobnice mogle biti kasnoantike i
upuuju na postojanje nekih starijih graevinskih struktura
na otoiu (Lipovac 1993, 140-141). U posljednjim istraivanjima unutar franjevake crkve 2003. i 2004. god., otkriveni
su sitni nalazi kakvi su poznati i iz ranijih istraivanja, koji
upuuju na koritenje prostora tijekom kasne antike. Rije
je o nalazima kasnoantikoga graevnog materijala i dijelovima amfora (Blei 2004, 166-167). Za sada nema nalaza
koji bi govorili o kasnoantikoj crkvi, iako spomenute dvije
grobnice, ukoliko su kasnoantike, upuuju na mogunost
postojanja kasnoantike crkve.
U kontekstu tih spoznaja treba istaknuti mogunost da
je predromanika arhitravna greda otkrivena u zvoniku na
Koljunu, izvorno bila namijenjena jednoj koljunskoj ranosrednjovjekovnoj crkvi, moda ve postojeeg benediktinskog samostana. U tom sluaju dodatno bi se uvrstila
zapaanja o pripadnosti crkvenog namjetaja specifinih
obiljeja kakva se zapaaju i na koljunskoj arhitravnoj gredi, benediktinskoj klesarskoj radionici koja je krajem 9. st.
opremila crkvenim namjetajem nekoliko crkava benediktinskih samostana. Ako se ova pretpostavka ne bude mogla
potvrditi nekim novim nalazima, onda e postojanje ulomka crkvenog namjetaja benediktinske klesarske radionice
na Koljunu trebati pripisati pukom sluaju i okolnostima
koje izmiu argumentiranom obrazloenju.
to the constructive parts of the three-aisled basilica, precede

the building of that church. The excavator believes that these
tombs might belong to late antiquity, and they point to the existence of some earlier building structures on the islet (Lipovac
1993, 140-141). In the latest excavations within the Franciscan
church in 2003 and 2004, small finds were discovered similar
to those known from previous excavations, which indicate the
usage of the space during late antiquity. These finds consist of
building material from late antiquity and of parts of amphorae (Blei 2004, 166-167). So far there have been no finds that
would speak of a church from late antiquity, even though the
two mentioned tombs, if they indeed date from late antiquity,
indicate the possibility of existence of a church from late antiquity.
In the context of this new understanding it should be
stressed that it is possible that the pre-Romanesque architrave
discovered in the bell-tower on Koljun was originally intended
for an early medieval church on Koljun, perhaps that of the already existing Benedictine monastery. If this is so, this would
add further strength to the observations regarding the affiliation of the church furniture with specific features, perceptible
also on the Koljun architrave, to the Benedictine stone-carving
workshop, which supplied church furniture to several churches
of Benedictine monasteries towards the end of the 9th cent. In
case no new finds are discovered to confirm this assumption,
the existence of the fragment of church furniture from the Benedictine stone-carving workshop on Koljun will have to be attributed to pure chance and circumstances eluding a reasoned
interpretation.
Blei M., 2004, Crkva Blaene Djevice Marije, HAG 1/2004, Zagreb,
166-167.
Buri T., 1990, Tko je bio prokonzul trogirskoga natpisa, ShP 20/1990,
Split, 239-249.
Delonga V., 1995, Donatorski natpis upana Gostihe iz crkve Sv. Spasa u
Cetini (Vrh Rici), ShP 22/1995, Split, 117-140.
Delonga V., 1995a, Predromaniki spomenici iz crkve Sv. Martina u Lepurima kod Benkovca, PrilpuD 35/1995 (Petriciolijev zbornik I), Split,
303-325.
Delonga V., 1996, Latinski epigrafiki spomenici u ranosrednjovjekovnoj
Hrvatskoj, Split
Freidenberg M. M., 1980-81, Samostan Sv. Krevana i Zadar u X.-XIV.
stoljeu, Radovi Zavoda JAZU u Zadru, 27-28/1980-81, Zadar,
31-70.
Giaconi H., 1993, Prikaz prijedloga idealne rekonstrukcije tlocrta crkve
Sv. Marije benediktinske opatije na Koljunu, u: Umjetnost na
istonoj obali Jadrana u kontekstu europske tradicije, posebno
izdanje Zbornika Pedagokog fakulteta, Rijeka, 145-150.
Hrvati i Karolinzi, 2000, Dio II, Katalog, Split
Ivekovi . M., 1931, Crkva i samostan Sv. Krevana u Zadru, Djela JAZU,
knj. XXX, Zagreb
Jaki N., 2000, Klesarstvo u slubi evangelizacije, u: Hrvati i Karolinzi, Dio

I, Rasprave i vrela, Split, 192-213.
Juri R., 1990, O moguem muzeju samostana Sv. Krevana, u: 1000 godina samostana Sv. Krevana u Zadru, Zadar, 269-289.
Katii R., 1998, Litterarum studia, Knjievnost i naobrazba ranoga hrvatskog srednjovjekovlja, Zagreb
Kaufmann C. M., 1917, Handbuch der altchristlichen Epigraphik, Freiburg
im Breisgau
Lipovac G., 1993, Zatitna arheoloka istraivanja samostanske
franjevake crkve Navjetenja Blaene Djevice Marije na Koljunu,
u: Umjetnost na istonoj obali Jadrana u kontekstu europske tradicije, posebno izdanje Zbornika Pedagokog fakulteta, Rijeka, 131142.
Marucchi O., 1911, Christian Epigraphy, Chicago
Ostoji I., 1964, Benediktinci u Hrvatskoj, sv. II, Split
Petricioli I., 1990, Umjetnika batina samostana Sv. Krevana do 16.
stoljea, u: 1000 godina samostana Sv. Krevana u Zadru, Zadar,
197-219.
Testini P., 1980, Archeologia cristiana, Edipuglia
Vei P., 1990, Opatija Sv. Krevana u Zadru - razvoj prostorne cjeline, u:
1000 godina samostana Sv. Krevana u Zadru, Zadar, 163-178.
2. Ovaj prilog prouavanju predromanikog crkvenog namjetaja posveujem

prof. dr. eljku Tomiiu koji je djelatno vezan i uz otok Krk, o ijim je
antikim i srednjovjekovnim spomenicima i sam pisao.
2. I dedicate this contribution to the study of pre-Romanesque church

furniture to Prof. eljko Tomii, who has a professional interest in the
island of Krk, of whose monuments from antiquity and the Middle Ages
he has also been writing.
435
Okov korica knjige iz groba u Nitri-indolki*

Buchdeckelbeschlag aus einem Grab in Nitra-indolka*
GABRIEL FUSEK
Akademick 2
SK 94921 Nitra

UDK/UDC 904:726.821](437.6 Nitra-indolka)653
U prilogu se autor bavi nalazima iz groba djeteta bjelobrdske kulture otkrivenog na nalazitu Nitraindolka. Meu predmetima koji predstavljaju dio ogrlice, nalazio se okov korica knjige u obliku
kria koji je, na temelju popratnih nalaza, datiran u razdoblje izmeu 955.-1030. godine.
Kljune rijei: Slovaka, grob, bjelobrdska kultura, okov korica knjige
Der Autor setzt sich im Beitrag mit den Funden aus einem Kindergrab der Bijelo-Brdo-Kultur, das in
Nitra-indolka gefunden wurde, auseinander. Unter den Gegenstnden, die eine Halskette bilden,
befand sich ein kreuzfrmiger Buchdeckelbeschlag, der anhand von Begleitfunden in die Zeit um
955-1030 datiert wird.
Schlsselwrter: Slowakei, Grab, Bijelo-Brdo-Kultur, Buchdeckelbeschlag
V prspevku autor publikuje nlezy z jednho detskho hrobu belobrdskej kultry njdenho v Nitreindolke. Medzi predmetmi tvoriacimi nhrdelnk sa nachdzalo kovanie vzby knihy krovitho
tvaru, datovanho sprievodnmi nlezmi do obdobia rokov 955-1030.
Kov slov: Slovensko, hrob, belobrdsk kultra, kovanie vzby knihy
U sklopu zatitnih iskapanja provedenih 1985. i 1986.
godine u Nitri na poloaju indolka, Pod Drovskou cestou,
meu ostalim istraivana su dva susjedna groblja jednostavnog
stanovnitva bjelobrdskog tipa (cjelokupni pregled nalazita
v.: Fusek 2006). Rubovi grobalja bili su meusobno udaljeni
samo oko 30 m. Na veem od dvaju grobalja, koje je istraivano
na povrini F, otkrivena su 204 groba, a na manjem, koje je
istraivano na povrini E, iskopano je 99 grobova. Groblje F
djelomino je uniteno prilikom izgradnje prometnice, dok je
groblje E iskopano u cijelosti. Jedinstveni nalaz okova korica
knjige iz groba E299 predmetom je ovog rada.
Grob E299 (sl. 1)
Grob djeteta neutvrene dobi (infans), na temelju nalaza
vjerojatno je rije o djevojici, u ispruenom poloaju na leima,
s rukama poloenima na obraze. U podruju vrata pronaena je
ogrlica (1). Grobna raka bila je gotovo pravokutna sa zaobljenim
uglovima (d. 131 cm, . 42-48 cm, d. 88 cm), orijentacije ZJZ-ISI
(254).
1. Ogrlica se sastojala od sljedeih dijelova:
a) lijevano bronano puce s uicom u obliku gljive (d. 11
mm);
b) lijevan srebrni okov korica knjige u obliku kria, s tri
plitke okrugle zatvorene ruice s otvorima, s etvrtom ruicom
* Prilog je napisan u okviru istraivakog projekta 2/6123/26 Agencije
VEGA.
Whrend einer Rettungsgrabung in den Jahren 1985

und 1986 wurden in Nitra, in der Lage indolka, in der Flur
Pod Drovskou cestou, unter anderem auch zwei benachbarte Grberfelder einfachen Volkes des Bijelo-Brdo-Typs
untersucht (Gesamtbersicht ber die Fundstelle siehe:
Fusek 2006). Sie waren mit ihren Rndern nur etwa 30 m
voneinander entfernt. Auf dem greren von ihnen, das auf
der Flche F untersucht wurde, sind 204 Grber entdeckt
worden, auf dem kleineren Grberfeld, das auf der Flche
E untersucht wurde, sind 99 Grber freigelegt worden. Das
Grberfeld F wurde beim Bau einer Strae teilweise zerstrt, das Grberfeld E wurde ganz freigelegt. Der einzigartige Fund eines Buchdeckelbeschlags aus dem Grab E299
wurde zum Gegenstand der vorliegenden Studie.
Grab E299 (Abb. 1)
Das Grab eines Kindes unbestimmten Alters (infans),
nach Funden handelte es sich wahrscheinlich um ein Mdchen, in der gestreckten Lage am Rcken, mit den im Becken eingelegten Hnden. Im Halsbereich wurde eine Halskette gefunden (1). Die Grabgrube war praktisch rechteckig
mit abgerundeten Ecken (L. 131 cm, B. 42-48 cm, T. 88 cm),
mit der Orientierung in die Richtung WSW-ONO (254).
* Der Beitrag wurde im Rahmen des Forschungsprojektes 2/6123/26 der
VEGA Agentur geschrieben.
437
G. FUSEK, Okov korica knjige iz groba u Nitri-indolki, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 437-442.
1. Die Halskette bestand aus den folgenden Bestandteilen:

a) aus einem gegossenen bronzenen pilzfrmigen
senknopf (L. 11 mm);
b) aus einem gegossenen, silbernen, kreuzfrmigen
Buchdeckelbeschlag mit drei flachen kreisfrmig abgeschlossenen Armen mit ffnungen, einem vierten nach
oben gewlbten Arm, am Ende leicht nach unten gebogen
(L. 25 mm, B. 17 mm). Der Krper ist am Rcken mit einer
Rippe gekantet, auf der unteren Seite befindet sich eine
Einsenkung mit positivem Textilienabguss, einer Spur nach
der Formung des Modellierungswachses auf dem Stoff
(Abb. 2);
c) aus einer flachen prismenfrmigen Bernsteinperle (B.
12 mm, L. 11 mm);
d) aus einer nicht festgestellten Menge von kleinen auseinander gehenden weien Glasperlen.
Sl. 1 Nitra-indolka. Grob E 299 s pripadajuim nalazima

Abb. 1 Nitra-indolka. Grab E299 und aus diesem Grab stammende
Funde
zasvoenom prema gore, koja je pri zavretku lagano svinuta

prema dolje (d. 25 mm, . 17 mm). Tijelo je na hrptu rebrasto
izdignuto, s donje strane nalazi se udubljenje s pozitivnim
odljevom tkanine, to ukazuje na oblikovanje voskom na tkanini
(sl. 2);
c) plitka jantarna perla u obliku prizme (. 12 mm, d. 11 mm);
d) neutvrena koliina sitnih razvedenih bijelih staklenih
perli.
Na temelju nalaza koji potjeu iz groba E299, nije mogue
njegovo preciznije datiranje. Srebrni okov korica knjige, kojim
emo se jo baviti s gledita njegove funkcije, predstavlja
zaseban nalaz i nije ga mogue datirati. Sitne perle, tzv. zrnca
neutvrena oblika, u okviru istraivanog razdoblja kronoloki su
neosjetljiva (Szilgyi 1994, T. III-IV).
Lijevana mala bronana puceta s uicom ubrajaju se u
predmete istonoeuropske provenijencije koji su inili tipian
dio staromaarske muke i enske odjee. Nekada su se u
velikom broju i u redovima privrivala na odjeu, drugdje ih
nalazimo samo privrene u parovima, odnosno koristila se
samo glava. Razliit broj kao i poloaj u grobovima ukazuje na
to da su puceta s uicom imala razliite namjene (Gallina, Hajdrik
1998, 158). Osim za kopanje odjee, pojedini dijelovi pronaeni
u podruju vrata izmeu perli, ukazuju na to da ih se nosilo na
ogrlicama kao privjeske. Ovakvo je tumaenje B. Szke (1962, 79)
odbio kao zabludu nekih znanstvenika. S druge strane, A. Tok
(1987, bilj. 70) pretpostavlja da upravo u grobovima s veim
brojem puceta s uicama ne treba iskljuiti mogunost kako su
sluila kao niz na ogrlicama. To, meutim, nije ba vjerojatno,
budui da su tipian ukras raskone staromaarske enske
nonje predstavljale skupine limenih ploica, meu ostalim i s
pucetima s uicama (npr., Blint 1991, 66-69). U indolki su mala
lijevana puceta s uicama pronaena u tri groba; u svakom grobu
bio je po jedan komad. Na temelju poloaja ispod perli imali
su sekundarnu funkciju, kao privjesci na ogrlicama. Puceta ove
vrste ubrajaju se u predmete koji su se odrali iz staromaarskog
438
Eine genauere Datierung des Grabes E299 ist anhand

der Funde, die aus diesem Grab stammen, nicht mglich.
Der silberne Buchdeckelbeschlag, mit dem wir uns noch aus
der Sicht der Funktion beschftigen werden, ist ein besonderer Fund und ist an sich nicht datierbar. Kleine Perlen, die
sog. Grieperlen nicht festgestellter Form sind im Rahmen
der untersuchten Periode chronologisch nicht empfindlich
(Szilgyi 1994, T. III-IV).
Die gegossenen kleinen bronzenen senknpfe gehren zu den Gegenstnden osteuropischer Herkunft,
die den typischen Bestandteil altmagyarischer mnnlicher und weiblicher Kleidung gebildet haben. Einige von
ihnen wurden an die Kleidung in Reihen und in greren
Mengen befestigt, ein anderes Mal wurden sie nur in Paaren befestigt bzw. es wurde nur ein Knopf verwendet. Verschiedene Mengen und auch die Lage in Grbern deuten
darauf hin, dass die senknpfe verschiedene Funktionen
hatten (Gallina, Hajdrik 1998, 158). Auer dem Zuknpfen
der Kleidung deuten vereinzelte Stcke, die beim Hals zwischen den Perlen gefunden wurden, darauf hin, dass sie
auch auf den Halsketten als Anhngsel getragen wurden.
Solche eine Interpretation lehnte B. Szke (1962, 79) als ein
Irrtum einiger Forscher ab. Auf der anderen Seite setzt A.
Tok voraus (1987, Anm. 70), dass eben die greren Mengen von senknpfen in den Grbern nicht ausschlieen,
dass sie als Halsbandperlen gedient haben konnten. Das ist
allerdings nicht sehr wahrscheinlich, weil fr eine prchtige
altmagyarische Frauentracht die Verzierung mit Kollektionen von Gewandbesatzblechen typisch war, unter denen
auch mit senknpfen (z. B. Blint 1991, 66-69). In indolka
wurden kleine gegossene senknpfe in drei Grbern gefunden, in jedem Grab war immer nur ein Stck. Nach der
Lage unter den Perlen wurden sie immer sekundr als Anhngsel auf den Halsketten verwendet. Die Knpfe dieser
Art gehren zu den Gegenstnden, die aus der altmagyarischen Periode bis in die Zeit der Grberfelder des Bijelo-Brdo-Typs berlebten. (Giesler 1981, 88-91). Die Tatsache, dass
sie in indolka keinen Bestandteil der Tracht waren, kann als
Hinweis auf die jngere Datierung verstanden werden, als
es die magyarische Landnahmezeit ist.
G. FUSEK, Buchdeckelbeschlag aus einem Grab in Nitra-indolka, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 437-442.
Sl. 2 Nitra-indolka. Okov korica knjige iz groba E299. Pogled odozgo, odozdo, ispod, sprijeda i bono. Uvean prikaz
Abb. 2 Nitra-indolka. Buchdeckelbeschlag aus dem Grab E 299. Obere, untere, vordere und seitliche Ansicht. Vergrert
razdoblja sve do vremena grobalja bjelobrdskog tipa (Giesler

1981, 88-91). injenica da oni u indolki nisu bili dio nonje
moe se shvatiti kao pokazatelj datiranja u razdoblje mlae od
maarskog naseljavanja.
Lijevana puceta s uicama u dva su sluaja pronaena
na ogrlicama uz jantarne perle. Jantarne se perle nalaze na
ranosrednjovjekovnim grobljima u razliitim vremenskim
razmacima. No za indolku je karakteristino da se, kada
je rije o datiranim predmetima, jantarne perle u drugim
grobovima pojavljuju prije svega u kombinaciji sa srebrnim
sljepooniarkama u obliku slova S od ice sa iroko raskucanom
petljom i lijevanim bronanim zatvorenim prstenima s
trostrukom ukrasnom ploicom koja je ukraena tijelima i
iskucavanjem. Radi se o ukrasnim predmetima karakteristinima
za stariji horizont pokapanja na groblju E, odnosno za srednji
horizont groblja F. S podruja rasprostranjenosti grobalja
bjelobrdske kulture potjeu sljepooniarke u obliku slova S
sa iroko raskucanom petljom (tzv. tip Nitra sljepooniarki
aplovi 1954, 30), osobito u jugozapadnoj Slovakoj i
susjednim podrujima Maarske. Poeci njihova pojavljivanja
danas se datiraju u razdoblje prijelaza 10. na 11. st., odnosno
od 90-tih godina 10. st. (Hanuliak 1994, 41; Rejholcov 1995,
58). Na groblju F one su, praktiki, ograniene na dio grobova
koji su datirani nalazima novca iz razdoblja Arpadovia (Fusek
1998, 101, sl. 22), kao i prsteni s iskucanim obruem. Analogno
tome, prsteni s iskucanim obruem ne pojavljuju se ak niti u
najkasnijoj fazi pokapanja na groblju u Halimbi (Giesler 1981,
113). Prema Gy. Trk (1962, 49-50), mogue je da su dospjele u
Halimbu u pojedine zajednice koje su se pokapale u razdoblju
na prijelazu od 10. do 11. st. Poevi od tipoloko-kronoloke
sheme bjelobrdske kulture J. Gieslera (1981, T. 53,36), prsteni s
iskucanim obruem dio su njezinog inventara tek od kraja rane
faze I. stupnja bjelobrdske kulture, zadravi se do sljedee faze.
Najvea skupina prstena ovog tipa pronaena je na groblju
Mal Kosihy, u tamonjem najmlaem horizontu koji obuhvaa
90-te godine 10. st. i traje do 80-tih godina 11. st. Meutim, ovo
razdoblje nije pomnije razraeno (Hanuliak 1994, 52, 68, sl. 48).
Na temelju dosad navedenih injenica, kao i na temelju
cjelokupne situacije na groblju E, gdje za razliku od groblja F
Die gegossenen senknpfe wurden in zwei Fllen auf

den Halsketten zusammen mit den Bernsteinperlen gefunden. Die Bernsteinperlen befinden sich auf den frhmittelalterlichen Grberfeldern in verschiedenen Zeitabschnitten. Fr indolka ist jedoch charakteristisch, dass von den
datierenden Gegenstnden die Bernsteinperlen in den
anderen Grbern auf den hiesigen Grberfeldern vor allem mit silbernen S-frmigen Schlfenringen aus Draht mit
breit gehmmerter Schleife und mit gegossenen bronzenen geschlossenen Fingerringen mit dreifach getrepptem
Schmuckschild, das mit Rinkrpern und Stemplung verziert
ist, kombiniert werden. Es handelt sich um Schmuckgegenstnde, die den lteren Bestattungshorizont auf dem
Grberfeld E, bzw. den mittleren Horizont auf dem Grberfeld F charakterisieren. Aus dem Verbreitungsgebiet
der Grberfelder des Bijelo-Brdo-Typs befinden sich die
S-frmigen Schlfenringe mit breit gehmmerter Schleife
(der sog. Nitraer Typ der Schlfenringe aplovi 1954, 30)
besonders in der Sdwestslowakei und in den anliegenden
Gebieten von Ungarn. Die Anfnge ihres Vorkommens sind
heutzutage in die Zeit um die Wende vom 10. zum 11. Jh.
bzw. von den 90er Jahren des 10. Jh. datiert (Hanuliak 1994,
41; Rejholcov 1995, 58). Auf dem Grberfeld F schlieen sie
sich praktisch mit dem Areal der Grber, die anhand der Arpadenzeitlichen Mnzen datiert wurden, aus (Fusek 1998,
101, Abb. 22), wie auch die Fingerringe mit getrepptem
Schmuckschild. hnlich sind die Fingerringe mit getrepptem Schmuckschild nicht einmal in der sptesten Belegungsphase auf dem Grberfeld in Halimba vorgekommen
(Giesler 1981, 113). Nach Gy. Trk (1962, 49-50) knnen sie
in Halimba in die einzelnen Bestattungsverbnde in der
Zeit um die Wende vom 10. zum 11. Jh. geraten sein. Ausgehend von dem typologisch-chronologischen Schema der
Bijelo-Brdo-Kultur von J. Giesler (1981, T. 53,36) erscheinen
die Fingerringe mit getrepptem Schmuckschild in ihrem Inventar erst zu Ende der frhen Phase der Bijelo-Brdo-Stufe I
und berleben bis in die nchste Phase. Die grte Kollekti-
439
G. FUSEK, Okov korica knjige iz groba u Nitri-indolki, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 437-442.
Sl. 3 Nitra-indolka. Rekonstrukcija uporabe okova korica knjige

Abb. 3 Nitra-indolka. Rekonstruktion der Benutzung des Beschlags
von dem Bucheinband
ne postoje kombinacije predmeta tipinih za ranu fazu I. stupnja

bjelobrdske kulture te, osim nekoliko iznimaka, nisu pronaeni
ni grobovi s nalazima iz II. stupnja bjelobrdske kulture, prijeko je
potrebno datirati grob E299 u mlau fazu I. stupnja bjelobrdske
kulture. Prema apsolutnoj dataciji konvencionalne kronologije
grobalja bjelobrdskog tipa, koja je izloena u vie radova sveara
. Tomiia (npr., 1991, T. VII; 1993; 1993a, T. 19; 1994-1995, sl.
16; 1998-1999, T. 3; 2000, T. 3), rije je o razdoblju izmeu 995. i
1030. godine. Ovakva tona datacija mora se uzeti uz odreenu
fleksibilnost, u naem sluaju moda vie prema 10. st.
Ranosrednjovjekovni metalni dijelovi uveza knjige ubrajaju
se u rijetke arheoloke nalaze. Uzrok tome je ne samo rijetka
pojava tada postojeih knjiga, nego i injenica da su, osobito
u 15. st., prvobitni okovi korica uklanjani s knjiga i zamjenjivani
ravnim okovima, ime se spreavalo unitavanje drugih knjiga
dijelovima koji su strili (Gabriel 1991, 65). Primjerci pronaeni
pri iskapanju obino se datiraju na temelju popratnih nalaza
(Wemhoff 1997, 335, 337). Okov korica knjige iz groba E299 s
nalazita Nitra-indolka pomou zakovice je otvorima u tri ruice
privren za korice knjige, a etvrta, svijena ruica strila je iznad
ruba. Inae se na izboenje okova korica knjige provlaila kopa
uice. Kopa je privrena na kraj remena koji je bio uvren s
donje strane uveza. Ako remen za zatvaranje nije imao metalnu
kopu, jednostavno ga se provlailo kroz otvor na izboenju
okova korica. Izboenje nalaza iz Nitre nije istroeno zbog
uestale uporabe, lagano je svinuto te usko, bez proirenog dijela
na zavretku. Mogue je da se na njega privrivao remen bez
metalne kope, slino kao to se trn kope umee u remen (sl. 3).
Kope su bile rasporeene ili pojedinano na kraim stranama
ili po dvije na duljoj strani knjige (Gabriel 1991, sl. 7,9; Haseloff
1981, 65-66, sl. 22), ili je nekoliko kopi bilo na duljoj strani knjige,
odnosno neke su knjige imale samo jednu kopu (sl. 4).
Izravne analogije naem nalazu nisu poznate. Opisani sustav
zatvaranja knjiga bio je u uporabi od razdoblja Karolinga do
kasnog srednjeg vijeka (Hass-Gebhard 2006, 272). Zakovice za
uvrivanje ukomponirane u trokut imaju originalne okove
iz do danas sauvanog Kodeksa biskupa Viktora iz Fulde
iz 8. st. (Gabriel 1991, sl. 3,1; Haseloff 1981, sl. 22). Ukraen
ranosrednjovjekovni nalaz s lokaliteta Domburg auf Walcheren
440
on von Fingerringen dieses Typs wurde auf dem Grberfeld

in Mal Kosihy gefunden, wo sie in den dortigen jngsten
Horizont gelegt wird, der die 90er Jahre des 10. Jh. bis die
80er Jahre des 11. Jh. umfasst. Diese Zeitspanne wurde jedoch nicht detaillierter gegliedert (Hanuliak 1994, 52, 68,
Abb. 48).
Auf Grund der bisher angefhrten Tatsachen und auf
Grund der Gesamtsituation auf dem Grberfeld E, wo im
Unterschied zum Grberfeld F keine Kombinationen der fr
die frhe Phase der Bijelo-Brdo-Stufe I typischen Gegenstnde vorhanden sind und bis auf einige Ausnahmen auch
keine Grber mit den Funden der Bijelo-Brdo-Stufe II vorhanden sind, ist es notwendig, das Grab E299 in die jngere
Phase der Bijelo-Brdo-Stufe I zu datieren. In den absoluten
Daten der konventionellen Chronologie der Grberfelder
des Bijelo-Brdo-Typs, wie sie in mehreren Arbeiten vom Jubilar . Tomii ausgearbeitet wurde (z. B. 1991, T. VII; 1993;
1993a, T. 19; 1994-1995, Abb. 16; 1998-1999, T. 3; 2000, T. 3),
geht es um die Zeit zwischen den Jahren 995-1030. So eine genaue Datierung muss mit einer gewissen Flexibilitt
wahrgenommen werden, in unserem Fall vielleicht in die
Richtung in das 10. Jh.
Die frhmittelalterlichen Metallbestandteile eines Bucheinbands gehren zu den seltenen archologischen Funden. Dies verursacht nicht nur das seltene Vorkommen von
den damals existierenden Bchern, sondern auch die Tatsache, dass besonders im 15. Jh. von den Bucheinbnden die
ursprnglichen Buchbeschlge entfernt und durch flache
Buchbeschlge ersetzt wurden, wodurch die Zerstrung
von anderen Bchern durch herausragende Teile vermieden wurde (Gabriel 1991, 65). Bei den Ausgrabungen gefundene Exemplare werden blich mittels der Begleitfunde
datiert (Wemhoff 1997, 335, 337). Der Buchdeckelbeschlag
aus dem Grab E299 in Nitra-indolka wurde mit einer Niete
durch die ffnungen in drei Armen zum Buchdeckel befestigt und der vierte gewlbte Arm ragte ber dem Rand
hervor. Normalerweise wurde auf den berstand des Buchdeckelbeschlags die se der Buchschliee eingefdelt. Die
Buchschliee wurde an das Ende des Riemens angebracht,
der auf der unteren Seite des Bucheinbands befestigt war.
Wenn der Verschlussriemen ohne Metallschliee war, wurde er einfach durch die ffnung auf den berstand des
Deckelbeschlages eingefdelt. Der berstand des Fundes
aus Nitra ist nicht schbig durch den hufigen Gebrauch, er
ist leicht gebogen und schmal ohne Verbreitung am Ende.
Es ist mglich, dass an ihn der Riemen ohne einer Metallschliee befestigt wurde, hnlich wie der Dorn der Schnalle
in den Grtel (Abb. 3). Die Buchverschlsse befanden sich
entweder einzeln auf den krzeren Seiten und zwei auf der
lngeren Seite des Buchs (Gabriel 1991, Abb. 7,9; Haseloff
1981, 65-66, Abb. 22), oder ein Paar von Buchverschlssen
war auf der lngeren Seite des Buchs bzw. auf dem Buch
war nur ein Buchverschluss (Abb. 4).
Direkte Analogien zu unserem Fund sind nicht bekannt.
Das beschriebene System des Buchschlieens wurde seit der
Karolingerzeit bis in das Sptmittelalter verwendet (HassGebhard 2006, 272). In ein Dreieck komponierte Nietenbe-
G. FUSEK, Buchdeckelbeschlag aus einem Grab in Nitra-indolka, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 437-442.
Sl. 4
Ikonografski dokazi uporabe kopi na uvezima knjiga. Lijevo: Marcus Tullius Cicero, Djela, sredina 12. st.; desno: Evangelijarij Abbeville Saint Riquier, oko 800. godine (prema
Schiefferu 1999. i Haas-Gebhardu 2006)
Abb. 4 Ikonographische Belege der Benutzung von Buchverschlssen.
Links: Marcus Tullius Cicero, Werke, Mitte des 12. Jh.; rechts:
Evangeliar aus Abbeville Saint Riquier, um 800 (nach Schieffer
1999 und Haas-Gebhard 2006)
u Nizozemskoj (9. st.) dugoljasta je ????????, tapiasta oblika, s

tri otvora (Gabriel 1991, sl. 3,1). U kontekstu arheolokih naselja
iz karolinko-otonskog razdoblja ee nailazimo na kope nego
li na okove korica knjiga. Iz grobova potjee izniman nalaz dviju
anglosaksonskih kopi s kraja 8. st. koje su preraene u fibule,
a pronaene su na vikinkom groblju Birka u vedskoj (Gabriel
1991, sl. 5,1). Bronana pozlaena kopa sa arnirom i uicom
pronaena je u grobu djeteta 15 na lokalitetu ale pri Zasipu u
Sloveniji. Slino poput okova korica knjige u Nitri, koritena je kao
privjesak na ogrlici (Knific, Pleterski 1993, 244-245; Pleterski 1989,
sl. 2). Nalaz potjee iz groblja datiranog u 9.-10. st., no navedeno
je da bi grob 15 mogao potjecati iz 8. st. (Knific, Pleterski 1993,
240). Dio ogrlice bilo je i siuno bronano puce s uicom, s donje
strane ukraeno zrakastim utisnuima (Knific, Pleterski 1993, 245,
T. 4/15,37).
Kako je ve navedeno u vezi s pucetom s uicom iz groba
E299, rije je o karakteristinom predmetu istonoeuropske
provenijencije koji je stigao u Srednju Europu tek sa starim
Maarima te se stoga ne moe iskljuiti datacija groba u 10 st.
Odakle je okov korica knjige u obliku kria dospio u grob
u Nitri? Na to pitanje ne moe se dati zadovoljavajui odgovor.
Na razini spekulacija mogue je pretpostaviti kako on potjee iz
konteksta spomenika velikomoravske pisane rijei. Ne moe se
iskljuiti niti mogunost da je plijen iz neke od maarskih najezdi
na Zapadnu Europu, budui da je izraen od srebra. Predmeti
od plemenitih metala iz konteksta opljakanih samostana dio su
njihova plijena, o emu postoje pisani tragovi koje su zabiljeili
suvremenici tih osvajanja (Kovcs 2000, 32).
Okov korica knjige iz Nitre pronaen je u grobu kao dio ogrlice.
U tom je kontekstu osobito zanimljiv njegov oblik koji podsjea
na kri. Bilo bi najjednostavnije taj krii smatrati jednom od
odlika kranstva koje je opstalo meu ovdanjim ivljem od
velikomoravskog razdoblja ili je, pak, povezano s pokrtavanjem
festigung haben originelle Beschlge aus dem bis heute erhaltenen Victor-Codex in Fulda aus dem 8. Jh. (Gabriel 1991,
Abb. 3,1; Haseloff 1981, Abb. 22). Der verzierte frhmittelalterliche archologische Fund aus Domburg auf Walcheren
in den Niederlanden (9. Jh.) ist lnglich stbchenfrmig mit
drei ffnungen (Gabriel 1991, Abb. 3,1). In den archologischen Siedlungskontexten der karolingisch-ottonischen
Zeit befinden sich hufiger Buchschlieen als Buchdeckelbeschlge. Aus den Grbern stammt der auergewhnliche
Fund von zwei angelschsischen Buchschlieen vom Ende
des 8. Jh., die zu den Fibeln berarbeitet wurden, die auf
dem Wikinger-Grberfeld Birka in Schweden gefunden
wurden (Gabriel 1991, Abb. 5,1). Eine bronzene vergoldete
Buchschliee mit einem Scharnier und einer se wurde
im Kindergrab 15 in ale bei Zasip in Slowenien gefunden.
hnlich wie der Buchdeckelbeschlag in Nitra fand sie Anwendung als Anhnger auf der Halskette (Knific, Pleterski
1993, 244-245; Pleterski 1989, Abb. 2). Der Fund stammt aus
dem Grberfeld, das in das 9.-10. Jh. datiert ist, es ist aber
angefhrt, dass das Grab 15 aus dem 8. Jh. stammen knnte
(Knific, Pleterski 1993, 240). Einen Bestandteil der Halskette bildete auch ein kleiner bronzener senknopf, von der
unteren Seite verziert mit strahlenfrmigen Einkerbungen
(Knific, Pleterski 1993, 245, T. 4/15,37).
Wie schon von dem senknopf aus dem Grab E299 angefhrt ist, handelt es sich um einen charakteristischen Gegenstand osteuropischer Herkunft, der nach Mitteleuropa
erst mit den alten Magyaren geraten ist, es kann deshalb
nicht ausgeschlossen werden, dass das Grab in das 10. Jh.
datiert sein kann.
Woher ist der kreuzfrmige Buchdeckelbeschlag in das
Grab in Nitra gekommen? Auf diese Frage kann man nicht
eine qualifizierte Antwort geben. Auf der Ebene der Spekulierungen kann angenommen werden, dass er aus dem
Milieu der Denkmler des gromhrischen Schrifttums
stammt. Es kann auch nicht ausgeschlossen werden, dass er
aus einer Beute whrend eines der Streifzge der Magyaren
nach Westeuropa stammt, er ist doch aus Silber hergestellt.
Die Gegenstnde aus Edelmetallen aus dem Milieu der geplnderten Klster gehrten zu ihrer Beute, dies ist schriftlich erfasst von Zeitgenossen der Streifzgen (Kovcs 2000,
32).
Der Nitraer Buchdeckelbeschlag wurde im Grab als
Bestandteil einer Halskette gefunden. Aus dieser Sicht ist
ganz besonders seine Form, die an ein Kreuz erinnert. Am
einfachsten wre, dieses Kreuzchen fr eines der Attribute des Christentums zu halten, das unter den hiesigen Bewohnern aus der gromhrischen Zeit berlebte oder das
mit der Christianisierung Ungarns in der Zeit der Regierung
des hl. Stephan zusammenhing. So einfach ist es aber nicht.
Heutzutage sind im Karpatenbecken 63 Grber aus dem
10.-11. Jh. mit den Funden von Brustkreuzen bekannt. Mehrere Brustkreuze wurden in den nachweisbar heidnischen
Grbern gefunden, sie konnten somit die Funktion von
Amuletten erfllen oder sie wurden nur als Schmuck getragen (Lang, Trk 2004, 386-403). Aus der Umgebung von
Nitra ist der Fund eines sekundr gebrauchten kreuzfr-
441
G. FUSEK, Okov korica knjige iz groba u Nitri-indolki, , Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 437-442.
Maara u razdoblju vladavine sv. Stjepana. Meutim, stvari nisu

ba tako jednostavne. Danas su u Karpatskoj kotlini poznata 63
groba iz 10.-11. st. s nalazima prsnih krieva. Vei broj prsnih
krieva otkriven je u dokazano poganskim grobovima, te su oni
moda sluili kao amajlije, ili ih se nosilo kao nakit (Lang, Trk
2004, 386-403). Nalaz iz indolke predmet u obliku kria na
ogrlici koriten u njegovoj sekundarnoj funkciji u okolici Nitre
nije izoliran. U akajovcu, na podruju Nitre, u grobu djeteta
471 iz 10. st., meu brojnim perlama na ogrlici, pronaen je i
privjesak proizveden od probuene krhotine terrae sigillatae. Na
njegovoj povrini nalazi se reljefni, fragmentarno ouvani ukras
s vegetabilnim i figuralnim motivima koje nadopunjuje dio kria.
Autori koji su objavili nalaz smatraju vrlo vjerojatnim da je ovaj
predmet povezan s kranskom simbolikom (Kolnk, Rejholcov
1986, 344). U stvarnosti, ne raspolaemo daljnjim arheolokim
argumentima koji bi ili u prilog kranskoj vjeroispovijesti
stanovnitva koje je svoje pokojnike ukapalo u akajovcu. Ne
znamo je li u grobu E299 u indolki pokopano dijete kranskih
roditelja. No valja spomenuti kako je na groblju E u 20 grobova
iz istog razdoblja pronaena posuda koja je bila karakteristina
za poganske pogrebne obiaje. To pokazuje da krajem 10. st. te
u prvoj treini 11. st. kranstvo nije bilo duboko ukorijenjeno
meu stanovnitvom, iako crkvena povijest u Nitri see do u 9.
st. (Zemene 2002).
migen Gegenstandes auf der Halskette aus indolka nicht

vereinzelt. In akajovce, einer Gemeinde unweit von Nitra,
wurde in dem Kindergrab 471 aus dem 10. Jh. unter vielen
Perlen auf der Halskette auch ein Anhnger gefunden, der
aus einer durchgelochten Scherbe der Terra sigillata hergestellt war. Auf seiner Oberflche befindet sich reliefartige
fragmentarisch erhaltene Pflanzen- und Figuralverzierung,
ergnzt durch einen Teil eines Kreuzes. Die Autoren, die
ber diesen Fund geschrieben haben, halten es fr sehr
wahrscheinlich, dass dieser Gegenstand mit der christlichen Symbolik zusammenhing (Kolnk, Rejholcov 1986,
344). In Wirklichkeit stehen uns fr das Belegen des Christenglaubens der in akajovce bestattenden Bevlkerung
keine weiteren archologischen Argumente zur Verfgung.
Ob im Grab E299 in indolka ein Kind von christlichen Eltern
bestattet war, wissen wir nicht. Es muss jedoch angefhrt
werden, dass auf dem Grberfeld E in 20 Grbern aus dem
gleichen Zeitabschnitt ein Gef gefunden wurde, das fr
die heidnischen Bestattungsriten charakteristisch war. Es
zeigt sich somit, dass zu Ende des 10. Jh. und im ersten Drittel des 11. Jh. das Christentum unter der Bevlkerung nicht
tief verwurzelt war, obwohl die Kirchengeschichte in Nitra
bis in das 9. Jh. reicht (Zemene 2002).
LITERATUR / LITERATURA :
Blint Cs., 1991, Sdungarn im 10. Jahrhundert, Studia archaeologica XI,
Budapest
aplovi P., 1954, Slovansk pohrebite v Nitre pod Zoborom, SlovArch
2, Bratislava, 5-50.
Fusek G., 1998, Grber mit Arpadenmnzen aus dem Grberfeld von
indolka in Nitra, SlovArch 46, Nitra, 71-118.
Fusek G., 2006, Nitra-indolka. Stredovek sdlisk apohrebisk, in: Wczesne redniowiecze w Karpatach polskich, red. J. Gancarski, Krosno, 135-150.
Gabriel I., 1991, Mittelalterliche Buchschlieen vom Weinberg in Hitzacker, in: Beitrge zur Archologie und Geschichte Nordostniedersachsens, Berndt Wachter zum 70. Geburtstag, hrsg. W. Jrries,
Lchow, 63-76.
Gallina Zs., Hajdrik G., 1998, 10-11. szzadi temetrszlet HomokmgySzkesen, Cumania 15, Kecskemt, 133-178.
Giesler J., 1981, Untersuchungen zur Chronologie der Bijelo-Brdo-Kultur.
Ein Beitrag zur Archologie des 10. und 11. Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken, PZ 56, Berlin, New York, 3-167.
Hass-Gebhard B., 2006, Die mittelalterlichen und neuzeitlichen Funde
von der Fraueninsel, in: H. Dannheimer, Frauenwrth. Archologische Bausteine zur Geschichte des Klosters auf der Fraueninsel im
Chiemsee, Mnchen, 227-282.
Hanuliak M., 1994, Mal Kosihy I, Pohrebisko z 10.-11. storoia, Nitra
Haseloff G., 1981, Bucheinband, in: Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde, Bd. 4, Lieferung 1/2, Berlin, New York, 59-69.
Knific, T., Pleterski, A., 1993, Staroslovanski grobii vSpodnjih Gorjah in
Zasipu, Aves 44, Ljubljana, 235-267.
Kolnk, T., Rejholcov, M., 1986, Rmske relikty na slovanskch nleziskch a problm antickch tradci u Slovanov, SlovArch 34, Bratislava, 343-356.
Kovcs L., 2000, A kalandozsok hadmvszete s zskmnynak rgszeti emlkei, in: Vlaszton. Pognysg kersztnysg, Kelet
Nyugat, Veszprm, 23-37.
Krabath S., 2001, Die hoch- und sptmittelalterlichen Buntmetallfunde
nrdlich der Alpen, Eine archologisch-kunsthistorische Untersuchung zu ihrer Herstellungstechnik, funktionalen und zeitlichen
Bestimmung, Band 1 - Text, Rahden/Westf.
Lang P., Trk A., 2004, Honfoglals kori srok Mindszent-Koszors-dln
(Adatok aszjbefzs biznci csatok s adlkelet-eurpai kapcso-
442
lat egyszer mellkeresztek tipolgijhoz), AMra Ferenc Mzeum vknyve, Studia Archaeologica 10, Szeged, 365-457.
Pleterski A., 1989, ale pri Zasipu. Staroslovansko grobie, ArhPregl
1987, Ljubljana, 156-158.
Rejholcov M., 1995, Pohrebisko v akajovciach (9.-12. storoie), Analza,
Nitra
Schieffer R., 1999, Reliquientranslationen nach Sachsen, in: 799 Kunst und
Kultur der Karolingerzeit. Karl der Groe und Papst Leo III. in Padernborn, hrsg. Ch. Stiegemann, M. Wemhoff, Mainz 1999, 484-497.
Szilgyi K., 1994, Perlentypen aus dem X.-XII. Jahrhundert in Ungarn und
ihre archologische Bedeutung, PamArch 85/2, Praha, 75-110.
Szke B., 1962, A honfoglal s kora rpd-kori magyarsg rgszeti emlkei, Rg. Tanulmnyok I, Budapest
Tok A., 1987, Nachgromhrische Grberfelder des 10. und. 11. Jahrhundert in der Sdwestslowakei, ZASAV 23, Nitra, 177-241.
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Dva nova zanimljiva srednjovjekovna grobna nalaza iz okolice Sinja

Zwei neue interessante mittelalterliche Grabfunde aus der Umgebung von Sinj
VEDRANA GAPARAC GUNJAA

Muzej Cetinske krajine
A. Kaia-Mioia 5
HR - 21230 Sinj

UDK/UDC 904:726.821](497.5-37 Sinj)653
ANTE MILOEVI
Muzej hrvatskih arheolokih spomenika
S. Gunjae b. b.
HR - 21000 Split
U ovom prilogu raspravlja se o novim nalazima nakita iz srednjovjekovnih grobova, otkopanih na

dvama poloajima u sinjskoj okolici u Dalmaciji. Na istonom rubu Sinjskog polja, u selu Otoku,
istraena je manja skupina ranosrednjovjekovnih grobova. Samo jedan grob sadravao je ove nalaze: eljezni no zakrivljenog hrpta i par naunica od bronane ice s po pet uica na donjoj polovici
kariice kroz koje su bili objeeni dugaki privjesci od tordirane ice. Pretpostavlja se da pripadaju
preivjelom starosjedilakom stanovnitvu iz kraja 8. ili ranog 9. stoljea. U selu Hrvacama istraen
je dio manjeg kasnosrednjovjekovnog groblja. U grobu 3 naen je par bronanih trojagodnih
naunica s mletakim srebrenjakom kasnog srednjeg vijeka, to je nova potvrda za kasnije datiranje
ovakva oblika naunica.
Kljune rijei: Sinjsko polje, Dalmacija, grob, srednji vijek, nakit, naunice
In diesem Beitrag werden neue Schmuckfunde aus mittelalterlichen Grbern von zwei Standorten
in der Umgebung von Sinj, Dalmatien, vorgestellt. Am stlichen Rand des Sinjsko polje, im Dorf
Otok, wurde eine kleinere Gruppe frhmittelalterlicher Grber erforscht. Nur ein Grab enthielt die
folgenden Funde: ein Messer mit gebogenem Rcken und ein Paar Ohrringe aus Bronzedraht mit
je fnf sen an der unteren Ringhlfte, an dem lange Anhnger aus tordiertem Draht aufgehngt
waren. Es wird angenommen, dass sie von berlebenden Ureinwohnern vom Ende des 8. Jahrhunderts, oder vom Anfang des 9. Jahrhunderts, stammen. Im Dorf Hrvace wurde ein Teil eines kleineren
sptmittelalterlichen Grberfeldes ausgegraben. Im Grab 3 wurde ein Paar bronzener DreibeerenOhrringe mit venezianischer Silbermnze aus dem Sptmittelalter freigelegt, was ebenfalls zugunsten der spteren Datierung dieser Form von Ohrringen spricht.
Schlsselwrter: Sinjsko polje, Dalmatien, Grab, Mittelalter, Schmuck, Ohrringe
Srednjovjekovna groblja u Cetini u novije vrijeme iznjedrila su dva nova zanimljiva i znaajna nalaza koja mogu
pridonijeti spoznajama o ukupnim drutvenim odnosima u
regiji, a takoer i pomoi boljem razumijevanju slinih poja1
va drugdje u Hrvatskoj.
Prvi je primjer par naunica izraen od bronane ice,
otkopan u grobu 7 na poloaju Krugljaica u Otoku na
istonom rubu Sinjskog polja (sl. 1).2 Donja polovica karika tih naunica ima po pet uica kroz koje su objeeni
dugaki privjesci od usukane ice, od kojih neki nedostaju
(sl. 2). Naene su u grobu zajedno sa eljeznim noem
kojemu je hrbat po sredini prelomljen (sl. 3), pa taj nalaz u
dosadanjem repertoaru, inae brojnih ranosrednjovjekovnih eljeznih noeva u Hrvatskoj, predstavlja novinu.
1. Nalazi su prethodno raspravljeni u doktorskoj disertaciji Miloevi 2005,
27-278, 319-320, T. 74,168.
2. Grob je dio manjeg ranosrednjovjekovnog groblja, od kojega je u zatitnim
iskopavanjima 2004. godine otkopano ukupno 7 grobova. Istraivanja
su obavili autori ovoga priloga u ime Muzeja Cetinske krajine u Sinju i
Muzeja hrvatskih arheolokih spomenika u Splitu. Nalaze i dokumentaciju uva sinjski muzej.
Mittelalterliche Grberfelder in der Cetina-Region brachten

krzlich zwei neue interessante und bedeutende Funde zutage,
die zum Verstndnis smtlicher sozialen Verhltnisse in der Region und darber hinaus zum besseren Verstndnis hnlicher Er1
scheinungen in anderen Teilen Kroatiens beitragen drften.
Das erste solche Beispiel ist ein Paar Bronzedrahtohrringe aus
dem Grab 7 am Fundort Krugljaica in Otok am stlichen Rand
des Sinjsko polje (Abb. 1).2 Die untere Hlfte der Ringe weist je
fnf sen auf, in denen lange Anhnger aus tordiertem Draht aufgehngt waren, von denen einige fehlen (Abb. 2). Sie wurden im
Grab neben einem Eisenmesser gefunden, dessen Rcken in der
Mitte geknickt ist (Abb. 3), was im bisherigen Repertoire der ansonsten hufig vorkommenden mittelalterlichen Eisenmesser in
Kroatien ein Novum darstellt.
1. Die Funde wurden bereits in der Doktorarbeit von Miloevi 2005, 27-278,
319-320, T. 74,168 diskutiert.
2. Das Grab ist Teil eines kleineren frhmittelalterlichen Grberfeldes, von
dem in den Schutzgrabungen von 2004 insgesamt 7 Grber freigelegt
wurden. Die Ausgrabungen wurden von den Autoren dieses Beitrags
im Namen des Museums der Cetina-Region Sinj und des Museums der
kroatischen archologischen Denkmler in Split durchgefhrt. Die Funde
und die Dokumentation werden im Museum in Sinj aufbewahrt.
443
V. Gaparac Gunjaa, A.Miloevi, Dva nova zanimljiva srednjovjekovna grobna nalaza iz okolice Sinja, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 443-452.
Sl. 2
Sl. 1 Tloris istraenog dijela ranosrednjovjekovnog groblja na
poloaju Krugljaica u Otoku u Sinjskom polju
Abb. 1 Grundriss des ausgegrabenen Teils des frhmittelalterlichen
Grberfeldes am Fundort Krugljaica in Otok in Sinjsko polje
Na prostoru cetinske regije spomenute naunice prvi su

takav nalaz, no sa ireg podruja Dalmacije poznato je desetak slinih primjeraka s priblino isto toliko nalazita (Jelovina 1976, 104; Beloevi 1986, 143-144; Petrinec 2002, 217).
O njima, meutim, jo uvijek nema jedinstvenog miljenja
ni o pitanjima kronologije, niti porijekla i kulturne pripadnosti.
Prvi je na njih, kao na posebnost u grobovima ranog
srednjeg vijeka u Dalmaciji, upozorio Lj. Karaman. S obzirom na injenicu da se takav tip nakita, u vrijeme kad ga
je on prouavao, uestalo pronalazio u istonoalpskim prostorima, meu karantanskim Slavenima, pretpostavio je da
su u Dalmaciju dospjele kao import iz tih prostora, i to u
vrijeme intenzivnijih hrvatsko-franakih kontakata tijekom
9. stoljea. Takoer je iznio miljenje kako im je izvorite
u tradicijskom nakitu starijih stoljea, te da su u ranosrednjovjekovnoj Hrvatskoj upotrebljavane od kraja 8. do u
10. stoljee (Karaman 1940, 34). To Karamanovo miljenje
pretvoreno je potom u tvrdnju (Jelovina 1976, 104) koju je
podravalo jo nekoliko drugih istraivaa (Juri 1981, 58;
444
Nalazi iz groba 7 s poloaja Krugljaica u Otoku u Sinjskom

polju
Abb. 2 Funde aus Grab 7 vom Fundort Krugljaica in Otok in Sinjsko
polje
In der Cetina-Region sind die erwhnten Ohrringe der erste

derartige Fund, aber aus dem ganzen Gebiet Dalmatiens sind
etwa zehn hnliche Exemplare bekannt, von ungefhr ebenso
vielen Fundstellen (Jelovina 1976, 104; Beloevi 1986, 143-144;
Petrinec 2002, 217). Es besteht allerdings noch immer kein Konsens hinsichtlich ihrer Chronologie, Herkunft oder kulturellen Zugehrigkeit.
Als erster wies Lj. Karaman auf sie hin als eine Besonderheit in
den Grbern des Frhmittelalters in Dalmatien. Im Hinblick darauf,
dass dieser Schmucktypus in der Zeit, als er sich damit beschftigte, hufig in den ostalpinen Gebieten bei den Krntenslawen ausgegraben wurde, vermutete er, dass sie als Import von dort nach
Dalmatien gelangt waren, und zwar whrend der intensiveren
kroatisch-frnkischen Kontakte im Laufe des 9. Jahrhunderts. Auerdem vertrat Karaman die Meinung, dass sie ihren Ursprung im
Traditionsschmuck der frheren Jahrhunderte hatten, und dass
sie im frhmittelalterlichen Kroatien vom Ende des 8. bis in das
10. Jahrhundert verwendet wurden (Karaman 1940, 34). Karamans
Vermutung wurde spter zu einer Hypothese (Jelovina 1976, 104),
die von einigen weiteren Forschern untersttzt wurde (Juri 1981,
3
58; Jelovina, Vrsalovi 1981, 88, 118-119; Cetini 1998, 71-72).
Neue Angaben im Zusammenhang mit der Erforschung die-
V. Gaparac Gunjaa, A.Miloevi, Zwei neue interessante mittelalterliche Grabfunde aus der Umgebung von Sinj, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 443-452.
Sl. 3 Naunice iz groba 7 s poloaja Krugljaica u Otoku u

Sinjskom polju
Abb. 3 Ohrringe aus Grab 7 vom Fundort Krugljaica in Otok in Sinjsko polje
3
Jelovina, Vrsalovi 1981, 88, 118-119; Cetini 1998, 71-72).

Novi podaci u vezi s prouavanjem ove vrste naunica
izneseni su potom u prigodi publiciranja takva nalaza s
poloaja Prine u zaseoku Trljuge u Biljanima Donjim. J.
Beloevi ih je objavio i tada uoio da se najraniji nalazi
takvih naunica javljaju u ranom horizontu dalmatinsko-hrvatskih nekropola, i to na zavretku tog horizonta nekropola, tj. oko sredine 9. stoljea (Beloevi 1986, 144). Potkrijepio
je to i podacima o nalazu istih naunica u jednom grobu sa
drijaca u Ninu. Pretpostavlja, takoer, kako svi drugi takvi
nalazi iz Dalmacije moraju biti mlai od dvaju netom spomenutih, jer su uglavnom naeni u grobljima uz crkve. U
istoj prigodi je iznesena i dvojba o mogunosti njihova importa iz Karantanije, jer tijekom 9. stoljea izmeu te dvije
regije uglavnom nema politikih, pa time ni trgovakih
niti kulturnih veza.4 Razmiljajui tim slijedom o njihovom moguem tipolokom izvoru, pretpostavio je, kao i Lj.
Karaman, da su naunice s privjescima od usukane ice u
Dalmaciji, moda preitak koji su Hrvati u ranom srednjem
vijeku preuzeli od preivjelog kasnoantikog stanovnitva
(Beloevi 1986, 145).
U pokuaju reinterpretiranja nalaza naunica iz Trljuga,
N. Jaki o njima ponovo razmilja kao o nakitu tipinom za
prostore Karantanije. Kronoloki ih odreuje bitno drukije
od ostalih istraivaa. Dri kako su iz kraja 11. stoljea, tj. da
kulturoloki i vremenski stoje na prijelomnici izmeu dvaju
stilskih razdoblja, predromanikog i romanikog (Jaki
1989, 430-432). U literaturi je ve ukazano na neodrivost
ovakve pretpostavke (Petrinec 2002, 221), a u istoj prigodi
3. Neopravdano, kao posljedicu karantansko-ketlakog utjecaja, ovakve
nalaze u Albaniji tumai i V. Popovi 1988, 234-235.
4. Ovu konstataciju J. Beloevia podupiremo i injenicom da na prostoru
Dalmacije jo nije pronaeno drugih oblika nakitnih predmeta koji su
daleko karakteristiniji za istonoalpske prostore napuene Slavenima;
npr. lunulaste naunice i okrugle fibule.
Sl. 4 Zlatne ranobizantske naunice iz The Metropolitan Museum of Art u New Yorku (prema G. Zahlhaas)
Abb. 4 Frhbyzantinische goldene Ohrringe aus dem Metropolitan
Museum of Art in New York (nach G. Zahlhaas)
ses Ohrringtypus wurden bei der Verffentlichung eines solchen
Fundes vom Fundort Prine im Drfchen Trljuge in Biljani Donji
bekanntgegeben. J. Beloevi verffentlichte sie und stellte dabei
fest, dass die frhesten Funde solcher Ohrringe im frhen Horizont der dalmatinisch-kroatischen Nekropolen vorkommen, und
zwar am Ende dieses Nekropolenhorizontes, beziehungsweise
um die Mitte des 9. Jahrhunderts (Beloevi 1986, 144). Er belegte
dies auch mit Angaben ber einen Fund verwandter Ohrringe in
einem Grab von drijac in Nin. Auerdem vermutete er, dass alle
anderen derartigen Funde aus Dalmatien jnger als die zwei oben
erwhnten sein drften, da sie berwiegend in Kirchenfriedhfen freigelegt wurden. Bei derselben Gelegenheit wurden auch
Zweifel an der Mglichkeit ihres Imports aus Krnten geuert,
da whrend des 9. Jahrhunderts zwischen den beiden Regionen
meistens keine politischen und somit auch keine kulturellen Bezie4
hungen bestanden htten. Indem er in diesem Zusammenhang
ber ihren mglichen typologischen Ursprung nachdachte, kam
er zu der Vermutung, wie Karaman, dass Ohrringe mit Anhngern
aus tordiertem Draht in Dalmatien vielleicht ein Relikt seien, das
die Kroaten im Frhmittelalter von der briggebliebenen Bevlkerung der Sptantike bernommen htten (Beloevi 1986, 145).
In seinem Versuch einer Neuinterpretation des Ohrringfundes
von Trljuge erklrt N. Jaki diesen wieder als den fr Krnten typischen Schmuck. Chronologisch bestimmt er die Ohrringe wesentlich anders als die anderen Forscher. Er vertritt die Meinung,
dass sie aus dem Ende des 11. Jahrhunderts stammen, beziehungsweise dass sie sich kulturologisch und zeitlich an der Wende zwischen zwei Stilperioden der Vorromanik und der Romanik befinden (Jaki 1989, 430-432). In der Literatur wurde bereits
3. Flschlicherweise interpretiert auch V. Popovi solche Funde in Albanien
als eine Folge des Krnten-Kttlach-Einflusses, 1988, 234-235.
4. Diese Behauptung von J. Beloevi belegen wir auch durch die Tatsache,
dass auf dem Territorium Dalmatiens noch keine anderen Formen von
Schmuckgegenstnden gefunden wurden, die fr das ostalpine, von
den Slawen besiedelte Gebiet bei weitem charakteristischer sind, zum
Beispiel lunulafrmige Ohrringe oder runde Fibeln.
445
Sl. 5 Ranosrednjovjekovne naunice s uicama i kukurozolikim

privjeskom iz Glavica kod Sinja
Abb. 5 Frhmittelalterliche Ohrringe mit sen und maisfrmigem
Anhnger von Glavice bei Sinj
Sl. 6 Dononice s urezanim krievima iz grobova s poloaja

Krugljaica u Otoku u Sinjskom polju
Abb. 6 Fuende eines Grabes mit eingeritzten Kreuzen aus der Grabanlage vom Fundort Krugljaica in Otok in Sinjsko polje
ponovo se raspravljalo i o porijeklu ovog oblika naunica.

