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    Cuarrer 2 The Euro-Americans Kathryn Braun and Deborah Goebert I this chapter, we examine EuroAmericans or Caucasians in Hawai'i, those individuals who can trace their ancestry to white Euro- ppeans, commonly known in the State of Hawai'i as hacles (“haole” ‘has been pluralized in this text as “haoles” in keeping with English- Ianguage conventions; in the Hawaiian language, however, the plural of hhaole would be haole). We begin with an exploration of the term “haole,” followed by a brief history of haoles in Hawai'i. We then present some of the values common to white culture that influence haole behavior and are reflected in U.S. social policies. We then provide a demographic ‘and mental health profile of haoles in Hawai'i and review some of the hhaole subgroups in the state. We conclude with the notion that the defi- nition of “local” is changing and now can encompass those haoles who are aware of, understand, and appreciate al the peoples and cultures of Hawaii What Isa Haole? In Hawaii, people often refer to each other by their ethnicity* ‘Although European-Americans represent scores of different cultural ‘groups, they are seen in Hawai'i as a single ethnic group. For Hawai'i residents of white European descent, the term "European-American’ is rarely used, nor is the term “white” (although this is the preferred term ‘used in US. government reports). In Hawai‘, the term *Caucasian’ is ‘commonly used. However, “haole” has become a term that is closely 32 The Euro-Amercans . linked with the history and challenges ofthe Islands, and henceforth it ‘will be our term of reference in this chapter. ‘The word “haole” is not commonly found in the Hawaiian litera- ture, but when used it appears to denote “foreign” or “strange’—for example, ‘aina haole (foreign land). Pukui and Elbert note that the term. “haole” was used historically in reference to any foreigner (non- Hawai ian) in Hawai'i? Although debatable because itis unsupported by the Hawaiian language, a folk etymology exists that has joined two words together to form the word hatole, literally meaning “without breath.” In Hawaiian culture, a fll greeting would include an oral exchange of genealogies, a honi (the touching of noses and/or foreheads), and the exchange of hat (breath or life). When Captain Cook arrived, he stood silent. Thus he was seen as ‘le (without) hd, Reed provides a contemporary definition of “haole” as a Hawaiian word used to des- ignate “Caucasian."+ Initially, haoles came from capitalist industrial societies, and their European rules of commerce, governance, religion, education, and communication became dominant. In this context, immigrants from other societies (eg., China, Japan, and the Philip- pines) were simply thought of as non-haole.s Trask defines “haole” as “white foreignes” indicating that the term has both racial and class connotations.« ‘Although haoles are thought of as an undifferentiated group in Hawai‘, there are some exceptions. For example, people of Portuguese descent in Hawai'i were exempted from the haole category because of their unique position as middle managers and paniolo (cowboys) inthe plantation social structure under the white plantation bosses.” Other Caucasian groups that maintained a unique culture were Greeks, Ger- ‘man-Americans on Maui, and those defined by the Jewish religion. Ref erences are made to haole subgroups, including the mainland haole (living on or coming from the continental United States), the local haaole, the kama‘aina (native born) haole, and the hapa haole. ‘Today, the dominant culture is dificult to determine in Hawaii and depends on the situation and power relationships. Reed suggests that the dominant culture is somewhere along the continuum of "main- land’ to “local” “Mainland” refers to the dominant American culture of predominantly European values and styles of interaction fourrd in the continental United States. “Local” refers to the common identity of people in Hawaii that share lifestyle, behavior, values, and norms that developed from plantation culture characterized by waves of irami- grants and shaped by labeling, categorization, and social evaluation? 34 People and Cultures of Hawai ABrief History of Haoles in Hawal’t “The first haoles in Hawai'i were explorers. In 1778, Captain James Cook became the first European to document the islands by name, which he spelled Owyhee, and publish their geographical coordinates. He renamed the archipelago the Sandwich Isles, after the Fourth Earl of Sandwich, one of his patrons.19 Once charted, sailors and whalers Visited Hawaii to restock and establish trade. These visitors introduced ‘a number of Western diseases to which the indigenous Hawaiians had ‘no immunity, and the native population declined precipitously? “Although Christian missionaries began arriving early after “discov- xy’ the first wave of haole immigration is marked by the arrival ofthe Boston missionaries in 1820.1? Hawaiian rulers allowed the missionar- ies to preach and came to rely on themn for advice. The missionaries learned the Hawaiian language, then developed the Hawatian alphabet ‘and used it to translate the Bible into Hawaiian. They also established schools, attended by children of missionary families and ali (ruling class Hawaiian families). Despite protests from some alii factions, the missionaries inte- grated into Hawaiian society, while encouraging Hawaiian chiefs to femulate the European lifestyle. Assisted