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INSTITUTE OF HISTORY

Collection f works
Volume 25

HOMAGE TO
ACADEMICIAN

SIMA IRKOVI

Editor-in-chief
Sran Rudi
Director of the Institute of History
Belgrade
2011



25

2011


.
(29. 1929, 14. 2009, )

-
(XV )

15

29

Baria Kreki
IMAGES OF WOMENS LIVES IN DUBROVNIK
IN THE FIFTEENTH AND SIXTEENTH CENTURIES

39

Ignacij Voje
MENICE (LITTERA CAMBII) U KREDITNIM POSLOVIMA
SREDNJOVJEKOVNOG DUBROVNIKA

55

63



(XVI )

75

Darja Miheli
DON MAURO ORBINI IN NJEGOVI VZORNIKI
O ZGODNJEM SREDNJEM VEKU VVZHODNIH ALPAH

93

Nenad Feji
LORDRE RGNE DUBROVNIK: UNE COMMUNE
MDIVALE FACE LA MENACE TRANGRE
ET AUX PROBLMES DE LA PAIX CIVILE

119

Oliver Jens Schmitt


MICRO-HISTORY AND LEBENSWELTENAS APPROACHES
TO LATE MEDIEVAL DALMATIAN HISTORY.
A CASE STUDY OF KORULA

137

Paola Pinelli
THE FLORENTINE COMPANY OF FRANCESCO NERONI
AND TRADE WITH DUBROVNIK (RAGUSA)
IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE 15TH CENTURY

159

Lovorka orali,
PRISUTNOST I DJELOVANJE ISELJENIKA IZ SRBIJE
U VENECIJI U XV I XVI STOLJEU

177

Esad Kurtovi
MONTE LAPIDOSO KAMENO BRDO

195

211

,
J
XIV

219

225

elena Mrgi
CIVES ET CIVITATES URBAN STUDIES
IN RECENT SERBIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY

245



84

261

269

289

307

337

347

355

367

Tibor ivkovi
THE ORIGIN OF THE ROYAL FRANKISH ANNALISTS
INFORMATION ABOUT THE SERBS IN DALMATIA

381

-
-
(14-15. )

399

409

425

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(
1414. 1415. )

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La Serbie dans 1conomie de Venise au XVeme sicle

Balcani occidentali, Adriatico e Venezia fra XIII e XVIII secolo, Venezia Wien
2009, 39-52.
1 B. Kreki, Prilog istoriji mletako-balkanske trgovine druge polovine XIV veka,
II (1957) 11-20; Idem, Le relazioni fra Venezia,
Ragusa e le popolazioni serbo-croate, Venezia e il Levante fino al sec. XV, vol. I, Florence
(1973)389-401 = B. Kreki, Dubrovnik, Italy and the Balkans in the Late Middle Ages, Variorum
reprints, 1, IV London 1980; Idem, Contribution of Foreigners to Dubrovniks Economic
Growth in the Late Middle Ages, Viator 9, Berkeley/Los Angeles (1976) 375-394 (= VR1, XIX);
Idem, Venetian Merchants in the Balkan Hinterland in the Fourteenth Century, Wirtschaftskrfte

16

Desanka Kova~evi}-Koji}


XIV .

,
. ,
, (, ,
argentum de glama, argentum che tiene oro,
argentum indoratum , ,
).
.
XV
, , ,
.
1433. ,
,
200.000 .
25%.
. , , 1411.
. XV

.2
und Wirtschaftswege, Vol. I: Mittelmeer und Kontinent; Festschrift fur Hermann Kellenbenz,
Stuttgart 1978, 413-429 (= VR1, XIV) = , XIV ,
21 (1982) 143-157; Idem, Italian Creditors in
Dubrovnik (Ragusa) and the Balkan Trade, Thirteenth through Fifteenth Centuries, The Dawn
of Modern Banking, New Haven 1979, 241-254 (= VR1, VIII); Idem, Venetians in Dubrovnik
(Ragusa) and Ragusans in Venice as Real Estate Owners in the Forteenth Century, Idem,
Dubrovnik: A Meditterranean Urban Society, 1300-1600 (= VR2, XI) Aldershot Brookfield
1997, 1-48 (= Idem, Mleani u Dubrovniku i Dubrovani u Mlecima kao vlasnici nekretnina u
XIV. stoljeu, Anali Zavoda za povijesne znanosti JAZU 28 (1990) 7-39); . ,
XIII XIV , 1986. . 4.
2 C. Jireek, Die Handelsstrassen und Bergwerke von Serbien und Bosnien whrend des
Mittelalters, Abhandlungen der knigl. bhm. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften VI Folge, 10,
Prag 1879, 41-58; Idem, Staat und Gesellschaft im mittelalterischen Serbien, Studien zur
Kulturgeschichte des 13.-15. Jahrhunderts, Denkschriften der Kaiserlichen Akademie der
Wissenschaften in Wien, Philosophisch-historische Klasse, LVI, Wien 1912, 41-46; . ,
I-II, , 1955; 1962. (=
, , 2003); D. Kovaevi, Dans la Serbie et la
Bosnie mdivales: les mines dor et dargent, Annales, conomies, Socits, Civilisations 2
(Paris 1960) 249-250; S. irkovi, The Production of Gold, Silver, and Copper in the Central
Parts of the Balkans from the 13th to the 16th Century, Beitrge zur Wirschaftsgeschichte, 2,
Precious Metals in the Age of Expansion, Stuttgart 1981, 42-43; . , .
, . , , , 2002.

