Ίδρυμα Μανόλη Τριανταφυλλίδη: πρώτο διεθνές συνέδριο γλωσσικών επαφών (Βαλκάνια, Μ Ασία) : ΠΡΟΣΚΛΗΣΗ & ΠΕΡΙΓΡΑΦΗ

[ ]
1

35 2016
, ... | 159,
International Conference on Language Contact

in the Balkans and Asia Minor
November 3rd5th, 2016
1st
Teloglion Fine Arts Foundation, A.U.Th. | Agiou Dimitriou 159A, Thessaloniki
INSTITUTE OF MODERN GREEK STUDIES

[Manolis Triandaphyllidis Foundation]
ARISTOTLE UNIVERSITY OF THESSALONIKI

/PROGRAM
3 | Thursday, November 3rd

8:309:00 | Registration
9:009:30 | Opening
| Chair:
9:3010:30 Bernt Brendemoen: | Keynote speaker
The Eastern Black Sea dialects of Turkey from the point of view of language contact
10:3011:00 Cristina Guardiano, Dimitris Michelioudakis, Melita Stavrou, Metin Bariacik,
Giuseppe Longobardi, Ioanna Sitaridou
Diagnosing syntactic effects of language contact and historical transmission: Asia Minor
Greek as a case study
11:0011:30 Brian Joseph
Lessons for language contact, and contact linguistics more generally from Ottoman-era
Greek of Adrianoupolis
11:3012:00 | Coffee break
| Chair: Brian Joseph

12:0013:00 Christos Tzitzilis
Anatolian and Balkan Sprachbund
13:0013:30 Matthias Kappler
Language contacts in an Ottoman religiolect: Observations on Karamanlidika and oth-
er instances of graphic syncretism
| Chair: Matthias Kappler

16:0016:30 Marianthi Georgalidou & Hasan Kaili
The pragmatics of language contact humor in bilingual conversation
16:3017:00 Maria Petrou
The impact of the educational system on language contact in Western Thrace Turkish
17:0017:30 Irena Sawicka
Greek-Slavic convergence in phonetics
17:3018:00 Dimitris Papazachariou
Dialects in contact in Modern Greece: Comparing the vowel systems of Pontic and Cap-
padocian, as they are spoken today
| Chair:
18:3019:00 nthi Revithiadou & Vassilios Spyropoulos
Shaping the nominal system of Cappadocian Greek: Reanalysis, actualization and lan-
guage contact
19:0019:30 icolaos Neocleous & Ioanna Sitaridou
A contact explanation for the rise of final auxiliaries in Asia Minor Greek: a more com-
plex tale from a dialectological perspective
19:3020:00 Svetlana Berikashvili
Loan verbs adaptation in Pontic Greek (spoken in Georgia)
4 | Friday, November 4th

| Chair:
9:3010:00 Sema Sandalc & Berna aan

10:0010:30 & E
:

10:3011:00 Helmut Schaller
Elias Riggs an American missionary and linguist in Smyrna
11:0011:30 Andrey N. Sobolev
Language contact in Balkan symbiotic societies: settings, mechanisms, outcomes
| Chair: -
12:0013:00 Klaus Steinke: | Keynote speaker
Balkansprachbund revisited (On the background of contact linguistics)
13:0014:00 | Oral presentation of the
Posters
13:0013:10 & |
:
13:1013:20 Anca Mihaela Sapovici |

13:2013:30 Elwira Kaczynska | The Arabic origin of Modern Greek (dial.)
well; well-sweep
13:3013:40 |

13:4013:50 Dimitra Melissaropoulou | Accounting for morphological complexity vs.
simplification in situations of language contact: evidence from Cappadocian Greek
14:0015:00 | Posters
15:0016:00 | Break
| Chair:
16:0016:30 Nikolaos Lavidas & Ianthi Maria Tsimpli
Language contact and transitivity: Syntactic borrowing in the West Thracian Greek (Ev-
ros) dialect
16:3017:00 Evangelia Thomadaki & Christina Markou
On some contact-induced changes in Pomak and the role of Greek
17:0017:30 Georg F. K. Hhn
Unagreement in the Balkans: Two case studies of language contact
17:3018:00 Ioannis Fykias & Christina Katsikadeli
Some affine subordination patterns in the synchrony and diachrony of Greek, Albanian
and other Balkan languages
| Chair:
18:3019:00 Costas Canakis
Grammaticalized non-quantifying constructions in Greek, BCMS and Albanian
19:0019:30 Jerneja Kavi
On the periphery of the Balkan Sprachbund: the future in Slovenian dialects
19:3020:00 Desislava Yordanova-Petrova
evidentiality
5 | Saturday, November 5th
| Chair: -
9:3010:00 Irina V. Tresorukova
:

10:0010:30 Anastasia Petrova &
: ( )
10:3011:00 Sneana Petrovi
Loanwords from Turkish gvur and kfir (Un)faithful images of language contact in
the Balkans
11:0011:30 Rafa Roso
The world of wandering words: The case of the name of pistachio in Ancient and Modern
Greek
| Chair:
12:0012:30 Jasmina Grkovi-Major
Semantic borrowing in the creation of Slavic Christian terminology: the case of OCS
vra: Gr.
12:3013:00 Krzysztof Tomasz Witczak
The earliest Albanian loanwords in Greek
13:0014:00 | Oral presentation of the
Posters
13:0013:10 Hasan Kaili | On dependent clauses in Rhodian Turkish
13:1013:20 | :

13:2013:30 |

13:3013:40 Panagiotis Filos | Ancient Greek onomastics and language contact in the
W. Balkans and S. Asia Minor
13:4013:50 |
19 20
14:0015:00 | Posters
| Break
| Chair: Andrey N. Sobolev
16:0016:30 &

16:3017:00 Lia Brad-Chisacof
Languages in contact in the Greek literature written on Romanian soil
17:0017:30 Emanuela Timotin
The use of Greek in 18th century Romanian ceremonial texts. A reassessment
17:3018:00 Nikola Golubovi & Orsat Ligorio
The onion of the Balkans: Peeling the layers off a Vlach dialect
| Chair: Lia Brad-Chisacof

18:3019:00 na Arapi
The relation between subjunctive and infinitive in Old and Modern Albanian Gheg dialect
19:0019:30

19:3020:00 | Closing
| Keynote Speakers
Bernt Brendemoen
Oslo University
bernt.brendemoen@ikos.uio.no
The Eastern Black Sea dialects of Turkey from the point of view of language contact
( 3 , 9:3010:30 / Thursday, November 3rd, 9:3010:30)
The Black Sea provinces of Trabzon and Rize area can be divided into several sub-districts from the
point of view of preservation of archaic features and/or innovations due to the impact of non-Turkic
languages. The most archaic features are the ones in Trabzon, where Greek used to be spoken exten-
sively up to the population exchange in 1923, i.e. the districts of Of and aykara, and Maka, Akaabat
and Tonya (henceforth called the nucleus districts). In the districts of Yomra, Arsin, Arakl, and Sr-
mene, and also in great parts of Rize, there seems to be an Armenian substrate.
In the field of phonology, the most salient features characterizing the Eastern Black Sea dialects are
the following:
(1) Backing of // and // and fronting of //. The strength of this phonological mechanism varies
both according to the surrounding consonants and the geographical districts. In the nucleus
areas it does not take place after velar stops, but in Rize it does.
(2) Strong tendency for especially initial stops to become unaspirated and unvoiced in the nucle-
us areas.
(3) Velar stops becoming affricates in front of front vowels in the non-nucleus areas. At the same
time, the palate-alveolar affricates // and /c/ are dentalized (> /ts/, /dz/).
(4) Labial harmony is on a very archaic stage of development in the nucleus areas. In other dis-
tricts, the degree of development varies considerably. Suffixes ending in a high vowel + /k/
tend to have an /u/ all over the area.
In the field of syntax, there are also some significant differences from other Anatolian dialects, such
as:
(5) The suffix {-mI} does not have the same inferential meaning as in Standard Turkish, but
rather expresses a postterminal action, at least in the nucleus areas.
(6) Zero anaphora, or pro-drop, which is a rule in Standard Turkish, is not very common, espe-
cially in the nucleus districts.
(7) Word-order: Subjects, predicatives and objects frequently occur in post-verbal position in spite
of being parts of the rhema.
In my paper, I shall discuss some of these features as possible results of language contact.
Bibliography
Brendemoen, B. 2002. The Turkish Dialects of Trabzon: Their Phonology and Historical Development, 2 v. Wies-
baden: Harrassowitz.
Gnay, T. 1978. Rize li Azlar. Ankara niversitesi Basmevi.
Klaus Steinke
University of Erlangen-Nuremberg
Klaus-Steinke@web.de
Balkansprachbund revisited (On the background of Contact Linguistics)

( 4 , 12:0013:00 / Friday, November 4th, 12:0013:00)
The term Balkansprachbund made an astonishing career, nevertheless fulfilling scientific standards
only partially, as Reiter (1994) showed in his fundamental critique of the term. He concentrated his
criticisms on the following two central questions: What (which criteria) forms the Balkansprachbund?
and How the Balkansprachbund can be limited exactly in space and time? Despite the fact, that there
is neither a satisfying answer nor can be given to them, the term is still frequently used. Reiter himself
pleads instead for the extended approach of Eurolinguistics, and others see in Southeast European lin-
guistics a better solution for all the phenomena and problems connected with the criticized term. But,
in this way, the difficulty of an exact delimitation of the term Balkansprachbund is moved on a higher
level of analysis and is not really solved. Another differentiation introduced here by Reiter seems to be
more promising, i.e. the distinction between divergence and convergence, because it touches the hard
core of the problem.
Regardless of all differences in detail, linguists seem to agree at least in this point that they have to
do here in principle with problems that can be treated more successfully by the already well-estab-
lished contact linguistics. At the beginning we will compare in our paper the terms Balkansprachbund,
Southeast European linguistics and Eurolinguistics and control their usability. Finally the possibilities
of their effective integration in the discipline of contact linguistics will be discussed.
| Oral Presentations
Ina Arapi
University of Vienna
ina.arapi@univie.ac.at
The relation between subjunctive and infinitive in Old and Modern Albanian Gheg dialect
( 5 , 18:3019:00 / Saturday, November 5th, 18:3019:00)
A function of the Albanian subjunctive in the form of a prospective subjunctive and especially the use of
the subjunctive as a future tense is represented in the oldest known Albanian book, the so-called The
Missal, by Gjon Buzuku (Gheg dialect, 1555), but disappeared in other subsequent works by other authors.
This is the first case when the subjunctive disappears to make place for a construction with an infini-
tive. In the following centuries, the position of the infinitive in the Gheg dialect has continuously in-
creased. In the present time, the use of subjunctive in the Gheg dialect is very limited and almost all
its functions derive from the infinitive.
The Missal by Gjon Buzuku contains not only early functions of the Gheg subjunctive but also some of its
formal primitive features, such as early endings and the cases of the subjunctive not preceded by the article.
Bibliography
Arapi, I. 2010. Der Gebrauch von Infinitiv und Konjunktiv im Altalbanischen mit Ausblick auf das Rumnische.
Hamburg: Verlag Dr. Kova.
Frncu, C. 1969. nlocuirea infinitivului prin construcii personale n limba romn veche, Anuarul de lingivistic
i istorie literar 20, 69115.
Svetlana Berikashvili
Tbilisi State University
svetlana.berikashvili@tsu.ge
Loan verbs adaptation in Pontic Greek (spoken in Georgia)

The paper presents an empirical study on cross-linguistic influence of contact languages (Turkish and
Russian) regarding the process of verb transference (including loanwords and loan blends) in Pontic
Greek. The presentation focuses on accommodation strategies of loan verbs, following the classification of
Wichman & Wohlgemuth (2008) and the Loan Verb Integration Hierarchy proposed by Wohlgemuth (2009).
The study is based on corpus data, which are collected through several fieldwork periods in the Pontic-
speaking community of Georgia (by Evgenia Kotanidi, Svetlana Berikashvili & Stavros Skopeteas 2005,
2014) and is part of the project The Impact of Current Transformational Processes on Language and Ethnic
Identity: Urum and Pontic Greeks in Georgia at Bielefeld University, funded by the Volkswagen Foundation.
The claim is that Pontic Greek possesses different incorporation strategies to accommodate loan verbs
from languages with concatenative (i.e. Turkish) and non-concatenative (i.e. Russian) morphology. The
majority of the verbs in Pontic use different adaptation strategies, i.e. Indirect Insertion (IndI) for the
adaptation of Turkish loan verbs by the means of the verbalizer -ev and Light Verb Strategy (LVS) for
the integration of Russian loan verbs. Alongside, there are examples of the Direct Insertion (DI), name-
ly infinitive forms from Russian, which should be discussed separately.
The main questions are why different strategies are used to accommodate verbs from different donor
languages (immediate donor languages) involved in the transference process and, does typology of the
donor language plays any crucial role in the integration process or not.
The novel contribution of this presentation is that (a) it presents data of an understudied variety of the
Pontic dialect (as currently spoken in Georgia) and (b) it compares the morphological integration of
verbs originating in concatenative languages with verbs originating in non-concatenative languages in
order to disentangle the role of the source language in transference phenomena.
Bibliography
Wichman, S. & J. Wohlgemuth. 2008. Loan verbs in a typological perspective, in T. Stolz, D. Bakker & R. Salas
Palomo (eds), Aspects of Language Contact: New Theoretical, Methodological and Empirical Findings with
Special Focus on Romanisation Processes. Berlin & New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 89121.
Wohlgemuth, J. 2009. Typology of Verbal Borrowings. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
Lia Brad-Chisacof
Institute for South East European Studies of the Romanian Academy
lia_chisacof@yahoo.co.uk
Languages in contact in the Greek literature written on Romanian soil

