Broken Pieces

Libert, galit, and fraternit. These three words effectively sum up the initial goals of
the common French people and their revolution that began in 1789. Although the French
Revolution went through many different stages and phases, these three ideals endured the test of
time and volatile change. Sometimes, one was sacrificed or suspended in an effort to achieve the
others, but the end goal of almost every governmental body during the French Revolution was
striving for liberty, equality, and fraternity. When Napoleon entered the scene and rose to power,
some of his actions to consolidate power and establish an empire have made historians and
students alike question whether or not Napoleon betrayed the original goals of the French
Revolution.
In order to successfully argue whether or not Napoleon betrayed the revolution, the initial
goals of the revolutionaries must first be identified. Then, their state at the time of his ascension
to power needs be analyzed. Only by following their progression can a sufficient conclusion be
drawn about Napoleons actions. Expanding on the initial goals of the revolutionaries, this essay
will first focus on liberty, with specific examples of free speech and representation; equality,
through private land ownership, the abolition of feudalism and special privileges, and the
granting of equal rights to women; and fraternity, through political activism and free church
worship. Based on each of those initial goals, this essay will then argue that Napoleon did not
betray the French Revolution, because by the time he was in power the revolution had already
consumed itself and all that was left were broken pieces
In the initial revolution, freedom of speech served as an outlet for decades of frustration
against an unfair feudal system. The cahiers de dolance outlined peasant resentment towards
inequality and was one of the first instances where individuals felt that their voices could be

heard. 1 This newfound freedom was explicitly outlined in article eleven of the Declaration of the
Rights of Man and Citizen, which states, the free communication of thoughts and opinions is
one of the most precious of the rights of man. Every citizen may therefore speak, write, and print
freely2 At the beginning stages of the revolution the common citizens had found their voices
and this freedom of speech was an essential characteristic to the idea of true liberty.
To examine the state of free speech at the time of Napoleons ascension to power, a basic
timeline of events must also be analyzed. In 1793 Robespierre had made terror the order of the
day, and that terror extended to free speech. He was concerned about hidden domestic enemies,
freely speaking the word liberty, [they] stem the flow of life.3 Later, some of the more
outspoken leaders of the sans-culotte movement were arrested, as the central government tried to
clamp down on resistance to the revolution.4 Camille Desmoulins and the legendary Danton, who
actively voiced opinions that differed from that of the Committees, also fell victim to the purge
of counterrevolution and were sent to the guillotine, a clear betrayal of the aforementioned
article.
Afterwards, Robespierre himself was executed and the Thermidorian reaction set in,
which effectively curtailed the radicalness of earlier years. However, they ended up repeating the
mistakes of earlier regimes and introduced a new white terror. Finally, the Directory was
established, and with it came the Constitution of the Year III, which stated, no one may be

1 Jeremy D Popkin, "The Collapse of the Absolute Monarchy," in A Short History of the French
Revolution, sixth ed. (Harrisonburg: Pearson Education Inc, 2015) 25.
2 Lynn Hunt, trans., The French Revolution and Human Rights: A Brief Documentary History
(Boston/New York: Bedford/St. Martin's, 1996), 7779.
3 Rimpression de l'ancien Moniteur, 32 vols. (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 185863) 586, 591.
4 Popkin, French Revolution, 75.

prevented from speaking, writing, printing, or publishing his ideas.5 This is the scene that was
set for Napoleon on the eve of his ascension to power.
As he struggled to cope with pro-Bourbon sympathy that was often indirectly voiced
through veiled criticisms, Napoleon clamped down again on the free press. 6 Printers had to be
licensed in order to prevent the publication of subversive works.7 Playwrights had to be
cautious to not bring up any topics related to state affairs. Napoleon passed a decree that
mandated his approval of all texts before they were published.8 His efforts to quell any promonarchy or anti-empire support was in violation of the initial decree for freedom of speech, but
as illustrated with the Great Terror and Robespierre, those rights had already been suspended in
the name of protecting the revolution. If Robespierre could do it and still be considered a
revolutionary, the same argument could be made for Napoleon. It was a necessity for maintaining
order in his growing empire and for the continuation of spreading enlightened ideals to the far
corners of Europe.
Establishing a republic and giving the power to the people was another essential aspect of
libert. The third article in the Declaration on the Rights of Man and Citizen states, the principle
of all sovereignty rests essentially in the nation. No body and no individual may exercise
authority which does not emanate expressly from the nation. Later on, in article twelve the
document discusses the importance of power, and how those powers are therefore instituted for
the advantage of all, and not for the private benefit of those to whom they are entrusted.9 The
French people had been under the rule of a king for centuries. The divine right of kings
5 John Hall Stewart, A Documentary Survey of the French Revolution (New York: Macmillan,
1951), 58891, 61012.
6 Popkin, French Revolution, 104.
7 Popkin, French Revolution, 111.
8 J Holland Rose, The Censorship under Napoleon I, in Journal of Comparative Legislation
and International Law, New Series, vol 18, no. 1 (1918) 62.
9 Hunt, French Revolution, 77-79.