Srbija u ekonomiji Venecije (XV vijek)

17



, XV ,
30 .
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. 1403.

. 1404.
D. Kovaevi-Koji, Les mtaux prcieux de Serbie et de Bosnie : estimation de la production
(XIVe XVesicle), Die Tiroler Bergbau und die Depression der europischen Montanwirtschaft
im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert : Akten der internationalen bergbaugeschichtlichen Tagung
Steinhaus Bozen/Bolzano 2004, 91.
4 B. Kreki, Dubrovnik in the 14th and 15th Centuries, A. City between East and West,
Norman/Okl. 1972; Idem, Ragusa (Dubrovnik) e il mare: aspettie problemi (XIV-XVI secolo),
Ragusa e il Meditterraneo: Ruolo e funzioni di una republica marinara tra Medioevo ed Et
moderna, Bari 1990, 131-151 (= VR2, XV). S. irkovi, Ragusae il suo retroterra nel Medio
Evo, Ragusae il Meditterraneo, 15-26; D. Kovaevi-Koji, II commerco raguseo di terraferma
nel Medio Evo, Ragusae il Mediterraneo, 61-78; M. Spremi, Le relazioni tra Ragusa e lItalia
meridionale nel Medioevo, Ragusae il Mediterraneo, 101-113. R. uk, I rapporti economici fra
Ragusa e Venezia nel Medio Evo, Ragusa e il Meditterraneo, 115-129; . ,
XV , XVIII (1971) 13-44. .
, , XXII (1975) 45-74. . .
, , , 2004, 32-34. . 1.
3

18

Desanka Kova~evi}-Koji}

. ,

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.
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, XV
. , ,

. , XIV , 143-157 (= VR 1, XIV).
6 M. Spremi, Der Metallexport Ragusas vom Balkan in den Mittelmeerraum im 14. und 15.
Jahrhundert, Die Tiroler Bergbau und die Depression der europischen Montanwirtschaft im
14. und 15. Jahrhundert: Akten der internationalen bergbaugeschichtlichen Tagung Steinhaus
Bozen/Bolzano 2004, 206; D. Kovaevi-Koji, Les mtaux prcieux de Serbie et le march
europen (XIVe-XVe sicles), XLI (2004) 191
203; . , 1420-1620, 1995, 180-182; .
, , 1995, 141-143; .
, XIV, XV XVI ,
1-2 (1980) 66, 74-75; I. Voje, Lactivit dei commercianti Italiani a Ragusa nel Medio
Evo (secc. XIV-XV) et il loro adattamento alle nove condizioni di vita, Congressi sulle relazioni
tra le due sponde Adriatiche, I rapporti demografici e popolativi, Roma 1991, 109-129; N.
Feji, Les Catalans Dubrovnik et dans le bassin adriatic la fin du Moyen Age, Anuario de
estudios medievales 24 (Barcelona 1994) 445-449. . 22.
7 3%: D. Kovaevi-Koji, Les mtaux
prcieux, 196-197; . , , 66.
5

Srbija u ekonomiji Venecije (XV vijek)

19

1431. 1441. , XV
.8


.
(1426-1433).
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1426. 1432. , . ,
, 10.613 , 3.480
100.000 .
, 200 .
565
38.247 . 565
141 .
,

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(3.480 ) , (3.056 )
88% 55.833 ,
.
Quaderno viago di
Venexia.
(497,576 ). 124 .

. (viago di
Fermo).10
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, 1428.
(15.488 ). 1428.
. ,
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. , 2005, 222.
9 . -, (Caboga) 1426-1433,
CXXXVII, 11 (1999).
10
, passim; D. Kovaevi-Koji, Les mtaux prcieux, 198-199.
8

20

Desanka Kova~evi}-Koji}

(1429. 1431).11

1428. . (1428, 1429, 1432)
5 .12
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12
, 220, 221, 248,249, 342, 343.
13
, 275, 342, 343.
14
. , XV ,
X-l ( 1968) 531.
15
. , II, 1963.