The literature of Greek expression written on Romanian soil between the early 1700ies till roughly
speaking 1822 is from the standpoint of languages in contact (and of course from many other perspec-
tives) an important corpus comprising drama, prose-writing and poetry. The corpus is enlarged by a
bulky treatise of medicine called The Art of Medicine, which is in itself a novelty in point of dealing with
languages in contact (Greek, Romanian, Turkish, German, Hungarian, Latin).
The corpus evinces instances of code switching of different purposes and various scales which are
telling in point of readership and mainly audiences. The mentioned corpus is psychologically implied in
a need for performance fulfilled in various substitutional ways as the performances proper pertained
to foreigners, were occasional and definitely not at a popular level.
Switching is referential and its interest lies in the nature of the selected items (their dialectal nature).
The most relevant are the directive instances which at times may be practical while at other times may
point at political aims (make the Greek-speaking grandees realize how good was the Greek of their
subjects and obtain their favor).
The poetic instances are consistently implied in the degree of the artistic fulfillment.
Our paper looks at the phenomenon of switching as described above, i.e. implying a larger set of lan-
guages than usually spoken of the Balkan area and as a main characteristic of the 18th c.
Costas Canakis
University of the Aegean
c.canakis@sa.aegean.gr
Grammaticalized non-quantifying constructions in Greek, BCMS, and Albanian

Recent research (Canakis 2015) has argued that MGr lo has been grammaticalized from a quantifier
to an (inter)subjective metalinguistic hedging device: i.e., a positive politeness marker in the hedged
request construction and a verbal diminutivizer marking attitude to ones own utterance in the hedged
statement construction. Motivation for this development is provided by MGr interactional ethos and the
importance attached to the informal politeness of involvement, which touches upon universal ten-
dencies in the semantics of diminutives and affective language. Crucially, then, non-quantifying lo is
a case of semantic change motivated by sociopragmatic considerations, which are anchored to spe-
cific constructions. In BCMS and Albanian, the counterparts of lo, malo and pak / nj ik, manifestly
participate in the hedged request construction (Examples [1][2]):
[1] MGr: la lo/liki na se o [vre/de]!

ALB: eja pak / nj ik t t shof [pra/de]!
BCMS: doi malo da te vidim [bre]!
come.2sg.imp a.little to.sbjv you.acc see.1sg.pfv [voc.fmlr]
Come over so I can see you!
(2) MGr: la na se o lo/liki [vre/de]!
ALB: hajde t t shof pak / nj ik [pra/de]!
BCMS: doi da te vidim malo [bre]!
come.2sg.imp to.sbjv you.acc see.1sg.pfv a.little [voc.fmlr]
Come over so I can see you!
It remains to be seen whether all three languages share the hedged statement construction as well.
As non-quantifying use of lo for politeness purposes is not a Greek patent (Sifianou 1992, 169), it is
worth comparing MGr with other Balkan languages ascertained to share many structural characteristics
(Sandfeld 1930; Joseph 1983; Friedman 1994; 2011). Primary evidence suggests verbal diminutivization
through grammaticalization of quantifiers may be an area feature. If so, we can gain new insights into the
interaction of cognitive and social factors in language contact situations; for lo, malo and pak/nj ik
may present us with a case of semantic change motivated by constructional and sociopragmatic consid-
erations bringing to bear such neglected issues as prosody, face, and affect (cf. Perek & Hilpert 2014, 266).
Bibliography
Canakis, C. 2015. Non-quantifying lo constructions in Modern Greek, Constructions and Frames 7(1), 4778.
Friedman, V. 1994. Variation and grammaticalization in the development of Balkanisms, CLS 30(2): The Parases-
sion on Variation in Linguistic Theory. Chicago: CLS, 10115.
. 2011. The Balkan Languages and Balkan Linguistics, Annual Review of Anthropology 40, 27591.
Goldberg, A. 2006. Constructions at Work: The Nature of Generalization in Language. Oxford: OUP.
Joseph, B. 1983. The Synchrony and Diachrony of the Balkan Infinitive: A Study in Areal, General, and Historical
Linguistics. Cambridge: CUP.
Perek, F. & M. Hilpert. 2014. Constructional tolerance: Cross-linguistic differences in the acceptability of non-
conventional uses of constructions, Constructions and Frames 6(2), 266304.
Sandfeld, K. 1930. Linguistique Balkanique. Paris: Klincksieck.
Sifianou, M. 1992. The use of diminutives in expressing politeness: Modern Greek versus English, Journal of
Pragmatics 17, 15573.
Ioannis Fykias & Christina Katsikadeli

University of Salzburg, Department of Linguistics
Christina.Katsikadeli@sbg.ac.at & Ioannis.Fykias@sbg.ac.at
Some affine subordination patterns in the synchrony

and diachrony of Greek, Albanian and other Balkan languages
This contribution is a part of a comprehensive studythat deals with a number of formal syntactic traits and
their relationship to the distinction between main and subordinate clauses in Indo-European (Herrmann
1895; Kiparsky 1995). The first parts of this study (Fykias & Katsikadeli 2013; Fykias & Katsikadeli forth-
coming) focused on the development of a set of devices (primarily) signaling indirect speech, such as the
emergence of system of complementizers (e.g. and ), person shift, mood shift (the use ofoptativus
obliquusin classical Greek in connection with past tense in the matrix clause) and tense shift (the predomi-
nant strategy in pre- and post-classical Greek) in the course of the major historical stages of Greek. We
also examined the (total or partial) decline of some of the above-mentioned traits in post-classical Greek,
as well as a small number of constructions employing to introduce subordinate clauses in later Greek.
In the present paper, we systematically compare some of the aforementioned phenomena with affine
patterns (primarily) in Albanian and other Balkan languages. We investigate the phenomenon of tense
shift in a considerable portion of Albanian subordinate clauses and affine phenomena displaying a more
limited distribution in Greek, the presence of direct speech features in Greek and Albanian subordinate
clauses, and constructions employing coordination devices to introduce subordinate clauses.
We explore the possibility of a Sprachbund explanation of those affinities and we attempt to capture
these affinities within an adequate theoretical framework.
Bibliography
Fykias, I. & C. Katsikadeli. 2013. The rise of subordination features in the history of Greek and their decline: The
Indirect Speech Traits Cycle, in Journal of Historical Linguistics 3(1), 2848.
. Forthcoming. Subordinationsmuster in der Geschichte des Griechischen in Interaktion mit der formalen
Kennzeichnung der indirekten Rede. Paper presented at the Symposium in Memoriam Manfred Mayrhofer
(19262011) (Vienna, Austrian Academy of Sciences, May 10th12th 2012).
Hermann, E. 1895. Gab es im Indogermanischen nebenstze?, Zeitschrift fr Vergleichende Sprachforschung 33,
481535.
Kiparsky, P. 1995. The Indo-European origins of Germanic syntax, in A. Battye & I. Roberts (eds), Clause Structure
and Language Change. Oxford: OUP, 14070.
Tomi Mieska, O. 2006. Balkan Sprachbund Morpho-syntactic Features (Studies in Natural Language and Lin-
guistic Theory 67). Dordrecht: Springer.
Marianthi Georgalidou & Hasan Kaili

University of the Aegean, Greece & University of Ankara, Turkey
georgalidou@rhodes.aegean.gr & kaili@rhodes.aegean.gr
The pragmatics of language contact: Humor in bilingual conversations

In this study, we analyze conversations recorded during ethnographic research in the bilingual in Greek
and Turkish Muslim community of Rhodes (Georgalidou et al. 2010; 2013). In particular, within a Con-
versation Analysis (CA) framework (Auer 1995), we examine the pragmatics of humor in bilingual con-
versations (Georgakopoulou & Finnis 2009). We examine aspects of the overall and sequential organi-
zation of talk as well as instances of humor produced by the code alternation choices speakers of dif-
ferent ethnic origin, generation and social groups make during interaction. Our data comprise recordings
of everyday talk-in-interaction during bilingual family and friendly gatherings. As it is the case in bi-
lingual communities throughout the world, Rhodian Muslims make use of code-switching devices in
their everyday-talk-in-interaction. Code-switching, being essentially a conversational practice, is pri-
marily analyzed in the conversational context in which it appears as a meaningful choice of bilingual
speakers (Auer 1995; 1998; 2005). In this context, humorous code-switchings are seen (a) as discourse
related alternations connected to pragmatic parameters of the organization of talk-in-interaction, and
(b) as participant related alternations strategically used for the construction of aspects of the bilingual
identity as well as dynamic alignments among participants. Aspects of vocabulary and structural dis-
crepancies concerning the contrasted linguistic systems involved are also taken into account.
Bibliography
Auer, P. 1995. The pragmatics of code-switching: A sequential approach, in L. Milroy & P. Muysken (eds), One
Speaker, Two Languages. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 11535.
. 1998. Introduction: Bilingual conversation revisited, in P. Auer (ed.), Code-switching in Conversation: Lan-
guage, Interaction and Identity. London: Routledge, 124.
. 2005. A postscript: code-switching and social identity, Journal of Pragmatics 37(3), 40310.
Georgakopoulou, A. & K. Finnis. 2009. Code-switching in site for fantasizing identities: A case study of conven-
tional uses of London Cypriot Greek, Pragmatics 19, 46788.
Georgalidou, M., . Kaili & . Celtek. 2010. Code-alternation patterns in bilingual conversation: conversation
analysis approach, Journal of Greek Linguistics 10, 31744.
. 2013. Code alternation patterns in bilingual family conversations: Implications for an integrated model of
analysis, in P. Auer, J. Caro & G. Kaufman (eds), Language Variation: European Perspectives IV. Amsterdam:
John Benjamins, 11728.
Nikola Golubovi & Orsat Ligorio

Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade
nicola.golubovic@gmail.com & orsat.ligorio@gmail.com
The onion of the Balkans: Peeling the layers off a Vlach dialect
The Vlach dialect of Eastern Serbia, which is spoken in the municipalities of Bor and Majdanpek, has a
long history of language contact, and, in particular, with Slavic, Greek, and Turkish, which feature prom-
inently both in its lexicon and grammar, as well as with the Balkan Substrate, the elements of which
it shares with other Romanian dialects and Albanian. A long history indeed, particularly given the fact
that a thorough inspection requires not only the assistance of etymology, by which the uninherited, or
borrowed, elements are separated from the inherited elements, and from one another, but also the as-
sistance of comparative historical grammars, as it were, since within each group of uninherited ele-
ments (Slavic, Greek, Turkish etc.) there appears to be a broad range of these elements spanning from
the oldest to the newest, e.g. within Slavic, from Proto-Slavic to Serbian or Bulgarian; within Greek,
from Ancient Greek (fossilized in form of Greek borrowings in Latin) to Modern Greek, etc. It is our con-
tention, which we plan to deliver in this presentation, that the borrowed elements in the Vlach dialect
of Bor and Majdanpek of Eastern Serbia may be subjected to a certain dialysis by the means of which,
using the methods of historical and comparative linguistics, the borrowed elements of its grammar and
lexicon can be attributed not only to a definite source but to a definite source and a definite time; and,
furthermore, that definite formal criteria can be developed for this purpose which, potentially, could be
applied back to those languages which have, in their own turn, borrowed from Vlach.
Bibliography
Golubovi, N. & O. Ligorio. Forthcoming. A Vlach idiolect of Eastern Serbia, Lucida Intervalla.
Jasmina Grkovi-Major
Faculty of Philosophy, Department of Serbian Language and Linguistics
jgrkovicns@gmail.com
Semantic borrowing in the creation of Slavic Christian terminology:

the case of OCS vra : Gr.
The translation of liturgical books from Greek to Slavic in the 9th century included the creation of Slav-
ic Christian terminology. An important role in this process was played by semantic borrowing, in which
the meaning of a Slavic word was extended so that it became a theological term in Old Church Sla-
vonic (OCS). Slavic words which were chosen by the first translators to be the basis for such semantic
loans were semantically homologous to the Greek words in their primary, non-terminological value
(OCS slovo : Gr. ; OCS grh : Gr. ; OCS (po)kajati s : Gr. etc.). In most cases
Slavic words that were subjected to semantic changes were taken from the general lexicon.
However, there are cases when an existing Common Slavic term was transposed into the Christian ter-
minological system. Such an example is OCS vra (and its derivatives), the term equivalent to Gr. .
As shown by the Old Slavic vernaculars, Common Slavic *vra (< PIE *ro-) was an important reli-
gious and legal term, denoting agreement, contract, alliance (based on Truth and Justice) on the so-
cial level. By semantic borrowing it acquired the meaning of Gr. in Christian discourse and became
a theological term denoting covenant with God. The analogous semantic change can be seen in the
development of Gr. (< PIE *bhei dh-) from ancient times to the Christian era, which means that
the Slavic and the Greek words were semantic equivalents already in Pre-Christian times.
Bibliography
Cejtlin, R. M. 1977. Leksika staroslavjanskogo jazyka. Moscow.
Geeraerts, D. 2010. Theories of Lexical Semantics. Oxford.
Gingrich, F. W. 1954. The Greek New Testament as a landmark in the course of semantic change, Journal of Bib-
lical Literature 73(4), 18996.
Grkovi-Major [Grkovi-Mejdor], J. Forthcoming. Formule s imenicom vra u starosrpskom jeziku, Philologica
Slavica Vindobonensia 3.
Vereagin, E. M. 1997. Istorija vozniknovenija drevnego obeslavjanskogo jazyka. Perevodeskaja dejatelnost
Kirilla i Mefodija i ih uenikov. Moscow.
Cristina Guardiano, Dimitris Michelioudakis, Melita Stavrou, Metin