by various haole advisors, Kamehameha Ill issued a declaration of rights in 1839 and established ‘constitutional monarchy in 1840. There was pressure to change rules about land as well. Traditionally, all land belonged to the Hawai- jan king, who could grant others the right to use it temporarily. The Mahele (land division) was enacted in 1848, which divided the land between the king, his chiefs, and the new government and cleared the way for foreigners to own land in Hawai'.!? The Mahele was pro- posed as a mechanism by which makaitinana (commoners, oF peo- ple who attend the land) could secure their own land. However, few ‘maka‘tinana were able to purchase land, and some chiefs lost land shen they did not comply with the foreign system of land registra: tion. Concurrently, childzen of missionary families married into alt families, giving them access to land, as well as power, in Hawai'i. This shift in power is summarized by two well-known, if apocryphal, say- ings: “The [haole] missionaries came to Hawai'i to do good, and they ddd very well” and "When the (haole] missionaries came, they had the Bible and we had the land...now we have the Bible and they have the land.’ Nevertheless, intermarriage was @ natural development and resulted from the inclusiveness of Hawaiians and the alii desire, TheEuro-Amercans = which began with Kamel 0 reward haoles wich baa shameha I, to reward haoles that had served In the following decades, commercial ties between Hawai! the Uated Ste incest Hnolvowned busines enters cm tinued to expand, speci into sugucane and pineapple plantains, vith Caucasians in ownership, spervsory, and management rls. tion managers imported laborers and, by the early twentieth century, more than 270,000 workers had arrived from China, Japan, Korea, the Philippines, and other countries. Eventually, ive major cor porations grew out of plantation companies: Caste & Cooke, Alexander & Baldwin, C.Brewer & Company, Amfac (initially Hackfeld & Com- pany), and Theo H. Davies & Company. They became known as the Bi Five and wielded considerable economic and political power. During tistimein Hew, omating creed refering ater and raised in Hawai'i who reflected upper-middle-class, New ‘ale and promoted colonialism, a The involvement of the U.S. military in Hawai'i dates back to 1826 hen the USS Din vas sent to inestgat nd reaver debe owed to American merchants by the ali’. In 1893, U.S. naval forces ‘were positioned in front of Hawaiian government buildings and ‘Iolani Palace in what President Grover Cleveland described an act of wat, committed with the participation of a diplomatic representative of the Une Sera toa aor of Congres supp s gp of haole missionary descendants and business and plantation own- ers who executed the illegal overthrow of Queen Lil'uokalani and the Hawaiian monarchy, leading to the annexation of the kingdom to the United States in 1898.2 More members of the U.S. military artived afer anneation, The major of servicemen were single Caucasians from working-class files, while the officers were from prominent In September 1931, Hawai'i received national attention when plantation workers of rape.1” This is the first documented use of the term local to collectively categorize people from Hawaii, encompassing ‘two Hawaiians, two Japanese, and a Chinese-Hlawaiian born and raised in the Islands. The evidence against the five men was not substantiated, and the jury could not reach a verdict. However, Mrs. Massie's husband and mother and two sailors took matters into their own hands, severel beating one of the accused and shooting and ling ances, Joseph Kahahawai, This resulted in a second trial in which the white perpe- 36 People and Cultures of Hawar trators were convicted. Outraged by the court's punishment, the terri- tory’s white leaders and the U.S. Congress signed a leter threatening to impose martial law over the territory, and they pressured Governor Lawrence M, Judd to reduce the sentences to an hour each. The case illustrates how whites were culturally segregated from other groups {in Hawaii and distinguished them as not only a privileged class but a ‘group that could get away with murder. The case also catalyzed a change in the way locals and Caucasians in Hawaii began to look at race priv lege.!# Indeed, it helped mobilize public opinion to move Hawaii from territorial status to the legal protections offered by statehood. By the 19408, Caucasians represented 25 percent of the territory's population, World War II marked a change in perception about the mil- itary across the United States and in Hawai‘, with increased support for American values. World War II also brought a shift toward racial cequality and justice, as local nonhaole men who had enlisted to fight in this war returned to pursue postsecondary education and profes- sional careers. Some joined political movements against colonialism and in support of civil rights. Caucasian labor leaders—such as Jack Hall, Robert McElrath, Dave Thompson, and the California-based head of the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) Harry Bridges—came to Hawaii to help develop the first multiethnic labor union for plantation and dock workers. They represented some of the first haoles to side with laborers against the Big Five, and many of them married local wornen. The 79-day sugar strike of 1946 that shut down, thirtythree or thirty-four plantations and the r71day dock strike of 1949 further broke down divisions among nonkaole