Srbija u ekonomiji Venecije (XV vijek)

21


,
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(biancho fino lo qual mese in Zecha).18 ,
.
,
, ,
.19
verge ser Andrea
Tagliapiera, ser Jacomo Dobrati ser Michiel da Luvis
16

. , (Bono) ,
XLI (2004) 377-386.
17
HAD: Privata, Libro di negozio Nicolo Luca Caboga (Libro di negozio): 28/1, (15. XII 1426
-25. V 1433), Quaderno, al nome de dio 1431 a di ultimo gugno in Venexa
par Christofal dAlberto domino Nichola e Lucha de Chaboga in Raguxi 1431 di 12 luglo
ricevuto per la barcha di ... .
18
HAD: Libro di negozio, Quaderno, (1435) di raxone diser Nichola e
Lucha de Chaboga de Ragusa fo in chonpania conser Pribisavo et (sic) de Marcho de Stai in
Venexia 1435 a di 27 ferver 1436 a di 23 marzo per la barcha di Paschoie Bogulinovich.
19
M. Spremi, Dubrovnike gli Aragonesi 1442-1495, Palermo 1986, 273-271; Idem, Regno di
Napoli Aragonese e le argento balcanico, Archivio storico per le provinzie napolitane 13 (1974)
203-212.

22

Desanka Kova~evi}-Koji}

Chorner, ser Luigi Cornero .20


.
ser Donado de Filipo (argento fino argento di
Srebreniza). ser Quantonio Tagliapiera, Giulieto da Pestina
(Pessina), , Luigi Cornero Antonio, .21
.
,
.
. , , ,
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.22
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, . 30. 1431.
( 12. )
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(viagio dela
Tana) (viagio di Suria) .

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.
,
(viagio de la Tana) (viagio di Suria),
,
, . , ,
(viagio dela Tana)
(galee 2 grose). (viagio di Suria)
(nave) 150 .
. 1.
20

HAD: Privata, Libro di negozio Nicolo Luca Caboga (Libro di negozio): 28/1, (15. XII 1426
-25. V 1433), Quaderno, (1430) Chonto di la raxone diser Nichola e Lucha
di Chaboga trato per Christofal dAlberto e Ratcho di Nadal in Venexia 1430 a di 20
decembrio ricevuto per la barcha di Nichsa Luxich.
21
HAD: Privata, Libro di negozio, Quaderno, 1424: Chonto diser Nichola
e Lucha di Chaboga consegnato per Michiel di Zamagno / quel chefe Piero fatore mio 1425
die 15 frever ricevuto per la barcha di M. Paochovich; Ibid, Partite di Nichola et Lucha di
Chaboga di Ragusia 1427 di 3 frever ricevuto per la barcha di Michoe Luchsich.
22
D. Kovaevi-Koji, Les Catalans dans les affaires de la compagnie Caboga (1426-1433),
Acta historica et archaelogica mediaevalia 26 (Barcelona 2005) 759-766.

Srbija u ekonomiji Venecije (XV vijek)

23

. ,
, , (al dito viagio non apar
che meteran galee sopra la chaxon dei argenti).23 ,
,
,
.
1372.
, ,
Romania Bassa.24 XIV XV
,
, .25

.

. , ,
,
.

. , XV

,
.26

, , ,
.
.

.
. Antonio di Bon (), Ratcho di
Nadal (), Pascoe di Luca ( ), Biasio d Alegreto
( ), Luca di Milan ( ), .

23

. 17.
S. Ljubi, O odnoajih izmeu junoga Slavenstva i Mletake republike IV, Zagreb 1874, br.
CXCV, 102-103.
25
. , , 146; Idem, Dubrovnik (Raguse) et le Levant
au Moyen Age, Paris 1961, 111-123.
26
. -,
, XL-XLI (1991) 13; R. uk, La Serbia e Venezia nella
prima met del XVsecolo, personaggi e commerci, CDIV,
13 (2006) 137-148. . 16.
24

24

Desanka Kova~evi}-Koji}

. ,
.27
, ,

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,
,
.28

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, , (
die dar), (
die aver).
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. ,
(pele montuline)
.

(die dar)
, , ,
.
.29
30. 1431.
12. ,
.
.
27

. -, (Caboga), passim.
. , ,
XXXVII (1999) 27-61; ,
XV , XXXVIII (1991) 19-30; ,
(Bono) , 377-386.
29
. 20.

28

Srbija u ekonomiji Venecije (XV vijek)

25

,
.
, , ,
.
,
,
.
ser (Goan) Bonagonta, ,
.30
,

. . 1426.
1432. , ,
13 , ,
, .
.31 .32

. ,
, .
, (pele montuline, brescovane)
, XIV .33
,
,

, .
, ,
. ,
XV , .
,
.34 , ,

30

. 17.
. -, ,
XVIII (1971) 143-153; ,
26. 1426. , (Miscellanea)
XXII (2004) 111-116.
32
. -, , 149-151.
33
. , - , 11-14. . ,
, 109-111, 182-184; . -,
(Caboga), 160-161 (1426), 162-163 (1427), 168-169 (1427), 188-189 (1427), 184-185 (1430).
34
. -, , 1982.
31

26

Desanka Kova~evi}-Koji}

5.000 .35
, , .
.
1422.
(cativvi e de mal color) .
, ,
, .
.