Bariacik, Giuseppe Longobardi & Ioanna Sitaridou
Universit di Modena e Reggio Emilia, University of York, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, University
of Gent, University of York & University of Cambridge, Queens College
cristina.guardiano@unimore.it, dimitris.michelioudakis@york.ac.uk, staurou@lit.auth.gr, Metin.
Bagriacik@UGent.be, giuseppe.longobardi@york.ac.uk & is269@cam.ac.uk
Diagnosing syntactic effects of language contact and historical transmission:

Asia Minor Greek as a case study
We propose a comparative approach to syntactic (micro)variation that enables us to probe and distin-
guish the two possible sources of syntactic change (i.e. historical and horizontal processes).
To this end, we analyze aspects of the nominal syntax in the following Asia Minor Greek varieties:
Romeyka Pontic (spoken in the region of Caykara in Turkey), Cappadocian (by the descendants ofrefu-
gees originally from the village of Mist) and Pharasiot (spoken by the descendants ofrefugees originally
fromthe village of Varas). These languages share a common ancestor and a common sociolinguistic
setting: they are spoken in the same broad area, are relatively isolated from the core of the Greek-
speaking world, and have been in contact with Turkish, the majority language of the region. We com-
pare them with other Greek varieties, Standard Greek, Turkish, as well as with older stages of Greek.
We focus on the surface position of nouns with respect to adnominal arguments and modifiers, and of
relative clauses; we present evidence showing the lack of postnominal adjectives in the 3 varieties un-
der investigation, and we provide an account of obligatory definiteness spreading with prenominal
adjectives in these varieties.
Placing our analysis within the framework of the Parametric Comparison Method (Longobardi & Guardia-
no 2009), we show that the N-finality observed in Asia Minor Greek has two main sources: (i) the ab-
sence of N-movement and (ii) the absence of base-generated postnominal material. As far as definite
prenominal adjectives are concerned, we show that they are instances of (definiteness) agreement:
Asia Minor Greek has an affixed definite article (like all the languages spoken around the Black Sea,
Guardiano et al. 2016), which is used as a marker of morphological agreement and is therefore oblig-
atory on all [+ N] elements within the (extended) nominal structure.
Our study leads to the following conclusions: (a) the absence of postnominal material seems to be a
clear effect of contact with Turkish, especially in comparison to Italiot Greek, where there is no ban on
postnominal adjectives; (b) the absence of N-movement is reminiscent of Classical Greek, although it
would be hard to propose full continuity as the underlying cause, especially given its presence in Hel-
lenistic Greek (Guardiano 2003; Sitaridou 2014a; 2014b); thus, a reasonable hypothesis is that Turkish
must have facilitated it; (c) the definiteness spreading phenomenon points to a graded grammatical-
ization process across the Greek-speaking world, with Asia Minor representing one end of the spec-
trum (highest degree of grammaticalization), Salento Greek (an Italiot Greek variety; Guardiano & Stav-
rou 2014) representing the other end (no definiteness spreading), and Standard Greek representing an
intermediate stage (Stavrou 2012; forthcoming). Such a graded distribution corresponds to (and in fact
mirrors) the distribution of noun movement across the same varieties.
Georg F. K. Hhn
University of Cambridge & Universitt Bielefeld
gfkh3@cam.ac.uk
Unagreement in the Balkans: Two case studies of language contact

The unagreement phenomenon is commonly observed in the form of a person mismatch between a
definite plural subject and 1st- or 2nd-person verbal agreement as illustrated in [1]. It has been ob-
served in a number of consistent null subject languages, like Spanish, Standard Modern Greek or Bul-
garian, but is absent from others, e.g. Standard Italian or European Portuguese (e.g. Ackema & Neele-
man 2013; Choi 2014; Hhn 2016).
[1] Oi glossologoi taxidevete poly [SMG]
the linguists travel.2PL much
You linguists travel a lot.
In this talk, I address the distribution of the unagreement phenomenon in Balkan languages. One as-
pect concerns the lack of unagreement in Bosnian-Croatian-Montenegrin-Serbian and its availability
in other South-Slavic languages like Bulgarian and Pomak, which seems to correlate with the lack or
presence of definite articles. This is in line with the predictions of Choi (2014) and Hhn (2016), who
link the availability of unagreement to the presence of a definite article in adnominal pronoun construc-
tions (APCs) like SMG emeis oi glossologoi (we the linguists) we linguists.
The second aspect concerns microvariation between two Eastern Romance varieties, Romanian and
Aromanian (also known as Vlach). Although both have definite articles in APCs, only Aromanian allows
unagreement. I suggest that this is connected to the intense historic contact of Aromanian with Greek. A
similar effect has been observed in southern Italo-Romance varieties, which show unagreement effects
in contrast to standard Italian, probably due to contact with Greek varieties historically spoken in south-
ern Italy (Hhn, Silvestri & Squillaci forthcoming). I propose a tentative account of the underlying struc-
tural difference between Aromanian and Romanian building on the framework developed in Hhn (2016).
Bibliography
Ackema, P. & A. Neeleman. 2013. Subset controllers in agreement relations, Morphology 23, 291323.
Choi, J. 2014. Pronoun-noun Constructions and the Cyntax of DP. Ph.D. diss. University of Arizona.
Hhn, G. F. K. 2016. Unagreement is an illusion: Apparent person mismatches and nominal structure, NLLT 34(2),
54392.
Hhn, G. F. K., G. Silvestri & M. Olimpia Squillaci. Forthcoming. Unagreement between Italian and Southern Italian
dialects, in Proceedings of IGG41, Perugia.
& E

msd02002@aegean.gr & karantzola@rhodes.aegean.gr
:
, , -
() (Thomason 2001
Winford 2003). ,
Dawkins (1916), -
.
,
. , -

(, ), -
.
,
. , ,
. , -
, -
(Mackridge 2009).
(1908), ,
.
( )
,
,
. , -
( ),
, (.. ).
-
, ,
.
Dawkins, R. M. 1916. Modern Greek in Asia Minor: A Study of Dialect of Silli, Cappadocia and Phrasa. :
Cambridge University Press.
, . . :
. . . .
Mackridge, P. 2009. (17661976). : .
Thomason, S. G. 2001. Language Contact: An Introduction. : Edinburgh University Press.
Winford, D. 2003. An Introduction to Contact Linguistics. : Wiley.
Brian Joseph
The Ohio State University
joseph.1@osu.edu
Lessons for language contact, and contact linguistics

more generally from Ottoman-era Greek of Adrianoupolis
The varieties of Greek spoken historically in what is now Turkey, both Balkan Turkey (Turkey in Europe,
or Roumelia) and Asia Minor, have engendered considerable interest, due largely either to their isolation
and archaic character, as in the case of the Romeyka (Pontic) variety of the area around Trabzon, or to
their intense contact with Turkish, as in the case of Cappadocian Greek. In this paper, I report on another
variety of Greek spoken once in Turkey, specifically Balkan Turkey, namely the Greek of Adrianoupolis,
present-day Edirne. The temporal focus is the Ottoman period, particularly late in that era, as there
seem not to be any Greek speakers left in Edirne. The primary source for information on this variety of
Greek is a rather remarkable lexicon, containing some grammatical information as well, produced by the
19th and early 20th century French Orientalist Louis Ronzevalle in 1911 (published in Journal Asiatique).
Ottoman-era Adrianoupolis Greek is noteworthy because it shows considerable influence from its co-
territorial language, Turkish. While at first glance, the effects seem to be purely lexical, a more careful
consideration of the affected lexemes reveals a deep degree of contact, with words being borrowed
that are in classes generally resistant to transfer across languages, such as pronouns and grammati-
cal markers like postpositions, as well as discourse markers. Working from these lexical sets, more-
over, I develop a typology of loan words that introduces a new class of conversationally based lexical
items, likely to be transferred in cases of heavy contact, such as that seen in Greek in this era and in
this locale. An examination of Ottoman-era Adrianoupolis Greek thus contributes to our understand-
ing not only of Greek-Turkish contact in the pre-modern era but also of language contact in general.
Bibliography
Ronzevalle, P. L. 1911. Les emprunts turcs dan le grec vulgaire de Roumlie et spcialement dAndrinople, Jour-
nal Asiatique 18(1), 69106, 257336, 40562.
Matthias Kappler
University Ca Foscari Venice
mkappler@unive.it
Language contacts in an Ottoman religiolect: Observations on Karamanlidika and other

instances of graphic syncretism
In the sense of Hary & Weins (2013) application of Jewish-defined languages to Christian and Muslim
contexts, the so-called Karamanlidika text production (Ottoman Turkish in Greek alphabet) may be
considered as one of the numerous Ottoman religiolects. These texts, because of their syncretistic
nature, besides being predominantly translations from Greek, bear a great potential for the analysis of
contact-induced phenomena in all language levels. On the other hand, Ottoman Turkish has been ex-
tensively studied in terms of language contact only in respect to the, mostly lexical, influence of Per-
sian and Arabic in literary language, while spoken Ottoman seems much harder to be examined under
this aspect (though recently some scholars have studied the so-called European transcription texts
in Latin letters also from the contact point of view, e.g. Stein 2016).
Although many Turkish texts in Greek characters have been produced in Istanbul and must be consid-
ered merely as a graphic variety of written Ottoman, other Karamanlidika texts, especially from the
earlier period, reflect the spoken language in the chrono-geographical setting of 18th and 19th-cen-
tury Asia Minor, and thus may serve as an excellent example for an analysis especially of syntactic
contact features (cf. Kappler 2006). Furthermore, they can also provide a basis as a model for the in-
vestigation of Ottoman religion-defined Turkish varieties in the Balkans, such as Gagauz and Ottoman
Turkish in Cyrillic script, as well as for (former) graphically syncretistic Balkan varieties outside the
Turkic realm, such as Bosnian, or Muslim-defined (Aljamiado) Greek in Crete and Epirus. The contri-
bution is an attempt for a new approach to syncretistic writing and language systems in the framework
of contact linguistics, taking as prominent example the Karamanlidika texts.
Bibliography
Hary, B. & M. Wein. 2013. Religiolinguistics: On Jewish-, Christian- and Muslim-defined languages, Internation-
al Journal of the Sociology of Language 220, 85108.
Kappler, M. 2006. Toward a linguistic approach to Karamanli texts, in S. Yacoglu & A. Cem Deer (eds), Ad-
vances in Turkish Linguistics: Proceedings of the 12th International Conference on Turkish Linguistics (zmir,
1113 August, 2004). zmir: Dokuz Eyll Yaynlar, 65567.
Stein, H. 2016. The dialogue between a Turk and a Christian in the Grammatica turchesca of Pietro Ferraguto
(1611): Syntactical features, in E. Csat, A. Menz & F. Turan (eds), Spoken Ottoman in Mediator Texts. Wie-
sbaden: Harrassowitz, 16171.
&
(),
katsouda@academyofathens.gr & mkonstantinidou@academyofathens.gr


, -
Meyer (1895), H. Kahane (1938) R. Kahane (1938). ,
-
/
.
-
.
:
() / -
/ , -
/ , .
()
, , ,
.
() , ,
(.. , , , -
, ).
() .

