Running head: WAR PHOTOJOURNALISM

War Photojournalism in the Media Saturated Ecosystem

Francesco Giannone
John Cabot University

Author Note
[Include any grant/funding information and a complete correspondence address.]

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2
Abstract

Firstly, this paper aims at defining the parameters of how photojournalism in the western world
presents suffering and death resulting from violence and war, and how these parameters can shift
according to culture. Secondly, through the analysis of two case studies, an attempt is made to
provide an historical and a contemporary overview of the complex relationship between
photojournalism and the representation of pain in the news. The first image discussed is Kevin
Carters 1993 Pulitzer winning photograph of the vulture and the Sudanese child. A parallelism
is also drawn with the recent 2015 photograph of the dead Syrian boy on Turkish shores by
Nilfer Demir. These two images, though belonging each to a different media ecosystem, prove
that the power of the image might be long-lasting on the individual and collective mind, but,
once eviscerated from the issue it raises, pointing back to itself as a mere exercise of autoreferentiality to be experienced only on an aesthetic level, it loses its original usefulness and
communicative purpose. On a final note, issues of auto-referentiality in photographs are
addressed in relation to Renzo Martenss 2008 documentary Episode III: Enjoy Poverty.
Keywords: Photojournalism, death, media, ethics, visual journalism, children, suffering,
Kevin Carter, Nilfer Demir.

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War Photojournalism in the Media Saturated Ecosystem

Photojournalists are reporters, not simply recorders. They are guided by standards that
seek to ensure truthful representations, leading viewers to the best visual truth he or she can find
and convey (Newton, 2001, p. 91). The credibility of photojournalists depends on the relation
they establish between their understanding of the power of the photographic medium and their
own ethical actions. How should photojournalism, especially war photojournalism, deal with the
natural tension between photographys ability to speak to viewers on an emotional level and
journalisms mandate for reasoned discourse when dealing extensively with war and violence is
at the core of my discussion. In this paper, I intend to discuss how and why, and to what extent
and to which effect, photographic images dealing with violence and death (including, especially,
images of children) are used in news media to report on war or other tragic events. The
photographs of war scenes media outlets provide us with are only a surface structure that points
back, though, to deep level reasons of an historical, socio-political and economic nature. In our
imaged-based society, it appears clear that good news reporting, just as good investigative
journalism, is inadequate without the work of good photojournalists. Constructed objectivity,
which is what the professional photojournalist is trained to achieve (and which is not to be
confused with subjectivity or partiality), is a cornerstone of photojournalism, and should go hand
in hand with well-reasoned verbal information
Theoretical Framework
My research inserts itself in the tradition of postmodernism cultural studies and medium
theory. To analyze how media use photographs, a cultural and historical approach is appropriate.
Consideration will be given to the new digital media-saturated environment where much too
often all kinds of violence appear aestheticized and normalized. Death is represented in various

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ways by the media. A continuum exists between denial and affirmation. There is a constant
movement back and forth between these two extremes: death is put on show for all to see, yet, at
the same time, it is mitigated and edulcorated. Two major approaches are present in any
discussion concerning the representation of death and violence in the media when
photojournalism is concerned. One approach (usually the approach of social and cultural critics)
warns that such representations are constructed and should not be trusted. The other approach is
that of the professional photojournalist, who, ideally, follows the deontological code and shoots
in order to inform and document about events not all can witness to. I will privilege a discourse
analysis with a narrative and qualitative evaluation.
Literature Review
In order to understand the nature and importance of photojournalism as a form of
communication, the first section of this literature review deals with theories of photographic
communication. The levels on which we read and relate to images, and journalisms role in
society are further discussed.
A widely accepted practice in visual communication is to distinguish between a photographs
literal denotative meaning and its deeper connotative constructions. Barthes (1983) offers his
own interpretation on how a photograph relates to the reality it represents. Although he never
specifically referred to war photos used in the news, any discussion on photography entails
considering Barthess writings, because of the way he defines the photographic image and its
relationship to reality. In his essay The Photographic Message Barthes starts out by saying that
a photograph is a message without a code. He asks: What is it that a photograph transmits?
And gives the answer: By definition the scene itself, literally reality. Barthes admits that in the
process of taking a picture, a reduction (or alteration) in proportion, perspective and color is