, (con lo bollo di san
Marco).36
, .37
, mercancia,
.
, , , , , .
,
( ).38

.

.
, XIII
, . ,
,
XV , ,
. ,
,
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, , XV
.

35

D. Kovaevi-Koji, I libri contabili dei fratelli Caboga (Kabui) (1426-1433) fonte importante
per la storia dei rapporti economici fra la Serbia e Venezia (comprese le citt marchigiane),
CDIV, 13 (2006) 107-118.
36
HAD: Lettere di Levante 8, fol. 134-135, 30. XI 1422.
, .
37
D. Kovaevi, Trgovina u srednjovjekovnoj Bosni, Djela Naunog drutva BiH XVIII,
Sarajevo 1961, 181.
38
. 35.

Srbija u ekonomiji Venecije (XV vijek)

27

Desanka Kovaevi-Koji
LA SERBIE DANS LECONOMIE DE VENISE AU XVme SIECLE
Rsum

Les liens conomiques entre la Serbie et Venise ont connu une


croissance continue partir du milieu du XIIIme sicle. Les donnes
disponibles, en particulier celles provenant des livres de commerce des frres
Caboga (Kabui), montrent trs clairement toute limportance, tant par les
volumes que la valeur des importations, de lafflux dargent et dor provenant
de Serbie Venise dans la premire moiti du XVme sicle. Il sagit alors
prcisment de lpoque o, la suite de la chute de production des mines
europennes, lEurope tait confronte une grande pnurie de mtaux
prcieux. Lors du rapprochement et de linstauration de liens entre deux
marchs si diffrents par leur structure, Dubrovnik de par sa position, a
constitu un pont de toute premire importance. Quand la part prise par les
divers pays des Balkans dans lconomie de Venise au XVme sicle, le rle
majeur revient assurment la Serbie.
Mots cls: Venise, Serbie, Dubrovnik, Levant, commerce dexportation, commerce
dimportation, largent, argentum de glama, lor, toffes.

: 271.222(495 A)-463"09/15"

: 10.
, .
.
, .
14. ,
, , , 15. 16.
- .
: , , , , , , , .

10.
, .

, .
. ,
, ,1

. ,
, ,2
. ,
,
.
f. N. Oikonomids, Fiscalit et exemption fiscale Byzance (IXeXIe s.), Athnes 1996,
183184.
2 II ,
, 964. , 244 , cf. Actes
de Lavra I, ds origines 1204, d. P. Lemerle et al., Paris 1970, 38; . Lavra I.
. O
cf. Oikonomids, op. cit. 197202.

30

Mirjana @ivojinovi}

, 10. 11. .
I ,
( 941. 942)
,
.
, .
, ,

.3 964. ,
I , o,
II ,

.4 ,
, 19. 1015. ,
II ,
(... th| sunh,qei tou/ :Orouj r`o,ga ... ),5 23.
1037. , . IV ,
(... th.n
evpercome,nhn kat v evtoj basilikh.n r`o,gan kai. ta. para. tw/n filocri,stwn yucika.
eivj th.n Me,shn).6
. , ,

. VI
,
, ,
, 1057. , 10 (evpi. th/ tupoqei,sh para.
th/j basilei,aj mou kata. prosqh,khn koinh/ r`o,ga tw/n de,ka litrw/n tou,toij
filotimhsame,nh).7

, ,

.
VI , Actes du Ptaton, d. par
Denise Papachryssanthou, Paris 1975, 55; . Prtaton.
4 : J. Noret, Vitae duae antiquae Sancti
Athanasii Athonitae, Corpus Christianorum Series Graeca 9, Leuven 1982, 50: ch. 104,l. 810:
tw/| de. solemni,w| a`dra.n proseti,qei poso,thta( ta. palaia. toi/j ne,oij u`perba,llwn kai. tai/j trisi.
te,ssaraj crusou/ prosepifilotimou,menoj li,traj\ f. Lavra I, 38 . 123.
5 Actes dIviron I, d. par J. Lefort et al. Paris 1985, no21, l. 33; . Iviron I.
6 Actes dEsphigmnou,d. J. Lefort, Paris 1973, no2, l. 2930; . Esphigmnou.
7 Lavra I, no32, l. 2931.
3

Roga i druga nov~ana davawa protata atonskim manastirima

31

,
200 ,
, ,
, 34 .

(19. 1015).8 ,
, ,9
.10
.


.
, 972. .

,
,
(15/28. ), (... kai.
tau/ta mi,gnusqai th/r`o,ga kai. toi/j monacoi/j dianh,mesqai).11
, 1013. ,12
Iviron I, no21, , l. 3334: a[per diako,sia nomi,smata avpo. tw/n sw/n ceirw/n eivj ta.j
h`mete,raj dexa,menoi cei/raj kai. th/| sunh,qei tou/ :Orouj r`o,ga prosmi,xantej( ))) diemeri,sqhmen)
9 , 1389. , IV,
,
, ,
, , (... mhdemi,an a;deian e;cein ))) h;
di,kai,a tina avpaitei/n ))) mh,te plou/ton e;con mh,te meto,cia h;eivsodh,mata)
: Actes de Dionysiou, d. par N. Oikonomids, Paris 1968, no6,l. 3034.
10
,
. (euvlogi,a) ;
1089. ,
: Actes du Xnophon, d. par D. Papachryssanthou, Paris, 1986, no1, l. 185186.
(1350?)