. 1933. , 5 .
(). : .
Kahane, H. 1938. Gli elementi linguistice italiani nel neogreco. Firenze: Olschki.
Kahane, R. 1938. Italienische Marineworter im Neugriechischen, Archivum Romanicum 22, 51082.
Meyer, G. 1895. Neugriechische Studien IV: Die romanischen Lehnworter im Neugriechischen (Sitzungsberichte
der Kais. Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien. Philosophisch-Historische Classe 132). Wien: Tempsky.
Jerneja Kavi
University of Ljubljana
jerneja.kavcic@guest.arnes.si
On the periphery of the Balkan Sprachbund: the future in Slovenian dialects

The Slovenian language and its numerous dialects do not belong to the so-called Balkan Sprachbund (cf.
Joseph 2010; Topolinska 2010). Nevertheless, it is interesting to observe that a number of Slovenian dia-
lects form the future tense with a particle derived from the verb hoem want (em). Examples include
the dialects of Podetrtek, some dialects in the southern Bela Krajina etc. As is well known, this is one
of the morphosyntactic features, common to the languages of the Balkan Sprachbund. In this paper, I
first discuss the distribution of this construction in the Slovenian dialects, using the data of the Slovenian
linguistic map (Slovenski jezikovni atlas or SLA, an ongoing project of the Slovenian Academy of Arts and
Sciences) and from other relevant studies (e.g., ekli 2013; Zorko 1997; Koletnik 2001). I argue that this
formation of the future tense concerns mostly the dialects spoken in the eastern and the southern parts
of Slovenia. In addition, I discuss the phenomenon investigated from the perspective of the language
contact. Although Slovenian is not a part of the Balkan Sprachbund, it cannot be excluded that the phe-
nomenon investigated is a peripheral Balkanism, thus resulting from language contact in the Balkans.
Bibliography
Joseph, B. 2010. Language contact in the Balkans, in R. Hickey (ed.), The Handbook of Language Contact. Chich-
ester: Wiley & Blackwell, 61833.
Koletnik, M. 2001. Slovenskogoriko nareja (Zbirka Zora). Maribor: Slavistino drutvo.
SLA = Slovenski lingvistini atlas. [http://sla.zrc-sazu.si/#v]
ekli, M. 2013. Zemljepisnojezikoslovna lenitev kajkavine ter slovensko-kajkavska jezikovna meja, Sloven-
ski jezik / Slovene Linguistic Studies 9, 353.
Topolinska, Z. 2010. The Balkan Sprachbund from a Slavic perspective, Zbornik Matice srpske za filologiju in
lingvistiku 53(1), 3360.
Zorko, Z. 1997. Morfoloke znailnosti vzhodnokorokih, tajerskih in panonskih nareij v primerjavi s slovenskim
knjinim jezikom, Hrvatski dijalektoloki zbornik 10, 10722.
Nikolaos Lavidas & Ianthi Maria Tsimpli

Aristotle University of Thessaloniki & University of Cambridge
nlavidas@enl.auth.gr & imt20@cam.ac.uk
Language contact and transitivity:

Syntactic borrowing in the West Thracian Greek (Evros) dialect
In this study, we examine spontaneous production data from the dialect of West Thracian Greek (the
local dialect of Evros) with regard to a hypothesis of syntactic borrowing of verbal transitivity. We ar-
gue that the West Thracian Greek dialect allows omission of the direct object with specific reference,
in contrast to Standard Modern Greek and other Modern Greek dialects (spoken in Greece), but similar
to Turkish. Omission of object with specific reference is possible only in clauses where Standard Mod-
ern Greek and other Modern Greek dialects show obligatory use of 3rd-person clitic (see [1]). (For bor-
rowing from Turkish into Greek dialects that are spoken outside of Greece as well as for object clitics
and case morphology, see, among others, Janse 2006).
[1] tha vgalo ap tn armira
will remove.1sg from art.def.acc salt-water.acc
I will remove it [the cheese] from the salt water. (village: Metaxades)
According to the data, it appears that only items bearing uninterpretable features (that is, 3rd-person
clitics or definite articles but not 1st-/2nd-person clitics or indefinite articles) are candidates to be af-
fected by language contact. In this manner, syntactic borrowing follows the characteristics of transfer
in cases of second language (L2) acquisition according to the Interpretability Hypothesis (see, among
others, Tsimpli 2003a; 2003b). In this respect, we compare the Evros West Thracian Greek data with
relevant data from L2. It has been shown in L2 studies that, adult L2 learners use the 1st-/2nd-person
object clitic and the indefinite article almost targetlike, whereas the 3rd-person object clitic and the
definite article demonstrate a developmental pattern. The data from the dialect under examination
present a similar asymmetry as the L2 data.
Bibliography
Janse, M. 2006. Object position in Cappadocian and other Asia Minor Greek dialects, in M. Janse, B. D. Joseph &
A. Ralli (eds), Proceedings of the Second International Conference of Modern Greek Dialects and Linguistic
Theory. Patras: University of Patras Press, 11529.
Tsimpli, I. M. 2003a. Interrogatives in the Greek/English interlanguage: A minimalist account, in E. Mela-Atha-
nasopoulou (ed.), Selected Papers on Theoretical and Applied Linguistics. Thessaloniki: Aristotle University
of Thessaloniki, 21425.
. 2003b. Clitics and determiners in L2 Greek, in J. Liceras, H. Zobl & H. Goodluck (eds), Proceedings of the 6th
Generative Approaches to Second Language Acquisition Conference (GASLA 2002). Somerville, Mass.: Cas-
cadilla Press, 33139.
Nicolaos Neocleous & Ioanna Sitaridou

University of Cambridge, Queens College
nn275@cam.ac.uk & is269@cam.ac.uk
A contact explanation for the rise of final auxiliaries in Asia Minor Greek:
a more complex tale from a dialectological perspective
It is known that Asia Minor Greek (AMGr) allowed for final auxiliaries (Dawkins 1916, 6061, 147, 204;
Kesisoglou 1951, 65; Papadopoulos 1955, 18182; Mavrochalyvidis & Kesisoglou 1960, 65; Costakis
1968, 87; Johanson 1971, 5862; Anastasiadis 1976, 183; Brendemoen 2002a, 278). It is lesser-known
that AMGr also exhibits an apparent violation of the Final-over-Final Constraint (FOFC) (Biberauer et al.
2014), namely exhibiting Verb-Object-Auxiliary orders, which are predicted to be impossible. Crucially,
no formal account of these AMGr constructions has been provided before (with the notable exception
of Espaol-Echevarras (1993) work whose data are however untrustworthy), and this is precisely the
task of this paper.
We have inspected data from Cappadocian, Pontic (incl. Romeyka), Pharasiot, and Silliot, and we show
that (i) Cappadocian is the only cluster that employs clause-final auxiliaries to mark negated nonverid-
ical conditionals, counterfactuals, and pluperfects; (ii) Pontic (but not Romeyka) and Silliot employ
clause-final auxiliaries to mark pluperfect only; (iii) Pharasiot and Romeyka Pontic lack clause-final
auxiliaries entirely.
We advocate: (i) two distinct sources for final auxiliaries in Cappadocian; in particular, for final auxilia-
ries in conditionals we show that they originate from a Hellenistic Greek (HelGr) construction, namely
+ infinitive which when it appears negated it bears a deontic reading (see also Liossis 2012);
cum tempore the infinitive gets replaced by a na-clause; (ii) due to the biclausal nature of these con-
structions there is no true FOFC violation; (iii) as for the rise of clause-final auxiliaries, a notable change
from the head-initial construction of HelGr, contact with Turkish must have played a role for the pro-
motion of the latter, albeit not yielding a generalised head-final setting (that is, strict OV); we explain
this arrested change in terms of micro-cues (see Westergaard 2008); (iv) however, the contact sce-
nario is considerably attenuated under the light of Tsakonian, which not only does it show verb clusters
with auxiliary BE, but also final auxiliaries (Liossis 2007, 431502); (v) therefore, we conclude that
contact may only exacerbate/reinforce existing tendencies (Sitaridou 2009b; 2014b); (vi) moreover, the
existence of a periphrastic present perfect comprising a past-inflected verb followed by auxiliary donu
in Pazar Laz (Demirok 2011, 7273), as well as similar data from the Turkish varieties of Trebizond
(Brendemoen 2002a, 278) and Cappadocia (Karamanlidika) point towards an Anatolian Sprachbund; (vii)
at the cross section of the Anatolian and Balkan Sparchbunds we find Cypriot Greek en na construction
(Pavlou & Merchant 2014).
Dimitris Papazachariou
University of Patras
papaz@upatras.gr
Dialects in contact in Modern Greece: Comparing the vowel systems of Pontic and Cappadocian,
as they are spoken today
The aim of this paper is to present koineization processes of two varieties, i.e. a Pontic and a Cappa-
docian variety, as they are realized through their vowel systems. Both varieties are spoken in Northern
Greece by descendants of refugees who settled in Greece following the Asia Minor war. More specifi-
cally, the Pontic variety is spoken in a village near Florina, which has its origins in the town of Argir-
oupolis of Pontos, and the Cappadocian variety is spoken in a village near Kilkis, in a community with
origins in Misti of Cappadocia.
Earlier descriptions of Pontic and Cappadocian showed remarkable similarities between the two vari-
eties, as Pontic was attested (Papadopoulos 1953) to have nine vowels i.e. [i, y, e, , , a, o, u, ] ,
whereas Cappadocian (Dawkins 1916) had eight vowels i.e. [i, y, e, , a, o, u, ]. Due to their simi-
larities, other researchers (Janse 2015) have described Pontic as the northern end of the Cappadocian
continuum.
Our study focused on the analysis of the casual speech of eight informants, between the ages of 78
and 84, four from each group of origin. As our analysis will show, there is an obvious shift of these two
varieties towards standard Modern Greek. In particular, both speech communities have developed a
vowel system of six vowel sounds, i.e. [i, e, , a o, u], through processes resembling leveling and real-
location.
Could these processes indicate the emergence of a new koine out of the Greek-origin, Asia Minor va-
rieties of the immigrants?
We argue that this is not the case, as the realization of the [] sound is a result of different processes
in the two varieties. Nevertheless, our hypothesis is that both varieties have undergone independent
processes of leveling, thereby moving towards the formulation of two independent new koines.
Bibliography
Dawkins, R. M. 1916. Modern Greek in Asia Minor: A Study of the Dialects of Slli, Cappadocia and Phrasa with
Grammar, Texts, Translations and Glossary. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Janse, M. 2015. , in . (ed.), . Thessaloniki: Institute
of Modern Greek Studies (Manolis Triandaphyllidis Foundation).
, . 1953. , 18, 8393.
Maria Petrou
Goethe University Frankfurt am Main & Justus-Liebig-University Giessen
maria.petrou@turkologie.uni-giessen.de
The impact of the educational system on language contact in Western Thrace Turkish
The Balkan-Turkish dialect spoken in Western Thrace displays contact-induced phenomena from Greek.
Apart from established and momentary lexical borrowings (in cases of intrasentential code-switching),
there are contact-features in other linguistic levels too, such as in phonetics (e.g. fronting of the back
[] common also in Trabzon dialects), or in syntax, where scrambling as opposed to Standard Turkish
(ST) does not always signify a marked-sentence. The scale of influence of both Greek and ST varies,
however, not only from generation to generation but also within one and the same generation: Among
social factors such as mobility, social interaction and place of living, the educational level and the ed-
ucational system, which in this case was/is not uniform, play a significant role. Numerous speakers
did not complete their primary school education, whereas others who did, have had different curricula.
Speakers who received a secondary education did so either in Turkey or in Greece (in medreses, in mi-
nority or in public schools). Turkey and Greece are the main providers for tertiary education, too. This
paper will give some preliminary notes on contact-relevant linguistic variables that may be related to
the educational system from 1923 until today. The material was collected during my fieldwork study
involving informants of three generations, particularly of Turkish origin (i.e. Pomaks and Roma exclud-
ed), the oldest born in 1926 and the youngest in 1985.
Bibliography
Brendemoen, B. 2002. The Turkish Dialects of Trabzon: Their Phonology and Historical Development, 1st v.: Anal-
ysis (Turcologica 50). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
Huseyinoglu, A. 2012. The Development of Minority Education at the South-easternmost Corner of the EU: The
Case of Muslim Turks in Western Thrace, Greece. Ph.D. diss. [http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/]
Petrou, M. 2010. Einige phonetische und morphologische Besonderheiten in einem trkischen Text aus Komotini
(Westthrakien), in M. Kappler, M. Kirchner & P. Zieme (eds), Trans-Turkic Studies: Festschrift in Honour of
Marcel Erdal. Istanbul: Trk Dilleri Aratrmalar Dizisi 49, 23765.
. 2015. Lexical borrowings and code-switching in Turkish varieties of Western Thrace, in D. Zeyrek, . S. im-
ek, U. Ata & J. Rehbein (eds), Ankara Papers in Turkish and Turkic Linguistics (Turcologica 103). Wiesbaden:
Harrassowitz, 44052.
. Forthcoming. Spoken Turkish of the Komotini region: Phenomena of language contact, Proceedings of the
International Workshop Turkic speaking minorities in the Middle East and linguistic minorities in Turkey
(2021.11.2009, Nicosia, Cyprus).
Anastasia Petrova &

St. Cyril and St. Methodius University of Veliko Tarnovo &
anp@abv.bg & cmarkou@bscc.duth.gr
: ( )

,
. , , -
,
. ,

o . ..:
. ( 2009, 380).
. vrzan vzika . , ,
( 1: 198) vrzan v krkata . , ,
.
-
, (Assenova
1994). To
.
, (Sedakova
2007). -
(Assenova 2002, 60).
-
.
(Civan 1990) ,
.