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taking place. However, he defines the photographic image as a perfect analogon of reality and
that is also because common sense recognizes it as such. According to Barthes, the mimetic
relationship between the real object and its photographic image cannot be arbitrarily determined,
since it is the result of a mechanical process in which no manipulation is possible. Reality itself
is for Barthes the denotative message, or the denotation of photography. A connoted message,
according to Barthes, is the introduction of an additional meaning in the original message (such
as a caption to the photograph). Of course, Barthes does warn also against the possibility
photography has to distort objective reality, and refers in particular to such tricks as lighting,
framing, cropping, angles, and also faked or staged photographs. However, special cases
notwithstanding, in analog photography, the photographic signifier does seem to be virtually
identical with its signified. Connotation, in short, produces the illusion of denotation, the illusion
of language as transparent, and of the signifier and the signified as being identical.
Sontag, at times considered as the American counterpart of Barthes in the writing on
photography, points out the dangers of photojournalism, for the public may become over
accustomed to scenes of violence. She explains that the visual impact of an image acts
immediately on the receivers, who have no time to fully experience what they see, moreover it
often is also juxtaposed to futile information, if it is not surrounded by advertisements. Sontag
openly disapproves of the use made of photography considered as an unbiased representation of
reality. She is particularly critical of relying on photographs to document violence and suffering.
Photographs of private suffering should not be exposed to indiscreet eyes. Similarly to Adornos
idea that to write poetry after Auschwitz is barbaric (p. 226), Sontag insists that those who
have not lived through such atrocities can't understand, can't imagine the experiences
reproduced in such images. In her early work On Photography (1977) Sontag pleads for an

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ecology of images warning us against the consumerist overflow of photographic images to

which we are subjected. In Regarding the Pain of Others (2003) she admits there is no way to
reform news media that have as their agenda the use of pain and horror in order to make profits.
Sontag is very concerned with photography's unhealthy curiosity and intrusiveness. Pointing out
that photography is deeply impacted by consumer society, she argues:
Needing to have reality confirmed and experience enhanced by
photographs is an aesthetic consumerism to which everyone is now
addicted. Industrial societies turn their citizens into image-junkies; it is
the most irresistible form of mental pollution. (Sontag, 1977, p. 23).

Photographs are to be blamed not only because they are untrustworthy, but also, and especially,
because of their pretended aesthetic value. To expose in a museum photos of suffering people is
an act that infringes on the privacy of the pained victims of atrocities. She argues, most
convincingly, that photographs of suffering human being would need a special space to be
viewed and correctly experienced, yet such space is not to be found in our culture. In Regarding
the Pain of Others Sontag makes a strong point when she argues against aesthetic use of war
photographs, or any photograph portraying the pain of others. Photographs should not be
considered, viewed, judged outside their context. They are part of a history, they denote aspects
of a story, and the primary focus should be on the story, on the verbal part of the news. Sontags
insight is especially relevant when discussing violence and death in photojournalism. Yet, her
considerations also imply that, in fact, what is to be rejected is not so much the photograph in
itself, what is to be modified, instead, is the way the photograph is too often experienced and
used in the mass media1.
1

Sontag has obviously a personal preference for words, rather than for visual images. Yet, we should also account
for what psychologist Howard Gardner calls multiple intelligences, the existence of different sensibilities tomusic as
to visual images and or to literary representations of reality.

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More recently, and on the same line with Sontag, Machin and Polzer (2015) also argue that
photojournalism does not necessarily aim at documenting reality: its function is rather to sell
images. In addition, the two authors stress the issue of whether a photo dealing with human
suffering should be aesthetically pleasing and recall that all the photographers they interviewed
suggested that photographers are trained to take good photos, and are in competition among
themselves: they should look for the most stunning shot, the best composition, explore the use of
exciting light and different angles.
Similarly to Machin and Polzer, Schwartz (2012) identifies the truthfulness or objectivity
of the news photograph as a social construct. In other words, according to him, the image is not
an accurate window on the world but is instead the product of a series of professional codes
and practices which make it appear as an objective, truthful rendering of a live event. A central
point of Schwartzs essay is the emphasis on both the form and the content of news photographs.
While it can be argued that the content of the image is its primary message, its form is also of
equal communicative importance. According to Schwartz, the production of news imagery is
governed by a series of technical conventions (rule of the thirds, minimalist compositions, lack
of clutter, selective focus, and leading line). What Schwartz importantly notices is that such
formal elements have become automatically parts of the practice. Schwartz deconstructs the
news photograph to show that it is not a spontaneous capturing of an event, but a carefully
constructed representation. Such carefully constructed representation, though, stands in
agreement with Barthess notion of a photograph, which involves an alteration in proportion,
perspective and color of reality, as a perfect analogon of reality.
The issue of objectivity in visual journalism can benefit also from the insights of
Lippmann (1922), even though he was referring mainly to news reporting when print was the