Podrava se ve prije izreeno miljenje kako je rije o nakitu nastalom prema uzorima iz kasnoantikog doba, da mu
je matino podruje u Sredozemlju, te da je zona njegove
rasprostranjenosti u ranom srednjem vijeku znatno ira negoli je to prostor utjecaja karantansko-ketlake kulture (Petrinec 2002, 217). Slini primjerci naunica, naime, naeni
su na vie nalazita u srednjoj Europi (u Slovakoj, Austriji,
Sloveniji i Maarskoj), te na Balkanu (u Dalmaciji, Albaniji i
Bugarskoj) (Miloevi 2005, 277).
Dosadanji primjerci naunica s privjescima od usukane
ice iz Hrvatske nisu naeni u okolnostima koje ih kronoloki
i kulturno pouzdano mogu odrediti. Za to su, meutim, zanimljivi primjerci iz karantansko-ketlakog kruga u alpskome prostoru, u kojemu se ovakva vrsta nakita gotovo odreda javlja samo u grobovima starijeg, karantanskog, sloja,
a takoer i u horizontu tamonjih grobova s keramikim
loncima. Obje skupine su jednako apsolutno datirane, u 8. i
prvu polovicu 9. stoljea (Koroec 1979, 305).
Slina je situacija i u Dalmaciji, premda tek za mali broj
ovdanjih nalaza postoje makar kakvi pouzdaniji pokazatelji
za njihovu dataciju. Vano je, meutim, navesti injenicu,
da ih je veina pronaena na nekropolama koje sadravaju
ukope s nalazima uobiajenim za 8. ili rano 9. stoljee, pa to
okvirno moe odrediti i par naunica iz Otoka u Sinjskom
polju.
U raspravama o izvoritu tog oblika nakita stoga bismo
se priklonili onima koji ih vide kao preitak iz kasnoantikog
razdoblja. No u mogunosti smo biti i precizniji pa im prototipove pretpostaviti u bizantskom zlatarstvu 6. i 7. stoljea.
Naime, vrlo slino oblikovane, ali raskonije ureene naunice
posjeduje The Metropolitan Museum of Art u New Yorku, za
koje se pretpostavlja da su ranobizantskog porijekla (sl. 4;
5
Die Welt von Byzanz 2004, kat. br. 498, str. 301). Primjerci iz
auf die Unhaltbarkeit dieser Vermutung hingewiesen (Petrinec 2002,

221), und bei derselben Gelegenheit wurde erneut auch die Herkunft
dieser Ohrringform errtert. Es wurde die schon frher geuerte
Meinung besttigt, dass es sich um nach sptantiken Vorbildern gefertigten Schmuck handelt, dass er vom Mittelmeer stammt, und dass
sein Verbreitungsgebiet im Frhmittelalter wesentlich grer ist als
der Einflussbereich der Krnten-Kttlach-Kultur (Petrinec 2002, 217).
hnliche Ohrringexemplare wurden nmlich an mehreren mitteleuropischen Fundorden (Slowakei, sterreich, Slowenien und Ungarn)
sowie auf dem Balkan (Dalmatien, Albanien und Bulgarien) gefunden
(Miloevi 2005, 277).
Die Fundumstnde bei der Freilegung der bisherigen Exemplare von Ohrringen mit Anhngern aus tordiertem Draht aus Kroatien
lieen keine zuverlssige chronologische und kulturelle Bestimmung
zu. Dafr sind jedoch die Exemplare aus dem Krnten-Kttlach-Kreis
im Alpengebiet interessant, wo dieser Schmucktypus in der Regel nur
in den Grbern der lteren Krnten-Schicht und im Horizont der dortigen Grber mit Keramiktpfen vorkommt. Die beiden Gruppen wurden in den gleichen Zeitraum absolut datiert in das 8. Jahrhundert
und die erste Hlfte des 9. Jahrhunderts (Koroec 1979, 305).
hnlich ist die Situation auch in Dalmatien, obwohl nur bei einer
geringeren Zahl der hiesigen Funde irgendwelche zuverlssigeren Anhaltspunkte fr ihre Datierung bestehen. Es ist jedoch wichtig, auf die
Tatsache hinzuweisen, dass die meisten in solchen Nekropolen freigelegt worden sind, die Bestattungen mit den fr das 8. Jahrhundert
oder fr den Anfang des 9. Jahrhunderts blichen Funden enthielten,
so dass dies ungefhr auch das Ohrringpaar aus Otok in Sinjsko polje
determinieren drfte.
Im Rahmen der Diskussion ber die Herkunft dieses Schmucktypus wrden wir daher mit denjenigen bereinstimmen, die sie als ein
Relikt der sptantiken Periode betrachten. Wir knnen jedoch sogar
prziser sein und ihre Prototypen in der byzantinischen Goldschmiedekunst des 6. und 7. Jahrhunderts vermuten. Das Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York besitzt nmlich sehr hnlich geformte aber
prunkvoller geschmckte Ohrringe, die vermutlich frhbyzantinischer Herkunft sind (Abb. 4; Die Welt von Byzanz 2004, Kat.-Nr. 498, S.
5
301). Die Exemplare aus Novi Vinodolski, an denen Perlenkrner
am Ende der Kettchen erhalten sind (Cetini 1998, T. 23,7, 24,1),
5. Usp. takoer : Baldini-Lippolis 1999, 71-77, 94-96. Ovakvi oblici nakita,

kao kasnoantika ili ranobizantska tradicija, prisutni su i u tzv. komanskoj kulturi, gdje su iroko datirani u vrijeme njezina trajanja od 6. do 8.
stoljea (Anamali, Spahiu 1988, 11-15, sl. 30).
5. Vergl. auerdem und:Baldini-Lippolis 1999, 71-77, 94-96. Solche

Schmuckformen kommen als sptantike oder frhbyzantinische Tradition
auch in der sogenannten Koman-Kultur vor, wo sie in die ganze Zeit ihrer
Dauer vom 6. bis zum 8. Jahrhundert datiert wurden (Anamali, Spahiu
1988, 11-15, Abb. 30).
446
Sl. 7 Nalazita srednjovjekovnih grobova s urezanim krievima na dononicama u okolici Sinja

Abb. 7 Fundstellen der mittelalterlichen Grber mit eingeritzten Kreuzen am Fuende des Grabes in der Umgebung von Sinj
Novog Vinodolskog, na kojima su ouvana biserna zrnca na

dnu lania (Cetini 1998, T. 23,7, T. 24,1), upravo potvruju
takvu pretpostavku. Po svemu sudei, naunice s objeenim
usukanim icama su retardirani ili u neplemenitom metalu
oponaani nakitni oblik, izvorno ranobizantskog porijekla.
Shodno tome, i pokojnik u grobu iz Otoka vjerojatno pripada nekom od preivjelih starosjedilaca kojih je krajem
8. stoljea, izgleda, jo uvijek bilo na tim prostorima. Na
ovakvo razmiljanje o pripadnosti i dataciji nalaza upuuje
moda i specifino oblikovani no sa zakrivljenim hrptom,
koji je jedini takav nalaz u ranosrednjovjekovnim grobovima u Hrvatskoj. Budui da je poznato kako su ovakvi noevi
bili u upotrebi i u prapovijesno i antiko vrijeme, vjerojatno
6
je da je i on tipoloki preitak iz tih ranijih razdoblja.
besttigen genau diese Vermutung. Allem Anschein nach sind

die Ohrringe mit frei aufgehngten tordierten Drhten eine versptete oder in unedlem Metall nachgeahmte Schmuckform von
ursprnglich frhbyzantinischer Herkunft. Demzufolge war auch
der Verstorbene im Grab aus Otok wahrscheinlich ein Angehriger
der briggebliebenen Urbevlkerung, die sich Ende des 8. Jahrhunderts anscheinend noch immer in diesem Gebiet aufhielten.
Auf diese Annahme hinsichtlich der Zugehrigkeit und Datierung
der Funde mag vielleicht auch das spezifisch geformte Messer mit
geknicktem Rcken hinweisen, das der einzige derartige Fund in
den frhmittelalterlichen Grbern in Kroatien ist. Da es bekannt
ist, dass solche Messer auch in der Vorgeschichte und in der Antike Verwendung fanden, drfte auch das Messer ein typologisches
6
Relikt aus diesen frheren Zeiten sein.
6. Od brojnih radova koji donose pojedinane nalaze ili krae rasprave o

ovakvim noevima iz prapovijesnog i antikog doba, posebno upozoravamo na: Marovi 1959, 67-68; Stipevi 1960, 88-90. Pretpostavlja
se da je oblik jednoreznog noa ili maa (sica) sa zakrivljenim hrptom
karakteristian za ilirske, i to upravo za delmatske ratnike. Vrlo slian
eljezni no takoer je i dio ostave delmatskog eljeznog orua iz Kijeva
kod Vrlike (usp. Miloevi 1986, sl. 8,2).
6. Von den vielen Arbeiten, in denen Einzelfunde oder krzere Errterungen ber solche Messer aus der Vorgeschichte oder Antike verffentlicht
werden, sei insbesondere auf folgende hingewiesen: Marovi 1959, 67-68;
Stipevi 1960, 88-90. Es wird angenommen, dass die Form des Einklingenmessers oder Schwertes (sica) mit geknickten Rcken fr illyrische,
und zwar gerade fr delmatische Krieger charakteristisch ist. Ein sehr
hnliches Eisenmesser ist auch Teil eines Hortes mit delmatischem Eisenwerkzeug aus Kijevo bei Vrlika (vergl. Miloevi 1986, Abb. 8,2).
447
Sl. 8 Kasnosrednjovjekovni grobovi na poloaju Greblje u zaseoku Zorice u Hrvacama

Abb. 8 Sptmittelalterliche Grber vom Fundort Greblje im Drfchen Zorice in Hrvace
Sl. 9 Tloris istraenog dijela kasnosrednjovjekovnog groblja na poloaju Greblje u zaseoku Zorice u Hrvacama
Abb. 9 Grundriss des ausgegrabenen Teils des sptmittelalterlichen Grberfeldes vom Fundort Greblje im Drfchen Zorice
in Hrvace
448
Sl. 10 Nalazi iz groba 3 s poloaja Greblje u zaseoku Zorice u

Hrvacama
Abb. 10 Funde aus Grab 3 vom Fundort Greblje im Drfchen Zorice
in Hrvace
Sl. 11 Trojagodne naunice iz groba 3 s poloaja Greblje u zaseoku Zorice u Hrvacama

Abb. 11 Dreibeeren-Ohrringe aus Grab 3 vom Fundort Greblje im Drfchen Zorice in Hrvace
Vrlo slino koncipirane naunice iskopane su i u grobu

11 na poloaju Gluvine kue II u Glavicama kod Sinja (Petrinec 2000, T. VIII). One takoer imaju niz okruglih petlji na
donjoj polovici kariice, ali o njih nisu objeeni privjesci od
usukane ice, nego jedan srednji lijevani, izdueni, kukuruzoliki privjesak (sl. 5). Na prvi pogled doimaju se kao nakitna improvizacija spojena od dva razliita oblika, no nalaz
identinog para na Putalju u Katelima (Buri et al. 2001,
262, T. I,5-6) pretpostavlja kako su i one bile upotrebljavane kao zaseban tip. Stoga su te naunice samo tipoloka
inaica oblika o kojem je netom bilo rijei, pa i za njih jednako vrijede iznesene postavke o kulturnoj i vremenskoj
pripadnosti. U grobovima u Glavicama naeno je jo nekoliko ovima slinih naunica, no one nemaju petlje na donjoj
polovici kariice. Bez obzira na tu razliku i njih treba jednako vrednovati. Osim u Glavicama i spomenutoga nalaza
s Putalja, naunice sa srednjim kukuruzolikim privjeskom
poznate su jo sa Crkvine u Biskupiji (Hrvati i Karolinzi 2000,
238), iz Dubravica kod Skradina (Hrvati i Karolinzi 2000, 257),
sa drijaca u Ninu (Beloevi 1980, T. 43,13-14), iz Konjskog
s poloaja Livade (Petrinec 2005, 26-27, T. I,4a-b, T. II,15a-b,
7
T. III,17a-b) , a moda je takva i naunica iz jednog groba
s nekropole Strane-Gorica u Novom Vinodolskom (Cetini
1998, T. 33,3-4). Pretpostavlja se da sve pripadaju kraju 8. ili
prvoj polovici 9. stoljea (Petrinec 2002, 216; Petrinec 2005,
26-30). S obzirom da su nalazima prostorno ograniene poglavito na teritorij priobalne Hrvatske, ini se da nije neumjesno pretpostaviti i njihovu regionalnu proizvodnju.
Specifinost groblja u Otoku u kojem su pronaene
naunice s privjescima od usukane ice su i krievi urezani na unutranjoj strani dononih ploa groba (sl. 6). Kako
je ve uoeno, tako urezani krievi regionalna su znaajka
srednjovjekovnih grobalja uz srednji tok rijeke Cetine, a
dosadanjim istraivanjima pronaeni su na devet nalazita.
Sehr hnlich gestaltete Ohrringe wurden auch im Grab 11

am Fundort Gluvine kue II in Glavice bei Sinj ausgegraben (Petrinec 2000, T. VIII). Sie besitzen ebenfalls eine Reihe von runden
Schlaufen an der unteren Ringhlfte, daran wurden jedoch keine
Anhnger aus tordiertem Draht, sondern ein mittelgroer, gegossener, lnglich-maisfrmiger Anhnger aufgehngt (Abb. 5). Auf
den ersten Blick erscheinen sie wie eine improvisierte Schmuckkombination aus zwei verschiedenen Formen; der Fund eines
identischen Paares aus Putalj in Katela (Buri et al. 2001, 262, T.
I,5-6) lsst jedoch darauf schlieen, dass auch sie als Sondertypus
verwendet wurden. Daher sind diese Ohrringe nur eine typologische Variante der eben beschriebenen Form, und auf sie beziehen
sich daher die gleichen Annahmen im Zusammenhang mit ihrer
kulturellen und zeitlichen Zugehrigkeit. In den Grbern in Glavice wurden noch einige hnliche Ohrringe gefunden, jedoch ohne Schlaufe an der unteren Ringhlfte. Trotz dieses Unterschieds
sind sie gleich zu beurteilen. Auer den schon erwhnten Funden
von Glavice und Putalj wurden Ohrringe mit einem mittelgroen
maisfrmigen Anhnger auch von den folgenden Fundorten bekannt: Crkvina in Biskupija (Hrvati i Karolinzi 2000, 238), Dubravice
bei Skradin (Hrvati i Karolinzi 2000, 257), drijac in Nin (Beloevi
1980, T. 43,13-14) Konjsko-Livade (Petrinec 2005, 26-27, T. I,4a7
b, T. II,15a-b, T. III,17a-b) , und vielleicht drfte auch der Ohrring
aus einem Grab der Nekropole Strane-Gorica in Novi Vinodolski
(Cetini 1998, T. 33,3-4) dazu gehren. Es wird angenommen, dass
sie alle an das Ende des 8. oder die erste Hlfte des 9. Jahrhunderts
datiert werden knnen (Petrinec 2002, 216; Petrinec 2005, 26-30).
Da ihre Funde rumlich berwiegend auf das kroatische Kstengebiet beschrnkt sind, scheint es nicht fehl am Platz, auch eine
regionale Produktion zu vermuten.
Ein Spezifikum der Grberfelder in Otok, wo die Ohrringe mit
den Anhngern aus tordiertem Draht freigelegt wurden, stellen
auch die eingeritzten Kreuze dar, die sich an der Innenseite der
Grabplatten am Fu des Grabes befinden (Abb. 6). Wie oben erwhnt, sind die in dieser Weise eingeritzten Kreuze eine Regionaleigenschaft der mittelalterlichen Grberfelder am mittleren Flusslauf der Cetina, wo sie bei den bisherigen Ausgrabungen an neun
Fundorten freigelegt wurden. Mit Ausnahme von Hrvace liegen
7. Drimo da je zbog tipolokih znaajki i naina izrade ovaj oblik ranosrednjovjekovnih naunica pogreno poistovjetiti s istodobnim, no
zastupljenijim filigranskim grozdolikim naunicama, kako to nastoji
Petrinec 2005, 26-30.
7. Unseres Erachtens wre es aufgrund der typologischen Merkmale und

der Produktionstechnik falsch, diese Form frhmittelalterlicher Ohrringe
mit den gleichzeitigen aber hufiger vertretenen traubenfrmigen Filigranohrringen zu identifizieren, wie dies Petrinec 2005, 26-30 macht.
449
Osim jedne iznimke iz Hrvaca, svi poloaji s ovakvim nalazima smjeteni su po obodu Sinjskog polja (sl. 7). Krievi
na dononicama ranosrednjovjekovnih grobova u sinjskoj
okolici, meutim, kao injenica i problem, zasebna su tema
kojoj emo uskoro, na drugome mjestu i s drugom svrhom,
8
obratiti vie pozornosti.
Izgradnja obiteljske kue i gospodarstva na poloaju
Greblje u zaseoku Zorice u Hrvacama, 2002. godine, iznjedrila je drugi zanimljiv nalaz srednjovjekovnog nakita kojeg
emo predstaviti u ovom prilogu. Tom je prigodom oteeno
nekoliko srednjovjekovnih grobova obloenih i pokrivenih
ploama od mulike (sl. 8). Zatitnim istraivanjima, koja
su potom uslijedila, istraeno je pet takvih grobova (sl.
9). Takoer je utvreno da su oni tek dio veeg groblja na
redove koje se vjerojatno irilo na oranicu prema sjeveru
(Hrvatski muzeji 2003, 250). U jednom je grobu, uz ostatke pokojnika, naen bronani neprepoznatljivi novac koji
se odmah po nalazu gotovo potpuno raspao - grob 4 - a u
drugom jo jedan srebrni kudelirani kasnosrednjovjekovni
mletaki, poblie neodrediv novac i par bronanih posre9
brenih trojagodnih naunica - grob 3 (sl. 10) . Prema jedinoj
do sada predloenoj tipolokoj podjeli ovakvih naunica
koju je sloio N. Jaki, pripadale bi tipu E, a odgovarajui
primjerci do sada su pronaeni na Begovai u Biljanima
Donjim, u Smrdeljima kod Skradina, na Crkvini u Biskupiji,
kod Sv. Spasa u Cetini, te kod crkve Sv. Jadre u Nereiima
na otoku Brau (Jaki 1983, 62-64).
Naunice s tri jagode objeene na donjoj polovici karike izrazito prevladavaju meu oblicima srednjovjekovnog
nakita u Hrvatskoj. U najveem broju sluajeva izraene
su od srebra, esto su bile pozlaene i u pravilu bogato
ukraene tehnikama filigrana i granulacije. Tek rijetke su
od istog zlata. Nalazi iz Dalmacije, Like, srednje i zapadne
Bosne, te iz Hercegovine, pokazuju da su bile u upotrebi
na irokom prostoru. Prema podacima iz povijesnih arhiva dolo se do zakljuka da su uglavnom proizvod dalmatinskih zlatara (Jaki 1983, 71-73), bilo da su izraivane u
gradovima na obali (Jaki 1983, 72) ili su zlatari iz obalnih
gradova putovali u unutranjost i proizvodili ih u najamnom odnosu kod uglednika za potrebe okolnog puanstva
(Fiskovi 1949, 169; Jaki 1983, 72). Postoji, pak, i podatak
potvren upravo za cetinsku regiju, da su lokalni monici
nalazili interes svoje podanike obrazovati za zlatarsko zanimanje, a oni bi potom, po povratku u domicilnu sredinu,
vjerojatno organizirali proizvodnju za njihov raun (Fiskovi
1950, 150; Miloevi 2005, 319).
Iz tih podataka, naravno, nije poznato da se sve te pisane vijesti odnose upravo na proizvodnju naunica s tri jagode. No kako ba one u oblikovanju zahtijevaju umjeno
poznavanje zlatarskog i filigranskog obrta, ukljuujui
i pozlaivanje, te kako su od svih oblika u dosadanjim
8. O ovakvim nalazima ve je raspravljano u strunoj literaturi (Miloevi
1982, 185-199; Miloevi 1984, 285-304; Miloevi 1997, 111-126; Petrinec 2002, 222; Miloevi 2005, 286-288).
9. Na reversu je u sredini kri u krugu i uokolo natpis +S.MARCVS, a na
aversu je vidljivo samo DV Prema obiljejima vjerojatno pripada
kasnom srednjem vijeku.
450
alle diese Fundorte am Rand des Sinjsko polje (Abb. 7). Kreuze an
den Fuenden der mittelalterlichen Grber in der Umgebung von
Sinj als Tatsache und Problem sind ein Sonderthema, mit dem wir
uns an einer anderen Stelle und mit anderem Ziel etwas ausfhrlicher befassen werden.8
Der Bau eines Wohnhauses und Bauernhofs am Standort
Greblje im Drfchen Zorice in Hrvace im Jahr 2002 brachte einen
interessanten Fund mittelalterlichen Schmucks ans Licht, der in
diesem Beitrag dargestellt wird. Dabei wurden einige mittelalterliche Grber, belegt und bedeckt mit Platten aus Mergel (Abb.
8), freigelegt. In den darauf folgenden Schutzgrabungen wurden
fnf solche Grber untersucht (Abb. 9). Unter anderem wurde festgestellt, dass sie nur einen Teil eines greren Reihengrberfeldes
darstellten, das sich wahrscheinlich auf den Acker im Norden ausbreitete (Hrvatski muzeji 2003, 250). In einem der Grber wurde
neben den berresten des Verstorbenen eine nicht erkennbare
Bronzemnze gefunden, die gleich nach der Freilegung fast vllig
zerfiel Grab 4 und in einem anderen wurden noch eine silberne sptmittelalterliche venezianische nicht nher bestimmbare
Schsselmnze und ein Paar versilberter Dreibeeren-Ohrringe
9
freigelegt Grab 3 (Abb. 10). Gem der einzigen bisher vorgeschlagenen typologischen Klassifizierung solcher Ohrringe von
N. Jaki drften diese zum Typus E gehren, und entsprechende
Exemplare wurden bisher auf Begovaa in Biljani Donji, in Smrdelji
bei Skradin, auf Crkvina in Biskupija, bei Sv. Spas in der Cetina-Region, sowie bei der Kirche Sv. Jadre in Nereie auf der Insel Bra
gefunden (Jaki 1983, 62-64).
Ohrringe mit drei an der unteren Ringhlfte frei aufgehngten Beeren berwiegen entschieden unter den mittelalterlichen
Schmuckformen Kroatiens. In den meisten Fllen bestehen sie
aus Silber, hufig sind sie vergoldet, und in der Regel reichlich
in Filigran- und Granulationstechnik geschmckt. Nur vereinzelte sind aus reinem Gold. Funde aus Dalmatien, Lika, Zentralund Westbosnien sowie der Herzegowina weisen auf ihre weite
Verbreitung hin. Anhand von Angaben aus Geschichtsarchiven
konnte man schlieen, dass sie berwiegend von dalmatinischen
Goldschmieden angefertigt wurden (Jaki 1983, 71-73), wobei sie
entweder in den Kstenstdten hergestellt wurden (Jaki 1983,
72), oder die Goldschmiede reisten aus den Kstenstdten in das
Hinterland und fertigten sie als Lohnarbeiter bei den Adeligen
fr die lokale Bevlkerung vor Ort an (Fiskovi 1949, 169; Jaki
1983, 72). Besttigten Angaben zufolge zeigten gerade im CetinaGebiet die lokalen Machthaber ein Interesse daran, ihre Untertanen als Goldschmiede auszubilden, und diese htten dann nach
der Rckkehr in ihren Heimatort die Produktion wahrscheinlich
selbstndig organisiert (Fiskovi 1950, 150; Miloevi 2005, 319).
Aus diesen Angaben geht natrlich nicht hervor, ob alle diese
schriftlichen Quellen sich genau auf die Produktion der Dreibeeren-Ohrringe bezogen. Gerade fr ihre Herstellung sind aber gute
Kenntnisse des Goldschmiede- und Filigranhandwerks einschlielich der Vergoldung notwendig, und da sie im Vergleich zu den
anderen Formen unter den bisherigen archologischen Funden
am hufigsten vertreten sind, ist es hchst wahrscheinlich, dass
sich hinter diesen Angaben gerade diese Schmuckform verbirgt.
8. ber solche Funde wurde schon in der Fachliteratur diskutiert (Miloevi
1982, 185-199; Miloevi 1984, 285-304; Miloevi 1997, 111-126; Petrinec 2002, 222; Miloevi 2005, 286-288).
9. Auf dem Revers ist in der Mitte ein Kreuz im Kreis und darum herum
die Beschriftung +S.MARCVS, und auf dem Avers ist nur DV
erkennbar. Anhand ihrer Merkmale lsst sie sich wahrscheinlich in das
Sptmittelalter datieren.
arheolokim nalazima najzastupljenije, velika je vjerojatnost

da se u tim podacima krije upravo taj oblik nakita. Povijesni
izvori ih biljee terminom srebrne slavenske naunice - cercellis de argento slavoneschis (Jaki 1983, 73).
U poetnim istraivanjima nakitnih oblika koji su se
nalazili u grobovima srednjeg vijeka u Hrvatskoj, ovaj tip
naunica smatran je proizvodom ranosrednjovjekovnih
zlatara, te je, kao i drugi nakitni oblici, proglaavan starohrvatskim nakitom i jedinstveno datiran u vrijeme od 9. do
11. stoljea. Pretpostavljalo se ujedno kako u grobovima,
mlaim od 11. stoljea, nalazi openito iezavaju te da su,
ukoliko ih je i bilo, samo sporadina pojava (Karaman 1940,
36; Karaman 1956, 129). Takvu opeprihvaenu arheoloku
sliku poremetio je nalaz trojagodnih naunica u jednom
grobu kasnosrednjovjekovnog groblja koje se bilo formiralo oko ruevina ranosrednjovjekovne crkve u Brnazama kod
Sinja. Te su naunice, naime, naene u zatvorenoj grobnoj
cjelini zajedno s novcem hrvatsko-ugarskog kralja Ludovika
Anuvinskog (1342.-1382.), pa je to dalo za pravo istraivau
S. Gunjai da ih datira u drugu polovicu 14. stoljea (Gunjaa
1955, 132). U polemici koja je nastala nakon objave toga nalaza, struna je javnost bila podijeljena, no i dalje se ee
podravala Karamanova datacija (Ercegovi 1961, 229230; Jelovina 1963, 101; Jelovina 1976, 101-102). Uvodei
horizontalnu stratigrafiju kao novi metodoloki pristup
izuavanjima srednjovjekovnih groblja u Hrvatskoj, N. Jaki
se ponovo zaloio za datiranje ovog oblika naunica u kasni srednji vijek (Jaki 1978, 91-94), a to je ponovio u vie
navrata i nekoliko godina poslije (Jaki 1983, 71-73; Jaki
1984, 331; Jaki 1989, 407). Uslijedile su potom i brojne druge potvrde ovakvog datiranja trojagodnih naunica (Jaki
1996, 153), a te su pretpostavke izravno potvrene i novim
nalazima, npr. u Galovcu u zaleu Biograda (Beloevi 1989,
78), u dvjema ostavama iz Like i Pridrage (Jaki 1996, 154),
te u Bisku kod Trilja (Miloevi 1981, 36). Sluajno ili ne, posljednja potvrda opet dolazi sa sinjskog podruja, gdje su
ovakve naunice naene uz kasnosrednjovjekovni mletaki
novac (sl. 11).
Danas, dakle, nema vie razloga sumnjati da su filigranske naunice s tri jagode uglavnom zlatarski proizvod kasnog srednjeg vijeka. Arheoloka znanost, meutim, jo
nije dala odgovor na pitanje otkad se one kao nakit pojavljuju u srednjovjekovnoj Hrvatskoj. Rijetki nalazi upuuju
na vjerojatnost da se to moglo dogoditi ve u 9. stoljeu
(remonik 1965, 202-203), a nalazi trojagodnih naunica s
10
neukraenim bikoninim jagodama doputaju pretpostavku da bi upravo ti ranosrednjovjekovni oblici, moda mogli
biti prototipovi ovakvom obliku nakita koji se, kao najomiljeniji, umnogostruio u kasnosrednjovjekovnoj Hrvatskoj.
Die Geschichtsquellen bezeichnen sie mit dem Begriff silberne

slawische Ohrringe cercellis de argento slavoneschis (Jaki
1983, 73).
Zu Beginn der Forschungen zu den mittelalterlichen Schmuckformen in Kroatien hielt man diesen Ohrringtypus fr ein Produkt
der frhmittelalterlichen Goldschmiede, und er wurde, wie die
anderen Schmuckformen, fr altkroatischen Schmuck erklrt und
einheitlich in die Zeit vom 9. bis zum 11. Jahrhundert datiert. Parallel dazu vermutete man, dass in den Grbern nach dem 11. Jahrhundert die Funde im Allgemeinen verschwinden, und dass sie
wenn es sie berhaupt gab nur sporadisch vorkamen (Karaman
1940, 36; Karaman 1956, 129). Dieses allgemein akzeptierte archologische Bild zerstrte der Fund von Dreibeeren-Ohrringen in einem Grab des sptmittelalterlichen Grberfeldes um die Ruinen
der frhmittelalterlichen Kirche in Brnaze bei Sinj. Diese Ohrringe
wurden nmlich in einer geschlossenen Grabanlage mit Mnzen
des kroatisch-ungarischen Knigs Ludwig Anjou (1342-1382) gefunden, und dies berechtigte den Forscher S. Gunjaa, sie in die
zweite Hlfte des 14. Jahrhunderts zu datieren (Gunjaa 1955,
132). In der nach der Verffentlichung dieses Fundes entstandenen Polemik war das Fachpublikum gespalten, es wurde jedoch
noch immer hufig Karamans Datierung untersttzt (Ercegovi
1961, 229-230; Jelovina 1963, 101; Jelovina 1976, 101-102). Mit der
Einfhrung der horizontalen Stratigraphie als dem neuen methodologischen Zugang zur Untersuchung der mittelalterlichen
Grberfelder in Kroatien setzte sich N. Jaki wieder fr die Datierung dieser Form der Ohrringe in das Sptmittelalter ein (Jaki
1978, 91-94), was er auch einige Jahre danach mehrmals erneut
bekrftigte (Jaki 1983, 71-73; Jaki 1984, 331; Jaki 1989, 407).
Darauf folgten noch zahlreiche andere Belege fr eine derartige
Datierung der Dreibeeren-Ohrringe (Jaki 1996, 153), und diese
Annahmen wurden unmittelbar auch durch neue Funde besttigt, zum Beispiel in Galovac im Hinterland von Biograd (Beloevi
1989, 78), in zwei Horten aus Lika und Pridraga (Jaki 1996, 154)
sowie in Bisko bei Trilj (Miloevi 1981, 36). Ob durch Zufall oder
nicht, der letzte Beleg stammt wiederum aus dem Gebiet von Sinj,
wo solche Ohrringe mit sptmittelalterlichem venezianischem
Geld freigelegt wurden (Abb. 11).
Heute gibt es also keinen Grund mehr, daran zu zweifeln,
dass Filigranohrringe mit drei Beeren meistens ein Goldschmiedeprodukt des Sptmittelalters sind. Die archologische Wissenschaft brachte noch keine Antwort auf die Frage, seit wann sie als
Schmuck im mittelalterlichen Kroatien vorkommen. Seltene Funde weisen mglicherweise auf das 9. Jahrhundert hin (remonik
1965, 202-203), und Funde von Dreibeeren-Ohrringen mit unver10
zierten bikonischen Beeren lassen die Annahme zu, dass gerade
die frhmittelalterlichen Formen vielleicht auch die Prototypen
fr diese Schmuckform sein drften, welche sich, als die beliebteste, im sptmittelalterlichen Kroatien verbreitete.
Mit konzeptuell hnlichen Varianten mit drei frei aufgehng-
10. Jagode na tim naunicama izvedene su na isti nain kao i na mnogobrojnijim jednojagodnim koje su datirane u 9. i dijelom u 10. stoljee.
Primjerci trojagodnih naunica s ovako oblikovanim jagodama pronaeni
su u Biskupiji kod Knina, na lokalitetima Crkvina i Bukorovia podvornice (usp. Jelovina 1976, T. 19,9, T. 38,5-6), a takoer i u dubljoj
unutranjosti, na podruju dananje Bosne i Hercegovine, gdje su kao
import iz dalmatinsko-hrvatskih prostora, slino datirane (usp. Bakalovi
2006, 179-195).
10. Die Beeren an diesen Ohrringen wurden in gleicher Art ausgefhrt

wie an den hufiger vorkommenden Einbeeren-Ohrringen, die in das
9. und zum Teil in das 10. Jahrhundert datiert wurden. Exemplare der
Dreibeeren-Ohrringe mit derart geformten Beeren wurden in Biskupija
bei Knin, an den Fundorten Crkvina und Bukorovia podvornice (vergl.
Jelovina 1976, T. 19,9, T. 38,5-6), aber auch weiter im Hinterland, auf dem
Gebiet des heutigen Bosniens und der Herzegowina, gefunden, wo sie als
Import vom dalmatinisch-kroatischen Territorium hnlich datiert wurden
(vergl. Bakalovi 2006, 179-195).
451
U konceptualno priblino slinim inaicama naunice

s tri objeena privjeska, kojima su vjerojatni tipoloki uzor
srednjovjekovne naunice s tri jagode, resile su dalmatinske
ene sve do kraja 19. i poetka 20. stoljea, posebno u dinarskom pojasu dalmatinskoga zalea (Nakit 1981, T. 42).
ten Anhngern, deren typologisches Vorbild wahrscheinlich die

mittelalterlichen Dreibeeren-Ohrringe waren, schmckten sich
dalmatinische Frauen bis zum Ende des 19. und Anfang des 20.
Jahrhunderts, vor allem im Dinara-Gebirgsgrtel des dalmatinischen Hinterlandes (Nakit 1981, T. 42).
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Vojakovaki Osijek-Mihalj, srednjovjekovni arheoloki kompleks na gornjem toku

Glogovnice
Vojakovaki Osijek-Mihalj, a Mediaeval Archaeological Complex on the Upper Course of
the Glogovnica
TATJANA TKALEC
HR - 10000 Zagreb
tatjana.tkalcec@iarh.hr

UDK/UDC 904:72](497.5 Vojakovaki Osijek)
U radu se predstavlja srednjovjekovno arheoloko nalazite Vojakovaki Osijek-Mihalj, koje se sastoji

od tri objekta zemljane utvrde te dva kamena objekta, vjerojatno sakralne namjene. Arheoloki
spomeniki sklop na Mihalju, na kojem do danas nisu provedena arheoloka iskopavanja, ali koji
se ukazuje kao vaan i nadasve zanimljiv lokalitet za srednjovjekovnu arheologiju, stavljen je u ui
vremenski i prostorni kontekst, i to na osnovi multidisciplinarnog sagledavanja rezultata povijesnotopografskih istraivanja, vanjskih arheolokih morfolokih obiljeja samog lokaliteta te razmatranja analognih srednjovjekovnih arheolokih nalazita tog tipa na irem prostoru.
Kljune rijei: Kalniko prigorje, Vojakovaki Osijek-Mihalj, zemljana utvrda, sakralna arhitektura,
srednji vijek
This paper presents a mediaeval archaeological site at Vojakovaki Osijek-Mihalj, which consists of
three structures an earthen fortification and two stone structures, probably with a sacral function.
The archaeological monumental complex on Mihalj, where to this day no archaeological excavations have been carried out, but which shows itself to be an important and above all interesting site for
mediaeval archaeology, is placed into a narrower chronological and spatial context, on the basis of
multidisciplinary analysis of the results of historical-topographical research, external archaeological
morphological features of the site itself and the study of analogous mediaeval archaeological sites
of that type in the wider area.
Key words: Kalnik foothills, Vojakovaki Osijek-Mihalj, earthen fortification, sacral architecture,
the Middle Ages
Kalnik i iri potkalniki kraj oduvijek su plijenili pozornost i predstavljali primamljivo mjesto za naseljavanje, osobito u nemirnijim razdobljima ljudske prolosti. Tada su hridi i nepristupani brjegovi, prekriveni gustim umama, bili
prikladna sklonita i pribjeita stanovnitvu, naseljenom
u oblinjim pitomijim udolinama i kotlinama. June terase
kalnikog lanca naseljavane su od kasnog bronanog doba
(Kalnik-Igrie), a zaravan podno samih zidina Starog grada
Kalnika naseljavana je jo u eneolitiku. Na irem su podruju
dokazani tragovi ivota u mlaem eljeznom dobu te antici,
zatim ranom srednjem vijeku s dva istraivana bjelobrdska
groblja.1 Kalniki kraj je stupio na povijesnu scenu osobito u
Kalnik and the wider area below Kalnik have always attracted attention and represented an attractive spot for settlement, particularly during more turbulent periods of human
history. In those times the steep rocks and inaccessible hills,
covered with thick forests, formed suitable shelters and refuges for the people inhabiting the nearby more gentle valleys
and basins. The southern terraces of the Kalnik chain have
been settled since the late Bronze Age (Kalnik-Igrie), while
the plateau immediately below the walls of the Old Town of
Kalnik had been settled as early as the eneolithic. In the wider
area there is evidence of traces of living in the late Iron Age
and classical antiquity, and then in the early Middle Ages with
two excavated cemeteries of the Bijelo Brdo culture.1 The Kal-
1. Voditelj istraivanja jednog od spomenutih groblja, Kalniki Obre-Prekrije, bio je prof. dr. sc. eljko Tomii koji je uz kalniki i krievaki
kraj bio vezan ne samo arheolokim istraivanjima ve i objavljivanjem
radova, a istaknula bih pregled svih dotadanjih arheolokih istraivanja
i arheolokih nalaza i nalazita na irem krievakom podruju, objavljen
u Umjetnikoj topografiji Hrvatske-Krievci, grad i okolica (1993).
1. Prof. eljko Tomii was the leader of the excavations of one of the mentioned
cemeteries Kalniki Obre-Prekrije. His connection with the Kalnik and
Krievci area is not limited to archaeological excavations but includes also
the publication of papers. I would like to mention here the review of all archaeological excavations conducted until then as well as archaeological finds
and sites in the wider area of Krievci, published in the Art Topography of
Croatia Krievci, the town and the surroundings (1993).
453
T. TKALEC, Vojakovaki Osijek-Mihalj, srednjovjekovni arheoloki kompleks na gornjem toku Glogovnice, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 453-472.
Sl. 1 Poloaj nalazita Vojakovaki Osijek-Mihalj, izvadak iz TK 1: 25 000 (Dravna geodetska uprava, Slanje 272-3-1)
Fig. 1 The position of the site of Vojakovaki Osijek-Mihalj, excerpt from a TM 1:25000 (State Geodetic Directorate, Slanje 272-3-1)
razdoblju kasnog srednjeg vijeka, podizanjem tvrdog grada

na Velikom Kalniku, uz kojeg se vee legenda da se u njega
kralj Bela IV. sklonio pred Tatarima.
Istoni dio Kalnikoga gorja otvara se dolinom Glibokog
potoka, dalje na istok prema ravnoj Podravini, a Kamenicom i Glogovnicom prema jugu i srednjovjekovnom kraljevskom gradu Krievcima, sreditu velike srednjovjekovne
Krievake upanije.
Na istonim obroncima kalnikog gorja, u umovitom i
brjegovitom krajoliku bogatom izvorima i tekuicama, kriju se, ini se, jo brojna strunjacima nepoznata nalazita.
U ovom emo se radu posvetiti arheolokom nalazitu Vojakovaki Osijek-Mihalj,2 koje je na odreen nain, nalazom
kamene kustodije, ulo u strunu literaturu jo poetkom
20. st. (Brunmid 1912, 149, br. 838; Registar 1997, br. 667).
No toan poloaj nalaza i nalazita nije bio poznat, a tijekom
2. Prvi opis lokaliteta Vojakovaki Osijek-Mihalj iznijela sam u magistarskom radu pod nazivom Srednjovjekovna gradita u Hrvatskoj, koji je
izraen pod mentorstvom prof. . Tomiia, a obranjen 2004. godine na
Filozofskom fakultetu Sveuilita u Zagrebu. Mihalj je u magistarskom
radu bio jedan od stotinjak lokaliteta na osnovi kojih je razmatrana tipologija srednjovjekovnih visinskih i nizinskih, uglavnom zemljanih, utvrda
u sredinjoj Hrvatskoj. Ovaj rad predstavlja pokuaj stavljanja lokaliteta
Mihalj, na kojem do danas nisu provedena arheoloka iskopavanja, ali
koji se ukazuje kao vaan i nadasve zanimljiv lokalitet za srednjovjekovnu arheologiju, u ui vremenski i prostorni kontekst, i to na osnovi
multidisciplinarnog sagledavanja rezultata povijesno-topografskih istraivanja, vanjskih arheolokih morfolokih obiljeja samog lokaliteta te
razmatranja analognih srednjovjekovnih arheolokih nalazita tog tipa na
irem prostoru.
454
nik area entered the scene of history particularly in the late

Middle Ages with the construction of a fortified town on Veliki Kalnik, for which the legend says that in it even king Bela IV
took refuge before the Tatars.
The eastern part of the Kalnik Mountain opens with the
Gliboki Potok valley further east toward lowland Podravina,
while by way of Kamenica and Glogovnica it opens towards
south and the mediaeval royal town of Krievci, the seat of
the large mediaeval Krievci county.
It seems that many sites unknown to the scholars are still
hiding on the eastern slopes of the Kalnik mountain, in a forested and hilly landscape rich in springs and running water
courses. In this paper we shall dedicate our attention to the
archaeological site of Vojakovaki Osijek-Mihalj,2 which was
introduced, in a way, into the scholarly literature as early as
the beginning of the 20th century by the find of a stone ta2. I provided the first description of the site of Vojakovaki Osijek-Mihalj
in my masters thesis entitled The Mediaeval Earthen Fortifications in
Croatia, made under the mentorship of Prof. . Tomii, and defended
in 2004 at the Faculty of Philosophy of the University in Zagreb. In the
masters thesis, Mihalj was one of a hundred or so sites which served as the
basis for the analysis of the typology of mediaeval elevated and lowland
mostly earthen fortifications in central Croatia. This work is an attempt
at determining a narrower chronological and spatial context for the site
of Mihalj which appears to be an important and above all interesting
site for mediaeval archaeology in spite of the fact that no archaeological
excavations have been carried out on the site to this day on the basis
of multidisciplinary synthesis of the results of historical-topographical
research, external archaeological morphological features of the site itself
and consideration of analogous mediaeval archaeological sites of that type
in the wider area.
T. TKALEC, Vojakovaki Osijek-Mihalj, a Mediaeval Archaeological Complex on the Upper Course of the Glogovnica, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 453-472.
Sl. 2 Vojakovaki Osijek-Mihalj, TK 1:5000 (DGU, Koprivnica 11)

Fig.2 Vojakovaki Osijek-Mihalj, TM 1:5000 (SGD, Koprivnica 11)
Sl. 3
Vojakovaki Osijek-Mihalj, zrani snimak (DGU, SZ Hrvatska,

snimak 5051, niz 7)
Fig. 3 Vojakovaki Osijek-Mihalj, air photograph (SGD, NW Croatia,
photograph 5051, series 7)
gotovo stotinu godina nije zaokupilo pozornost strunjaka,

izuzev katalogiziranja nalaza kustodije (Valenti 1969, 100,
br. 57), da bi tek posljednjih godina nanovo bilo spomenuto. Meutim, autori koji su u novijoj literaturi komentirali ili
spomenuli lokalitet nisu ga, ini se, obili jer nigdje nije iznesen opis svih elemenata tog arheolokog nalazita (Balog
2003, 21, 54; Pavle 2004, 43).
Nalazite je smjeteno oko 1,5 km sjevernije od sela Vojakovaki Osijek, na brdu Mihalj koje se nalazi zapadno od,
u strunoj literaturi ve vie puta spominjanog i u srednjovjekovnim povijesnim izvorima poznatog, brda Gradec (sl.
1). Vrh brda Mihalj nalazi se na 399 m n/m, a Gradeca 366 m
n/m. U oko 200 m dubokoj uskoj usjeklini izmeu njih tee
Glogovnica. Ta rjeica, koja u svom gornjem toku obiluje bistrom gorskom vodom, nastaje iz mree izvora i potoka u
podruju oko 3-4 km sjevernije od lokaliteta Mihalj. Dalje
prema jugu Glogovnica tee uskom kotlinom, koja se ispred
sela Marinovac i Donja Glogovnica otvara u iroku dolinu, u
bernacle (Brunmid 1912, 149, No. 838; Registar 1997, No. 667).
However, the exact position of the finds and the site was unknown, and for almost a century it failed to attract attention
of the scholars apart from the cataloguing of the find of the
tabernacle (Valenti 1969, 100, No. 57) and it was only in recent years that it has been mentioned again. However, the
authors that mentioned the site or commented on it in the
recent literature have in all likelihood not visited it, as nobody
provided a description of all elements of that archaeological
site (Balog 2003, 21, 54; Pavle 2004, 43).
The site is located some 1,5 km north of the village of
Vojakovaki Osijek, on the Mihalj hill, which lies west of the
Gradec hill, known from mediaeval historical sources and in
many instances mentioned in scholarly literature (Fig. 1). The
peak of the Mihalj hill lies at 399 m a.s.l. and that of the Gradec
hill lies at 366 m a.s.l. The Glogovnica river runs through a 200
m deep narrow gorge between them. That small river, which
abounds in clear mountain water in its upper course, is formed
from a network of springs and streams in an area at some 3-4
km distance to the north of the site of Mihalj. Further south
the Glogovnica runs through a narrow basin, which opens in
front of the villages of Marinovac and Donja Glogovnica into
a broad valley, already in a more gentle landscape. The site
itself is situated on a plateau (240 m a.s.l.) that extends in the
north-south direction along the eastern spur of the high, wooded and somewhat wild hill of Mihalj. West of the site, from
the Mihalj hill, a brook springs, which runs toward the basin
of the Glogovnica river across the plateau, some 80 m north
of the archaeological complex. The spring is presently active,
but the brook runs dry before it reaches the hillside.
In 2000 the archaeologists were introduced to the exact
position of the site.3 On that occasion it was perceived that
the site represents a single archaeological complex that consists of three structures:
A) an earthen fortification located on the hill slope towards the Glogovnica basin;
B) a stone-built structure, gently elongated in the eastwest direction, lying southwest of the fortification, and
C) an oval-circular stone structure lying north of the elongated structure B (Fig. 2-5).4
The first structure (structure A) within the mediaeval monumental complex on Mihalj clearly indicates by its characteristic morphological features that it was a structure that served as a fortification (Fig. 5). The choice of the spot itself was
governed by a clear motif the position of the fortification
is a convenient strategic point that offers an excellent view
over the Glogovnica valley. It is an earthen fortification with
a square-shaped central elevation with rounded edges, surrounded by a deep ditch and a rampart on the northern, western and southern sides (Fig. 6). There is no rampart on the
3. The position was shown to Zoran Homen, Lana Okroa Roi and Tatjana
Tkalec by Mr Drago Vrbanac from Apatovac on 8th March 2000. Over the
next couple of years I have brought to the site Sanja Suton, Selina Golec
Petrovi, my parents Zvjezdana and Franjo Tkalec from Krievci as
well as my colleagues from the Institute of Archaeology Daria Lonjak
Dizdar, Marko Dizdar and Tajana Sekelj Ivanan. At those occasions we
took measurements and images with a total geodetic station and I would
like to thank all of them for their help.
4. The distance between these three sites (measured from their central
points) is: structure A structure B: 90 m; structure B structure C: 37
m; structure A structure C: 77 m.
455
Sl. 4 Vojakovaki Osijek-Mihalj, geodetski snimak, 2D ortogonalna projekcija (snimak i obrada T. Tkalec)
Fig. 4 Vojakovaki Osijek-Mihalj, geodetic image, 2D orthogonal
projection (image and processing by T. Tkalec)
Sl. 5 Vojakovaki Osijek-Mihalj, geodetski snimak, 3D ortogonalna projekcija (snimak i obrada T. Tkalec
Fig. 5 Vojakovaki Osijek-Mihalj, geodetic image, 3D orthogonal
projection (image and processing by T. Tkalec)
ve pitomijem krajoliku. Sam lokalitet smjeten je na zaravni (240 m n/m) koja se prua u pravcu sjever-jug du istone
kose visokog, poumljenog i pomalo divljeg brda Mihalj.
Zapadno od lokaliteta, iz brda Mihalj, izvire potoi koji preko zaravni, a oko 80 m sjeverno od arheolokoga kompleksa, tee prema kotlini Glogovnice. Danas je izvor aktivan, no
potok presuuje prije padine.
Godine 2000. s tonim poloajem lokaliteta upoznati su
arheolozi.3 Tom prigodom zamijeeno je kako se radi o jednom, arheolokom kompleksu koji se sastoji od tri objekta:
A) zemljana utvrda smjetena na padini brda prema kotlini Glogovnice;
3. Poloaj je Zoranu Homenu, Lani Okroi Roi i Tatjani Tkalec dana 8.
oujka 2000. pokazao mjetanin Drago Vrbanac iz Apatovca. Tijekom
narednih godina na lokalitet sam vodila Krievane Sanju Suton, Selinu
Golec Petrovi, moje roditelje Zvjezdanu i Franju Tkalec, zatim kolege iz
Instituta za arheologiju Dariju Lonjak Dizdar i Marka Dizdara te Tajanu
Sekelj Ivanan. Tim prigodama obavili smo izmjere i snimke totalnom
geodetskom stanicom te svima zahvaljujem na pomoi.
456
eastern side, where the site is defended by a natural hillside

that steeply slopes down to the narrow basin of the Glogovnica river. On the basis of such morphological features we
can classify the fortification as a type of elevated fortification
of the so-called horseshoe shape. The plateau of the central
elevation occupies a rectangular surface whose longer side
is 31,70 m long (E-W), while the shorter one is 26,60 m long
(N-S). The rampart on the western side is only slightly raised
from the surrounding ground, while in the south and north
it is more prominently raised from 1,50 to 2,50 m. The central elevation is about half a meter higher than the rampart,
and up to a meter on the western side (the least defended
one), considering that the rampart is lower on that side. The
ditch is on average 4,50 m deep from the surface of the central elevation, and around 3,70 m measured from the top of
the rampart. The rampart is around 10 m wide at its base and
2,70 near the top; the bottom of the ditch is 4,20 m wide at
the northern and southern sides, and around 6 m at the western one. The distance from the edge of the rampart top to
the edge of the top of the central elevation is 12-14 m at the
north and south, and 17 m at the west. The plateau of the
fortification therefore occupies a surface of around 870 m2,
while together with the surrounding fortification system (the
ditch, the rampart) the surface of the fortification is around
4100 m2.
The fortification was erected on a prominent hill slope
that was used as a defensive element. The soil from the excavation of the defensive ditch was used for the construction of
the rampart and the raised central elevation, which was evened and leveled. On a part of the rampart at the northern side we noticed stones, which either arrived accidentally in the
rampart when it was being built or were intentionally used
for the reinforcement of the rampart. Traces of possible solid
structures on the fortification itself have not been perceived
so one can presume that one or several wooden structures
were erected on it. By sweeping away the forest leaves in several places on the central elevation of the fortification, we
noticed a substantial portion of red fired clay in the forest humus, which leads us to assume that the wooden fortification
was destroyed in a fire.
The second, longitudinal structure (structure B) is situated
on the forest edge, under a detached grove that is 1,5-2 m
higher than the surrounding terrain. Its outlines are unclear
and one traces them by means of depressions5 and heaps of
forest humus, below which one occasionally makes out the
stone structure. The approximate dimensions of the collapsed structure are 25 x 16 m, and it is oriented with its longer
part in the northeast-southwest direction. Only an archaeological excavation would provide means for determination of
the dimensions of the construction built of stone, which may
have extended over an even larger surface.
The third structure (structure C) has an oval-circular shape,
it is directed east-west with a slight tilt towards north (dimensions 14,60 x 11 m east-west / north-south), it is overgrown
by a grove in the middle of a meadow, consists of a raised
circular enclosure on which a stone structure is discernible
below the forest humus and leaves, while the interior is flat,
5. A separate deep ditch around 1,5 m wide, as well as a prominent rampart,
are visible along the northern side. It is however unclear whether this is
a wall below the rampart, i.e. a collapsed construction, or the defensive
parts of the structure?
Sl. 6 Vojakovaki Osijek-Mihalj, objekt A (utvrda), juni dio

obrambenog jarka, pogled zapad-istok (snimila T. Tkalec)
Fig. 6 Vojakovaki Osijek-Mihalj, structure A (the fortification), southern part of the defensive ditch, a view west-east (photo by T.
Tkalec)
B) objekt graen od kamena, blago izduen u smjeru

istok-zapad, smjeten jugozapadno od utvrde i
C) ovalno-kruni kameni objekt koji se nalazi sjeverno
od izduenog objekta B (sl. 2-5).4
Prvi objekt (objekt A) unutar srednjovjekovnog spomenikog sklopa na Mihalju, svojim karakteristinim oblikovnim znaajkama jasno ukazuje na to kako se radi o objektu
fortifikacijskog karaktera (sl. 5). Jasan je i motiv za odabir
samog mjesta poloaj utvrde predstavlja povoljnu strateku toku s koje se prua odlian pregled nad glogovnikom udolinom. Radi se o zemljanoj utvrdi, ije je sredinje
uzvienje kvadratinog oblika zaobljenih rubova, okrueno
dubokim jarkom i bedemom sa sjeverne, zapadne i june
strane (sl. 6). Na istonoj strani nema bedema ve je lokalitet prirodno branjen padinom koja se strmo obruava u
usku kotlinu rijeke Glogovnice. Na osnovi takvih oblikovnih
znaajki utvrdu moemo svrstati u tip visinskih utvrda tzv.
potkoviastog oblika. Zaravan sredinjeg uzvienja zauzima etvrtastu plohu, ija dua stranica iznosi 31,70 m (I-Z),
a kraa 26,60 m (S-J). Bedem je na zapadnoj strani tek blago
povien od okolnog terena, dok je na junoj i sjevernoj strani izraenije povien od 1,50 do 2,50 m. Sredinje uzvienje nadvisuje bedem za oko pola metra, a na zapadnoj (najslabije branjenoj strani) i do metar, s obzirom da je bedem
na toj strani nii. Dubina jarka iznosi u prosjeku 4,50 m od
povrine sredinjeg uzvienja, odnosno oko 3,70 m mjereno
od vrha bedema. irina bedema pri njegovom dnu iznosi
oko 10 m, a pri vrhu oko 2,70 m, dno jarka irine je 4,20 m na
sjevernoj i junoj strani, odnosno oko 6 m na zapadnoj. Udaljenost od ruba vrha bedema do ruba vrha sredinje zaravni
iznosi 12-14 m na sjevernoj i junoj strani, odnosno 17 m na
zapadnoj strani. Stoga, zaravan utvrde zauzima povrinu od
oko 870 m2, a s okolnim fortifikacijskim sustavom (jarak, bedem) povrina utvrde iznosi oko 4100 m2.
Utvrda je podignuta na istaknutoj padini brijega, koja je
iskoritena kao obrambeni element. Iskopom obrambenog
4. Udaljenost izmeu ova tri poloaja (mjereno iz njihovih sredinjih toaka)
iznosi: objekt A objekt B 90 m; objekt B objekt C 37 m; objekt
A objekt C - 77 m.
i.e. depressed with regard to the raised circular enclosure, and

