from On the Extension of Suffrage

by John Stuart Mill

1
In the preceding argument for universal suffrage, I have taken no account of difference of
sex. I consider it to be as entirely irrelevant to political rights as difference in height or in the color of
the hair. All human beings have the same interest in good government; the welfare of all is alike
affected by it, and they have equal need of a voice in it to secure their share of its benefits.
2
We have long since abandoned the only premises which will support the conclusion that
women ought not to have votes. No one now holds that women should be in personal servitude; that
they should have no thought, wish, or occupation but to be the domestic drudges of husbands,
fathers, or brothers. It is allowed to women to hold property, and have financial and business
interests in the same manner as men. It is considered suitable and proper that women should think,
and write, and be teachers. As soon as these things are admitted, the political disqualification has no
principle to rest on.
3
The whole mode of thought of the modern world is, with increasing emphasis,
pronouncing against the claim of society to decide for individuals what they are and are not fit for,
and what they shall and shall not be allowed to attempt. If the principles of modern politics and
political economy are good for anything, it is for proving that these points can only be rightly judged
of by the individuals themselves; and that, under complete freedom of choice, wherever there are
real diversities of aptitude, the greater number will apply themselves to the things for which they are
on the average fittest, and the exceptional course will only be taken by the exceptions. Either the
whole tendency of modern social improvements has been wrong, or it ought to be carried out to the
total abolition of all exclusions which close any honest employment to a human being.
4
But it is not even necessary to maintain so much in order to prove that women should
have the suffrage. Were it as right as it is wrong that they should be a subordinate class, confined to
domestic occupations and subject to domestic authority, they would not the less require the
protection of the suffrage to secure them from the abuse of that authority. Men, as well as women,
do not need political rights in order that they may govern, but in order that they may not be
misgoverned. The majority of the male sex are, and will be all their lives, nothing else than laborers in
cornfields or factories; but this does not render the suffrage less desirable for them, nor their claim
to it less irresistible, when not likely to make a bad use of it.
5
Nobody pretends to think that women would make a bad use of the suffrage. The worst
that is said is that they would vote as mere dependents, the bidding of their male relations. If it be
so, so let it be. If they think for themselves, great good will be done; and if they do not, no harm. It
would already be a great improvement in the moral position of women to be no longer declared by
law incapable of an opinion, and not entitled to a preference, respecting the most important
concerns of humanity. It would also be no small matter that the husband would necessarily discuss
the matter with his wife, and that the vote would not be his exclusive affair, but a joint concern.
6
The vote itself would be improved in quality. The man would often be obliged to find
honest reasons for his vote, such as might induce a more upright and impartial character to serve
with him under the same banner. The wifes influence would often keep him true to his own sincere
opinion. Often, indeed, it would be used, not on the side of public principle, but of the personal
interest or worldly vanity of the family. But, wherever this would be the tendency of the wifes
influence, it is exerted to the full already.
7
I have supposed the right of suffrage to depend, as in a good state of things it would, on
personal conditions. Where it depends, as in this and most other countries, on conditions of

property, the contradiction is even more flagrant. There is something more than ordinarily irrational
in the fact that when a woman can give all the guarantees required from a male elector, independent
circumstances, the position of a householder and head of a family, payment of taxes, or whatever
may be the conditions imposed, the very principle and system of a representation based on property
is set aside, and an exceptionally personal disqualification is created for the mere purpose of
excluding her. When it is added that in the country where this is done a woman now reigns,[1] and
that the most glorious ruler whom that country ever had was a woman,[2] the picture of unreason
and scarcely disguised injustice is complete. Let us hope that as the work proceeds of pulling down,
one after another, the remains of the moldering fabric of monopoly and tyranny, this one will not be
the last to disappear, and that, before the lapse of another generation, the accident of sex will not be
deemed a sufficient justification for depriving its possessor of the equal protection and just privileges
of a citizen.
---------------------------------------------------------------[1]

Queen Victoria was monarch of Great Britain.

[2]

Mill is no doubt referring to Queen Elizabeth I.