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dominant form of communication at the time he wrote. He noticed how for members of the
media ecosystem of the time the picture in their heads produced by the media differed from the
complexity of the world around them. Therefore, he became extremely skeptical about the
possibility of informed public opinion. He was well aware of the use of propaganda both on the
part of governments and the press to manipulate people. Ideally, we can infer that experienced
photojournalists shoot so that the picture we get in our head may coincide with the reality of the
world outside, or at least be as close as possible to it. Keeping this in mind, Hanusch (2010)
becomes particularly relevant for any discussion on photojournalism and its relation to the
representation of death online. His major contribution resides in his call for a holistic approach to
the study of how death is reported in the news. The debate about an over-representation of
unexpected and violent deaths leads to an analysis of whose deaths are more worthy of being
reported and finds special consideration given to the deaths of children (as we can identify with
the precariousness of their state and want to preserve their innocence) . In his analysis particular
attention is also paid to studies of foreign deaths in Western media. In this regard, he examines
deaths of proximate others are more likely to be reported than deaths from people in distant
cultures (p. 48).
One crucial area of debate here is the disagreement over how graphic the reporting of
deaths in Western news media actually is. While it may be argued that in our age of information
overload, an excess of gory images may end up creating in the audience a sort of compassion
fatigue, quantitative assessments in Hanuschs research actually found that the news media very
rarely show anything beyond the boundaries of taste and decency (p. 98). This trend, however, is
challenged by the advent of the Internet: while the impact of new technologies on the
presentation and reception of death online is heavily under-researched, the ever-increasing

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popularity of the Internet means that death is even more visible in the public sphere than it had
previously been. The availability of graphic photos as well as video footage is having an impact
on the level of gory details that audiences are able to see. Additionally, the growing popularity of
social-networking sites such as Facebook, as well as personal blogs, are increasingly being used
by journalists in order to provide background information on victims of violence. This practice
brings with it an ethical issue of whether it is acceptable to use private images posted in a public
space.
Discussion
In the media ecosystem, journalists often worry about upsetting the public (and,
consequently, advertisers), who, it is largely assumed, do not want to be exposed to graphic
images. As Hanush (2013) points out, traditionally, newspaper editors have called this the
breakfast test: the idea being that readers do not want to be confronted with graphic images
while enjoying their breakfast.
In Western countries, the idea can be found in ancient Greece where in tragedy death was never
represented on stage, but took place off stage (hence the word ob-scene). it is all a matter of
culture: in Mexican society, for example, death is displayed constantly on front pages of
newspapers (A. Lpez, personal communication, October 15, 2015).
In an age of online media, there is an increasing choice for members of the media
ecosystem. However, despite regular claims that our news media are becoming ever more
sensationalist and intrusive in their coverage of human suffering, graphic representations of
death and dying are actually still extremely rare (Hanush, 2013). How can we properly respond
to the remote miseries on which photographic journalists report? In our media-saturated era, have

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we lost the power to be shocked? It seems that the pain of others titillates us, so long as it is kept
at a safe distance.
Photojournalism as a profession imposes a set of responsibilities. Beneath practical tasks
(get to the scene, frame and focus the shot, collect the caption info, and so forth) lie broader
ethical considerations. Confronting these issues is often more challenging than the assignment
itself. At times, these ethical issues may conflict with the photographers professional duty,
which is to represent reality in all its nakedness whether pleasurable or hostile and
violent. Photographers may, in the course of completing their assignments, be forced to choose
between how they might act as individual citizens and how they feel they should act as visual
journalists.
This dilemma (personal choice versus professional responsibility) is certainly not unique
to photojournalism, but because of the way images can immediately impact large audiences,
questions about the appropriateness of publishing or not publishing some photos need to be
discussed.