without traces of possible partition walls. The circular enclosure is around 0,8-1 m raised above the surrounding ground.
It seems that it does not close full circle at the south, being
partly open instead.
As the third structure lies in the immediate vicinity of two
indisputably archaeological structures, it can be presumed
that it is likewise a mediaeval building made of stone. Could
we imagine here a church of a circular ground-plan, a Romanesque rotunda?6 If this is so, then the dating of the entire
archaeological complex would be earlier than it first appeared. Or, on the other hand, this is a structure with a different
function within the mediaeval complex? Likewise, we cannot
neglect here the fact that no archaeological excavation has
been carried out so far and that in this case on the basis of
the surface survey of the ground we cannot rely too much on
the appearance of the collapsed structure, covered by forest
humus. Similar traces are left by some other structures after
their collapse and decomposition. For instance, if we take
into consideration the fact that production of charcoal and
lime has been accustomed in this area, this circular structure might represent the remains of a lime kiln.7 However, the
dimensions of structure C and circumstances of its position
next to the other two archaeological structures would speak
in favour of the thesis that this structure likewise represents a
building that belonged to the mediaeval monumental complex on Mihalj.
It is obvious from the description that structure A belongs
to an archaeological site of defensive character. There is no
confirmation about the existence of a site of that type in the
Mihalj area in the known historical sources, but based on of
similar defensive sites in the wider area of central Croatia, we
shall try to put forward some proposals regarding the function and dating of the Mihalj fortification in the remaining
text.
On the other hand, structures B and C can probably be
brought into connection with the existence of sacral architecture, of which today only the stone tabernacle has remained
preserved. The tabernacle was given to the then National
Museum in Zagreb in 1900 by the town physician in Krievci,
Dr. Fran Gundrum Oriovanim. The find was taken over by J.
6. My attention was drawn to the information about the construction of the
churches dedicated to St. Archangel Michael precisely on the eastern
slopes of the mountain and the hills in connection with the biblical motif
of Michaels fight with satan by Prof. . Tomii. He also advised me to
dedicate particular attention to the described remains of the stone architecture of circular ground plan, as there was a possibility that it was a
Romanesque rotunda.
7. In 2005 the Varadin Municipal Museum carried out the archaeological
excavation of one of some ten lime kilns in the Ravna Gora area. The excavation leader pointed out that accumulations of fired clay of red-brown
to black colour were visible also in the examination of the mentioned lime
kilns, and occasionally also small lumps of lime, which is not the case
with the circular structure at Mihalj. Further, heaps of soil, probably dug
from the centre of the structure, were observed next to the structures. This
is also not the case on Mihalj however, the structure resembles the lime
kilns from Ravna Gora very much, judging by the figures brought in the
paper (imek 2006). In 2001, salvage archaeological excavations of lime
kilns from the 15th and 16th cent. were carried out in Austria, on the site
of Taxberg in the municipality of Mhldorf near Feldbach (Lippert 2002).
Two lime kilns were investigated, as well as a pit with fired soil and burnt
stones, at a 2 metre distance from the first lime kiln. In the surface survey,
the surface of the lime kilns was seen as a stain of red-fired earth. The first
lime kiln has an oval-circular shape, measuring 5 x 5,80 m. The second
kiln was damaged, and its preserved dimensions are 3 x 2,50 m.
457
jarka od izbaene zemlje formiran je bedem i povieno sredinje uzvienje koje je poravnato i iznivelirano. Na dijelu
bedema na sjevernoj strani zamijeeno je kamenje, koje je ili
sluajno dospjelo u bedem prigodom njegova oblikovanja
ili je njime moda bedem namjerno pojaan. Tragovi eventualnih vrstih struktura na samoj utvrdi nisu zamijeeni, te
je za pretpostaviti kako je na njoj bio podignut jedan ili vie
drvenih objekata. Odgrnuvi umsko lie na vie mjesta na
sredinjem uzvienju utvrde, zamijeen je u umskom humusu znatni udio crveno zapeene zemlje, to nas upuuje
na pretpostavku da je drvena utvrda stradala u poaru.
Drugi, longitudinalni objekt (objekt B) nalazi se na rubu
ume, pod izdvojenim umarkom na terenu koji nadvisuje
okolicu za 1,5-2 m. Obrisi su mu nejasni, a oituju se u vidu udolina5 i nasipa umskog humusa, ispod kojeg se dijelom nazire kamena struktura. Okvirne dimenzije uruenog
objekta iznose 25 x 16 m, a orijentiran je duim dijelom u
pravcu sjeveroistok-jugozapad. Tek bi se arheolokim iskopavanjem definirali gabariti zdanja podignutog iz kamena,
koje se moda prualo i veom povrinom.
Trei objekt (objekt C) ovalno-krunog oblika, usmjeren
istok-zapad s laganim otklonom prema sjeveru (dimenzije
14,60 x 11 m istok-zapad / sjever-jug), zarastao u umarak
usred livade, sastoji se od povienog prstenastog vijenca
na kojem se ispod umskog humusa i lia nazire kamena
struktura, dok je unutranjost ravna, tj. u odnosu na povieni prstenasti vijenac udubljena i bez tragova eventualnih
pregradnih zidova. Prstenasti vijenac uzdie se za oko 0,8-1
m nad okolnim terenom. ini se da na junoj strani vijenac
ne zatvara puni krug, ve je dijelom otvoren.
Kako se trei objekt nalazi u neposrednoj blizini dvaju
nedvojbenih arheolokih objekata, za pretpostaviti je kako i on predstavlja neko srednjovjekovno zdanje graeno
od kamena. Moemo li pomiljati na crkvu krunog tlorisa,
romaniku rotundu?6 Ukoliko je tome tako, tada bi i datacija itavog arheolokoga kompleksa bila starija nego to se
isprva ini. Ili se, pak, radi o nekom objektu drukije namjene unutar srednjovjekovnoga kompleksa? Takoer, ne smijemo ovdje zanemariti injenice da arheoloka istraivanja
nisu provedena te da se na osnovi povrinskog pregleda terena u ovom sluaju ne moemo previe oslanjati na izgled
uruene strukture, prekrivene umskim humusom. Naime,
sline tragove ostavljaju i neki drugi objekti nakon uruenja
i razgradnje. Pa bi tako, uzmemo li u obzir i injenicu kako
je u ovom kraju uobiajena proizvodnja ugljena i vapna, taj
kruni objekt mogao predstavljati ostatke neke vapnare, tj.
vapnenice, pei za dobivanje vapna.7 Meutim, dimenzije
5. Du sjeverne strane zamjetan je zaseban duboki jarak irine oko 1,5 m,
te istaknuti nasip. Nije, meutim, jasno radi li se o nekom zidu ispod
nasipa, odnosno uruenoj arhitekturi ili je rije o obrambenim dijelovima
objekta?
6. Na podatak o podizanju crkava posveenih sv. Mihovilu Arkanelu
upravo na istonim stranama brda i brjegova u vezi s biblijskim motivom
borbe Mihovila i Sotone, uputio me prof. dr. sc. . Tomii. Takoer je
upozorio kako treba obratiti osobitu pozornost na opisane ostatke kamene
arhitekture krunog tlocrta, jer postoji mogunost da se radi o romanikoj
rotundi.
7. Godine 2005. Gradski muzej Varadin proveo je arheoloko istraivanje
jedne od desetak pei za vapno na podruju Ravne gore. Voditeljica
istraivanja istaknula je kako su i prigodom pregleda navedenih vapne-
458
Brunmid, who did not date it with precision, but attributed

it to the Gothic period and recorded its dimensions: 112 x
0,64 x 0,45 m (Brunmid 1912, 149, No. 838). The same find
was catalogued in the History Museum in 1969 by M. Valenti,
who described it as a Gothic tabernacle from the church of St.
Michael (Sv. Mihovil) in Osek, the Krievci district, sandstone,
h. 112 cm, wid. 64 cm, thick. 54 cm and dated it to the 15th
century (Valenti 1969, 100, 101, No. 57). An illustration of the
tabernacle was again reproduced in recent times in a book
about the Krievci and Kalnik area in the Middle Ages (Balog
2003, 60).
The toponym Mihalj points to the existence of a church
dedicated to St. Michael (Mihovil, Mihael, Mihajlo, Mihalj).8 However, the church of that patron saint is not known in that
area. We shall therefore try, by looking at the results of the
research of historians about mediaeval estates in the territory
of the eastern Kalnik mountain, in the context of known historical sources about the existing sacral structures, to consider
the possibilities of the attribution of the church on Mihalj to
one of several religious orders that had been present in the
wider area of the Glogovnica and Kalnik.
Structure A at Mihalj belongs to the fortifications9 of the
elevated type. The mediaeval elevated fortifications were built either on prominent hills in valleys or, which is more frequent, in mountainous or peri-mountainous areas. They were
mostly erected on peripheral parts of mountains and controlled a broad valley (Borovljani-Gradina, Bakovica-Gradina,
Donja Glogovnica, Kutina-Turski Stol, Mala renjevica,
Miinka-Klisa, Veliki Poganac-anac etc.) or a narrow riverine valley between hills (Vojakovaki Osijek-Mihalj, Velika
renjevica-renjevac, Selite-Kutinec Grad). Some of them
were virtually inaccessible from the valley itself and were accessed instead probably from a wooden bridge from the hills
in the hinterland (Tkalec 2004, 242). The elevated mediaeval fortifications in the Kalnik and Moslavina highland and
foothills in addition to Vojakovaki Osijek-Mihalj these are
Rasinja-Opoj Grad and Podgari-Gornja Josipovaa reach
absolute heights of around 250 m a.s.l. On the other hand,
certain elevated fortifications of the Kalnik and Bilogora spurs
lie at around 180 m a.s.l. or so (Tkalec 2004, 241), and their
shared feature is that they are situated in a convenient position that offers a good view over the environs. In contrast
to those, some fortifications have been perceived that are
hidden in hilly forests and which lack a good view over the
8. Michael is one of the seven archangels. The archangels are individualized
by personal names, and the names themselves interpret their respective
functions. Thus Michael (Croatian: Mihovil), Lat. Michael<Hebrew
mk`l who is like God?. St. Michael is the victor over Satan, the
weigher of souls. His cult started in the East in the 4th cent., and in the
West in the 5th, and particularly from the 8th century onwards. In the 9 th
century in his iconography he is depicted as a winged angel dressed in a
tunic, with a flaming sword or a spear in his hand. From the 12th century
and later (especially in Baroque) he is represented in armour, trampling
the dragon or satan and stabbing him with his spear (the victory over
satan). From the 14th cent. he is depicted as a supervisor, a weigher
of souls, with the spear that pierces satan in one hand, while holding the
scales in the other. A large number of churches dedicated to St. Michael
are located on hill tops that had once been dedicated to pagan cults (Fui
2000, 432-434).
9. We shall not enter here the still open body of problems regarding the
terminology of this type of fortifications, i.e. by using the narrower term
gradite (earthen fortification), but shall use instead in the text a wider
and general term for defensive sites utvrda (fortification).
objekta C i okolnosti smjetaja pored druga dva arheoloka

objekta, govorile bi u prilog tezi da i taj objekt predstavlja
zdanje koje pripada srednjovjekovnom mihaljskom spomenikom sklopu.
Iz iznesenog opisa razvidno je kako objekt A pripada
arheolokom lokalitetu obrambenog karaktera. Potvrde o
postojanju lokaliteta te vrste na podruju Mihalja ne nalazimo u poznatim povijesnim izvorima, no na osnovi slinih
obrambenih nalazita na irem podruju sredinje Hrvatske,
pokuat emo u daljnjem tekstu iznijeti neke prijedloge u
vezi funkcije i datacije mihaljske utvrde.
S druge strane, objekte B i C vjerojatno moemo povezati s postojanjem sakralne arhitekture, od koje nam je danas ostala ouvana tek kamena kustodija, odnosno tabernakul. Tabernakul je 1900. god. tadanjem Narodnom muzeju u Zagrebu darovao gradski fizik u Krievcima, dr. Fran
Gundrum Oriovanim. Nalaz je preuzeo J. Brunmid, koji ga
ne datira preciznije, ali ga opredjeljuje u vrijeme gotike te
navodi dimenzije 112 x 0,64 x 0, 45 m (Brunmid 1912, 149,
br. 838). Isti nalaz popisuje u Povijesnom muzeju 1969. god.
M. Valenti te ga opisuje kao gotiki tabernakul iz crkve sv.
Mihovila u Oseku, kotar Krievci, pjeenjak, v. 112 cm, ir.
64 cm, deblj. 54 cm i datira u 15. st. (Valenti 1969, 100-101,
br. 57). Slikovni prikaz kustodije u novije je vrijeme ponovo
reproduciran u knjizi o krievako-kalnikom podruju u
srednjem vijeku (Balog 2003, 60).
Toponim Mihalj upuuje nas na postojanje crkve posveene sv. Mihovilu (Mihaelu, Mihajlu, Mihalju).8 Meutim, crkva takvoga titulara nije poznata na tom podruju. Pokuat
emo, stoga, sagledavajui rezultate istraivanja povjesniara o srednjovjekovnim posjedima na podruju istonog
kalnikog kraja, a u kontekstu poznatih povijesnih izvora o
postojeim sakralnim objektima, razmotriti mogunosti pripadnosti crkve na Mihalju nekom od vie crkvenih redova,
koji su bili prisutni na irem glogovniko-kalnikom podruju.
nica bile uoljive nakupine peene zemlje crvenosmee do crne boje, a
mjestimino i sitnije grumenje vapna, to kod krunog objekta na Mihalju
nije sluaj. Takoer, uz objekte su bile zapaene hrpe zemlje, vjerojatno
iskopane iz sredine objekta. Na Mihalju niti to nije sluaj, meutim, objekt
vrlo nalikuje vapnarama iz Ravne gore, sudei prema slikama koje se
donose u lanku (imek 2006). Godine 2001. obavljena su u Austriji, na
poloaju Taxberg u opini Mhldorf kod Feldbacha, zatitna arheoloka
istraivanja vapnara koje potjeu iz 15. i 16. st. (Lippert 2002). Istraene su 2 vapnare te jama sa zapeenom zemljom i gorenim kamenjem,
udaljena oko 2 metra od prve vapnare. Povrina vapnara takoer se pri
povrinskom pregledu uoavala kao mrlja crveno- zapeene zemlje. Prva
vapnara je ovalno-krunog oblika, dimenzija 5 x 5,80 m. Druga pe je
bila oteena, a ouvane dimenzije su joj 3 x 2,50 m.
8. Mihovil je jedan od sedmorice arkanela. Arkaneli su individualizirani
vlastitim imenima, a sama imena tumae njihove funkcije. Pa prema
tome Mihovil=Mihael, lat. Michael<hebr. mk`l tko je kao Bog?. Sv.
Mihovil je pobjednik nad Sotonom, vagatelj dua. Kult mu poinje na
Istoku u 4. st., na Zapadu u 5. st., a osobito od 8. st. na dalje. U 9. st. se
u ikonografiji prikazuje kao krilati aneo odjeven u tuniku, s plamenim
maem ili kopljem u ruci. Od 12. st. i kasnije (osobito u baroku) prikazuje
se u oklopu kako gazi zmaja ili avla i probada ga kopljem (pobjeda nad
Sotonom). Od 14. st. prikazuje se kao nadziratelj, vagatelj dua kako
jednom rukom dri koplje kojim probada avla, a drugom dri vagu. Velik
broj crkava posveenih sv. Mihovilu nalazi se na vrhovima brjegova koji
su nekada bili posveeni poganskim kultovima (Fui 2000, 432-434).
surrounding countryside, and consequently also lack the

view over a possible neighbouring settlement. Such fortifications in all likelihood represented a refuge in turbulent times
(Puriani-Galge), and their primary function was refugial, i.e.
the primary importance was that of the seclusion of the site itself and not the overview of the environs, a road or something similar.
The elevated fortifications consist of a central zone surrounded by a fortification system (a defensive ditch, one or
several ramparts). Likewise, additional zones are sometimes
exploited next to the central elevation plateau separated
from the core of the fortification by an interior ditch, the socalled double or multiple fortifications or gradita (earthen
fortifications). Mihalj belongs to the type of the elevated fortifications that consist of a fortification core, a defensive ditch
and a rampart. As one side of the fortification is protected by
a natural steep slope, no rampart was formed there so the
central elevation remained open. Mihalj therefore, as we have already pointed out, belongs to the elevated fortifications
of the horseshoe type. The central elevations of the elevated fortifications of the horseshoe type vary from circular (V.
renjevica-renjevac) and square (in addition to Mihalj this
is also Donja Glogovnica) to the triangular ones (Dominkovica-Gradina) (Tkalec 2004, 246).
It would be interesting to mention and quickly describe
here the fortification in nearby Donja Glogovnica. The fortification, an elevated earthen fortification of a horseshoe shape
and a late mediaeval citadel are situated in the middle of the
village on the position of the church of the Assumption of the
Blessed Virgin Mary. The natural hill suitable for the control
over the Glogovnica valley is adjusted to the requirements
of the fortification. The square-shaped central elevation with
salient rounded corners (which hint at the existence of defensive towers) measures 58 x 58 m (measured along the centre
of the fortification), and the northern side with the farthest
points is around 67 m long. It is surrounded by a 12 m wide
rampart and a deep ditch (up to 23 m wide, around 10 m deep
on the northern side), which are missing on the steep eastern
side of the hill, by which they give the fortification an open,
horseshoe shape (Tkalec 2004, 79-83). The position provided
a good overview of the valley of the Glogovnica river towards
the spring itself and of the river in the Kalnik hills.10 In the upper course of the Glogovnica the valley is very narrow and it
represented a natural communication between the southern
and northern Kalnik foothills. Even though it has been proven that from ancient times the road routes went through the
valley of the Kamenica river which lies more to the west
through the Vratno gorge and over the Kozji Hrbat ridge11 to
the northern side of the Kalnik, it can be presumed that, particularly in the Middle Ages, this communication via the Glogovnica river and across the Sedlo pass and the Drenovaki
Potok stream to Slanje and the Bednja river valley was not
neglected either. The fortification near the church of the Blessed Virgin Mary in Donja Glogovnica was the second one on
the southern side of the Kalnik hills on that direction via the
10. If we look at other mediaeval fortifications, one understands their relationship with the road directions, water courses and communications as
well as settlements (Tkalec 2004, 266).
11. Kozji Hrbat appears already in a document from 1225, where it can be
seen that a traffic route went through there. The toponym has remained
preserved to this day and it is marked on topographic maps, e.g. TK
1:25000, Slanje, 272-3-1.
459
Mihaljski objekt A pripada utvrdama9 visinskog tipa.

Srednjovjekovne visinske utvrde podizane su ili na istaknutim brjegovima u dolinama ili pak, to je uestalije, u
gorskim i prigorskim podrujima. Najee su podizane
na rubnim dijelovima gorja i kontrolirale su iroku dolinu
(Borovljani-Gradina, Bakovica-Gradina, Donja Glogovnica, Kutina-Turski stol, Mala renjevica, Miinka-Klisa, Veliki
Poganac-anac i dr.) ili usku rijenu dolinu izmeu brjegova
(Vojakovaki Osijek-Mihalj, Velika renjevica-renjevac,
Selite-Kutinec grad). Ponekima od njih pristup je praktino
bio nemogu iz same doline, ve im se prilazilo vjerojatno
preko drvenog mosta s brjegova u zaleu (Tkalec 2004,
242). Visinske srednjovjekovne utvrde u kalnikom i moslavakom gorju te prigorju, uz Vojakovaki Osijek-Mihalj to
su Rasinja-Opoj grad i Podgari-Gornja Josipovaa, dosiu
apsolutne visine oko 250 m. Pojedine, pak, visinske utvrde
kalnikih i bilogorskih izdanaka nalaze se na kakvih 180 m
n/m (Tkalec 2004, 241), a znaajka im je da su smjetene
na povoljnom poloaju s kojeg se prua dobar pregled nad
okolicom. Za razliku od njih, zamijeene su utvrde koje su
skrivene u brjegovitim umama i s kojih se ne prua dobar
pregled nad okolicom, dakle niti nad moguim oblinjim
naseljem. Takve su utvrde vjerojatno predstavljale pribjeite u nemirnim vremenima (Puriani-Galge), a prvenstvena
im je funkcija bila refugijalna, odnosno od prvobitnog je
znaaja bila skrovitost same lokacije, a ne nadgledanje okolice, prometnice ili slino.
Visinske utvrde sastoje se od sredinjeg prostora okruenog fortifikacijskim sustavom (obrambeni jarak, bedem ili
vie njih). Takoer, uz sredinje uzvienje ponekad se iskoritavaju dodatni prostori, zaravni odijeljene od jezgre utvrde
unutarnjim jarkom, tzv. dvojne ili viedijelne utvrde ili gradita. Mihalj pripada tipu visinskih utvrda koje se sastoje od
utvrdbene jezgre, jednog obrambenog jarka i jednog bedema. Kako je jedna strana utvrde tiena prirodnom strmom
padinom, na tom dijelu nije formiran bedem te je sredinje
uzvienje otvoreno. Stoga, kao to smo ve istaknuli, Mihalj
pripada visinskim utvrdama potkoviastog tipa. Sredinja
uzvienja visinskih utvrda potkoviastog tipa oblicima variraju od krunih (V. renjevica-renjevac), kvadratinih (uz
Mihalj to je i Donja Glogovnica) ili trokutastih (Dominkovica-Gradina) (Tkalec 2004, 246).
Zanimljivo je na ovom mjestu spomenuti i ukratko opisati utvrdu u oblinjoj Donjoj Glogovnici. Utvrda, visinsko
gradite potkoviastog oblika i kasnosrednjovjekovni katel, nalaze se u sreditu sela na poloaju crkve Uznesenja
Blaene Djevice Marije. Prirodni brijeg s dobrom mogunou nadgledanja doline Glogovnice, prilagoen je potrebama utvrenja. Kvadratino, sredinje uzvienje, istaknutih
zaobljenih uglova (koje daju naslutiti postojanje obrambenih kula) dimenzija je 58 x 58 m (mjereno sredinom utvrde),
odnosno sjeverna stranica s najdaljim tokama iznosi oko
67 m. Okrueno je bedemom irine 12 m i dubokim jarkom
(ir. do 23 m, dubina oko 10 m na sjevernoj strani) koji su
na istonoj, strmoj strani brijega izostali te time daju utvrdi
9. Na ovom se mjestu neemo uputati u jo uvijek otvorenu problematiku
terminologije ovog tipa utvrda, odnosno koritenjem uega termina gradite, ve emo u tekstu koristiti iri i opi pojam za obrambena nalazita
utvrda.
460
Glogovnica. The position of Mihalj is in fact the first strategic

point upstream the small river of Glogovnica. Could it be that
this defensive system included also the position with the indicative name of Gradec, situated opposite Mihalj, where traces
of a fortification are still discernible today? Taking into consideration the early mention of the Gradec hill in the mediaeval
historical documents, and the mention of earthen ramparts
as early as the 13th century,12 it can be presumed that the fortification on that position is of an even earlier origin. Considering that the ramparts on Gradec are described as old at such
an early date as 1244, in all probability they were not built
for the defense against the Tatars, but are much older. In fact,
the very toponym Gradec, which was used for the hill and the
land as early as the 13th century, likewise indicates that at that
date people knew about the existence of an older fortified
town or a fortification of some kind at that spot. However, without archaeological excavations, the exact date of creation
of that fortification on Gradec will remain unknown.13
The similarity in the method of construction of the somewhat smaller earthen fortification on Mihalj and the larger
Glogovnica fortification is considerable.
It is not known at what time the defensive ditch was dug
and the rampart built around the church of the Assumption
of the Blessed Virgin Mary in Donja Glogovnica. Was it on the
occasion when the citadel of the Glogovnica prepositure was
built next to the church to the north, the citadel whose ground
plan was discovered also in the archaeological excavations in
1998 and 1999? The Glogovnica sepulchral monastery and
estate was transferred sometime after 1466 to the authority
of the college of canons and the bishop of Zagreb. The citadel is mentioned as a castellum in 1500, when Andrija Alfonz
Thuz, the brother of bishop Osvald Thuz, was the provost of
the monastery. In 1543 a fortalicium is mentioned, and in 1553
a castrum (Heller 1978, 72). The prominent semicircular corners of the plateau of the Glogovnica fortification would speak in favour of the existence of battery towers, characteristic
for the period when fire-arms, in fact cannonry, were in use.
This is confirmed also by archaeological finds from the excavations, which date the citadel at the earliest to the second
half or the very end of the 15th century or later.14 However, the12. As Grades it is mentioned as early as 1207 in the description of the
borders of Glogovnica; then in 1249 as Gradich in the description of the
borders of the Apatovec estate (Pavle 2004, 37). In the 1244 charter to
ban Dionysius a description of the border of Cerovo Brdo is mentioned,
in which in one part the border climbs to the top of the Graduch hill
running along the old earthen rampart called ettewen... (Pavle 2004,
40). R. Pavle analyzed the document published in Diplomatiki Zbornik
(Codex Diplomaticus). Fejer also mentions only a rampart called ettowen
(in vertice montis Graduch per antiquum cumulum terre, qui ettowen
dicitur), and we shall mention as a curiosity also that I. Kukuljevi published a transcription of the same document with somewhat different data:
ad antiquum cumulum terrae qui Ettowen Cecewey dicitur (Kukuljevi
1891, 229).
13. Ramparts are even today visible on the northeastern side of the top of
Gradec, but it seems that remains of a stone construction are hidden
beneath them. D. Vrbanac provided valuable information about the
terminology the local people use for the Gradec hill area. These by and
large apply to the eastern side and hill slope, and looked from the north
southwards the toponyms are: Stari Vrti, Stari Zdenac, Kraljev Zdenac.
14. The author of the text took part in the 1999 excavations upon the invitation by Z. Homen (the Krievci Municipal Museum), the leader of the
excavation. The excavation yielded fragments of Gothic ceramic cups
from which the citadel commander of Glogovnica and his folk drank,
and which were dated by means of typology and chronology to the 15th
century (Tkalec 2001, 221, Fig. 6-9, 225). The finds of stove tiles, dis-
otvoreni, potkoviasti oblik (Tkalec 2004, 79-83). S poloaja se pruao dobar nadzor nad dolinom rijeke Glogovnice
prema samom izvoru te rijeke u Kalnikom gorju.10 Ta je
dolina u gornjem toku Glogovnice vrlo uska i predstavljala
je prirodnu komunikaciju izmeu junog i sjevernog Kalnikog prigorja. Iako su dokazane trase cesta jo od vremena
antike prema Varadinskim Toplicama dolinom zapadnije
rijeke Kamenice, kroz klanac Vratno pa preko sedla Kozji
hrbat11 na sjevernu kalniku stranu, za pretpostaviti je da,
osobito u srednjem vijeku, niti ova komunikacija rijekom
Glogovnicom pa preko prijevoja Sedlo i Drenovakog potoka na Slanje i dolinu Bednje, nije bila zanemarena. Utvrda
kod crkve Blaene Djevice Marije u Donjoj Glogovnici nalazila se kao druga na junoj strani kalnikih obronaka na
tom glogovnikom pravcu. Prvu strateku toku uzvodno
rjeicom Glogovnicom predstavlja upravo poloaj Mihalj. Je
li u tom obrambenom sustavu funkcionirao i poloaj indikativnoga nazivlja Gradec nasuprot Mihalju, na kojemu se jo
danas naziru tragovi utvrenja? S obzirom na rani spomen
brda Gradec u srednjovjekovnim povijesnim ispravama te
spomen zemljanih nasipa jo u 13. st.,12 za pretpostaviti je
kako je utvrda na tom poloaju i starijeg podrijetla. Kako se
nasipi na Gradecu spominju kao stari jo 1244. god., vjerojatno je da nisu izraivani za obranu od Tatara nego su puno stariji. Uostalom, i sam toponim Gradec koji se za brdo
i zemlju koristi ve u 13. st., takoer upuuje na ondanje
poznavanje postojanja starijeg utvrenog grada ili neke
vrste utvrde na tom mjestu. Iz kojeg tono vremena datira
ta utvrda na Gradecu, bez arheolokih istraivanja ostat e
nam nepoznanica.13
Zamjetna je slinost naina gradnje mihaljske, neto manje zemljane utvrde i glogovnike vee.
Nije poznato u kojem je vremenu u Donjoj Glogovnici okolo crkve Uznesenja Blaene Djevice Marije iskopan
obrambeni jarak i podignut bedem. Je li to bilo prigodom
gradnje katela glogovnike prepoziture sjeverno uz crkvu,
katela iji je tlocrt otkriven i u arheolokim iskopavanjima
1998. i 1999. god.? Glogovniki sepulkralski samostan i posjed preao je negdje nakon 1466. god. u nadlenost Zagre10. Promatramo li i ostale srednjovjekovne utvrde, uvia se njihova veza
na cestovne pravce, vodene tokove i komunikacije te naselja (Tkalec
2004, 266).
11. Kozji hrbat se pojavljuje ve u ispravi iz 1225. god., pri emu se vidi da
je tuda u srednjem vijeku tekao prometni pravac. Toponim se ouvao do
dananjih dana i obiljeen je na topografskim kartama, npr. TK 1:25000,
Slanje, 272-3-1.
12.Kao Grades ve 1207. god. u opisu mea Glogovnice, zatim 1249. god.
kao Gradich u opisu mea posjeda Apatovec (Pavle 2004, 37). U darovnici banu Dioniziju iz 1244. god. spominje se opis mee Cerovog brda,
pri emu se u nekom dijelu mea uspinje do vrha brda Graduch idui uz
stari zemljani nasip zvan ettewen (Pavle 2004, 40). R. Pavle je analizirao ispravu u izdanju Smiiklasova Diplomatikog zbornika. I Fejer
navodi samo nasip zvan ettowen (in vertice montis Graduch per antiquum
cumulum terre, qui ettowen dicitur), a kao zanimljivost spomenut emo
da I. Kukuljevi donosi prijepis iste isprave s malo drukijim podacima:
ad antiquum cumulum terrae qui Ettowen Cecewey dicitur (Kukuljevi
1891, 229).
13.Na Gradecu su i danas na njegovom vrhu na sjeveroistonoj strani uoljivi nasipi, meutim, ini se da se ispod njih kriju ostaci neke kamene
arhitekture. D. Vrbanac je dao dragocjene podatke o nazivlju koje lokalno
stanovnitvo koristi za podruje brda Gradec. Radi se mahom o istonijoj
strani i padini brda, a gledano od sjevera prema jugu slijede toponimi:
Stari vrti, Stari zdenac, Kraljev zdenac.
re is a possibility that the transformation of the corners of the

central elevation of the earthen fortification was done when
the built stone citadel was being erected on it, and that the
earthen fortification itself was created even earlier. It would
therefore be important to continue the archaeological excavations on selected surfaces (a section across the slope of the
central elevation, the ditch and the rampart). Minor archaeological excavations were carried out also on other sites Novi
Pavljani near Bjelovar and Mala renjevica near Pitomaa
which contain a church on top of an earthen fortification, but
the question of the date of erection of the fortification itself
has not been solved.15 We come closest to the answer to that
question at the site of Crkvari near Orahovica, where a part
of the surface of the very edge, i.e. the slope of the central
elevation, was excavated during the fourth season of archaeological excavations. From the sequence of archaeological
layers, and based on the typological attribution of the finds
(i.e. before we carried out the absolute-dating analyses and
prior to any final conclusions) we anticipate that the slope of
the central elevation was reinforced in the 15th century at the
earliest (Tkalec 2006; Tkalec 2007). Only the C14 analyses of
the graves (which lack finds or grave goods) cut by the excavation of the defensive ditch will provide more secure data
about the time of creation of the fortification in Crkvari. The
dating of those and similar earthen fortifications to the 15th
century and their defensive role in the turbulent times of Turkish attacks is not contentious. Rather, a question is posed
whether they had been built even before that, perhaps already around the time of the Tatar incursion or immediately after
it, when the building of the system of mediaeval stone towns
was hastened on the initiative of the king himself? Unfortunately, this body of problems still remains open in Croatia,
owing to insufficient archaeological excavations. Certain excavations proved that such sites were used in the 15th century
(the earthen fortifications in the Moslavina region that were
excavated in the 1960: the lowland ones Kutina-Plovdin
Grad, Sokolovac-Turski Grad and Tomaica-Gradina and the
elevated ones Mikleuka-anac Gradina, Selite-Kutinec
Grad and Kutina-Turski Stol) (Tkalec 2004, 27; Sekelj Ivanan,
Tkalec 2002; Tkalec, Sekelj Ivanan 2004). However, no
absolute-dating analyses were carried out that could offer a
different side of the site, i.e. provide clues to its continuity, as
was the case with the lowland earthen fortification of TorecGradi in the Podravina region near Koprivnica. Even though two mediaeval phases of the site were discerned in the
archaeological excavations, the older phase in contrast to
covered in the excavations in the citadel area, point to the second half of
the 15th century and the beginning of the 16th century. Similar types of
stove tiles were produced in local workshops in Gudovac near Bjelovar
(Jakovljevi, Tkalec 2004; Tkalec 2005) and in Nova Ves in Zagreb.
The leader of the excavation of the latter site links a certain type of stove
tiles with the activity of bishop Osvald Thuz (Mai 2002, 38). True, all
three sites Gudovac, Nova Ves and Glogovnica are closely related
with that bishop of Zagreb.
15. In 2001, the Institute of Archaeology carried out minor archaeological
excavations in Mala renjevica near Pitomaa, around what is presently the orthodox church of 318 Benignant Fathers and what was in the
Middle Ages a Gothic church (probably St. Martins), and which lies on a
large-size earthen fortification. In 2002 the Bjelovar Municipal Museum
carried out minor salvage excavations in Novi Pavljani, immediately next
to the church, on the occasion of drainage works. However, the scope of
excavation was too small to present a substantial step forward in shedding light on this question, and the same is the case with the excavation
at Glogovnica and Mala renjevica.
461
bakog kaptola i biskupa. Katel se kao castellum spominje

1500. god., kada je prepozit samostana bio Andrija Alfonz
Thuz, brat biskupa Osvalda Thuza. Godine 1543. spominje
se fortalicium, a 1553. castrum (Heller 1978, 72). Naglaeni
polukruni uglovi zaravni glogovnike utvrde govorili bi u
prilog postojanju baterijskih kula, karakteristinih za razdoblje kada je u upotrebi vatreno, odnosno topniko oruje.
To potvruju i arheoloki nalazi iz istraivanja koji katel
datiraju najranije u drugu polovicu ili sam kraj 15. st. ili kasnije.14 Meutim, postoji mogunost da je preoblikovanje
uglova sredinjeg uzvienja zemljane utvrde bilo uinjeno
prigodom gradnje zidanog kamenog katela na njoj, a da
je sama zemljana utvrda bila formirana i prije. Zato bi trebalo nastaviti arheoloka istraivanja na ciljanim povrinama
(presjek preko padine sredinjeg uzvienja, jarka i bedema).
Manja arheoloka istraivanja provedena su i na drugim
lokalitetima, Novi Pavljani kraj Bjelovara i Mala renjevica
kraj Pitomae, na kojima se nalazi crkva na zemljanoj utvrdi, meutim, pitanje datacije podizanja same utvrde nije
rijeeno.15 Najblii smo odgovoru na to pitanje na lokalitetu
Crkvari kraj Orahovice na kojem je prigodom etvrte sezone arheolokih istraivanja istraen dio povrine samog
ruba, tj. padine sredinjeg uzvienja. Iz slijeda arheolokih
slojeva, a na osnovi tipolokog opredjeljenja nalaza (dakle, prije provedenih apsolutnodatacijskih ispitivanja i bez
izvoenja konanih zakljuaka) nasluujemo kako je padina
sredinjeg uzvienja uvrivana najranije u 15. st. (Tkalec
2006; Tkalec 2007). Tek e C14 analize grobova (koji nemaju
nalaza niti priloga) presjeenih iskopom obrambenog jarka
dati sigurniji podatak o vremenu formiranja utvrde u Crkvarima. Naime, nije sporna datacija tih i slinih utvrda-gradita
u doba 15. st. i njihova obrambena uloga u nemirnim vremenima turskih napada, ve se postavlja pitanje nisu li one
podizane i prije, moda ve oko vremena tatarske provale,
odnosno neposredno nakon nje, kada je ubrzano podizanje sustava srednjovjekovnih kamenih gradova na poticaj
samog kralja? Naalost, ta je problematika i dalje u Hrvatskoj otvorena, zbog nedostatnih arheolokih istraivanja. U
pojedinim istraivanjima dokazana je upotreba takvih lokaliteta u 15. st. (moslavaka gradita istraivana 1960-ih godina: nizinska Kutina-Plovdin grad, Sokolovac-Turski grad
i Tomaica-Gradina te visinska Mikleuka-anac Gradina,
14. Autorica teksta je na poziv voditelja istraivanja Z. Homena (Gradski
muzej Krievci) sudjelovala u istraivanjima 1999. god. U istraivanjima
su pronaeni ulomci gotikih keramikih aa iz kojih je pio glogovniki katelan i njegovi ljudi, a tipoloko-kronoloki su datirane u 15. st.
(Tkalec 2001, 221, sl. 6-9, 225). Nalazi penjaka, koji su pronaeni u
istraivanjima na podruju katela, ukazuju na drugu polovicu 15. st. te
na poetak 16. st. Slini tipovi penjaka proizvodili su se u lokalnim radionicama u Gudovcu kraj Bjelovara (Jakovljevi, Tkalec 2004; Tkalec
2005) te na Novoj Vesi u Zagrebu, iji voditelj istraivanja odreeni tip
penjaka povezuje s djelovanjem biskupa Osvalda Thuza (Mai 2002,
38). Istina, sva su tri lokaliteta, Gudovac, Nova Ves i Glogovnica usko
vezana uz tog zagrebakog biskupa.
15. Godine 2001. Institut za arheologiju proveo je manja zatitna arheoloka
istraivanja u Maloj renjevici kraj Pitomae, oko danas pravoslavne
crkve 318 Blagonosnih otaca, a u srednjem vijeku gotike crkve (vjerojatno sv. Martina) koja se nalazi na graditu veih dimenzija. U Novim
Pavljanima je Gradski muzej Bjelovar 2002. god. proveo manja zatitna
istraivanja uza samu crkvu prigodom drenanih radova. Meutim,
obujam istraivanja bio je premali da bi se dobio bitniji pomak u osvjetljivanju tog pitanja, kao to je sluaj i kod istraivanja Glogovnice i Male
renjevice.
462
the younger one, which abounded in finds yielded no other

finds apart from the remains of charcoal and wood. Had they
not been careful in following the layers in the archaeological
excavations and without a premeditated opening of selected
surfaces at Gradi, the archaeologists would not be able to
establish that the original fortification was built already in the
period between the end of the 12th to the middle of the 13th
century, and that it was transformed and enlarged in the 15th
century (Sekelj Ivanan, Tkalec 2004).
Only the archaeological excavations could offer the answer to the question whether the Mihalj fortification was
created as a fortification of a feudal estate already in the 13th
century, perhaps in connection with intensified need for fortification following the 1241/1242 Tatar incursion, and later incorporated into the system of defense against the Turks, or it
was created in the late Middle Ages and perhaps continued to
act as an observation post over the valley of the upper course
of the Glogovnica16 also in the Modern Age.
R. Pavle has most recently dedicated his attention to
the mediaeval estates in the wider area from the aspect of
historical topography, and he put forward his considerations
in several valuable papers. According to his detailed analysis
of mediaeval estates, the archaeological site of Mihalj would
form part of the Cerovo Brdo estate. The estate was named
after the Cerouo Berdo hill, which R. Pavle places adjacent to
the source of the Glogovnica stream, approximately at the
position of the present-day Medsko Brdo (Pavle 2004, 44).17
16. I thank R. Pavle for the personal information about the building of the
observation posts along the passes over the Kalnik from the end of the 16th
and the beginning of the 17th cent., which served for preventing incursions
of the Turkish-Vlach plundering groups towards the Zagorje region.
17. J. Bsendorfer pointed out regarding Kopina Cerovo Brdo (Veliko Brdo)
that west and southwest of Apatovac and Poganac extends the Powsahegy
or Kopina estate, while next to the latter lies the Cerovo Brdo (Czerowa
Borda) estate, whose fate is the same as that of the Obrovnica (Orbona)
town, which lies southeast of Belovar (Bsendorfer 1994, 72).
J. Bsendorfer further says that with time around 12-20 villages and
desolate stretches were incorporated into the Cerovo Brdo estate, and
that only Osijek near Glogovnica has remained. In his opinion, Glogovnica (Glogoncza) appears in 1370 among the estates of Cerovo Brdo. J.
Bsendorfer then explicitly says: This is presently Veliko Brdo north of
Osek, and opposite the Gradec hill on the Glogovnica bank, which is
mentioned in that position already in the 13th cent., and lists the following
years: 1253, 1417, 1422, 1476, 1478, 1491 (Bsendorfer 1994, 72), which
he takes from D. Csnki, who mentions in his book the sources for all the
mentioned years (Csnki 1893, 13). We can see from what was said that J.
Bsendorfer is not entirely clear about whether in 1370 Glogovnica was
on the Veliko Brdo hill, the hill on the bank of the Glogovnica and opposite the Gradec hill, or was Kopina the same as Cerovo Brdo, which was
located on the position of Veliko Brdo. J. Bsendorfer, however, took over
all that data from D. Csnki, who in the place where he gives information about the Cerovo Brdo estate does not equate Kopina with Cerovo
Brdo, but says instead that it seems that Cerovo Brdo corresponds to the
present-day Veliko Brdo near Osijek, and northwards (Csnki 1893, 13).
The proximity of these estates is indisputable; however, the synonymity
of Kopina and Cerovo Brdo is not questionable. There was a discussion in
the scholarly literature about the problem of determination of the position
of the St. Martins parish in Kopina and the Powsageg estate (alio nomine
Kopyna zenth Marthon), and it was summarized recently by R. Pavle,
who made a good case for the thesis that the church of St. Martin in Kopina
as well as the Powsageg estate should be looked for in the territory of the
present-day Mali Poganec village, and also Botinovac, Mali Grabiani,
Prnjavor and Grdak (Pavle 2006, 7).
We shall mention here also interesting data from the beginning of the
20th century published by Fran Gundrum Oriovanin in his traveloguehistorical note From the Krievci region. From Krievci to Vratno. He
says that Veliko Brdo is the hill situated on the left side of the Kamenica
Selite-Kutinec grad i Kutina-Turski stol) (Tkalec 2004, 27;

Sekelj Ivanan, Tkalec 2002; Tkalec, Sekelj Ivanan 2004).
Meutim, nisu provedene apsolutnodatacijske analize koje
bi mogle dati i drukiju sliku lokaliteta, odnosno ukazati na
njegov kontinuitet, kao to je to bio sluaj kod nizinskog
gradita Torec-Gradi u Podravini kraj Koprivnice. Iako su
se u arheolokim istraivanjima luile dvije srednjovjekovne
faze lokaliteta, starija faza, za razliku od mlae koja je obilovala nalazima, nije dala druge nalaze izuzev ostataka ugljena i drveta. Bez paljivog praenja slojeva pri arheolokim
iskopavanjima i bez smiljenog otvaranja biranih povrina
na Gradiu, arheolozi ne bi uspjeli ustanoviti da je prvobitna
utvrda podignuta jo u vremenu od kraja 12. pa do sredine
13. st., a da je u 15. st. preoblikovana i poveana (Sekelj Ivanan, Tkalec 2004).
Na pitanje je li mihaljska utvrda nastala kao utvrda nekog
feudalnog posjeda jo u 13. st., vezano moda uz pojaanu
potrebu za utvrivanjem nakon tatarske provale 1241./1242.
god., pa je kasnije bila uklopljena u sustav obrane protiv Turaka, ili je nastala u kasnom srednjem vijeku te je moda i
u novom vijeku predstavljala straarnicu nad dolinom gornjeg toka Glogovnice,16 odgovor nam mogu pruiti iskljuivo arheoloka iskopavanja.
Srednjovjekovnim posjedima na tom irem podruju
posvetio se, s gledita povijesne topografije, u najnovije vrijeme R. Pavle, a svoja razmatranja iznio je u vie vrijednih
lanaka. Arheoloko nalazite Mihalj ulazilo bi, prema njegovoj detaljnoj analizi srednjovjekovnih posjeda, u posjed
Cerovo brdo. Posjedu je ime dalo brdo Cerouo berdo koje
R. Pavle smjeta uz sam izvor potoka Glogovnice, otprilike
na poloaju dananjeg Medskog brda (Pavle 2004, 44).17
16. Zahvaljujem R. Pavleu na usmenom podatku o podizanju straarnica uz
prijevoje preko Kalnika s kraja 16. i poetka 17. st., koje su sluile za sprjeavanje prodora tursko-vlakih pljakakih skupina prema Zagorju.
17. J. Bsendorfer je za Kopina Cerovo brdo (Veliko brdo) istaknuo kako
se zapadno i jugozapadno od Apatovca i Poganca prostire vlastelinstvo
Powsahegy ili Kopina, a kraj ovoga Cerovo brdo (Czerowa borda), ija
je sudbina ista s gradom Obrovnicom (Orbona), koja lei jugoistono od
Belovara (Bsendorfer 1994, 72).
J. Bsendorfer dalje govori kako se tijekom vremena u vlastelinstvo
Cerovo brdo skupilo oko 12-20 sela i pustara, a ouvao se jedino Osijek
kraj Glogovnice. Prema njemu, Glogovnica (Glogoncza) se javlja 1370.
meu posjedima Cerovog brda. Zatim J. Bsendorfer izrijekom kae:
To je danas Veliko brdo sjeverno od Oseka, a suelice brdu Gradcu na
obali Glogovnice, koja se u tom poloaju spominje ve u XIII. v., pa
navodi sljedee godine: 1253., 1417., 1422., 1476., 1478., 1491.) (Bsendorfer 1994, 72) koje preuzima od D. Chnkija koji u svojoj knjizi za sve
spomenute godine navodi izvore (Csnki 1893, 13). Iz iznesenog vidimo
da niti J. Bsendorferu nije potpuno jasno je li Glogovnica iz 1370. bila
na Velikom brdu, brdu na obali Glogovnice, a preko puta Gradeca, ili je
Kopina isto to i Cerovo brdo koje je locirano na poloaju Velikog brda.
J. Bsendorfer je, meutim, sve te podatke preuzeo od D. Csnkija koji
na mjestu gdje iznosi podatke o posjedu Cerovo brdo ne izjednauje Kopinu s Cerovim brdom, ve kae kako se ini da Cerova brda odgovaraju
dananjem Velikom brdu pored Osijeka, pa na sjever (Csnki 1893, 13).
Blizina ovih posjeda nesporna je, meutim, nije upitna istoznanost
Kopine s Cerovim brdom. O problematici ubikacije upe Svetog Martina
u Kopini te posjeda Powsaheg (alio nomine Kopyna zenth Marthon)
voena je rasprava u strunoj literaturi, a u novije vrijeme saeo ju je R.
Pavle , koji se argumentirano opredijelio za tezu da se crkva sv. Martina
u Kopini kao i posjed Powsaheg trebaju traiti na podruju dananjeg
sela Mali Poganec, potom Botinovac, Mali Grabiani, Prnjavor i Grdak
(Pavle 2006, 7).
Spomenut emo ovdje i zanimljive podatke s poetka 20. st. koje donosi
Fran Gundrum Oriovanin u putopisno-povijesnoj crtici Iz krievakog
The toponym is first mentioned in a document from 1225 and

later in 1244, when the borders of the estate are described,
and then again in 1380, when the villages of Osegh and Golgoncha with 19 farmsteads are mentioned within the estate,
in addition to eight farmsteads on the Oztrum hill and four
farmsteads near the church of St. Nicholas and four along the
Semechech stream. There is a mention in the same document
of other data of interest for us in the subsequent analysis of
the subject. These are the mentions of allodial lands, namely
a memorial meadow near the manor of one of the owners (Nicholas of Orbona)18 and a meadow called Remeterete (Pavle
2004, 42). A document from 1380 is the first mention of the
village of Osegh, the present-day Vojakovaki Osijek, and at
the same time the first mention of the church of St. Nicholas
in that area, which is equated with the St. Nicholas in Palatha
from 1501 (Pavle 2004, 42).
R. Pavle explicitly mentioned the position of Mihalj, referring to it as a site where remains of sacral architecture were
found. In his opinion, during the Middle Ages, Mihalj with the
remains of a church was located in the territory of the Cerovo Brdo estate, while regarding the church he presumes that
it was an unknown chapel or, on the other hand, that it was
precisely the church of St. Nicholas in Palotha, whose exact
position is not known. He also drew attention to the difference between the toponym of Mihalj and the hagionym of the
church (Pavle 2004, 43).
Ecclesia sancti Nicolai (in) Palatha is mentioned in the 1501
list of parish priests, and it is listed after the parish church of
St. Martin below Veliki Kalnik and before the Saint Nicholas in
Gragena (Raki 1872, 220).19 J. Buturac positions the site of Palata near Sv. Petar Orehovec, northwest from Krievci, on account of a 1385 document that mentions Palatahel, an estate
in districtu Kemluk penes ecclessiam sancti Petri (Buturac 1984,
90), while G. Heller believes that St. Petar refers to the church
in vrstec and he locates also Palata in the territory of the village of vrstec, southeast of Krievci (Heller 1978, 174).
stream, whose plateau was probably once inhabited by the Slovenians,
who fired lime or cut forests. The hill is called Kranjske Hie after
them (Gundrum Oriovanin 1905, 53). Furthermore, in that travelogue
he provided valuable information about the existence of fortifications
on nearby peaks the Stavrac (Starac) town and the Melinac town in
Fodrocijeva uma (Fodrocis forest) (we recognize the toponyms on the
Topographic map 1:25000 Slanje 272-3-1) and the third town of Vis
(Gundrum Oriovanin 1905, 54). The mentioned positions with fortifications, however, are situated beyond the borders of the mediaeval estate
of Cerovo Brdo.
18. It has still not been confirmed archaeologically in Croatia whether we
should expect a site mentioned in late mediaeval documents as a manor
to be seen in the field as a fortified site of a feudal lord.
19. Scholars locate the church of St. Nicholas in Gragena northeast of
Krievci on the site of Gradina in the village of Bonjani, that is not
far from the position of the present-day church of St. Nicholas in Novi
Bonjani (Buturac 1984, 89; Horvat-Levaj 1993, 287-288; Balog 2003, 51;
Pavle 2006, 8-9). D. Csnki believed, as well as J. Bsendorfer after him,
that Gragena should be sought in the vicinity of Osijek and Glogovnica
because it often belonged to Posahegy St. Martin (Csnki 1893, 63;
Bsendorfer 1994, 254). In her earlier papers L. Dobroni situated the St.
Nicholas in Gragena or Gradina in the territory of Vojakovac (Dobroni
1984, 37-38), but later she explicitly mentions Bonjani (Dobroni 1999,
41).
Interestingly, D. Csnki does not mention the appearance of the church of
St. Nicholas in Palata in the 1501 list of parish priests at all; what is more,
in the text he makes no mention whatsoever either of a church or a site of
Polatha, Palatha or Palotha, except when he mentions the example of how
certain villages in the mediaeval Krievci county have the name of a saint,
and then he mentions Palota-Sz.-Mikls (Csnki 1893, 125).
463
Toponim se prvi put spominje u ispravi 1225. god., te dalje

1244., kada se opisuju i mee posjeda, zatim 1380., kada se
unutar posjeda navode sela Osegh i Golgoncha s po 19 selita, zatim osam selita na brdu Oztrum, te po etiri selita
uz crkvu sv. Nikole i uz potok Semechech. U istoj se ispravi
navode jo neki podaci koji e nama biti zanimljivi u daljnjoj obradi teme, a to su spomeni alodijalnih zemalja, konkretno spomen-livade kraj kurije jednog od vlasnika (Nikole
od Orbone)18 te livada zvana Remeterete (Pavle 2004, 42).
Isprava iz 1380. god. prvi je spomen sela Osegh, dananjeg
Vojakovakog Osijeka, a ujedno i prvi spomen crkve sv. Nikole na tom podruju, koja se izjednaava sa sv. Nikolom in
Palatha iz 1501. god. (Pavle 2004, 42).
R. Pavle se dotaknuo konkretno i poloaja Mihalj, spomenuvi ga kao lokalitet gdje su pronaeni ostaci sakralne
arhitekture. Dri da se Mihalj s ostacima crkve nalazio u
srednjem vijeku na podruju posjeda Cerovo brdo, a za crkvu pretpostavlja kako se radi o nekoj nepoznatoj kapeli ili,
pak, upravo o crkvi sv. Nikole in Palotha, kojoj nije poznat
toan smjetaj, s time da upozorava na razliku u toponimu
Mihalj i hagionimu crkve (Pavle 2004, 43).
Ecclesia sancti Nicolai (in) Palatha spominje se u popisu
upnika iz 1501. god., a navedena je nakon upne crkve sv.
Martina pod Velikim Kalnikom te prije sv. Nikole u Grageni
(Raki 1872, 220).19 J. Buturac mjesto Palatu smjeta kod Sv.
Petra Orehovca, sjeverozapadno od Krievaca, zbog isprave
iz 1385. god. u kojoj se spominje Palatahel, posjed in districtu
Kemluk penes ecclessiam sancti Petri (Buturac 1984, 90), dok
G. Heller dri da se sv. Petar odnosi na crkvu u vrstecu te i
Palatu smjeta na podruje sela vrstec, jugoistono od Krievaca (Heller 1978, 174).
U popisima dimova za kraljevski porez sa samog kraja
15. te poetkom 16. st. spominje se mjesto Polatha sa upnikom, no crkva se izrijekom ne navodi. Polatha se uglavnom
navodi pored Cerovog brda.20 Posljednji poznati spomen
kraja. Iz Krievaca u Vratno. Kae da je Veliko brdo brijeg s lijeve strane
potoka Kamenice, na ijem zaravanku su nekad vjerojatno stanovali
Slovenci i bavili se paljenjem vapna ili sjeenjem uma. Po njima se brdo
zove i kranjske hie (Gundrum Oriovanin 1905, 53). Nadalje, u tome
putopisu donosi vrijedne podatke o postojanju utvrda na oblinjim vrhovima, grad Stavrac (Starac) i grad Melinac u Fodrocijevoj umi (toponime
prepoznajemo na Topografskoj karti 1:25000 - Slanje 272-3-1) te trei
grad Vis (Gundrum Oriovanin 1905, 54). Navedeni poloaji s utvrdama
izlaze, meutim, iz okvira srednjovjekovnog posjeda Cerovo brdo.
18. Arheoloki jo u Hrvatskoj nije dokazano trebamo li oekivati da se
lokalitet koji se u kasnosrednjovjekovnim spisima spominje kao kurija
oituje na terenu kao utvreno mjesto feudalnog posjednika.
19. Crkvu sv. Nikole u Grageni istraivai smjetaju sjeveroistono od
Krievaca na lokalitetu Gradina u selu Bonjani, odnosno nedaleko
poloaja dananje crkve sv. Nikole u Novim Bonjanima (Buturac 1984,
89; Horvat-Levaj 1993, 287-288; Balog 2003, 51; Pavle 2006, 8-9). D.
Csnki je smatrao, a prema njemu i J. Bsendorfer, kako se Gragena treba
traiti u okolici Osijeka i Glogovnice jer je esto pripadala Posahegy
Sv. Martinu (Csnki 1893, 63; Bsendorfer 1994, 254). L. Dobroni u
starijim radovima sv. Nikolu u Grageni ili Gradini smjeta na podruje
Vojakovca (Dobroni 1984, 37-38), a kasnije izrijekom spominje Bonjane
(Dobroni 1999, 41).
Zanimljivo je da D. Csnki uope ne navodi spomen-crkve sv. Nikole u
Palati u popisu upnika iz 1501. god., dapae nigdje u tekstu izrijekom
ne spominje niti crkvu niti mjesto Polatha, Palatha ili Palotha, izuzev
u iznoenju primjera kako pojedina sela u srednjovjekovnoj krievakoj
upaniji nose ime sveca, pa tako navodi Palota-Sz.-Mikls (Csnki 1893,
125).
20. Tako je 1495. god. navedena iza Bradne i Gwnyaka, a kao prva u nizu
posjeda Nikole Banffyja s dva porezna dima, a slijede Gragenya s 12
464
A site of Polatha with a parish priest is mentioned in the

list of dims (a household unit used for calculating tax) for the
regal tax from the very end of the 15th and the beginning of
the 16th century. However, there is no specific mention of a
church. Polatha is mainly mentioned near Cerovo Brdo.20 The
last known mention of that place as Palotazenthmiklos dates
from 1529 (Heller 1978, 174).
Based on the stone tabernacle that comes from the site of
Mihalj it is indisputable that a church existed on that spot in
the 15th century. It is also an indisputable fact that a meadow
called Remeterete is mentioned in that area in a document
from 1380. However, there is no mention of a church of St.
Michael, but only that of St. Nicholas (Sv. Nikola), equated by
the scholars, as we have already said, with a church of St. Nicholas in Palota, whose position is unknown. Is it possible that
such a change occurred with time that the position with the
church of St. Nicholas started to be called Mihalj? Perhaps the
church changed its patron saint? In that case it would sooner
be that the older church at the position of Mihalj was dedicated to Michael (the church that is not even mentioned in
historical documents) and that the change in the dedication
of the saint occurred in later times.
Z. Balog tried to link the position of Mihalj with the church
of St. Michael (Mihajlo) in Zdench (Balog 2003, 54). That thesis was opposed by R. Pavle, who drew attention to the fact
that that church was situated much further south, around the
village of Cirkvena, with whose parish it was mentioned not
only in the 1334 list (sic! 1501, a comment by the author),21 but
also in a document from 1399 (Pavle 2004, 43). It was poin20. Thus in 1495 it was listed after Bradna and Gwnyak, and as the first in a
series of estates of Nikola Banffy with two tax dims, after which follow
Gragenya with 12 dims, Cerebarda with 24 and Powsahegh with 43 dims
(Adamek, Kampu 1976, 15). In 1507 it is mentioned with 2 dims after
the abbot from Apatovac (11 dims), and after it follow Chereborda, which
is divided in the Hamps one (11 dims) and Chereborda of the sons of
Jakob Banfy (6 dims); after that follow Sveti Ivan (Saint John) (probably
Ivanec Krievaki, a comment by the author), a market town and province of Glogovnica, Gragenna of Ivan Banfy, Gragena of Franjo Banfy,
Powsahegh etc. (Adamek, Kampu 1976, 26). In 1512 Palatha has 4 dims,
Cherowoberdo of Franjo Banfy and Chero berdo of Ivan Banfy have 12
dims each (Adamek, Kampu 1976, 52). In 1513 both Czeraberda estates
of the Banfy brothers have 13 dims each, while Palata has 3 (Adamek,
Kampu 1976, 57). In 1517 the Czeraberdya estate of Franjo Banfy has 13
dims, while Ivans one has 11, while Palotha still has 3 dims (Adamek,
Kampu 1976, 92). In 1517 Czereborda of Franjo Banffy has 14 dims, then
follow the Apatovac abbots with 16, Czereborda of Ivan Banffy with 13
and Palotha with 4 dims (Adamek, Kampu 1976, 121).
21. The church in Zdench is not mentioned in the 1334 list, but only in the
one from 1501, where it is listed after Haganj and before Cirkvena (Raki
1872, 221). We shall mention on this occasion that we find the transcription of the 1334 and 1501 lists of parishes published by F. Raki in Starine
JAZU (Antiquities of the YASA) in 1872 a more appropriate source than
the edited texts by D. Csnki (1893) and J. Bsendorfer, who anyway
mostly took over everything from Csnkis work (1994, that is 1910), and
J. Buturac (1984). The transcription of the 1334 list of parishes by Ivan
Krstitelj Tkali (1874) is also reliable. In fact, F. Raki was acquainted
with his work prior to his 1872 publication. The problem with Csnkis
and Bsendorfers publications and also in fact with the frequently
quoted one by J. Buturac that the 1501 list of parish priests or parishes
was not published in the sequence registered in the original document,
but the authors introduced the parishes from 1501 into the list from 1334,
and they added those that were not mentioned in 1334 at the end of their
respective lists. This led to the loss of possibility of clear pursuit of the
sequence of motion through the space of the mediaeval cataloguers,
which hinders our reconstruction and determination of the position of
certain parishes.
tog mjesta kao Palotazenthmiklos datira iz 1529. god. (Heller