(pare.x tou/ avpotetagme,nou sunh,qwj didome,nou kat ve;toj )))): Actes de Kutlumus
II2, d. P. Lemerle, Paris 1988, no22, l. 2728; . Kutlumus. , 1393. ,
IV ,
,
, ,
, (... di,ca mo,nwn tw/n koinw/n sugkroth,sewn):
Kutlumus, no40, l. 3132;
11
Prtaton, no7, l. 2526 147148.
12
Iviron I, no18, l. 12: ... kata. to.n VApri,lion mh/na( sunelqo,ntwn h`mw/n evpi. kaqolikh/ suna,xewj
8

tou/ a`gi,ou Pa,sca...

32

Mirjana @ivojinovi}

,
.13
19. 1015. , ,
, 200 ,

kai. ,
dieila,meqa
diemeri,sqhmen))14
(evp v i;shj auvta. koinh/ xu,mpantej
(koinh, ro,ga)
, ,
, .
. 23.
1037. .
,
, .

,
(avgro,j)
a , .

(...i;na
corhgw//sin auvtoi/j auvta. oi` evmei. dia,docoi o[soi a'n eu`ri,skwntai)
.15

, ,
, .
, .
14. .
12. 13. ,
11. , .

, 1204. , ,
.
1224. ,
,
,
13

1056. : Actes de Xropotamou, d. J.


Bompaire, Paris 1964, no5, l. 13; . , , 112 . 94.
14
Iviron I, no 19, l. 34, . . 8.
15
, .
1001. 36
, , .
: Esphigmnou, no2, l. 2930.

Roga i druga nov~ana davawa protata atonskim manastirima

33

. VIII ,

,
.16
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1308.
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(13071309).
13, 14.
.17 ,
,
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,
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16

Cf. Lavra I, 314; Actes dIviron III, de 1204 1328, d. par J. Lefort et al., Paris 1994, 38;
cf. M. , 1204, 950
(1054) 800 (1204),
, 2005, 9199.
17
. . , ,
12 (1979) 519; , II
, 19 (1980) 251273.
18
, 1334.

: Kutlumus, no17,l. 3839: ... kai. avpodido,nai u`pe.r tau,thj evthsi,wj tw/
prwtei,w th/j me,shj avparalh/ptwj pa,nta o[sa kai. prw,teron kaq v e`auth.n ou/sa di,ca lo,gou tino.j
parei/ce kai. o`moi,wj th/ ivsostasi,a tau,thj monh. kata. pa/san sunh,qh avpai,thsin)
( 1347)
( 1362)
: Actes de Vatopdi II de 1330 1376, d. dipl. J. Lefort
et al., Paris 2006, no94, l. 3233; Ibidem, no 116, l. 1011: .)) de. ovfei,lei dido,nai pro.j to.
Prwtei/on to. su,nhqej kai. evx avrch/j eivwqo.j di,dosqai para. tou/ eivrhme,nou kelli,ou pro.j auvto.
dh. to. Prwtei/on( ))) . Vatopdi II.

34

Mirjana @ivojinovi}

1398.
.19

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, 2,5
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. , , 230, . 124.
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21
Actes de Zographou, d. W. Regel, E. Kurty, V. Korablev, . XIII,
No1, no51, , l. 45: ... w`j kai. evn e`te,roij evsti. sunh,qeia( ))) . Zographou.
22
Zographou, no45.
23
V , 1342. ,
, ,
70 ,
, ;
, 200 ;
100 ,

.: ctes de Lavra III, de 1329 1500, d. par P. Lemerle et al., Paris 1979, no123,l. 134155.
24
, o` evpi. th/j trape,zhj, 1358. ,
.
1366. ,
50
. 50
(petzi,on) : Vatopdi II, no126, l. 1316.
25
,
(. , , 1912,
20

Roga i druga nov~ana davawa protata atonskim manastirima

35


1379/1380,
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200 (, . , 420,
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. 1, 2002, 7273, . 3638).
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26
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. XII1, 1974, 363; . , ,
, 9, 1997, 106107.

36

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,
, .28

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1509. , ,
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10. ,
, .
. , ,
.
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28

. . , XVXVII ,
2000, 184231.
29
XVI . 1, . . . .
, . . , 2004, 146, . 25.
30
. , 158. . 40.
31
, : Collge de France.
. . , ,
46 (2008) 7273 .16.