Methodology
This paper considers two photos: Carters 1993 Pulitzer winning photograph of the
vulture and the Sudanese child and the very recent 2015 photograph of the dead Syrian boy on
Turkish shores by Demir. I will draw parallelism between the two pictures to identify similarities
in portraying vulnerable subjects (children either suffering or dead) in relation to key ethical
dilemmas. Additionally, each image is considered in light of criteria set forth in the NPPA Code

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of Ethics2 and, in the case of the second picture, I will include reader reaction to the image as
seen in online commenting. It is important to notice a difference in reaction, on the part of
members of different cultural and social groups (e. g. New York intellectuals and The New York
Times editors, and intellectuals in general who saw how the photograph could denounce the
critical issue of famine in Africa, as opposed for example to those readers who interpreted the
photograph differently and reacted negatively towards the photographer).
These two images, though belonging each to a different media ecosystem (the first to
traditional media environment, the second both to the traditional ecosystem and to the Web 2.0
media saturated scape) prove that the power of the image might be long-lasting on the individual
and collective mind, but, once eviscerated from the issue it raises, pointing back to itself as mere
exercise of auto-referentiality to be experienced only on an aesthetic level, it loses its original
usefulness and communicative purpose.
Visual theory employs a formal reading of the elements contained in a photograph to
determine its discursive meaning and answers question of whether the photograph conveys what
it originally intended. The methodology used here for analysis of the meanings of the two
selected images falls under the broad scope of visual analysis and contains elements of both
qualitative content analysis and discourse evaluations, with special references to Frys formal
analysis Formal elements are the visual components which make up an image, disregarding its
subject matter and include 1) rhythm of line 2) mass 3) space 4) light and shade and 5) color.
Using the theoretical foundations of both Barthes and Sontag discussed in the literature
review, concepts of authenticity and sensitivity to the situations presented in the case studies can
2

See appendix

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be applied. It will be shown that finding an ethical balance between authenticity and sensitivity
leads to effective journalistic communication.
Certainly, similar photos from other tragic events of international significance could have
been chosen; however, this paper limits case studies to two events for the purposes of scope and
manageability. Both photographs examined were taken by professional photojournalists working
either freelance or employed by print publications and wire services.
Case Study 1: Kevin Carters A Sudanese child and a vulture

Figure 1
One of the most representative instances of a photojournalist having to face the dilemma
of personal choice versus professional responsibilities is perhaps that of South African
photojournalist Kevin Carter. Carter was painfully aware of the photojournalists dilemma but as
he said, in describing a gunfight, during riots in South Africa, one simply has to think visually
first and think about the other issues later (Killer, 1994).
Carter saw the inhuman condition of undernourished children resembling skeletons that were too
weak to move. Being a witness of such desperate and cruel situations of course did not go

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without deeply affecting his mind and sensibility. The story of Carters life and how it ends
shows that there is only that much that the human psyche can bear: a few months after being
awarded the Pulitzer Prize he committed suicide at the age of 33, leaving a note in which he
recalled the horror he saw.
Carter came to worldwide attention in 1993 when on March 26 of that year The New York
Times ran one of his photos meant to epitomize human suffering and anguish in Africa.
Working free lance at the time he was reporting on the famine in Sudan with other colleagues,
during a stop, as he was resting by the airplane away from the huts of the rescue camp, he saw a
vulture at some distance of a small child slowly crawling towards the huts.
Careful not to disturb the bird, he waited for twenty minutes until the vulture was close enough,
positioned himself for the best possible shot and, according to what he recounted later, only then
chased the vulture away. At this point Carter was probably not yet aware that he had taken one of
the most controversial photographs in the history of photojournalism.
The photo touched many readers, and hundreds of people asked The Times if the child
had survived but the answer was that there was no way to know the girls fate3.
On April 12, 1994, Carter learned that he won the Pulitzer Prize for photography, even as some
colleagues and media outlets strongly criticized him. The St. Petersburg (Florida) Times said,
The man adjusting his lens to take just the right frame of her suffering might just as well be a
predator, another vulture on the scene. This remark is certainly in line with Sontags view of
photojournalism. Sontag talks of how photography has replaced hunting in some senses and
makes the example of safari tourists who set out to take pictures instead of killing poor animals
3

. It was found out later that the little one had indeed made it safely to the rescue point were her parents
were getting food. Eye witness also recalled that similar scenes were not uncommon, and that strangers and
newcomers to the rescue camps like Carter, were usually instructed not to touch the debilitated refugees for sanitary
reasons (Killer, 1994).

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who are threatened (Sontag, 2003, p. 35). Sontag remarks can also be read in connection to
Cartier-Bresson. Cartier-Bresson was a hunter in early life and turned to photography as a
profession after World War Two, maintaining that shooting photographs is like shooting animals.
One needs to wait for the decisive moment (p.79).