1978, 174).
Na osnovi kamene kustodije koja potjee s lokaliteta
Mihalj, nesporno je kako je na tom mjestu postojala crkva
u 15. st. Neprijeporna je i injenica da se u ispravi iz 1380.
god. spominje na tom podruju livada zvana Remeterete.
Meutim, nema spomena crkvi sv. Mihovila ve se navodi
sv. Nikola, koju istraivai izjednauju, kako smo ve spomenuli, s neubiciranom crkvom sv. Nikole u Paloti. Je li tijekom
vremena moglo doi do takve promjene da se poloaj s crkvom sv. Nikole poeo nazivati Mihaljem? Moda je crkva
promijenila sveca? U tom bi sluaju prije bilo da je starija crkva na poloaju Mihalj bila posveena Mihovilu (crkva koja
se niti ne spominje u povijesnim dokumentima) te da je do
promjene posvete sveca dolo u kasnijim vremenima.
Z. Balog je pokuao povezati poloaj Mihalj s crkvom
sv. Mihajla in Zdench (Balog 2003, 54). Toj se tezi usprotivio
R. Pavle koji upozorava na to kako se ta crkva nalazi puno
junije, oko sela Cirkvene, uz iju se upu navodi ne samo
u popisu iz 1334. (sic! 1501. op. a.),21 ve i u ispravi iz 1399.
god. (Pavle 2004, 43). Jo je D. Csnki 1893. god. istaknuo,
a J. Bsendorfer 1910. god. preuzeo, da se Eccl. S. Michaelis
in Zdench treba traiti jugoistono od Krievaca na potoku
Velikoj (Csnki 1893, 64; Bsendorfer 1994, 255). S obzirom
da je ecclesia s. Michaelis in Zdench u popisu iz 1501. god. navedena iza Hagnja a prije Cirkvene (Raki 1872, 221), a i u
kasnijim se dokumentima, kako je to i R. Pavle zamijetio,
mjesto Zdenec uvijek spominje na uskom prostoru oko
Cirkvene,22 priklonit emo se Pavleovu miljenju kako lokadimova, Cerebarda s 24 te Powsahegh s 43 dimova (Adamek, Kampu
1976, 15). Godine 1507. navodi se s 2 dima iza opata iz Apatovca (11
dimova), a nakon nje slijedi Chereborda koja je podijeljena na Hampovu
(11 dimova) i Cherebordu sinova Jakoba Banfyja (6 dimova), dalje se
nabraja Sveti Ivan (vjerojatno Ivanec Krievaki, op. a.), potom trgovite
i provincija Glogovnica, Gragenna Ivana Banfyja, Gragena Franje Banfyja, Powsahegh itd. (Adamek, Kampu 1976, 26). Godine 1512. Palatha
ima 4 dima, Cherowoberdo Franje Banfyja i Chero berdo Ivana Banfyja
po 12 dimova (Adamek, Kampu 1976, 52). Godine 1513. oba posjeda
Czeraberda brae Banfy imaju po 13 dimova, a Palata 3 (Adamek, Kampu 1976, 57). Godine 1517. posjed Czeraberdya Franje Banfyja ima 13
dimova a Ivanova 11, dok Palotha i dalje ima 3 dima (Adamek, Kampu
1976, 92). Godine 1517. Czereborda Franje Banffyja ima 14, potom se
navode opati iz Apatovca s 16 dimova, zatim Czereborda Ivana Banffyja
s 13 dimova te Palotha s 4 dima (Adamek, Kampu 1976, 121).
21. Crkva u Zdench se ne spominje u popisu iz 1334., ve samo u popisu iz
1501. god., a navedena je iza Hagnja, a prije Cirkvene (Raki 1872, 221).
Spomenut emo ovom prigodom da nam se izdanje prijepisa popisa upa
iz 1334. i 1501. god., koje je F. Raki objavio u Starinama JAZU 1872.
god., ini primjerenijim izvorom negoli redigirani tekstovi D. Csnkija
(1893) te J. Bsendorfera, koji je uglavnom preuzeo sve iz Chnkijeva
djela (1994, odnosno 1910) i J. Buturca (1984). Pouzdan je i prijepis popisa
upa iz 1334. god. Ivana Krstitelja Tkalia (1874), u iji je rad F. Raki,
ustvari, imao uvid prije svoje objave 1872. god. Problem je kod Csnkijevog, odnosno Bsendorferova izdanja, pa i vrlo esto citiranog Butureva,
to popis upnika, odnosno upa iz 1501. god. nije iznijet redom kako je
u izvornom dokumentu zapisano,ve su autori ubacivali upe iz 1501. u
popis iz 1334., a one koje se 1334. god. ne spominju, dodali su na kraju
svojih popisa. Time se gubi mogunost jasnog praenja slijeda kretanja
prostorom srednjovjekovnih popisivaa, to nam odmae pri rekonstrukciji i ubikaciji pojedinih upa.
22. Spomen mjesta Zdenchech ili, uestalije, Zdenchecz navodi se u popisima poreza izmeu Hrsova i Cirkvene (1495. i 1513. god., Adamek,
Kampu 1976, 15, 58), odnosno izmeu Hrsova i Sv. Ivana abna (1517.
god., Adamek, Kampu 1976, 93-94) ili izmeu Hagnja i Sv. Ivana abna
(1520. god., Adamek, Kampu 1976, 123).
ted out already by D. Csnki in 1893, and taken over from J.

Bsendorfer in 1910, that Eccl. S. Michaelis in Zdench should
be looked for southeast of Krievci, on the Velika brook (Csnki 1893, 64; Bsendorfer 1994, 255). Considering that ecclesia
s. Michaelis in Zdench was mentioned in the 1501 list after
Haganj and before Cirkvena (Raki 1872, 221), and that the
village of Zdenec is regularly mentioned in a narrow zone
around Cirkvena even in later documents,22 as has been also
perceived by R. Pavle, we shall subscribe to Pavle opinion
that the site of Mihalj should not be connected with St. Michael in Zdench.
The toponym of Palota or Palatha might indicate the existence of an important building. According to P. Skok, palota
is a Hungarian loanword of an expression from the eastern
linguistic zone polata which was obviously present in the
Pannonian Slavic language as well (Skok 1951, 465).23 Can we
therefore assume that the late mediaeval Palota was created at
the spot of a significant building, perhaps an earlier church or
fortification? Possibly precisely on the position of the church
of St. Michael? At the present level of our knowledge and
based on the data we have, without target-oriented archaeological and historical-topographic investigations, it is impossible to provide an answer to that question. What is more,
the mediaeval Palota could have been located in Vojakovaki
Osijek itself, where presently an orthodox church dedicated
to St. Nicholas stands on an elevated position. Other authors
also considered the possibility that it was located at the spot
of the later church in Vojakovaki Osijek (Pavle 2004, 42), but
as we have already said, until further investigation this question will remain open.
We came across information of interest for our subject in
the work about Apatovaka Kiselica by M. Kolar Dimitrijevi,
with an indicative mention of a monastery of the Paulists
with a church of St. Michael. Analyzing data from the end of
the 19th century, she quoted the notes of Mijo Vrbanec from
1879: There was certainly a rather large town once on the Gradec hill, which stands quite high on the right. It was ruined down
to the foundations, but there are diverse fragments of tiles still
visible today, and its ditches and ramparts are also clearly discernible. On three sides of the hill there is an artificial path, and it
is obvious that once it had also been walled. Various coins and
other items were ploughed out from there, but everything has
gone amiss. People say that nuns were particularly extant on
that hill, and that on a nearby hill above a beautiful valley which
is now called Vlaki Brodac there was once a monastery of the
22. The site of Zdenchech or, more frequently Zdenchecz is mentioned in
the tax lists between Hrsovi and Cirkvena (1495 and 1513, Adamek,
Kampu 1976, 15, 58), and between Hrsovi and Sv. Ivan abno (1517,
Adamek, Kampu 1976, 93-94) or between Haganj and Sv. Ivan abno
(1520, Adamek, Kampu 1976, 123).
23. In his text P. Skok analyzes in detail the etymology of the expression
palaa/polaa (the western linguistic zone) and palata/polata (the eastern
linguistic zone). Root expressions come from the Latin palatium, and in
the Croatian and Serbian language they represent romance loanwords.
The expression palota is a Hungarian loanword from the Slavic (eastern
zone) palata/polata. Skok gives the example of the toponym Palaa in
Ivani Grad, which marks the position where a court of the bishop of
Zagreb once stood (Skok 1951, 455) and then also the example of the
toponym Palaa in Slavonia (to which Pavii directed him), used for the
meadows in a marshy terrain where a court and economic buildings of
a market place of Sv. Salvator once stood. The site was destroyed by the
Turks, and the newly-arrived orthodox settlers named the earthen barrow
of the noble fortification Palaa, and the place where the church of Sv.
Salvator stood they named Klisa (Skok 1951, 478, note 49).
465
litet Mihalj ne treba povezivati sa sv. Mihajlom in Zdench.

Toponim Palota ili Palatha mogao bi upuivati na postojanje neke znaajnije graevine. Prema P. Skoku palota
je maarska posuenica izraza istone jezine zone polata
koji se oito nalazio i u panonskom slavenskom jeziku (Skok
1951, 465).23 Moemo li, stoga, pomiljati da je kasnosrednjovjekovna Palota nastala na mjestu neke znamenitije graevine, moda neke starije crkve ili utvrde? Moda upravo
na poloaju crkve sv. Mihovila? Bez ciljanih arheolokih i
povijesno-topografskih istraivanja, na naem stupnju spoznaje i na osnovi podataka s kojima raspolaemo, nije mogue dati odgovor na to pitanje. Dapae, srednjovjekovna
se Palota mogla nalaziti i u samom Vojakovakom Osijeku,
gdje se danas na povienom poloaju nalazi pravoslavna crkva posveena sv. Nikoli. O mogunosti lokacije na mjestu
kasnije crkve u Vojakovakom Osijeku pomiljali su i drugi
autori (Pavle 2004, 42), no kao to smo ve rekli, pitanje do
daljnjih istraivanja ostaje otvorenim.
Zanimljive podatke za nau temu, s indikativnim spomenom samostana Paulina s crkvom sv. Mihajla, naili smo
u radu M. Kolar Dimitrijevi o Apatovakoj kiselici koja je,
obraujui podatke s kraja 19. st., citirala zapise Mije Vrbaneca iz 1879. god.: Na desnom dosta visokom bregu Gradcu
bijae neko svakako ovei gradi, koji je do temelja sruen, ali
se ipak vidi svakovrstna crepovja jo i dan danas, pa i njegovi
se obkopi i nasipi jo i sada dobro poznadu. Sa tri je strane vrlo umjetno na taj breg put izveden, a vidi se osobito, da je bio
neko i zidan. Tamo se je odoralo mnogo svakovrstna novca i
drugih stvari, pa je i to sve po zlu prelo. Pripovieda se, da su
se na tom visu osobito opatice irile, a nedaleko na drugom
breuljku iznad krasne doline, zvane sada vlaki Brodac, bijae
samostan Paulina s crkvom Sv. Mihajla. Ovim se ruevinam jo
i danas temelji poznadu (Vrbanec 1879a, 242-243; Kolar Dimitrijevi 2004, 9).
Osim to vjerno opisuje susjedno brdo Gradec, na kojem
se i danas vide tragovi obrambene arhitekture, M. Vrbanec
jasno opisuje poloaj Mihalj Gradecu zapadnije, preko doline rjeice Glogovnice, koju naziva vlaki Brodac za razliku
od okakog Brodca, potoka koji se i danas zove Brodec a
tee istonije, izmeu brda Gradec i Hum.24 Iako podatak M.
Vrbanca o postojanju pavlinskog samostana nije pouzdan,
znakovit je hagionim koji je jo polovinom 19. st. bio povezivan s brdom Mihalj, a to je sv. Mihajlo, dakle Mihovil, Mihael,
tj. Mihalj. Tradicija o postojanju crkve posveene sv. Mihovilu
i samostana temeljila se, stoga, na ruevinama vidljivim jo
23. U tekstu P. Skok detaljno obrauje etimologiju izraza palaa/polaa
(zapadna jezina zona), odnosno palata/polata (istona jezina zona).
Korijenski izrazi potjeu od latinskog palatium, a u hrvatskom i srpskom
jeziku predstavljaju romanizme. Izraz palota je maarska posuenica i
to od slavenskog (istone zone) palata/polata. P. Skok daje primjer toponima Palaa u Ivani Gradu, koji oznaava poloaj na kojem se nekada
nalazio dvor zagrebakog biskupa (Skok 1951, 455), zatim daje primjer
toponima Palaa u Slavoniji (na koji ga je uputio Pavii) kojeg nose
livade u movarnom terenu gdje je nekada stajao dvor i gospodarske
zgrade trgovakog mjesta Sv. Salvator. Mjesto je stradalo od Turaka, a
novopridoli pravoslavni doseljenici zemljanom humku plemike utvrde
dali su naziv Palaa, a mjestu gdje je bila crkva sv. Salvatora Klisa
(Skok 1951, 478, bilj. 49).
24. Imenovanje doline gornjeg toka Glogovnice vlakim Brodcem ne
iznenauje s obzirom na to da je u krajeve oko Vojakovakog Osijeka u
veoj mjeri dolo do doseljavanja pravoslavnog stanovnitva ve krajem
16. st.
466
Paulists with a church of St. Michael (Sv. Mihajlo). The foundations of those ruins are still discernible today (Vrbanec 1879a,
242-243; Kolar Dimitrijevi 2004, 9).
In addition to his faithful description of the nearby hill of
Gradec, where traces of defensive architecture are still visible today, M. Vrbanec clearly describes the position of Mihalj,
lying west of Gradec, across the valley of the small river of
Glogovnica, which he calls Vlaki Brodac in contrast to
okaki Brodac, a stream that is called Brodec to this day
and which runs more easterly, between the Gradec and Hum
hills.24 Even though M. Vrbanecs information about the existence of a monastery of the Paulists is not reliable, indicative
is the hagionym that has been connected with the Mihalj hill
from the mid-19th century Sv. Mihajlo, that is Mihovil, Mihael,
i.e. Mihalj. The tradition about the existence of a church dedicated to St. Michael and a monastery was therefore based
on the ruins still visible at the end of the 19th century. There
is no information about possible existence of a Paulist monastery in the area around Vojakovaki Osijek in the recently
published scholarly literature. Why did therefore M. Vrbanec
document a church and a monastery as belonging precisely
to the Paulists? Another passage from Vrbanecs text about
Apatovaka Kiselica suggests that the reason behind his attribution of the remains of the walls of the church of St. Michael
(and the monastery?) on Mihalj to the Paulists is his insufficient knowledge of the history of the Glogovnica area, that
is, a still lively memory of the intense activity of the Paulists in
Krievci in the 17th and 18th centuries, still deeply rooted in the
popular consciousness in the 19th century.25 M. Vrbanec describes the route via the Dobra stream (i.e. the Gliboki stream,
a comment by the author) from Rasinja toward Apatovac, and
he says that there is a view from the Borovka hill to beautiful meadows to the village of Glogovnica, at an hour distance,
which are watered by the Strunac brook. This was once a pond of
the rich Paulists of Glogovnica, which extended in that distance
like some lake (Vrbanec 1879, 234).
It is clear from that that M. Vrbanec, a native of Apatovac,
erroneously attributed both Glogovnica and Mihalj to the
Paulists, perhaps precisely due to his excessive attachment to
the town of Krievci (he was once a teacher at the Economic
School in Krievci), where at that time the tradition about the
activity of the Paulist monastery was probably still strong.
The Glogovnica prepositure was never in the possession of
24. It is not surprising that the basin of the upper course of the Glogovnica
was named Vlaki Brodac, considering that a substantial immigration
of orthodox population to the areas around Vojakovaki Osijek started
already at the end of the 16th century.
25. The Paulists came to Croatia in 1237, to Dubica, where they founded
a monastery in 1244. However, they were not present in this area until
1665, that is 1667, when a monastery of the Paulists was founded in
Krievci. The order of the Paulists was abolished in 1786 by order of
Emperor Joseph II. True, the mediaeval Paulists could acquire estates in
very remote areas, but we have no authenticated and reliable data about
possible estates in this area. It nevertheless deserves mention that the
Paulist monastery in Gari (in the Moslavina region) in the 15th was a
rich feudal landholder, which acquired estates not only in its core area
but also, it seems, in quite distant lands. For instance, in 1456 a noblewoman named Ilka from Preseno gave 10 farmsteads in Beketinec to the
monastery (is that a Beketinec in the Krievci area?), while one Jake
from Glogovnica occupied around 1380 the monastery estate of Gradnja
(Adamek 1977, 102).
It becomes clear from later sources that the Paulist monastery in Krievci
possessed no estate or land of its own in the territory of Glogovnica
(Buturac 1991).
krajem 19. st. U novijoj objavljenoj strunoj literaturi nema

podataka o moguem postojanju pavlinskog samostana na
podruju oko Vojakovakog Osijeka. Stoga, zato je M. Vrbanec zabiljeio crkvu i samostan ba pavlina? Jedan drugi
navod iz Vrbanevog teksta o Apatovakoj kiselici ukazuje
na to da je uzrokom njegova pripisivanja ostataka zidova crkve Sv. Mihovila (i samostana?) na poloaju Mihalj pavlinima
nedovoljno poznavanje prolosti glogovnikog kraja, odnosno ivo sjeanje na jaku djelatnost pavlina u Krievcima u
17. i 18. st., duboko uvrijeenu u svijest naroda jo u 19. st.25
Naime, M. Vrbanec opisuje put potokom Dobrom (dakle,
Glibokim, op.a.) od Rasinje prema Apatovcu te kae kako se
s brijega Borovke prua pogled na krasne livade do sela
Glogovnice, na uru daleko, koje navlauje potoi Strunac. Neko bijae ovo ribnjak bogatih glogovnikih Paulina, koji se je
razlievao u toj daljini poput kakova jezera (Vrbanec 1879,
234).
Razvidno je iz toga da je M. Vrbanec, roeni Apatovanin, i Glogovnicu i Mihalj pogreno pripisao pavlinima,
moda upravo zbog svoje velike vezanosti na sam grad Krievce (svojedobno je bio nastavnik Gospodarskog uilita
u Krievcima) u kojemu je u to vrijeme vjerojatno jo uvijek bila jaka tradicija o djelovanju pavlinskoga samostana.
Glogovnika prepozitura nikada nije bila u posjedu pavlina;
ona je poetkom 17. st. pripala isusovcima, meutim, njihova prisutnost u tom kraju nije ostala posebno zabiljeena u
toponomastici niti u lokalnim predajama.26
Prisutnost isusovaca na tom prostoru tek je sporadino
nala put da ue u svijest lokalnog stanovnitva, kao neto
staro i egzotino te se ipak navodi u jednom zapisu s kraja 19. st., gdje se spominje i crkva sv. Mihalja, ovog puta na
brdu Gradec. Radi se o dopisu iz Krievaca od 28. kolovoza
1882. o gospodarskom sajmu te o Apatovcu i ljekovitoj vodi,
zatim o potrebi ureivanja cesta od Apatovca prema Podra25. Pavlini su u Hrvatsku doli 1237. god. i to u Dubicu, gdje osnivaju
samostan 1244. god. Meutim, na ovom ih podruju nema sve do 1665.,
odnosno 1667. god. kada se osniva samostan pavlina u Krievcima. Odlukom cara Josipa II. red pavlina ukinut je 1786. god. Istina, srednjovjekovni
pavlini mogli su stjecati posjede na vrlo udaljenim podrujima, no ipak
nemamo provjerenih i pouzdanih podataka o moguim posjedima u ovom
kraju. Valja ipak spomenuti podatak da je pavlinski samostan u Gariu
(Moslavina) u 15. st. bio bogati feudalni posjednik, pri emu je stekao
posjede ne samo na svojem uem podruju, ve, ini se, i u vrlo udaljenim
krajevima. Primjerice, 1456. god. plemkinja Ilka iz Presenog poklonila je
samostanu 10 selita u Beketincu (radi li se tu o krievakom Beketincu?),
a neki Jake iz Glogovnice okupirao je oko 1380. samostanski posjed
Gradnju (Adamek 1977, 102).
Iz kasnijih izvora razaznaje se da krievaki pavlinski samostan nije imao
svoje posjede niti zemlje na glogovnikom prostoru (Buturac 1991).
26. Nalogom kralja Matije II. i uz pristanak pape, u posjed glogovnike prepoziture 1611. god. uvedeni su isusovci. Godine 1773. ukinuem Drube
Isusove glogovniku prepozituru preuzima dravna vlast, a od 1781. pa do
u drugu polovicu 19. st. patronat nad Glogovnicom preuzima Krievaka
biskupija, odnosno grkokatoliki biskup (Dobroni 1999, 30, 43). Ove
podatke smo iznijeli jer elimo naglasiti kako niti prisutnost isusovaca
u Mihalju nedalekoj Donjoj Glogovnici, i to u slinom razdoblju kao i
pavlina u Krievcima, nije ostavilo velikog traga u sjeanju lokalnog stanovnitva, tek se usputno spominje. S druge strane, bogata glogovnika
prolost openito nije ostavila mnotvo tragova u narodnim predajama,
osim iz razdoblja Turaka. Meu lokalnim stanovnitvom ne kolaju prie
o templarima, ivanovcima i krinicima. Ta je prolost prije zabiljeena u
pojedinim toponomastikim spomenicima na terenu. U sjeanju naroda
su se odrale predaje o Turcima, primjerice, poput usmene predaje da
je na brdu Gari (brdo jugoistono od Donje Glogovnice; nije identino
Gradecu!) bila utvrda s koje su Turci gaali glogovniku crkvu.
the Paulists: in the 17th century it went to the Jesuits. However,

their presence in that area has not left any specific trace in the
toponomastics or in the local traditions.26
The presence of the Paulists in that space has only occasionally found the way into the consciousness of local population, as something old and exotic, and as such was mentioned in a record from the end of the 19th century, which includes also a mention of a church of Saint Mihalj, this time on the
Gradec hill. The document is a letter from Krievci from the
28th August 1882 about the economic fair, about Apatovac
and healing water, about the need for improvement of the
roads from Apatovac toward the Podravina region, published
in Narodne Novine (Official Gazette) No. 199, from 31th August
1882 in the section entitled Triune Kingdom. The text of the
reporter offers valuable information, but very unreliable. The
author of the text, it appears, recorded what he heard from
the local inhabitants and he probably confused the positions.
We offer the transcription of the part of the text that refers
to our subject: Ruins of a former cloister of the Jesuits on the
Otri Brieg hill are visible around Apatovac; of a nunnery on
Hum, and the church of St. Mihalj on Gradac, once Varoinac and
now a forest, which is for the antiquarians an important place
like Sisak (Narodne Novine 1882).27
A tradition recorded in 1879 about the church of Saint Michael (Mihajlo) on Mihalj, and the toponym of the hill itself,
do not leave much space for determining the position of St.
Nicholas in Palota on the position of Mihalj, but they do not
exclude it either.
In this place it is necessary, however, to put forward some
new understanding and assumptions about the church on
the position of Mihalj, which were motivated by recent research by R. Pavle regarding the belonging during the Middle
Ages of the nearby village of Apatovac, at a distance of a kilometer and a half to the east from Mihalj.
Pavle draws attention to the fact that D. Csanky already
in 1893 wrote that Apatovec belonged to the Jirle (Trje) pre26. By order of king Matija II and with papal approval, the Jesuits took possession of the Glogovnica prepositure in 1611. With the 1773 abolition
of the Society of Jesus, the Glogovnica prepositure was taken over by
national authority, and from 1781 to the second half of the 19 th century
the patronage over Glogovnica was taken over by the Krievci diocese,
that is, the Greek Catholic bishop (Dobroni 1999, 30, 43). We presented
this data because we wanted to lay emphasis on the fact that the presence
of the Jesuits in Donja Glogovnica, which is not far from Mihalj, and in
the similar period to the one of the Paulists in Krievci, likewise failed
to leave a palpable trace in the memory of local population and is only
incidentally mentioned. On the other hand, the rich past of Glogovnica
in general left few traces in popular traditions, except in the case of the
Turkish period. No stories about Knights Templar, Hospitaller and the
Crusaders circulate among the local population. That past is sooner recorded in certain toponomastic monuments on the ground. The memory
of the folk keeps traditions about the Turks, for instance, the oral tradition
that a fortification from which the Turks shot at the Glogovnica church
was situated on the Gari hill (the hill southeast of Donja Glogovnica;
not identical to Gradec!).
27. Otro Brdo lies not far from the complex of the hills and hillocks MihaljGradec-Hum, somewhat to the north. It has an unusual shape of a dome
and it has an almost artificial effect in the surrounding landscape. Today
it is overgrown by coniferous forest and it is not known that a Jesuitical
monastery had ever been there. The reporter probably confused Otro
Brdo with the prepositure in Donja Glogovnica (comp. note 25). The
succeeding text about the location of the cloister of the nuns and the
church of Saint Michael (Mihalj) is quite vaguely formulated, leaving
readers with the impression that the reporter was not entirely clear about
the topographic relations of the Gradec, Hum and other hills.
467
vini, objavljenom u Narodnim novinama br. 199 od 31. kolovoza 1882., u rubrici Trojedna Kraljevina. Tekst dopisnika
donosi vrijedne podatke, no vrlo nepouzdane. Autor teksta
je, ini se, zapisao ono to je uo od lokalnih mjetana te je
vjerojatno zamijenio pojedine poloaje. Donosimo prijepis
dijela teksta koji se dotie nae teme: Oko Apatovca vidi
se ruevinah nekadanjeg klotra Jezuitah na Otri briegu, a
na Humu od klotra opaticah, duvnah i crkve Sv. Mihalja na
Gradcu, nekada Varoinac, sada uma, za starinare vano je
mjesto poput Siska (Narodne novine 1882).27
Predaja zabiljeena 1879. god. o crkvi sv. Mihajla na Mihalju, pa i sam toponim brda, ne ostavljaju ba puno mogunosti za ubikaciju sv. Nikole in Palota na poloaju Mihalj,
no niti je u potpunosti ne iskljuuju.
Valja, meutim, na ovom mjestu izloiti neke nove spoznaje i pretpostavke o crkvi na poloaju Mihalj, na koje su
nas potakla novija istraivanja R. Pavlea u vezi s pripadnou oblinjega, oko kilometar i pol Mihalju na istok udaljenog sela Apatovca u srednjem vijeku.
R. Pavle upozorava kako je D. Csnky jo 1893. god. napisao da je Apatovec pripadao jirlejskoj prepozituri u zaladskoj upaniji, a domai su istraivai koji su se bavili ovim
podrujem ipak u svoj daljnjoj literaturi tvrdili da su Apatovec drali redovnici sepulkralci iz susjedne Glogovnice. Meutim, dvije isprave iz 1249. god., te isprave iz 1303. i 1316.
god. svjedoe kako Apatovec dre drugi vlasnici. R. Pavle
upozorava da ve ime sela i posjeda Apatovec ukazuje na
opata, redovniku titulu koju sepulkralci nisu imali te da je iz
objavljenih dokumenata vidljivo da Apatovec nije bio pod
glogovnikom prepoziturom, ve pod premonstratencima
(Pavle 2004, 35-36). Isprave iz 1249. god. govore o tome da
se premonstratenci u Terku uvode u posjed Apatovec28 koji im je darovao ban Dionizije, te se opisuju mee posjeda.
Prema R. Pavleu, posjed Cerovo brdo, kojeg je ban Dionizije
dobio 1244. god., razdijeljen je na dva dijela Cerovo brdo
u uem smislu (kasnije imenom Osek) i Apatovec, to se oitava iz isprava iz 1249. god. Neobinost nazivlja imanja Apatovec prema opatu ve 1249. god. Pavle tumai time da
je posjed ban Dionizije premonstratencima morao darovati
i prije, a godine 1249. je darovanje zapisao i potvrdio kralj
(Pavle 2004, 38). Iz isprava s poetka 14. st. uoljivo je da
je Apatovec u vlasnitvu premonstratenaca, a zakupnik je
glogovniki prepozit. Pretpostavka je da je red premonstratenaca podigao u Apatovcu neko vrsto zdanje, meutim,
u samom selu nema dokaza o postojanju srednjovjekovne
sakralne arhitekture, iako bismo na to s razlogom trebali
pomiljati. Naime, na istaknutom, povienom mjestu koje K.
Horvat-Levaj podsjea na gradite, danas se nalazi klasicistika kapela posveena sv. Petru. Crkva je nastala sredinom
27. Nedaleko sklopa brjegova i breuljaka Mihalj-Gradec-Hum, neto sjevernije, nalazi se Otro brdo. Neobinog je kupolastog oblika i u okolnom
pejzau djeluje gotovo umjetno. Danas je zaraslo crnogorinom umom
i nije poznato da bi na njemu postojao isusovaki samostan. Dopisnik
je vjerojatno zamijenio Otro brdo s prepoziturom u Donjoj Glogovnici
(usp. bilj. 25). I daljnji tekst oko lociranja klotra opatica i crkve Svetog
Mihalja vrlo je nejasno sroen, odajui itatelju dojam kako dopisniku
nisu jasni topografski odnosi brda Gradeca, Huma i drugih.
28. possessio Apatolcz / possessio Apatholcz (Barbari, Markovi 1998,
136)
468
positure in the Zala county, but local researchers who dealt

with this area continued to claim in later literature that Apatovec was held by the Sepulchrine clerics from neighbouring
Glogovnica. However, two documents from 1249 and those
from 1303 and 1316 testify that Apatovec was owned by somebody else. R. Pavle warns that the name of the village
and the estate of Apatovec themselves point to an abbot,
a clerical title that the Order of the Holy Sepulchre did not
have, and that the published documents make it clear that
Apatovec was not under the prepositure of Glogovnica, but
under the Premonstratensians (Pavle 2004, 35-36). The documents from 1249 tell that the Premonstratensians in Terk
are entered into the Apatovec estate,28 given to them by ban
Dionysius, and they describe the estate borders. According to
R. Pavle, the Cerovo Brdo estate, acquired by ban Dionysius
in 1244, was divided in two the Cerovo Brdo in the narrow
sense (later with the name of Osek) and Apatovec, which is
apparent from the 1249 documents. Pavle explanation of
the peculiarity of naming the Apatovec estate after an abbot as early as 1249 is that the estate must have been given
to the Premonstratensians by ban Dionysius already earlier,
and that in 1249 the gift was signed and sanctioned by the
king (Pavle 2004, 38). It is obvious in the documents from
the beginning of the 14th century that Apatovec is owned by
the Premonstratensians, and that the provost of Glogovnica
is a lessee. There is a supposition that the Premonstratensians
erected a solid building in Apatovec. However, in the village itself there is no evidence of the existence of mediaeval
sacral architecture, even though there are good reasons to
think that this was indeed the case. On a prominent, elevated
spot, which reminds K. Horvat-Levaj of an earthen fortification, today stands a classicist chapel dedicated to Saint Peter.
The church was created in mid-19th century, by the reconstruction of an earlier chapel of Saint Helen, but this one is
likewise mentioned quite late for the first time only in the
canonical visitation from 1615 (Horvat-Levaj 1993a, 283-284;
Pavle 2004, 38). Was there an earlier church on the position
of Saint Helens? And was it perhaps also dedicated to Saint
Peter, which could then find refection in the dedication of the
renovated church in the 19th century to the same saint? Let
us remember that for the Palatahel estate, which was situated in the Middle Ages somewhere in the area of the upper
course of the Glogovnica, it was mentioned in 1385 that it lay
in districtu Kemluk penes ecclesiam sancti Petri (consequently, J.
Buturac links the mentioned Sveti Petar with Sveti Petar Orehovec, and G. Heller with Sveti Petar vrstec). And five years
previously, in 1380, a church of Saint Nicholas is mentioned in
that area, and there is also a mention, among other things, of
a meadow called Remeterete. Are we, considering everything
said until now, entitled to think that on the position of Mihalj
itself once stood the church of Saint Michael, which was once
under the Premonstratenians of Apatovec? In addition to the
fact that in Apatovec itself there must have existed a building
that represented a seat of sorts of that religious order (had it
not been so, this village would hardly have contained the property mark in its name), did not the Premonstratenians have
also some structures on the position of Mihalj? Perhaps also
a church dedicated to Saint Michael, which is not mentioned
in the lists of parishes of the Zagreb diocese precisely due to
28. possessio Apatolcz / possessio Apatholcz (Barbari, Markovi 1998,
136)
19. st. i to obnovom starije kapele sv. Helene, no i ona se spominje vrlo kasno prvi put tek u kanonskoj vizitaciji 1615.
god. (Horvat-Levaj 1993a, 283-284; Pavle 2004, 38). Je li na
mjestu sv. Helene stajala nekada starija crkva? I nije li ona
moda bila posveena sv. Petru te se to odrazilo i na posveivanju obnovljene crkve u 19. st. istom svecu? Sjetimo se da
se za posjed Palatahel, koji se u srednjem vijeku nalazio negdje na prostoru gornjeg toka Glogovnice, godine 1385. kae
da se nalazi in districtu Kemluk penes ecclesiam sancti Petri (pa
J. Buturac navedeni Sveti Petar povezuje sa Svetim Petrom
Orehovcem, a G. Heller sa Svetim Petrom vrstecom). A jo
pet godina ranije, 1380. god., navodi se na tom prostoru crkva sv. Nikole te se, izmeu ostalog, spominje i livada zvana
Remeterete. Moemo li, s obzirom na sve izreeno, pomiljati
kako se na samom poloaju Mihalj nekada nalazila crkva sv.
Mihovila koja je bila pod apatovekim premonstratencima?
Osim to je u samom Apatovcu nedvojbeno moralo postojati zdanje koje je predstavljalo vrst sredita tog crkvenog
reda (u suprotnom teko bi upravo to selo u imenu iskazalo vlasniko obiljeje), nisu li premonstratenci imali i neke
objekte na poloaju Mihalj? Moda i crkvu posveenu sv.
Mihovilu, koja se ne navodi u popisima upa Zagrebake
biskupije upravo stoga to je pripadala jirlejskoj prepozituri,
odnosno nije bila izravno podlona Zagrebakoj biskupiji?
Takav je sluaj, konano, i sa sepulkralskom crkvom sv. Marije na sredinjem sepulkralskom imanju u Glogovnici, koja
nije iskazana niti u popisu iz 1334. niti u onome iz 1501. god.
te s crkvom sv. Ivana na templarskom, kasnije ivanovakom
posjedu Glogovnica-Sveti Ivan, koja se smjeta na prostor
sela Ivanca Krievakog.29
Razmotrimo toponim Remeterete, zabiljeen jo 1380.
god. Dananja imena mjesta poput Remete, Remetinec vezuju se uz pavline koji su po imenu red pustinjaka sv. Pavla,
prvog pustinjaka ordo heremitarum S. Pauli primi heremitae. Kao to smo vidjeli, pavlina u srednjem vijeku nije bilo
na glogovnikom podruju, a toponim remeterete postojao
je ve u srednjem vijeku. Rije pustinjaci, odnosno eremiti dolazi od grkog eremos=samotno, naputeno mjesto.
Moda je o spomenutoj livadi u drugoj polovici 14. st. kolala
predaja da je bila mjesto na koje se povlaio neki pustinjak
ili da je bila u posjedu pustinjakog reda. Premonstratenci
su crkveni red unutar Katolike crkve koji je nastao u 12. st.,
a jedan je od redova koji se temelje na pravilima pustinjaka
sv. Augustina. S druge strane, prema opisu mea posjeda
Cerovo brdo i Apatovec, ini se da bi poloaj Mihalj trebao
biti obuhvaen posjedom Cerovo brdo, a ne Apatovcem
koji je bio premonstratski posjed. Moramo, meutim, spomenuti i prisutnost jednog drugog pustinjakog reda u krievakom kraju u srednjem vijeku. Radi se o augustincima,
odnosno Redu brae pustinjaka sv. Augustina koji je u 14.
st. imao svoj samostan u Krievcima i o ijem djelovanju i
posjedima nemamo gotovo nikakvih podataka?30
29. Znaenje toga treba tek istraiti, kako je upozorio i R. Pavle, jer pojedine sepulkralske crkve (Miholjanec, Krianija) navedene su u popisu
iz 1334., odnosno 1501. god. (Pavle 2005, 17). upnik u Glogovnici
Svetom Ivanu spominje se 1433. god. (Pavle 2005, 21).
30. U uem smislu pojam augustinci oznauje dva posebna reda: augustinci
redovniki ili regularni kanonici i augustinci pustinjaci. Redovniki
kanonici sv. Augustina ivjeli su u regularnim zajednicama. Augustinci
pustinjaci (eremiti) predstavljaju pak jedan od etiri velika prosjaka reda,
the fact that it belonged to the Jirle prepositure, i.e. it was not
directly subjected to the Zagreb diocese? This is also the case,
finally, with a Sepulchrine church of Saint Mary in the central
Sepulchrine estate in Glogovnica, which was not mentioned
in the 1334 list nor the one from 1501, as well as with the
church of St. John on the Glogovnica-Sveti Ivan (Saint John)
estate, which first belonged to the Knights Templar and later
to the Knights Hospitaller, and which is located in the area of
the village of Ivanec Krievaki.29
Let us consider the toponym Remeterete, registered as
early as 1380. The present-day place names such as Remete,
Remetinec, are connected with the Paulists, an order named
after the Saint Paul the Hermit, the first hermit ordo heremitarum S. Pauli primi heremitae. As we have seen, there were no
Paulists during the Middle Ages in the territory of Glogovnica, and the toponym remeterete existed already in the Middle
Ages. The word hermit comes from Greek eremos=solitary,
deserted place. Perhaps there was a tradition about the mentioned meadow in the second half of the 14th century, that it
had been a place to which a hermit secluded himself, or that
it was owned by an eremitic order. The Premonstratensians
are a religious order within the Catholic church, established in
the 12th century, and one of those that are based on the rules
of St. Augustine the Hermit. On the other hand, based on the
description of the borders of the Cerovo Brdo and Apatovec
estates, it appears that the position of Mihalj should be encompassed by the Cerovo Brdo estate and not the Apatovac
one, which was a possession of the Premonstratensians. We
must, however, mention also the presence of another eremitic order in the Krievci area during the Middle Ages. These
are the Augustines or the Order of the Hermit Friars of St. Augustine, which had a monastery in Krievci in the 14th century
and of whose activity and estates we have almost no information whatsoever?30
All this makes it clear that the archaeological complex on
Mihalj with three structures will remain a mystery until it becomes a subject of joint target-oriented investigation of primarily archaeologists, historians and art historians. The historians
have dedicated a considerable attention to the mediaeval period of that area in recent years (R. Pavle), which represented
a starting point for our archaeological consideration of the
space. This work for the first time presents the archaeological
picture of the Mihalj complex with a description and measurements of the structures; the attention of the scholars was
attracted to the importance of that site, and some theses were
also put forward, or more accurately said, new questions have
been raised, the answers to which will be sought only by archaeological excavations.
What remains now is to look at the question of the time
when the fortification and the church (and the monastery?)
29. The meaning of this is yet to be researched, as R. Pavle also warned,
because certain churches of the Order of the Holy Sepulchre (Miholjanec,
Krianija) were mentioned in the lists from 1334 and 1501 (Pavle 2005,
17). A parish priest in Glogovnica Sveti Ivan, is mentioned in 1433
(Pavle 2005, 21).
30. The term Augustines in the narrow sense denotes two separate orders:
the Augustinians clerical or canons regular, and the Augustinian Hermits. The canons regular of St. Augustine lived in regular communities.
The Augustinian Hermits are on the other hand one of four big mendicant
orders, founded in 1256 as a united Order of various eremitic communities. The Order of the Hermit Friars of St. Augustine arrived in Croatia
around the middle of the 13th century.
469
Iz svega je razvidno kako e mihaljski arheoloki kompleks s tri objekta i dalje predstavljati nepoznanicu, sve
dok ne postane predmetom zajednikih ciljanih istraivanja prvenstveno arheologa, povjesniara te povjesniara
umjetnosti. Posljednjih su godina povjesniari obratili veu
pozornost srednjovjekovlju tog kraja (R. Pavle), to nam je
predstavljalo polaznicu za arheoloko sagledavanje prostora. Ovim radom po prvi put je prikazana arheoloka slika
mihaljskog sklopa s opisima i izmjerama objekata, skrenuta
je pozornost struke na znaaj toga lokaliteta, a iznesene su i
neke teze, ili tonije, otvorena su nova pitanja na koja odgovore moemo potraiti tek u arheolokim iskopavanjima.
Ostaje nam jo osvrnuti se na pitanje vremena stradavanja utvrde i crkve (i samostana?) na poloaju Mihalj. Zbog
velike koliine zapeene zemlje na zemljanoj utvrdi, zamijeene povrinskim pregledom terena, za pretpostaviti je
kako su utvrda i crkva stradale u nekom od turskih napada. Turci su ve u drugoj polovici 15. st. napadali te krajeve,
meutim, intenzivnije borbe su se vodile u 16. st. Oblinji
Krievci postali su vana vojna utvrda i uporite vojske koja je napadala brojne turske utvrde. Godine 1586. vodila se
borba na potoku Glogovnici s Osmanlijama koji su esto poduzimali pljakake pohode uz tu rjeicu (Sekuli-Gvozdanovi 1994, 122). Moda je te godine ili u nekom od tih napada stradao i Mihalj. S vremenom je okolno stanovnitvo
poelo raznositi kamenje od uruene crkve i koristiti ga kao
graevinski materijal. U drugoj polovici 19. st. M. Vrbanec
spominje ruevine sakralnih zdanja na Mihalju. V. Paloika,
donosei podatke o poloajima Crkvenjak, Barbarica i pica, koji se nalaze na istaknutim brjegovima zapadno od sela
Donja Glogovnica, daje zanimljivu vijest o klijeti Durbekovih na Crkvenjaku te o klijeti Marijana Crnia na pici, za
koju je saznao da je njezin ulaz s june strane bio graen od
klesanaca dovezenim s nekog lokaliteta sjeverno od glogovnike upne crkve (Paloika 1987, 47, bilj. 2). Moda su klijeti
graene od kamenog materijala crkve s poloaja Mihalj? Ili
pak od ruevina katela glogovnike prepoziture uz crkvu
Uznesenja Marijina u Donjoj Glogovnici? U provedenim arheolokim iskopavanjima zamijeen je nedostatak nalaza
klesanog kamenja (pronaena su samo tri primjera), to
voditelj istraivanja objanjava sekundarnom upotrebom
u gradnji upnog dvora i okolnih kua (Homen 2000, 85).
U vrijeme izgradnje klijeti na Crkvenjaku i pici, meutim,
kamene ostatke zidova katela odavno je moralo raznijeti
okolno stanovnitvo i/ili iskoristiti za izgradnju nekih veih
objekata jer se na zaravni okolo crkve, a osobito na sjevernoj strani na kojoj su se nalazili i objekti katela a koja
je i prostorno bila najprikladnija, poelo formirati groblje
vjerojatno nakon obnove crkve i njezina posveenja 1666.
god. Ukopavanje je trajalo i u 18. st., pa sve do kraja 19. st.,
a poneki su grobovi otetili temelje zidova katela (Homen
2000, 84). Izvor kamena klesanaca za spomenute klijeti, stoga, nisu mogli biti ostaci katela, ve eventualno stare sakristije poruene neto prije 1869. god.31 prigodom jedne vee
osnovan 1256. god. kao ujedinjeni Red razliitih pustinjakih zajednica.
Red brae pustinjaka sv. Augustina dolaze u Hrvatsku oko sredine 13. st.
31. Na ovom mjestu nismo spominjali brojnu strunu literaturu koja izlazi
izvan okvira nae teme, a posveena je raznim graditeljskim i umjet-
470
on Mihalj were destroyed. Due to large quantity of fired earth

on the earthen fortification, noticed during the surface survey, one can assume that the fortification and the church were
destroyed in a Turkish attack. The Turks attacked these lands
already during the second half of the 15th century, but more
intense battles were fought in the 16th century. The nearby
Krievci became an important military fortification and the
stronghold of the army that attacked numerous Turkish fortifications. In 1586 a battle was waged at the Glogovnica stream with the Ottomans, who frequently undertook plundering
raids along that small river (Sekuli-Gvozdanovi 1994, 122).
Perhaps Mihalj was destroyed in that year or in one of those
raids. With time, the local population started plundering stone from the collapsed church and using it as building material.
In the second half of the 19th century M. Vrbanec mentioned
the ruins of sacral buildings on Mihalj. V. Paloika, publishing
information about the positions of Crkvenjak, Barbarica and
pica, which lie on prominent hills west of the village of Donja
Glogovnica, brings an interesting piece of information about
a hut of the Durbek family on Crkvenjak and a hut of Marijan
Crni on pica, of which he learned that its entrance on the
southern side was built of dressed stones brought from a site
north of the Glogovnica parish church (Paloika 1987, 47, note
2). Perhaps the huts were built of stones from the church on
Mihalj? Or perhaps from the ruins of the citadel of the Glogovnica prepositure next to the church of the Assumption of Mary
in Donja Glogovnica? In the conducted archaeological excavations there was a visible lack of dressed stones (only three specimens were found), which was explained by the excavation
leader as the result of a secondary use in the building of the
parish house and the surrounding houses (Homen 2000, 85).
However, at the time when the huts on Crkvenjak and pica
were built, the stone remains of the citadel walls must have
been already plundered long ago by the surrounding population and/or used for construction of some larger structures,
because on the plateau around the church, and particularly on
the northern side, where the structures of the citadel were situated and which was the best suited one in terms of space, a
cemetery started to be formed probably after the church was
reconstructed and consecrated in 1666. The burials continued
in the 18th cent. as well and in fact until the end of the 19th century, and some graves damaged the foundations of the citadel
walls (Homen 2000, 84). The source for the dressed stones for
the mentioned huts, therefore, could not have been the remains of the citadel, but possibly the old sacristy destroyed
a little before 186931 during a larger renovation of the church
31. In this place we did not mention the numerous scholarly literature that
escapes the framework of our topic, and which deals with various construction and artistic phases of the church of the Blessed Virgin Mary in
Donja Glogovnica, and the question of religious and knightly orders in
that area. We can only remark that the remains of earlier buildings that
preceded the mentioned structures on the position of the church of the
BVM in D. Glogovnica and these are a church and a monastery of the
Sepulchrines, i.e. the Canons Regular of the Holy Sepulchre of Jerusalem
from 1230 could not have been the source of building material for the
huts erected on Crkvenjak, because they had been plundered long before
that. The remains of a semicircular apse of the Romanesque church were
discovered beneath the apse of the present-day Gothic church, and the
monastery was certainly situated south of the church, and not to the north
of it. There is a piece of information about that in the record of a Jesuit
author from the 17th century, within the document Historia Glogovnicae
conscripta 1765, when (i.e. in the 17th century) the remains, i.e. the ruins
of the monastery were still visible in the zone south of the church in the
direction of the parish house (Dobroni 1998, 94, 97-98).
obnove crkve (Dobroni 1998, 101-102) ili pak ostaci zdanja

s poloaja Mihalj, koji se nalazi oko 4 km sjevernije uzvodno
rjeicom Glogovnicom.32
Kamen iz zidanih objekata mihaljskog arheolokog kompleksa raznesen je, no ouvani su njihovi temelji. Zemljana
je utvrda, zahvaljujui skrovitom poumljenom potkalnikom pejzau i udaljenosti od sela, danas poznata uglavnom
samo lovcima te je stoga dobro ouvana.
Spomeniki sklop na Mihalju svakako zasluuje biti obuhvaen multidisciplinarnim istraivakim projektom u kojem bi arheoloka metoda predstavljala temelj svih daljnjih
istraivanja koja bi zasigurno pruila odgovore na brojna
otvorena pitanja. Takva bi istraivanja dala dragocjene rezultate, ne samo za srednjovjekovlje kalnike regije i ueg
glogovnikog kraja, ve za itavu srednjovjekovnu Slavoniju, odnosno prostor dananje sjeverne Hrvatske. Naime,
na tom prostoru nalazimo brojne ostatke srednjovjekovnih
utvrda, kojima zbog nedostatka arheolokih istraivanja jo
dan-danas, usprkos pojaanim nastojanjima na osvjeivanju i vrednovanju kulturne batine, ne moemo odrediti
precizan vremenski okvir i ulogu koju su obnaale u razdoblju srednjeg vijeka.
(Dobroni 1998, 101-102) or, on the other hand, the ruins of

the building on Mihalj, which lies around 4 km to the north
upstream the small river of Glogovnica. 32
The stone from the walled structures of the Mihalj archaeological complex was taken away, but its foundations have
remained preserved. The earthen fortification, due to the
secluded wooded sub-Kalnik landscape and the remoteness
from the village, is known today mostly only to the hunters
and is therefore well preserved.
The monumental complex on Mihalj certainly deserves
to be the subject of a multidisciplinary research project, in
which the archaeological method would represent the basis
of all subsequent research that would undoubtedly provide
answers to numerous open questions. Such research would
provide valuable results not only for the Middle Ages of the
Kalnik region and the narrower Glogovnica area, but also for
the entire mediaeval Slavonia, that is the zone of the presentday northern Croatia. We find in that zone numerous remains
of mediaeval fortifications to which, due to the lack of archaeological excavations, in spite of intensified effort on awareness-raising and evaluation of cultural heritage, to this day we
can not establish a precise chronological frame and the role
they played in the Middle Ages.
nikim fazama crkve Blaene Djevice Marije u Donjoj Glogovnici te

pitanju crkvenih i vitekih redova u tom kraju. Moemo samo napomenuti
kako ostaci starijih zdanja koja su prethodila spomenutim objektima na
poloaju crkve BDM-a u D. Glogovnici, a to su crkva i samostan sepulkralaca, tj. Regularnih kanonika Sv. Groba jeruzalemskog iz 1230. god.,
nisu mogli predstavljati izvor graevinskog materijala za klijeti podizane
na Crkvenjaku jer su odavno bili razgraeni. Ostaci polukrune apside
romanike crkve otkriveni su ispod apside dananje gotike crkve, a
samostan se zasigurno nalazio juno od crkve, a ne sjeverno. O tome
donosi podatak zapis isusovakog pisca iz 17. st. unutar spisa Historia
Glogovnicae conscripta 1765, kada (dakle, u 17. st.) su ostaci, tj. ruevine
samostana jo bile vidljive na prostoru juno od crkve, a prema upnom
dvoru (Dobroni 1998, 94, 97-98).
32. Moramo se ovdje osvrnuti i na podatke o narodnoj predaji o postojanju
crkve na brdu Crkvenjaku koje donosi L. Dobroni (1984, 133-134) koju
tada izjednauje s tzv. Sv. Jurjem u Glogovnici, a za koju je kasnije
dokazano da se nalazi uz rijeku Glogovnicu, ali u uricu, jugoistono
od Krievaca. L. Dobroni ovdje navodi podatke da su ljudi sa samog
Crkvenjaka vadili kamenje za izgradnju klijeti. Zaista je zanimljivo
ue glogovniko podruje s nekoliko lokacija na kojima postoje realni
i evidentni tragovi postojanja starih sakralnih zdanja, nepoznatih iz povijesnih izvora. Spomenimo tu i oblinji poloaj Sv. Vid (jugozapadno
od Crkvenjaka), potom Krino drvo na brijegu istono od crkve BDM-a
u D. Glogovnici ili, konano, na irem glogovnikom podruju crkvu na
poloaju Mihalj.
32. Here we have to look at the data about the folk tradition about the existence of a church on the Crkvenjak hill, published by L. Dobroni (1984,
133-134), which she equated with the so-called St. George (Sv. Juraj)
in Glogovnica, and for which it was later proved that it lay adjacent to
the Glogovnica river, but in uric, southeast of Krievci. L. Dobroni
mentioned there that people extracted stone for construction of the hut
from Crkvenjak itself. The narrower area of Glogovnica is indeed interesting, with several sites that exhibit real vestiges of the existence of
old sacral buildings, unknown from historical sources. Let us mention
here also the nearby position of Sv. Vid (southwest of Crkvenjak), then
also Krino Drvo on the hill east of the church of the BVM in Donja
Glogovnica or, finally, in the wider Glogovnica area, the church on the
position of Mihalj.
471
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Jesu li postojale upe na podruju ivanovakog belskog preceptorata 1334.

godine?
Were there Parishes in the Territory of the Bela Preceptory of the Hospitallers in 1334?
JURAJ BELAJ
HR 10000 Zagreb
juraj.belaj@iarh.hr