Roga i druga nov~ana davawa protata atonskim manastirima

37

, ,
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.
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38

Mirjana ivojinovi
ROGA ET AUTRES DOTATIONS DU PRTATON
AUX MONASTRES ATHONITES
Rsum

A partir du rgne de Romain Ier Lecapne, les empereurs byzantins ont


rgulirement dlivr aux tablissements monastiques, siles circonstances le leur
permettaient, une dotation annuelle pcuniaire, appele roga ou solemnion.
Celle-ci tait ensuite rpartie par le prtos de lAthos entre tous les moines
athonites. En raison des besoins grandissant deces dernies, les prtoi ont, ds
972, commenc y ajouter des sommes dargent qui parvenaient dans le trsor du
Prtaton de diverses autres sources. Compte tenu du fait que les monastres et,
plus encore, les petits tablissements monastiques taient constamment exposs
aux attaques despirates et de divers peuples, et partir des dernires dcennies
duXIIImesicle, des Turcs, les besoins pour la restauration des ouvrages dfensifs
endommags et pour la construction de nouveaux, ne cessaient de crotre.
Proportionnellement cette menace, les capacits des hpitaux des grands
monastres, tels que la Grande Lavra, Vatopdi, et Chilandar, ont d tre accrues,
ce qui sest accompagn dune augmentation des besoins en mdicaments,
matriel sanitaire et autres objets indispensables pour lessoins.
En ce sens nous disposons dun acte de donation du prince Lazar qui,
soucieux dassurer lhpital de Chilandarune dotation rgulire, a convenu avec
lhigoumne Nophytos et toute la confrrie dece monastre, que les 100 onces
verses chaque anne par le Prtaton seraient affectes lhpital. En contrepartie
le prince Lazaradonn Chilandar deux villages Hvosno, avec tous leur droits.
Chilandar ntait assurment pas le seul monastre qui bnficiait de
subsides annuels verss par le Prtaton. Aux fins de sassurer dindispensables
rentres dargent, le prtos et le Conseil des higoumnes recourent de plus en plus
frquemment partir de la seconde moiti du XIVme sicle lenvoi de
dlgations composes de reprsentants des monastres les plus prestigieux,
solliciter des dotations pcuniaires, tout dabord auprs de la Serbie et de
lOungrovlachie, puis, aux XVmeetXVImesicles, auprs de la Moldovlachie et
de la Russie.
ots cls: thos, lempereur, lAssemble, la dotation pcuniaire, le besoin, le prtos,
le Prtaton, lhpital.

: 316.662-055.2(497.13 )"14/15"

Baria KREKI
Los Angeles
USA

IMAGES OF WOMENS LIVES IN DUBROVNIK


IN THE FIFTEENTH AND SIXTEENTH CENTURIES

Abstract: Using largely unpublished documents from the State Archives in Dubrovnik,
this article proposes to illustrate some of the aspects of womens daily life in that city. It does
not intend to give a broad and detailed analysis of their social, economic and political status
and of the issues that confronted women in Dubrovnik in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.
It offers a few suggestions for future research of the topic and points out the need for a more
nuanced approach and evaluation of womens position in urban centers in general.
Key Words: women, Dubrovnik, archives, insults, thefts, fistfights, economic acti
vity, nunneries.

The life of women in medieval and Renaissance Dubrovnik (Ragusa)


has not attracted much scholarly attention. The only book dedicated exclusively
to that subject is the one by Duanka Dini-Kneevi on women in
Dubrovnik1 in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Based on Dinis long
and extensive work in the archives in Dubrovnik, it contains much valuable
information on its topic. More recently, Zdenka Janekovi-Rmer has
published an excellent article on the subject of patrician women in fifteenth
century Dubrovnik. In her books Rod i grad and Okvir slobode she also
makes interesting comments on womens problems2 as does Nella Lonza in
her wide-ranging book Kazalite vlasti.3
D. Dini-Kneevi, Poloaj ena u Dubrovniku u XIII i XIV veku (The Position of Women in
Dubrovnik in the 13th and 14th Centuries), Beograd, 1974.
2 Z. Janekovi-Rmer, Noble Women in Fifteenth-Century Ragusa, East Central Europe
LEurope du Centre Est, 20-23 (1993 -1996), 141 -170; the same, Rod i Grad. Dubrovaka
obitelj od XIII do XV stoljea (The Family and the City The Ragusan Family from the 13th to
the 15th Century), Zagreb 1994; the same, Okvir slobode. Dubrovaka vlastela izmeu
srednjovjekovlja i humanizma (The Frame of Freedom. The Ragusan Patricians between the
Middle Ages and Humanism), Zagreb 1999. See also P. Rokai, ene u odnosima Dubrovnika i
Ankonitanske Marke u srednjem veku (Women in Relations between Dubrovnik and the
Anconitan Mark in the Middle Ages), Istraivanja 16, Novi Sad 2005, 199-209.
3 N. Lonza, Kazalite vlasti. Ceremonijal i dravni blagdani Dubrovake Republike u 17. i 18,
stoljeu (The Theater of Power. Ceremonies and State Festivities of the Republic of Dubrovnik
1