Assenova, P. 1994. Gr. . Parallles balkaniques et origines mythologiques,
14, 51025.
. 2002. Balkansko ezikoznanie. Veliko Tarnovo: Faber.
Civan, T. 1990. Lingvisticheskie osnovy balkanskoj modeli mira. : Nauka.
Sedakova, I. 2007. Balkanskije motivy v jazyke i kulture bolgar. Rodinny text. : Indrik.
Sneana Petrovi
The Serbian Language Institute of SASA, Belgrade
snezzanaa@gmail.com
Loanwords from Turkish gvur and kfir (Un)faithful images of language contact in the Balkans
In order to illustrate the complexity of language contacts in the Balkans, this paper deals with the fol-
lowing loanwords: Serb. kur(in); ur; fir, kfir (RSA; kalji 1979; 2012); Bulg. ();
; (); Alb. karr; xharr; qafur (Boretzky 1976; Dizdari 2005); Arum. cr (Papahagi 1963),
deriving from Turk. gvur and kfir unbeliever; non-Muslim; Christian.
The etymological analysis of these words, as well as their variants and derivatives, includes the fol-
lowing steps:
(1) Defining the precise etymon for each Balkan loanword. Special attention is paid to Serb. kur(in),
Bulg. (), Alb. karr and Arum. cr, with regard to the fact that etymological interpretation of
these forms has been so far facing certain difficulties. The origin of the Turkish etyma is discussed too.
(2) Examining the linguistic data, both from the loaning and the borrowing languages, in an historical
perspective. Early attestations of words are used to establish the relative chronology of borrowing,
correlated with the word form variations, e.g. Serb. kur(in): ur (TS; Hazai 2001; Stachowski 2014;
1863).
(3) Presenting the areal distribution for each form in the Balkans, in order to establish clearer picture
of different borrowing strata, as well as more precise relations between the languages in contact.
Combining etymological, historical and areal perspectives in the analysis of these loanwords, this pa-
per will offer a more thorough insight into the chain-borrowing process this Islamic term has under-
gone in the Balkans and Near East.
Bibliography
= . 1971. Sofia: .
Boretzky, N. 1976. Der trkische Einfluss auf das Albanische. Teil II, Wrterbuch der albanischen Turzismen. Wi-
esbaden: Otto Harrassowitz.
, . 18631864. IIII. Belgrade.
Dizdari, T. 2005. Fjalor i Orientalizmave n Gjuhn Shqipe. Tirana: Instituti Shqiptar i Mendimit dhe i Qytetrimit
Islam.
Hazai, G. 2001. Zur Geschichte des Wortpaares kfir ~ gvur Unglaubiger; Nicht-Moslem im Trkeitrkischen,
Studia in Honorem Professoris Verae Mutafieva. Sofia: Amicitia, 12734.
Papahagi, T. 1963. Dicionarul dialectului aromn: general i etimologic. Bucharest: Editura Academiei Republicii
Populare Romne.
= . 1959. Belgrade:
.
, . 2012. . Belgrade: .
Stachowski, S. 2014. Sownik historyczno-etymologiczny turcyzmw w jzyku polskim. Krakow: Ksigarnia aka-
demicka.
kalji, A. 1979. Turcizmi u srpskohrvatskom jeziku. Sarajevo: Svjetlost.
TS = XIII yzyldan beri Trkiye trkesiyle yazlm kitaplardan toplanan tanklaryle Tarama Szl IVI. 1963
1972. Ankara.
Anthi Revithiadou & Vassilios Spyropoulos
Aristotle University of Thessaloniki & National and Kapodistrian University of Athens
revith@lit.auth.gr & vspyrop@phil.uoa.gr
Shaping the nominal system of Cappadocian Greek:

Reanalysis, actualization and language contact
Cappadocian Greek is referred to in the literature as an instructive example of structural transfer under
language contact between Greek and Turkish (Dawkins 1910; 1916; Janse 2002; 2009; forthcoming; see
also Thomason & Kaufman 1988; Johanson 2002). Limiting the discussion in the nominal system, the
loss of gender, the development of agglutinative inflection and Differential Object Marking (DOM) have
been attributed to interference from Turkish. However, recent studies on the details of these innova-
tions have shown that the direct borrowing approach is too simplistic and that certain internal devel-
opments have led to their emergence by being facilitated by language contact (Karatsareas 2009; 2011;
Spyropoulos 2013; 2015; Revithiadou, Spyropoulos & Markopoulos 2013; 2016). In this paper we attempt,
first, to draw a general picture of the ways internal developments interacted with language contact to
produce the Cappadocian Greek nominal system and, second, to provide a formal explanation in terms
of a theory of language change that utilizes the role of primary linguistic data and the schema reanal-
ysis actualization (Timberlake 1977; Harris & Campbel 1995; Andersen 1987; 1990; 2001; Roberts 2007).
More specifically, we will argue that the neutralization of the function of certain inflectional endings
(see Dawkins 1916; Janse 2004; Spyropoulos & Kakarikos 2009; 2011; Ralli 2009; Karatsareas 2009;
2011), which was the result of (a) the loss of gender distinctions and the rise of the role of animacy,
(b) certain syncretism and metasyncretism phenomena and (c) DOM, drove a reanalysis in the nominal
morphological structure which was actualized in the surface effect of agglutinative-like inflection.
Language contact facilitated this development by providing the necessary primary linguistic data for
the reanalysis: Due to heavy lexical borrowing there were a sufficient number of nouns of Turkish ori-
gin to provide the resulting pattern of the reanalyzed structure. Finally, we discuss the effect of this
reanalysis and the role of language contact in the development of a Turkish-like rightmost stress pat-
tern which occurs in the agglutinative inflectional patterns (e.g., adelf brother, adelfoj brother-gen)
and it is in sharp contrast with the Greek-style lexically-controlled stress pattern (e.g., jvolos dev-
il, javl(u) devil-gen) that occurs in the remaining fusional inflectional patterns.
Rafa Ros
Institute of Classical Philology, Adam Mickiewicz University in Pozna
raf.ros@wp.pl
The world of wandering words: The case of the name of pistachio in Ancient and Modern Greek
The goal of my paper is to investigate the roots of the Ancient Greek name of pistachio and to deter-
mine the relationship between it and its Modern Greek counterpart. The Ancient Greek sources provide
us several variants of this name:
(1) f. pistachio-tree (Pistacia vera)
(2) f. id.
(3) n. pistachio-nut, pistachio-tree (Pistacia vera)
(4) n. id.
(5) n. id.
The Modern Greek forms are the following:
(1) n. pistachio-nut
(2) f. pistachio-tree (Pistacia vera)
In the etymological dictionaries of Ancient Greek we can find the information that the Greek is
a foreign word of Oriental origin and that it is connected with Modern Persian pista pistacho nut (see
e.g. Beekes 2010, 1197). This suggests that the name of pistachio can be an Iranian loanword, how-
ever, Brust (20082) does not include it in his comprehensive book on Indo-Iranian loanwords in Ancient
Greek. In turn, the Modern Greek name of pistachio is commonly considered to be a re-borrowing from
Turkish, i.e. Turkish fistik (see e.g. Babiniotis 20022, 1888).
However, the linguistic data that we can find in Oriental languages is not confined only to the Modern
Persian and Turkish forms. Therefore, I will examine also other names of pistachio known in modern
languages, e.g.
(1) Arabic fistiq/fustaq
(2) Armenian pistak
(3) Kurdish pisteq
(4) cf. Romanian fistic, fistic; Portuguese (dial.) festuc etc.
Furthermore, the name of pistachio is attested in Middle Persian and in Elamite:
(1) Middle Persian pistag (see MacKenzie 1986, 69)
(2) Elamite pi-i-tuk-qa, representing presumably Old Persian *pistaka- (see Hinz & Koch 1987,
198; Tavernier 2007, 460).
On the base of this material I would like to put forward the following hypotheses:
(1) Ancient Greek / is really an Iranian loanword (taken over presumably from
Old Persian).
(2) Turkish fistik is not a Greek loanword, but probably a borrowing form Persian; consequently,
Modern Greek cannot be treated as a re-borrowing.
Bibliography
Beekes, R. 2010. Etymological Dictionary of Greek. Leiden & Boston: Brill.
Brust, M. 20082. Die indischen und iranischen Lehnwrter im Griechischen. Innsbruck: Institut fr Sprachen und
Literaturen.
MacKenzie, D. N. 1986. A Concise Pahlavi Dictionary. London: Oxford University Press.
Hinz, W. & H. Koch. 1987. Elamisches Wrterbuch, 1st v. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag.
Tavernier, J. 2007. Iranica in the Achaemenid Period (ca. 550330 B.C.): Lexicon of Old Iranian Proper Names and
Loanwords, Attested in Non-Iranian Texts. Leuven, Paris & Dudley: Peeters.
Sema Sandalc & Berna aan

Trakya University & Istanbul University
sandalcis@yahoo.com & cacanberna@gmail.com
Overview and Comparison of Ancient Words Through the Homeric Epics

In this study, focus is placed on the relationship and comparison of the words in Homers Iliad and Od-
yssey, which are considered to be the first long texts in the Greek language, with words of other an-
cient languages. The word treasure in these epics is important. Homeric epics are also valuable for
ancient Anatolia but there are almost no studies on this topic in our country.
To this end, we will show (a) the links of these words with Hittite, (b) the archaic nature of some of
subsequently developing Latin words and (c) the continuity of some everyday words in vernacular lan-
guage, particularly through oral transmission for centuries in the same region.
Thus, the changes in the words of Homeric epics will be philologically interpreted in terms of letters,
sounds and meanings at the end of our study.
Irena Sawicka
Institute of Slavic Studies, Polish Academy of Sciences
irsawicka@gmail.com
Greek-Slavic convergence in phonetics

The paper will present selected phonetic problems in Slavic dialects spoken in Macedonia, where strong
converging processes are observed. The influence of Greek is visible both in vocalism, in consonantism,
as well as in prosody. As an example the preservation of the Old Slavic nasal vowels has been chosen.
Helmut W. Schaller
University of Marburg
schalleh@staff.uni-marburg.de
Elias Riggs: An American missionary and linguist in Smyrna

The American citizen Elias Riggs, who was born in the USA in 1810 and died in Turkish Scutari in 1901,
was not only an outstanding American missionary in his time but also a very important linguist. He
graduated from Amhurst in 1829, from Andover Theological Seminary in 1832 and was ordained to the
ministry in the same year. He came to Greece as a missionary, where he continued his work from 1832
to 1838. He went then to Smyrna, where he stayed from 1838 till 1853. During this time he was engaged
in Turkey and only in 1856 he returned for a short time to America, where he published his Armenian
translation of the Bible. The remainder of his life he spent in Turkey. A very important contribution to
Bulgarian culture was his participation in the translation of the Bible into Modern Bulgarian together
with Hristodul Kostovi, Albert Long and Petko R. Slavejkov. The translation appeared in 1871 in Con-
stantinople. Riggs also had a collaboration with Konstantin Fotinov from Bulgaria, a leading figure of
the Bulgarian Vzradane, with whom he founded the Bulgarian journal Ljuboslovie in Smyrna 1842. The
translations of the Bible into Armenian and Turkish by Elias Riggs are of great importance as well.
In 1832 he published a Manual of the Chaldee Language, and in 1844 his Notes on Bulgarian Grammar
appeared in Smyrna, which will be published as a copy in the next issue of the German Bulgarien-
Jahrbuch. They were followed by a Grammar of the Armenian Language in 1847 and a Grammar of the
Turkish Language as Written in the Armenian Character in 1856. Finally in 1889, he published his Notes
on Difficult Passages in the New Testament.
There is no doubt that Elias Riggs was not only an eminent theologian and linguist, but also a politician
who threw a bridge not only over to America and the Balkans but also over Asia Minor.
Andrey N. Sobolev
Institute for linguistic Research at the Russian Academy of Sciences, St. Petersburg State University &
University of Marburg
sobolev@staff.uni-marburg.de
Language contact in Balkan symbiotic societies: settings, mechanisms, outcomes

The extensive prior and most recent literature on the Sprachbund has been devoted to linguistic recon-
struction of the ethnic symbiosis of the Greek, Palaeobalkanic, Albanian, Romanic, Slavic and Turkic
peoples of the Balkan Peninsula. However, the concept of symbiosis is used in these studies not rig-
idly enough. It would be much appreciated if linguistics began to view the symbiotic community as
both an ethnic and linguistic group of people who interact in additional distribution (Barth 1969). As far
as we know, such groups in the Balkans are now quite rare and reliable research on them is scarce.
Real observation of the settings, mechanisms and outcomes of the language contact in Balkan sym-
biotic societies have only just now incorporated material from South Montenegro (Sobolev 2015), as
well as from Himar in Southern Albania (Novik & Sobolev 2015). Currently, we know of no other stud-
ies of the languages and dialects actually existing in the South-Eastern Europe symbiotic communities.
One of the central linguistic theoretical questions such research is characterized by, is whether the
community exhibits a special kind of bilingualism, or rather a language of the community, which is
characterized by a higher degree of mutual accommodation, and, consequently, a greater degree of
producing alloglossy in the area of the closely related dialects. In the field of cultural anthropology
questions arise as to the role of exogamy in the formation of symbiotic communities in the Balkans,
the possibility of their occurrence outside the conditions of an actual linguistic and ethnic borderland,
or the issue of the delimitation of cultures with multilingual symbionts. One of the most important
questions is whether such communities are a peripheral phenomenon and are unlikely to play a sig-
nificant role in the Balkan multiglossia in the past, or should they be given a more important role.
Bibliography
Barth, F. 1969. Introduction, in F. Barth (ed.), Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Cultural
Difference. Bergen: Universitetsvorlaget, 938.
Novik, A. A. & A. N. Sobolev. 2015. Studime etnolinguistike n Himar dhe n zonn e Vurgut (Materialet e eks-
pedits 2014), Albanohellenica 6: Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference of Greek-Albanian/Al-
banian-Greek Studies (Tirana, March 27th28th, 2015). [albanohellenica.wix.com]
Sobolev, A. N. 2015. Mrkovichi (and Gorana): Yazyki i dialekty chernogorskogo Primorya v kontekste noveyshikh
balkanisticheskikh issledovaniy, in B. Demiraj (ed.), Sprache und Kultur der Albaner: Zeitliche und rumli-
che Dimensionen Akten der 5. Deutsch-albanischen kulturwissenschaftlichen Tagung (5.8. June 2014,
Buimas bei Pogradec, Albanien). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 53356.
Morozova, M. S. Forthcoming. Albanskiy govor ili govory Gorany? Genezis i funktsionirovaniye, Vestnik SPbGU
(Seriya 9) 2.

