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    106 People and Cultures of Hawa 28, J.R. Hughes, “The demise of the English Standard School Syste Cuarren 5 in Hawat i? Hawaiian Journal of History 27 (1993) 65-89. 29. E.W. Carvalho, “The Portuguese,"in Peoples and Cultures of Hawa The Japanese A Psychosocial Profile, ed. J.F. McDermott, W.S. Tseng, and T.W. Maret, : onl Unters of Hat res, g8o:oente Courtenay Matsu, Junji Takeshita, Satoru Izutsu, and 30.J- King and J Tanquada, A new history ofthe origins and develop. Earl Hishinuma ment of te ukulele, 838-1915" Hawaiian journal of History 37 (2003):1-3 31E.Cabral "Grandpa was a troubadous” in The Portuguese in Hawai, Honolulu: Felixand Seneca, 1978: 143-148 32. L-Fruto, “Portuguese pioneer knows many faces.” Honalulu Star Bulletin article of October 5, 1966, reprinted in The Portuguese in Hawai, Honolulu: Felix and Senecal, 1978: 79-40. 33. Estep 194%: 43. 34. Dall, “An interview with Frank Delima” 2004, retrieved ftom Inpro frbisthemighty.com acilogie/frankdelima htm, downloaded on March 29, 2009, The largest number of Japanese came to Hawai'i from Japan as, tract laborers, beginning in 1885 during the reign of King David lkaua, In the main, these laborers were farmers who were assigned rious plantations in the Hawaiian Islands. Large numbers came mn the Fukuoka, Kumamoto, Hiroshima, and Okinawa prefectures. anrived from the urban areas. By 1920 the Japanese constituted percent ofthe population, and there was growing concer thatthe anese in Hawat'i would maintain loyalty toward Japan. Individuals in Japan who immigrated to Hawaii were considered the frst gen- ion (or Isse). Subsequent generations included the Nisei (second eration), Sanset (third generation), Yonsei (fourth generation), and ci (fifth generation), Over the yeas, prefecture identification would erpetuated, mostly by Nisei and some Sanse, with the formation of| bjn Ka (prefecture organizations) such as the Kansai, Fukuoka, and >shima Clubs. These organizations continue to provide social and tural identity, although the Yonsei and Gosei groups have become interested and involved in such structures today. p The popular aim for the contract laborer was to retum to Japan omicaly triumphant. Some returned to Japan, dejected that their sms were not realized. Their goal was thwarted by the harsh real: of plantation life of dirt, grime, long hours, meager wages, and brutal rules ofthe plantation managers. Understandably, few saw ture as a plantation worker, and there was the growing belief that ation was key to success. A survey of boys at McKinley High School :922 showed that only 0.5 percent hoped tobe laborers, the majority 107 108, People and Cultures of Hawaii wanting to be professionals or skilled workers.2 The successive genera- tion of Japanese fulfilled these dreams. ‘The majority ofthe immigrant men were uneducated and not the eldest ofthe family, and thus they would not inherit the family’s land in Japan. Despite these issues, individuals were committed to perpetuate the family name, In America lay the opportunity to advance, gain wealth, and create a better life. There was a sprinkling of Buddhist priests who served as Japanese language schoolteachers, physicians, and business- ‘men. Japanese physicians were not welcomed in the established health facilities in Honolulu, and Kuakini Hospital was built especialy forthe treatment of Japanese contact laborers. Emperor Meiji donated funds toward the building ofthis first Japanese hospital Immigrants frequently believed that things Japanese, such as the educational system, were superior to those found in Hawaii. Children ‘were sent to live with relatives in Japan and enrolled in schools there 50 that parents in Hawai'i could concentrate on working, Some grew up bitter and resentful that they were abandoned in this manner. With the advent of World War Il, these Nisei were stranded in Japan. A few returned after the war as Kibei (a retumee toa place of origin) and found the United States to be a foreign environment. They were no longer native English speakers, They were foreigners in the land of their birth. World War II (1941-1945) changed the core of being Japanese in Hawai‘, This event influenced the entire makeup of the meaning of being Japanese. In the beginning there was the complete blackout of Japanese language, festivals, and artifacts. Language schools were closed. Buddhist temples were minimized. Advisory groups consisting of Nisei were formed to work with the military and police to maintain positive relations with the Japanese communities. Japanese teahouses {in Honolulu, which were replicas of geisha houses in Japan, such as Mochizuki, Kanraku, Nuuanu Onsen, and Natsunoya, experienced dif ficult financial times. Suspicious Japanese aliens were rounded up, interrogated, and sent to holding camps on Sand Island and Honow- liuli on O'ahu and Kalaheo on Kaua‘i. The most “dangerous” two thou- sand men were sent in batches to internment camps on the mainland United States. Some were joined by their families ata later date. During World War I, more than 100,000 Japanese immigrants and Japanese- ‘Americans, mainly from the West Coast, were essentially imprisoned and lost their homes and businesses, although the Japanese in Hawai'i ‘were mostly spared this humiliation In 1943, in the midst of World War 11, 10,000 or more men of The Japanese 109 Japanese ancestry, predominantly from Hawai, volunteered to form the now legendary zooth Infantry Battalion and 44and Regimental ‘Combat Team, Ironically, many men in the military had fatnilies who were incarcerated in internment camps and identified as dangerous enemy aliens. Their goal in enlisting was to demonstrate loyalty and commitment to the United States. This was the first time that many had left Hawai‘ for the continental United States. There was often ten- sion between the Japanese-Americans from Hawai'i and those on the US. mainland. Interestingly, in spite of others questioning their loyalty to the United States and the internment of their families, these units ‘became the most decorated military units of their size in the history of the nation.