40

Baria Kreki

Dubrovnik in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries was a dynamic


urban center similar to many western, especially Italian cities. But rapid
economic and demographic growth, for all its positive aspects, also had its
negative side. As early as November 9, 1423 the Major Council was
complaining that plunders, robberies, violence and thefts are frequently
committed among our men and as a result the Council introduced new
penalties for such crimes4An even more drastic and explicit illustration of the
need for new measures to keep the good standing of the republic, was
adopted on October 19, 1459: Our city, by Gods grace, has grown with great
multitude of people and because of mens viciousness, various grave
excesses are daily committed. All of this required new and extensive anti
crime legislation.5
It is not difficult to imagine that in a city, whose narrow streets were
crowded not only with local people, but also with men from the Balkans. the
Byzantine and later the Ottoman Empire, from Italy and Northern Africa,
from Spain and France, Germany, and Hungary etc. the situation of women
would not be particularly favorable. This is even more evident when one
keeps in mind that the vast majority of those men were rough sailors, captains,
merchants and craftsmen, interested mostly in making money and having
little respect for women. In addition, local men, such as fathers, brothers,
husbands and sons, potential protectors of women, both patricians and
commoners, spent much of their time away from home, in long and often
dangerous trips on the continent and at sea, pursuing their commercial
interests. Under such circumstances, many women had to take care of their
husbands business in Dubrovnik as well as taking care of the children and
running the household.
Quite a number of women, in addition to being engaged in small
business, acted as witnesses or plaintiffs in court and in other ways participated
in the life of the city. In particular, women were frequently tabernarie, some
taking care of taverne on behalf of absent owners, others working on their
own. But women were not just engaged in minor economic activities. There
were in Dubrovnik women whose wealth, reputation and ability earned them
high esteem and considerable influence in local affairs. The most prominent
among such women was domina Philippa de Menze(Meneti), a rich widow,
in the 17th and 18th Centuries), Zagreb Dubrovnik 2009. See also S. Mosher Stuard A State
of Deference. Ragusa/Dubrovnik in the Medieval Centuries, Philadelphia 1992, which contains
a number of references to women.
4 Liber viridis, ed. by B. Nedeljkovi, Beograd 1984, cap.182.
5 Ibidem, cap. 492. See also B. Kreki, Developed Autonomy: the Patricians in Dubrovnik and
Dalmatian Cities, in Urban Society of Eastern Europe in Premodern Times, ed. by B. Kreki,
Berkeley - Los Angeles - London, 1987, 197-198.

Images of womens lives in Dubrovnik in the XVth and XVIth centuries

41

who had inherited her fathers, her husbands and even her sons properties
and become the owner of a commercial empire which stretched from Venice
and Southern Italy to the Balkans with its center in Dubrovnik under her
control. Lady Philippa, among other things, loaned money to the government
of Dubrovnik and was treated with utmost respect by that government. In
many documents she is mentioned merely as Domina Philippa, since
obviously everybody knew who that person was. One of her daughters was
married to Lodovico Cornaro, member of a prominent Venetian patrician
family. It is hard to believe that such a woman, even though she had no formal
part in politics, did not influence the Ragusan governments decision-making
in the second half of the fourteenth century.6
Philippa de Menze, although no doubt the most prominent one, was
not the only rich and influential patrician woman in Dubrovnik at this time.
Such women, however, were certainly not representative of the way of life of
the vast majority of women, who inhabited crowded and unhygienic quarters
and often had numerous children and frequent pregnancies.7 Outside of the
house they were often exposed to harassment by all kinds of rough men and
it is no surprise that Ragusan judiciary books are full of womens complaints
which grew in numbers especially as the city itself grew in the fifteenth
century.
Personal insults were probably the most common and most numerous
complaints, but also the least dangerous offenses confronting the women.
Insults came from men, but they were also very often exchanged among women
themselves. Hundreds of complaints against insults are registered in the books
of the State Archives in Dubrovnik (for example, over 150 just for the year
1406). Most of them included obscene words and, interestingly enough, those
words were often written in the Slavic language inside denunciations written in
Latin or Italian. In January 1471 Pasko Markovi accused the patrician ser
Iacobus de Sorgo (Sorkoevi) of having insulted Paskos wife Stanana in her
husbands shop, saying: Evil whore, I shall cut off your nose and lips in your
husbands presence and in his bed and I shall do the same to him, you are your
sisters procurer. Sorgo replied by accusing Stanana of having called him a
stupid, fat procurer and having thrown a tile against him.8
died in 1383. On Philippa de Menze see, among others, Dini-Kneevi, Poloaj ena, 53
59. Janekovi-Rmer, Noble Women, 165. On Ragusan taverne see G. Ravani, ivot u krmama
srednjovjekovnog Dubrovnika (Life in the taverne of Medieval Dubrovnik), Zagreb 2001.
7 See D. Rheubottom, Age, Marriage and Politics in Fifteenth-Century Ragusa, Oxford 2000.
For womens situation in Florence at the time see C. Klapisch-Zuber, Retour la cit. Les
magnats de Florence 1340-1440, Paris 2006, 26 - 28, 164 - 172.
8 Dravni arhiv u Dubrovniku (State Archives in Dubrovnik, hereafter DAD). Lamenta de
criminale, vol.II, ff. 177v-178v, 179v-180v