,
aristotlespiro@gmail.com

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& P. Kambakis-Vougiouklis (.), Selected Papers of the 10th ICGL. :
, 89098.
, . . & . 2011. , 6,
17599.
, . 2008. (
109). : .
Spiro, A. 2015. The Modern Greek dialects of Albania: A general description and classification, 43rd Interna-
tional Philological Conference (1116 March 2014): Selected Articles. : St. Petersburg Sta-
te University, 397417.
Evangelia Thomadaki & Christina Markou
Democritus University of Thrace
ethomada@bscc.duth.gr & cmarkou@bscc.duth.gr
On some contact-induced changes in Pomak and the role of Greek

The present study aims at contributing to the discussion on language contact between different lan-
guages in the Balkans, focusing on the relationship between Pomak and Greek mainly. Due to the
complex historical and socio-political conditions that defined the situation of Pomak communities in
Greek Thrace (Voss 2007; Tsibiridou 2000), the South-Slavic local varieties used as native language by
the speakers of these communities are exposed to influence from dominant Turkish and Greek (Ada-
mou 2010; 2012) and have until recently been primarily employed in oral communication (Ioannidou &
Voss 2001; Manova 2011).
This study presents some findings concerning the manner and extent of contact-induced borrowings
from Greek and Turkish into Pomak, as documented in various text types produced by Greek Pomak
speakers. According to Adamou (2010), Pomak has borrowed from Turkish (although less extensively
than Greek Romani in Thrace). The influence of Greek is different in nature, being both more limited and
recent, but as we intend to show it may affect the speech of Pomak speakers not only at the level of iso-
lated lexical loans but also at a structural level, since it can be detected in calque expressions such as:
[1] a zme da otvri i dvne kri (lit.) you get round to rolling out two thin phyllo pastry sheets,
(compare: MGr. prno na ankso flo (lit.) get round to rolling out thin phyllo pastry sheets)
[2] a jenn gudna vtre (lit.) in a year within
(compare: Gr. msa se na xrno within a year)
Since usage of such elements depends on factors defining the communicative situation (such as the
perceived linguistic orientation of the participant, the available vocabulary resources, type of text pro-
duced), different text types will be compared in order to show these tendencies.
Bibliography
Adamou, E. 2010. Bilingual speech and language ecology in Greek Thrace: Romani and Pomak in contact with
Turkish, Language in Society 39, 14771.
. 2012. Social networks in Greek Thrace: Language shift and language maintenance, in J. Lindstedt & M.
Wahlstrm (eds), Balkan Encounters Old and New Identities in South-Eastern Europe (Slavica Helsingiensia
41). Helsinki: University of Helsinki, 732.
Ioannidou, A. & C. Voss. 2001. Kodifizierungsversuche des Pomakischen und ihre ethno-politische Dimension,
Die Welt der Slaven 46, 22350.
Manova, M. 2011. On some recent Pomak writing activities in Greece: Ethno-cultural context and linguistic pe-
culiarities, ESUKA JEFUL 2 1, 26172.
Tsibiridou, F. 2000. Les Pomaks dans la Thrace grecque: Discours ethniques et pratiques socioculturelles. Paris:
LHarmattan.
Voss, C. 2007. Language and ethnicity among the Pomaks in Western Thrace, in J. Tieva (ed.), Bulgarian Islands
on the Linguistic Map of the Balkans. Sofia: Figura, 7686.
Emanuela Timotin
Institute of Linguistics, Romanian Academy
etimotin@yahoo.com
The use of Greek in 18th century Romanian ceremonial texts: A reassessment

This paper attempts to reveal the influence of Greek onto two 18th century Romanian writings, which
describe court ceremonies. These texts, written when the Greek linguistic, cultural and political influ-
ence has attained its peak in the Romanian Principalities, are considered to be old Romanian, since the
old period of the Romanian language covers the period between the 16th century and the 18th century.
The former one was commissioned by the Moldavian ruler Grigore Callimachi (17611764, 17671769)
and was written in 1762, on the basis of by Pseudo-Kodinos. The text describes
the ceremonies held on important feast days or exceptional events attended by the ruler, boyars and
bishops, and it benefited from a thorough investigation (Simonescu 1939).
The latter describes the ceremonies held at the election and coronation of the Holy Roman Emperor
and it was translated from German in 1763. The translator, Vlad Botulescu, served as the personal sec-
retary of the family of Stephen Cantacuzino, prince of Wallachia (17141716), and was a prominent
person of letters whose works were recently edited (Vlad Botulescu de Mlieti 2013). Despite its
German origin, the text, which has just been edited (Timotin & Timotin 2016), comprises numerous ne-
ologisms of Greek origin, Greek words and expressions.
This paper intends to evaluate the influence of Greek onto these ceremonial texts, to establish its place
in the broader context of the Greek influence onto the Old Romanian language and to disclose the rea-
sons for which Greek is the most stable cultural reference of the Romanian ceremonial texts, even
when these are translations of West European writings.
Bibliography
Macrides, R. et al. 2013. Pseudo-Kodinos and the Constantinopolitan Court: Offices and Ceremonies. Farnham &
Burlington: Ashgate.
Simonescu, D. 1939. Literatura romneasc de ceremonial: Condica lui Gheorgachi. Studiu i text. Bucharest:
Fundaia Regele Carol I.
Timotin, E. & A. Timotin. 2016 (forthcoming). Un text romnesc inedit din 1763 despre ceremonialul alegerii i
ncoronrii mpratului romano-german, Revista Istoric 27.
Timotin, E. Forthcoming. Influena greac asupra romnei vechi, in M. Sala (ed.), Tratatul de istorie a limbii
romne. Bucharest.
Verpeaux, J. 1966. Pseudo-Kodinos, Trait des offices: Introduction, texte et traduction. Paris: Centre Nationale de
la Recherche.
Vlad Boulescu de Mlieti. 2013. Scrieri, 3 v. Bucharest: Univers Enciclopedic Gold. [v. 1: Viaa lui Scanderbeg,
ed. by E. Timotin and O. Olar; v. 2: Canonizarea Sfntului Felice. Varlaam i Ioasaf. Glosar irochez-romn.
Note astronomice, ed. by C. I. Dima; v. 3: Istoria universal. Asia, ed. by E. Timotin and A. Timotin]
Irina V. Tresorukova
Moscow State University of Lomonosov
itresir@mail.ru
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Christos Tzitzilis
Institute of Modern Greek Studies, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki
hrtzilis@lit.auth.gr
Anatolian and Balkan Sprachbund

Balkan is a well-established linguistic area, while Asia Minor is a region that only recently has started
to be studied in an areal perspective. Before we examine the issue of the existence of an Anatolian
Sprachbund, it will be useful to try to reach a better understanding of the rather ill-defined term Sprach-
bund. In order to achieve our purpose, it is necessary 1) to determine the basic unit of such a group of
languages, based on a systematic opposition between the terms linguistic area (Sprachbund) and lan-
guage family, 2) to analyze the essence and the role of the core of a Sprachbund and its relations to
the periphery and 3) to examine the different stages in the formation of a Sprachbund.
In this paper I discuss the problem of the origins and the causation of the main morphosyntactic bal-
kanisms. Special attention is paid to Sandfelds position that balkanization was the adstrat effect of the
Byzantine Greek.
In the last part of the paper I define the main areal features and the members of the Anatolian Sprach-
bund, at the core of which are the Asia Minor Greek dialects and the Anatolian Turkish dialects.
Bibliography
Johanson, L. 2002. Structural Factors in Turkic Language. London: Curzon.
Lindstedt, J. 2000. Linguistic balkanisation: Contactinduced change by mutual reinforcement, in D. Gilbers, J.
Nerbonne & J. Schaeken (eds), Languages in Contact. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 23146.
Matras, Y., A. McMachon & N. Vincent (eds). 2006. Linguistic Areas. Convergence in Historical and Typological
Perspective. Houndmills: Palgrave.
Sandfeld, Kr. 1930. Linguistique balkanique. Problmes et rsultats. Paris: Champion.
Steinke, Kl. 1976. Gibt es berhaupt Balkanismen?, Linguistique Balkanique 19, 2135.
Tzitzilis, Chr. 2000. Das Mittelgriechische im Lichte der Balkanlinguistik, in Chr. Tzitzilis & Ch. Symeonidis (eds),
: / Balkanlinguistik: Synchronie und Diachronie. .
Krzysztof Tomasz Witczak

University of d
ktw@uni.lodz.pl; krzysztof.tomasz.witczak@gmail.com
The earliest Albanian loanwords in Greek