* Their battle cry was, in Pidgin, “Go for Broke!” (*Charge, ‘with all your might!"), An interesting sidebar is thatthe last cry before ‘imminent death for the Nisei soldier is said to have been “Oka-san!” ("Mother!”), the identical cry of the Japanese kamikaze (divine wind) pilots as they plunged their planes into enemy targets. ‘The GI Bill of Rights for veterans of World War II made higher ‘education beyond high school possible for many of Japanese ancestry who otherwise could not afford such goals. Acollege-educated Japanese- ‘American was rare in Hawai'i prior to this period, as every able body in the family was used to support the financial viability of the family. ‘Many graduated from professional schools on the mainland, primarily in aw. Nisei and Sansei lawyers ofthe Democratic Party, such as Sparky Matsunage, Daniel Inouye, and George Ariyoshi, with the alliance of the local haole John A. Burns as a leader, would forever change the political and economic face of Hawai'i. In education, Fujio Matsuda and Rich- ard Kosaki, as president and acting chancellor, respectively, rose to the highest levels atthe University of Hawai'i. Ina similar vein, the labor ‘unions were significant forces in bringing equity into Hawai''s work: force. This shift dramatically changed the modern history of Hawai‘. Overall, the Japanese-American population in Hawai'i has decreased since 1980 in terms ofits percentage of the Hawai'i popula- tion. According to the U.S. Census, there were approximately 240,000 (25 percent) in 1980, 248,000 (22 percent) in 1990, and 202,000 (17 percent) in 2000 in Hawaii, One contributing factor is that the Nisei, who acted as a bridge between the Issei and Sansei, are slowly dying, and by 2030 they will have essentially disappeared, Other factors include the cessation of significant Japanese immigration to Hawai'i fot decades, fewer children for Japanese-American families in Hawaii, and interracial and interethnic marriages. 110 People and Cultures of Hawa However, a new Japanese group in Hawai'i is composed of the relatively educated, young and middle-aged business professionals who recently moved to Hawaii from Japan. They seem insular and in some ways may experience difficulty in being accepted by the local Japanese-Americans. There may be a perception by these new immi- grants that, although Japanese-Americans in Hawai'i may be economi- cally comfortable, they are poor culturally when it comes to things that a spanof over: years individual wh Japanese ancesty who live in Hawai'i have taken their place primarily in the American middle class socially, economically, educationally, and politically. Some may describe this as melding into the “melting pot” of Hawai'ts various eth nic groups. However, a “melting pot” connotes everyone becoming one substance, which would not be accurate. A better description is one that acknowledges the uniqueness of each individual's ethnocultural iden- tity that is embedded within the multicultural social environment that is Hawaii. Ethnocultural identity The ethnocultural identity for JapaneseAmericans in Hawaii JAHs) was relatively homogenous, characterized by a strong affiliation with the Japanese home culture, especially for the Issei and Nisei INTRAGROUP RELATIONSHIPS Intragroup relationships supported the traditional values, belief, and behaviors of JAHs that served as the foundation of their success, at least in terms of fitting into the ‘American dream” (e.g., higher educa tion attainment, higher income levels, more white-collar occupations) In addition, there were traditional Japanese values that were consistent with Western or American concepts, including being competitive, being achievement oriented, and striving to be “Number One” (ie.,ichiban), This sense of high achievement extended to the family, the community, and even the larger society. Despite the relatively homogenous cultural experience of JAHs, there were circumstances that fostered intergroup relationships. For ‘example, because the men came to Hawai'i alone without siblings or lose relatives, the Nisei did not experience relationships with biological The Jopanese a grandparents, uncles, aunts, and cousins. Instead, children often iden tified a neighbor woman as “aunty” and her husband as “uncle” Theit children became “cousins.” These “relatives” may not have been ethni- cally Japanese. To this day, children in Hawaii frequently genericaly call endearing adults, related or otherwise, “aunty” or “uncle Race and ethnicity, however, were at the forefront of thinking for the Issei and Nisei. These generations may have more likely refered toaman of, say, Filipino ancestry as “the Filipino man or the woman of Hawatian ancestry as “the Hawaiian lady" or “the wahine” In fac a common question inthe discussion of an individual concerned the eh nicity ofthe person. This was not uncommon for the Japanese 25 well as other groups in Hawaii. Differences in ethnicity and race were read- ‘ly acknowledged, pethaps because most ethnic groups were minorities themselves, RELATIONSHIP WITH OKINAWANS ‘The Okinawans (Uchinanchus) came to Hawaii during the same Period as the Japanese (Naichis) from mainland Japan. At that time, ‘they were identified by the labor contractors as Japanese rather than :¢ 4 separate group, despite the Okinawans having a separate language, as well as distinctly different food, culture, and religion (see chapter 6, “The Okinawans"). The difference in languages made interethnic communication challenging for this immigrant group identified 25 Japanese. Although they were categorized similarly by outsiders, bota the Uchinanchu and the Naichi generally disdained intermarriages between the two groups. This outlook may have had historical origins, as the Kingdom of Ryukyus (Okinawa) had become a colony of Japan, which may have conveyed prejudices and practices toward the “con uered.” It is speculated thatthe attitudes of the Issei may be remnants “ofthis relationship, fanned by cultural practices and a language foreign to the Japanese, * In Hawaii, especially after World War Il, significant leaders such Robert Oshiro, a