ethnic groups and forced haole management to humanize worker wages and benefits 2 ‘Another haole, John A. Burs, helped build coalitions with organized labor and Asian-Americans to strengthen the Democratic Party and lobby for statehood 22 Burns mobilized a force of men and women from Hawaii’s multicultural society, using principles from American law to ‘reate an even playing field for all. He would become the state's first elected governor. Hawai'i became the fiftieth U.S. state in 1959. Statehood attracted majority support among all ethnic groups. Today, however, several Hawaiian organizations criticize the legitimacy of the vote With statehood, increasing numbers of Caucasians migrated to the Islands, known as malihini (nevicomers or transplants). Many were attracted to the Islands by their beauty and temperate climate. Others came for new professional opportunities that accompanied statehood, including the The Euro-Amercons 37 expansion of federal and state government. Commercial ar travel eased the strain of relocating to an island 2,500 miles from the continental United States. Like other migrants, these haoles missed home and fam- ily, but those who established local ties and social contacts integrated {nto the local communities. Beginning in the 1960s, Caucasian surfers, hippies, and oth ers seeking an alternative lifestyle began relocating in Hawaii. By the 1980s, young adults outnumbered professional Caucasians moving. from the continental United States, and the percentage of Hawai‘ res dents born outside ofthe state increased from 31 percent in 1970 to 41 percent in 1990. Many haoles inthis wave of immigration questioned traditional Furopean-American values, supported the Hawaiian renais sance, and helped expand an acceptance of lifestyles and ecological con sciousness in Hawai. ‘On the other hand, newcomers secking alternative lifestyles had a tremendous impact on social systems, as they tapped into legal, welfare, health, and psychiatric services. An illustration of this extreme is Tay- Jor Camp, established in 1969 when Howard Taylor, brother of actress Elizabeth ‘Tayior, bailed out thirteen hippie vagrants and invited them to camp on his oceanfront land in Hatena, Kaus‘i®5 This “pot-riendly, clothing optional, tree-house village” became home to a diverse group ‘of people, from California surfers to Vietnam veterans who had under- {gone intense psychological suffering. The inhabitants were bonded by a desire to live their version ofa hassle-free life, hoping to be transformed and healed by their experiences together as a community. However, local residents claimed that the lack of sanitation polluted surrounding waters, resulting in the disappearance of mullet and other fish. The camp was condemned and burned down by the state in 1977. The leg- acy of this movement is evident today, especially in rural areas where the hippie communes were located, through organic farming that per- petuates the value of caring forthe earth. In the last couple decades, increasing mumbers of Caucasians bom in Hawai't have relocated to the continental United States in search of education, employment, and affordable housing, From 1995 to 2000, domestic i-migration to Hawaii was ro8 per 1,000 residents while domestic out-migration and was 173 per 1,000 residents, with the high est percentages moving to and from California, Texas, and Washing ton26The Hawaii Daia Book figures show a gradual rise in the average age of Hawaii's citizens, in part due to the fact that young people ofall ethnicities are leaving Hawai'i” 38 People and Cultures ofHawal Ethnocultural Identity In the continental United States, many white Americans do not see their own culture and do not describe their identity in ethnic terms.38 Understandably, people do not need to define or question their cul ture until they encounter a contrasting culture.2 Although the United States is far from homogenous, in the past its social policies and behav- ioral norms have been set, for the most part, by the dominant culture cof white people from Europe who came to the new world in search of personal freedom. In this section, we attempt to articulate some of the values and beliefs of European-American culture, which we believe underlie social policies in Hawai'i as a U.S. state. Cultural values can be defined as nivel statements about what we find atmactve and coc, nd reflect relational style, person-nature relationships, beliefs about tran nature. and tie oder Eeplorations of the values and ies associated with European-Americans can be found in literature on wcll cmmuntoton, ier undersigned cross-cultural counseling.>? Findings from the literature were supplemented by interviews of Hawai-based informants with expertise on European-American and/ or haole culture. ‘Traditionally referred to as “rugged individualist” European- ‘Americans tend to see the individual as the primary unit of society with, responsibility for him herself. There is an expectation that people shape their own destiny and solve their own problems. Personal achievement ‘and success are believed to stem from character and hard work, less so than from the environment or the socioeconomic system. European-Americans value independence and autonomy, and US. culture promotes and rewards behaviors that reflect individual con- trol and responsibility. These values underlie the U.S. Declaration of Independence, the Bill of Rights, and a number of health-related poli- cies. For example, physicians and researchers