The lexical influence of Ancient Greek on Albanian was important, though not so strong and multiple
as the influence of the Latin language (Hamp 1972, 1660). According to Thumb (1909), there are more
than twenty Ancient Greek borrowings in Albanian. Most of them are of Doric (or West Greek) origin. It
is probable that the number of possible Doric Greek loanwords in Albanian should be enlarged (Lloshi
1999, 290). It is certain that the ancestors of the Albanians, who in my opinion can be identified
with ancient tribes of the Bessans (Witczak 1994, 2126; 1995, 30912), were in contact with the Greeks,
especially the Dorians.
In my presentation I would like to discuss possible Proto-Albanian words which were adopted by the
Greeks as early as in the ancient times. The aim of my paper is to indicate a number of glosses, reg-
istered in the glossary by Hesychius of Alexandria (5th c. AD), which may be of Proto-Albanian origin.
The following Hesychian glosses and the Albanian words will be discussed in my presentation:
(1) Gk. Hes. (HAL2, -21) a kind of
earring in Alcman, according to Aristophanes (Beekes 2010, 2) PAlb. *awntha earring, cf. Alb.
(Tosk) vath, vth, (Gheg) vth m. earring (Newmark 1999, 910). Etymologists suggest a purely Alba-
nian origin of the term for earring, assuming it as a diminutive form of Alb. Tosk vng, Gheg vang hoop,
tyre, ring, rim, chain (Demiraj 1997, 408; Orel 1998, 496).
(2) Gk. Hes. (HAL2, -5949) , black poplar, which is a
kind of tree PAlb. *apella, cf. Alb. shpel m. black poplar, Populus nigra L. (Neumark 1999, 825).
The Hesychian gloss seems to represent a Laconian item (with the assimilation of to -, later
simplified to ).
(3) Gk. Hes. (HAL2, -35) ... son PAlb. *wdya, cf. Alb. voc m. young boy (= un m.
little boy, son), voce f. young girl (= vajz f. girl, daughter, adj. virgin) (Neumark 1999, 938). The
Albanian noun is perfectly motivated by two related adjectives, cf. Alb. vogl small, vogrr undersized,
dwarfed, small (Orel 1998, 513). The Hesychian gloss in question demonstrates the initial digamma ( =
*) and the long vowel * written as Doric . The Laconian designation of the gloss cannot be excluded.
(4) Gk. Hes. (HAL2, -74) bunch of grapes (Latte prefers a corrected form *)
PAlb. *waia, cf. Alb. vesh m. vine / Traube, Weintraube (Buchholz, Fiedler & Uhlisch 1987, 611). Jokl
(1923, 21315) connects the Albanian noun in question with Lith. vasius m. fruit (cf. Demiraj 1997,
415; Orel 1998, 501). The Greek grapheme seems to represent PAlb. [w] or [v].
(5) Gk. Hes. (HAL2, -755) earth and keeps silence (in silence) (Latte prefers
) PAlb. *dh f. earth, land, cf. Alb. dhe f. earth; ground, soil; land; world, also
snake (Newmark 1999, 192; Huld 1984, 58) < IE. *hm f. earth, cf. Gk. f., Hitt. tekan, Toch. A
tkam, B kem earth, OInd. k- f. (m-stem) id. (Meyer 1982 [1891], 83; Pokorny 1959, 414; Demiraj
1997, 15556; Orel 1998, 8081).
(6) Gk. Hes. (HAL2, -4730) pomegranate PAlb. *kug, cf. Alb. sheg f. Granatap-
felbaum, Granatapfel / pomegranate, Punica granatum L. (Buchholz, Fiedler & Uhlisch 1987, 524; Neu-
mark 1999, 797). See also Aeolic Greek . (HAL2, -68). Orel (1998, 409) treats Alb.
sheg as a borrowing from an unknown Mediterranean word that may be reconstructed as *si(l)gw
in view of Gk , [] coming from the same source. It was earlier suggested that the Hesy-
chian gloss in question should be interpreted as Bessan or Proto-Albanian (Witczak & Zadka 2014, 124).
(7) Gk. Hes. (HAL2, -1602) . dust; way, path, road PAlb. *udh (as if from
IE. *uh), cf. Alb. udh f. path; pathway, way, road, also trip, journey (Newmark 1999, 896). Most
etymologists believe that the Albanian noun in question represents a native component of Indo-Euro-
pean origin, though its etymology is unclear. It may derive from the verbal root *weh- to drive, go,
carry, convey (Meyer 1982 [1891], 455; Pokorny 1959, 1119; Huld 1984, 12021; Demiraj 1997, 4001),
as well as *wedh- to lead (Hamp 1965, 138) or *wedh- to beat, break (Orel 1998, 48283). The Greek
grapheme indicates a dental spirant (Alb. dh []).
The above-mentioned Hesychian glosses are etymologically unclear (if we analyze them from the Hel-
lenic point of view), whereas the corresponding Albanian nouns are generally explained as native in the
Albanian etymological dictionaries (Meyer 1982 [1891]; Huld 1984; Demiraj 1997; Orel 1998). This is why
the present author concludes that the Hesychian glosses in question should be treated as Ancient Greek
(especially Doric) loanwords from Proto-Albanian.
If we accept Hesychius remark that the term a kind of earring ( PAlb. *awntha earring)
was firstly used by Alcman, the choral lyric poet from Sparta (7th c. BC), and repeated by Aristophanes
of Byzantium, the well known Hellenistic grammarian and scholar from 3rd and 2nd c. BC, then the
basic conclusion is that the Proto-Albanian lexical influence on Doric Greek started as early as in the
7th century BC. It is finally suggested that Ancient Greek borrowings from the Proto-Albanian language
appeared initially in Alcmans works, which contained a component of the Laconian folk vocabulary
of Proto-Albanian origin.
Bibliography
Beekes, R. 2010. Etymological Dictionary of Greek, 2 v. Leiden & Boston: Brill.
Buchholz, O., W. Fiedler & G. Uhlisch. 1987. Wrterbuch Albanisch-Deutsch. Leipzig: VEB Verlag Enzyklopdie.
Demiraj, B. 1997. Albanische Etymologien (Untersuchungen zum slavischen Erbwortschatz). Amsterdam & At-
lanta: Rodopi.
HAL2 = Hesychii Alexandrini Lexicon, 2 v. 19531966. Ed. K. Latte. Hauniae: Ejnar Munksgaard.
Hamp, E. P. 1965. Evidence in Albanian, in W. Winter (ed.), Evidence for Laryngeals. The Hague: Mouton, 12341.
Hamp, E. P. 1972. Albanian, in T. A. Sebeok (ed.), Current Trends in Linguistics, 9th v.: Linguistics in Western Eu-
ropa. The Hague & Paris: Mouton, 162692.
Huld, M. E. 1984. Basic Albanian Etymologies. Columbus: Slavica.
Jokl, N. 1923. Linguistisch-kulturhistorische Untersuchungen aus dem Bereiche des Albanischen. Berlin & Leipzig:
Walter de Gruyter.
Lloshi, Xh. 1999. Albanian, in U. Hinrichs (ed.) [unter Mitarbeit von Uwe Bttner] Handbuch der Sdosteuropa-
Linguistik. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 27799.
Meyer, G. 1982 [1891]. Etymologisches Wrterbuch der albanesischen Sprache. Strassburg: Verlag von Karl J.
Trbner. [Reprinted in 1982 in Leipzig: Zentralantiquariat der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik.]
Newmark, L. 1999. Albanian-English Dictionary. Oxford & New York: Oxford University Press.
Orel, V. 1998. Albanian Etymological Dictionary. Leiden, Boston & Kln: Brill.
Pokorny, J. 1959. Indogermanisches etymologisches Wrterbuch. Bern & Mnchen: Francke Verlag.
Thumb, A. 1909. Altgriechische Elemente des Albanesischen, Indogermanische Forschungen 26, 120.
Witczak, K. T. 1994. Proto-Albanian and the Problem of the Ethnogenesis of the Albanian Nation. Biuletyn Pol-
skiego Towarzystwa Jzykoznawczego 50, 2126.
. 1995. Were the Bessans ancestors of the Albanians? A new opinion on the ethnogenesis of the Albanian na-
tion, Thraco-Dacica 16(12), 30912.
Witczak, K. T. & Zadka, M. 2014. Ancient Greek and related forms, Graeco-Latina Brunensia 19(1), 11326.
Desislava Yordanova-Petrova
South-West University Neofit Rilski, Blagoevgrad
dessita_y@yahoo.com
evidentiality
(evidentiality)
. evidentiality -

.
,
, ,
, ,
. -
,
evidentiality.
-
corpus ,
.
| Posters
Panagiotis Filos
University of Ioannina
panagiotis.filos@gmail.com
Ancient Greek onomastics and language contact in the W. Balkans and S. Asia Minor
Language contact between Greeks and the native populations in the Balkans and Asia Minor in antiq-
uity may also be manifested in the form of onomastics. The epigraphic data from S. Illyria and S. Asia
Minor (esp. Lycia, Pamphylia), i.e. two remote both from Greece proper and from each other coast-
al regions in the W. Balkans and S. Asia Minor respectively, may provide useful comparative evidence
about the impact of language contact between Greek and the native languages concerned on the for-
mation of proper names, but particularly of the speakers attitudes; for instance, Greco-Lycian ono-
mastic bilingualism is characterized at some stage by (potential) bilingualism with diglossia (in Fish-
mans terms), i.e. there may be different spheres of use for native and Greek names (Colvin 2004).
In my paper, I aim to examine certain cases of onomastic bilingualism from the above two regions, with
particular emphasis on proper names that show traits of hybridization and/or folk etymology, e.g. neo-
Luwian theophoric names with - (cf. lunar god Arma-) as a first member show evidence of con-
fusion with the Greek god name (Brixhe 1991).
The modern literature will be taken into account (e.g. Brixhe 1991; 1999; Cabanes 1993; Colvin 2004;
Lhte 2011) whereas additional evidence from recent publications of epigraphic corpora will be exam-
ined as well.
Bibliography
Brixhe, C. 1991. tymologie populaire et onomastique en pays bilingue, RPh 65, 6781.
. 1999. Rflexion sur lonomastique personnelle dune vieille terre coloniale: La Pamphylie, in C. Dobias-Lalou
(ed.), Des dialectes aux lois de Gortyne. Nancy & Paris, 3345.
Cabanes, P. (ed.). 1993. Grecs et Illyriens dans les inscriptions en langue grecque dpidamnos-Dyrrachion et
dApollonia dIllyrie. Paris.
Cabanes, P. et al. (eds). 19872004. LIllyrie mridionale et lpire dans lantiquit, 4 v. Clermont-Ferrand & Paris.
. 19952016. Corpus des inscriptions grecques dIllyrie mridionale et dpire, v. I.1, I.2, II, III. Athens & Paris.
Colvin, S. 2004. Names in Hellenistic and Roman Lycia, in S. Colvin (ed.), The Greco-Roman East: Politics, Culture,
Society. Cambridge, 4484.
Lhte, . 2011. Les ethniques de Bouthrte, in J.-L. Lamboley & M. P. Castiglioni (eds), LIllyrie mridionale et
lEpire dans lAntiquit: Actes du Ve colloque international sur lIllyrie et lpire dans lantiquit (Grenoble
811 octobre 2008), 1st v. Paris: 10512.
Elwira Kaczynska
University of d
aradaina@gmail.com
The Arabic origin of Modern Greek (dial.) well; well-sweep

The Modern Greek appellative , which is very well attested in the Cretan toponymy (
2000, 34344, notes as many as 16 examples), is not registered in any dictionary of the Cretan dialect.
However, a folk character and a limited distribution of the word in question is confirmed by lexical data
collected in some regions of Hellas and Cyprus. The term means well/ in Carpathus
( 2006, 376), the island lying near Crete. A different meaning a kind of well-sweep is attested
in Rhodes and Cyprus ( 1996, 116; 2002, 135; Kaczyska 2014, 205).
According to Minas ( 2006, 376), the Modern Greek forms denoting well or well-sweep are
borrowed directly from Turkish kasaba country town, dial. irrigating channel. Of course, the Turkish
appellative is of Arabic origin, cf. Arab. k.as.aba fortress, citadel, also suburb ( 2010, 662).
I cannot agree with Minas explanation for two reasons.
Firstly, the Arabic language contains two homonymic words: k.as.aba (1) fortress, citadel; suburb and
k.as.aba (2) windpipe/Luftrhre (Stachowski 1977, 25). The Modern Greek dialectal form m.
well; well-sweep seems to derive from the latter Arabic appellative (and not the former one).
Secondly, the Cretans had to borrow the Arabic word during the Arabic occupation of the island (ca.
824961 AD). Cristoforo Buondelmonti, the author of Descriptio insule Crete (written in 1415), gives a
strong mention on the important well (Lat. puteus), which was located away from Candia, the capital
of Crete during the Venetian rule (now Herakleion). The drinking water from this well was sold to towns
inhabitants by boys (v. 734736): [...] puteus est Cazamba dictus. Aquam cuius pueri per Candiam ci-
vitatem ferentes vendunt magnis vocibus exclamantes (van Spitael 1981, 158) there is a well called
Cazamba. Some boys sell its water, bearing it into the city Candia and crying there with great voices.
The 15th-century name of the extra-Candian well (Lat. Cazamba, Mod. Gk. ) could not be
borrowed by the Turkish mediation, as the Ottoman army conquered Crete in the middle of 17th cen-
tury (16451669), i.e. two centuries later. What is more, the Cretan toponym is registered
as early as in 1279 AD ( 1991, 382; 2010, 662). It is highly probable that the well
called in Candia was created and named by the Arabs.
Bibliography
, . . 2002. Thesaurus Dialecti Cypriae = (
13 . ). Nicosia.
Kaczyska, E. 2014. Kreteskie nazwy wodne pochodne od terminw hydrograficznych [Modern Cretan hydro-
nyms derived from hydrographic terms], Onomastica 58, 193209.
, . . 2000. : , in -
(, 67 1998): , 1st v. Rethimno, 33545.
, . 2006. . Karpathos.
, . . 1996. , 2nd augm. ed. Rhodes.
, . . 1991. , 1st v. Heraklion.
Stachowski, S. 1977. Studien ber die arabischen Lehnwrter im Osmanisch-Trkischen. Teil II (KM) (Prace
Komisji Orientalistycznej 15). Wrocaw, Warszawa, Krakw & Gdask.
, . . 2010. , 2 . Nicosia & Thessaloniki.
van Spitael 1981 = Cristoforo Buondelmonti, Descriptio Insule Crete et Liber Insularum, Cap. XI: Creta. d. crit. par
M.-A. van Spitael. Heraklion.
Hasan Kaili
Ankara University, Turkey
kaili@rhodes.aegean.gr
On dependent clauses in Rhodian Turkish

This study examines the status and use of dependent clauses in the local variety of Turkish spoken by
members of the bilingual in Greek and Turkish Muslim community of Rhodes. Earlier research on the
properties of the Turkish variety under study has revealed prominent contact-induced changes in Rho-
dian Turkish (Kaili et al. 2009; Kaili & eltek 2010; Kaili et al. 2012). One of the most prominent contact-
induced changes concerns the status of dependent clauses in Turkish used by members of the com-
munity.
While in Turkish there is a robust coexistence of finite and non-finite dependent clauses (Gksel & Ker-
slake 2005), Greek makes use of only finite type dependent clauses (Holton et al. 1997). The members
of the community under investigation, especially those of the younger generation, while using the in-
digenous non-finite type of dependent clauses of Turkish, they mostly make use of finite type depen-
dent clauses regardless of their pragmatic effect employing the Greek word order VO rather than
the indigenous OV of Turkish. This phenomenon can be, potentially, attributed to prolonged contact with
Greek and incomplete acquisition.
Bibliography
eltek, A. & H. Kaili. 2010. Bene telefon almadn: Rodostaki Trke-Yunanca ikidilli konuucularn Trkesinde
Yunancann etkisi [You didnt call me: The influence of Greek on Turkish of Greek-Turkish bilinguals]. Paper
presented at the 24th Annual Conference of Turkish Linguistics (May 1718, 2010, METU).
Gksel, A. & C. Kerslake. 2005. Turkish: A Comprehensive Grammar. London: Routledge.
Holton, D., P. Mackridge & I. Philippaki-Warburton. 1997. Greek: A Comprehensive Grammar. London: Routledge.
Kaili, H., V. Spyropoulos, M. Georgalidou & A. eltek. 2009. Causative constructions in the urkish variety of the
bilingual Muslim community of Rhodes: preliminary study, in S. Ay, . Aydn, . Ergen, S. Gkmen, S.
sever & D. Peenek (eds), Essays on Turkish Linguistics: Proceedings of the 14th International Conference
on Turkish Linguistics. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 40312.
Kaili, H., A. eltek & M. Georgalidou. 2012. Complement clauses in the Turkish variety spoken by bilingual in Greek
and Turkish children on Rhodes/Greece, Turkic Languages 16(1), 10620.
.

kyrdoris@lit.auth.gr

, Bal-
kansprachbund ,

. -
.
Dialektbund , ,
, ,
, -
. -
( , , , 1849, . 238) -

.
Sprachbund Kulturbund,
/ -
. ,
, .