lawyer, and Albert Miyasato, an educator, rose from Okinawan group. Oshiro was the strategist behind the winning ipaigns of the first Democrat to be elected governor and the firs spanese-American and Hawaiian govemors.5 Miyasato was a public olteacher, principal, and deputy superintendent of the Depart tent of Education before becoming an aide to Governot George Ariyo- i in 1976, specializing in building relationships between Japan and "2 People and Cultures of Hawa DDVTERRACIAL AND INTERETHNIC MARRIAGES Despite the fact that few women accompanied the waves of immigrant men, marriages generally stil involved a Japanese man and woman. Within one to three years of the men's arial, they were matched with women, usually from the same village or a nearby village in Japan, by exchanging photos amanged by matchmaker This began the ow of pct ride fo Hava. The picture ries woke along side their husbands. These strong and determined women recount incidents of giving birth in the cane fields at the end of the rows they ‘were weeding, Fellow workers helped with the birth process because there were few trained midwives, let alone physicians. : However, subequenly ding Word War IL, “whitey” was emulated primarily in the managerial, business, and military worlds. Worl War Imada oer cates ofthese with European ane, such as laborers from California—former Okies who migrated largely fom Obata to California due ote pached Met a (and less-educated military personnel. As eligible [meses eco owas once women bea th mit omen stoned in Hawa, sometimes risking being viewed atorily by their own ethnic group members trp undrone sae eel aed eee teractions ‘as tadional ethnic ride an to ome degre the bl inthe supe soy of Japan and oft people ethnocentrism), Being hapa—that is, Being of both European ancestry (apically fom an American ser viceman) and of another heritage such as Japanese—entailed nega connotations VALUES, CUSTOMS, AND BELIEFS ‘Many traditional values, customs, and beliefs were exhibited that made earlier generations of JAHS relatively homogenous—almest a ‘monolithic social family or society. One of the most common and over arching values was that of collectivism. This concept included putting the group's interest first before oneself, sacrificing for the betterment of ng waves, blending in, and the group, being loyal tothe group, not making waves, blend being a cooperative and contributing membet The “group” could hve referred to the nuclear family, extended family, coworkers, community, and even the nation, ci were historically viewed (On a more individualized basis, the Iss a as having characteristics of cleanliness, orderliness, and stoicism, The lapanese - ich were adaptive characteristics tothe hash immigrant life, Despite hardships, however, the Issei prospered, pooled together resources, and achieved success. A concrete example of enduring ethnocultural group {ales is tanomoshi a rotating credit association adapted in apa dur ing the thirteenth century from China and later brought to Hawaii? {Unable to get loans from banks, the Ise contibuted money monthly {0.3 Pot from which each contributor could bid once per year to ebtain the month's total Many Nisei and Sansei maintained these characteristics, includ. ing the JAH women who rose in administrative support staff positions They were organized and made work easy for their bosses, such asthe residents of banks and large companies who were typically European Americans. There were few complaints, despite adversity and individ. ual sacrifice. The perceived stereotype of the JAH male was the sain ‘ai (warrior) who said litle and whose emotions were difficult to read, ‘muuch like the stoic cowboy of the American frontier. These festares ‘were nonetheless very adaptive for success in Hawai‘'s culture and con tributed to the JAHs' sociopolitical success story in Hawai‘ Fanny Traditionally, JAH families involved the father, who was the bread winner and decision maker, and the mother, who was a homemaker and parent to their children and provided emotional support. rolee that were common for the rest of the U.S. population as well in the 29508 and 19605 The wifes role was to care for the children and {sure the smooth running of the home, whereas the husbands vole ia these areas was quite minor, Historically, JAH women took on the eas ame ofthe husband, similar to other cultures, An exception to this was the family with only daughters. n these families often the husband of the eldest daughter could take the family’ surname to perpetuate the family name. In the past, marriages were commonly arranged as in miai Firanged mariage mectings) or picurebride agreements, The pro- of mai arose from traditional samurai culture in which mariagee lowed for unions between families to ensure military alliance sad ‘upport. In Hawai, this custom of arranged marriage allowed for a ahodo—a family member or friend who was a matchmaker—in Japan find suitable wives for the Japanese laborers in Hawaii. The pictore, de arrangement seems to have had its origins with the immigration the Japanese, Usinga matchmaker who didnot know the candidates, 14 Peopleand Cultures ofHawatt brides from Japan were selected mainly by photographs. Despite this, divorce was uncommon, partially to avoid shame to the family ot to lose face, but also because of the public commitment made between couples with so many individuals involved in these marriage arrange: ‘ments. Domestic violence was not uncommon, particularly in picture bride arrangements in which women had limited resources of support in Hawaii. When marital discord or abuse occurred, this was often endured or kept between the husband and wife to reconcile, In this regard, a woman named Yeiko Mizobe So was instrumental in provid ing shelter and support to abused picture brides in Hawai'i from 1895 1019059 °TRaditional JAH family structure favored the eldest child, partic- ularly ifthe eldest was a son. For bath time, the father of the family bathed firs, then the eldest son, followed by the other sons and then the daughters, The mother bathed last and cleaned the bathtub, The eldest were given frst choice in