must seek permission directly from an individual for his/her participation in medical care and research, and the individual is expected to make these decisions for hhim/herself ater considering the risks and benefits.'5 Individual adults ‘must sign their own contracts and consent forms, or they must have completed legal documents that authorize others to sign for them. Even The Euro-Americans 9 in regard to decisions about stating, continuing, or withdrawing life sustaining care, expectations outlined in an individual's advance direc. tive (even fit was executed decades in the past) legally trump treatment preferences of family members and care providers. In Hawaii, some physicians recognize cultural differences in decision-making preferences and adjust their approach accordingly. Findings from a study atthe Rehabilitation Hospital of the Pacific sug. gested the doctors would give medical news directly to elderly Cauca. sian patients, but may ask Asian, Filipino, ot Pacific Islander families Who in the health care eam should talk to them about the elders care status and future care plans.” Other investigators also have found that Asians and Hispanics are more likely to prefer family-centered decision ‘making than European-Americans.38 ‘An individualistic orientation supports and rewards ambition, competition, freedom of action, and self-expression. Emphasis on individual achievement begins in childhood. Caucasian students are offen encouraged to “speak up" and “stand out” Hawaii teachers have described Caucasian girls as “perky” and boys as “assertive” and think both are likely to go to college. This tendency to promote oneself in school contrasts with the Japanese saying, “The nai that sticks up gets hammered down” (discouraging the emphasis of the individual over group harmony) and with the Hawaiian way of learning that empha sized watching, listening, trying, and then teaching. These values, When exaggerated, become stereotypes. Thus, haoles may sometimes be seen by non-Caucasians a§ loud, arrogant, and self-centered. An individualistic orientation also supports the individual accumulation of personal wealth without real obligation for sharing it beyond the ‘nuclear family. Ironically, perhaps, it is American foreign aid and indi vidual philanthropy that lead the world.«1 WORK, ACTIVITY, AND ACTION European-American culture places great value in action and activ- ity, a8 opposed to passivity and contemplation. Many Americans fee! there is always something they can “do” about a situation, The value of hard work is often referred to as the “Protestant work ethic"? Because Americans are expected to work and to value work, U.S. unemployment and social assistance benefits are time-limited and require recipients to show proof that they are in search of employment, ‘The belief that hard work begets success is the foundation of the ‘American dream—that is that any child born in America can grow up 40 People and Cultures of Hawai to be president, regardless of parentage and social status, or that an immigrant who arrives in the United States with nothing can become a millionaire through hard work and perseverance. This orientation contrasts with societies that tend to sort people into categories at birth (eg. India, through its caste system) or during adolescence based on academic performance (eg. France, where only students passing the baccalauréat examination can attend university). ‘Many European-Americans have great faith in science and scien- tific reasoning. The culture admires logic, linear thinking, and cause and effect Medical professionals assess patients to identify their con- stellation of symptoms and then match it against criteria outlined for ‘each known disease, and these criteria are objective, measurable, and tangible5 This contrasts with cultures that may attribute some (but of course not all) illnesses to being out of balance internally (eg, Chi- nese, Korean) or with God, nature, spirits, or other people (eg. Fili- pino, Hawaiian, Samoan) 46 The individualist and scientific perspective hhas also supported the view of the planet as something to be mastered, ‘though this has given way today to the modern environmental move- ment? and in Hawai‘, the idea that humans must live in harmony with God and nature, as suggested in the Hawai‘ state motto, Ua rau ke ea 0 ka ‘ina i ka pono ("The life of the land is perpetuated in righteousness"). It is in the European-American tradition to choose one's own, fiends and to marry whomever one pleases. Despite the recent expan- sion of elational options through same-sex unions, divorce remarriage, childlessness, surrogacy, and adoption, many European-Americans still tend to restrict their definition of family to nuclear and blood-related family, Parents are responsible for their children, and other adults are reluctant (or reminded not) to but in. This sin contrast to societies in which social norms dictate that children show respect to older adults regardless of their relationship tothe child It is a Hawatian “kinship” custom that any older adult may be introduced toa child as “auntie” or “une, signifjingto the child that the adults a friend of the family and someone fo whom they should show respect. This free use ofthe terms ‘auntie and uncle, however, may cause confusion among young people swho relocate to Hawaii from the continental United States, where the terms aunt and uncle are reserved for one's parents’ siblings. ‘Compared to other ethnic groups, Furopean-Americans