(. ..
[rn] > [r] ),
. ,

.

-, . & . . 2006. . : .
, . 2007. ,
27, 198209.
,E. 19641966. (, ), 2 . : .
Poi, S. 2009. Vlleht: historia dhe gjuha e tyre. : Toena.
Sobolev, A. 2000. Der bulgarische Rhodopendialekt im Lichte der Balkanologie, Zeitschrift fr Balkanologie 36(1),
92105.
Spiro, A. 2015. Prbashksi dialektore shqiptaro-greke, Albanohellenica 6. [http://albanohellenica.wixsite.com/
greekalbanianstudies/albanohellenica-6-contents]
Tzitzilis, Chr. 2000. Das Mittelgriechische im Lichte der Balkanlinguistik, . & . (.),
: / Balkanlinguistik: Synchronie und Diachronie. :
, 25772.

nikosliosis@yahoo.gr
:

, -
,
: -
-
. -
-
. -
.
( , ),
, , -
. -
: () -
-
; ()
(.. ,

..); () -
-
;
Epps, P., J. Huehnergard & N. Pat-El. 2013. Introduction: Contact among genetically related languages, Journal
of Language Contact 6, 20919.
Liosis, N. 2007. . . . -
.
Romaine, S. 2010. Language contact and death, R. Hickey (.), Handbook of Language Contact. :
Cambrigde University Press, 32039.
Sasse, H.-J. 1992. Theory of language death, M. Brenzinger (.), Language Death: Factual and Theoreti-
cal Explorations with Special Reference to East Africa. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 730.
Schilling-Estes, N. & W. Wolfram. 1999. Alternative models of dialect death: dissipation and concentration, Lan-
guage 75, 486521.
Thomason, S. 2001. Language Contact: An ntroduction. .
Dimitra Melissaropoulou

dmelissa@upatras.gr
Accounting for morphological complexity vs. simplification in situations of language contact:

evidence from Cappadocian Greek
The aim of this paper is to offer further insights on the notion of autonomous (cf. Aronoff 1994; An-
derson 2015) morphological complexity vs. simplification in the light of the evidence provided by lan-
guage contact, a parameter which is thought to be interrelated with change in the complexity of lin-
guistic systems (simplification, [Trudgill 2011] vs. complexification [Nichols 1992]). For the purposes of
this paper, we use the notions of complexity vs. simplification (a) in order to refer to the formal prop-
erties of the examined systems, with particular emphasis on regularity, economy, and (formal) mark-
edness relationships or lack thereof (cf. Trudgill 2011 and Siegel 1997 for pidgin and creoles) and (b)
as theory-internal concepts (i.e. as theoretical notions), although we take something like language
simplification to occur in language users minds.
To this end, we draw our data from Cappadocian, an Asia Minor Greek variety spoken for great many
centuries in a situation of regressive bilingualism due to intense contact with the agglutinative Turkish
language (cf. among others Dawkins 1916; Karatsareas 2011; Janse forthcoming and references there-
in). Different phenomena are exemplified such as:
(i) The loss of the originally three different grammatical gender distinctions in nouns:
[1] padiax.neu king
baldza.neu sister-in-law
(ii) The tendency towards the establishment of a unique nominal inflectional paradigm with the gen-
eralized use of (the neuter) ja, ju markers, substituting the several original subgroups of nouns:
[2] atropos man.nom.sg
atropos-ju man.gen.sg
atropoz-ja man.nom.pl
(iii) The reduction of lexical stem allomorphy, as realized in derivational affixation, where imperfective
stems instead of the (usually selected) perfective ones are selected for the formation of deverbal nouns:
[3] in(o) to give iniimperf-ma giving instead of *dosiperf-ma
xan(o) to lose xaniimperf-ma loss instead of *xasiperf-ma
(iv) The loss of the morphological process of derivational prefixation. The vast majority of otherwise
prefixed verbal forms are realized by loanword elements:
[4] opartiz(u) < koparmak to break off, to tear off instead of kse-kolo
dauldiz(u) < dalmak to scatter, to disperse instead of ia-lio
(v) The loss of rivalry among competing derivational suffixes (e.g. -ma, -simo, -si, -ja) for the forma-
tion of deverbal nouns, with the generalization of one productive suffix (i.e. -ma):
[5] in(o) to give ini-ma giving instead of do-sim(o)
oru to see, to attend to ori-ma attention instead of ori-si
vriz(o) to insult vrizi-ma insult instead of vris-ja
A detailed analysis of the above-mentioned phenomena reveals that, while in a broader perspective all
might ultimately be seen as instances of loss of morphological complexity, they should not be treated
under a unified account. On the contrary, some of them should be attributed to the direct influence,
thus the direct reflex of complexity or simplicity of the model language, in terms of grammatical pat-
tern replication, e.g. (ii) and (iv), while others, e.g. (iii) and (v), should be explained as the result of the
pressure that was exerted on the replica language by the dominant system into regression, paving the
way into simplification, i.e. regularity, economy and loss of redundancy, through minimization of ri-
valry among elements and categories with similar function.
Generalizing, our data seem to suggest that complexity or loss of it may arise as the outcome of his-
torical and socio-linguistic circumstances and various sorts of restructurings (cf. Anderson 2015), ar-
guing in favor of the idiosyncratic and language specific nature of morphological complexity especial-
ly in situations of language contact. This presentation is meant as a contribution to the discussion on
morphological complexity in situations of language contact, arguing that in assessing complexity or
loss thereof we should always bear in mind the different typological profiles and cross-linguistic di-
vergence.
Bibliography
Anderson, S. R. 2015. Dimensions of morphological complexity, in M. Baerman, D. Brown & G. Corbett (eds), Un-
derstanding and Measuring Morphological Complexity. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1128.
Aronoff, M. 1994. Morphology by Itself: Stems and Inflectional Classes. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press.
Janse, M. Forthcoming. Cappadocian, in . (ed.), . Thessaloniki: Institute of
Modern Greek Studies (Manolis Triandaphyllidis Foundation).
Karatsareas, P. 2011. A Study of Cappadocian Greek Nominal Morphology from a Diachronic and Dialectological
Perspective. Ph.D. diss. University of Cambridge.
Nichols, J. 1992. Linguistic Diversity in Space and Time. Chicago & London: The University of Chicago Press.
Siegel, J. 1997. Mixing, leveling, and pidgin/creole development, in A. K. Spears & D. Winford (eds), The Structure
and Status of Pidgins and Creoles. Amsterdam: Benjamins, 11150.
Trudgill, P. 2011. Sociolinguistic Typology: Social Determinants of Linguistic Complexity. Oxford: Oxford University
Press.

epantel@phil.uoa.gr

19 20

. , 19
20
. -

. , -
19 -

. ,
-

, -
,
. ,
-
,
, 19
20 .

, . . 1909. , 6(),
10510.
David, J. 1821. Mthode pour apprendre la langue grecque moderne. : Lequien.
, . . 2009. (18001922): . : -
.
Schmidt, J. A. E. 1808. Neugriechische Sprachlehre. : Joachims.
, . 1967. :
. : [..].
&
,
helenp@lit.auth.gr & papana@lit.auth.gr
:

, ,
. (1)
,
, (2) ,
: () ( ), ()
(..
,
). ,
/
, .
Andriotis, N. 1974. Lexikon der Archaismen in neugriechischen Dialekten. Wien: sterreichische Akademie der
Wissenschaften.
Giannaris, Th. & N. Pantelidis. . Lexical Archaisms in Modern Greek Etymology, . & .
(.), 1 / Greek etymology 1. :
( ).
, . . 19581961. , 2 . ( 3)
: .
Tzitzilis, Chr. 1987. Griechische Lehnwrter im Trkischen (mit besonderer Bercksichtigung der anatolischen Di-
alekte) (Schriften der Balkankommission Linguistische Abteilung 33) Wien: sterreichische Akademie der
Wissenschaften.
Anca Mihaela Sapovici

Institutul de Lingvistic Iorgu Iordan Al. Rosetti al Academiei Romne
mihaela.sapovici@gmail.com

,
. ,
-
.
-
. , , -
, . -
aghios o , ahtiat
, trboi , ,
.
, -
. agonisi ,
arvun , (se) chivernisi , fric
, ieftin , pedeaps , proaspt , stol .,
.
. agonisi -
, Psaltirea Hurmuzaki ( Hurmuzaki) arvun
cmar pedepsi Evangheliarul slavo-romn -
(. 1553) ieftin, arvun -
, , politicos
- .
, , -
-
, .

Brad Chisacof, L. 2012. Romna n secolul fanariot. Cluj Napoca: Casa Crii de tiin.
Browning, R. 1983. Medieval and Modern Greek. : Cambridge University Press.
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versitaire de Philologie Grecque.
Graur, A. 1963. Etimologii romneti. : Editura Academiei RPR.
Mihescu, H., 1966. Influena greac asupra limbii romne pn n secolul al XVlea. : Editura Acad-
emiei RSR.
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afliatouras@yahoo.com

-
(.
2009). ,
, . ( 1992). 500 ,
. :
,
() , -
, (2001) -
, () . -
-

,
(. Tsitsipis 1981).
.
, ,
-
(. Georgacas & Mc
Donald 1967 Orel 1997).
(, , )
-
.
-
.

() () -
(. Gjinari 1989).
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. . . : . ( ).
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guistic Study. . . University of Wisconsin, Madison.
:
.
.-.
. 418, N K , ... .
e-mail: greek-language-conference@phil.auth.gr, : 2310997128
ORGANIZING COMMITTEE:
INFORMATION Chr. Tzitzilis
Secretariat of the Institute of Modern Greek Studies Th.-S. Pavlidou
Room 418, Faculty of Philosophy, New Building, A.U.Th. G. Papanastassiou
e-mail: greek-language-conference@phil.auth.gr, tel.: ++30-2310-997128

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International Conference on Language Contact

INSTITUTE OF MODERN GREEK STUDIES

3 | Thursday, November 3rd

| Chair: Brian Joseph

| Chair: Matthias Kappler

4 | Friday, November 4th

| Chair: Lia Brad-Chisacof

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[1] MGr: la lo/liki na se o [vre/de]!

Ioannis Fykias & Christina Katsikadeli

Some affine subordination patterns in the synchrony

Marianthi Georgalidou & Hasan Kaili

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Semantic borrowing in the creation of Slavic Christian terminology:

Cristina Guardiano, Dimitris Michelioudakis, Melita Stavrou, Metin

Diagnosing syntactic effects of language contact and historical transmission:

Unagreement in the Balkans: Two case studies of language contact

Lessons for language contact, and contact linguistics

Language contacts in an Ottoman religiolect: Observations on Karamanlidika and other

On the periphery of the Balkan Sprachbund: the future in Slovenian dialects

Nikolaos Lavidas & Ianthi Maria Tsimpli

Language contact and transitivity:

Nicolaos Neocleous & Ioanna Sitaridou

Anastasia Petrova &

Shaping the nominal system of Cappadocian Greek:

Sema Sandalc & Berna aan

Overview and Comparison of Ancient Words Through the Homeric Epics

Greek-Slavic convergence in phonetics

Elias Riggs: An American missionary and linguist in Smyrna

Language contact in Balkan symbiotic societies: settings, mechanisms, outcomes

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On some contact-induced changes in Pomak and the role of Greek

The use of Greek in 18th century Romanian ceremonial texts: A reassessment

Agapkina & Tolstaya 2009 = , . . & . . . 2009. , : -

Anatolian and Balkan Sprachbund

Krzysztof Tomasz Witczak

The earliest Albanian loanwords in Greek

The Arabic origin of Modern Greek (dial.) well; well-sweep

On dependent clauses in Rhodian Turkish

Accounting for morphological complexity vs. simplification in situations of language contact:

Anca Mihaela Sapovici

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