nearly everything, even including inheritance Historically, elderly were cared for in the home rather than in nnursing homes, with the daughter or daughterin-law (wife of eldest son) being primarily responsible. As a result, homes were largely mult- generational. Families consisting of grandparents, parents, and three to five children were common. Boys were favored, a they could work and contribute to the family's finances, whereas girs left the home to join their husband’ family, A classic and concrete example of JAH cultural change involves language. The Issei spoke Japanese fluently (with dialects of their pre- fectures) and spoke minimal English. They attempted to speak a kind of broken English or Japanese, which was composed of both elemen tary school level English and Japanese that was understood by other cthnic groups. The Nisei—sons and daughters of the first-generation Issei—typically spoke pidgin Japanese to their parents and Pidgin Eng- lish to others. The Sansei—grandsons and granddaughters of the first- generation Issei—spoke less Japanese, unless their grandparents lived with them, and considerably more Pidgin English, with perhaps even standard English on a day-to-day basis when required. For many Nisei and Sansei, traditional Japanese schools essen- tially functioned as after-school care for a generation of JAHSs, as their The lopanese 15 others were inthe workforce and had work obligations until the late afternoon. During Japanese school, children met other JAHS, learned about cultural issues, sang Japanese songs, wrote Japanese caligrapy, and leamed some Japanese words without many attaining flueney. The Structure of the Japanese schools brought some semblance of life in Japan, asthe day began with greetings to the teacher and classmates (sense konnichiva, minnasan tonnichiva), and permission to enter the room was asked if one was late (“Sensei osokunarimashita haitemo fidesuka”).0 Saturday-morning classes were devoted to developing eth, cal and moral values necessary in living, as success was felt tobe depen- dent on effort and character rather than inborn ability! ‘There were examples that illustrated the influence of the non Asian oligarchy. Common knowledge at the time was the often forgot. ten part played in Hawaii's educational history by the English Standard Schools A system existed that separated those of European decent (with a few mixed Hawaiians) fiom Asian children who attended the large public schools.12 On Kaua‘, Makaweli Annex, Grades 1-8, though su Ported by the territorial government, was kept separate from the pub lic Schools and was primarily for children of plantation managers who were predominantly of European ancestry. Examples of English Stan. dard Schools on O'ahu were Kapalama, Aliolani, Lincoln, Thomas Jef. ferson, Stevenson, and Roosevelt Schools. Similar schools were also Presenton the islands of Maui, Hawai and Kaua'i. Though separation ‘was based upon the use of correct English, ethnic minorities most often | did not meet this standard. This seemingly unintentional segregation of the school system occurred from 1920 to 1947, essentially ending sshorlly ater the end of World War IL.¥ For the majority of JAHs who gave up the notion of returning to Japan, emphasis was placed on the thildren's education, atleast to complete high school. For most, college vas not economically attainable. In many families, the eldest sons or sdaughters would enter the workforce a teenagers to support a younger sibling to complete his or her education. It was taken for granted that e educated sibling would, in turn, contribute to their nieces’ and 1EWS educational goals, SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS AND POLITICS The Issei were primarily plantation workers earning a low wage, i they had minimal sociopolitical power. Plantation-union struggles id oppression and financial ties due to common prefectures in Japan (Kenjinkai) were major issues. However, after World War II and due to 16 People and Cultures of Hawa ities sch the Gl Bil the Nise dramatically advanced the JAD stato the mid chs in near single geste Robert Katayata repent of the G Bll wo earned am degre fom ale Universi putt sucncty “We understood that eduction was our Seto making it in ean twas salable tous though Be Gt bil For traditional JAHs and many other Asian cultures, alternative forms of treatment for health ailments were common, especially by the Issei, For example, traditional Japanese practices, such as yito (moxi- bbustion) or kampo (herbs), were used. Maxibustion refers to the practice cof using moxa or mugwort herb to stimulate acupuncture sites. Moxa is frequently bumed directly on the skin. Kampois the Japanese adapta tion of traditional Chinese herbal medicine. For traditional JAHs and many other Asian cultures, mental ill- ness carried a strong negative stigma that could bring shame upon the family, and some of these sentiments still remain, including for depres sion and help-seeking behaviors.6 Mental illness was hidden or soma tized, because physical alments were more acceptable. The concept of home! is complex, The Iasi, who were relatively sscenly paced fom japan, Ine ofa ut one homelan,ht of Japan, and tad no choice but to become acclimated toa new one that of Hawa. The Neon the therkand, were bora and raged in Hawa Wi havent of Word Wa he Nt wero me doe off fom Japan fra period and thus were more likely fo vew Hawai as home, despite being only one generation removed and being in the Hawaian hot culture ‘New Ethnocultural Identity Whats the new or contemporary ethnocultural identity of JAHs? Although remnants of traditional values remain as strong founda- tions for many, the main theme for contemporary ethnocuitral iden- tty of JAH is in how much more heterogeneous and diverse are the mixtures of the values, belief, and behaviors. Although patterns are no doubt discemable through careful and systematic study, the argument could be made that each JAH's ethnocultual identity is composed of a TheJopanese i ‘unique combination of values, beliefs, practices, and behaviors—much ‘more so compared to previous generations, Much less