Mediaval archaeology
UDK/UDC 902.2(497.5 Ivanec)
262.2(497.5-37 Ivanec)13(093)
Popis upa iz Statuta Zagrebakog kaptola iz 1334. god., to ga je sastavio arhiakon Ivan
Goriki, neprocjenjiv je izvor za prouavanje prostora srednjovjekovne Zagrebake biskupije. U
radu se problematizira injenica da se u njemu ne navodi niti jedna upa s podruja ivanovakog
preceptorata sa sjeditem u Beli. Iznose se razliita miljenja o razlozima za to, prisutna u literaturi.
Analizom povijesnih dokumenata, u kombinaciji s rezultatima arheolokih istraivanja u Ivancu, uz
slutnje koja pruaju i najnovija mitoloka prouavanja, autor zakljuuje da su upe na tom prostoru
tada postojale - ali pod ivanovakom jurisdikcijom - te iz njih Biskupija nije prikupljala Petrov
novi, pa stoga nisu bile obuhvaene popisom Ivana Gorikog. A okupacija o kojoj govori Ivan
Goriki, na njih se nije odnosila.
Kljune rijei: upe, popis upa, Ivan Goriki, Ivanec, Bela, belski preceptorat, ivanovci
The 1334 list of parishes from the Statute of the Kaptol of Zagreb composed by archdeacon Ivan
Goriki is an invaluable source for the study of the territory of the mediaeval Zagreb diocese. This
paper addresses the problem that the list does not mention a single parish from the territory of the
Hospitallers Preceptory with the seat in Bela. Various opinions present in the literature about the
reasons for this are mentioned. Based on the analysis of historical documents, in combination with
the results of archaeological excavations in Ivanec, and coupled with the ideas provided by the latest
mythological research, the author concludes that the parishes existed at that time in that territory
but under the jurisdiction of the Hospitallers and that the Diocese did not collect Peters Pence
from them, which is why they were not included in Ivan Gorikis list. And the occupation of which
Ivan Goriki speaks did not relate to them.
Key words: Parishes, list of parishes, Ivan Goriki, Ivanec, Bela, Bela Preceptory, Hospitallers
Za prouavanje organizacije drutva, gustoe naseljenosti i sl., na prostoru srednjovjekovne Zagrebake biskupije od neprocjenjive je vanosti popis upa iz Statuta Zagrebakog kaptola iz 1334. god., to ga je sastavio arhiakon
Ivan Goriki. No pritom se ne smije zaboraviti da je on bio
sastavljen za Rim, za podavanja Petrova novia. Dobar
pregled povijesti bavljenja ovim popisom donio je laureat,
prof. dr. sc. eljko Tomii.1
Jedna od osobitosti popisa predstavlja injenica kako se
u njemu ne navodi niti jedna upa s podruja ivanovakog
preceptorata sa sjeditem u Beli. Koji je mogao biti razlog
nenavoenja upa? Ili moda jo nisu niti bile osnovane? Ta
i slina pitanja bit e problematizirana u ovom radu, proisteklu iz mojeg doktorata (Belaj J. 2005; u njemu se detalj-
An invaluable source for the study of the social organization, population density etc. in the territory of the mediaeval
Zagreb diocese is the list of parishes from the 1344 Statute of
the Kaptol of Zagreb, composed by archdeacon Ivan Goriki.
However, one should not forget that the list was created for
Rome, for the tribute of Peters Pence. A good survey of the
history of research on that list was provided by the laureate,
Prof. eljko Tomii.1
One of the particularities of the list is the fact that it does
not mention a single parish from the territory of the Hospitallers Preceptory with the seat in Bela. What may have been
the reason to omit these parishes? Or perhaps they had not
been established yet? This paper, derived from my doctoral
thesis (Belaj J. 2005; it mentions in detail the sources I used),
will address these and similar questions. It is once again my
pleasure to thank the laureate for having woken in me the
1. Popis iz 1334. god. objavili su: Kreli 1770/1994; Raki 1872; Tkali
1874; Buturac 1944; Buturac 1984 (prema Tomii 1999, 41).
1. The 1334 list was published by: Kreli 1770/1994; Raki 1872; Tkali
1874; Buturac 1944; Buturac 1984 (after Tomii 1999, 41).
473
J. BELAJ, Jesu li postojale upe na podruju ivanovakog belskog preceptorata 1334. godine?, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 473-480.
no navode izvori kojima sam se sluio). Ponovno mogu sa

zadovoljstvom zahvaliti laureatu to je u meni probudio
interes za pitanje vitekih redova u Hrvatskoj, kojima sam
se bavio u okviru njegovih znanstvenih projekata kao i na
injenici da su upravo istraivanja Starog grada u Ivancu,
koja je zapoeo 1998. god., a ije mi je voenje kasnije prepustio, produbila moje zanimanje za ovu regiju.
Povijesni izvori spominju ivanovce u ovome kraju od
1209. god.2, kada se u opisu zapadne granice varadinskih
posjeda spominje da ona tendit ad magnam viam per quam
itur ad terram cruciferiorum, tj. da ide velikom cestom
koja vodi u zemlju krinika (CD III, 90). No koliko god da
su izvori u kojima se Bela spominje u ivanovako doba relativno esti, nisu nimalo iscrpni. Naprotiv, iz njih neemo
doznati nita ni o opsegu preceptorata, niti o izgledu njihova sjedita kao niti o drugim objektima koje su na svome
velikom imanju posjedovali. Tako nemamo ni vijesti o bilo
kakvim crkvama, pa niti upnima. Dakle, osnovno pitanje
ovog rada glasi: jesu li upe u vrijeme nastanka spomenutog popisa na ovom podruju postojale ili ne? Jo jednu
injenicu moramo imati pred oima kada razmiljamo o
tom problemu: belski se preceptorat smjestio na tromei
Varadinskog, Zagorskog i Kalnikog arhiakonata. Ve se
upe u Bednji (de Tracustian) i Kamenici te u Martinini
(de sub Ozturch), Juranini (de Belch) i Zajezdi 1334. god.
nalaze u Zagorskom arhiakonatu. U Kalnikom arhiakonatu su, primjerice, upe Hraina i Maarevo (de Greben), a
u Varadinskom u Sv. Iliji, Maruevcu i Donjoj Voi (Buturac
1984, 51, 88, 104), sve u susjedstvu Belskog preceptorata.
Slina situacija uoljiva je u kraju istono i jugoistono od
Pakraca, prema Poekoj kotlini, gdje se ak i granice biskupija ne poklapaju s granicom ivanovakih posjeda (Belaj, J.
2001, 130). No valja rei da takvi posjedi u pravilu nisu bili
posve zaokrueni, nego se ivanovaka zemlja proimala sa
zemljama drugih feudalaca, crkvenih i svjetovnih, te s posjedima koji su pripadali neposredno kralju.
Pojedini autori smatraju da se razlog nenavoenja upa
krije u slaboj naseljenosti ovog kraja. Na odnos rasporeda
upnih crkava i gustoe stanovnitva upozorava, primjerice,
N. Budak (Budak 1994, 68-71). To bi tada znailo da su i okolica Bikupca i Beletinca te Lepoglave takoer bile gotovo
nenaseljene. I N. Klai smatra da su vazali ivanovaca iz Bele
bili rijetki (Klai N. 1976, 575). No istodobno na susjednim
posjedima ne nedostaje upa. Teko je pretpostaviti kako
se upravo belski posjed izdvajao svojom nenaseljenou,
osobito ako znamo da su ivanovci bili relativno blagi prema
svojim podlonicima (Klai N. 1976, 575). Takoer je teko
zamisliti kako bi bez stanovnitva belski veleposjed uope
mogao funkcionirati. Ope je miljenje da su feudalni tvrdi gradovi bili sreditima ne samo gospodarstva i uprave,
ve i duhovnog ivota odnosno upe (Kruhek 1994, 187).
interest for the topic of the knightly orders in Croatia, which

I dealt with within his scientific projects, as well as for the
fact that it was precisely the investigation of the Old Town
in Ivanec, which he had started in 1998, and whose management he later gave over to me, that deepened my interest in
this region.
The historical sources mention the Hospitallers in this area
from 12092, when in the description of the western border of
the Varadin estates it is mentioned that it tendit ad magnam
viam per quam itur ad terram cruciferiorum, i.e. that ... it goes
down a large road that leads to the land of the crusaders (CD
III, 90). But even though the sources in which Bela is mentioned
in the time of the Hospitallers are relatively frequent, they are
not exhaustive in the least. On the contrary, they will not tell
us a thing about the scope of the Preceptory or about the appearance of their seat or about the other structures that they
possessed on their large estate. There is thus no information
about churches of any kind, including the parish ones. Therefore, the basic question of this paper is: were there any churches in this area at the time of the creation of the mentioned list
or not? We have to keep in mind yet another fact when thinking about this problem: the Bela Preceptory was situated at
the triple border of the Varadin, Zagorje and Kalnik Archdeaconries. Already the parishes in Bednja (de Tracustian) and Kamenica as well as in Martinina (de sub Ozturch), Juranina
(de Belch) and Zajezda in 1334 are situated in the Zagorje Archdeaconry. For instance, the parishes of Hraina and Maarevo
(de Greben) are in the Kalnik Archdeaconry, while those in Sv.
Ilija, Maruevec and Donja Voa are in the Varadin Archdeaconry (Buturac 1984, 51, 88, 104), all of them in the neighbourhood of the Bela Preceptory. A similar situation exists in the
area east and southeast of Pakrac, towards the Poega Valley,
where even diocesan borders do not correspond to the border of the Hospitallers estates (Belaj J. 2001, 130). However,
it should be mentioned that such estates were generally not
fully rounded; rather, the Hospitallers land merged with those
of other feudal lords, ecclesiastic and secular, as well as with
the estates that belonged directly to the king.
Certain authors think that the reason for omitting the parishes lies in the sparse population of this region. The correlation of the location of parish churches with population density
is commented e.g. by N. Budak (Budak 1994, 68-71). This would
then mean that the surroundings of Bikupec and Beletinec as
well as Lepoglava were also almost uninhabited. N. Klai also
believes that there were few vassals of the Hospitallers from
Bela (Klai N. 1976, 575). However, at that same time there is no
lack of parishes in the neighbouring estates. It is hard to conceive that it was precisely the Bela estate that stood out with
its low population density, especially if we know that the Hospitallers were relatively lenient toward their subjects (Klai N.
1976, 575). It is likewise difficult to imagine how the Bela estate
would function without any population in the first place. The
general opinion is that the feudal fortified towns were centres
not only of the economy and administration but also of spiritual life, meaning a parish (Kruhek 1994, 187). In other words,
the fortified towns reveal that this region was also populated.
Otherwise there would be no Bela, Gradie, Lepoglava
It perhaps suffices to mention here that the document
2. Neu se osvrtati na ispravu iz 1201. god. u kojoj se spominje Selo ivanovaca kraj Varadina jer po mojem miljenju ono nije pripadalo belskom
ve varadinskom preceptoratu (Belaj J. 2001, 39-45).
2. I shall not consider the document from 1201 which mentions a Hospitallers Village near Varadin because in my opinion it did not belong to
the Bela Preceptory but to the Varadin one (Belaj J. 2001, 39-45).
474
J. BELAJ, Were there Parishes in the Territory of the Bela Preceptory of the Hospitallers in 1334?, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 473-480.
Drugim rijeima, tvrdi gradovi govore da je i u ovom kraju

bilo stanovnitva. U suprotnome ne bi bilo Bele, Gradia,
Lepoglave
Moda je dovoljno na ovom mjestu napomenuti kako
se u ispravi kojom ivanovci potvruju upanu Bedi darovnicu za posjed Tuno iz 1336. god. (dvije godine nakon popisivanja upa) uz utvreni grad Belu spominju ivanovaka
braa i jobagioni, kako u gradu Beli, tako i oni koji pripadaju
tom gradu (Fejr CD VIII/4, 204). A i ostali posjedi ovog preceptorata koji su bili dani u zakup, zacijelo nisu bili pusti.
Kada su, primjerice, ivanovci godine 1374. darovali predij
Jurketinec, zadrali su za sebe pravo suda radi palea, prolijevanja krvi i nasilja, a krivce treeg prestupka trebao je
suditi sam predijalac (CD XV, 59). Ne govori li i taj detalj da
je i Jurketinec bio prilino nastanjen?
Dobar poznavatelj crkvene povijesti ovoga kraja A. Lukinovi, pak, smatra da je tu sigurno bilo upa (Lukinovi
1998, 14) i to upravo zbog dobre naseljenosti. Iako se u dokumentima javljaju kasno (Sv. Margareta pod Belom 1431. i
Sv. Lovro pod Belom 1488., Sv. Ivan - Ivanec 1574.), on misli
da je upa ovdje bilo ve u 14., a moda i u 13. st.: Nema tu
spomena nijedne upe od Ivanca do Beletinca, a to je prostor
na kojem je postojalo barem dvadesetak naselja. Sasvim je
iskljueno da na tako velikom prostoru nije postojala nijedna
upa (Lukinovi 1998, 14). Iako se ne moe znati koliko je
potovan dekret Stjepana I. prema kojem deset sela moe
podii zajedniku crkvu (Budak 1994, 66), jer je jai princip
nastanka upa bio u nas utjecaj velikaa i plemstva, ipak
je plemstvo ve prije poelo dizati crkve na svojim imanjima, pa i irom svojeg podruja. Doista zvui nevjerojatno
da bi crkveni viteki red u tome zaostajao, kako ne bi imao
zakonito organiziranu crkvenu slubu, a to su i tada bile upe
(Lukinovi 1998, 14). Imajui u vidu do sada iznesene argumente, priklanjam se Lukinovievu miljenju, osobito jer
smatram da si viteki red ivanovaca i zbog svojeg ugleda,
ali prvenstveno jer je to koliko vojniki toliko i crkveni red,
ne bi dopustio da tijekom ve dueg vremena (barem od
poetka 13. st.) na svojem posjedu nije organizirao vjerski
ivot unutar upa.
from 1336 (two years after the parishes were listed) in which
the Hospitallers grant to the upan (prefect) Beda the charter
for the Tuno estate, the Brothers Hospitaller and urban serfs
(iobagiones) are mentioned in addition to the fortified town
of Bela, both those in the town as well as those who belong to
that town (Fejr CD VIII/4, 204). Surely the remaining estates
of that Preceptory that were leased were likewise not empty.
When for instance the Hospitallers made a gift of the Jurketinec estate in 1374, they kept to themselves the judicial rights
over arson, the shedding of blood and violence, while the
third-degree perpetrators were to be judged by the landlord himself (CD XV, 59). Does this detail also not tell us that
Jurketinec was quite populated?
A. Lukinovi, an expert on the ecclesiastical history of
this region believes that there certainly were parishes here
(Lukinovi 1998, 14), precisely owing to the dense population.
Even though they appear relatively late in the documents (Sv.
Margareta under Bela in 1431 and Sv. Lovro under Bela in 1488,
Sv. Ivan Ivanec in 1574), he believes that there were parishes
here already by the 14th and perhaps even by the 13th century: There is no mention here of a single parish between Ivanec
and Beletinec, and this is an area where at least twenty or so settlements existed. It is entirely out of the question that not a single
parish existed in such a large area (Lukinovi 1998, 14). Although
we can not know to what extent the people followed the decree by Stephen I according to which ten villages can erect a
joint church (Budak 1994, 66), as the influence of the landlords
and nobility was a more important principle for the creation
of parishes in our areas, it was still the nobles who even earlier started building churches on their estates and throughout
their territory. It indeed sounds implausible that an ecclesiastical knightly order would lag behind and not have an officially
organized ecclesiastical service, which then also meant a parish
(Lukinovi 1998, 14). With regard to the arguments put forward so far I subscribe to Lukinovis opinion, particularly as I
believe that the knightly order of the Hospitallers, on account
of their reputation but primarily because they were a military
order as much as a religious one, would not permit a substantial period of time to pass (at least from the beginning of the
13th century) before they organized religious life on their estate within parishes.
Arheoloka istraivanja koja u Ivancu traju od godine

1998. daju dodatnu teinu ovoj tezi. Naravno, arheoloki
se ne moe potvrditi da je pronaena crkva bila upna ili
da je groblje oko nje upno groblje. Ipak, ovdje prikazana
analiza povijesnih dokumenata, u kombinaciji s rezultatima
naih arheolokih istraivanja3 koje u ovdje u kratkim crtama prikazati, te uz slutnje o nastanku slavenskog svetog
prostora na mjestu dananjega Ivanca koja pruaju i najnovija mitoloka prouavanja (Belaj V. 1998; 2006), daju jednu
posve novu i ve prilino zaokruenu sliku.
U dvoritu renesansnog katela otkriveni su, naime,
temelji srednjovjekovne crkve Sv. Ivana Krstitelja. S ovom
se crkvom relativno kasno susreemo u povijesnim ispravama. Svakako je postojala i prije godine 1396., kada se
The archaeological excavations that have been carried

out in Ivanec since 1998 add additional weight to this thesis.
Naturally, it can not be proven archaeologically that the discovered church was parochial or that the cemetery surrounding it was parochial. Nevertheless, the analysis of historical
documents that is presented here, together with the results of
our archaeological excavations3, which I will summarize here,
in addition to the ideas about the creation of the Slavic holy
space on the site of the present-day Ivanec, provided also by
the latest mythological research (Belaj V. 1998; 2006), give an
entirely new and already quite well-rounded picture.
The foundations of a mediaeval church of St. John the
Baptist were discovered in the courtyard of the Renaissance
castle. We encounter this church relatively late in historical
documents. It certainly existed prior to 1396 when Ivanec was
mentioned in the document by Ivan ml. (John jr.) of Palina for
the first time (Dobroni 1984a, 23; Hrg 1975). This is above all
revealed by the name of the settlement free municipality
3. Najnoviji su rezultati saeto prikazani u Belaj J. 2007.
3. The latest results were briefly presented in Belaj J. 2007.
475
Ivanec prvi put spominje u ispravi Ivana ml. od Paline (Dobroni 1984a, 23; Hrg 1975). To nam prije sveg govori ime
naselja slobodna opina Svetoga Ivana (libera villa Sancti
Iohannis). Prvi ju put u dokumentima susreemo oznaenu
kao upnu tek 1574. god. Tad se, naime, spominje upa Sv.
Ivan u Ivancu (Budak 1994, 69). Te je godine, prema E. Laszowskom, Benko Petev posvojio crkvu Sv. Ivana u Ivancu, koja je spadala Ladislavu (Laszowski 1903/1904, 9). Kasnije se
gradi nova, dananja upna crkva Sv. Marije Magdalene, a
crkva Sv. Ivana postaje vjerojatno dvorska kapela u sklopu
katela Pethevaca. To se moralo dogoditi izmeu 1574. i
1628. god. (Belaj J. 2005, 125).
Jo uvijek nije mogue precizno datirati vrijeme izgradnje crkve Sv. Ivana Krstitelja. Veina nalaza obraenoga
kamenja, pronaenih u uruenjima, ukazuje na gotiki karakter njezine posljednje faze (primjerice, nadvoji gotikih
prozora te potprozornik, ulomak trijumfalnog luka, ulomak
rebra svoda, ulomak kipa ruke sklopljene u molitvu i dr.).
Ulomak baze (ili kapitela) stupa iz doba romanike, pronaen kao spolija u temeljima broda, sugerira pak postojanje
i nekog romanikog objekta u blizini. No zanimljivi su neki
drugi pokretni nalazi, osobito oni pronaeni u svetitu crkve. Prvenstveno je to pfenig iskovan u Beu za Alberta II.
(1330.-1358.). Koliko god je sam datum kovanja nepouzdan
pokazatelj starosti sloja u kojem je novac pronaen (a ovaj
je pronaen u ispremijeanu sloju), ipak je znakovito kako
je ovaj primjerak - kovan otprilike u vrijeme popisivanja
upa pronaen u samom svetitu upne crkve Sv. Ivana
Krstitelja.
Zanimljive rezultate je dala i izmjera veliine crkve, odnosno njezina broda. Povrina mu je oko 65,3 m2. U srednjoj Europi su seoske crkve jo u 11. st. imale oko 35 m2,
a u 13. st., zahvaljujui znatnom porastu broja stanovnika
kao posljedice kolonizacije, crkve imaju oko 65 m2 (Budak
1994, 156), to gotovo na vlas odgovara situaciji u Ivancu.
Napominjem da je rije o brodu. Svetite djeluje starije. Prema gotikom pravilu da irina zida svoenog svetita iznosi
1/10 njegova raspona, u Ivancu bismo oekivali zidove debljine oko 50 cm, a iznose 120 cm. Stoga moemo pomiljati kako je svetite znatno starije i da je imalo ujedno i
obrambenu ulogu.
U pojedinim grobovima u svetitu pronaene su kariice sa S-petljom. Moemo pretpostaviti kako su ukopani
prije sredine 13. st., tonije, prije mongolske provale.4 Pokopavanje u svetitu je, dakle, vjerojatno zapoelo i prije
pretpostavljenog dolaska ivanovaca! Jo nije otkriven niti
jedan grob presjeen zidovima svetita, to ipak ne znai
da moda nema i takvih, u niim slojevima. No jo stariji
je kulturni sloj ije nam istraivanje tek predstoji, a kojega
su presjekli spomenuti grobovi, a ini se i zidovi svetita.
Posebnu pozornost privlae fragmenti keramike ukraeni
valovnicom koji su prikupljeni na kontaktima toga sloja
of Saint John (libera villa Sancti Iohannis). We find it marked

in the documents as a parish church for the first time as late
as 1574 the date when the parish of St. John in Ivanec is mentioned (Budak 1994, 69). According to E. Laszowski, in that year
Benko Petev adopted the church of St. John in Ivanec, which belonged to Ladislav (Laszowski 1903/1904, 9). The new, presentday parish church of St. Mary Magdalene was built later, and
the church of St. John probably became a court chapel within
the castle of the Pethe family. This must have taken place between 1574 and 1628 (Belaj J. 2005, 125).
It is still impossible to precisely date the building of the
church of St. John the Baptist. Most of the finds of worked
stone, found among the debris, point to the Gothic character of its latest phase (e.g., the lintels of Gothic windows and
a windowsill, a segment of a triumphal arch, a fragment of a
vault rib, a fragment of a statue hands folded in prayer etc.).
A fragment of a base (or a capital) of a column from the Romanesque period, discovered as a spolium in the foundation
of the nave, points to the existence also of a Romanesque
building nearby. Other movable finds are also interesting, particularly those discovered in the church sanctuary. This primarily applies to a pfennig minted in Vienna during Albert IIs rule
(1330-1358). Even though the date of minting is an unreliable
indicator of the age of the layer in which the coin was found
(and it was found in a mixed layer), it is still indicative that this
piece minted approximately at the time when the list of parishes was compiled was found in the very sanctuary of the
parish church of St. John the Baptist.
The measurement of the church, more precisely its nave,
also produced interesting results. Its surface covers approximately 65,3 m2. The village churches in central Europe already
in the 11th century covered around 35 m2, and in the 13th
century, owing to a substantial increase in population as the
result of colonization, the churches are around 65 m2, which
almost perfectly corresponds to the situation in Ivanec. I emphasize that this applies to the nave. The sanctuary appears
older. According to the Gothic rule that the width of the walls
of the vaulted sanctuary amounts to 1/10 of its span, we would
expect to find in Ivanec walls approximately 50 cm thick, while
they are in fact 120 cm thick. We can therefore assume that the
sanctuary is much older and that it also fulfilled a defensive
role.
S-loop rings were found in several graves in the sanctuary.
We can assume that they were buried prior to the mid-13th
cent., more precisely before the Mongol invasion.4 Burials in
the sanctuary therefore probably started even before the presumed arrival of the Hospitallers! Not a single grave cut by the
sanctuary walls has been discovered so far, which still does not
necessarily mean that there are none, in lower layers. However, a layer that we have yet to start excavating, and which was
cut by the mentioned graves and it appears also by the walls
of the sanctuary, is even older. Particularly interesting are the
fragments of pottery with a waveline decoration, collected at
the point of contact of that layer with other stratigraphic units.
This pottery is very fragmented and barely reveals the shapes
of vessels. Rare pieces with a preserved rim, as well as the texture of the pottery, in addition to the manner in which it was
decorated with the wavelines, cautiously indicate that it was
4. Ipak, moramo biti oprezni kod datiranja grobova pomou ovakvog nakita
koji je i inae dugotrajan, a esto se mogao, kao miraz, prenositi s koljena
na koljeno prije nego bi ga netko ponio u grob (usmeno upozorenje .
Tomiia).
4. Nevertheless, we have to be careful when dating graves by means of such

jewellery, which is long-lasting to start with, and could often be transferred as dowry through generations until someone takes it to the grave
(personal suggestion by . Tomii).
476
s drugim stratigrafskim jedinicama. Vrlo je fragmentirana i jedva da govori o oblicima posuda. Rijetki primjerci
s ouvanim obodom, kao i faktura keramike te nain na
koji je ukraena valovnicama, oprezno nas upuuju da je
izraena vjerojatno u 9. ili 10. st. Moemo ak zamisliti kako je spomenuti kulturni sloj nastao u vrijeme oblikovanja
svetog, jo poganskog krajobraza na podruju za koje se
smije pretpostaviti da je tvorilo prostor jedne od prvobitnih slavenskih upa u dolini Bednje (Belaj V. 2006), te da je
u sreditu ove slavenske upe vremenom nastalo i sjedite
crkvene upe ovog kraja. Sve brojniji rimski (ulomci tegula i
opeka te osobito ulomak nadgrobnog rtvenika5), latenski
i kasnobronanodobni nalazi (keramika) upuuju na znatno
dulji kontinuitet nastanjivanja ovog poloaja koji i danas
dominira u prosjeku za oko dva metra nad okolicom od
pretpostavljenog u poetku naih istraivanja.
produced probably in the 9th or 10th century. We can even

imagine that the mentioned cultural layer was formed during
a time when the holy, at the time still pagan landscape was
taking shape, in the area for which it can be presumed that it
formed part of one of the primary Slavic parishes in the valley
of the Bednja river (Belaj V. 2006), and that in time also the seat
of the ecclesiastical parish of this region was created in the
centre of this Slavic parish. The increasingly numerous Roman
(fragments of tegulae and bricks and particularly a fragment
of a tomb altar5), La Tne and Late Bronze Age finds (pottery)
point to a considerably longer continuity of settlement on this
site which is still today dominant by virtue of its partition
which is on average 2 metres higher than the surrounding terrain from the one presumed at the beginning of our excavations.
Ukoliko na temelju ovih indicija pretpostavimo da je

upa bilo, preostaje dokuiti razlog njihova nenavoenja.
I tu su, uglavnom, najzastupljenija dva miljenja: da su upe, kao i granice, okupirali Nijemci ili su ih pak okupirali
ivanovci koji su, navodno, bili u sukobu sa zagrebakim biskupom. Naime, sastavlja popisa napominje da je razlog
nenavoenja pojedinih upa Varadinskog arhiakonata
okupacija granica: Ostale crkve koje postoje u granicama
kraljevina Ugarske ovdje nisu pisane, jer kako su same granice,
tako su i crkve okupirane, iako u ovom arhiakonatu postoje
(Lukinovi 1998, 13).
Za rjeavanje naeg problema bit e vana istodobna
situacija u Beloj krajini. Nju je, naime, hrvatsko-ugarsko
kraljevstvo izgubilo vjerojatno poetkom 13. st., kako je to
argumentirano pokazao M. Kosi (1995, 19-25). Uskoro nakon tog zagrebaka je biskupija oito izgubila svoje upe u
Beloj krajini. O tom govori dokument iz 1228. god. kojim je
akvilejski patrijarh Bertold Andeki oblikovao akvilejsku crkvenu upravu u Beloj krajini. U rnomlju je posvetio upnu
crkvu Sv. Petra s etiri podrunice. U to vrijeme oito vie
ne moemo govoriti o Beloj krajini kao dijelu zagrebake
biskupije. Kancelarija Zagrebake biskupije to stanje nije
dugo htjela priznati, pa onodobni hrvatski dokumenti stvaraju privid da je Bela krajina jo uvijek u njezinu sastavu. Tako se u spomenutu popisu iz 1334. nabrajaju upe u Metlici,
Podzemlju, rnomlju, Semiu i Vinici.
Dok je za upe u graninom podruju oko Metlike oito jo tinjala nada da bi mogle biti vraene pod jurisdikciju
Zagrebake biskupije, pa ih Ivan Goriki navodi u svojem
popisu, na granici Varadinskog arhiakonata je situacija
drukija. ini se kako se ovdje radilo o upama koje su prilino davno pripadale Zagrebakoj biskupiji, ali vie nitko
nema iluzija da bi mogle biti vraene. Rije je, oito, o upama u Halozama te o upama sjeverno od Drave i istono
od Ptuja, a ne o upama na podruju ivanovakog belskog
preceptorata. Jedna je upa ipak jo preostala: u popisu se,
naime, navodi i upa u Borlu (danas u Mariborskoj biskupi-
If we assume based on these indications that parishes indeed existed, we still have to grasp the reasons why they were
not mentioned. Here also, for the most part, two opinions
predominate: that the parishes, same as the borders, were
occupied by the Germans or that they were occupied by
the Hospitallers, who were supposedly in confrontation with
the bishop of Zagreb. The compiler of the list explicitly states
that the reason for the omission of certain parishes of the
Varadin archdeaconry lay in the occupation of the borders:
The remaining churches that exist within the borders of the Kingdom of Hungary are not listed here, because just as the borders
themselves, so were the churches occupied, even though they are
present in this archdeaconry (Lukinovi 1998, 13).
The contemporary situation in Bela Krajina will be important for the solution of our problem. The Kingdom of Croatia
and Hungary lost it probably at the beginning of the 13th
century, as has been demonstrated with good arguments
by M. Kosi (1995, 19-25). The Zagreb diocese apparently lost
its parishes in Bela Krajina soon after that. This can be seen
from a document from 1228, by which Bertold of Andechs,
the patriarch of Aquileia, formed the Aquileian ecclesiastical
administration in Bela Krajina. In rnomelj he dedicated the
parish church of St. Peter with four branches. At that time we
can obviously no longer speak of Bela Krajina as part of the
Zagreb diocese. The chancery of the Zagreb diocese long
declined from recognizing that situation and the contemporary Croatian documents create the impression that Bela Krajina continued to be under its authority. Thus the mentioned
list from 1334 mentions the parishes in Metlika, Podzemelj,
rnomelj, Semi and Vinica.
While there was still hope that the parishes in the border
area around Metlika might still be returned under the jurisdiction of the Zagreb diocese, which is why Ivan Goriki mentions
them in his list, on the border of the Varadin archdeaconry the
situation is different. It seems that these parishes belonged to
the Zagreb diocese long ago, but that nobody has any illusions any longer that they would be returned. The parishes in
question are obviously those in Haloze and those north of the
Drava and south of Ptuj, and not those in the territory of the
Bela Preceptory of the Hospitallers. One parish still remained:
the list mentions a parish in Borl (presently in the Maribor
diocese). B. Kreli also thought that the occupied parishes
were those that are presently in Styria (Kreli 1770/1994, 40).
Still, this also tells us nothing about why these parishes are not
5. O njemu opirnije u Belaj J. 2007.
5. More extensively about this in Belaj J. 2007.
477
ji). B. Kreli takoer je smatrao da su osvojene upe one

koje se danas nalaze u tajerskoj (Kreli 1770/1994, 40). Ipak,
niti to nita ne govori o tome zato nisu te upe na ivanovakom belskom podruju.
Zbunjuje popis iz godine 1501., kada je privremena
okupacija ve zacijelo prestala. U tom se popisu kao nove
navode upe u Bikupcu, Bikupekoj Poljani i Beletincu te
neubicirana upa Svih svetih in Korusa. Ali ni u tom popisu
nema upa s ovih ivanovakih posjeda, pa ni onih za koje pouzdano znamo da su postojale: u Margeanu 1431., u
Lovreanu 1488. A. Lukinovi nagaa da su moda ivanovci iz Bele bili u sukobu sa zagrebakim biskupom (Lukinovi 1998, 14), pa upe koje su oni nadzirali nisu uvrtene u
popis biskupijskih upa. Ali neke druge ivanovake crkve
navode se kao upne (u Gori, Farkaiu i Prozorju, moda i
u Novoj Rai; Belaj J. 2001), a teko je zamisliti teku svau
ivanovaca s biskupom koja se ne bi odrazila na cijeli red,
ve bi bila ograniena samo na neke preceptorate.
Postoji jo jedan mogui razlog za nefunkcioniranje
upa, no mislim, ne i za njihovo nenavoenje: nesreenost
prilika. Iako nije na samoj granici, belski je preceptorat, kao
i itavo Zagorje, vrlo blizu granice s Teutonijom i izloen
upadima njemakih postrojba. Stoga nije udno da su jo
Arpadovii ubrajali Zagorje u confinium, tj. u krajinu prema
Teutoniji (Klai N. 1976, 323). Izgleda da su zbog ovakva stratekog smjetaja u blizini granice ivanovci (i prije njih moda i templari) na ovom podruju bili neposredno u slubi
ugarsko-hrvatskog kralja, te da im je vjerojatno osnovna
uloga bila uvanje zapadne granice kraljevstva. Slinu situaciju imamo i u Velikoj Nedelji istono od Ptuja i u Beloj
krajini, gdje su postojale tvrave Njemakog vitekoga reda. Uloga naih vitekih redova je samo nalije situacije
s druge, njemake strane granice, gdje su i u Podravlju i u
Pokuplju bili angairani teutonci njemaki viteki red, s
tom razlikom to oni nisu branili dravni teritorij, nego su
ga trebali proiriti, odnosno ouvati osvojeno (Belaj J. 2001,
245).
Poetkom 14. st. umijeali su se u dinastike borbe i ivanovci i njemake ete, pa je stradao i grad Bela. Nikola, sin
Petra Ludbrekog, preoteo ga je i vratio ivanovcima (Kukuljevi 1886, 48). I u nekim dokumentima koji se odnose na
belske posjede ima spomena ovih ratnih zbivanja. Ivan Dijete dobio je posjed Tuno 1306. god. (Fejr CD VIII/1, 202)
zbog svojih zasluga u obrani Bele. Kada je trideset godina
kasnije taj posjed potvren njegovom sinu, upanu Bedi,
u listini se spominje i rat koji se vodi protiv Nijemaca (Fejr
CD VIII/4, 204; CD X, 285). Iz ovog slijedi da je godine 1336.
(dvije godine nakon popisa upa) rat jo trajao.
No u popisu su navedene, primjerice, upe u Vrbovekom arhiakonatu, u Borlu i itavom kraju sjeverozapadno
od belskog preceptorata, pa neprijateljstva oko granice
nisu mogla biti razlogom da se upe ne navedu. Moda bismo mogli nagaati i o kombinaciji vie razloga za nenavoenje upa ivanovakog belskog preceptorata, kada ne bi
postojao jo jedan na koji, ini se, nitko do sada nije obratio
dovoljnu pozornost. Rije je o injenici da organizacijska
478
in the territory of the Hospitallers of Bela.

The list from 1501, when the temporary occupation had
certainly ceased, is confusing. This list mentions as the new
parishes those in Bikupec, Bikupeka Poljana and Beletinec,
as well as the parish of All Saints in Korusa, whose exact position is unknown. But there are no parishes from these Hospitaller estates in this list either, not even those for which we
know for certain that they existed: in Margean in 1431, in
Lovrean in 1488. A. Lukinovi guesses that perhaps the Hospitallers from Bela were in conflict with the bishop of Zagreb
(Lukinovi 1998, 14), so the parishes under their control were
not included in the list of the diocesan parishes. However,
some other Hospitaller churches are described as parochial (in
Gora, Farkai and Prozorje and perhaps in Nova Raa as well;
Belaj J. 2001), and it is hard to conceive of a major clash of the
Hospitallers with the bishop that would not have reflected on
the entire order but would stay limited instead to only a couple of preceptories.
There is another possible reason for the parishes not functioning, but in my opinion, not for their omission from the
list: a general lack of order. Although not lying exactly on the
border, the Bela Preceptory, just as the entire Zagorje region,
lies close to the border with Teutonia and it is exposed to
incursions by German units. It is therefore not surprising that
already the Arpads included Zagorje into confinium, i.e. the
military border to Teutonia (Klai N. 1976, 323). It appears that
owing to their strategic position near the border the Hospitallers (and before them perhaps also the Templars) in this area were directly in the service of the Hungarian-Croatian king,
and that their basic role was probably to defend the western
border of the kingdom. We have a similar situation also in Velika Nedelja east of Ptuj and in Bela Krajina, where fortresses of
the German knightly order existed. The role of our knightly
orders is only the other side of the coin with regard to the situation on the other, German side of the border, where both in
Podravlje and in Pokuplje the Teutons a German knightly
order were engaged, with the difference that they were not
defending the national territory, but were intended to enlarge
it and to preserve what was occupied (Belaj J. 2001, 245).
At the beginning of the 14th century both the Hospitallers
and the German units joined the dynastic struggles, in which
the town of Bela sustained damage. Nikola, the son of Petar
Ludbreki (Peter of Ludbreg), recaptured it and returned it to
the Hospitallers (Kukuljevi 1886, 48). These war events are
mentioned also in certain documents that relate to the Bela
estates. Ivan Dijete (John the Child) received the Tuno estate in 1306 (Fejr CD VIII/1, 202) on account of his merits in the
defense of Bela. When thirty years later that estate was again
confirmed to upan Beda, his son, the charter mentioned also
the war that was waged against the Germans (Fejr CD VIII/4,
204; CD X, 285). From this it follows that in 1336 (two years after the list of parishes was compiled) the war was still going
on.
However, the list mentions the parishes in the Vrbovec
archdeaconry, in Borl and in the entire area northwest of the
Bela Preceptory, so the hostilities around the border could
not have been the reason for the omission of the parishes. We
might make guesses also about a combination of several reasons for the omission of the parishes of the Bela Preceptory of
the Hospitellers, if there were not another one to which nobody has paid sufficient attention so far. Namely, the organizational structure of the Hospitallers stands apart from the
struktura ivanovaca istupa iz okvira teritorijalne crkvene

organizacije, a takoer i iz okvira svjetovne feudalne moi,
to je ujedno i razlog da je o vitekim redovima ouvano
relativno malo pisanih izvora (Ruttkay 1993, 147-148). To se
lijepo vidi na primjeru ivanovakog velikog posjeda u Pakracu i okolici (Belaj J. 2001, 127-138).
Tamo u popisu takoer nema upa. J. Buturac to ovako
tumai: upa Pakrac se u srednjovjekovnim dokumentima ne
spominje jer je Pakrac bio centar i gospotija vranskog priorata, u vlasti vitekog reda ivanovaca i zato je izuzet od vlasti zagrebakog biskupa (Buturac 1984, 59). U popisu upa
Zagrebake biskupije iz 1501. god. naknadno je na omotu
zapisano: Nota plebanos in prioratu () in Lesnycze, in Razosa et in Pekracz (Szabo 1909). Dakle, upe ovog podruja ne
potpadaju pod biskupiju, ve pod ivanovaku upravu i spominju se kao upe prioratske, odnosno, ivanovaki su posjedi bili upravno odijeljeni od Zagrebake biskupije (Szabo
1911, 17). To potvruju porezni popisi iz 1495. i kasnije te prema njima Ljesnica, Raea, Pakrac, Stara i Trnava pripadaju
ad Prioratum (Dobroni 1984a, 59). tovie, kralj Bela IV.
naglaava da je Pakrac izuzet iz Poeke upanije (CD IV, 48,
44). No to nipoto nije znailo da su vitezovi bili posve samostalni: godine 1347. ivanovci su, nakon desetogodinjeg
neplaanja desetine peukom biskupu, pregovarali o plaanju desetine za posjede i utvrene gradove u distriktu Pakraca (Puchruch) (Fejr CD IX/1, 515, 285). Slino je bilo i na
podruju Zagrebake biskupije (Dobroni 1984, 112-115).
Primijenjeno na Belski preceptorat, to bi znailo da su
i tu mogle postojati i djelovati upe pod ivanovakom jurisdikcijom, upe iz kojih Biskupija nije prikupljala Petrov
novi, pa stoga nisu bile obuhvaene popisom Ivana Gorikoga. A okupacija o kojoj govori Ivan Goriki, na njih se
uope nije odnosila. Time i pitanje, kojem je arhiakonatu
pripadao belski preceptorat, gubi svoj smisao. upe koje
nisu bile biskupijske, nisu bile ukljuene u neki od biskupijskih arhiakonata.
framework of the territorial ecclesiastical organization, but

also from that of the secular feudal authority, which is at the
same time the reason that relatively few written sources have
been preserved about the knightly orders (Ruttkay 1993, 147148). This is nicely seen in the example of the large estate of
the Hospitallers in Pakrac and its surroundings (Belaj J. 2001,
127-138).
In that list there are no parishes either. J. Buturac explains
it in this way: the parish of Pakrac is not mentioned in mediaeval documents because Pakrac was the seat and estate of the
Vrana Priory, in the possession of the knightly order of the Hospitallers, and this is why it was exempted from the authority of the
bishop of Zagreb (Buturac 1984, 59). On the cover of the list of
the parishes of the Zagreb diocese from 1501 somebody later
inscribed: Nota plebanos in prioratu () in Lesnycze, in Razosa
et in Pekracz (Szabo 1909). Therefore, the parishes of this area
are not governed by the diocese but by the Hospitallers, and
they are referred to as the parishes of the Priory, that is, the
Hospitallers estates were administratively separated from the
Zagreb diocese (Szabo 1911, 17). This is corroborated by the tax
lists from 1495 and later, and according to them Ljesnica, Raea,
Pakrac, Stara and Trnava belong ad Prioratum (Dobroni
1984a, 59). Moreover, king Bela IV specifically mentions that
Pakrac was removed from the Poega county (CD IV, 48, 44).
However, that in no way meant that the knights were fully
independent: in 1347 the Hospitallers, after a ten-year-long
intermission in payment of the tithe to the bishop of Pecs,
negotiated about the payment of the tithe for the estates and
fortified towns in the district of Pakrac (Puchruch) (Fejr CD IX/1,
515, 285). The case was similar in the territory of the Zagreb
diocese (Dobroni 1984, 112-115).
If we apply this to the Bela Preceptory, this would mean that
also here parishes may have existed and acted under the jurisdiction of the Hospitallers, parishes from which the Diocese
was not collecting Peters Pence, which is why they were not
included in Ivan Gorikis list. And the occupation that Ivan
Goriki speaks of did not relate to them in any way at all. With
this the question of which archdeaconry the Bela Preceptory
belonged to loses meaning. The non-diocesan parishes were
not included in any of the diocesan archdeaconries.
479
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prostoru sredinje Hrvatske, magistarski rad, Sveuilite u Zagrebu
Belaj J., 2005, Arheoloka provjera nazonosti templara i ivanovaca oko
Ivanice, doktorska disertacija, Sveuilite u Zagrebu
Belaj J., 2005a, Arheoloka istraivanja lokaliteta Stari grad u Ivancu,
AIA I/2005, Zagreb, 61-66.
Belaj J., 2005b, Ivanec - Stari grad, HAG 1/2004, Zagreb, 88-90.
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Hrvatskoj, IzdanjaHAD, Pula (u tisku)
Belaj V., 1998, Drugi pogled na podrijetlo imena grada Ivanca, Radovi
Hrvatskog drutva folklorista VII, Zagreb, 29-39.
Belaj V., 2006, Mit u prostoru, Moeniki zbornik 3, Moenice, 5-39.
Budak N., 1994, Gradovi Varadinske upanije u srednjem vijeku, ZagrebKoprivnica
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Buturac J., 1984, Popis upa zagrebake biskupije 1334. i 1501. godine,
StarineJAZU LIX, Zagreb, 43-108.
Dobroni L., 1984, Viteki redovi - Templari i ivanovci u Hrvatskoj, Zagreb
Dobroni L., 1984a, Posjedi i sjedita templara, ivanovaca i sepulkralaca
u Hrvatskoj, RadJAZU, knjiga 406, Razred za likovne umjetnosti,
knjiga XI, Zagreb
Fejr G., 1829-1844, Codex diplomaticus Hungariae ecclestiasticus ac civilis, Budae
Hrg M., 1975, Ivanec prvi put u povijesnom dokumentu od 22. lipnja
1396. godine, Ivaneki kalendar 75, Varadin, 128-130.
Klai N., 1976, Povijest Hrvata u razvijenom srednjem vijeku, kolska knjiga,
Zagreb
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Kosi, M., 1995, Templarji na Slovenskem. Prispevek k reevanju nekaterih

vpraanj srednjeveke zgodovine Prekmurja, Bele krajine in Ljubljane, Zveza zgodovinskih drutev Slovenije, Ljubljana
Kreli B., 1770/1994, Historiarum chatedralis ecclesiae Zagrebiensis, Partis
1, Tom 1, Zagreb, reprint; 1994: Povijest stolne crkve zagrebake,
Institut za suvremenu povijest, Zagreb
Kruhek M., 1994, Fortifikacijsko graditeljstvo i obrana hrvatskih zemalja
tijekom stoljea, Gazophylacium 3-4, Zagreb, 173-194.
Kukuljevi Sakcinski I., 1886, Priorat vranski sa vitezi templari i hospitalci
sv. Ivana u Hrvatskoj, RadJAZU, knjiga LXXXI, Razredi filologikohistoriki i filosofiko-juridiki, knjiga XIV, Zagreb, 1-80.
Laszowski E., 1903/1904, Povijesne crtice o gradu Beli u upaniji
varadinskoj, VHADns VII/2, Zagreb, 1-12.
Lukinovi A. 1998, upa Margean, Margean
Raki F., 1872, Popis upa Zagrebake biskupije 1334. i 1501. godine, StarineJAZU IV, Zagreb, 201-229.
Ruttkay A., 1993, Die Ritter- und Spitalsorden in der Slowakei (Archologie und Geschichte), u: Actes du XIIe Congrs International des
Sciences Prhistoriques et Protohistoriques, 1.-7. Septembre 1991,
Bratislava, 146-161.
Smiiklas T., 1904-1976, Codex diplomaticus Regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et
Slavoniae, Zagreb
Szabo Gj., 1909, Lijesnica, VHADns X, Zagreb, 40-46.
Szabo Gj., 1911, Prilozi za povijesnu topografiju poeke upanije,
VHADns XI, Zagreb, 1-21.
Tkali I., 1874, Monumenta historica episcopatus Zagrabiensis II., Zagreb
Tomii ., 1999, Ranosrednjovjekovno groblje u Sv. Jurju u Trnju u
Meimurju prinos datiranju nalazita, PrilInstArheolZagrebu
15-16/1998-1999, Zagreb, 41-60.
O primjerima damnatio memoriae iz hrvatske batine

On the Examples of Damnatio Memoriae from the Croatian Heritage
IGOR FISKOVI
Odsjek za povijest umjetnosti
Filozofski fakultet Sveuilita u Zagrebu
I. Luia 3
HR 10000 Zagreb

Povijest kulture i umjetnost

History of the culture and art
UDK/UDC 904(497.5)(210.5)652/653
U irokom vremenskom luku, od prvog do devetnaestog stoljea Kristove ere, prati se fenomen
damnatio memoriae na spomenicima istone obale Jadrana. Izabrani primjeri, naravno, odreda
potvruju kontinuitet antikog obiaja poznatog u irem svijetu, ali gotovo svaki pojedinano raskriva okolnosti njegova obavljanja u uvjetima domae povijesti. Budui da su tek rijetki rasvijetljeni
dokumentima, a veinom nisu ni obraeni u strunoj literaturi, nastoji ih se sagledati u kronologiji
koja samo donekle prua i okvire razlozima zabrane spomena ili nainima izvrenja osude na
zaborav. Na prvom su mjestu potiranja poganskih biljega i ostataka antiko-rimske kulture od
strane kranskih pobjednika koji su utvrdili odranje obiaja do duboko u srednji vijek. Premda je
glavnina ostalih potaknuta s mijenama ideolokih stajalita, poglavito ovisna o odlukama crkvenih
ustanova, uestale su posljedice dravno-politikih programa pa i privatnih posezanja ili spontanih
djelovanja. Razvidno nema jedinstvenih pravila te se lanac primjera prati do u kasno doba i kao
jedan od vidova kulturolokog izraavanja provincijalnih prostora urbane i ruralne naravi.
Kljune rijei: damnatio memoriae, tradicija, poganstvo, kranstvo, srednji vijek,
mletaka uprava
The phenomenon of damnatio memoriae is followed on the monuments of the eastern Adriatic
coast in a wide chronological arch, from the first century until the nineteenth century of Christs era.
The selected examples, naturally, without exception corroborate the continuity of an ancient custom
known in the wider world, but almost each one individually sheds light on the circumstances of its
execution in the conditions of local history. Considering that only few have been clarified by documents and that they are in general not analyzed in the scholarly literature, an attempt was made at
examining them within the chronology than only to a certain extent offers the framework for the
reasons for the prohibition to mention or the methods of implementation of the condemnation to
oblivion. The first position is reserved for the persecution of pagan signs and relics of ancient Roman
culture by the Christian victors who secured the duration of the custom deep into the Middle Ages.
Even though the majority of the others were prompted by transformations of ideological attitudes,
primarily dependant on the decisions of ecclesiastical institutions, there are frequent consequences
of state or political programs or even private encroachment or spontaneous actions. There are obviously no uniform rules and the chain of examples is followed up until the late period also as one of
the aspects of culturological expression of provincial zones of urban and rural nature.
Key words: damnatio memoriae, tradition, paganism, Christianity, Middle Ages,
Venetian administration