essentially meant to question the king was to question God. These articles, written in the
beginning year of the revolution, transferred the power from the king to the people.
The struggle to form a representative body of government plagued the early years of the
revolution. The French government was in an increasingly volatile state throughout the next
decade. The National Assembly was comprised of members of the third estate, but was dissolved
into the Legislative Assembly. However, the election process was new and difficult to understand
(as only active or land-owning citizens could participate) and fewer than 25 percent of citizens
who were able to vote did so. There were exclusionary laws in place to keep members who were
involved with the National Assembly out of elections.10 Afterwards however, with uprisings from
the sans-culottes that ousted King Louis XVI from power on the 10th of August, the Legislative
Assembly declared all men eligible to vote for a new Convention.11
Later, the Committee of Public Safety was formed. Even though the powers of the
Committee were to be checked by votes of the Convention, the people themselves did not
participate in important votes. During the Thermidorian reaction years, the Constitution of Year
III was drafted, and it limited the right to vote and the right to hold office to only those who paid
the highest taxes, and only a small portion of the population met those requirements.12 This was
an obvious retreat from original revolutionary goals to have the power derived from all the
people, not just the people with money. From this skewed vote, the Council of Five Hundred and
the Council of Ancients were created, with at least some semblance of representation.
Finally, Napoleon comes into the scene with the coup of 18 Brumaire, and was made a
member of the Consulate. The lack of representation is obvious as coups most often are, the very
definition implies a secretive seize of power, unknown to the general public. Napoleon later
10 Popkin, French Revolution, 50.
11 Popkin, French Revolution, 58.
12 Popkin, French Revolution, 83.

declared himself Consul for Life and established himself as Emperor and reestablished hereditary
rule. He organized plebiscites, where there appeared in the communes the lists upon which it
was necessary for the voters to inscribe their names and respond by yes or no to the question
as to whether the Consul for Life should be proclaimed Emperor.13 This type of weak
representation was extended to the national stage, as he provided, extorted, or paid for
acclamation which sounded like the national voice.14
Now, if there had been pure democracy before he came to power, or at least some
semblance of a real representative government, Napoleon would have betrayed the revolutionary
values with his actions. However, this is yet another instance where the goals had already been
betrayed by previous regimes. During the Great Terror, democracy was suspended in favor of
biased tribunals, and during the Thermidorian reactions new requirements were made that
excluded the majority from voting. Napoleon only took the broken system that was before him
and consolidated power to create an efficient, streamlined government.
galit was also on the forefront of the minds of the early revolutionaries. In a critique of
the noble class and their privileges, Sieys said that the pretended utility of a privileged order
for the public service is nothing more than a chimera, and it is the strong and robust man who
has one arm still shackled. These concerns of inequality from birth were outlined in article six
of the Declaration of the Rights on Man and Citizen, all citizens, without distinction of birth,
are eligible to any office or dignity, whether ecclesiastical, civil, or military; and no profession
shall imply any derogation. Along with abolishing these special privileges inherited with birth
was the dire need to abolish the outdated feudal system.
13 la Marquise de la Tour du Pin, Recollections of the Revolution and the Empire, ed. and trans.
Walter Geer (New York: Brentano's, 1920), 320-321, 358-360.
14 Benjamin Constant, Political Writings, ed. and trans. Biancamaria Fontana (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1988), 16163.