common now is ‘Someone who is raised in an intact family, speaks fluent Japanese, is a high achiever in academics, marries another JAH, has children, has dif. ferent expectations forthe firstborn son, practices an Eastern religion, stays in Hawai‘, and takes care of his or her aging parents, When examining each JAH, there is perhaps no one universal factor that has singularly shaped that JAH's ethnocultural identity. Changes in the types of norms are likely dure to a combination of forces and influenced by the diverse ethnic cultures of Hawai'i, These cultures include the host Hawaiian culture, other Asian and Pacific Islander cultures, and Western or Americanized culture. They blend to cre. ate the so-called local Hawai'i culture, Other factors more external 19 the local culture that affect change include the media, technology, and globalization, Many of the core values, beliefs, and behaviors ofthe host Hawai- jan culture are fundamentally in concert with and reinforce the founda tions of traditional Japanese culture and thus JAHSs. These inchide the Jmportance of ancesty, family, interdependence, collectivism, social groups, respect of elders, sanctity of the homeland, and preservation of culture, The Hawaiian Renaissance that started in the 1970s created 2 cultural environment whereby Hawaiians could be proud of their own heritage. This also includes JAHs of mixed Hawaiian ancestry who fdentiy themselves as being “Hawaiian,” although only having a small percentage of Hawaiian blood, ‘There has also been a healthy exchange of beliefs and customs between the Hawaiian and JAH cultures, resulting in a connection with the local culture in Hawaii. For example, JAHs are learning more about Hawaiian beliefs and customs (eg, hula) and certainly enjoying other aspects ofthe Hawaiian culture, including Hawaiian foods (eg. loulau, kalua pig, and poi). Further, the common values ofthe sancaty ‘ofthe homeland, preservation of culture, and respect for self-determi, ation (Le. internment of Japanese immigrants and Japanese Amen, ‘cans during World War 11) have also initiated respected JAH leaders Ho support self determination and sovereignty for Hawaiians (i.e. the ’Akaka bill) 27 P_ Overall, in contrat to a loss or blending of more traditional JAH values, contemporary JAHG’ ethnocultural identities incorporate a mix- ne People and Cultures ofHawar ¢ of local culture and other ethnic identities that form a culturespit iy that ys be rune init of he st nad, they may be based on a unique set of experiences and perceptions that define the contemporary JAHs" self-concept and selfidentity in pres- cary Hava This enya ele rely om he ‘who struggled to make ends meet as plantation workers earning $r day to contemporary AHS, wo enjoy ach higher standard oflining and where the media, technology, and globalization play a much greater role in the development oftheir selfidentity The Hcl culture in Hava it the outcome of n amalgamation of diferent ethnic traditions and cultures, each interjectng itself at di ferent pins inne anda diferent Icons daring history of Hawai's evolution. In this context of race and ethnic similarities and differences, more so at present, contemporary JAH may see people as peopl first ater than the etic groups being represented (eg the ‘man who happens to be Filipino, rather than the “Filipino man). Yet, as in the past, differences in race and ethnicity are reaily recognized, spoken about, and integrated into the local culture. ne explicit example of how intergroup interactions have changed she feof Alls ines inten sn imereinc manages, whch by definition impact he etnoculua dents of JAHS,Etinoce- trism fll by the wayside to more Americanized concepts of equality of the races and the disdain for Presupposing superiority ot inferiority in one race or ethnic group compared to another. "Through the generations, interethnic marages have become sre accep compared tothe rg ranged manages at ically involved couples of full Japanese ancestry. Based on 1989-199} Hawai'i dat, intermarriages between Japanese and Chinese and Japa nese and Korean couples are more common than by chance, and every lapaneseAmerian eb combination is epresented among the oe ethnic groups (i, Aftican-Americans, Caucasians, Filipinos, indig- enous Hawaiians, Samoans, Vietnamese) Infact, Nisei already have bicultural values, and there appears to be growing aceptance of ind- viduals of mixed ethnicities from a societal standpoint. Today, “hapa” is mot considered derogatory. In fact, its sometimes seen as favorably Sitting the Hollywood images of attractiveness. Thedapanese 19 ‘Another example of change involves the Cherry Blossom Fest al Since 1953, the Cherry Blossom Festival has been the “Miss Amer. ica” for the JAHSs, with its culmination the election of a queen, Given the changes in ethnic demographics (Le, fewer full-blooded JAH), the current requirements for a queen are such that candidates no lor. ser have to be of full Japanese ancestry and no longer have to have a Japanese sumame (unlike the Narcissus Queen for the Chinese, which requires a Chinese surname). Therefore, potential contestants are often, of mixed ethnicity. Nonetheless, the focus of this celebration is learn ing about Japan, spreading goodwill, and perpetuating Japanese cultare in Hawai, Indeed, many local Japanese in Hawai'i frequently travel to Japan despite the lack of knowledge ofthe Japanese language. mn cases of interracial and interethnic marriages, there is a blend ing of belies and values, and the children may not identify with just one or the other race or ethnicity but with a relatively unique mixture of races or ethnicities. The latter may be determined by who primarily raises the children and imparts his or her values tothe children, includ. ing extended family members (eg., grandparents, aunties, uncles, neighbors) [RSLATIONSHIP WITH OKINAWANS. In the last thirty years, there has been a renaissance and recog: nition of Okinawan ethnicity and culture. In the past, children fron 4 union between Okinawan and Japanese were popularly identified az Japanese. Today, however, itis common to hear, “lam half Okinawan and