Na teritorijima burnih povijesnih zbivanja i openito nemirne drutvene prolosti, s razlogom se esto
koristio obiaj damnatio memoriae. Uvrijeen od rimske
antike (PWRE 1901, 2059-2061), utjelovljivao je ope uvjerenje da fiziko unitenje tragova i prikrivanje znakova odreenih pojava znai njihovo zbiljno iskorjenjivanje, bacanje
u zaborav bez povratka. Kao takav posvuda je pratio slojevanje politika razliitih ustroja ili smjene suprotstavljenih
ideologija, posebice svrgavanje vlasti i vladara. Najbrojniji
The custom of damnatio memoriae was used frequently and with good reasons in the territories with tumultuous
historical events and turbulent social history in general. Accustomed from Roman antiquity (PWRE 1901, 2059-2061), it
embodied the general belief that the physical destruction of
traces and concealment of signs of certain phenomena signifies their eradication in real life, casting into oblivion without
possibility of return. As such it everywhere followed the layering of politics of different organization or changes in opposing
ideologies, particularly overthrow of authority or a ruler. The
481
I. FISKOVI, O primjerima damnatio memoriae iz hrvatske batine, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 481-498.
su mu dokazi na djelima kamenarske proizvodnje kojima

se poradi prirodne vrstine osnovne grae predviao vjeni opstanak. No kako su upravo ta djela u razliitim okolnostima izazivala protivljenja ivih imbenika, tako je sama
trajnost grae ouvala i itke potvrde naknadnih ljudskih
posredovanja usmjerenih nijekanju njihova prvobitnog
oblika i sadraja ili smisla. Osvjetljavajui sudbinu pojedinih mjesta slijedom vie razdoblja,1 sve se to zasigurno
najuinkovitije iskazalo ve pri velikoj pobjedi kranstva
nad poganstvom. Ipak, sva kasnija uklanjanja ili brisanja
odreenih uspomena nisu bila voena djelovanjem u cilju
pobijanja opstojnosti sredina gdje se periodino smjenjivahu dravne uprave, niti vrena voljom i pod nadzorom
vlastodraca. Podjednako su inove damnatio memoriae prouzroile same unutarnje drutvene promjene, a u
nekoj mjeri takoer individualna ili privatna posezanja u
ime protivljenja onome to je odreeni spomenik izvorno
svjedoio. Potpadajui pak makro-planovima i kulturnog
izraavanja, odaju odnose prema naslijeu, ne kao posljedica mijena estetskih prohtjeva ili stanja ukusa kojima
poglavito naa struka poklanja pozornost, nego kao pokazatelj preporaanja predodbi i stajalita pripadnika starih
narataja o biljezima identiteta mikro-okruja vlastitog im
ivljenja.
Zanimljiva su osvjedoenja tog iroko provjerljivog
postupka na tlu Dalmacije, gdje se iz niza razloga ouvalo najvie tragova prolosti, svakako i stoga to se ona u
tom prostoru stoljeima najgue iskazivala sa svim svojim dobrima. Tim lake se i fizike potvrde provoenja
razliitih damnatio memoria moe smatrati jednom od
linija tradicionalnih izraavanja, jer im u podlozi stoje rimsko-antika iskustva, takoer zajamena s vrlo konkretnim
tragovima u naslijeu provincije. Unato esto protivnim
svjetonazorima, naime, svako je drutvo na njezinim pozornicama ostvarivalo specifine osmoze s prethodnim
stvaralatvom, te ak unato slubenim zabranama njegovih iskaza nije nastupalo iskljuivo ruilaki. Naravno, i
takve je poticaje dobivalo iz suvremenog svijeta, poglavito
iz centara moi ili arita svekolikog djelovanja, pa u tom
lee i pretpostavke za ocjenjivanje ili tumaenje fenomena
kojima se okreemo, bez traenja opih usporedbi ili isticanja izravnih uzora. Neminovno ih, meutim, valja propitati
u vremenskim slojevima, razlikujui navade iz antike od
izriaja srednjeg vijeka, to nam daje vie prava govoriti
o regionalnim barem nekim biranim njegovim odrednicama. No njih i nije lako izluiti s obzirom da svi primjeri
nisu istoznani, a neki se zapliu u ira razmatranja povijesti, iziskujui opirnija istraivanja kakva ovdje donekle
i usmjeravam.
Ostavljajui po strani bezbrojne potvrde srastanja idejno, ali ne i materijalno, razdvojenih kultura du istone oba1. Osnovni sam problem bio ocrtao izlaganjem na XXIX. svjetskom
kongresu povjesniara umjetnosti u Amsterdanu 1996. god. (Fiskovi
I., 1999, 753-759). Otada sam promijenio neka bitna stajalita, npr. identifikaciju kralja na splitskom reljefu kao i druga, a uvid u iru tematiku
ralanjujem u ovom tekstu kao poziv na daljnja istraivanja.
482
evidence for this is most frequently found in the stonework,

regarded as everlasting on account of the natural strength of
basic material. However, as it was precisely those works that
provoked opposition by living factors in various circumstances, thus the very permanence of the material preserved also
clear confirmation of subsequent human mediation directed
at negation of their original form and contents or meaning.
Shedding light on the destiny of distinct spots during several
periods,1 it was all certainly most effectively demonstrated
already in the great victory of Christianity over paganism.
However, all subsequent eliminations or deletions of certain
memories were not governed by action with the objective of
negating the survival of the centres in which state administrations occasionally changed, nor they were performed by will
and under control of the rulers. The acts of damnatio memoriae were about equally caused by changes within the society themselves, and to a certain extent also by the individual
or private encroachment in the name of opposing that what
a given monument originally embodied. On the other hand,
being subjected to macro-plans of cultural expression, they
reveal the attitudes towards heritage, not as a consequence
of changes of esthetic demands or states of the taste to which
primarily our profession devotes attention, but rather as an
indicator of a revival of conceptions and viewpoints of the
members of old generations regarding the marks of identity
of a micro-environment of their own living.
Very interesting are testimonies of this widely testable
process in the territory of Dalmatia, where the most vestiges
of the past have been preserved on account of many reasons, certainly also because in this area it was most densely
expressed with all its goods throughout centuries. With this
the physical proofs of implementation of various damnatio
memoriae can all the more easily be considered one of the
lines of traditional expression, because the Roman-ancient
experiences lie at their base, likewise guaranteed by very real
traces in the heritage of the province. In spite of often contrasting world views, every society effectuated on its stages
specific osmoses with previous creations, and even in spite
of official prohibition of its expressions it did not behave in
an exclusively destructive manner. Naturally, it received also
such impulses from the contemporary world, primarily from
the centres of power or focal points of all-comprising activity,
and therefore in this lie also the assumptions for the assessment or interpretation of the phenomena to which we turn,
without looking for general comparisons or emphasizing the
direct models. However, they necessarily ought to be tested
within chronological layers, while making a distinction between the ancient customs and the expressions of the Middle
Ages, which gives us more right to speak of regional determinants, at least some of those. However, they are not easily
distinguished considering that not all the examples are synonymous, and some are entangled in wider considerations of
history, requiring more extensive research, of the kind that I
myself direct here to a degree.
Leaving aside countless confirmations of merging of in
the sphere of ideas, but not of the matter divided cultures
along the eastern coast of the Adriatic, I would first like to
mention the conscious and decisive break up of the Christian1. I outlined the basic problem in my paper delivered at the XXIX World
Congress of Art Historians in Amsterdam in 1996 (Fiskovi I., 1999,
753-759). Since then I have changed certain important attitudes, e.g. the
identification of the king on the relief from Split as Zvonimir, as well as
others, and in this work I analyze the introduction into the wider body
of issues as an appeal for further research.
I. FISKOVI, On the Examples of Damnatio Memoriae from the Croatian Heritage, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 481-498.
le Jadrana, ponajprije bih iznio svjesna i odluna raskidanja

kristijaniziranih zajednica s poganskom prolou putem
zatiranja umjetnikih njezinih djela. Osobito je u tom pravcu znakovito uklanjanje sarkofaga cara Dioklecijana iz njegova monumentalnog mauzoleja sred palae, koja je od 7.
st. postala jezgrom grada Splita kao sjedita provincijalne
crkvene ustanove. U vrijeme, naime, kad je isti mauzolej
pretvoren u kransku prvostolnicu (Karaman 1937), nestao je ne samo zbog svrsishodna njezina ureenja grobni
spomenik cara poznatog po progonima krana. Prema
pukim nalazima ulomaka jednog masivnog sarkofaga od
skupocjenog egipatskog porfira, esto rabljenog za carske
ukope, naime, vjeruje se da bijae nasilno razbijen i potom
sigurno raznesen iz samog mauzoleja. Moda je to bilo
poinjeno na gotovo ritualni nain, ali o samom dogaaju
nema podataka, a komadi grobnice se nisu koristili u ikoje
druge svrhe nego su vjerojatno razbacani sa znanjem uz
koji su sadraj prvobitno bili vezani. Najvjerojatnije je ista
sudbina zadesila skulpture carskog programa koje su resile
sva tri kopnena ulaza u Dioklecijanovu palau, posebice
najbogatije ustrojeni na sjevernoj strani.2 Nie na proelju
i baze na njegovu vrhu odavno su bez svojih likova, pa se
o njima kao ni o onima s istoka ili zapada nita pozitivno
ne zna. Radikalno im presudivi potpuni zaborav, dodijelili
su im uinkoviti damnatio memoriae vjerojatno izravnom odlukom crkvene uprave, koja je itavu palau rano
uzela u svoje ruke i postala gospodarom glavnine dinih
spomenika. Tako se na njima iskazao i najjai instrumentarij u ritmikom potvrivanju najire prizme posvudanjeg
obiaja.
Neto je slino u Splitu zadesilo i mramorni blok s prikazom povorke Souvetarilia iz raskone rimske palae, po svoj
prilici dio veeg spomen-obiljeja nekom carskom moda i Dioklecijanovu trijumfalnom dolasku. Otkrilo ga se u
katedrali Sv. Dujma, unutar njegova oltara iz 15. st. Svi su
pak izgledi da je s pobjedom kranstva bio baen u more
kako bi nestao iz vidokruga javnosti, no kasnije je izvaen
da bi u njemu izdubli kovei u koji su pohranjene relikvije sveca.3 Jamano se vodilo rauna o vrijednosti na naoj
obali teko pribavljive grae, koju su smatrali dolinom za
uvanje posveenih ostataka prvoizabranog svog svetog
zatitnika, makar to nisu pokazali jer su ga zatvorili unutar
oltara. Premda sve sadri crte stanovite simbolike, a slijedi
korake ope povijesne prakse, ini se najznaajnije kako su
prethodno otueni reljef postavili na dno i okrenuli tlu da
se nikako ne vidi, iako bi ga sigurnije zatrli npr. da su na
toj strani izdubli blok. Ovako su tek pri rastavljanju oltara
uoeni obrisi dvaju victimariusa i bika otklesanih s glatke
pozadine, te je uz prepoznavanje ikonografije reljefa otkrivena izuzetna slojevitost kao i domiljatost ukupnog
postupka.4 Budui da je mramorni bijeli sanduk postao ne2. Obuhvatno o temi: Cambi 1989, s drugim radovima istog istraivaa.
3. Sve podatke oitavamo u izvjeu istraivanja obavljenih u svrhu
obnove cjeline oltara Sv. Dujma kakav je morao biti oblikovan 1427.
god., zajedno s ciborijem nad njime, prema pothvatu majstora Bonina
Jakovljeva iz Milana (Fiskovi C., 1958)
4. Pema tekstu i crteu C. Fiskovia, te fotografijama iz 1958. god. koje
preuzimam u ovom lanku.
ized communities with the pagan past by means of quashing

its artistic achievements. Particularly significant in that respect is the removal of the sarcophagus of Emperor Diocletian
from his monumental mausoleum in the centre of the palace,
which starting with the 7th century became the core of the city
of Split as the centre of the provincial ecclesiastical institution.
At the time when the same mausoleum was transformed into
a Christian cathedral (Karaman 1937), the grave monument of
the emperor renowned for the persecution of the Christians
disappeared, not only due to the requirements of its purposeful arrangement. Owing to mere finds of fragments of a massive sarcophagus made of precious Egyptian porphyry, often
used for imperial burials, it is believed that it was violently
destroyed and subsequently certainly taken away from the
mausoleum itself. This may have been done in an almost ritual
manner, but there is no information about the event itself,
and the pieces of the tomb were not used for anything else,
but were discarded together with the knowledge about the
contents with which they were originally connected. Probably
the same fate befell the sculptures of the imperial program
that decorated all three land entrances into Diocletians palace, especially the most richly designed ones on the northern side.2 The niches on the faade and the bases on its top
have long lacked their figures, so nothing is positively known
about them, and the case is the same with those from the east
or west. By the radical verdict of complete oblivion, they bestowed upon them an effective damnatio memoriae, probably by a direct decision of church administration, which from
early on took the entire palace into its hands and become a
master of the majority of honourable monuments. In that way
they experienced the most powerful system of instruments
in the rhythmic confirmation of the widest prism of an omnipresent custom.
In Split something similar befell also the marble block with
the depiction of a Suovetaurilia procession from a lavish Roman palace, in all likelihood a part of a larger commemorative monument to an imperial arrival perhaps the triumphal
arrival of Diocletian. It was discovered in the cathedral of St.
Doimus (Dujam), in the interior of his 15th-century altar. In
all probability it was thrown into the sea after the victory of
Christianity in order to remove it from public sight, but later it
was taken out so that a casket could be carved in it, in which
the saints relics were deposited.3 The value of the material
was surely taken into account, as it is not easily available on
our coast, and it was considered suitable for preserving sanctified remains of their first chosen patron saint, even though
they did not show it as they enclosed it within the altar. Although everything contains traits of certain symbolism and
follows the steps of general historical practise, it seems most
significant that they placed the previously broken-off relief
on the base and turned it face down lest it should be seen,
even though they would have it quashed more securely if
they had e.g. hewn the block on that side. This way the outlines of two victimarii and a bull carved off the smooth surface
were noticed only during the dismantling of the altar, when
the exceptional layering as well as the ingenuity of the entire
procedure was discovered, together with the recognition of
the relief iconography.4 Regarding that the white marble case
2. Extensively about the subject: Cambi 1989, with other works by the same
scholar.
3. All the data comes from the report of the investigation carried out with
the objective of renovation of the altar of St. Doimus in its presumed
original 1427 shape, together with a ciborium above it, all this a work of
master Bonino (son of Jacob) from Milan (Fiskovi C., 1958).
4. After the text and drawing by C. Fiskovi, as well as photographs from
1958, which I use in this paper.
483
dodirljiva jezgra viekratno oblikovanog spomenika, predmnijevamo kako je samo ponitavanje prizora iz imperijalnog kulta vodila tenja za osvetom, pa ne bi trebalo biti
upitno u svemu vidjeti istinski in damnatio memoriae.
Iako nije pojanjeno koja je to bila faza ureenja grobne
cjeline, zbog samog preuzimanja mramorne grae i naina
prilagodbe novoj svrsi, reklo bi se da spada u prvo srednjovjekovlje jer itav postupak svojevrsne reupotrebe djela iz
antike odgovara ogranienim mogunostima ondanjeg
izraavanja.
Osobito ih dopunja injenica da je mala mramorna
krinja s prvom olovnom za svetake relikvije, umetnuta
u vei mramorni sarkofag ranokranskog tipa sa sredinjim likom Dobrog pastira izmeu dva simetrina polja
ispunjena motivom strigila.5 Njemu, malo skraenom, nije
poznato izvorno mjesto, a tek natpis uklesan na vanjskom
rubu pokrivne ploe kazuje da je konanoj namjeni oltarske menze posluio u poetku 12. st.6 Ujedno je oito kako su tvorci postupno komponirane grobnice sv. Dujma,
osim uvaavanja viestruke, zbiljne i simboline vrijednosti samoga mramora, slijedili naputke o njegovoj maginoj
uinkovitosti za jaanje svetosti stvari. Povrh svega su spoznali sadraj reljefnog proelja sarkofaga, pa su ga posve
smiljeno ugradili vidljivim u obrednoj cjelini kao podanak
liturgijskog stola. K tome zauuje kako ga se kasnije zaboravilo kad su ueni crkvenjaci pisali da se radi o liku djeaka s ovcama, odnosno o prizoru Dijane u lovu.7 Naime,
slijedom svega to se unutar nadbiskupije dogaalo, valja
pretpostaviti da bi na takvom ve prije bio izvren damnatio memoriae, smjerom onih postupaka koji svjedoe
invazivni, makar ne uvijek jednako estoki odnos krana
prema poganskim spomenicima.
S istim je pak htijenjem na zapadnim vratima Dioklecijanove palae, sred pomno sastavljene grede otvora monumentalnog ulaza, sa zaglavnog kamena grubo otklesan
reljef Nike (Dyggve 1951), preciznije Victoriae Augusti kao
simbola carske pobjede. To zacijelo predstavlja tipini in
damnatio memoriae shvatljiv u kontekstu uzdizanja dravnih religija, ali je zavren na osobit nain. Zapravo je u
asu uklanjanja lika poganske boginje umjesto nje oblikovan lijepi latinski kri stilskih oznaka 6. st., slijedei jasnu
nakanu brisanja demona prolosti, a isticanja nove kulturne i vjerske pripadnosti drutvene zajednice grada Splita (Cambi 1961). Nisu, dakle, tehniki uvjeti rada s dlijetom
na visini sprijeili potpuno brisanje prvobitnog simbola
i izravnavanje povrine kamena, ve se u neponitenoj
njegovoj izboini predvialo isklesati makar plii reljefni
znamen nove religije. ak i zadravanje dijela krila i skuta odore stare vjesnice bogova postrance vitkome kriu,
bezuvjetno izraenom od vjetog klesara, moda bijae
namjerno kako bi se trajno pokazivalo to je sa ime za-
became an untouchable core of a monument that was shaped

in several instances, we presume that the annulment itself of
the depiction from the imperial cult was governed by desire
for revenge, so it should not be doubted that the event represents a true act of damnatio memoriae. Although it has not
been made clear which phase of the arrangement of the grave
assemblage it was, due to the very takeover of the marble and
the way of adjustment to a new function, it seems that it belongs to the first mediaeval period, as the entire process of
a reuse of sorts of a work from antiquity corresponds to the
limited possibilities of the expression of the time.
They are particularly complemented by the fact that the
small marble casket with the first lead one for saintly relics, was
inserted into a larger marble sarcophagus of early Christian
type with a central figure of the Good Shepherd between two
symmetrical fields filled with the strigil motif.5 It was slightly
shortened and its original place is not known, and only an inscription carved on the outer edge of the cover slab tells that
it acquired its final function of an altar mensa at the beginning of the 12th century.6 It is at the same time obvious that
the creators of the gradually composed tomb of St. Doimus, in
addition to having respected the multiple, real and symbolical value of marble itself, followed the instruction about its
magical efficacy for enhancing the sanctity of things. Above
all they comprehended the contents of the relief faade of the
sarcophagus and so they quite deliberately incorporated it
visibly within the ritual assemblage as a base of the liturgical
table. In addition to this, it is surprising that it latter fell into
oblivion, when the learned clerics wrote that it was a figure
of a boy with sheep, or a depiction of Diana hunting.7 In view
of everything what was happening within the archdiocese,
it can be presumed that such representation would have already previously been subjected to a damnatio memoriae
along the lines of the procedures bearing testimony to the invasive, yet not always equally violent attitude of the Christians
toward pagan monuments.
The same desire led to crude chiseling off of a relief of Nike
(Dyggve 1951), more precisely Victoriae Augusti, as a symbol of
imperial victory, from the key stone of the carefully composed
beam of the monumental entrance on the western gate of
Diocletians palace. This certainly represents a typical act of
damnatio memoriae conceivable in the context of promotion of state religions, but it was finished in an idiosyncratic
way. In fact, at the moment of the removal of the figure of the
pagan goddess a Latin cross with stylistic features of the 6th
century was shaped instead, following a clear intention of deletion of the demons of the past, and of promoting a new
cultural and religious affiliation of the social community of the
city of Split (Cambi 1961). It was not therefore the technical
conditions of working with a chisel on height that prevented
the complete obliteration of the original symbol and the leveling of the stone surface, but the intention was to carve at
least a shallow relief symbol of the new religion in its undeleted projection. Even the preservation of a part of the wings
and the skirts of the robe of the ancient messenger of gods
laterally to the slender cross, undoubtedly crafted by a skilled
carver, was perhaps deliberate with the aim of showing forever what replaced what on the entrance into a diocesan city.
More freely said: a poster with an obvious meaning was re-
5. Usporediti: Cambi 1977.

6. Prijepis donosi C. Fiskovi, n.dj. no jo uvijek nije interpretiran cjelovito
kako zasluuje.
7. Isto navodi crkvene vizitatore S. Cosmia i F. Cupillija te D. Farlatija
iz 1751.god., 492.
5. Compare: Cambi 1977.

6. The transcription was published by C. Fiskovi, op. C., but it has still
not been comprehensively interpreted as it deserves.
7. Ibid. lists the church visitors S. Cosmi and F. Cupilli as well as D.
Farlati, 1751, 492.
484
mijenjeno na ulazu u biskupski grad. Slobodnije reeno:

jedan je poster razvidnog znaenja nadomjeten drugim, kojeg su suvremenici ideoloki lako prepoznatljivog
otprije potivali i slavili. Zastalno su time bili vie nego
zadovoljni, ne dvojei kako je uspjeno poteklo zatiranje
poganskih tragova po naelu damnatio memoriae, to je
na kraju razgoljelo itavo carsko zdanje od neko osebujne figuralne opreme, na ije se sadraje sigurno okomio
srednji vijek.
Mogue je, dakle, u istom okruju razlikovati nekoliko
naina obistinjivanja istog obiaja koji izvire iz podudarnih poticaja i nastojanja, ali nije redovito urodio surovim
postupcima kakve bismo oekivali. U karakteristinom
obliku susreu se meu ruevinama Salone, gdje je u bazilici sv. Anastazija skladna poganska ara potkraj 3. st. pretvorena u posudu za svetu vodu izravnim preokretanjem
kvadratnog kamenog tijela. Prvobitno na gornjem rubu
isklesani ornament poloen je uz tlo, a na prijanjem, tada
gore podignutom dnu, izduben recipijent navedene svrhe
(Dyggve 1951, 9, Fig. I,15), to nas podsjea na metodu primijenjenu u Splitu pri stvaranju sahranita Staeva parbenjaka sv. Doimusa. Unato naelnim podudarnostima, ipak
je svaki sluaj zaseban i kao takav zasluan spominjanja
prema razliitim tijekovima i ishodima. Jasniji pak trag ideolokih nasrtaja na antike starine predstavlja oteenje
votivnog natpisa na postamentu Merkurova kipa, zacijelo
izvreno od prvih krana koji su i drugdje slino nastupali
(Dyggve 1951, 9, Fig. I,15). S vie se povoda sluti kako je grubo okrnjeni natpis bio neko doba dostupan salonitanskoj
javnosti upravo da bez mistike zapeati usud spomenika
odbaene vjere. Nije se nalo ni shodnim da ga se ikako
vie koristi poput suvremenih sarkofaga koje na kraju, zajedno s ranokranskima uglavnom poradi gole pljake a
ne neke svijesti o unitavanju batine zazornog sadraja,
nemilosrdno probijahu ili rastrgavahu barbari.
No ve prije njihovih prodora sami su podanici rimske
drave provodili obiaj koji nije bio pravno kodificiran, tj.
zakonski odreen nego je ovisio o odlukama Senata ili bio
odreen nalozima lokalnih uprava. Izmeu inih poznate
su one iz prvog stoljea Kristove ere izazvane slubenim
osudama vlasti, o kakvima su izravno izvijestili stari pisci
spominjui i uitak ljudi koji su tada rastreskavali njihove
kipove.8 Najee se time svjedoilo smjenjivanja careva,
ali su dostupna i obazrivija ponaanja u istim okolnostima,
jer su se odnosila na prvobitna ostvarenja, koje se zbog ope koristi nije smjelo niti htjelo unititi. Ogledni su primjeri
na kojima se in nedvojbenog htijenja ograniio na uredno isklesavanje careva imena s raznih spomen-natpisa o
razliitim gradnjama. U Ninu pak iz istih je povoda dolo
do preoblikovanja carskih portreta, te se sekundarno posredovanje kipara svelo na nijekanje fizionomije, zapravo
onemoguavanje njezina prepoznavanja (Kolega 1992).
8. Vidjeti: Svetonije (1956) u poglavlju o Kaliguli navodi osudu Senata za
izvrenje damnatia memoriae. Usp. i poglavlju o Domicijanu 23, 1.
te Plinije ml. Panegirik Trajanu, poglavlje 23.
placed by another one, easily recognizable ideologically by its

contemporaries and as such respected and celebrated from
before. They were forever more than satisfied with this, not
doubting that the quashing of pagan traces by the damnatio
memoriae principle was successful, which eventually stripped
naked the entire imperial edifice of the once idiosyncratic figural equipment, whose contents were certainly assailed by
the Middle Ages.
It is, therefore, possible to distinguish within the same environment between several ways of realization of the same
custom, which springs from corresponding impulses and
endeavours, but did not regularly result in cruel actions that
we might expect. In their characteristic form they are encountered among the ruins of Salona, where in the basilica of St.
Anastasius a neat pagan ara was transformed toward the end
of the 3rd century into a vessel for the holy water by directly
upending the square stone body. The ornament carved on the
originally upper edge was placed next to the soil, and on the
base, turned upwards now, a container was hollowed with the
mentioned function (Dyggve 1951, 9, Fig. I,15), which reminds
us of the method used in Split when the tomb was being made
for Anastasius counterpart St. Doimus. In spite of general correspondence, each case is nevertheless individual and as such
deserves mention according to different courses and results.
A clearer trace of ideological attacks on antiquities is found
in the damaging of a votive inscription on the pedestal of the
statue of Mercury, certainly carried out by the first Christians,
whose conduct was similar in other places as well (Dyggve
1951, 9, Fig. I,15). There are several reasons for the idea that
the violently damaged inscription was during a certain period
accessible to the Salonitan public precisely in order to seal the
fate of a monument of the rejected faith without mystique.
Nobody found it appropriate to use it in any longer in any way
whatsoever, like contemporary sarcophagi that were together
with the early Christian ones eventually mercilessly pierced or
torn apart by barbarians mostly due to sheer pillaging and not
to any kind of conscious destruction of legacy of objectionable contents.
However, even before their incursions the subjects of the
Roman state themselves carried out a custom that was not
legally codified, i.e. stipulated by law, but depended on decisions by the Senate or was regulated by decrees of local administration. Among others, we know of those from the first
century of the era of Christ provoked by the official verdicts
of the authority, directly reported by the ancient authors who
mentioned also the relish of the people who were then smashing up their statues.8 Most of these instances bore testimony
to the successions of emperors, but also more careful behaviours were available in the same circumstances, as they related to the original creations, which nobody could or wanted
to destroy on account of the public benefit. The model cases
are those in which the act of indisputable willing was limited
to a clean chiseling of emperors name off various memorial
inscriptions about various buildings. In Nin the same reasons
led to a transformation of imperial portraits, and the secondary mediation of the sculptor was restricted to negation of the
physiognomy, in fact to rendering it unrecognizable (Kolega
1992). Although there is no doubt that these are true cases
of damnatio memoriae, this is still not a literal application
8. See: Suetonius (1956) in the chapter on Caligula mentions the condemnation by the Senate for carrying out damnatio memoriae. Comp. also
the chapter on Domitian 23, 1. and Pliny the Youngers Panegyricus
Trajani, chapter 23.
485
Iako damnatio memoriae u tim sluajevima nije sporan, ipak ne znai doslovnu njegovu primjenu onog tipa
o kojemu govorimo. Za na su osvrt ti sluajevi zanimljivi
s razloga to je kod inae podrobno istumaenih preradbi
spomenika izbila tedljivost provincijske sredine. Uslijedilo je i preklesavanje itavih kipova za koje se ne zna kako
su uope stradali, ali su im dijelove tijela iz skupe grae u
nepromijenjenim prilikama ivota koristili za nove portrete
dravnih elnika.9
Zasigurno navedena, meusobno nejednaka provoenja damnatio memoriae imaju svoje slikovitije analogije u jaim antikim sjeditima Mediterana. Iako mnoge
zorno predouju dinamiku ideolokih prekreta njegova
svijeta, uglavnom su nastavak statinijih stanja iz carskog
doba koje je prema svojim nahoenjima fiziki preudeavalo znaajne spomenike, tek im u nekoj mjeri mijenjajui
izvorne oblike. Oigledno se fenomen u nainu obavljanja
razlikuje od mehaniki vjetog dodavanja novih glava ve
nainjenim tijelima vladara, koje se nije preobraavalo jer
se htjelo zadrati dojmljivost postojeih skupih skulptura
vrhunskog sadraja, neovisno o linostima koje su ga obnaale. Svakako su na jainu zahvata utjecale sve sposobnosti pojedine sredine, pa su oni razmjerni materijalnim
i duhovnim ili intelektualnim mogunostima okruja. No
njih se u specifinim uvjetima ratnih opasnosti nije uspjelo
aktivirati, pa su primjerice u zidine Salone ugraivane
are i nadgrobni spomenici pojedinaca kojima su znaenja
i prije brisana otklesavanjem reljefnih likova i svih smisleno dokuivih znamenja.10 Zato se prikladnije ini poimanje
damnatia memoriae ilustrirati s izravnim uklanjanjem
temeljnih poruka koje su spomenici u pravilu razvidno priopavali, a postadoe protivne novim uvjerenjima ili svjetonazorima.
Meu potvrdama prvonabrojenima sukladnih posredovanja na kamenim ostacima rimskog razdoblja istie se brisanje reljefnog lika boanstva Silvana, vilicusa ili agrestisa,11
sa stupca iz negdanje villae rusticae u poljicima Bunje na
istonom kraju otoka Braa (Vrsalovi 1960, 82). Od prvobitnog prikaza ouvao se samo siuni lik jarca pokraj
nogu otklesanog ovjejeg, te se mogu dokuiti pobude
primitivnih itelja ruralne sredine. Oni su pri pokrtavanju
svoje naseobine u otokoj zabiti, usporedno s upisivanjem
kria na akroterij golemog nezgrapnog sarkofaga, potrli
pokazatelje prijanjih vjerovanja.12 No nisu brutalno raskomadali itav stupac koji im je mogao drukije posluiti, ve
su uklonili svojim novim vjerskim opredjeljenjima izazovni
lik s nekom pomnjom, ipak ne tolikom da se ne oita postupak i zavrni uinak. Zasad je to osamljeni primjer pri9. M. Kolega (1992, 61-63) opirno razrauje problematiku s komparativnim djelima izvan nae zemlje.
10. Te procese najvjerojatnije oslikavaju otueni prikazi na spomeniku koji
je nedavno objavila J. Jelii Radoni (2006), a slinih bi se nasilja nad
memorijalnim ostacima nepoznatih pojedinaca zacijelo nalo i vie.
11. Nije slubeni nego privatni kult: Srejovi, Cermanovi, 1979, 383.
12. O tome sam pisao u svojoj diseraciji 1975. god., te u lanku: Ranokranski sarkofazi s otoka Braa,VAHD LXXV, Split, 105-137.
486
of the type that we are speaking of. These cases are of interest for our review only due to the fact that the frugality of the
provincial milieu surfaced in otherwise thoroughly interpreted modifications of the monuments. Even entire statues were
subsequently recarved, even though nobody knew how they
were damaged, but their body parts made of valuable material were used in the unchanged living circumstances for new
portraits of state leaders.9
The mentioned, mutually different implementations of
damnatio memoriae certainly have their more picturesque
analogies in stronger ancient centres of the Mediterranean.
Even though many of them clearly demonstrate the dynamics of the ideological transformations of their world, they are
mostly a continuation of more static states from the imperial
period, which physically modified important monuments as
it saw fit, changing their original forms only to a certain extent. The manner of execution of the phenomenon obviously
differs from the mechanically skillful addition of new heads
to prefabricated bodies of the rulers, which were not modified because of the wish to retain the impressiveness of the
existing costly sculptures of superior content, irrespective
of the persons involved. The extent of the intervention was
certainly conditioned by the sum of abilities of a given milieu, so they are proportional to the material and spiritual or
intellectual capabilities of the environment. However, in the
specific conditions of wartime danger these could not be activated and so, for instance into the fortifications of Salona,
aras and tomb monuments were incorporated of the individuals whose meanings were even earlier erased by chiseling off
the relief figures and all meaningful symbols.10 This is why the
understanding of damnatio memoriae is more appropriately
illustrated on the example of direct removal of basic messages
that the monuments in general clearly delivered, and which
became contrary to new beliefs or worldviews.
The deletion of a relief figure of the deity Silvan, vilicus or
agrestis from the column from the former villa rustica in the
fields of Bunje on the eastern end of the Bra island (Vrsalovi
1960, 82)11 is prominent among the confirmations of the mediations on stone remains from the Roman period congruent
with the first mentioned ones. The only thing remaining from
the original depiction is the tiny figure of a he-goat next to
the legs of the chiseled-off human figure, so one can grasp
the intentions of the primitive inhabitants of the rural milieu.
On the occasion of the baptisation of their settlement in the
backwoods of the island, parallel with the inscription of a
cross into the acroterium of the huge ungainly sarcophagus,
they blotted out the indicators of former beliefs.12 However,
they did not brutally tear the entire column apart, as it may
have served them for another purpose, but they removed the
figure which they found offensive due to their new religious
persuasion with a certain precaution, which was still not great
enough to prevent the act and the final effect. This is so far
the sole example of the private performance of the custom
that would become habitual in the Middle Ages with a differ9. M. Kolega (1992, 61-63) extensively elaborates the body of problems
with comparative works outside Croatia.
10. Those processes are in all likelihood illustrated by chiseled-off depictions on the monument recently published by J. Jelii-Radoni (2006),
and one could certainly find more similar acts of violence against memorial remains of the individuals unknown to the perpetrators.
11. Not an official but a private cult: Srejovi, Cermanovi, 1979, 383.
12. I wrote about that in my dissertation in 1975 and in the paper: Early
Christian Sarcophagi from the Bra Island, VAHD LXXV, Split,
105-137.
vatnog obavljanja obiaja koji e se uhodati u srednjem vijeku s drukijim predznakom, a i kasnije istim putem kakav
mu je zacrtala klasina antika ve prije sukoba slubenih
vjera okonanog usvajanjem kranstva, to e dovesti do
potpunog odbacivanja svega minulog.
Zapravo, obujam i nain ponitavanja starih spomenika
ne doputa uvijek razlikovanje posljedica odreenih predaja od spontanih osjeanja, ali omoguava raspoznavanje
nekih nagonskih zahvata negativnog predznaka. U redu
potonjih najdrastinije razaranje antikih svetinja na svjetlo dana pruila je Narona s izuzetnim nedavnim nalazima
u poruenom Augusteumu (Marin 2004). Tamo su rimske
mramorne skulpture takoer postale rtva naleta barbara,
ali zbaene sa svojih postolja, oskrvnjene i zatrpane ruevinama uz koje se prolazilo bez ikakva zanimanja, a kamoli
potovanja. Naprotiv, drukije su se ponaali itelji Nina
kad su na temeljima rimskog hrama u 9. st. ozidali svoju crkvicu Sv. Mihovila (Petricioli 1985), i ouvali kontinuitet sakralnog mjesta. No posebno je zanimljivo kako su mahom
neoteene kipove poganskih bogova i vladara obavjetava me Nikola Jaki ukopali u blizini,13 prethodno im
pripremivi prave grobne rake, pa se najvjerojatnije radilo
o domiljenoj ritualnoj radnji. Za slinim bi se posezanjima,
dakle, trebalo tragati s vie arheoloke pozornosti, ne bi li
se utvrdilo daljnje primjere damnatio memoriae s pokapanjem odbaenih skulptura.14

Nakon inih vie nego simbolinih poteza iz prijelaza iz
antike u srednji vijek, u batini vezanoj za domae stvaralatvo diljem jadranske Hrvatske, moe se ustvrditi niz krajnje jasnih osvjedoenja damnatio memoriae. Odreda se
oni po zamisli bitno odvajaju od puke reupotrebe gotovih
djela, ak i uvrijeenog urezivanja krieva i natpisa u klesane izraevine, izvaene iz starih zdanja za nove (Fiskovi I.,
2000), jer su usmjereni ponitavanju raznih izvornih sadraja uz fiziko preinaivanje pojedinosti. Osim to je kontinuitet obiaja klasinog podrijetla time pratio dinamiku
povijesnih zbivanja, svrsishodno je osvjetljavao izvedbene
dosege predromanikog i romanikog razdoblja, ne marei o njihovoj estetskoj rjeitosti. Tako se ve unutar starijeg,
koje nije poznavalo figuralno oblikovanje, biljei brisanje
stavki natpisa koji poblie tumae nastanak ornamentiranog crkvenog namjetaja zbog primarne posveenosti, a i
skupoe uvanog u cjelini. Primjeri iz drugog razdoblja koje je ovladalo figuralikom, pak, okreu postupak promjeni
smisleno upeatljivijih initelja kamenih slika, uz uvoenje
novih stvaralakih momenata koji im tek donekle odravaju oblikovne izvornosti. Iako je pretegnulo nametanje novina i posezanje za punim obnovama, nisu izostali primjeri
neujednaenih ponaanja u permanentnom cilju zatajivanja zateenog. Na njima traje metoda kako prikraivanja
13. Za njihov smjetaj u hramu zalagao se M. Sui. Ne postoji dokumentacija
o iskopavanjima iz 18. st. kad su skulpture naene, ali je N. Jaki to
uoio uvidom u profile zemljita pri reviziji.
14. Iz kasnijih doba poznato je jednostavno ukopavanje u zemlju razlomljenih reljefa mletakog lava.
ent undertone, and also later by the same path traced out by
classical antiquity even before the confrontation of the official
faiths, brought to an end by the adoption of the Christianity,
which would lead to the total rejection of all things past.
In fact, the scope and method of deletion of old monuments does not always allow differentiation of consequences
of certain traditions from spontaneous feelings, but it does
make possible to distinguish certain instinctive negative interventions. Regarding the latter, the most drastic example of
destruction of ancient holy objects was provided by Narona
with outstanding recent finds in the destroyed Augusteum
(Marin 2004). The Roman marble sculptures from there likewise became victims of a barbarian incursion, only they were
toppled from their pedestals, desecrated and buried by debris
past which people passed without interest, let alone respect.
On the contrary, the behaviour of the inhabitants of Nin was
quite different, when in the 9th century they built their small
church of St. Michael on the foundations of a Roman temple
(Petricioli 1985), preserving thus the continuity of the sacral
place. However as Nikola Jaki informs me it is particularly
interesting how they buried the mostly undamaged statues
of pagan gods and rulers in the vicinity,13 having previously
prepared actual graves for them, which means that in all likelihood this was a thought-out ritual act. If one aims to ascertain
further examples of damnatio memoriae with a burial of rejected sculptures one should look for similar encroachments
with more archaeological attention.14
After other, more than symbolic interventions from the
transition from antiquity to the Middle Ages, a series of entirely clear manifestations of damnatio memoriae can be
ascertained in the heritage related with the local creativity
throughout the Adriatic Croatia. All these diverge considerably by concept from a sheer reuse of finished works, even
from habitual incision of crosses and inscriptions onto carved
artefacts, taken out from the old buildings for the new ones
(Fiskovi I., 2000), because they aim to annul various original
contents with physical modification of details. The continuity of customs of classical origin not only followed by this the
dynamics of historical events, but it also meaningfully illuminated the scope of performance of pre-Romanesque and
Romanesque period, without taking care of their esthetic
eloquence. Thus already within the older period, which did
not know figural forms, eradication is documented of portions of inscriptions that interpret in more detail the creation
of ornamented church furniture kept as a whole on account
of primary consecration, but also due to its expensiveness. In
contrast to this, the examples from the second period, which
mastered the figurative expression, turn the process toward
the change of conceivably more impressive factors of stone
images, with the introduction of new creative moments that
only to a degree reflect their original forms. Although imposition of novelties and preference for full reconstruction prevailed, there was no lack of examples of irregular behaviour
in the permanent objective of suppressing the encountered.
They exhibit not only the method of negation of the integrity
of plastic monuments in different circumstances of their survival, but also that of conceived modification of meaning of
13. M. Sui advocated their position in the temple. There is no existing documentation about excavations in the 18th cent., when the sculptures were
found, but N. Jaki perceived that through inspection of the profiles of
the terrain during the revision.
14. From later periods we know of a simple burial of broken reliefs of the
lion of Venice.
487
integriteta plastikih spomenika u drukijim okolnostima

njihova opstanka, tako promiljenog mijenjanja znaenja
ne samo duhovnou nego i drugim polugama opeaene
skulpture sakralnih graevina kao mjesta iskaza irih nastojanja ili postignua izvan likovnih domena.15
Intervencije iz predromanike usredotouju se na latinske natpise kakvi su tijekom 9. i 10. st. dopunjali dijelove
opreme svetita u ime uspostave komunikacije s nebeskim
i zemaljskim ozrajem. Stotinjak poznatih unutar geometrijski klesanih reljefa s mnotvom tipinih motiva sakralne simbolike, donose imena donatora, a uz ime nebesnika
kojima je posveta upuena, nerijetko i datum postavljanja
(Delonga 1996). Budui da ih uglavnom ne prate povijesna
vrela, osobito oni s navoenjem narodnih vladara i raznih
dunosnika, tvore izuzetno vrijedni i materijalno najistrajniji arhiv, vaan za mnoga pitanja ukljuujui i razlikovanje
klesarskih radionica. Najee su na gredama i tegurijima
oltarskih ograda ili na lukovima ciborija nad oltarom, tako da pripadaju posveenim tijelima u idejnom sklopu
vjerskih zavjeta namijenjeni nebesnicima. U zbilji razgraniavajui obredni dio arhitektonskog prostora od polusvjetovnog, okrenuti pohoditeljima a ne vriteljima liturgije,
pojanjavaju kome se osiguravao put u blaenu vjenost.
Dodjeljujui ga i na zemlji povlatenom sloju ljudi, ujedno
predvieni za dugo trajanje, sluili su uzdizanju ugleda ivih naruitelja ili darovatelja jamei mu stalni trag i potovanje u drutvenoj zajednici, kojoj je pridonio ve i gradnjom bogomolje. Upravo su zato postali meta naknadnog
brisanja s namjerom zatiranja spomena dostojanstvenika i
monika u prostoru i vremenu, ili barem ponitenja djela s
kojim su se oni sami kanili zadrati u pamenju narataja.
Budui da su najoitiji takvi sluajevi iz seoskih sredina
u zaleu obale, podlonih eim unutarnjim preustrojavanjima, moe se pretpostaviti kako su damnatio memoriae poinili lokalni neprijatelji onoga koga je natpis imenovao. Naravno, zato to je platio izradu cancelluma, valjda i gradnju crkve, pa se time podiio a oekivao uzvrat,
poglavito u vjerskoj sferi. Meutim su mu se po svoj prilici
nakon smrti usprotivili izvritelji privatnih razraunavanja,
moda osobnih osveta, zaudo ne suspreui se pred posvetom zavjeta. Predmnijevamo posve izvjesnim kako na
nepridravanje njezinih zakonitosti pristajahu i pripadnici
crkvenih ustanova, budui da se bez njihova odobrenja u
obrednim zdanjima malo to moglo dogaati. U tom smislu izgleda da je obiaj ponovo dobio odreeni legalitet,
iako nije potican s drutvenog vrha. Nije iskljueno da ga
zgodimice poduzimahu novi vlasnici posjeda ili gospodari
podruja, svakako oni koji pripadahu neumitno istoj vjeroispovijesti, a i vie-manje istom drutvenom sloju. Da su
im tenje a i sposobnosti bile drukije, u najmanju ruku bi
gradili novo svetite umjesto da se slue s postojeim i preinauju mu izvorni lik i znaaj. Prema tome, smijemo slu15. Razumljivo je iz ugla takvog gledanja doputeno skratiti opise koji
bi vodili suvinim zakljucima o vrsnoi rada, a prikladnije naglasak
staviti na izravnije vizualno pokazivanje s fotografijama.
488
the sculpture sealed not only by spirituality but also by other

levers of sacral buildings, as places for expression of wider
endeavours or achievements beyond the domains of art.15
The interventions from the pre-Romanesque period are
concentrated on the Latin inscriptions of the kind that in
the 9th and 10th century supplemented the pieces of sanctuary equipment in the name of establishing communication
with the celestial and terrestrial environment. A hundred or
so known within geometrically carved relieves with a multitude of typical motifs of sacral symbolism bring the names of
donors, and in addition to the name of the celestial person
to whom the dedication was addressed they also frequently
mention the date of setting (Delonga 1996). Considering that
they are mostly not accompanied by historical sources, particularly those that mention national rulers and various officials represent an exceptionally valuable and materially most
persistent archives, important for numerous questions including that of the distinction of stone-carving workshops. They
are mostly positioned on beams and teguria of altar partitions
or on the arches of the ciborium above the altar, so that they
belong to consecrated bodies in the conceptual framework of religious vows intended for the celestials. Delimiting
in reality the ritual zone of the architectural space from the
semi-secular one, facing the visitors instead of the performers of the liturgy, they make clear who it was for whom the
way to blessed eternity was secured. By allocating them to the
social stratum that is privileged on Earth as well, at the same
time intended to last long, they served for raising reputation
of living commissioners or donours, guaranteeing them permanent vestige and respect within the social community, to
which he made the contribution by building the church. This
is precisely why they became a target of posterior eradication
with the purpose of extermination of memory of dignitaries
and power-wielders in space and time, or at least revocation
of the act by which they themselves had intended to remain
in the memory of generations.
Considering that the most obvious cases of that sort come
from rural centres in the hinterland of the coast, liable to frequent interior transformations, it can be assumed that the acts
of damnatio memoriae were committed by local enemies of
those named by the inscription. Obviously, because he paid
for the cancellum and perhaps also for the building of the
church, of which he boasted and expected remuneration, primarily in the religious sphere. However, in all likelihood the executors of private score-settlings, possibly personal grudges,
opposed him after he died, surprisingly not halting before the
votive dedication. We find it entirely certain that members of
ecclesiastical institutions also acquiesced to non-compliance
with its laws, considering that little or nothing could happen
within ritual buildings without their consent. In that sense it
appears that the custom regained certain legitimacy, even
though it was not fomented from the highest level of the society. It is not excluded that it was occasionally undertaken by
new landowners or regional lords, definitely those who undeniably belonged to the same religious conviction and more or
less the same social stratum. Had their desires and capabilities
been different, they would at least have built a new sanctuary
instead of using the existing one while changing its original
form and meaning. We are therefore entitled to a presentiment
15. Understandably, from that point of view it is permissible to cut short the
descriptions that would lead to excessive conclusions about the quality
of work, while it is more appropriate to lay emphasis on the more direct
visual illustration by photographs.
titi kako su iza obavljanja damnatio memoriae u malim

zajednicama vie stajale kolektivne sudbine i individualne
drame negoli ope idejne orijentacije. Sva su djela sakralne
umjetnosti, uostalom, onda opstajala u slubi religije moi, inae neodvojive od opeljudskih vokacija i kranskih
svjetonazora, pa su se tim lake nala na udaru raznih suparnitava i nadmetanja.
Promiljanja danas nije teko proiriti, ali nita ne jami
koja se i kakva istina krije u pozadini naizglednih openitosti mnotva ulomaka usitnjenih do te mjere da su radnje
tipa damnatio memoriae esto neizvjesne. Temeljno je
ustvrditi barem one bjelodane kao to je jedva spojiva greda oltarne ograde iz Stombrata, gdje bijahu dvori knezova
pa je i svetite bilo izloenije politikim udarima (Karaman
1930). Izbrisano je ime samo prvog, tj. glavnog lana natpisa, ali ne i navod njegove supruge i sina: ///////// CONIVGE
ET CVM FILIIS MEIS VOTVM COMPLEVI.16 ak se radnja nije prikrila zaglaivanjem ispranjenog polja, nego je ono
ostavljeno hrapavim od izravnih udaraca dlijeta. Razlozi
takva odricanja prava razvidno vane osobe s natpisa jesu
zagonetni, ali su istraivaima znakoviti kao inaica dokuivih ponaanja. U Brnazama je na slinom natpisnom polju
s poetka kamene grede ostao tek naslov, tj. titula za nas
bezimenog monika koji je sagradio esterokonhalnu crkvicu, najvjerojatnije kao pokapalite itave svoje obitelji,17
pa je to oekivani uzor za druge na koje padaju iste sjene.
U Paenima kod Knina primjerice - natpis na uskoj traci
izmeu donje pletenice i gornjih kuka je pomno izbrisan,
doslovce izbruen ak bolje od povrina okolnog ukrasa.
Utoliko nema mogunosti spoznavanju sadraja makar
pretpostavljamo da nije kazivao neto izvan uobiajenih
formula i poruka. No na drugom se ulomku po svemu sudei iste grede imenuje upan Rastimir (Delonga 1996, kat.
186), ipak kao potvrda nekih socijalnih stalnosti, nukajui
nas vjerovati da damnatio memoriae nije bio spontan,
odnosno nekontroliran. Jedino ostaje neizvjesno je li uklonjeno ime sudionika u donaciji, ili neka pohvala koju on po
kasnijem uvjerenju nije zasluio. U svakom je sluaju jasno
kako su diljem siromane Zagore postignute edne realizacije obiaja na strukturalno nepromijenjenim graevinama
i njihovoj tipoloki vie-manje ujednaenoj opremi.

S obzirom da su crkvice kojima natpisi izvorno pripadahu, poruene prilikom osmanlijskih provala ili zubom
vremena u osiromaenju podruja, sigurno su se radiranja
imena odvila unutar srednjeg vijeka, dok je njihov sadraj
neto znaio malobrojnom pismenom sloju puanstva. Iako su natpisi mahom sadravali komunikaciju sa svetima i
kao takvi bili uzdignuti na vii duhovni stupanj, nemogue
je preskoiti njihova znaenja u prosjenoj svakidanjici,
gdje su tek sveenici bili ueni. Dakle, navedene su intervencije vrste potvrde osuda na zaborav, potaknutih
ivim odnosima spram pojedincima iz hijerarhije lokalnih
that in small communities it was more the collective destinies

and individual dramas that stood behind the implementation
of damnatio memoriae than some general conceptual orientations. In any case, all works of sacral art were then surviving
in the service of the religion of power, otherwise inseparable
from universally human vocations and Christian worldviews,
which is why they all the more easily came under attack by
diverse rivalries and competitions.
It is at present not difficult to widen considerations, but
there is no guarantee as to which and what truth hides behind the apparent generalities of the multitude of pieces fragmented to the point that the acts of the damnatio memoriae
type are frequently rendered uncertain. It is basic to ascertain
at least those self-evident ones such as the barely attachable altar partition from Stombrate, where a princely court
was situated and therefore the sanctuary was more exposed
to political coups (Karaman 1930). Only the name of the first,
i.e. main member of the inscription was erased, but not the
mention of his wife and son: ///////// CONIVGE ET CVM FILIIS
MEIS VOTVM COMPLEVI.16 Even the act was not concealed by
smoothing the emptied field, but it was left coarse from direct strokes of the chisel. The reasons for such denial of rights
of a clearly important person from the inscription are indeed
enigmatic, but they are significant for the researchers as variants of conceivable behaviours. In Brnaze, only the appellation, i.e. the title of a potentate unknown to us, who built a
small six-apsidal church, most likely as a tomb for his entire
family,17 has remained on a similar inscription field from the
beginning of a stone beam, and this is an expected model for
the other ones on which the same shadows fall. For instance,
in Paeni near Knin an inscription on a narrow stripe between
the lower braid and the upper hooks was carefully erased, in
fact literally scraped away even better than the surfaces of the
surrounding decoration. There is thus no possibility to grasp
the contents even though we assume that it did not say anything beyond the ordinary formulae or expressions. However,
upan Rastimir is named on another fragment of what is in all
likelihood the same beam (Delonga 1996, cat. 186), as a confirmation of certain permanent social circumstances, letting
us believe that damnatio memoriae was not spontaneous or
uncontrolled. It only remains uncertain whether the name of
the participant in the donation was removed, or some praise
which later conviction found undeserving. Be as it may it is
clear that throughout poor Zagora modest realizations of customs were achieved on structurally unchanged buildings and
their typologically more or less uniform equipment.
16. Prema: Delonga 1996, kat. 8., T.VIII.

17. Pretpostavku sam razvio komparacijom s drugim gradnjama istoga tipa
(Fiskovi I., 1985, 37).
16. After: Delonga 1996, Cat. 8, Pl. VIII.

17. I developed the assumption by comparison with other constructions of
the same type (Fiskovi I., 1985, 37).
Considering that the churches to which the inscriptions

originally belonged were destroyed during the Ottoman incursions or by the passage of time in the impoverishment of
the land, the erasure of names certainly occurred during the
Middle Ages, when their content meant something to the
few people that formed the literate stratum of society. Even
though the inscriptions by and large contained communication with the sacred and as such were elevated to a higher
spiritual level, it is impossible to bypass their meanings in the
average daily life, where only the priests were learned. Therefore, the mentioned interventions are strong confirmations of
condemnation to oblivion, motivated by living relationships
toward individuals from the hierarchy of local social communities in the time when they only started to be built with
489
drutvenih zajednica u doba kad su se one tek gradile s

oiglednim estetskima nastojanjima, koje je kasnije bitno
oskvrnula prevrtljivost povijesnih prilika. Bez podrobnijeg
njihova poznavanja, uostalom, teko je rei je li drastino
razbijanje znamenitog sarkofaga kraljice Jelene u Solinu,18
takoer ishodilo iz ina srodnog onom s grobnicom Dioklecijana u Splitu, ili je puka posljedica opeg razaranja
starih svetita u prostorima izloenima nasrtajima s Istoka.
Priblina takva nagaanja nameu i rijetki preostaci natpisa poput onog, naalost, izgubljenog gotikog iz Ostrovice
kod Bribira,19 koji imenujui rex Zuonemerusa ostaje vie
nego tajanstven.
U urbanim, svekoliko razvijenijim sreditima, podudarni sluajevi mahom potpadaju drugim kategorijama, jer
obala bijae poprite sukobljavanja sloenijih politikih
interesa. Ipak, poznati primjeri damnatio memoriae nisu
obvezni njihov odraz, pa je izostajanje itavog natpisa u
dugakoj traci pri vrhu plastiki bogato obraenog proelja zadarskog sarkofaga, datiranog u poetak 9. st. (Jaki
2006),20 moglo uslijediti i iz jagme pojedinaca da ga uzmu
za svoje pokapalite. Osim to su grobnice prije i kasnije,
bilo prodajom bilo otimanjem, posvuda mijenjale vlasnike
i korisnike, privlanost ovog natprosjeno ureenog bijae
pojaana njegovim poloajem usred grada. Prije spremanja u muzej, naime, bio je pomou konzola uzdignut na
vanjskom obodu apside katedrale i takav smjetaj, uobiajeno dostupan zaslunima, umanjuje vjerojatnost da je
trajno ostavljen bez natpisa. Zato je slobodno promiljati
da izvorno bijae namijenjen nekom crkvenom poglavaru, u redovima kojih se nasljeivanje grobnica znalo
ponavljati,21 a imbenici se drutvene samouprave nisu tome protivili. Svejedno nisu esta rana pokapanja svjetovnjaka bilo kojeg ranga na reprezentativnim tokama kakvu
je zauzimao taj skupi sarkofag, po svemu sudei rano podvrgnut izravnom damnatiu memoriae. Dolino mjestu
koje je zadrao, shvatljivijim se ini visoki stupanj tehnike
brisanja natpisa zbog kojeg se zadugo nisu bile uoile sve
vrsnoe toga spomenika.
Za problematiku koju on dotie veoma je znakovita pojava imena hrvatskih vladara na crkvama unutar ili tik do
zidina primorskih gradova od zrelog 11. st. Izravno svjedoe kako su im se male komune, poglavito crkvene ustanove, oduivale za potporu u izgradnji autonomija suprotiva
vrhovne vlasti Bizanta. U Splitu je tako pri podizanju benediktinskog samostana Sv. Eufemije, zalaganjem poduzetnog nadbiskupa-reformatora Lovra, na portalu crkve bilo
oznaeno da je izgraena 1069. god., dok je Dalmacijom
vladao kralj Kreimir (Fiskovi C., 1948). Unato tek relativnoj povijesnoj tonosti, natpis je vaan s razloga to na javnom mjestu u drevnoj formuli otkriva mjerenje vremena s
nacionalnim vladarom i istie njegovo priznavanje. Upravo
18. Opirna literatura o spomeniku ne iznosi tu mogunost.
19. F. ii (1925, 588) naalost ne tumai spomenik.
20. N. Jaki (2006, 66, kat.2.) sa starijom literaturom.
21. Vjerojatno najsloeniji sluaj iz korulanske katedrale osvijetlio je u vie
navrata G. Niki (2005, 132).
490
obvious esthetic intentions, which were later considerably

desecrated by the inconstancy of historical circumstances. It
is in fact difficult to say without a more detailed knowledge
of those whether the drastic destruction of the renowned sarcophagus of queen Jelena in Solin18 was likewise the outcome
of an act similar to that with the tomb of Diocletian in Split
or was it a sheer consequence of general destruction of old
sanctuaries in the areas exposed to the incursions from the
East. Approximate assumptions are imposed by rare remains
of inscriptions such as the Gothic one, unfortunately lost, from
Ostrovica near Bribir,19 which remains more than mysterious
with its mention of rex Zuonemerus.
In urban centres, in every way more developed, corresponding cases by and large fall into other categories, because
the coast was the scene of confrontation of more complex political interests. However, the known examples of damnatio
memoriae are not their obligatory reflection, so the absence
of an entire inscription in a long stripe near the top of a plastically richly rendered faade of a sarcophagus from Zadar,
dated to the beginning of the 9th century (Jaki 2006)20 may
have been the outcome of a scramble of individuals to use
it as their burial place. In addition to the fact that the tombs
have everywhere, before and after, through purchase or usurpation changed owners and users, the attraction of this one
with its outstanding decoration was enhanced by its position
in the very centre of the city. Prior to its deposition in the museum, it was elevated to the exterior of the apse of the cathedral by means of consoles, and such position, generally available to deserving individuals, decreases the probability that it
was permanently left without an inscription. One is therefore
free to assume that it was originally determined for an ecclesiastical leader, among whom the succession of tombs was
a known occurrence,21 and factors of social self-government
were not opposed to that. Still, early burials of secular individuals of any rank are rare on representative spots such as
the one occupied by that expensive sarcophagus, which was
in all likelihood early on subjected to a direct damnatio memoriae. As it becomes the place it had kept, one more easily
understands the high level of technique of deletion of the inscription, which was the reason why for a long time one was
unable to perceive all the qualities of this monument.
Very significant for the body of problems that it touches
on is the appearance of names of Croatian rulers on churches
within the walls or immediately next to the walls of coastal
cities from the developed 11th century. They are a direct testimony that small communes, primarily ecclesiastical institutions, were rewarding them for their support in building the
autonomies in opposition to the supreme authority of Byzantium. Thus in Split, on the occasion of the erection of the
Benedictine monastery of St. Euphemia, through endeavour
of enterprising archbishop-reformer Lawrence (Lovro), it was
marked on the church portal that it had been built in 1069,
when Dalmatia was ruled by king Kreimir (Fiskovi C., 1948).
In spite of its only relative historical accuracy, the inscription
is important because it reveals in a public place the measurement of time with a national ruler and indicates his recognition. Precisely on account of this it was removed in 1735 by
decision of the Venetian authority, demonstrably disposed
18. The extensive literature about the monument does not put forward this
possibility.
19. F. ii (1925, 588) unfortunately does not interpret the monument.
20. N. Jaki (2006, 66, Cat. 2) with older literature.
21. G. Niki (2005, 132) shed light on the probably most complex case on
several occasions.
kao takav uklonjen je 1735. god. po nalogu venecijanske

uprave, provjereno sklone zabranama spomena ivih ili brisanja uspomena na mrtve, na gotovo neprimjetan nain,22
ali su lokalni kroniari s bjelodanim ciljem pravodobno zabiljeili njegovo negdanje postojanje. U svakom je sluaju
to bio posljednji odraz klasinog imperijalnog govora, koji
se s motivima i temama tako trijumfalne naravi vie nee
obnoviti, a ova zabrana spomena ga je dokinula.
Samo donekle se s time slau memorije Kreimirova
nasljednika, kralja Zvonimira, koji je bio protegnuo utjecaj
sve do kvarnerskih otoka, gdje je benediktincima u Bakoj
na Krku pomogao pri gradnji crkve i darivao zemlje. Njegovo ime otkriva Baanska ploa, ako ne najstariji a ono
najznamenitiji nacionalni epigrafski spomenik, izrazite literarne vrsnoe pisan glagoljicom oko 1100. god. Oblikovana za cancellum oltara crkve Sv. Lucije, slijedom kasnijih
promjena ukusa i liturgijskih potreba monumentalna je
ploa uklonjena te poloena u plonik okrenuta licem zemlji, moda posluivi i kao pokrov groba. Iako se ba time
ouvao itav natpis, zamrlo je sjeanje na ovlasti kralja pri
podjeli zemalja, utjeui i na uvjerenja o granicama hrvatske drave. No kad je konano otkrivena, nije se razjasnilo
je li izbaena s izvornog mjesta i nedostojno upotrijebljena
iz isto pragmatinih razloga, snalaljivou graditelja groba odnosno nedostatka sredstava za novo uredno poploenje bogomolje, ili se to izvelo s politikom nakanom,23
moda u ime suzbijanja uvjerenja o opravdanosti isticanja
kralja Zvonimira na Krku. Uz takve otvorene mogunosti,
svejedno se tajnom obavila natpisom u crkvi naglaena
nadarbina, to granii sa svetogrem, a u biti jami kako
je dugaki kameni zapis pregazilo vrijeme.24 S obzirom da
je temeljni uinak bilo nijekanje nazonosti traga davnog
vladara, donekle se otklanja i dvojba oko ubrajanja sekundarne povijesti Baanske ploe u red jamstava damnatia
memoriae, sastavnice kojeg ona i neutanaena ipak ima.
Kudikamo je zapleteniji historijat mramorne ploe s reljefnim likom vladara i dva pratitelja, od zreloga srednjeg
vijeka ugraene u zdenac krstionice splitske katedrale,25
ija istraivanja su me i uvela u temu na koju se ovdje osvrem. Rasprave, pak, o znaenju i podrijetlu reenog pluteja
obujmom nadilaze pisanja o bilo kojem drugom umjetnikom spomeniku u hrvatskom prostoru. To on uistinu zavrjeuje s obzirom da u svoj Europi nema monumentalnije
skulpturalne slike regalne ikonografije iz istog doba. Opravdano se dri da je pripadao oltarskoj cjelini neke ugledne
crkve, a prednosti se daju solinskoj ranoromanikoj bazilici, naslovljenoj sv. Petru i Mojsiju (Petricioli 1967). Osim to
su u njoj tijekom 11. st. krunjeni hrvatski dinasti, pa bijae
22. Naime, od 1678. god. datiraju u nas njezine odluke o brisanju kamenih
natpisa i grbova dostojanstvenika na javnim mjestima: Fiskovi C.,
1954, 84-89.
23. U opirnoj literaturi o tom spomeniku nisam naao traga toj pretpostavci,
ali je zacijelo treba imati na umu.
24. Moe se pretpostaviti da se to dogodilo s jaim preinakama crkve nakon 13. st., dok prvospomenuti pisani trag istoga kralja datira u 14. st.,
a pripada okruju ubieva gospodstva gdje je po svoj prilici niknula i
legenda o ubojstvu Zvonimira.
25. Vidjeti: Fiskovi I., 2001.
to prohibit mention of the living or delete memories of the

dead, in an almost imperceptible way,22 but local chroniclers
registered its former existence with an obvious intention. This
was in any case the last reflection of the classical imperial discourse, which would never be renewed again with the motifs
and topics of such a triumphal nature, and this prohibition to
mention ended it.
The memories of Kreimirs successor, king Zvonimir, only
partly correspond to this. He extended his influence all the
way to the islands of the Kvarner Gulf, where he helped the
Benedictines in Baka on the Krk island in the construction of
the church and gave them land. His name is revealed by the
Baka tablet, the most significant if not the oldest national
epigraphic monument, of exceptional literary quality, written
in the Glagolitic script around 1100. Designed for the cancellum of the altar of the church of St. Lucy, in the succession of
subsequent changes of taste and liturgical requirements the
monumental tablet was removed and laid in the pavement
face down, perhaps used as a cover of a grave. Even though
the inscription was preserved in its entirety precisely on account of that, the memory of the authority of the king died
down, influencing also the ideas about the borders of the
Croatian state. But when it was eventually revealed, it was not
made clear whether it was removed from its original place and
indecently used from entirely pragmatic reasons, by resourcefulness of the grave builder or the lack of means for a new and
orderly paving of the church, or it was done with a political
motif,23 perhaps in the name of suppressing belief in justification of mentioning the name of king Zvonimir on Krk. In spite
of these open possibilities, mystery all the same enveloped
the dedication mentioned in the church inscription, which
borders with a sacrilege, while in fact it shows that the lengthy
record in stone was rendered obsolete by time.24 Considering
that the basic effect was negation of the presence of a ruler
from remote past, the doubt is partly removed as to the inclusion of the secondary history of the Baka tablet in the rank of
the guarantees of damnatio memoriae, whose components,
even though unstipulated, it nevertheless possesses,.
The history of the marble slab with a relief figure of a ruler
and two squires the research on this monument has in fact
introduced me to the topic which I review here which has
been built into the well of the baptistery of the Split cathedral25 since the developed Middle Ages, is considerably more
intricate. On the other hand, the discussions on the significance and origin of the mentioned pluteus surpass in terms
of quantity the writings about any other artistic monument in
the Croatian area. This monument truly deserves this, considering that there is not a more monumental sculptural depiction of a regal iconography from the same period in the whole
of Europe. It is justifiably believed that it belonged to the altar
piece of a prestigious church, with the main candidate being
the early Romanesque basilica in Solin, dedicated to St. Peter
and Moses (Petricioli 1967). In addition to the fact that during
22. In our case its decisions on the erasure of stone inscriptions and coats of
arms of the nobility in public places date from 1678: Fiskovi C., 1954,
84-89.
23. I have not found any trace of that assumption in the extensive literature
about that monument.
24. It can be presumed that it happened with major changes in the church
after the 13th century, while the first mentioned written trace of the same
king dates from the 14th century, and belongs to the environment of the
ubi estate, where in all probability the legend about the murder of
Zvonimir was born.
25 See: Fiskovi I., 2001.
491
predodreena iznimnom opremanju, iz nje su otkopani

ulomci morfoloki posve srodni djelima odline radionice
znamenitih pluteja sv. Nediljice u Zadru. Njihovim su likovima najblia i tri s asimetrine kompozicije koja je pouzdano podvrgnuta inu damnatio memoriae, to joj bitno
potvruje svjetovnu narav. Tome u prilog ide izostanak aureole nad glavom okrunjenog, najveeg lika posjednutog
na prijestolju u odori, nalik onoj s istodobnih fresaka u Stonu (Fiskovi C., 1960). Druge su analogije dokazale da se i
poklonstvo niice uz noge vladaru, kakvo predouje leei
lik na reljefu u Splitu, prakticiralo na dvorovima zapadne
Europe tijekom ranog srednjovjekovlja, te nije svojstveno
iskljuivo poastima Bojem sinu ili bizantskom caru, kako
se dugo tvrdilo. Osim pisanih pravila o svjetovnom ritualu,
naime, postoje predoenja prostratia ili proskineze na minijaturama nekoliko pravnih kodeksa u Italiji,26 sastavljenih
beneventanom, iju su kulturu na istoni Jadran prenijeli
benediktinci u vrlo dobrim odnosima s ovdanjim vladarima, posebice uoi i u jeku velike crkvene reforme 11. st. U
tim su okvirima sroeni kljuni uvjeti nastanka jedinstvenog reljefa izloenog u nekom svetitu sasvim prema duhu ondanjih likovnih i ostalih nastojanja.
No njih su u jednom trenutku prekinula dogaanja koja
izazvae promiljena i umjena posredovanja na umjetnini.
Osim to se, naime, ustvrdilo da je s gornjeg ruba pluteja
naknadno brisan podui natpis, takoer se razabralo kako
je pomno iz ruku stojeeg vladareva pratitelja otklesan rotulus (Fiskovi I., 2002).27 Njegov obris se i danas nazire, ali
mu je povrina popunjena stiliziranim naborima odore, ne
bi li se prikrilo iskljuivanje za sadraj kamene slike vanog
elementa.28 Zajedno s uspjeno izvedenim skidanjem sloja
natpisnih slova i bruenjem povrine njihove trake, znai
da je lairanje okonano dok plutej jo bijae u funkciji, ali
su umjesto jednostavnog izbacivanja iz svetita zatakane
poruke koje je dino sricao. S nizom argumenata, dakle,
poduprto je uvjerenje o idejno osebujnoj i na zbilju oslonjenoj slici Rex Iustusa, svepriznatog Kristova vikara, koji
itko istie svoje profane atribute zajedno s kriem kao opim signumom uloge neposrednog zatitnika kranskog
naroda na zemlji.
Na toj osnovi uznastojalo se oitati o kojem bi vladaru tono mogla biti rije, posebice s obzirom na izvreni
damnatio memoriae, to je dugo u znanosti ostao nepovezan s poznatim zbivanjima iz prolosti. Naposljetku je
uspjelo dokuiti znatne podudarnosti iz ivota Petra Kreimira IV., zadnjeg kralja iz roda Trpimirovia, i umjetnikih
okosnica reljefa. Klju je u injenici da je on, vladajui dva
desetljea od 1054. god.,29 spojio obalne gradove i duboko
zalee u jedinstvenu dravu. Svoju je mo dokazao poticanjem gradnje brojnih samostana i crkava diljem obale, te
stekao i velike zasluge u razvoju graditeljstva i kiparstva.
the 11th century it was the coronation church of the Croatian

dynasts, which is why it was predestined for exceptional furnishing, it yielded fragments entirely similar morphologically
to the works of a high quality workshop of the renowned pluteus of the St. Nediljica church in Zadar. Three figures from the
asymmetrical composition which was indisputably subjected
to the act of damnatio memoriae come most closely to their
figures, which substantially confirms its secular nature. In favour of this speaks the omission of a halo above the head of
the crowned figure the largest figure seated on the throne
in a robe resembling that from the contemporary frescoes
in Ston (Fiskovi C., 1960). Other analogies have proven that
prostration at the feet of a ruler, as depicted by the prostrate
figure on the relief in Split, was practiced at the courts of western Europe during the early Middle Ages, and that it is not
characteristic exclusively for the honours bestowed on the
Son of God or a Byzantine Emperor, as had been claimed for a
long time. In addition to the written rules regarding the secular ritual, there are proofs of prostratia or proskynesis on the
miniatures of several juridical codices in Italy,26 composed in
Beneventan script, whose culture was brought to the eastern
Adriatic by the Benedictines with good relationship with the
local rulers, particularly on the eve of and in the midst of the
great church reform of the 11th century. The key conditions for
the creation of a unique relief exhibited in a sanctuary entirely
in the spirit of the contemporary artistic and other endeavours were articulated within that framework.
However, at one moment they were interrupted by the
events that caused conceived and artful mediations on this
artistic piece. It was not only ascertained that a lengthy inscription was subsequently erased from the upper edge of the
pluteus, but it was also perceived that a rotulus was carefully
chiseled off from the hands of the standing squire of the ruler
(Fiskovi I., 2002).27 Its outline is still discernible today, but its
surface is filled with stylized pleats of the robe, with the aim of
concealing the exclusion of an important element for the content of the stone image.28 Coupled with the successful removal of the layer of the letters of the inscription and the scraping
of the surface of their stripe, this means that the fabrication
was completed while the pluteus was still in function, but instead of simple discard from the sanctuary, the messages that
it proudly spelled were stifled. It is therefore with a series of
arguments that the belief is substantiated in a conceptually
idiosyncratic, and leaning on the reality, image of Rex Iustus,
all-recognized vicar of Christ, who displays in clear script his
profane attributes together with the cross as the general symbol of the role of a direct guardian of the Christian people on
earth.
This was the basis for the endeavours with the aim of interpreting which ruler this might be, particularly with consideration of the conducted damnatio memoriae, which scholars
for a long time failed to connect with known events from history. Eventually substantial correlation between the life of Petar
Kreimir IV, the last king from the dynasty of Trpimirovii, and
the artistic backbone of the relief was acknowledged. The key
lies in the fact that in his two decade long rule, starting with
1054,29 he united the coastal cities and deep hinterland into a
unified state. He proved his power by encouraging building
of numerous monasteries and churches along the entire coast
26. Vidjeti: Fiskovi I., 2002. gl. 5.

