In the face of historical deconstruction and occupation, the struggle of remembrance often falls

upon the artists of society. Mahmoud Darwish, the national poet of Palestine, viewed poetry as a method
of remembrance and dissidence. Born in 1942, Darwish lived through most periods of modern Palestinian
history. Darwish himself endured displacement, dispossession, exile, and siege at the hands of the Israeli
government who viewed his poetry, the personal expression of his fundamental right to supremely love
his birthplace, as dissidence. I believe that it is fitting to begin with literature and the work of
Mahmoud Darwish because he captures the Palestinian experience well above that of an academic text.
Mahmoud Darwish became the social chronicler of Palestinian emotions (whether felt of repressed), the
whole gamut of human emotions in various states of siege and exile. In other words, what space is left for
the poet to claim after their homeland is lost except that of a poem? Written collective memory, or poetry,
is the case for preserving Palestinian identity and memory. Therefore, poetry conceptualizes the struggle
as it simultaneously remembers and heals. Further, for the purposes of collective understanding, poetry is
a way in, it is a way to begin.
Darwish famously wrote, My homeland is not a suitcase and I am not a traveler. This quote has
shaped my interest in the rights of movement for Palestinians in the occupied territories as well as
Palestinians living in Israel. The right to movement is guaranteed in Article 13 of the University
Declaration of Human Rights. Article 13 claims that 1) Everyone has the right to freedom of movement
and residence with the borders of each state and 2) Everyone has the right to leave any country, including
ones own, and to return to ones country.
Control of Palestinian movement has been a defining feature of the state of Israel since its
inception in 1948. In addition, the expansion of this policy was reified as the state evolved. Thus,
Palestinians are systematically not afforded article 13, which permeates every aspect of daily life. The
rejection or hindrance of the right to freedom of movement is displayed in the following: the forced
removal of 1948 known as al Nabka, the lack of a Right to Return, the existence of an Apartheid wall,
enforcement of ID cards for the purpose of segregation, isolation, and lack of contiguity in neighborhoods
(especially in regards to Oslo Areas A, B, C), segregated bus routes, constant blockades, barriers,
checkpoints, and arbitrary permit systems. This list continues ad nauseam.
The Gaza blockade perhaps best elucidates the interconnectedness and impenetrableness of
restricted movement, which effects over 1.6 million Gazans daily. Gaza is considered the largest open-air
prison due to the Gaza blockade, which calls for all movements of people and goods in and out of the
Gaza to be subject to Israeli approval. This approval process is excessive and often fickle which results in
meager conditions. It is important to note that the circumstances in Gaza were dreadful prior to the
blockade, which officially began in 2005. This official closure, however, is a culmination of a process that
began roughly twenty years ago. The blockade, in combination with the furthered destruction and
restriction caused by Operation Protective Edge in 2014, has left Gaza in a state of moral, political, and
economic ruin.
The blockade itself, in logistical terms, is defended at the borders. On the Israeli side, Israeli authorities
defend the borders with live weaponry, firing at any Palestinian who dares to approach it. On the seaside,
along the coast of the Mediterranean Sea, Gazas fishermen are restricted from traveling outside of the
Israeli appointed zone; a mere three nautical miles of sea. Again, they are fired upon if they surpass the
fishing border. This punitive policy has had a drastic impact on the once plentiful fish economy and

industry in Gaza. Lastly on the Egyptian border, the Rafah border crossing has become increasingly
restructured and many of the illegal tunnels Gazans used to use to smuggle goods and weapons from
Egypt have been destroyed.
Israel justifies the blockade as solely mitigating security risks. This is impunity in the name of
security, a habitual feature of the Israeli regime. This measure prevents Palestinians right to a basic
freedom of movement, a right encoded by international law. Hamas is a credible threat to the Israeli
government and civilians as many of their actions are considered to be war crimes by human rights
groups. In this regard, Israel has some, although more minor, security risks. However, this doesnt justify
the infliction of collective punishment upon the entire civilian population of Gaza for the actions of some
governments and armed groups.
While denying the importation of weapons seems logical and fair (although there are many ways
in which mere restriction and regulation of weapons in Gaza would be sufficient to maintain Israeli
security), the restrictions on materials such as steel, cement, and gravel is faulty at its best. In addition,
there is no justification for restrictions on food, fuel, medicine, clean water, and access to education and
medical care.
With Gazas economy in shambles, the region relies almost entirely on humanitarian aid to
sustain itself. This aid comes from both governmental foreign aid as well as individual donor groups.
Gaza has been in this state of isolation since 2005. Since then, Hamas has gained increasing political
control and influence both in the region and in the Palestinian parliament. This creates a feedback loop:
Gazans are seeing no change in their wretched living conditions so they increasingly look to political
groups that can be daring enough to perhaps effect change.
However for Israel, there is a more effective strategy that can protect security concerns without
using punitive collective punishments. Investing in the infrastructure and economy of Gaza would
provide the people with the foundation they need to improve their communities. Although this measure
would greatly improve the quality of life in Gaza, it is not sufficient on its own. In other words, improving
the quality of the prison does not negate the fact that it is still a prison. Freedom of movement, as
enshrined by international law, needs to be afforded to Palestinians.

Sources:
https://afsc.org/resource/restricted-movement-occupied-palestinian-territory
http://www.nad-plo.org/etemplate.php?id=72
http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2011/09/2011922135540203743.html
http://visualizingpalestine.org/visuals/segregated-roads-west-bank?v=large
http://www.claiminghumanrights.org/udhr_article_13.html

http://www.mahmouddarwish.com/english/biography.htm
https://www.amnesty.org/en/countries/middle-east-and-north-africa/israel-and-occupied-palestinianterritories/report-israel-and-occupied-palestinian-territories/
http://blog.amnestyusa.org/middle-east/gaza-blockade-still-operational-still-violating-human-rights/
https://www.hrw.org/news/2014/10/12/gaza-donors-un-should-press-israel-blockade