5.2 Case Study 2: Nilfer Demirs Syrian Child Dead on Turkish Shores

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Figure 2
At the beginning of September 2015, twelve people drowned while trying to reach a
Greek island from Turkey on a rubber raft. One of the casualties was three-year-old Syrian Alan
Kurdi, who had fled Kobane with his family. The picture of the Syrian little boy lying face down
on the shores of Bodrum spread like wildfire through Turkish social media and was soon shared
by members of the media ecosystem all over the world. Since then, it has become a symbol for
the suffering of refugees in Europe. At the same time, the controversial photo has sparked a
debate around the question of whether such a picture should or should not be published. The
photograph was taken by Nilfer Demir, a photographer working for the Turkish agency DHA.
The picture portrays the little boy lying face down, his small sandal bearing feet pointing
toward the viewer, his little body with his neat blue short pants , and his red t-shirt, his right
cheek gently set on the wet sand , his turned head pointing towards the sea.

Similarly to

Carters picture, the camera does not fully show the childs face.This is in line with point 4 of the
NPPA Code of Ethics which stresses the importance to treat all subjects with respect and dignity,
giving special consideration to vulnerable subjects and compassion to victims of tragedy.
While the colors in Carters photograph are in tones of brown (reflecting the dried out
bushes) here colors of grey and light blue dominate (the colors of the Mediterranean sea water
which seems to be about to move on and reach the little boys head).
When interviewed by Kpeli, the photographer said:
If the picture makes Europe change its attitudes towards refugees, then it was
right to publish it. I have taken many photographs of the refugee drama and
none had such an effect on the public consciousness. But I certainly don't
wish for more of those pictures.
However, discussions on whether or not to publish the picture in order to protect the boy's
dignity as well as sparing his remaining family the grief, or to opt for the opposite course of

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action and published the photo, arguing that the image should be used to raise awareness of the
refugee crisis, precisely because it is so shocking, seem pointless in light of the information and
evaluations provided by The European Journalism Observatory which tracked the European
coverage of the migrant crisis in the month of September. It looked at the reporting around three
key moments: the photo of the dead Syrian boy, Aylan Kurdi, on a beach in Turkey, Germanys
introduction of border controls, and the EU summit on the migrant crisis. Brooke talked to
Caroline Lees, one of the reports authors, who found that the much-discussed, yet soonforgotten Aylan Kurdi photo signaled merely a short-lived public and media empathy. The
immediate emotional response was strong, yet it did not last long. After having the news on
refugees from Syria on front pages, within a week even major newspapers reverted to the
original editorial position. Some central European newspapers always kept the news and posted
the photograph only on fifth page.
Results
Although, of course, private suffering and dignity are due the utmost respect, in all human
cultures throughout the world, the point is not so much whether war photographs showing
images of death and suffering should be published or not, nor whether private pain should be
made public or not. The real issue at stake is, rather, why is it that much too often photographs
that denounce and illustrate the existence of tragic situations worldwide are not followed by a
factual global prise de position, an actual commitment to carry forth actions that can bring a stop
to such deplorable situations. The question is how come there cannot be an end to a strenuous
and endemic decade-long war.
The two photographs, like many other war photographs, bring evidence of the result of
tensions at the economic, historical, political, cultural and religious level across the world. It is

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to miss the point to debate, if not even rightly hypocritical, whether such photographs should be
published or not. The question should be how journalism should deal with the natural tension
points emerging from photographys ability to speak to viewers on an emotional level. The
questions to be asked should also ask how journalism can balance the emotional response
photographs can elicit with its own mandate for reasoned discourse, so as to contribute to the
solution of global tragic emergencies which anyone of us should feel responsibility for.
Journalisms place in democracy is to provide citizens the information they need to be free and
self-governing (Kovach, 2007, p.12). This very broad mandate includes various roles, such as
that of watchdog over those in power and voice for those who are not. Photographs are powerful
tools for journalistic communication because they represent visual proof while enacting a
personal connection between subject and reader that fosters understanding and, hopefully,
motivation to act.
My goal was to demonstrate that the members of the media ecosystem should be better
educated in visual literacy to properly experience war photographs and apprehend their full
socio-political and economic purport, as media can easily take advantage of the lack of visual
literacy. The emotional, even visceral, response is only a first step: it must be followed by action,
without the media limiting themselves to just circulate the photograph. Only with better and
more widespread visual literacy can citizens organize and move to action after looking at war
photographs. Serious efforts should be made to organize debates and opinion groups that can
become active at the political level.
Martens (2008) raises similar questions in his controversial film Episode III: Enjoy
Poverty, where he radically addresses the question of responsibility to both the creators and
consumers of media and cultural representations of Third World sufferings who under the cover