The National Assembly abolished the feudal system in a countrywide decree, but
declared that peasants had to continue to pay a sort of rent-in-kind to their landlords.15 They
replaced the feudal system and proclaimed the primacy of the rights of individual citizens and
created a system of representative government to protect them.16 Likewise, the privileges of the
nobles were discontinued, and anyone could hold office or pursue a career that was previously
available only to the nobility. Although some of the leading figures of the revolution incurred
some larger than life status for their famed involvement and undoubtedly enjoyed some special
treatment, the white males of France enjoyed much more equality than previous centuries.
Although Napoleon did implement the Legion of Honor, which was given to those who
performed exceptionally well in the military, it was based on merit and excellent performance,
and not on birthright.17 There was a much heavier influence on military involvement than the era
before, but it was not limited to only the gentlemen like before. Napoleon also continued the
precedent set by the Directory, by improving the educational system. He helped established new
secondary schools and higher education institutions.18 In this respect, Napoleon furthered the
idea of galit by providing an even playing field for those men with ambitions in education,
regardless of their background.
In addition to abolishing special privileges, land ownership and the equal spreading of
wealth were other important steps in creating an equal playing field. There were many reasons
for redistributing land, but one of the main economic reasons was the high interest rate on

15 J.H. Robinson, ed.,The Decree Abolishing the Feudal System, August 11, 1789, Readings
in European History, 2 vol (Boston: Ginn, 1906), 2: 404-409.
16 Popkin, French Revolution, 32.
17 Popkin, French Revolution, 112.
18 Popkin, French Revolution, 111.

money.19 In article seventeen of the Declaration it says, property [is] an inviolable and sacred
right.20 The government and the peasants seized lands that were previously owned by the
Catholic Church and auctioned them off, in an attempt to even out land distribution and to pay
off their massive foreign debt incurred during the reign of the Bourbons.
Napoleon well understood the importance of land to the peasants. One of his main
stipulations in the Concordat of 1801 was that the Church had to recognize that the seized lands
would remain individual property and not be turned back over to papal authority.21 By respecting
the wants of the masses, Napoleon was able to further land equality by not compromising the
needs of the peasants to gain more support or power from the Church. By tying the currency to a
gold standard, Napoleon was able to regulate the economy and provide more economic
opportunity for the common people. In these two respects he furthered the goals of equality more
than previous regimes had.
When the revolution started, women were still excluded from opportunities of political
activism, even though women had spearheaded many important campaigns (like forcing the King
and his family to return from Versailles).22 Olympe de Gouges issued a document similar to the
Declaration on the Rights of Man and Citizen, saying, woman is born free and remains equal to
man in rights. Social distinctions may be based only on common utility, and woman has no
other limits than those that the perpetual tyranny of man opposes to them.23 She also called for
marriage to become a social contract and to give women the opportunity to divorce their

19 Marquis de Mirabeau, L'Ami des hommes ou trait de la population (Paris, [1756] 1883), 6266, 80-83, 85-88.
20 Hunt, French Revolution, 77-79.
21 Popkin, French Revolution, 111.
22 Popkin, French Revolution, 1.
23 Hunt, French Revolution, 124-129.

husbands. Other citizens eventually tolerated this call for equality, and women were allowed to
form their own political clubs, like Cercle social.24
Things changed with the Reign of Terror, when women were treated as a source of
disorder.25 They were prohibited from gathering in groups of more than five and were
encouraged to stay at home and knit stockings.26 So, as Napoleon takes the center stage of the
revolution, it is obvious that womens rights were not equal with mens rights. The revolution
had already betrayed fifty percent of its population before he became emperor. Napoleon only
followed this pattern that was already set before him with his Code Napolon, which restricted
divorce and gave husbands absolute control over family and property. 27 Napoleon didnt betray
equality here; he only continued with its broken remains and attempted to strengthen the family
unit.
Finally, fraternit. Fraternity can be loosely defined as a group of people who share
common interests. Two groups in particular that were important to French society in the early
stages of the revolution were the political clubs and the Catholic Church. Although the church
collected unpopular tithes that allowed some bishops and cardinals to lead lavish lifestyles, a
majority of the countryside were still deeply devoted Catholics. They had to watch as their prorevolutionary neighbors bought up the land and the seeds of resentment were sown.28
However, Catholicism didnt fit very well with Enlightenment ideology, which meant that
the old superstition was seen as a force that pulled society back to the dark ages of the past.29
So, in February 1790, the National Assembly took action and abolished monastic religious
24 Popkin, French Revolution, 46.
25 Popkin, French Revolution, 74.
26Trans. Popkin, Document I in Journal de la Montagne, 23 plu. II.
27 Popkin, French Revolution, 102.
28 Popkin, French Revolution, 65.
29 Popkin, French Revolution, 101.