tend 10 The Euro-Americans Fi score lower on measures of familism, the name given to the particu: lar importance placed on close family relationships. In fact, European Americans may appear detached from their extended families. This contrasts with most locals in Hawai'i whose families have lived in the Islands for generations and who know their first, second, third, and fourth cousins. Also serving to extend local families are the Hawaiian practice of hanai (informal adoption of children into another family) and the labeling of close friends and neighbors as ‘calabash cousins." ‘The European-American value of the primacy of the nuclear fam- ily also is supported by U.S. health care policies. For example, Social Security was developed to support retirees so that their adult children Would be free to work and to relocate for work. Medicare and Medicaid, insurance programs that pay for acute and long-term care, he'p keep young and middle-aged adults in the workforce, rather than home car ing for parents and grandparents, ‘The stereotyped notion that European-Americans do not care for their parents and grandparents is widespread in Asia. This perception ‘may stem from their views that haoles do not observe a long period of mourning for deceased parents and grandparents (in contras: to the Asian cultural observance of forty-nine days), and that European-Ammer. ‘cans appear willing to have parents cared for by strangers in nursing homes. Although family members meet the bulk of longc-term care needs of older Americans, caregiving for some Furopean-Americans ‘may become burdensome because it hinders their ability to work3 EGALITARIAN RELATIONSHIPS European-Americans prefer relationships to be informal and egali- ‘arian as opposed to formal and hierarchical, or they fel that hierarchy should be based on achievement rather than on birthright, birth order, or gender. They are quick to call people by their first names, rather than using tiles or honorifics, in contrast with many Asian cultures: Japanese, for example, offers various honorifics that can be used to denote respect, including sense (added to the last names of teachers, doctors, politicians, and other authority figures) and sama (used when addressing people of higher in rank than oneself). American English does not offer different forms for the word “you’ in addressing people ofhigher or lower status or ofa different generation, in contrast tomy European languages. Confician-based cultures have rules abou: fam. ily hierarchy as well, with authority seated with the oldest male and oldest sons responsible to care for parents and the family ancestors, 2 People and Cultures of Howat In Hawai, it’s not uncommon to hear Japanese, Chinese, and Korean ‘women say that they would rather marry 2 haole than a firstborn son of Japanese, Chinese, or Korean ancestry, because of potentially greater leeway in defining family relationships. Although the founders of the United States spoke to equality in their documents and speeches, this equality was conceptualized ini tially for Euro-Caucasian, Christian, male landowners. Consequenty, European culture has long been patriarchal, and male preference is often still evident 55 Workforce studies show that men, on average, earn ‘more than women in similar occupations, and women are sill under represented in seniormost jobs. Similarly, European-Americans are ‘more likely to hold leadership roles than other ethnic groups in most settings. Yet most European-Americans hold equality in relationships as the ideal and feel that they should approach everyone in the same manner—directly and with good eye contact and a firm handshake. European-Americans today may be seen as a homogenous group. But, European-Americans are born of individuals from diverse regions of Europe, and these regions have different cultures and a long history of interallegiances and disagreements. Documentation of discrimination among European-American subgroups extends across the twentieth cen tury. In the 19403, it was not unusual for a son to be disowned by his German Lutheran family for marrying an Trish Catholic, and vice versa. Some white European immigrants to the United States—notably Jews, Germans, Poles, and Irish—have changed their names to mask their ancestry and thus reduce their exposure to intra-Caucasian prejudice. But today, more and more white European-Americans tend to be unpre} tudiced toward groups that are different, and are becoming “colorblind”? ‘As individualists, European-Americans typically believe that each individual's opinion is weighted equally. Every American can vote, and the simple majority rules. Someone wins, and someone loses. This is in contrast to societies that use consensual decision making in order to preserve group harmony, like Japan, where leaders try to facilitate listening and compromise until a solution is reached that all can live ‘with.38 Several European countries require the formation of coalition goemments, comprised of members of opposing parties, when an lection does not lead toa clear victory for one side. In line with industrialization and notions of control, Caucasian- dominated U.S. society has become very time oriented. Appoint- TheEuro-Americans i: ‘ments are scheduled and individuals axe expected to be on time. In contrast, many agricultural societies work according to timelines set by nature and weather! Some new immigrants to Hawai'i are unac-

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