half Japanese,” There is pride in Okinawan foods, dance, language, ‘martial arts, and music. There is intragroup support for Uchinanches in businesses, such as restaurants and food catering. VALUES, CUSTOMS, AND BELIEFS © Although an underlying foundation remains, many traditional jalues, customs, and beliefs have been shed, or atleast their original teanings have been lost. Younger JAHs’ context of Japanese culture may be influenced more from the media and technology (e.g.. music, itermet, movies, anime, and TV shows) Some traditional personality characteristics may remain. For imple, characteristics of enryo continue, whereby individuals may p. At the University of Hawai'is John A. Bums School of Medicine, 120 People and Cultures of Hawali ‘medical education in the preclinical years is modeled on Problem Based Learning (PBL), which emphasizes group learning and active participa- tion rather than the traditional lecture base. There are instances where JAH students in the classroom setting are criticized for reticence and are asked to speak up rather than participate by quiet observation and going with the flow. The male JAHs may be particularly quiet in this setting Problems may not be addressed with assertiveness or aggressiveness. Rather than speaking up or making waves, JAH students may quietly complain—or worse, actin a passive-aggressive (esistant) manter. Some traditional Japanese activities remain popular or have even, experienced. resurgence of interes, suchas the martial arts (judo, aikido, and kendo), drum (taiko), flower arrangement (ikebana), and dance (dor). tn Flawat', judo has become an interscholastc high school spor, and in 2005, according to the judo Black Belt Association of Hawai‘, it was one of the only states to have it. Conversely, an Internet search for taiko groups in North America (www.taiko.com/taiko_resource groups Lhtmi) yielded over 160 organizations throughout the country. Interestingly, some customs, such as floating lit candles in a river or canal to honor the dead (toro nagashi), are practiced in Japan mainly in rural regions, so that Japanese tourists, typically from urban ress, often view JAHs with fascination, These types of customs in Hawai'i were learned from a grandparent’ generation, perhaps Nisei, but with cout knowledge of the background or reasons forthe ritual. An example of this isthe cleaning of one's house prior to the start of the New Year. ‘Other customs, such as making paper (origami) cranes, have been altered. In Hawai'i, .0or paper cranes are created for wedding celebra- tions, whereas in Japan, 1,000 cranes are sometimes created during times of illness Overall, however, it appears that for many contemporary JAFs, although interdependence remains valued, so is the more Western or Americanized concept of person-centered individualism. The current ‘gxoup of younger JAHs may share characteristics more similar to the sovcalled Generations X and Y. For example, an individual with high aspirations should not be held back by the family or group. Win-win scenarios are sought in which both the individual and group can attain their goals without being at the expense of the other. Blind loyalty is ‘more likely to be frowned upon. The traditional Japanese value of gii, ‘or obligation, may be less observed, ‘Acie sth x pounding ce (ma) on New Years Day and celebrating different birthday ages (yakudoshi (41), kanreki (6x), and beiju The lopanese 121 (88) are stil practiced by some JAHs but much less so than in previous generations. Similaly, holidays celebrated in Japan, such as Girls Day {March 3) and Boys! Day (May 5), are still celebrated, although much less than before. In modem Japan, both of these holidays are now sub sumed under Children's Day, a national holiday, which is celebrated on May 521 In recent years, Buddhist services have been no longer only in Japanese but have adapted to include English, Increasingly more JAHs attend Christian services. Traditional customs, such as ancestor wor SBP (hotokesama) and visiting the graves (ohakamaii). have lagely been lost by the younger JAH generations. Traditional kimonos arene longer worn, with the exception of perhaps the younger children in family portrait for Children’s Day. Even in those instances, JAH families nolonger own kimonos and need to rent one at the photo studio, Other customs such as the tea ceremony (chanoyus), lower arrangement (ikebana), and miniature tree (bonsai) creation are often favored by both JAHs and non-JAH groups. Obon season is marked by bon dances at various Buddhist temples or community centers through (ut the summer months. These gatherings have become popular, with festivallike atmosphere, and they attract all ethnic groups to partake in the foods as well a participate in the dancing. Many customs practiced by the Japanese, such as omiyage (gift-giving from trips) and removal of footwear before entering a house, have become commonplace ard incorporated by most ethnic groups of Hawat' Japanese food is more mainstream in American culture and is no longer viewed as foreign even on the continental United States, Sus sake, and teriyaki are commonplace. Izakaya (a Japanese-style pub that serves small portions of home-style cooking) was featured as a current food obsession replacing tapa bars in the March 210 Sunset magazine. Mile the mainland United States embraced Japanese foods, Japanese food in Hawaii has adapted and often includes items from other cul tures, resulting in the popular “mixed plate.” which epitomizes the blending of cultures. Overall, the roles of different family members have changed con: siderably for JAHs. Partially due to the Americanized role of women, to have careers, as well as due to the cost of living in Hawai, one i ‘more likely to find both parents working and sharing the esponsibility of child care, Despite the traditional male-dominated family structure, 122 People and Cultures of Hawatt ‘one can readily find matriarchal JAH families. The wife may outwardly show deference toward the husband, but in reality the wife may control the family and doles out money to the husband for his “allowance.” In