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1. From what the author says in paragraphs 1 and 2, it is clear that Mill considers the idea
of suffrage:
A. important only to women
B. threatening to men
C. rightly decided by men
D. a principle of good governance
2. Which sentence from the excerpt gives a factual description of womens lives at the
time?
A. It is allowed to women to hold property, and have financial and business interests in
the same manner as men.
B. Men, as well as women, do not need political rights in order that they may govern, but
in order that they may not be misgoverned.
C. It would also be no small matter that the husband would necessarily discuss the
matter with his wife, and that the vote would not be his exclusive affair, but a joint
concern.
D. Where [the right of suffrage] depends, as in this and most other countries, on
conditions of property, the contradiction is even more flagrant.
3. Which sentence best states the opinion the author expresses in paragraph 3?

A. All people have the right to make decisions about their own lives.
B. Modern social improvements tend to abolish individual choice.
C. Exceptional individuals must be judged according to their worth.
D. Social class often determines what kind of work people are fit for.

4. An opposing argument to Mill claims that giving women the right to vote will only result in
an extra vote for their husbands. What does Mill argue in order to refute this claim?
A. He says that it is a valid point for not giving women the right to vote.
B. He says the right to vote will develop the idea that women have opinions worth
hearing.
C. He proposes a law to prevent men from talking politics with their wife.
D. John Stuart Mill does not address it.

5. In paragraph 2, the author asserts that No one now holds that women should be . . . the
domestic drudges of husbands. As used here, the word drudge means
A. Companion.
B. Property.
C. Servant.
D. Wife.
6. Read the last sentence from paragraph 7.
Let us hope that as the work proceeds of pulling down, one after another, the remains of the
moldering fabric of monopoly and tyranny, this one will not be the last to disappear, and
that, before the lapse of another generation, the accident of sex will not be deemed a
sufficient justification for depriving its possessor of the equal protection and just privileges
of a citizen.

By using the expression moldering fabric of monopoly and tyranny, the author reveals his
opinion that
A. Free trade is essential to protect citizens rights.
B. Totalitarian dictatorship is the worst form of tyranny.
C. Monarchic rule is an oppressive form of government.
D. Anti-democratic institutions are doomed to decay and failure.

7. Read this sentence from paragraph 3.

Either the whole tendency of modern social improvements has been wrong, or it ought to be
carried out to the total abolition of all exclusions which close any honest employment to a
human being.
By using either/or sentence structure, the author shows that his views on universal
suffrage are based on

A. Practical politics.
B. Logical reasoning.
C. Fanatical dedication.
D. Personal experience.

8. Read the first sentence of paragraph 5.

Nobody pretends to think that women would make a bad use of the suffrage.

Which sentence best describes the weakness of this statement as an argument?

A. It is not clear what is being pretended.

B. The absence of suffrage establishes that people do, in fact, have this opinion.
C. It is contrary to what most people believe.
D. It can be interpreted as supporting the other side.

9. Read these sentences from paragraph 5.

The worst that is said is that [women] would vote as mere dependents, the bidding of their
male relations. If it be so, so let it be. If they think for themselves, great good will be done;
and if they do not, no harm.

The author claims that if women do not think for themselves when voting, it would cause no
harm to the democratic process. Which statement is the best argument against the
authors claim?

A. Dependent women would vote foolishly.

B. Married men could, in effect, get two votes.
C. Unmarried women might be unable to vote.
D. Some male relations' votes might be wasted.

10. Read part of the last sentence of the passage

the accident of sex will not be deemed a sufficient justification for depriving its possessor
of the equal protection and just privileges of a citizen.

By using the expression, accident of sex, the author implies that

A. It is dangerous to disenfranchise someone because they are male or female,
something they have no control over.
B. Being a male is a horrible condition, similar to a traffic accident.
C. Being born a female is a regret, an accident that no one will ever want.
D. The sex or gender of someone is in complete control of the parents.

11. Using the case presented by John Stuart Mill, what would likely be his opinion to voting
laws in the early history of the United States that prevented women and African
Americans from voting?

A. Sex and race have no place in deciding voting rights.

B. Women must pass a test of intelligence to determine fitness to vote.
C. African Americans need no protection from abuse of authority.
D. Women or African Americans do not need political rights for a well running
government.