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of charitable humanism (or even with serious intentions) literally enjoy the exploitation of
poverty. Martens adds to the ethical issues concerning war photojournalism, issues which must
take into consideration both the producer of news and its consumers.
The film is a study of the political claims of contemporary Western art, which are often praised
but in many cases at the expense of another exploitation. Martens criticize this aspect of
contemporary art by duplicating it. Frieze magazine criticized the film for perpetuating the very
thing it was protesting against - the pleasure of watching people in dire circumstances - and
stereotyping the Congolese plantation workers.
The film deals with its own presence, it deals with its own terms and conditions, it is not a
referential piece. It is auto-referential. This auto-referentiality is precisely what war photographs
should avoid. From the moment the picture becomes iconic and is deprived of the original
context, it loses its disruptive value.
Conclusions and Further Studies
Photographs, which indeed convey a desperate call to action, are presently not used to
raise awareness in lasting and efficient fashion, but, unfortunately, most often they are
considered as replaceable commodities. News media tend not to take seriously enough their role
of watchdog: there is a lack of holistic, overall sense of responsibility. The photographs identify
an issue, but what I noticed is that there is not a corresponding willingness to solve the issue.
On the other hand, there is a need for the audience to be prepared and educated to receive and
decode news. Members of the media ecosystem should be trained to look at photographs, and
learn to discard bad journalism, verbal and visual all the same. Journalists need to educate the
public about their responsibilities as eye-witnesses to acts of great compassion as well as
denounce acts of terrible injustice.

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Indeed, it should not be forgotten that a single image can and must give a voice to those
who, otherwise, would not have a voice. A free flow of information is absolutely vital for a free
and dynamic society to function properly. As Nachtwey (2007) points out:
The press is a business, and in order to survive it must be a successful
business, but the right balance must be found between marketing
considerations and journalistic responsibility. Society's problems cannot be
solved until they are identified. On a broader level, the press is a service
industry, and the service it provides is awareness.

Due to the impossibility to cover such a broad and complex issue with implications in
all the spheres in such a small firm, the findings of this paper suggest that further research is
needed to develop broader issues of universal ethics for photojournalism in a digitally connected
world, where we talk extensively about our right to freedom of expression, when what we should
really talk more about is our responsibility to the freedom of expression. There is a difference in
publishing with intention and publishing for attention.

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Sontag, S. (1977). On Photography. London: Penguin.
Sontag, S. (2003). Regarding the Pain of Others. London: Penguin.

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Appendix
NPPA Code of Ethics
Visual journalists and those who manage visual news productions are accountable for upholding
the following standards in their daily work:
1. Be accurate and comprehensive in the representation of subjects.
2. Resist being manipulated by staged photo opportunities.
3. Be complete and provide context when photographing or recording subjects. Avoid
stereotyping individuals and groups. Recognize and work to avoid presenting one's own
biases in the work.
4. Treat all subjects with respect and dignity. Give special consideration to vulnerable
subjects and compassion to victims of crime or tragedy. Intrude on private moments of
grief only when the public has an overriding and justifiable need to see.
5. While photographing subjects do not intentionally contribute to, alter, or seek to alter or
influence events.
6. Editing should maintain the integrity of the photographic images' content and context. Do
not manipulate images or add or alter sound in any way that can mislead viewers or
misrepresent subjects.
7. Do not pay sources or subjects or reward them materially for information or participation.
8. Do not accept gifts, favors, or compensation from those who might seek to influence
coverage.

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9. Do not intentionally sabotage the efforts of other journalists.

Ideally, visual journalists should:
1. Strive to ensure that the public's business is conducted in public. Defend the rights of
access for all journalists.
2. Think proactively, as a student of psychology, sociology, politics and art to develop a
unique vision and presentation. Work with a voracious appetite for current events and
contemporary visual media.
3. Strive for total and unrestricted access to subjects, recommend alternatives to shallow or
rushed opportunities, seek a diversity of viewpoints, and work to show unpopular or
unnoticed points of view.
4. Avoid political, civic and business involvements or other employment that compromise
or give the appearance of compromising one's own journalistic independence.
5. Strive to be unobtrusive and humble in dealing with subjects.
6. Respect the integrity of the photographic moment.
7. Strive by example and influence to maintain the spirit and high standards expressed in
this code. When confronted with situations in which the proper action is not clear, seek
the counsel of those who exhibit the highest standards of the profession. Visual
journalists should continuously study their craft and the ethics that guide it.

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