addition, contemporary JAH women are more likely than before to keep their maiden name or utilize a hyphenated surname. Divorce is now common among all ethnicities, including JAHs, and there is much less ofa stigma associated with divorce. In Hawai‘, the divorceto-marriage ratio for within JAH couples is lower than for Filipinos, Koreans, Vietnamese, and African-Americans but higher than for Caucasians, Hawaiians, Chinese, and Samoans. With the American principle of equality the eldest child, especially the eldest son, typically no longer holds a favored status as compared to the other siblings. In addition, this power structure has changed in many families, as the oldest son may have moved to the continen- tal United States or may not be as financially successful as a younger sibling. As with other ethnic groups, JAH parents and families struggle to balance providing a better and higher standard of living to their chil den with not spoiling them. These issues are, of course, not unique tothe JAHs and indeed are common to ll ofthe middle-class groups. Gender roles for the care for elderly JAHs are more complicated than in the past. One person being primarily responsible for the care of an elderly JAH is less likely because of the decreased number of chil dren, the need for two wage eamers in families, and the increase in the life span of the elderly JAHs. Women still tend to be responsible for care for the elderly, although this too is changing. In Hawai, the cost of elder care is significantly higher than on the continental United Stats, and nursing homes are much fewer in number. Despite a preference for nursing home placement, due to financial limitations the elderly are often cared for at home. Therefore, a common scenario is dividing the care for the aged among different family members of the nuclear and extended families. Because property is the main asset in Hawai’, on rare occasions there can be bitter disputes regarding inheritance of the family home and how tangible assets are divided. Who cares for the elderly ona day-to-day basis can influence such disputes. These are issues not exclusive to the JAHs. There may be a small proportion of JAHs who are actively going back to their Japanese cultural roots in pockets of resurgence by learn- The Japanese a ing the standard Japanese language and culture in Hawai'i via formal schooling (eg. high school and college Japanese language courses) and ven ising o ring in Jap, In general, however, knowledge of the Japanese language is fad- ing. The Yonsei and beyond tend to know lite Japanese sel wnces stand and speak either Pidgin English or perhaps even only standard English, especially in certain demographic circles. When the Japanese language is learned, typically through high schools and colleges, the language is closer to standard Japanese. EDUCATION Japanese language schools have dwindled in number today, athough there re now new schools fr Japanese ato oan, “hie competitiveness with the japanese educational sytem The Ing nese nationals, however, re ey sti fom the JAfts. The Japon tionale are ‘piclly wey transient Hewat residents, owe sll n number residing in Hava for business oreneh sa created vacation, quite unlike thera ne who came fer plantation secs Compulsory English cation remain a comnertone of por tance for JAH famles. Many sive to send thelr children te poe schools, shutle thee children for addtional tutoring and eke scl atvites, and then favor iversites onthe canine Uae States over any of the loa univers or colleges, Fmlcs my coe fr college, sacifcing ether financial goals, Including setrenene withthe implicit expectation tat the child wil ater help the foaly, although uncertainty exists on exactly what form any suctRstrc aa tance might ake fore here AH ais ith es table Westen su cesses, including having tons or daughter who droped oa ey School or were involved witheime or substance use More so force temporary JAH the shame elected onthe indndnal vi oop ut commited the erime, or wed drugs instead of onthe fal ea supporting the more American concept of indian nd ind dea responsi. Previous politcal legacies of “Americanism” of the sooth and ‘4and are gradually becoming history for contemporary Jato athowss there are now cars with license plates featuring "Si ¢ plates featuring “Sons and Daughters of the rooth/442nd.* Socioeconomic and political issues are less likely 128 People and Cultures of Hawa than before to be tied to JAHs as a block. Now, firmly entrenched as middle class in Hawaii, JAHs are generally less concerned about the ethnic background of politicians and are more concerned about the political agenda of candidates. Professional jobs are generally preferred, consistent with the model-minority striving for Anglo-Saxon ideals. During the young JAH’s adult life, home ownership is typically a goal, with adult children living with their parents until there is enough saved for a down pay- ‘ment, loan, or gift to help with the purchase. Other JAHs live in multi- generational houses or additions as part of the main house. The high cost of living and the “paradise tax,” which results in lower salaries, ‘cause financial strain for many families. This goal of upward mobility is not different from many other ethnic groups in Hawai'i, As with every new generation, there appears to be greater emphasis on materialism and advanced technology. HEALTH AND MENTAL HEALTH Although alternative forms of treatment are utilized by JAHSs, and some might argue that there has been resurgence in areas such as acu puncture, which is covered by some health insurance policies, the more ‘ancient practices are ess known, accessible, and used when compared to-utilization by Issei The increase in intergroup interactions and relationships and of ‘the media and technology in general has likely played a double-edged sword role regarding the stigma of mental illness and seeking effective treatments. Approximately half of al individuals will have a mental ds order in their lfetime.2 In previous generations, the stigma of mental illness and disability may have engendered guilt and shame (eg, being “crazy” “mental” “insane’) that