27. Saeti prikaz problematike: Fiskovi I., 2007.
28. Isto ustvari je to jedna os osnovnih teza itave knjige.
29. Slijedno identifikaciji kralja i njegovu sam povijest sintetizirao u navedenoj knjizi koristei brojnu literaturu.
26. See: Fiskovi I., 2002. ch. 5.

27. A review of the body of problems: Fiskovi I., 2007.
28. The same in fact this is an axis of the basic theses of the entire book.
29. In accordance with the identification of the king I synthetized his history
as well in the mentioned book with the use of extensive literature.
492
Osim to je doba svojeg vladanja uinio uspjenijim od bilo

kojeg drugog naeg drevnog suverena, uvrstio je osnove
za vrhunska umjetnika ostvarenja meu kakve reljef spada u europskim mjerilima. No sve je to ometalo politiki
proboj borbenog pape Grgura VI., koji je svuda nametao
centralistiki sustav crkvene drave,30 a na Jadranu nakon
povlaenja Bizanta teio uspostavi svoje totalitarne vlasti.
Osnaeni hrvatski vladar mu se prilino opirao ili barem
ometao planove, te je Sveti Otac priaju onodobna pisana vrela - poslao na njega brodovlje s vojskom Normana.31 U sukobu je kralj zarobljen 1072. god. nedaleko Nina
i odonda o njemu nema glasa, a iz Rima mu je za nasljednika imenovan Dmitar Zvonimir, dotadanji ban Slavonije.
Utamniivi zakonitog prijestolonasljednika Stjepana, on
je s glavarima podrune crkve pristao na uvjete koji uvelike srozavaju postignua Kreimira na podruju suvereniteta.32 Povezivanjem znanja o tome s iznimno dostojanstvenom figuralnom predstavom na reljefu iz krunidbene
crkve, iznalo se opravdanje promjenama koje su na njega
unesene naelom zabrane spomena, a znae izravno
pobijanje digniteta znanog i proslavljenoga svjetovnog
vladara. ak su se neka njegova ostvarenja pod pritiskom
romantinih legendi pripisivala drugima.
Podudarno neutraliziranje izvornih politikih poruka je
razvidno u Splitu i na pojedinim kasnijim skulpturama. Za
istaknuti je ono koje je zadesilo romaniki reljef na ulazu
u katedralu, pod zvonikom pored Peristila (Jeli 1896). U
skupini simbolinih likova koji, nastali u drugoj polovici 13.
st., podsjeaju na uobiajene telamone iznad simbolinih
lavova, dvije su s june strane zamijenjene dekorativnim
motivom antikizirajue maske Oceana u bezlinoj izvedbi
kipara iz ranobaroknog doba.33 Meutim, davno zabiljeena predaja govori da tu bijahu prikazani lanovi obitelji
kralja Bele IV. iz loze ugarskih Arpadovia koji je nosio hrvatsku krunu pa je pobudio netrpeljivosti. Ako ta legenda i
nije tona, naime, u nju je oslukujui puk zacijelo vjerovala mletaka uprava uspostavljena u Dalmaciji od 15. st. Nastojei zatrijeti svaki trag prijanje komunalne autonomije
pokorenih gradova, zapovjedila je ukloniti sredinje figure
koje su to na skulpturi isticale, a po svoj prilici i ostalima
odrubiti glave kojih stvarno vie nema. Ta je simbolina gesta posve istoznana ponaanju prema malom sarkofagu
dviju keri istoga kralja, preminulih u oblinjem Klisu pri
bijegu pred Tatarima. No Spliani su im 1242. god. iz odanosti prenijeli posmrtne ostatke u kamenu raku izloenu
visoko u nii nad vratima katedrale,34 posveene ranokranskim prvacima sv. Dujmu i sv. Stau. Sa spomenom na
nasrtaje ljutih neprijatelja astei grobnicu kneginja poput
svetinja, tu su im namijenili i natpis u stihovima kako ih ne
bi izbrisali iz svijesti i pamenja. No stoljee i po kasnije
uspostavljena vlast Venecije, naravno, ne mogavi sprije30. Isto uz pozivanje na temeljna djela crkvene povjesnice.
31. O tome opirno: Margeti 1980.
32. Uinkovitim i tu smatram pozvati se na svoju knjigu iz 2002.g. s razraenim prijanjim miljenjima gl. II.
33. Usp. Belamari 1996.
34. O tome: Karaman 1939.
and he achieved great merit in development of architecture

and sculpture. Apart from having made the time of his reign
more successful than any other ancient sovereign of ours, he
also strengthened the basis for superior artistic achievements,
such as this relief represents on European scale. However, all
this hindered the political breakthrough of belligerent pope
Gregory VI, who imposed the centralistic system of the church
state everywhere,30 and who struggled for the establishment
of his totalitarian rule in the Adriatic following the withdrawal
of Byzantium. The strengthened Croatian ruler opposed him
considerably or at least hindered his plans, so the Holy Father
in the account of the contemporary written sources sent a
fleet with the Norman army against him.31 In the 1072 confrontation the king was captured in the vicinity of Nin and nothing
was heard about him since. Dmitar Zvonimir, until then the
ban of Slavonia, was appointed as his successor from Rome.
Having imprisoned his legal successor Stjepan, together with
the heads of the local church he accepted the conditions that
to a large degree diminished Kreimirs achievements in the
field of sovereignty.32 By coupling knowledge about this with
the exceptionally dignified figural representation on the relief
from the coronation church, the justification was found for
the changes introduced into it by the principle of damnatio
memoriae, and which imply direct negation of dignity of a renowned and glorious secular ruler. Even some of his achievements were attributed to others under pressure of romantic
legends.
A corresponding neutralization of original political messages is visible in Split also on some later sculptures. One
should single out the one that befell a Romanesque relief in
the entrance to the cathedral, below the belfry next to the
Peristyle (Jeli 1896). In the group of symbolic figures, created
in the second half of the 13th century, which remind one of
the usual telamons above the symbolic lions, the two on the
southern side were replaced by a decorative motif of an antiquity-reminiscent mask of Ocean in a featureless rendering
of an early Baroque sculptor.33 However, a tradition recorded
long ago tells that members were represented there of the
family of king Bela IV from the line of Hungarian Arpadians,
who wore the Croatian crown and thus stirred antagonism.
Even if that legend is not true, the Venetian administration,
established in Dalmatia from the 15th century, believed in it
by listening to the common people. Determined to eradicate
every trace of the former communal autonomy of the conquered cities, it ordered that the central figures that accentuated that on the sculpture be removed, and in all likelihood
that the heads which are indeed now missing of the others be severed. This symbolic act is entirely equivalent to the
behaviour toward the small sarcophagus of two daughters of
the same king, who died in nearby Klis in their flight from the
Tatars. However, in 1242 as an act of loyalty, the people of Split
transported their mortal remains into a stone grave placed
high in the niche above the cathedral door,34 dedicated to
early Christian principals, St. Doimus and St. Anastasius. With
the mention of the attacks by a bitter enemy, honouring the
tomb of the princesses as a holy thing, here they dedicated to
them an inscription in verse lest they should be erased from
30. The same with a reference to the basic works of the church chronicles.
31. Extensively about this: Margeti 1980.
32. I also find it functional to refer here to my book from 2002. with analyzed
previous considerations ch. II.
33. Comp. Belamari 1996.
34. About this: Karaman 1939.
493
iti takva poklonstva, gledala je skromni spomenik krivim

okom kao prizivanje samostalnosti pokrajine, te je pred
njime istaknula jamstva svoje upravne nazonosti. Utoliko skrivanje malog sarkofaga okrenuto prikrivanju, ako
ne i brisanju povijesne stvarnosti, u cjelini nije nego jedan
oblik damnatio memoriae.
Njemu su izravnije potpali brojni u kamenu klesani signumi iste mletake vlasti i to u nekoliko valova koji
diljem istonog Jadrana prate njezine dolaske i odlaske.
Iako nema pouzdanih svjedoanstava, embleme s likom
krilatog lava sv. Marka ve su u 14. st. unitavali poklonici
Anuvinaca,35 kad su se oni iz Napulja domogli hrvatskih
gradova na obali. Ponovo, pak, od 1420. god. u poznatim
okolnostima osvajanja istog prostora od Presvijetle Republike, gue na istaknutim mjestima postavljane kamene
skulpture istog tipa poelo se skidati nakon 1797. god. kad
je ona konano propala.36 Najee su, ba kao i diljem teritorija Stato del Mar, ali i Stato del Terra izvan naih granica,
razlamane bez vaenja s izvornih poloaja te oteeni reljefi do danas rjeito iskazuju stoljetni otpor svih regionalnih
pa i nacionalnih otpora prema stegama mone drave.37 S
vremenom su se naredala i bacanja u more ili zakopavanja
u zemlju itavih iz kamena klesanih lavova, ime se ponavljahu navade iz prolosti na tetu batine svog prostora.38
Shvaajui ih dokazima trajnog talijanskog posezanja na
Hrvatsko primorje, posvuda su ih najvie unitile lokalne
samouprave nastupajui 1920. ili 1941., pa odlunije od
1945. god., tako da novovjeki taj damnatio memoriae i
nema ideoloku iskljuivost. O njoj su, naime, na drugoj
strani napisani nebrojeni tekstovi pod zajednikim motom
kako je jednom svladana politika sila Venecije na ovome primorju ostala zauvijek iva poput neke religije.39
Ipak je povijesna zbilja govorila bitno drukije, a to stoji
iza njezina prikrivanja kazuje podatak da je Italija pitanje
unitavanja mletakih lavova prije sredine prolog stoljea
istaknula na politikom forumu Drutva naroda u enevi.40
Nita manje za krivotvorenja nije znakovito ni zgodimino
pisanje da su posve uniteni u Dubrovniku, gdje ih stvarno
nije moglo biti u sretnoj ravnotei znamenja neovisne dravice i njezinih domaih upravitelja.41
35. Tome navodi sam nedostatak tih biljega iz Treenta, kao i zauzvratni
nestanak Anuvinskih. Znade se da su u ibeniku mornari s galija gaali
kraljevski grb na zidinama, a u Zadru ista vlast unitavala tragove Matafara, vrlo izloenih u protumletakoj politici.
36. Otpoela je to francuska, nastavila austrijska soldateska, ali zahvati ne bijahu brojni jer su se, za razliku od kasnijih, mahom zadrali na utvrdama.
Primjerno je u tvri Sv. Nikole na otoiu pred ibenikom teklo trokratno
skidanje i obnavljanje iznimno monumentalnog reljefa kojeg je 1543. god.
izradio Dujam iz Splita.
37. Gotovo zadivljujue dokumentirano ih prati dvotomna knjiga A. Rizzi
(2001), ne uspijevajui prikriti politiku pozadinu nakladnikog pothvata.
38. Meu prvima se biljee sluajevi na srednjodalmatinskim i kvarnerskim
otocima, drugi pamte u Ninu.
39. Moe se raunati da ih je poniteno ukupno do 30-ak, a pomnu inventarizaciju preostalih je proveo A. Rizzi, n.dj. uz spretno skovani naslovom
uvodnog poglavlja Leontoclastia Adriatica vol. I. pag. 97 111. te
iscrpnim popisom i opisom dostupnih u vol. II.
40. Navod u istoj knjizi pag. 99.
41. Vidjeti: Fiskovi I., 1989, uz dodatnu opasku da nijedan politiki reim
dosad nije namjerno oskvrnuo trovrsni dekor grada - isto u: Reljef renesansnog Dubrovnika.
494
their mind and memory. However, a century and a half later,

the established Venetian authority, unable to prevent such
adorations, looked askance upon the modest monument as
a call towards independence of the province, and exhibited in
front of it the guarantees of its administrative presence. In that
way the concealment of a small sarcophagus, with the aim of
disguising if not also erasing the historical reality, in the whole
is nothing but a form of damnatio memoriae.
More direct application of this act befell numerous symbols of the same Venetian authority carved in stone, in several
waves, that followed its arrivals and departures throughout
the eastern Adriatic. Even though there are no reliable testimonies, the emblems with the figure of the winged lion of
St. Mark were destroyed by the followers of the Angevin dynasty already in the 14th century,35 when they took hold of the
Croatian cities on the coast from Naples. Again, following the
known context of the 1420 conquest of the same territory by
The Most Serene Republic, when stone sculptures of the same
type were placed densely on prominent positions, they started to be removed starting with 1797 when the Republic finally
collapsed.36 Just like throughout the territory of the Stato del
Mar, but also Stato del Terra outside our borders, they were
most frequently broken without removing them from their
original positions, so the damaged reliefs to this day eloquently speak of a century-long resistance of all regional and even
national resistances against the bonds of the powerful state.37
As time passed, there were numerous instances when entire
lions carved from stone blocks were thrown into the sea or
buried into the ground, which meant a reprise of the customs
from the past to the damage of the legacy of their own land.38
Looking upon them as proofs of perennial Italian encroachment upon the Croatian coast, they were everywhere mostly
destroyed by local self-governments upon their establishment in 1920 or 1941, and more decisively from 1945, so that
this modern-age damnatio memoriae does not in fact imply
ideological exclusiveness. Countless texts were written about
it on the other side, with the common motto that the once
conquered political power of Venice in this coast remained
alive forever like some religion.39 However, the historical reality spoke in substantially different terms, and as to what
lies behind its concealment is revealed by the fact that Italy
raised the question of the destruction of the Venetian lions
before the middle of the past century at the political forum of
the League of Nations in Geneva.40 No less significant for the
forgeries are the occasional remarks that they were entirely
destroyed in Dubrovnik, where in reality they could not have
35. The very lack of those stamps from Trecento speaks in favour of this,
same as the disappearance of the Angevin ones in return.
36. This was started by the French army and followed by the Austrian one,
but interventions were not numerous, as they, in contrast to the later
ones, were restricted to the fortifications. An example is the fortress of
St. Nikola on the small island in front of ibenik when the exceptionally monumental relief made in 1543 by Domnio from Split was disassembled and renovated on three occasions.
37. They are followed by an almost impressive documentation by a twovolume book by A. Rizzi (2001), which does not succeed in concealing
the political background of the publishing enterprise.
38. Among the first documented cases are those on the islands of central
Dalmatia and the Kvarner Gulf, and the others are remembered from
Nin.
39. It can be considered that up to 30 of them were obliterated, and a thorough inventarization of the remaining ones was carried out by A. Rizzi,
op.c., with a fittingly coined title of the introductory chapter Leontoclastia Adriatica vol. I. pag. 97111, and a detailed list and description
available in vol. II.
40. A remark in the same book, p. 99.
Zato umjesto nabrajanja ili raspravljanja upravo nesagledive igre s lavovima, nijekanja i preuveliavanja njihova znaaja ili znaenja, vrijedi spomenuti neke gotovo
filmski ilustrativne akcije oko tih spomenika. Valjda najzanimljivija se odvila u Koruli, na Kuli gradskih vrata, gdje
od 15. st. do danas stoji i ne ba likovno jako uspjeli reljef
mletakog lava.42 U tisuitom jubileju hrvatskog kraljevstva, pak, pod njime se godine 1925. ugradila spomenploa kralju Tomislavu, ali je nju 1942. god. demonstrativno razlomila i skinula okupaciona vojska. Obnovljena
tek 1971., najposlije je sveano podignuta na isti poloaj,
tako da se na gradskom proelju s dva idejno protivna
znamena izuzetno plastiki oslikava i nadvladavanje obiaja o kojem govorimo. Naglasak je na injenici da se sa
strane ovdanje slube zatite kulturnih dobara nije dopustilo u oba maha traeno uklanjanje kamenog lava kao
vidljivog preostatka davne strane uprave. Njih je naposljetku posvuda ostalo vie negoli ih je uniteno, pa i to
govori koliko se strana vlast u svoje vrijeme trudila nametati peate svoje nazonosti, koje je u veem broju dovozila kao gotove izraevine. Mahom proizile iz dravnih
kamenarskih radionica koje za to nisu upoljavale vrsnije
umjetnike, razumljivo zbog likovne svoje osrednjosti nisu privukle znatniju pozornost domaih analitiara kiparskog naslijea, ali su susjedi s druge strane Jadrana nedavno potaknuli katalogizaciju iste grae na zamjernoj
znanstvenoj razini.
Inae, pravilom damnatio memoriae u proirenoj
prizmi najizraajnije se posluila sama Serenissima kad je
potkraj 17. st. naloila brisanje imena i oznaka pojedinih
svojih dunosnika na zaposjednutim teritorijima. Naime,
oni su razne pothvate izvrene po slubi slavili kao osobne uspjehe na kamenim ploama koje, tragom humanistikih obiaja, nisu imale smisao nekog moebitnog zavjeta nego pukog upisivanja svjetovnih prinosa povijesti.
Kad su se takve, pak, pretjerano namnoile i zaprijetile
utajivanju ako ne ak nijekanju uloge drave, sredinja
ih je vlast strogo zabranila i poduzela korake suzbijanja
takva sljubljivanja svojih patricija s dalmatinskim sredinama. Iako se u tome zrcale odnosi unutar samih vrhova
Republike Sv. Marka, zacijelo se nastojalo suzbiti svaku
tenju za obnavljanjem ovlasti mone aristokracije, iz ijih redova su neki u povremenom posjedu ve prije drali
istonojadranske gradove. Uglavnom su u njima svrhom
prikraivanja privatnih interesa i odranja ugleda vrhovne vlasti radirani mnogi natpisi i obiteljski grbovi mletakih upravitelja ugraeni u fortifikacijska, ali i druga javna
zdanja. Dapae, s istaknutih poloaja uklonjeni su ak
trijumfalni kipovi providura proslavljenih u obrani june
42. Naravno, umjetnike vrsnoe brojnih reljefa nameu posebna pitanja i
priznati valja da se u naim pregledima starog kiparstva nisu obraivali
niti onoliko koliko pojedini bezuvjetno zasluuju. Izuzetak je kao djelo
Nikole Firentinca iz 1471. god. lijepi reljef iz Opinske loe u Trogiru,
uniten 1932. god., ali poznat sa starijih fotografija, a ovaj u Koruli se
doima likovno ak primitivniji od mnogih drugih. Neovisno o tome,
estetsku valorizaciju skulptura koju je obavio A. Rizzi preostaje neumitno ukljuiti u nau znanost.
been present in a fortunate balance of the symbols of the independent small state and its local administrators.41
Therefore, instead enumeration or discussion of a truly fatal play with the lions, negation and exaggeration of their
importance or meaning, one should mention certain actions
around these monuments that have an almost film-like illustrative quality. Perhaps the most interesting one took place in
Korula, on the Tower of the Town Gate, where an artistically
not entirely successful relief of a Venetian lion has stood from
the 15th century to this day.42 In the millennial jubilee of the
Croatian kingdom, a tablet in the memory of king Tomislav
was placed below it in 1925, but in 1942 it was demonstratively broken and removed by the occupational army. Renovated
only in 1971, it was eventually solemnly elevated to the same
position, so that the overcoming of the custom that we speak
of here is plastically illustrated on the city faade in an exceptional way with two symbols of contrasting concepts. The emphasis lies on the fact that the local office for the protection
of cultural heritage turned down on both occasions the request for a removal of the stone lion as a visible remainder of
a long-gone foreign administration. In the end, more of them
have remained everywhere than were destroyed, so even this
speaks about how much the foreign authority strived to impose the seals of its presence, which were in large numbers
shipped as finished products. They were by and large made in
state stone workshops, which did not employ skilled artists for
this, and therefore understandably on account of their artistic
mediocrity they did not attract substantial attention of local
analysts of sculptural heritage, but the neighbours from the
opposite side of the Adriatic recently started to catalogue the
same material on a commendable scholarly level.
Otherwise, the most expressive use of the damnatio memoriae principle in a widened prism was the one made by The
Serenissima itself, when towards the end of the 17th century it
ordered that the names and marks of some of their officers
in the occupied territories be erased. They celebrated various
enterprises conducted as part of their service as personal successes on stone slabs that, in the trace of the humanistic customs, did not have any votive meaning but only that of sheer
record of secular contributions to the history. When such
instances became too numerous and threatened to ignore
or even to negate the role of the state, the central authority
strictly forbade them and took steps to curb such sliding into
friendship of their patricians with the Dalmatian centres. Even
though this mirrors the relationships within the very peaks of
the Republic of St. Mark, there was certainly a wish to suppress
any aspiration for the renewal of the authority of powerful aristocracy, whose ranks included some who previously already
held sway temporarily over the eastern Adriatic cities. In them,
generally with the purpose of curtailing private interests and
safeguarding reputation of the supreme power, numerous inscriptions were eradicated as well as family coats of arms of
Venetian governors built into the fortifications, but also into
41. See: Fiskovi I., 1989), with additional remark that no political regimes
have so far deliberately profanated the three-fold decor of the city the
same in: Reljef renesansnog Dubrovnika (The Reliefs of the Rennaissance Dubrovnik).
42. Naturally, the artistic qualities of numerous reliefs impose separate
questions and one has to admit that in our reviews of old sculpture
they were not analyzed as much as some of them indisputably deserve.
An exception is that of a 1471 work by Nikola Firentinac (Nicholas of
Florence), a nice relief from the Municipal Loggia in Trogir, destroyed
in 1932, but known from older photographs, while the one in Korula
appears artistically even more primitive than many others. Irrespective
of this, the esthetical evaluation of the sculptures carried out by A. Rizzi
should undeniably be included into our discipline.
495
Hrvatske od Osmanlija, jer se Senat s lagune pribojavao

uzdizanja ili komemoriranja pojedinaca na granicama
pokorenog teritorija. Tadanje se presuivanje zaborava, dakle, provodilo iz opreza a ne nekog neprijateljstva,
individualne osude ili mrnje. Iako naredba kao obino
u provinciji nije posvuda redovno izvravana niti strogo
ispunjena,43 uglavnom su preivjeli barem spomenici dravotvornih zalaganja.
Tako su u Zadru na tornju gradskog sata pored opinskog trga ostala samo jedna od para bista prokuratora
gradnje, a imena u bazama otklesana. Oito se vodilo rauna o dekorativnom uinku skulptura u estetskom dojmu urbanistikog okruja, a potiralo prinose pojedinaca
pri uzdizanju asti aristokratske dravne sredinjica. Primjerno je i u ibeniku pored glavnog ulaza u grad izbrisan natpis na podanku u zidu kneeve palae preivjele
kamene figure kneza N. Marcella sveano odjevenog iz
1611.g.44 Na trgu oko katedrale piu V. Miagostovi i J.
Stoi - vie je mletakih asnika po drevnom antikom
obiaju bilo podiglo stupove u svoju slavu, ali su odvie
upadni odreda uklonjeni, za razliku od spomen-obiljeja zakonodavcu F. Grimaniju pred franjevakom crkvom
kojemu je u duhu damnatio memoriae samo radiran
grb i natpis (Belamari 1999). U Splitu kako izgleda iz
arhivskih spisa slijedom sukladnih povoda poskidani
su grbovi knezova namjesnika, a poteeni dudevi.45 S
drukije oblikovanim djelima istovjetne namjene je obilovala Korula gdje su se, cijenei strateku izloenost
gradia na putu prema Levantu pod izlikom uvanja
dravnih granica, mletaki upravitelji gotovo natjecali u
podizanju osobnih spomen-obiljeja. Poevi od dvaju
pokraj zapadnog ulaza u grad ouvanih stupova,46 pretezali su grbovi kao i na reljefnoj ploi nad istim vratima s
posve otklesanim natpisom. Meutim, znameniti vojskovoe Leonardo Foscolo diio se s dva svoja kipa: jedan
je oblikovan u drvu privatno zadrala mona patricijska
obitelj Arnerija, a drugi je kameni uklonjen s pompoznog
slavoluka, dok netaknuti natpis u njegovu poast zajedno s jedinstvenom cjelinom tvori plastiki vrlo dojmljiv
dio junih gradskih vrata.47 Inae su poznata izvjea da
su se spomenici istog providura, zaslunog pobjednika
nad islamskim snagama u kopnenoj pozadini, svojedobno unakaavali u ibeniku te u Hvaru, gdje na Gradskoj
43. Zato je i ponavljana 1678., pa 1691. i 1694. god. (Fiskovi C., 1972).
Vidjeti i u nav. dj. u bilj. 23.
44. Kao i kod veine ostalih netom nabrojenih spomenika nije mi poznato
da je fenomen drugdje istaknut. To je i jedini itavi lik neke svjetovne
linosti iz doba Mletaka, gdje su uporno zabranjivali srodne, dok je u
Splitu s nesigurne lokacije zaostao istovrsni kameni kip vojnog zapovjednika u kojem se opravdano prepoznaje L. Foscola pa je kao takav i
izloen u Muzeju grada.
45. C. Fiskovi (1954) u bilj. 23. str. 87-89. upozorava na tome zavisne odluke Gradskog vijea.
46. C. Fiskovi (1974) daje iri pregled nastajanja srodnih spomenika iz
razdoblja 15.-17. st.
47. Fiskovi I., 1972 Na trgu pred njim stoji opinski stup iz 1572. god.,
rad domaeg kipara Vicka Lujevog, vrh kojeg bijae kip mletakog lava,
vidljiv na starim fotografijama. Meutim, slijedno navadama, nasilno
su ga uklonili pomou eksploziva u euforiji 1923. god. kad je talijanska
okupacijska vojska naputala otok.
496
other public buildings. What is more, even triumphal arches

of the providurs that made names for themselves in defense
of southern Croatia from the Ottomans were removed from
prominent positions, because the Senate from the lagoon was
afraid of promotion or commemoration of individuals on the
borders of the subjugated territory. The sentence to oblivion
at the time was therefore passed out of caution and not out of
any enmity, individual condemnation or hatred. Even though,
as usual in a province, the order was not everywhere regularly
obeyed or strictly followed,43 mostly at least monuments of
nation-building endeavours have survived.
Thus in Zadar only busts of the procurators of the construction have remained on the tower of the city clock next to the
municipal square, while the names in the bases were carved
off. Obviously care was taken for the decorative effect of the
sculptures in the esthetic impression of the urban planning
environment, while individual contributions in the elevation
of the honour of the aristocratic state centre were suppressed.
For example in ibenik, next to the main entrance into the city,
an inscription was erased from the pedestal of a stone figure
of a solemnly dressed officer that survived on the wall of the
princely palace.44 In the square around the cathedral my colleague Joko Belamari drew my attention to this there were
several persons who erected columns in their own honour, in
accordance with ancient custom. However, those overly conspicuous were by and large removed, in contrast to the memorial monument to legislator F. Grimani in front of the Franciscan
church, on which in the spirit of damnatio memoriae only the
coat of arms and the inscription were erased (Belamari 1999).
In Split as it appears from the archival documents as a result
of corresponding motives coats of arms of princes governors
were removed while those of the doges were spared.45 Works
with the same function but of different form were abundant
in Korula, where the Venetian governors, appreciating the
strategic exposure of the town on the way to the Levant with
the pretext of guarding the state borders, almost competed in
the erection of personal memorial monuments. Starting with
the two preserved columns46 next to the western entrance to
the town, coats of arms were dominant just as on a relief slab
above the same gate with an inscription that was chiseled off
completely. However, the renowned military leader Leonardo
Foscolo took pride in two of his statues: one, shaped in wood,
has been privately kept by the mighty patrician family of the
Arneri, while the other, made of stone, was removed from the
pompous triumphal arch, while the untouched inscription in
his honour together with the integrated whole makes up the
plastically very impressive portion of the southern city gate.47
Otherwise, reports are known mentioning that monuments of
43. This is why it was repeated in 1678, as well as in 1691 and in 1694
(Fiskovi C., 1972). See also in the mentioned work, note 23.
44. Same as in the case of most of the other monuments listed here I do not
know of any other instance where the phenomenon was mentioned. This
is at the same time the only complete figure of a secular person from the
Venetian period, when they persistently forbade similar ones, while in
Split from an unknown location there has remained a stone figure of the
same type, depicting a military commander in which one justifiably recognizes L. Foscolo, and as such it is on display in the City Museum.
45. C. Fiskovi (1954) draws attention in note 23 on pages 87-89 to the decisions by the Municipal council that refer to that.
46. C. Fiskovi (1974) offers a wider review of the appearance of similar
monuments from the period of the 15th-17th cent.
47. Fiskovi I., 1972 In the square in front of it stands the municipal
column from 1572, a work of a local sculptor Vicko Lujev, topped by
a statue of the Lion of Venice, visible on old photographs. However, in
accordance with the habits, it was violently removed with the help of
explosive in the 1923 euphoria when the Italian occupational army was
leaving the island.
loi jo stoji rijetka inaica sueljenog para krilatih lavova

koji dre kneevske grbove, umjeno otuene bez skrvnjavljenja skladne kompozicije (Fiskovi C., 1974a, 58-59).

Primjera bi se zastalno nalo mnogo, a svaki je
zaseban sluaj, ovisan o objektivnim stanjima u kojima
je zateen i okolnostima iz kojih je proiziao. Posebice s
razloga, to uglavnom nemaju visoke likovne vrijednosti,
nabrojeni spomenici su nadasve zanimljivi prema mjeri
ponavljanja i variranja tradicionalnih ponaanja, a ne nose obvezno negativni prizvuk. Zapravo, u lancu tijekom
stoljea sutinski jednoznanih pojava damnatio memoriae mogao se spoznati kontinuitet jednog drevnog
obiaja pa i pomodnog, ne samo kulturnog izraavanja.
Taj je zametnut u antici s predznakom univerzalnosti, ali
je u srednjem vijeku na jadranskoj obali s dinaminijim
povijesnim zbivanjima dobio razliite vidove, vie-manje opstajue i kasnije. Njihovim se zbrajanjem ne moe
zacrtati stroga tipoloka podjela, a ostaje teta u cjelini
nainjena mozaiku koji bi bez tih posredovanja bio kompaktniji i osebujniji. Uglavnom su njegovu sakaenju izriitije pridonosili moniji imbenici drutva, pa i to ostaje
pokazateljem opih odnosa u raznim etapama regionalnog razvoja. Pri potezima brisanja mjesnih steevina i
tradicija, moda su strani poinitelji gdjekad bili odluniji
i uvjerljiviji, dok su domai jednakim moralom mjerljive
radnje izvodili neposrednije. Kad su ve posezali u naslijee hotei mu mijenjati fizika lica i idejna nalija, nisu
redovito provodili potpuna ponitenja spomenika, a nalazili su naine ouvanju njihovih sadraja barem u ivim
predajama. Takva je ekonomija u biti odgovarala psihologiji provincijalnih sredina, obazrivijih prema vlastitoj
batini od stranih upravljaa, slabije zainteresiranih za
dobra podrune tradicije, ali nita manje osjetljivih na ope ideje koje zadirahu u pore prostora i struje vremena. U
tom smislu nee biti pogreno ustvrditi da su metodom
brisanja spomena ili nametanja zaborava u segmentima
prolosti svi njezini sudionici na izvjestan nain takoer
gradili kulturni identiteti istonojadranskog podneblja.
the same providur, a meritable victor over the Islamic forces in

the hinterland, were at one time mutilated in ibenik and in
Hvar, where a rare variant of an antithetic pair of winged lions
holding princely coats of arms is still standing on the City Loggia, skillfully chiseled off without desecrating the harmonious
composition (Fiskovi C., 1974a, 58-59).
One could certainly find many other examples, each a different case, dependant on objective situations in which it is
found and from which it stemmed. Particularly on account
of the fact that they mostly lack any great artistic value, the
mentioned monuments are above all interesting with respect
to the degree of reiteration and variation of the traditional
behaviour, and they do not necessarily carry a negative undertone. In fact, in the chain of what are during centuries essentially analogous manifestations of damnatio memoriae
one could ascertain the continuity of an ancient custom of not
only cultural but also trendy expression. It originated in antiquity with the prefix of universality, but in the Middle Ages
on the Adriatic coast, with more dynamic historical events it
acquired various aspects, that more or less continued to live
later as well. By adding them together one can not trace a
strict typological classification, and the damage remains to
the mosaic that would be more compact and idiosyncratic
without these mediations. By and large the more powerful
social factors were those who more expressively contributed
to their mutilation, so this also remains an indicator of general
relations in various phases of regional development. In the
interventions of deletion of local acquisitions and traditions,
perhaps foreign perpetrators were occasionally more decisive
and persuasive, while the local ones performed the acts measurable by equal standard in a more direct fashion. When they
reached out into the legacy with the wish to change its physical faces and conceptual backs, they did not regularly carried
out total negations of the monuments, and they found ways
to preserve their contents at least in the living traditions. Such
economy essentially suited the psychology of provincial milieus, more considerate towards their own heritage than were
foreign governors, less interested in the goods of the local tradition, but no less sensitive to the general ideas that impinged
upon the pores of space and the currents of time. In that sense
it will not be wrong to assert that by the method of the deletion of mention or imposition of oblivion in segments of the
past all its participants in a way also contributed to the cultural
identity of the eastern Adriatic environment.
497
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Spomenici umjetnosti kao povijesni dokumenti

Monuments of Art as Historical Documents
VLADIMIR PETER GOSS

Filozofski fakultet
Sveuilite u Rijeci
Omladinska 14
HR 51000 Rijeka

UDK/UDC 7.072(497.5)
930.2:7](497.5)
Koristei primjere iz svoje znanstvene prakse, autor razmatra pitanje dokumentarne vrijednosti
umjetnikih spomenika, i ulogu povjesniara umjetnosti u procesu analize. Kritiki se osvre na
pretjeranu ovisnost o pisanim spomenicima, i zalae se za povratak dobrom poznavanju jezika
likovnih umjetnosti. Tek nakon zavrene analize, povjesniar se umjetnosti treba obratiti drugim
disciplinama kako bi provjerio svoje zakljuke. Jedini pravi profesionalni interdisciplinarni pristup
je timski rad, te se ovaj tekst posveuje osobi koja je mnogo doprinijela promicanju timskog rada
meu humanistikim disciplinama u Hrvatskoj.
Kljune rijei: Srednjovjekovni studiji, dokumenti, spomenici, Istona Slavonija, seoska romanika,
saksonska dijaspora.
Using examples from his scholarly practice, the author deals with the issue of the documentary
value of monuments of fine art, and the role of the art historian in the research process. He criticizes
an over-reliance on historical sources, and pleads for a return to a serious study of the language of
art. Only after having completed his analysis should an art historian test his/her conclusions in cooperation with other historical and humanist disciplines. The only true professional interdisciplinary
approach is teamwork, an appropriate conclusion for a text dedicated to a person who has done so
much to promote teamwork among humanist disciplines in Croatian scholarship.
Key Words: Medieval studies, Documents, Monuments, Eastern Slavonia, Rural Romanesque,
Saxon diaspora
U nedavnom inspirativnom lanku u uglednom asopisu

Art Bulletin, Christina Maranci uvjerljivo analizira arhitekturu,
skulpturu, slikarstvo i epigrafiku armenske katedrale u
Mrenu (istona Turska, izgraena izmeu 638.-641.), kao
povijesni dokument hirovitih saveznitava armenskih
vladara u okvirima konfrontacija velikih sila Bizanta,
Sasanidskog Carstva i Arapa (Maranci 2006). Konkretno,
razmatrajui skulpturu portala, autorica kae: Portalna
skulptura uspjeno odreuje niz odnosa, kako u vremenskom
tako i u prostornom smislu, pri emu podsjea na ulogu koju
su imale engleske povelje u 12. stoljeu. U armenskom sluaju
autoritet i saveznitvo izraavaju se velikim materijalnim
entitetima: sazdanim, ugraviranim i skulptiranim. (Maranci
2006, 666).
Ove dobro odabrane rijei trebale bi nas podsjetiti kako
je umjetniko djelo, upravo kao povelja, knjievni tekst ili
glazbeno djelo, dokument. Ili, da upotrijebimo lucidnu
primjedbu Erwina Panofskog to je za mene spomenik,
za nekoga drugog je dokument. Navodimo: Mnogo
umjetnikih djela interpretirali su filolozi ili povjesniari
medicine, a mnoge povijesne tekstove interpretirali su
In a recent and most inspiring article in the Art Bulletin,

Christina Maranci has convincingly analyzed the architecture, sculpture, painting and epigraphy of the Armenian cathedral at Mren (Eastern Turkey, constructed between 638
and 641) as a historical document of the shifting allegiances
of the Armenian princes within the framework of the confrontation of the great powers of the time the Byzantine
Empire, Sasanid Persia, and the Arabs (Maranci 2006). In the
most concrete of terms, discussing the portal sculpture, the
author says: The portal sculpture thus succeeds in fixing a series of relationships in both chronological and spatial terms,
performing a role similar to that of twelfth-century English
charters. In the case of Armenia, authority and allegiance were
rendered as a large-scale material entity: built, inscribed, and
sculpted. (Maranci 2006, 666).
Those well-chosen words should remind us that a work
of art, just like a charter, a literary text or a piece of music, is
a document; or, I may say, also a document, since, as lucidly
remarked by Erwin Panofsky, one mans monument could
be anothers document; for example, to quote, Many a
work of art has been interpreted by a philologist or by an historian of medicine: and many a text has been interpreted, and
499
V. P. GOSS, Spomenici umjetnosti kao povijesni dokumenti, PRIL. INST. ARHEOL. ZAGREBU, 24/2007, STR. 499-502.
povjesniari umjetnosti, koji su bili i jedini pozvani da ih

interpretiraju. (Panofsky 1955, 10). U ovom kratkom
prilogu osvrnut emo se na tu dokumentarnu vrijednost
umjetnikog spomenika, te na to kako povijest umjetnosti
u takvom kontekstu moe pruiti vane podatke srodnim
znanostima. Neka nam se dopusti da kao primjer navedemo
dva sluaja iz nae znanstvene prakse.
U vrijednoj i korisnoj knjizi, kolega me poziva na red
zbog iznoenja nategnute teze, povezujui crkvu Sv.
Bartola u Novim Mikanovcima (srednjovjekovni Horvati) s
fenomenom saksonske dijaspore u jugoistonoj Europi 12.
i 13. stoljea (Petkovi 2006, 25). Autor, povjesniar, ukazuje
da nema nikakve povijesne ili toponomastike indikacije
za intenzivnu kolonizaciju Sasa u Vukovskoj upi, osim u
samom Vukovaru (Petkovi 2006, 25). Nadam se da kolega
nee rijei koje slijede shvatiti kao osobnu kritiku, ve kao
pitanje metode i kritike naih dviju disciplina.
Prvo i prvo, kad se neije ideje podvrgavaju kritikom
sudu, bilo bi korisno da se pokae kako su se one formirale.
Bavim se ruralnom romanikom u Europi oko 40 godina, te
bi bilo za oekivati da e autor navesti barem neka od mojih
djela na tom podruju, jer ona zajedno, vjerujem, jak su
argument za ulogu useljenika s europskog sjeverozapada
u srednjovjekovnoj Slavoniji (Gvozdanovi 1969-70;
Gvozdanovi 1970; Gvozdanovi 1971; Gvozdanovi-Goss
1981; Goss 2003; Goss 2004; Goss 2005). Nadalje, ako
se donosi kritiki sud, valja konzultirati i navesti barem
dio literature koji je koriten da bi se taj sud donio, jer je
to, uz terenski rad, dovelo do mojih zakljuaka (npr.: Den
Hartog 2002; Reitschel, Langhof 1968; Rogge 1943; Roth
1936; Tuulse 1955; Tuulse 1968; Van der Molen, Vogt 1981;
Zadnikar 1967; i dr.). Nije mi na kraj pameti da se upustim
u preispitivanje autorovih identifikacija starih lokaliteta jer,
jednostavno, nisam nikad itao njegove izvore ili knjige koje
navodi (npr. Engela), niti ne namjeravam. Zahvaljujem mu
na njegovu prilogu i koristim ga pri terenskom radu. Ako
mi se uini da neto ne tima, obratit u se za pojanjenje
znanstvenicima njegove struke. Nisam nikad ustvrdio da su
Sasi imali veliku zajednicu u srednjevjekovnim Horvatima
(to bi bilo i contradictio in adjecto), no pojava okruglog
tornja, ije se irenje Europom moe danas pratiti s dosta
visokom dozom sigurnosti (to vrijedi i za neke druge
oblike ruralne romanike Zusammengesetzter Raum,
Korturmkirche, izvjesni motivi arhitektonske dekoracije),
daje Sv. Bartolu visoku dokumentarnu vrijednost.1
Istraivanja na tom podruju daleko su od zavrne faze, no
neke su stvari sigurne. Meu njima i ona koju autor sustavno
zanemaruje: da je okrugli toranj Sv. Bartola upravo onaj
povijesni dokument (to ga on proglaava odsutnim) koji i
vie nego indicira prisutnost graditelja, poznavatelja oblika
razraenih na donjonjemakom podruju uz Sjeverno
more, koji su se odatle proirili u Skandinaviju, na Britansko
otoje i u Istonu i Srednju Europu.2 Upravo kao i posveta
vukovarske upne crkve Sv. Lambertu, toranj Sv. Bartola je
vaan dokument velikog kolonizacijskog pokreta unutar
Renesanse 12. stoljea.3
Istina, imamo alosno malo dokumenata za spomenike
500
could only have been interpreted, by an historian of art. (Panofsky 1955, 10). In this brief note we would like to comment
on that documentary value of a work of art, and on how, in
such a context, art history could prove of value to other historical disciplines. We will try to demonstrate this by quoting two examples from our own academic practice.
In a praiseworthy and useful book, a colleague takes
me to task for presenting a farfetched thesis by connecting the forms of the church of St. Bartol in Novi Mikanovci
(medieval Horvati) with the phenomenon of the Saxon
diaspora toward the European East and Southeast in the
12th and 13th centuries (Petkovi 2006, 25). The author, a
historian, goes on by stating that there are no historical or
place-name indications of more intense colonization of
the Saxons in Vukovo county, with the exception of Vukovar
itself (Petkovi 2006, 25). I hope that my colleague will not
take what follows as personal criticism, but as a question of
method and a critique of our two disciplines.
First of all, in criticizing ones ideas, it may be useful to
show how those ideas were reached. I have been involved
with the rural Romanesque in Europe for about forty years,
and one would expect that the author would quote at
least some of my works which, taken together, build a very
strong case for the role of the immigrants from the European Northwest in medieval Slavonia (Gvozdanovi 1969-70;
Gvozdanovi 1970; Gvozdanovi 1971; Gvozdanovi-Goss
1981; Goss 2003; Goss 2004; Goss 2005). Additionally, he
should have consulted, in order to be able to pass judgment, at least some of the literature which I have consulted over the time mentioned, which, in addition to experience in the field, has led me to my conclusions (e.g.: Den
Hartog 2002; Reitschel, Langhof 1968; Rogge 1943; Roth
1936; Tuulse 1955; Tuulse 1968; Van Der Molen, Vogt 1981;
Zadnikar 1967; etc.). I do not, say, question some of the
authors identifications of old sites in his book, simply because I have never read the sources and books he quotes
(e.g., Engel, whom he quotes frequently), and do not intend
to. I am very grateful for his contribution and use it in the
field. If I find discrepancies, I will take note of them, and, if
they are important for my work, consult scholars in his discipline. By the way, I never claimed that the Saxons had a
thriving community in medieval Horvati (almost a contradictio in adiecto), but that the appearance of the rounded
tower, dissemination of which throughout Romanesque
Europe can today be followed with a fair degree of certainty (the same is true of other typical rural Romanesque
forms the Zusammengestzte raum, the Korturmkirche,
certain forms of decorative motifs), gives St. Bartol a fairly
high documentary value1. Research in the area is far from
completed, but certain things are quite certain. So also is
a fact that the author explicitly disregards: to wit, that the
rounded tower of St. Bartol is exactly that historical document (which he declares missing) that more than indicates
the presence of a builder cognizant with that form elaborated in the Lower German area and around the North Sea,
from where it spread, yes, to Scandinavia, the British Isles,
and Eastern and Central Europe2. Just like the dedication of
Vukovar parish church to St. Lambert, the tower of St. Bartol
is an important document of the great colonization movement of The Renaissance of the 12th century3.
V. P. GOSS, Monuments of Art as Historical Documents, PRIL. INST. ARHEOL. ZAGREBU, 24/2007, STR. 499-502.
ranijeg srednjeg vijeka. Na godinjem skupu u Parmi, u

rujnu 2006. godine, Werner Jacobsen je, govorei upravo o
toj temi, pokazao kako posjedujemo samo jedan dokument
za romaniku fazu katedrale u Wormsu, a i taj je sporan!4 to
nas vodi do sljedee toke dananja strast povjesniara
umjetnosti za pisanim izvorima, kako bi se potvrdio
znanstveni temelj njihova rada. Po mom miljenju, to je
potpuni promaaj. Stare su listine veinom nepotpune,
neitljive, nedatirane, kopirane, razrezane, krivotvorene.
Teko ih je interpretirati. Pomaknimo zarez, i znaenje se
mijenja. Datum posvete crkve najee nema nikakve veze
s njezinom arhitekturom. Na koji dio zgrade se odnosi
posveta? Koje zgrade? Koliko je dugo zgrada stajala prije
posvete? Grabei dokumente povjesniari su se umjetnosti
odrekli odgovornosti da naue jezik oblika materijala kojim
se bave. Moramo se vratiti uenju jezika tih oblika, znajui,
naravno, kako su i stari spomenici nepotpuni, neitljivi,
pregraivani. Nije ih lako interpretirati. No moramo prihvatiti
odgovornost da ih razmotrimo s gledita nae struke da bi
se potom, skromno, obratili povjesniarima, dokumentima,
da vidimo kako i slau li se nai zakljuci s onim to misle
kolege i to nam pisani izvori govore. Pa ako naemo jasan i
nedvosmislen tekst koji potvruje nae itanje umjetnikih
oblika, ustanovili smo jednu vrstu toku oko koje moemo
nadalje, oprezno i s panjom, graditi nae razumijevanje
jezika oblika.
It is certainly true that we have pitifully few documents

for even key monuments of medieval art. At the annual
Convegno in Parma in September 2006, Werner Jacobsen,
speaking on exactly that topic, pointed out that we have just
one document for the Romanesque phase of the Cathedral
at Worms. And that document is ambiguous!4 Which brings
up another point, and that is the current art historians rage
for documentary evidence to establish a scientific foundation of his/her work. In my opinion, this is totally misplaced.
A great number of old documents are incomplete, illegible,
undated, copied, re-cut, forged, difficult to interpret. Move
a comma, and the meaning changes. A dedication date for a
church has most often nothing to do with the architecture.
Which part of the building does it refer to? Which building?
For how long had the building existed before dedication?
By embracing the document, art historians have abrogated
the responsibility to learn the language of the matter they
study. We should all go back to learning the language of art
forms, knowing full well that old monuments can also be incomplete, rebuilt, illegible, difficult to interpret. But we must
accept responsibility for interpreting them from the point of
view of our discipline; and then, respectfully, go back to the
historian, back to the written document, and see how our
conclusions match what we can find therein. And if we find
a reliable and unambiguous text that confirms our reading,
we have found a firm spot around which we can continue,
carefully and cautiously, to build our understanding of the
formal language.
Prije nekoliko godina, moj ugledni kolega i dragi prijatelj,

dr. Ante Miloevi, predloio je novo itanje poznatog
predromanikog arhitektonskog sklopa na Crkvini u
Biskupiji. Dr. A. Miloevi reinterpretira zgrade na sjeveru od
crkve kao vladarsku rezidenciju, i to vrlo uvjerljivo, te daje
novi prijedlog za rekonstrukciju istonog zavretka crkve s
jednom polukrunom apsidom, umjesto ravnog zaelnog
zida (Miloevi 2003). Poneto je teko zamisliti da bi se neki
sigurniji zakljuci mogli izvui na temelju revizije neeg to
je u tragovima naeno prilikom amaterskog iskapanja prije
vie od stotinu godina. Naravno, moda moj ugledni kolega
ima pravo; ipak, u ovom sluaju povijest umjetnosti poziva
na oprez. Naravno, povijest umjetnosti moe pogrijeiti i
ne iskljuuje da bi moda neka budua posebno savjesna (i
sretna) revizija mogla donijeti definitivni dokaz o zaobljenom
svetitu. No ravni zaelni zid poznata je praksa kranske
arhitekture istonog Jadrana od 3. stoljea nadalje, pa i
meu zgradama koje su oblikom i namjenom bliske Crkvini5.
Povijest umjetnosti ne moe do kraja rijeiti ovaj sluaj, no
slui kao osigura, ukazujui da nam treba vie dokaznog
A few years ago my respected colleague and friend, Dr.