orders.30 Radical revolutionists coerced monks and nuns to break sacred vows and desecrated
churches across France.31 After that decree, religion continued to be unpopular and the opulence
of the cathedrals were seen as signs of the old regime. It got to the point where divine services
were only held in private rooms, if not entirely in secret because of the potential ramifications
of being seen worshipping in public.32
When Napoleon instituted the Concordat of 1801 it made it safe to practice religion once
again. Although the Catholic Church had to recognize land seizures as legitimate and had to
abide by more government regulations than before, the church was brought out of darkness and
back into the public sphere.33 Although Napoleon himself was not religious, he saw power within
the Church. He looked on Christianity as the basis of all real civilization; and considered
Catholicism as the form of worship most favorable to the maintenance of order and the true
tranquility of the moral world.34 By consolidating power between the church and those anxious
for its reinstatement, Napoleon was able to shift the focus from matters of religion and gain
support from many. He furthered the goal of fraternity, by allowing freedom of religion and
allowing people to gather together and worship.

In the radical phase of the revolution when the church was unpopular, political clubs
filled the void that was created by its removal. A major force in the revolution, the Jacobins club,
was formed out of informal coffeehouse gatherings. Those political clubs, born in the early
30 De la Tour, Recollections, 320-321
31 Popkin, French Revolution, 72.
32 De la Tour, Recollections, 320-321.
33 Popkin, French Revolution, 94.
34 Clemens Lothar Wenzel, Frst von Metternich-Winneburg, Memoirs of
Prince Metternich, 1773-1815, ed. Prince Richard Metternich, tr. Mrs.
Alexander Napier, 5 vols. (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1880-1882), I:
pp. 272-273.

1790s, became what channeled and organized the publics participation in the new politics, and
were a physical manifestation of fraternity.35 These organizations became absolutely essential to
disseminating information to the public and in enabling public participation in the new
representative government. Radical and conservative parties grew out of these clubs and served
as the basis for their government. However, the politically active masses couldnt always be
trusted to act rationally. Violent uprisings that virtually held the legislature hostage until they
gave in to the needs of the sans-culottes were common. Due to this unpredictability and lack of
protocol, the ability to participate in clubs was curtailed.36
During the Thermidorian reaction, there was more opportunity to act out politically, but it
was risky to be politically associated with the leaders of the Terror. When the Directory was first
established it struggled politically, because it attempted to deal political blows to clubs on both
the right and the left.37 When Napoleon came to power in the Consulate, it was common for
legislature to let polarized opinions get in the way of passing reforms.38 Napoleon was able to
effectively bring the two sides together and create a streamlined government that was able to
quickly pass legislation. On this point he improved the revolution, by creating more fraternity
between political clubs.
Perhaps the true intentions of Napoleon Bonaparte and his real feelings about the
revolution will always remain a matter up for debate. As illustrated in this essay, when Napoleon
came to power in the late 1700s, the French Revolution had already consumed itself with
radicalism. The original goals of liberty through free speech and representation; equality through
private land ownership, the abolition of feudalism and special privileges, and granting equal
35 Popkin, French Revolution, 46.
36 Popkin, French Revolution, 76.
37 Popkin, French Revolution, 85.
38 Popkin, French Revolution, 94.

rights to women; and fraternity through political activism and free church worship, had already
been desecrated and twisted for political means. Although Napoleon may have continued the
disillusionment of some of the ideals, like free speech and womens rights, he improved on
others, liked equal rights in the education system and the reestablishment of the church fraternity.
Napoleon didnt betray the revolution; he just took the broken pieces of it and created a new
empire.

Melissa Leavitt
December 17, 2015
HIST 4290