prevented individuals and families fiorn seeking help and/or professional assistance. Contemporary JAHs are likely exposed to more conflicting infor ‘mation regarding the stigma of mental illness. For example, on the ‘one hand, Western or Americanized views of mental health take on a much more objective or neutral stance (ie., mental illness is like any other health problem that should be diagnosed and treated), and there is greater awareness of and education regarding diagnostic and treat- ‘ment alternatives for mental health-related issues. On the other hand, individuals who are not well informed, as well as the media portrayal of the mentally ill as unpredictable or dangerous, reinforce the more ‘traditional notions of the mentally ill. ‘Anecdotal, in contrast to JAHs with physical illnesses, JAH with The Japanese ns ® psychiatric illness may go untreated for many years or may refuse to accept treatment despite lear benefits over the risks. As an example, the use of antidepressants in Hawai'i is much less than in the continen, {al United States, which may reflect vastly lower rates of depression — or more likely, lower rates of treatment.2¢ JAHs may present with aa advanced form of mental illness, such as schizophrenia, due to unwil ingness to get treatment. Nonetheless, there are growing numbers of JAHSs in the mental health field and there is much less stigma for these JAHS who are working with psychiatric patients, Despite thei beginnings ae immigrants, many contemporary IAN ident Hava as home. Ther ino doubt that some Akcecr fe daustrophobic living on a oc in the mid ofthe Pac bce ing ake a.soo-ile plan ide fo anywhere leon the Pcie ay For many JAHs, however, thee isa stong sense of unt seas ton sees living ayer ele inthe word and eling peat spreceion se etl not on becoming para heal it perme ates welcome and alha but als contributing othe ich amaige ean of the local culture. a One could speculate thatthe generations beyond the Gose ma identity themsehes as being Havaian=not in the Bod ava, seas butin th ene of groupf individuals with sch bed han ‘tage in arguably the most beautiful place in the world located at the rosroads between North Ameren aa Asia Enduring Factors BloLocicAt cHaRacrERrstics One of the most important physical or health outcomes is life jexpectancy. Although there are many factors that determine one’s life groups in Hawai'i? This finding consistent with the notion that Asians have biological attributes that ‘ontribute to the longevity. On the one hand, JAHs have shorter life expectancies than J cies than Japa- ‘ese in Japan, and on the other hand, they have longer life expectancies Japanese-Americans who live on the continental United States ‘collectively, these findings suggest an interplay between heredity-biol, ‘and the environment (eg. diet, lifestyle, life stressors) 16 People ond Cultures of Hawai The Japanese - for thei ability to sacrifice, their persistence, and their strength, The PSYCHOLOGICAL CHARACTERISTICS Believed in making something beter fortheselves ene Despite the dispersion of Japanese-Americans throughout the United States and the changes through intermarriage, pride in being Japanese remains. An interesting question is: What docs it mean to be Japanese? The answers will vary depending upon factors such as gener- ation and locale. Members of the older generation may fin themselves referring back to their roots, to their grandparents’ or parents’ stories and traditions. As their parents or grandparents may have been the first generation (Issei to immigrate to Hawai’, their traditions may be more sina to those of native Japan. The younger generation may similarly look into family traditions and customs; however, these may have been diluted through assimilation or acculturation or evolved to incorporate the host culture, becoming hybrid of sorts. Ina similar manner, locale is influential. For example, Japanese in Hawai'i are different from Japa nese on the continental United States. There is a gradual shift from Hawai'i to the western states and to the eastern states. As one moves farther east, there is more prominence of the stereotypical American lifestyle and less of the Japanese culture seen in Hawaii, Nevertheless, regardless of dilution or hybridization, there is pride in being Japanese. Reticence has also continued through the migrations and through time. Itis an understated presence to avoid upstaging others. Its alsoa communication style in which litle is exchanged to avoid revealing too much, Itis relatively rare to see a Japanese individual whois flamboy- ant, brash, and loud. Interestingly, in Western society reticence is the polar opposite of valued upfront communication and interaction pat tems. The Japanese may have needed to adapt to this, in school, work, and community activities with a conscious decision to speak up and voice one's opinions, which may have been uncomfortable initially and is even stil. The value of shikata-ga nai, or “acceptance with resignation,” has changed overall; however, at distinct periods it seems to have played a supportive role. This value was essential in helping Japanese-Amer: icans to endure challenging situations, such as being immigrants, the harsh working conditions of the plantations, and, on the continental United States, being minorities. Overtime, attitudes have shifted. Indi viduals have become more active in pursuing outcomes that reflec their belies. This is evident in the rise of the JAHs in arenas of highe administration. Perhaps individuals who were chosen or who chose t pursuean adventure in Hawai'i and leave their homeland were select SOCIOCULTURAL CHARACTERISTICS eee within the Japanese thre seems tbe se anes She Ot gender stereanper a pes eo So em tending wth ae of cies eben sa oa, cuir, the ea of those ta ie ted ay scm to bes panel htband tay be mata, Dargie paneer phold.-Regardless of whether the woman is ‘working or not, these roles appear to persist een eda Perhaps some Jane cual eee eel ingrained and suppor the prpetution ofthe garcons ae frovpe. In adion hore een Ameren cate Sy eb phe

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