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It was a good old-fashioned Olympic scandal in Sochi, when South Korean figure skater Kim

Yuna lost to a less experienced Russian. The judgment spurred millions of angry Tweets, and a
Change.org petition protesting the result was the sites fastest growing recordreportedly more
than 1.2 million signatures in about 12 hours.
Skating officials and fans around the world have questioned the decision, but critics remain
focused on the South Korean outrage, largely since their sportsfanaticism has
made headlines before. Diehard citizens of countries like South Korea may seem odd to some;
a post on Yahoo had the misguided headline: Deal with it, South Korea. But this injunction
didnt really understand the nature and depth of nationalist feelingand the extent to which a
sentiment often associated with extremism, even war, can be pervasive in the psychology of
everyday life, including in sports fandom.
The ideology of nationalism has a complex history, originating in early-modern Europe and
evolving in myriad ways as it's spread throughout the world. Today nationalism can be civic,
ethnic, or a combination of the two, but all nationalists carry strong attitudes and beliefs about
their own people and about others, who feel their attachment to their nation passionately, and
who even, at times, act with great cruelty against their enemies, according to Joshua SearleWhite in his book The Psychology of Nationalism. This us-versus-them mentality and its
negative effects have been well examined from a political and historical standpoint, but
surprisingly few have studied its psychological roots. From a social-psychological perspective,
nationalist sentiment is thought to stem from two main points: attachment and identity.
Basic cognitive development theories, like those of Jean Piaget, suggest that children undergo a
socialization process that moves from the egocentric to the sociocentric, as they build
attachments to groups to fulfill their basic human needs. According to an essay by Daniel
Druckman, At the level of the nation, the group fulfills economic, sociocultural, and political
needs, giving individuals a sense of security, a feeling of belonging, and prestige. Numerous
theories from psychologists like Freud and Maslow agree that the need to belong is a
fundamental human motivation; national attachment can fulfill that need and help individuals
construct their identity.
Henri Tajfels social identity theory suggests that a persons identity is based in part on his or her
group, so a groups status and importance affects the individuals own. In other words, you want
to view your nation as being superior to others to increase your own self-esteem, creating ingroup favoritism and out-group devaluation (xample: the classic U! S! A! chant).
I would argue that we human beings have a constant need to improve our sense of ourselves.
The easiest way to do that is to compare ourselves to othersand see us as better than them,
says Searle-White, a professor of psychology at Allegheny College. Yet some countries seem to
inspire more group loyalty than others. There are many theories, none concrete, for why this is,
but it seems to depend on historical, cultural, and situational context.
Some psychologists theorize that a nations size and military power, as well as past military
conflicts, have the greatest effect on nationalistic tendency. Druckman, a professor at George

Mason University and a scholar at Macquarie University in Sydney, suggests that people in
smaller countries who feel threatened by neighbors and are less well-equipped to handle attacks
are more prone to nationalism. The constant threats and feelings of insecurity at a national level
seep down to the individualis my country strong enough?and since people draw self-esteem
and status from their country, a common reaction is to lash out against feelings of inferiority by
displaying a sense of superiority.
A country that might feel weak and unable to defend itself, like South Korea, will react to
perceived slights in athletics as well.
In South Korea as elsewhere, group loyalty plays out not just in global politics but, even
particularly, in global competitions that incite strong personal feelings, as in sports.
If my country is small and I have bad neighbors, and therefore I feel I have to be vigilant all the
time, the idea of being small, threatened, and vigilant should translate into other areas of life,
such as sports, Druckman says. A country that might feel weak and unable to defend itself, like
South Koreawith its nationalist grievances related to a series of invasions from Japan and
China, the Japanese occupation through World War II, the war and continuing conflict with
North Koreawill react instinctively to perceived slights or unfairness in athletics as well. I
think the vociferousness of the reaction relates back to a feeling of some kind of cultural
inferiority, Druckman adds. The situational, contextual roots of insecurity lead to extreme
patriotic identification as well.
Though nationalism is a global phenomenon, the forms it takes can be very local. For example,
a member of a small and disenfranchised minority will likely experience nationalism differently
than will a member of a majority group in a powerful country, Searle-White notes in his book.
In the years since South Koreas last Winter Olympic outrageKim Dong Sungs speed skating
loss in 2002the country has grown in many ways. Samsung, once a smaller South Korean
producer, became the worlds largest electronics company by revenue, outselling Apple in
smartphones. Seoul was crowned an it traveldestination, and Gangnam became a household
name. And, of course, there was Kim Yunas Olympic win in Vancouver 2010. In some ways,
South Koreas overpowering nationalism has lessened, as noted in The New York Times:
South Koreans often treated sports as an avenue to affirm the national pride they desperately
wanted Chung Hee-joon, a professor of sports science at Dong-A University, attributed the
change in part to recent self-reflection on an excessive nationalism in South Korean sports and
other areas that critics liken to methamphetamine.
Nothing elevated the superiority of being Korean and Korean blood abroad more than sports, he
said.
Given all the negatives, it may seem counterintuitive that there can be positive mental and
emotional benefits to national loyalty. But, as Searle-White writes, nationalism is not inherently
evil; indeed, devotion to a nation can bring out transcendent qualities in people, facilitating
selflessness, courage, and idealism. Its not far-fetched to imagine that South Koreans loyalty

and love for their country helped them make the many cultural and economic advancements they
now take pride in.
According to Druckman, there are several theoretical benefits to nationalismincluding the idea
that group loyalty bolsters self-esteem and that the more loyal one is, the more pride one gains.
"Nationalism can be remarkably unifying across gender, class, and political lines."
Theres nothing quite so psychologically satisfying as the feeling of belonging to a group,
Searle-White explains. Nationalism can be remarkably unifying, and unlike class or some
versions of religious identity, it can do it across gender, class, and political lines.
In the case of South Korea and its recent Olympic wound, many will never forgive the perceived
injustice of Kim Yunas loss in Sochi; some may seek retribution in four years when the 2018
Winter Olympics begin in Pyeongchang. Others are now embarrassed by their compatriots zeal.
But the countrys unity is still apparent if you look at the way South Koreans rallied behind their
Olympic star. She gave a gift to all of us by showing that there was nothing impossible, the
daily Chosun newspaper said in an editorial, as reported by The New York Times. Yuna elevated
the national prestige.

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