Ante Miloevi, suggested a new reading of the famous PreRomanesque site of Crkvina in Biskupija. Dr. A. Miloevi has
reinterpreted the buildings to the north of the church as a
royal residence which seems quite convincing and also
reconstructed the eastern termination of the aisled basilica
with a rounded apse, rather than a flat termination wall
(Miloevi 2003). It is somewhat difficult to conceive that a
firm conclusion could be gathered on the basis of a review
of something that has been found in meager traces in an
amateurish excavation more than a century ago. Of course,
the esteemed archeologist may be right; yet art history
would at least cast a shadow on such an interpretation. Art
history could be wrong, and some new re-examination in
the future might conceivably find firm proof of a rounded
apse. But a straight termination has been quite compatible with the Christian architecture of the Eastern Adriatic
ever since the 3rd century, and is very frequent in the PreRomanesque period, even among such buildings that are
believed to be close in date and function to that at Crkvina5.
1. Kao to sam nedavno pokazao u referatu Rural Romanesque in Central

and Eastern Europe: A Voice for the Silent Majority, na skupu Integrazione, Assimilazione, Esclusione e Reazione Etnica, Venecija, 23.-26.
11. 2006. Referat je predan u tisak za zbornik skupa.
2. Vidjeti, molim: Goss 2003, 8; Goss 2005, 23-26 s dodatnom literaturom.
3. Vidjeti, molim: Kara 1995, 228. O Sv. Lambertu, tipinom mozanskodonjorajnskom svecu, Sachs et al. 1973, 229. Moj tekst Renesansa 12.
stoljea i Hrvatska, u tisku je u zborniku Dani Cvite Fiskovia 2003.
4. Werner Jacobsen, Problemi metodologici di datazione delarchitettura
romanica intorno al Duomo di Worms. Tekst e se tiskati u zborniku
Medioevo: LEuropa delle Cattedrali.
5. onje 1981, ilustracije na str. 14-15, 98, 102, 177, te Goss 2006, ilustracije
na str. 114, 193, 197.
1. As I have demonstrated recently in a conference paper entitled Rural

Romanesque in Central and Eastern Europe. A Voice for the Silent
Majority at the conference Integrazione, Assimilazione, Esclusione
e Reazione Etnica, Venice, November 23-26, 2006. The paper will be
published in the Proceedings.
2. Please see: Goss 2003, 8; Goss 2005, 93-94 with additional literature.
3. Please see: Kara 1995, 258. On St. Lambert as a typical Lower Rhine
Meuse area saint, Sachs et al. 1973, 229. My text Renesansa 12. st. i
Hrvatska is in print in Dani Cvite Fiskovia, 2003.
4. Werner Jacobsen, Problemi metodologici di datazione delarchitettura
romanica intorno al Duomo di Worms. The text will be published in the
volume entitled Medioevo: LEuropa delle Cattedrali.
5. onje 1981, illustrations on pp. 14, 15, 98, 102, 177, and Goss 2006, illustrations on pp. 114, 193, 197.
501
V. P. GOSS, Spomenici umjetnosti kao povijesni dokumenti, PRIL. INST. ARHEOL. ZAGREBU, 24/2007, STR. 499-502.
materijala prije nego to prihvatimo predloenu reviziju.

Zakljuak je kratak. Povjesniari umjetnosti trebaju
prvo i prvo stvoriti zakljuke kao povjesniari umjetnosti,
te se zatim obratiti povjesniaru za pomo pri razmatranju
pisanih izvora, arheologu za stratigrafiju, povjesniaru
liturgije za pitanja povijesti kulta, itd. Na isti nain,
mi, povjesniari umjetnosti trebamo ponuditi svoje
spomenike, vratimo se E. Panofskom, kao dokumente
drugim strukama (Panofsky 1955, 10). Takav pristup smatram
stvarno interdisciplinarnim, budui da je koliina materijala
ak u naim uskim podrujima specijalizacije danas tolika
da nema puno nade da njome moemo ovladati, a kamoli
se prtljati u posao drugih ljudi. Stvaran inter-, kros-, multidisciplinarni istraivaki rad je team-work. Sve ostalo je
dimna zavjesa za diletantizam.
Vjerujem da je ovih nekoliko rijei podobno za svezak
posveen znanstveniku koji je toliko uinio na promicanju
istinskog team-worka na polju hrvatskih humanistikih
znanosti.
Art history cannot definitely solve the case, but here it acts
as a safeguard, indicating that we need more evidence before we accept the proposed revision.
My conclusion need not be long. Art historians must
reach their conclusions as art historians first, and then go to
the historian for documents, the archeologist for stratigraphy, a historian of liturgy for the history of the cult, etc. In the
same way, we should offer our monuments, to come back
to E. Panofsky, as documents to other disciplines (Panofsky
1955, 10). This is what I see as being truly interdisciplinary,
as the bulk of material, even in our petty areas of specialization, is today such that we cannot hope to fully master it,
let alone find time to meddle in other peoples affairs. Truly
inter-, cross- and multi-disciplinary research is teamwork.
Everything else is a screen for dilettantism.
I believe that these few words are most appropriate for
a volume dedicated to a scholar who has done so much to
promote true teamwork in the field of Croatian humanist
disciplines.
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Sluaj venerinog sifilisa u novovjekovnom horizontu grobova kraj crkve Svetog

Lovre u Crkvarima
A Case of Venereal Syphilis in the Modern Age Horizon of Graves near the Church of St.
Lawrence in Crkvari
Novovjekovna arheologija

Modern Age Archaeology
UDK/UDC 904:726.821](497.5 Crkvani):572
902:[572.781:616.972
616.972(497.5-3 Slavonija)(091)
MARIO LAUS
MARIO NOVAK
Hrvatske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti
Ante Kovaia 5
10 000 Zagreb
mario.slaus@zg.htnet.hr
U radu je analiziran kostur ene stare izmeu 41 i 45 godina iz groba 40 s groblja uokolo crkve Sv.
Lovre u Crkvarima kraj Orahovice. Kostur se datira u novovjekovni sloj ukapanja, s tim da datiranje
radioaktivnim ugljikom daje granice izmeu 1478. i 1636. godine. Na kosturu su prisutne patoloke
promjene koje su karakteristine za prisutnost venerinog sifilisa. Radi se o jakim, aktivnim i
generaliziranim upalnim procesima koji su zahvatili gotovo itav kostur, a posebno jako su izraeni
na kostima potkoljenice. Diferencijalna dijagnoza iskljuila je mogunost da su uzronici ovih
promjena lepra, tuberkuloza, neke vrste osteomijelitisa i dvije druge vrste treponematoza (bejel i
frambezija).
Povijesni podaci o pojavi sifilisa u Slavoniji tijekom turske vladavine u ovom trenutku jo nisu
otkriveni. S obzirom na neposrednu blizinu Maarske te na pretpostavku da su sifilis u Maarsku
donijeli panjolski vojnici tijekom 16. i 17. st., postoji mogunost da je venerini sifilis kojim je
zaraena ena iz Crkvara doao odatle. Pretpostavka da su sifilis u Europu prenijeli Kolumbo i
njegova posada s prvog putovanja iz Amerike morat e se ponovo kritiki razmotriti s obzirom na to
da je danas poznat velik broj dobro dokumentiranih pretkolumbovskih sluajeva sifilisa u Europi. Na
kraju, naglaava se potreba za dodatnim istraivanjima u arhivima i na kotanom materijalu kako
bi se identificirali izvori i pravci irenja sifilisa i drugih zaraznih bolesti na tlu Hrvatske.
Kljune rijei: sifilis, treponematoze, Slavonija, novi vijek
This work presents an analysis of the skeleton of a woman between 41 and 45 years of age from
grave 40 of the cemetery around the church of St. Lawrence in Crkvari near Orahovica. The skeleton
is dated to the Modern Age layer of burials, and radiocarbon dating gives limits between 1478 and
1636. The skeleton contains pathological modifications characteristic for the presence of venereal
syphilis. These consist of strong, active and generalized inflammatory processes that affected almost
the entire skeleton, and which are particularly prominent on the lower leg bones. A differential diagnosis excluded the possibility that the agents of these modifications are leprosy, tuberculosis, certain
types of osteomyelitis and two other types of treponematoses (bejel and frambesia).
The historical data on the emergence of syphilis in Slavonia during the Turkish rule have not been
discovered yet. Taking into consideration the immediate vicinity of Hungary, and the assumption
that syphilis was brought to Hungary by Spanish soldiers during the 16th and 17th centuries, it is possible that this is where the venereal syphilis that infected the woman from Crkvari came from. The
assumption that syphilis was brought to Europe by Columbus and his crew from their first voyage
from America will have to be critically reassessed, considering that today many well documented
cases of syphilis in Europe before Columbus are known. Finally, the need is stressed for additional
research in the archives and on the bone material in order to identify the sources and directions of
the spread of syphilis and other infectious diseases in the territory of Croatia.
Key words: syphilis, treponematoses, Slavonia, the Modern Age
503
M. LAUS, M. NOVAK, Sluaj venerinog sifilisa u novovjekovnom horizontu grobova kraj crkve Svetog Lovre u Crkvarima, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 503-510.
UVOD
Treponematoze su skupina bakterijskih infekcija iji je
uzronik bakterija iz roda Treponema. Danas se razlikuju etiri
tipa treponematoza: venerini sifilis (steeni ili kongenitalni),
frambezija, pinta i endemini sifilis (bejel). Sve bolesti,
osim pinte, mogu ostaviti tragove na kostima. Venerini
sifilis prenosi se spolnim kontaktom s osobom zaraenom
bakterijom Treponema pallidum. Ta bolest ponajprije napada
krvoilni i ivani sustav, a najee se manifestira na kostima
potkoljenice i na lubanji (Manchester 1983).
O izvorima i smjerovima irenja treponematoza dugo se
vode rasprave. Danas su aktualne tri teorije: 1) kolumbovska
teorija zastupa miljenje kako je venerini sifilis potekao iz
Amerika, a da je u Europi bio nepoznat sve dok ga Kristofor
Kolumbo i njegova posada nisu donijeli sa svog prvog
putovanja 1493. god. (Harrison 1959; Dennie 1962; Goff 1967;
Crosby 1969; Baker, Armelagos 1988); 2) pretkolumbovska
teorija zastupa miljenje kako je sifilis bio prisutan u Europi
prije Kolumbovih putovanja, ali da se kliniki nije razlikovao
od lepre i nekih drugih zaraznih bolesti (Holcomb 1930;
Holcomb 1934; Hackett 1963; Hackett 1967; Cockburn 1961;
Kampmeier 1984); 3) unitarijanska teorija pretpostavlja kako
su treponematoze dugo prisutne i u Starom i u Novom svijetu,
a da su se etiri sindroma razvila u razliitim geografskim
podrujima kao odgovor na lokalne ekoloke i socijalne
uvjete (Hudson 1958; 1963; 1965; 1968).
U ovom radu bit e opisan sluaj venerinog sifilisa koji u
ovom trenutku predstavlja kronoloki najranije evidentiranu
treponematozu u Hrvatskoj sjeverno od Save. Uzimajui u
obzir geografski poloaj, dataciju analiziranog uzorka kao
i vrlo malobrojne i oskudne povijesne izvore, pokuat e
se ustanoviti pravac irenja sifilisa iz Europe u Hrvatsku. Na
kraju e autori iznijeti svoje miljenje o aktualnim teorijama
o izvorima i smjerovima irenja treponematoza u svijetu, s
obzirom na stanje istraenosti te problematike.
MATERIJAL I METODE
Kostur analiziran u ovom radu potjee s groblja
smjetenog uz crkvu Sv. Lovre u Crkvarima kraj Orahovice.
Gotika, kasnije barokizirana, crkva podignuta je na
izdvojenom breuljku uz selo Crkvari, a neposredno uokolo
nje prostiralo se srednjovjekovno groblje (Tkalec 2006). Do
danas su provedene etiri sezone istraivanja (2003.-2006.),
pod vodstvom Instituta za arheologiju iz Zagreba. Prve
dvije godine istraivanja vodio je prof. dr. sc. eljko Tomii
(Tomii et al. 2004; Tomii, Tkalec 2004), a treom i
etvrtom sezonom rukovodila je mr. sc. Tatjana Tkalec
(Tkalec 2005; Tkalec 2006). Do danas je otkriveno 140
grobova koji se mogu podijeliti u tri sloja: 1) najstariji horizont
koji se najvjerojatnije moe datirati u 12. i 13. st.; 2) srednji sloj
koji traje do kraja 15. st.; 3) novovjekovni sloj ukapanja koji
traje do kraja 17. st. (Tomii, usmeni podatak; Tkalec 2006).
Kotani uzorak analiziran u ovom radu potjee iz groba
40 (U-173) i kronoloki se smjeta u trei, novovjekovni sloj
koji se datira u razdoblje izmeu 16. i 17. st. Dataciju prema
arheolokim nalazima potvruje i analiza radioaktivnim
ugljikom provedena u laboratoriju za radiometrijska datiranja
i istraivanja stabilnih izotopa Leibniz, Sveuilite u Kielu. Za
analizu su koriteni kalibrirani datumi prema Stuiveru i sur.
504
INTRODUCTION
Treponematoses are a group of bacterial infections
whose agent is a bacterium from the genus Treponema.
Four types of treponematoses are distinguished today:
venereal syphilis (acquired or congenital), frambesia, pinta
and endemic syphilis (bejel). All the diseases, except pinta,
can leave traces on the bones. Venereal syphilis is transmitted by sexual contact with a person infected with the bacterium Treponema pallidum. This disease primarily attacks
the blood-vascular and nervous systems, and it is most
frequently manifested on the lower leg bones and on the
skull (Manchester 1983).
The sources and directions of the spread of treponematoses have been discussed for a long time. Three theories
are current today: 1) the Columbian theory holds that venereal syphilis stems from the Americas, and that it was unknown in Europe until Cristopher Columbus and his crew
brought it from their first voyage in 1493 (Harrison 1959;
Dennie 1962; Goff 1967; Crosby 1969; Baker, Armelagos
1988); 2) the pre-Columbian theory advocates the opinion
that syphilis was present in Europe prior to Columbus voyages, but that clinically it was not distinguished from leprosy and certain other infectious diseases (Holcomb 1930;
Holcomb 1934; Hackett 1963; Hackett 1967; Cockburn 1961;
Kampmeier 1984); 3) the unitarian theory assumes that
treponematoses have been present for a long time in both
the Old and the New Worlds, and that the four syndromes
developed in different geographic regions as responses to
local ecological and social conditions (Hudson 1958; 1963;
1965; 1968).
In this work we will describe a case of venereal syphilis that is currently the earliest registered treponematosis
in Croatia north of the Sava. Taking into consideration the
geographic position, the dating of the analyzed sample
as well as the very small number and scarcity of historical
sources, an attempt will be made to ascertain the direction
of the spread of syphilis from Europe to Croatia. Finally, the
authors will put forward their opinion about the current
theories regarding the origins and directions of spread of
treponematoses in the world, with respect to the state of
research of that topic.
THE MATERIAL AND METHODS
The skeleton analyzed in this work comes from the cemetery lying next to the church of St. Lawrence (Sv. Lovro)
in Crkvari near Orahovica. A Gothic, later turned baroquestyle church was erected on a detached hill near the village of Crkvari, while a medieval cemetery extended in its
immediate surroundings (Tkalec 2006). Four excavation
campaigns have been carried out so far (2003-2006), managed by the Institute of Archaeology in Zagreb. The first
two excavation campaigns were directed by Prof. eljko
Tomii (Tomii et al. 2004; Tomii, Tkalec 2004), while
the third and the fourth campaigns were led by Tatjana
Tkalec, M.Sc. (Tkalec 2005; Tkalec 2006). A total of 140
graves have been discovered so far and can be divided
M. LAUS, M. NOVAK, A Case of Venereal Syphilis in the Modern Age Horizon of Graves near the Church of St. Lawrence in Crkvari, Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007, str. 503-510
Sl. 1 Shematski prikaz kostiju zahvaenih patolokim promjenama. Zatamnjeni dijelovi predstavljaju promjene na kostima koje su
konzistentne s venerinim sifilisom
Fig. 1 A schematic representation of the bones affected by pathological changes. The shaded parts represent alterations on the bones consistent with venereal syphilis
505
into three layers: 1) the earliest horizon that can most probably be dated to the 12th and 13th centuries; 2) the middle
layer lasting until the end of the 15th cent.; 3) the Modern
Age layer of burial, lasting until the end of the 17th cent.
(Tomii, personal communication; Tkalec 2006).
The bone sample analyzed in this paper comes from
grave 40 (U-173) and is chronologically placed in the third,
Modern Age horizon, dated to the period between the 16th
and 17th centuries. The dating by archaeological finds is
corroborated by the radiocarbon analysis carried out in the
Leibniz Laboratory for Radiometric Dating and Isotope Research, University in Kiel. The analysis used the calibrated
dates according to Stuiver et al. (1998) on the basis of which
the skeleton burial is dated with 95,4% certainty (34523
BP) to the period between 1478 and 1636.
The bone material was analyzed in the osteological laboratory of the Department of Archaeology of the Croatian
Academy of Sciences and Arts. The skeleton was examined
macroscopically under a beam of bright light. The sex and
age were determined by standard methods described in
Bass (1987).
Sl. 2 Jaki aktivni upalni proces na distalnoj polovici dijafize lijeve goljenine i lisne kosti
Fig. 2 A strong inflammatory process on the distal half of the diaphyses of the left shin and calf bones
(1998) na temelju kojih se ukop kostura sa sigurnou od

95,4% (34523 BP) datira u razdoblje izmeu 1478. i 1636.
Kotani materijal analiziran je u osteolokom laboratoriju
Odsjeka za arheologiju Hrvatske akademije znanosti i
umjetnosti. Kostur je pregledan makroskopski, pod snopom
jakog svjetla. Spol i starost odreeni su standardnim
metodama opisanim u Bassu (1987).
REZULTAT
Analizirana osoba potjee iz groba 40 (U-173) koji se
datira u novi vijek, tj. izmeu 1478. i 1636., kada se Slavonija
nalazila pod turskom vlau. Rije je o odrasloj eni koja je
doivjela starost izmeu 41 i 45 godina. Uuvanost kostura
vrlo je dobra, s manjim postmortalnim oteenjima glave i
rebara.
Na sl. 1 shematski su prikazane kosti zahvaene
patolokim promjenama. Rije je o jakim, aktivnim upalnim
procesima koji su zahvatili gotovo itav kostur. Lezije su
najuoljivije na dugim kostima, posebno na potkoljenicama
(goljenine i lisne kosti).
Na acromionu lijeve lopatice prisutan je aktivni
506
THE RESULT
The analyzed person comes from grave 40 (U-173), dated to the Modern Age, more precisely between 1478 and
1636, when Slavonia was under Turkish rule. The person is
an adult woman who reached the age between 41 and 45.
The preservation of the skeleton is very good, with minor
postmortem damage to the head and ribs.
Fig. 1 shows a schematic view of the bones affected by
pathological alterations, consisting of strong, active inflammatory processes that affected almost the entire skeleton.
The lesions are most conspicuous on the long bones, those
of the lower leg in particular (shin and calf bones).
Active osteomyelitis is present on the acromion of the
left shoulder blade, which resulted in partial perforation
of the acromion and the emergence of a new bone in the
form of irregular spikes (spiculae). The alterations also affected the clavicles: the anterior side of the left clavicle carries a lesion measuring 8 x 4 mm with a sclerotic base and
remodeled edges, and along the entire length of the right
clavicle runs a moderate spindly swelling accompanied by
mild healed periostitis. Active osteomyelitis is present on
the anterior side of the breastbone (manubrium), manifested by a lithic lesion with sharp edges and a sclerotic base
measuring 7 x 3 mm. The outer side of the 7th and 8th left
rib has a moderate swelling of the bone accompanied by
mild active periostitis.
Active osteomyelitis, manifested as a mild swelling of
the bone, is present on the posterior side of the distal third
of the diaphysis of the left upper arm bone. It is complemented by mild active periostitis, and the medullary canal
is closed almost up to a half by sclerotic trabeculae. Strong
active osteomyelitis is present also on the elbow bones,
and it is particularly prominent on the middle third of the
diaphysis of the right bone, where it is manifested as a pro-
osteomijelitis koji je rezultirao djelominom perforacijom

acromiona i pojavom nove kosti u obliku nepravilnih trnova
(spikula). Promjene su zahvatile i kljune kosti: na anteriornoj
strani lijeve kljune kosti prisutna je lezija veliine 8 x 4
mm sklerotinog dna i remodeliranih rubova, a na itavoj
duini desne kljune kosti prisutno je umjereno vretenasto
zadebljanje praeno blagim zaraslim periostitisom. Na
anteriornoj strani prsne kosti (manubriuma) prisutan je
aktivni osteomijelitis koji se manifestira litikom lezijom
otrih rubova i sklerotinog dna veliine 7 x 3 mm. Na vanjskoj
strani 7. i 8. lijevog rebra prisutno je umjereno zadebljanje
kosti praeno blagim aktivnim periostitisom.
Na posteriornoj strani distalne treine dijafize lijeve
nadlaktine kosti prisutan je aktivni osteomijelitis koji
je izraen blagim zadebljanjem kosti, praen blagim
aktivnim periostitisom, a medularni kanal je gotovo do
polovice zatvoren sklerotinim trabekulama. Jaki aktivni
osteomijelitis prisutan je i na lakatnim kostima, a naroito
je izraen na srednjoj treini dijafize desne kosti gdje se
manifestira kao naglaeno vretenasto zadebljanje praeno
tvorevinama nove periostalne kosti. Na palanim kostima
posebno je, pak, izraen na desnoj strani gdje je prisutan po
itavoj duini dijafize, posebice na distalnoj treini gdje je
prisutno naglaeno vretenasto zadebljanje kosti. Umjereno
koncentrino zadebljanje korteksa kosti praeno osteitisom
prisutno je na srednjim treinama dijafiza obje bedrene kosti,
gdje su vidljivi i karakteristini snail tracks.
Na lijevoj goljeninoj kosti jaki aktivni osteomijelitis
zahvaa itavu kost, ali je najnaglaeniji na distalnoj treini
gdje su prisutne ekspanzivne lezije s povrinskim kavitacijama
okruene aktivnim periostitisom (sl. 2). Spomenute kavitacije
imaju grubo dno, ali izremodelirane rubove, to sugerira da
je zaraena osoba dulje vrijeme bolovala od sifilisa. Na desnoj
goljeninoj kosti upalni proces neto je blai nego na lijevoj, a
oituje se kao blago zadebljanje proksimalne polovice dijafize
kosti praeno blagim aktivnim periostitisom. Na mnogim
mjestima prisutne su tvorevine nove hipervaskularizirane
kosti koje su izdignute od ostatka korteksa.
Promjenama koje su konzistentne s venerinim sifilisom
najintenzivnije su zahvaene lisne kosti: na distalnim
treinama obje kosti prisutan je jaki aktivni osteomijelitis
koji se oituje u obliku umjerenog vretenastog zadebljanja
dijafiza i litikih lezija s povrinskim kavitacijama praenih
jakim aktivnim periostitisom koje su uzrokovale znatnu
destrukciju korteksa kosti. Uoene su i tvorevine nove kosti
koje se javljaju u obliku otrih trnova (spikula).
Na tri lijeve i dvije desne metatarzalne kosti takoer
je prisutan upalni proces koji se iskazuje u obliku blagog
zadebljanja dijafiza kosti praenog blagim, zaraslim
periostitisom.
RASPRAVA
Raspored i morfologija lezija analiziranih na kosturu
iz groba 40 iz Crkvara upuuju na kroninu i sistematsku
bolest. Sve promjene konzistentne su s venerinim sifilisom,
ali postoje jo neke bolesti koje teoretski mogu uzrokovati
sline promjene na kostima. Diferencijalno dijagnostiki
valja iskljuiti neke vrste osteomijelitisa, lepru, tuberkulozu i
dvije druge vrste treponematoza (bejel i frambezija).
nounced spidly swelling complemented by the formation

of new periosteal bone. On the radii it is particularly manifest on the right side, where it is present along the length
of the diaphysis, particularly on the distal third, which exhibits pronounced spidly swelling of the bone. A moderate concentric swelling of the bone cortex complemented
by osteitis is present on the middle thirds of the diaphyses
of both thigh bones, where characteristic snail tracks are
also visible.
Strong active osteomyelitis affects the entire left shin
bone, but it is most prominent on the distal third, where expansive lesions with superficial cavitations are present, surrounded by active periostitis (Fig. 2). The mentioned cavitations have a rough base but remodeled edges, suggesting
that the infected person suffered from syphilis for a long
time. The inflammatory process on the right shin bone is
somewhat milder than on the left one, and it is manifested
as a slight swelling of the proximal half of the bone diaphysis, complemented by mild active periostitis. The formation
of a new hypervascularized bone, raised above the rest of
the cortex, is present in several places.
Alterations consistent with venereal syphilis most intensively affected the fibulae: the distal thirds of both bones
show the presence of strong active osteomyelitis manifested in the form of a moderate swelling of the diaphyses
and lithic lesions with superficial cavitations accompanied
by strong active periostitis that caused considerable destruction of the bone cortex. The formation of new bone
has been noticed, appearing in the shape of sharp spikes
(spiculae).
Three left and two right metatarsal bones likewise show
the presence of an inflammatory process manifest in the
shape of a slight swelling of bone diaphyses accompanied
by mild, healed periostitis.
DISCUSSION
The position and morphology of the lesions analyzed on
the skeleton from grave 40 from Crkvari point to a chronic
and systematic disease. All alterations are consistent with
venereal syphilis, but there are some other diseases that
can in theory cause similar alterations on bones. A differential diagnosis showed that we can exlude certain types of
osteomyelitis, leprosy, tuberculosis and two other types of
treponematoses (bejel and frambesia).
Primary osteomyelitis is excluded due to the fact that
the macroscopic examination of the affected bones did
not reveal pathological changes of a local character; rather,
what we have here is a generalized process. There can also
be no talk of acute hematogenous osteomyelitis, because
it mostly appears in children (Ortner, Putchar 1985). Traumatic osteomyelitis is similarly not probable due to the fact
that most alterations are bilateral and because osteological indicators of traumas are absent (calluses, angulations
and asymmetries in the length of the diaphyses of the antimeres).
Leprosy is implausible because in this disease the nose,
507
Primarni osteomijelitis iskljuen je zbog injenice

da makroskopski pregled zahvaenih kostiju nije otkrio
patoloke promjene lokalnog karaktera, ve se radi o
generaliziranom procesu. Ne moe biti rijei niti o akutnom
hematogenom ostemijelitisu, jer se on najee javlja kod
djece (Ortner, Putchar 1985). Traumatski osteomijelitis
takoer nije vjerojatan zbog injenice da je veina promjena
bilateralno i zbog toga to nedostaju osteoloki pokazatelji
trauma (kalusi, angulacije i asimetrije u duljini dijafiza
antimera).
Lepra je malo vjerojatna jer su kod nje podruje nosa,
falange ruku i nogu, kao i kosti ake najee zahvaeni
patolokim promjenama (Steinbock 1976; Ortner, Putchar
1985; Rogers, Waldron 1989; Manchester 1983; Roberts 1994),
to nije sluaj kod osobe iz Crkvara. Lepra je takoer malo
vjerojatna zbog toga to je za nju izuzetno neuobiajen
periostitis na gotovo svim postkranijalnim kostima (Ortner,
Putchar 1985; Aufderheide, Rodriguez-Martin 1998), a to je
sluaj s ovdje analiziranim kosturom.
Tuberkuloza najee uzrokuje promjene na kraljecima
i pleuralnim strana rebara (Steinbock 1976; Ortner, Putchar
1985; Rogers, Waldron 1989; Ortner 2003) koji su kod ove
osobe zdravi. Hipertrofija dijafiza dugih kostiju, toliko
naglaena na ovom kosturu, takoer je vrlo rijetka kod
tuberkuloze (Aufderheide, Rodriguez-Martin 1998).
Jo neke vrste treponematoza, kao to su frambezija i
bejel, mogu ostaviti promjene na kostima sline onima koje
izaziva venerini sifilis. Bejel je akutna bolest djece koja se
prenosi izravnim ili neizravnim kontaktom s inficiranom
lezijom ili sluznicom (Steinbock 1976; Aufderheide,
Rodriguez-Martin 1998), a najee se pojavljuje u suhim
suptropskim podrujima sjeverne Afrike i Bliskog istoka
(Steinbock 1976; Ortner 2003). S obzirom na to da je u uzorku
iz Crkvara rije o odrasloj osobi i da se lokalitet nalazi daleko
od suptropskih podruja, bejel se moe iskljuiti s liste
potencijalnih oboljenja. Uzronik frambezije, Treponema
pertenue, prilagoen je, pak, razvoju u vlanim tropskim
uvjetima (Mays et al. 2003) i kao takav ne bi mogao preivjeti
u ekolokim uvjetima koji vladaju na podruju kontinentalne
Hrvatske.
Diferencijalne dijagnoze iznesene u ovome poglavlju
mogu s velikom mjerom sigurnosti potvrditi da je osoba
iz Crkvara bila zaraena venerinim sifilisom. Pitanje koje
se na kraju postavlja jest: kako je venerini sifilis dospio u
Slavoniju?
O pravcima irenja i vremenu dolaska sifilisa u Hrvatsku
podaci iz povijesnih izvora dosta su oskudni. Prvi pisani izvori
o sifilisu u Hrvatskoj potjeu iz sredine 16. st. iz Dubrovnika,
gdje je u to vrijeme boravio Lusitanus Amatus, jedan od
najveih lijenika svog vremena, u ijim su zapisima izmeu
ostaloga opisani i sluajevi sifilisa koje je lijeio (Glesinger
1940; Grmek 1955). Za kontinentalnu Hrvatsku ne postoje
izvori iz vremena prije protjerivanja Turaka krajem 17. st. Prve
podatke donosi L. Thaller (1927) koji spominje varadinskog
lijenika Mihajla Hinterholzera koji je oko 1750. god. lijeio
enu oboljelu od venerinog sifilisa.
Povijest sifilisa u Slavoniji tijekom turske vladavine zbog
potpune je odsutnosti pisanih izvora za sada nepoznata. No s
obzirom na neposrednu blizinu Maarske, postoji mogunost
508
and phalanges of the hands and feet, are most often affected by pathological alterations (Steinbock 1976; Ortner,
Putchar 1985; Rogers, Waldron 1989; Manchester 1983; Roberts 1994), which is not the case with the person from Crkvari. Leprosy is also improbable due to the fact that periostitis on almost all postcranial bones is exceedingly unusual
for it (Ortner, Putchar 1985; Aufderheide, Rodriguez-Martin
1998), which is the case with the skeleton analyzed here.
Tuberculosis mostly causes alterations on vertebrae
and pleural sides of the ribs (Steinbock 1976; Ortner, Putchar 1985; Rogers, Waldron 1989; Ortner 2003), which are in
good condition in this individual. Hypertrophied diaphyses of the long bones, so prominent on this skeleton, are
likewise very rare in tuberculosis (Aufderheide, RodriguezMartin 1998).
Certain other types of treponematoses, such as frambesia and bejel can also produce changes on bones similar
to those caused by venereal syphilis. Bejel is an acute childrens disease transmitted by direct or indirect contact
with an infected lesion or mucosa (Steinbock 1976; Aufderheide, Rodriguez-Martin 1998), mostly appearing in the
dry subtropical areas of northern Africa and the Near East
(Steinbock 1976; Ortner 2003). Considering that the sample
from Crkvari comes from an adult and that the site lies far
from subtropical areas, bejel can be excluded from the list
of potential diseases. The causative agent of frambesia,
Treponema pertenue, is adapted to humid tropical conditions (Mays et al. 2003) and as such would not survive in
the ecological conditions prevailing in the territory of continental Croatia.
The differential diagnoses put forward in this chapter
confirm to a large degree that the person from Crkvari was
infected with venereal syphilis. The question that arises is:
how did venereal syphilis reach Slavonia?
There is a scant body of information from historical
sources, regarding the direction of the spread and the time
of arrival of syphilis in Croatia. The first written sources
about syphilis in Croatia come from mid-16th cent. Dubrovnik. This is where Lusitanus Amatus, one of the greatest physicians of his time, resided and his written accounts
describe among other things also the cases of syphilis he
treated (Glesinger 1940; Grmek 1955). There are no sources
for continental Croatia prior to the expulsion of the Turks
towards the end of the 17th cent. The first data was provided by L. Thaller (1927), who mentions a Varadin physician,
Mihajlo Hinterholzer, who treated a woman suffering from
venereal syphilis around 1750.
Due to the complete absence of written sources, the
history of syphilis in Slavonia during Turkish rule is presently unknown. However, considering the immediate vicinity
of Hungary, it is possible that it is from there that syphilis
was brought. In their work on the emergence of congenital syphilis in central Hungary (at the beginning of the 17th
cent.) M. Ferencz and L. Jzsa (1990) state that syphilis was
brought to Hungary by the Spanish mercenaries of Charles
V, present in that area during the 16th and 17th centuries.
da je sifilis prenesen iz tih prostora. Naime, u svome radu

o pojavi kongenitalnog sifilisa u sredinjoj Maarskoj
(poetkom 17. st.), M. Ferencz i L. Jzsa (1990) napominju
da su sifilis u Maarsku donijeli panjolski plaenici Karla V.,
kojih je tijekom 16. i 17. st. na tom podruju bilo na tisue. Ti
isti plaenici pojavljuju se i u Slavoniji, pa tako N. Budak i sur.
(2003) navode brojku od 1500 panjolskih vojnika prisutnih
na ovom podruju 20-ih godina 16. st.
Ovi podaci sugeriraju dva mogua scenarija: 1) sifilis
je tijekom 16. st. doao iz Maarske gdje su ga donijeli
panjolski vojnici; 2) sifilis su u Slavoniju izravno unijeli
panjolski plaenici iz zapadne Europe 20-ih godina 16. st. S
obzirom na to da pisani izvori koji spominju sifilis u Slavoniji
za to razbolje ne postoje, ne moe se sa sigurnou utvrditi
koja je opcija realnija. Crkvari se nalaze u neposrednoj blizini
maarske granice pa nije nelogino da je sifilis doao iz
tog pravca, ali se u potpunosti ne moe odbaciti niti druga
pretpostavka. injenica jest da dananje stanje istraenosti
nije zadovoljavajue, te su stoga potrebna dodatna
istraivanja i to i u arhivima, i na osteolokom materijalu
kako bi se ovdje iznesene pretpostavke mogle potvrditi ili
opovrgnuti.
Kostur analiziran u ovom radu ne moe pomoi u
rasvjetljavanju pitanja u vezi izvora i smjerova irenja
treponematoza u svijetu, zbog nepobitne datacije u
vrijeme nakon Kolumbovih putovanja. Na ovom mjestu nije
prikladno ulaziti u iru raspravu o tome, no ipak je potrebno
napomenuti kako je u Europi poznat vei broj sluajeva
venerinog sifilisa iz vremena prije 1493., tj. prije prvog
Kolumbova putovanja. Sluajevi koje su opisali Henneberg i
Henneberg (1994), Stirland (1991; 1994), Blondiaux i Alduc-Le
Bagousse (1994), Power (1992), Roberts (1994), Brato i sur.
(1994), Plfi i sur. (1994), Steinbock (1976), Meyer i sur. (2002),
Ortner (2003), Mays i sur. (2003) pruaju vrste dokaze o
prisutnosti venerinog sifilisa u Europi prije 1493. god., a s
obzirom na mnogobrojne sluajeve spomenute u ovom radu
oito je da e temeljne postavke kolumbovske teorije morati
ponovo biti kritiki razmotrene.
Na kraju, nuno je naglasiti potrebu za dodatnim
istraivanjem drugih osteolokih uzoraka s podruja Hrvatske,
kao i potrebu za intenzivnijim molekularnim analizama i
potragom za povijesnim svjedoanstvima u arhivima koji
bi mogli baciti novo svjetlo na problematiku prepoznavanja
izvora i pravaca irenja sifilisa i drugih zaraznih bolesti na tlu
srednjovjekovne i novovjekovne Hrvatske.
These same mercenaries appear also in Slavonia. Budak

et al. (2003) mention the number of 1500 Spanish soldiers
present in this area during the 1520s.
These facts suggest two possible scenarios: 1) Syphilis
arrived during the 16th cent. from Hungary, brought there
by the Spanish soldiers; 2) Syphilis was directly imported
to Slavonia by the Spanish mercenaries from western Europe during the 1520s. Taking into account that there are
no written sources mentioning syphilis in Slavonia for that
period, it cannot be ascertained which option is more realistic. Crkvari are situated in the immediate vicinity of the
Hungarian border, so it is not illogical that syphilis should
arrive from that direction, but the second assumption cannot be entirely discarded either. It is true that the present
day level of research is unsatisfactory, and further research
is needed both in the archives and on the osteological material, so that the assumptions put forward here can be validated or refuted.
The skeleton analyzed in this work cannot help in shedding light on the question regarding the source and directions of the spread of treponematoses in the world, due
to the incontestable dating to the period after Columbus
voyages. It is not opportune to enter here into a wider discussion on that issue, but it nevertheless deserves mention
that a large number of cases of venereal syphilis are known
in Europe from the time before 1493, i.e. before the first of
Columbus voyages. The cases described by Henneberg
and Henneberg (1994), Stirland (1991; 1994), Blondiaux and
Alduc-Le Bagousse (1994), Power (1992), Roberts (1994),
Brato et al. (1994), Plfi et al. (1994), Steinbock (1976), Meyer et al. (2002), Ortner (2003), Mays et al. (2003) offer strong
evidence for the presence of venereal syphilis in Europe
prior to 1493, and considering the numerous cases mentioned in this work it is obvious that the basic tenets of the
Columbian theory will have to be critically reconsidered.
Finally, the need must be emphasised for further research on other osteological samples from the territory of
Croatia, as well as for more intensive molecular analyses
and the search for historical testimonies in the archives
that could shed new light on the issue of recognizing the
sources and directions of the spread of syphilis and other
infectious diseases in the territory of medieval and Modern
Age Croatia.
509
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KRATICE ASOPISA I
ZBORNIKA
koritenih u Prilozima Instituta
za arheologiju vol. 24
ABBREVIATIONS OF
JOURNALS AND SERIES
citet in Contributions of Institute
of Archaeology vol. 24
ABKRZUNGEN DER
ZEITSCHRIFTEN UND
SAMMELBNDE
verwendet in Beitrge des
Institutes fr Archologie, Band
24
AachKunst
Aachener Kunstbltter (Aachen)
Antiq
Antiquity (London)
AAustr
Archaeologia Austriaca (Wien)
AnzWien
Anzeiger. sterreichische Akademie der
Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-Historische
Klasse (Wien)
ActaArch
Acta Archaeologica (Kbenhavn)
ActaArchHung
Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum
Hungaricae (Budapest)
ActaIr
Acta Iranica (Leiden)
ActaMC
Acta musei Cibalensis (Vinkovci)
ActaPraehistA
Acta praehistorica et archaeologica (Berlin)
AIA
Annales Instituti Archaeologici (Zagreb)
AIug
Archaeologia Iugoslavica (Beograd)
AKorrBl
Archologisches Korrespondenzblatt (Mainz)
AlbaRegia
Alba Regia, Annales Musei Stephani Regis
(Szkesfehrvr)
Antaeus
Mitteilungen des Archologischen Instituts der
Ungarischen Akademie der Wissenschaften
(Budapest)
AqNos
Aquileia Nostra (Padova)
Archrt
Archaeologiai rtest, Akadmiai Kiad
(Budapest)
ArchHist
Archaeologia historica (Brno)
ArchHung
Archaeologia Hungarica (Budapest)
ArchSchweiz
Archologie der Schweiz (Basel)
ArhPregl
Arheoloki pregled (Beograd, Ljubljana)
ARadRaspr
Arheoloki radovi i rasprave (Zagreb)
ArhLekBiH
Arheoloki leksikom Bosne i Hercegovine
(Sarajevo)
ARozhl
Archeologick Rozhledy (Praha)
ArsIsl
Ars Islamica (Ann Arbor)
511
ArtB
The Art Bulletin (New York)
ArtAs
Arts Asiatiques (Paris)
ASG
Archeologieskij Sbornik Gosudarstvennogo
rmitaa (Leningrad/Sanktpeterburg)
AttiAL
Atti della Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei
(Roma)
Atti e mem
Atti e memorie della Societ a Istriana di
Archeologia e Storia patria (Parenzo/Rovigo)
AusgrabManching
Die Ausgrabungen in Manching (Stuttgart)
AVes
Arheoloki vestnik. Slovenska akademija
znanosti in umetnosti (Ljubljana)
Balcanoslavica
Balcanoslavica, Savez arheolokih drutava
Jugoslavije (Beograd)
BAOM
Bulletin of the Ancient Orient Museum (Tokio)
BARIntSer
British Archaeological Reports, International
Series (Oxford)
BAStor Dalm
Bullettino di Archeologia e Storia Dalmata
(Spalato/Split)
BayerVorgeschBl
Bayerische Vorgeschichtsbltter (Mnchen)
Beitrgest
Beitrge zur Mittelarchologie in
sterreich, sterreichische Gesellschaft fr
Mittelalterarchologie (Wien)
512
BerichtRGK
Bericht der Rmisch-Germanischen Komission
(Frankfurt a./Main, Berlin)
BJb
Bonner Jahrbcher des Rheinischen
Landesmuseum in Bonn und des Vereins von
Altertumsfreunden im Rheinlande (Bonn)
BMusFA
Bulletin - Museum of Fine Arts (Boston, Mass.)
BpR
Budapest Rgisgei (Budapest)
BraZb
Braki zbornik (Supetar)
BRGK
Bericht der Rmisch-Germanischen Komission
(Frankfurt a./Main, Berlin)
BSA
The Annual of the British School at Athens
(Oxford)
BTM Mhely
BTM Mhely. Das wissenschaftliche Werkstatt
des historischen Museums der Stadt Budapest
(Budapest)
BullAsiaInst
Bulletin of the Asia Institute (Bloomfield Hills)
Bull CIETA
Bulletin du Centre International des tudes des
Textils Anciens (Lyon)
BullClev
The Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art
(Cleveland)
ByzZ
Byzantinische Zeitschrift (Stuttgart)
CA
Current Anthropology (Chicago)
CahArch
Cahiers Archologique (Paris)
DissPann
Dissertationes Pannonicae (Budapest)
CARB
Corso di Cultura sullarte ravennate e bizantina
(Ravenna)
DjelaCBI
Djela Godinjak Centra za balkanoloka
istraivanja Akademije nauka i umjetnosti Bosne
i Hercegovine (Sarajevo)
CarnArch
Carniola Archaeologica. Dolenjski muzej (Novo
mesto)
DOP
Dumbarton Oaks Papers (Washington D. C.)
CarnuntumJb
Carnuntum Jahrbuch (Wien)
DOS
Dumbarton Oaks Studies (Washington D. C.)
CCM
Cahiers de Civilisation Mdivale (Poitiers)
Dubrovnik
Dubrovnik asopis za knjievnost i znanost,
Matica hrvatska - Ogranak Dubrovnik
(Dubrovnik)
CommArchHung
Communicationes Archaeologicae Hungariae
(Budapest)
Cris
Cris, asopis Povijesnog drutva Krievci
(Krievci)
Cumania
Acta Museorum ex Comitatu Bcs-Kiskum
(Kecskemt)
ZN
asopis za zgodovino in narodopisje (Maribor)
DebreceniM
A Debreceni Dri Mzeum vknyve (Debrecen)
DelaSAZU
Dela Slovenske akademije znanosti in umetnosti
(Ljubljana)
Diadora
Diadora, Glasilo Arheolokog muzeja u Zadru
(Zadar)
DissMonB
Dissertationes et Monographiae (Beograd)
DissMonZ
Dissertationes et Monographiae. Arheoloki
zavod Filozofskog fakulteta Sveuilita u
Zagrebu (Zagreb)
tCelt
tudes celtiques (Paris)
FolArch
Folia Archaeologica, Magyar Nemzeti Mzeum
(Budapest)
FontesArchHung
Fontes Archaeologici Hungariae (Budapest)
FundberSchwaben
Fundberichte aus Schwaben (Stuttgart)
Germania
Anzeiger der Rmisch-Gemanischen
Kommission des Deutschen Archologischen
Instituts (Frankfurt a/Main)
GlasnikSAD
Glasnik Srpskog arheolokog drutva (Beograd)
GodCenBalIsp
Godinjak Centra za balkanoloka ispitivanja
Akademije nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i
Hercegovine (Sarajevo)
Godinjak ZSKH
Godinjak zatite spomenika kulture Hrvatske
(Zagreb)
513
GodinjakGMS
Godinjak Gradskog muzeja Sisak (Sisak)
GOMHV
Godinjak ogranka Matice Hrvatske Vinkovci
(Vinkovci)
GZMS
Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja u Sarajevu, nova
serija (Sarajevo)
HAG
Hrvatski arheoloki godinjak (Zagreb)
Hieron
Hieron: religionistick roenka, Slovensk
spolonos pre tdium nboenstiev pri SAV
(Bratislava)
Histriaarch
Histria archaeologica (Pula)
HistriaAntiq
Histria Antiqua (Pula)
HistZbor
Historijski zbornik (Zagreb)
Hortus
Hortus Artium Medievalium (Motovun)
Hrvatske vode
Hrvatske vode, asopis za vodno gospodarstvo
(Zagreb)
Instrumentum
Bulletin du Groupe de travail europen sur
artisanat et les productions manufactures
dans Antiquit (Montagnac)
Insect.Soc.
Insectes Sociaux. International Journal for the
Study of Social Arthropods (Basel)
Ipek
Jahrbuch fr prhistorische und
ethnographische Kunst (Berlin, New York)
IPH
Inventaria Praehistorica Hungariae (Budapest)
514
Iran
Journal of British Institute of Persian Studies
(London/Tehran)
IrAnt
Iranica Antiqua (Gent)
IzdanjaHAD
Izdanja Hrvatskog arheolokog drutva (Zagreb)
JAk
Jahrbuch fr Altertumskunde (Wien)
JAM
Jsa Andrs Mzeum vknyve (Nyregyhza)
JbAC
Jahrbuch fr Antike und Christentum (Mnster)
JbKHSWien
Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen in
Wien (Wien)
JbRGZM
Jahrbuch des Rmisch-Germanischen
Zentralmuseums Mainz (Mainz)
JFA
Journal of Field Archaeology (Boston)
JGS
Journal of Glass Studies (New York)
JRA
Journal of Roman Archaeology (Ann Arbor)
JRMS
Journal of Roman Military Studies (Oxford)
JRS
Journal of Roman Studies (London)
Kaj
Kaj, asopis za knjievnost, umjetnosti i kulturu
(Zagreb)
KatMon
Katalogi in monografije, Narodni muzej
Ljubljana (Ljubljana)
KleineSchr
Kleine Schriften a. d. Vorgeschichte Seminar
(Marburg)
KSIA
Kratkie Soobenija Instituta Archeologii
(Moskva)
MacAArch
Macedoniae acta archaeologica (Skopje)
MagyTud
Magyar Tudomny (Budapest)
MAGW
Mitteilungen der Anthropologischen
Gesellschaft in Wien (Wien)
MarbS
Marburger Studien zur Vor- und Frhgeschichte
(Marburg)
Materijali
Materijali Saveza arheolokih drutava
Jugoslavije (Beograd, Novi Sad)
MAZCM
Musei Archaeologici Zagrabiensis Catalogi et
Monographiae (Zagreb)
MemAntFr
Mmoires de la Socit nationale des
Antiquaires (Paris)
MittArchIns
Mitteilungen des Archologischen Instituts der
Ungarischen Akademie der Wissenschaftten
(Budapest)
MonFfZadar
Monografije Filozofskog fakulteta u Zadru
(Zadar)
MonFrhMitt
Monographien zur Frhgeschichte und
Mittelalterarchologie (Innsbruck)
MuzVjes
Muzejski vjesnik (Varadin, Koprivnica)
MnchBeitr
MnchnerBeitrge zur Vor- und Frhgeschichte
(Mnchen)
MZK
Mitteilungen der K. K., Central Commission zur
Erforschung und Erhaltung der Baudenkmale
(Wien)
ObavijestiHAD
Obavijesti Hrvatskog arheolokog drutva
(Zagreb)
OIAS
Opera Instituti Archaeologici Sloveniae
(Ljubljana)
OpuscA
Opuscula archaeologica (Zagreb)
MetMusJ
Metropolitan Museum Journal, The
Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York)
OsjZb
Osjeki zbornik (Osijek)
MFM
A Mra Ferenc Mzeum vknyve (Szeged)
jh
Jahreshefte des sterreichischen
Archologischen Institutes in Wien (Wien)
MIA
Monographiae Instituti Archeologici (Zagreb)
MIASSSR
Materialy i Issledovanija po Archeologiii SSSR
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PamArch
Pamtky archeologick, Institut of archaeology
(Praha)
PASoE
Prhistorische Archologie in Sdosteuropa
(Kiel)
515
PBF
Prhistorische Bronzefunde (Mnchen/
Stuttgart)
Peristil
Zbornik radova za historiju umjetnosti i
arheologiju (Zagreb)
PJZ
Praistorija jugoslavenskih zemalja (Sarajevo)
Podravina
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Podravski zbornik (Koprivnica)
Poroilo
Poroilo o raziskovanju paleolita, neolita in
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Acta Instituti praehistorici Universitatis
Carolinae Pragensis (Praha)
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Prilozi Instituta za arheologiju u Zagrebu
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PrilpuD
Prilozi povijesti umjetnosti u Dalmaciji (Split)
Prilozi
Prilozi Odjela za arheologiju Instituta za
povijesne znanosti Sveuilita u Zagrebu
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PtuZb
Ptujski zbornik (Ptuj)
PWRE
Pauly-Wissowa Realenzyclopidie der
classischen Altertumswissenschaft (Stuttgart/
Mnchen)
PZ
Prhistorische Zeitschrift (Berlin-New York)
516
RA
Revue archologique (Paris)
RACAR
Revue dart canadienne Canadian Art Review
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Radovi Centra Jugoslavenske akademije
znanosti i umjetnosti u Zadru (Zadar)
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RadJAZU
Rad Jugoslavenske akademije znanosti i
umjetnosti (Zagreb)
RE
Paulys Realencyclopdie der classischen
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RgFz
Rgszeti fzetek, Magyar Nemzeti Mzeum
(Budapest)
RHistRel
Revue de lhistoire des religions (Paris)
RM
Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archologischen
Instituts, Rmische Abteilung (Roma)
RossArch
Rossijskaja Archeologija (Moskva)
SaalbJahrb
Saalburg Jahrbuch, Bericht des
Saalburgmuseums (Frankfurt/Berlin)
Savaria
Savaria, Bulletin der Museen des Komitates Vas
(Szombathely)
Sbornik
Sbornik praci Filozofick Fakulty Brnnsk
univerzity (Brno)
Schild
Schild von Steier (Graz)
SchrifBHM
Schriften des Bernischen Historischen Museums
(Bern)
Situla
Razprave Narodnega muzeja v Ljubljani
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ShP
Starohrvatska prosvjeta (Zagreb/Split)
SlovArch
Slovensk archeolgia, Slovac Academic Press
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SovA
Sovetskaja arheologija, Akademija nauk SSSR
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Sovtn
Sovetskaja tnologija (Moskva)
Spraw. Arch.
Sprawozdania Archeologiczn, Instytut Historii
Kultury Materialnej, Polska Akademia Nauk
(Wroclaw)
SRAA
Silk Road Art and Archaeology (Kamakura)
Starinar
Institut za arheologiju u Beogradu (Beograd)
StarineJAZU
Starine Jugoslavenske akademije znanosti i
umjetnosti (Zagreb)
ZASAV
tudijn zvesti Archaeologickeho ustavu
Slovenske akademie vied (Nitra)
TjurkSb
Tjurkologieskij Sbornik (Moskva)
Tkali
Tkali. Godinjak Drutva za povjesnicu
Zagrebake nadbiskupije (Zagreb)
Trudy Gosrm
Trudy Gosudarstvennogo rmitaa (Leningrad/
Sankpeterburg)
UPA
Universittforschungen zur prhistorischen
Archologie (Berlin, Bonn)
VAHD/VAPD
Vjesnik za arheologiju i historiju dalmatinsku/
Vjesnik za arheologiju i povijest dalmatinsku
(Split)
VAMZ
Vjesnik Arheolokog muzeja u Zagrebu, 3. serija,
1958.- (Zagreb)
VariaArchHung
Varia Archaeologia Hungarica (Budapest)
Varspomen
Varstvo spomenikov (Ljubljana)
VDI
Vestnik drevnej istorii (Moskva)
Veget Hist Archaeobot
Vegetation History and Archaeobotany
(Springer Berlin/Heidelberg)
VesVojMuz
Vesnik vojnog muzeja Jugoslovenske armije
(Beograd)
VHAD
Viestnik Hrvatskoga arkeologikoga drutva,
1879.-1892. (Zagreb)
VHADns
Vjesnik Hrvatskoga arheolokoga drutva, nova
serija, 1895.-1941./1942. (Zagreb)
517
VisZb
Visovaki zbornik (Visovac)
ZborCk
Zbornik Cetinske krajine (Sinj)
VMBP
Vijesti, Godinjak Muzeja Brodskog Posavlja
(Slavonski Brod)
ZborRadNM
Zbornik radova Narodnog muzeja (Beograd)
VMiKH
Vijesti muzealaca i konzervatora Hrvatske
(Zagreb)
WMBH
Wissenschaftliche Mitteilungen aus Bosnien und
Hercegovina (Wien)
WZKM
Wiener Zeitschrift fr die Kunde des
Morgenlandes (Wien)
ZalaiM
Zalai Mzeum (Zalaegerszeg)
ZborANUBH
Zbornik Akademije nauka i umetnosti Bosne i
Hercegovine (Sarajevo)
518
ZborNM
Zbornik Narodnog muzeja (Beograd)
ZDMG
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlndischen
Gesellschaft (Leipzig)
ZfE
Zeitschrift fr Ethnologie (Hamburg)
ZPE
Zeitschrift fr Papyrologie und Epigraphik
(Bonn)
ZSAK
Zeitschrift fr Schweizerische Archaeologie und
Kunsgeschichte (Zrich)
A
iva antika (Skopje)
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UDK 902

Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu

In honorem prof. dr. sc. eljko Tomii

Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007

Pril. Inst. arheol. Zagrebu, 24/2007

POPIS MENTORSTVA ZA MAGISTERIJE I

THE MENTORSHIP LIST FOR MASTER THESES AND

R. otari, H. Potrebica, A. Brigi

R. otari, H. Potrebica, A. Brigi

V. Begovi Dvorak, I. Dvorak Schrunk,

V. Begovi Dvorak, I. Dvorak Schrunk

V. Gaparac Gunjaa, A. Miloevi

V. Gaparac Gunjaa, A. Miloevi

INSTRUCTION FOR AUTHORS

Sve nas je iznenadilo da je ve stigla 65. obljetnica ivota naeg

During his exceptionally fruitful life his unquestionable human and

Na slavljenik, prof. dr. sc. eljko Tomii, roen je 1942. u Poegi,

Professor eljko Tomii was born in 1942 in Poega. Since 1944

nim zalaganjem omoguio je njegovo djelovanje kao samostalne

as the initiator and founder of the Institute of Archaeology have

arske, Njemake, Slovake), okupljenih oko realizacije velikoga

Archaeological Sites of Gri Park and Vranicanijeva Poljana, at the

Glavna i odgovorna urednica / Editor in chief:

Ludbreg - rimsko naselje, Arheoloki pregled 8, Beograd, 116-119.

POPIS MENTORSTVA PROF. DR. SC. ELJKA TOMIIA ZA MAGISTERIJE I

Bijelo slikani linear A stupanj starevake kulture u Hrvatskoj

Original scientific paper

Problem poetka razvitka starevake kulture na cijelom

The problem of the beginning of the development of the

razvitka starevake kulture (Dimitrijevi 1979, 237). Otkrie

early neolithic settlements in continental Croatia (Minichreiter,

4. Mjerenja na uzorcima ugljena iz zemunice 207, koja je istraena 2006.

4. The measurements of charcoal samples from pit-house 207, excavated in

ske kosti - prvi vratni kraljeak goveda i donja eljust mlae

Sl. 3 Slavonski Brod, Galovo, lonarska pe 257 (snimila K. Minichreiter)

and southern edge of the pit-house. Pieces of worked animal

5. Analizu ivotinjskih kostiju obavila je dr. sc. Tajana Trbojevi Vukievi

5. The analysis of animal bones was carried out by Tajana Trbojevi

25; Garaanin 1979, T. XIII,1,4) i Grivca (Dimitrijevi 1974, 75;

rim with a wide red-coloured stripe. Among the fragments of

ma starevakog kulturnog kompleksa. Velika grobna jama

and 5-7 m wide, was situated in a detached ritual/burial zone

the buried horn, situated north of those (close to the entrance

10. Antropoloke analize svih kostura na Galovu obavio je mr. sc.Mario

te, oblikovano u blizini enskog kostura ukopanog u ovom

southwest of the southern kiln. The 30 cm high and around 5

finim posuem otkriveni ulomci s bijelo oslikanim motivima

starevake kulture, PrilInstArheolZagrebu 17, Zagreb, 5-15.

Ponovo o lasinjskoj boici iz Vrlovke

Original scientific paper

Iako eljka Tomiia danas uglavnom prepoznajemo

Boicu iz Vrlovke prvi je objavio Stojan Dimitrijevi u

The bottle from Vrlovka was first published by Stojan

je najbolje poznata kulturna grupa u razdoblju neolita i

Poblie okolnosti nalaza boice nisu poznate. S.

Nothing more specific is known about the discovery of

Razraujui oblike keramikih posuda, S. Dimitrijevi

Developing the classification of the ceramic vessel

to jo uvijek ne znai da boicu iz Vrlovke treba smjestiti

that the Vrlovka bottle should be placed in the context of the

2. Ukraavanje finog posua daje bitne osobine ovog stupnja i njegova

Sl. 1 Lasinjska boica iz Vrlovke (snimio G. Vrani)

analizu. Kemijskom metodom identifikacije utemeljene na