The Culprit

Teen Pregnancy?
Suzette M. Smart, BSW, MHA

The Welfare Reform in Georgia Report created in 2012 under

Senate Bill 104 concludes that "...more teen mothers are
unmarried than in past generations" in the State of Georgia
(Welfare Report, p. 17-20, 2012). Strikingly, close to 88
percent of children in Georgia were born to single teen mothers
in 2010, compared to a fraction over 77 percent in 1998
(Welfare Reform, p. 17, 2012).

A predominate consequence of teen pregnancy born to a single

mother are the financial and emotional instabilities that result.
More important, are the ramifications of infant death or
premature birth due to lack of, or late prenatal care within this
population. For example, 14.1 percent of premature births were
born to mothers within the age group of 15-19 year old single
mothers (Welfare Reform, p. 17, 2012).

Although nationally, and specifically with Georgia, there has

been progress in reducing the prevalence of birth to teen
mothers, the Welfare Report (2012) reports there is still much to
be done to control these astounding statistics. Forty-three
percent of all single teen pregnancies are born within the
African American community (Welfare Reform, p. xvi, 2012).
The conjecture of this report is that these rates can be further
reduced in the African American communities, such as Lithonia,
Georgia by "...reducing sexual activity and other risky
behaviors among unmarried teens" (Georgia Reform, p. 18,
2012).

Unintended pregnancies, particularly those occurring very

early in a woman's reproductive years, often have adverse
health, social, and economic consequences for the mother and
her child. Teen pregnancy and out-of-wedlock parenting is
linked to poverty and welfare dependency. Teenage mothers are
more likely to be unmarried, drop out of school, and rely on
Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF) (Welfare
Report, p. 18, 2012).

Other methods to reduce teen pregnancy have included

programs that perpetuate the thought that abstinence from
having sex, and denying sex education from adolescents and
teens in attempts to censor imperative safe sex and
contraception information to this population. Unfortunately,
this too failed in that research concluded in 2007 by the U.S.
Department of Health and Human Services reported programs
that encouraged abstinence only promoted absolutely no direct
affect on members of this population from reducing their
number of sexual partners, promote abstinence, or delaying
early sexual encounters (Trenholm, Devaney, Fortson, Quay,
Wheeler, & Clark, 2007).

The advocates who believed they had the answers to effectively

reducing teen pregnancy, to curb this crisis within the public
health arena, in fact, perpetuated the devastating consequences
within the Black community for single Black mothers, and their
children. For example:

1. "Daughters of teen mothers face a much greater risk of

ending up teen moms themselves; nearly a third of
daughters of teen moms had their first child when they were
teens (The National Campaign to Prevent Teen and
Unplanned Pregnancy, p. 3, 2010).
2. About one in four teen mothers under age 18 have a second
baby within two years after the birth of the first child (The
National Campaign to Prevent Teen and Unplanned
Pregnancy, p. 2, 2010).

3. Children of teen mothers do worse in school than those with

older parents. They are more likely to repeat a grade, less likely
to complete high school, and have lower standardized-test
scores. Additionally, less than two percent of young teen
mothers attain a college degree by the time they are 30" (The
National Campaign to Prevent Teen and Unplanned Pregnancy,
p. 1, 2012).
4. "Sixty-seven percent of teen mothers who move out of their
families' home live below poverty level and nearly two-thirds of
teen mothers receive some type of public assistance within the
first year after their children were born" (The National
Campaign to Prevent Teen and Unplanned Pregnancy, p. 1,
2012).

PREVENTION AND INTERVENTION

All Inclusive sex-education programs
Enhanced availability of birth control
Accessibility of after school programs

All Inclusive sex-education

programs
Unplanned pregnancy and exposure to sexually transmitted
infections can only be avoided if teens are provided with logical
information to provide protection for themselves.

 Dr. Douglas Kirby of The National Campaign to Prevent Teen and

Unplanned Pregnancy (2007) concludes "Comprehensive sex-education
programs work. They delay initiation of sex, reduce frequency of sex
and increase contraceptive use" and that "Sex education and condom
availability do not increase sexual activity among teens (NARAL, p. 3,
2015).
Facts on American Teens' Sources of Information About Sex (2012)
assert "that comprehensive approaches to sex education help young
people withstand the pressures of having sex before they are ready and
to have healthy, responsible relationships (NARAL, p. 3, 2015).

There must be some level of confidentiality for teens to seek

information regarding their reproductive questions, concerns
and planning.
The Guttmacher Report on Public Policy (2005) prove
"Studies show that even parental consent for birth control
would deter teens from seeking other reproductive health
services, including testing and treatment for STIs" (NARAL,
p. 3, 2015).
The Guttmacher Institute also asserts "...the sustained
decline in teen-pregnancy rates is largely due to an increase
in teens using contraceptives (NARAL, p. 3, 2015).

Access to environmentally safe after school programs promote positive modelling,

and provides healthy activities that reduce or help eliminate behaviorally risky
attitudes.

A Good Time: After-School Programs to Reduce Teen Pregnancy, by The

National Campaign To Prevent Teen and Unplanned Pregnancy (2004) concludes
"...that the likelihood of teens having sex for the first time increases with the
number of unsupervised hours teens have during a week" (NARAL, p. 4, 2015).

 The Afterschool Alliance (2002) asserts that "After-school

programs help reduce the rate of teen pregnancy by instilling
good decision-making skills and positive role models in a
supervised setting (NARAL, p. 4, 2015).
Manlove, Franzetta, McKinney, Papillo, and Terry-Humen
(2004) conclude "Teenage girls who play sports are more
likely to delay sex, have fewer partners, and are less likely to
become pregnant (NARAL, p. 4, 2015).

Information we Need to Move Forth

Mr. Samuel Beastley, LCSW, Chief Executive Officer of
Raising Hands, Inc. based in Lithonia, Georgia serves as an
advocate for this community, particularly African American
women. He strives to connect with this population by providing
specific health care information through culturally identified
promotions to encourage better education, and to provide tools
of empowerment which help this population become equipped
to make wise life choices. Mr. Beastley conducted an informal
survey among community females, ranging in ages 13 to 60
years old during the summer of 2015, and his findings were in
tune with the following cited by NARAL Pro-Choice America:

The National Public Radio/Kaiser Family Foundation/Kennedy School of

Government's 2004's report Sex Education in America; General Public/Parent Survey that
"Ninety-nine percent of Americans agree that young people should be provided with
medically accurate information about STDs, and 94 percent of Americans believe young
people should learn about birth control" and "More than eight of 10 Americans believe that
young people should be taught how to use, and where to obtain, contraceptives" (NARAL,
p. 4, 2015).
This report also asserts that "Americans want to schools to cover real-life issues, such
as how to deal with potential consequences of having sex and the emotional consequences of
being sexually active" (NARAL, p. 4, 2015).

Dr. Douglas Kirby in his Research Findings on Programs to

Reduce Teen Pregnancy (2007) concluded that "More than 80
percent of Americans believe that comprehensive sex education
programs which emphasize abstinence, but also encourage
condom and contraceptive use, should be implemented in
school" (NARAL, p. 4, 2015).

Case Study:
Lucretia &
Marissa

Marissas mother sat extremely rigid on the familys

ragged sofa as she spoke as though embarrassed of her life and
that of her daughters. Lucretia, Marissas accidental mother as
she identifies herself, is a young woman of 34 years old, single
parent to three daughters;, and two sons. After making her third
visit to the local emergency department with complaints of
constant fatigue, nausea and vomiting, and edema, a referral is
made to the hospitals social worker for assessment. The social
worker upon interviewing Lucretia, discovers this mother is a
Transportation worker in the hospital, and works on the average
of 60 hours per week. Lucretia states I have no other choice
but to work that many hours each week. I have too many
mouths to feed.

Lucretia gave birth to Marissa at 14 years old, and subsequent

births at 16, 17, 18, and 21 years old. This participant states
Marissa has two children, pregnant at the age of 13 and 15 years
old; and her other daughter also has two children, pregnant at
the age of 14 and 15 years old. Both of her daughters are single
mothers who live with their children with Lucretia. She states
that she is hoping her third daughter does not get knocked up.
She does not seem to worry about her sons in that she states If
they get a girl knocked up, its their mamas problem! Asked
if she ever considered obtaining contraceptive for her daughters,
and she stated Its Gods will.

Lucretia is overweight, and a diagnosed insulin dependent

diabetic with uncontrollable hypertension. She states that she
often misses her medications in that she cannot afford them on a
regular basis. The Department of Human Services has deemed
her salary too high to attain medical, monetary or food stamp
benefits. However, Lucretia has appealed this decision twice, in
that her salary is only ten dollars over the poverty level. She
has been denied both times. Lucretia states My nerves are
getting the best of me-thats all. Im afraid Marissa may be
pregnant again!

Guiding Questions for Assessment:

What components of Lucretia's social history appear most

important?
What medical and social evaluations will you include to
assess Lucretia's needs?
What do you deem the most important priority to focus on
with Lucretia's assessment, and why?