6She

42

Baria Kreki

The word whore, in Latin meretrix, in Italian meretrice, putana, in0


Slavic kurva was the most frequently used insult, not only by men towards
women, but also in conflicts between men themselves. One of the most
common usages of this word was: the one that awaits you at home is a
whore, usually written in Slavic with the Italian orthography (curua ti ie ona
koia te doma ceka). The word procurer (ruffiana) was also frequently used. It
should be mentioned, however, that such insults were also used between
women during their rather frequent fights in the streets and squares of
Dubrovnik. There were also cases, although infrequent, where women
initiated a conflict by insulting men. Thus, in August 1532. Cvjetko Petrovi
accused Mara, wife of Tomo Radanovi, saying that she had come to the door
of his house and without any reason she insulted me, calling me a horned
goat and then, to show her spite, she lifted her dress and showed me her
shameful parts (le parte sue vergognose).9
Some protective measures were built into Dubrovniks basic law, the
city Statute of 1272. Thus, for example, book VI, article X of the Statute
stated: If a man rapes a woman against her will, and this can be proven, he
must pay 50 hyperpers. Should he be unable to pay, he should lose both eyes,
unless he was willing to accept in marriage the woman with her consent, in
which case, if it is by common agreement, he should not pay anything, but
must take her to be his wife. In the same Statutes, in book IV, article X, it is
ordered: If a man expels his wife from home, as long as he refuses to take
her back he must provide for her expenses and all necessities, according to the
opinion of the Lord Count and his court.10
These were not merely empty words. In August 1512 the Minor
Council decided should the trumpeter Lovro, her husband, not receive
within two days, in his home his wife Magdalena and should he not keep
her according to divine law and to the honor of both of them, all of
Magdalenas properties will be inventoried and given to her tutors. As long as
he is separated from his wife, Lovro will be obliged to pay her 5 hyperpers
monthly for her nourishment. At the same time Magdalenas father and
brother were admonished not to interfere into relations between her and her
husband and not to insult Lovro.11 In December 1567. the Minor Council
allowed a woman from Gru, from Lapad (de Grauosa, de Lapat) to collect
9 DAD, Lamenta de intus, vol. LXXXI, f. 184. On verbal abuse in Venice see D. Queller, The
Venetian Patriciate. Reality versus Myth, Urbana Chicago 1986, 234 239, and G. Ruggiero,
Violence in Early Renaissance Venice, New Brunswick 1980, 125 137.
10
Statut grada Dubrovnika/Liber statutorum civitatis Ragusii, ed. and transl. by A. olji, Z.
11
and I. Veseli,
Dubrovnik,
lib. VI, cap.X and lib. IV, cap.10.
DAD, Consilium
vol. XXXI,
ff. 87v-88.
Minus,
undrica
2002,

Images of womens lives in Dubrovnik in the XVth and XVIth centuries

43

3 ducats from her husbands debtors. She needed them for her nourishment,
because he had abandoned her.12
It is obvious that, similar to many other Ragusan laws and traditions,
the rules and regulations concerning the situation of women expelled or
abandoned by their husbands survived a very long time in the Ragusan
society. In the first case quoted above the interval between the Statutes
decision (1272) and the event itself (1512) was 240 years, while in the second
case (1567) it was even longer 296 years, all of which confirms once more
the well known stability and continuity of institutional life in Dubrovnik.
I do not want to dwell here on the complex and already studied
problem of dowries, whose constant growth and various abuses constituted an
incessant headache for the Ragusan government. Rather, I shall briefly look
at another phenomenon, partly connected with dowries, that of the monacatio,
cloistering of young girls within nunneries. In some instances, girls joined the
monastic orders of their own free will, but more frequently they were sent into
nunneries because of the inability of the family to provide a decent dowry.
This was often the case in families with numerous daughters, or in families
with insufficient financial means. Such families did not belong just to the
lower strata of commoners, but also quite frequently also to the upper strata
of patrician families. There are many instances, in the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries, in which poor patricians request permission from the Major
Council to sell their properties on the territory of the Ragusan Republic and
the reason in most cases is marriage or monacatio of young girls, the two
operations being mentioned as substantial financial burdens. It seems clear
from many documents that monacatio, although less expensive than marriage
and dowry, was also a heavy obligation on families. Therefore, one should be
cautious about generalizing that the monacatio was an easy way to solve the
problem of the future of young girls without dowries.
Conditions of life in nunneries were in most cases very difficult with
overcrowding
of mostly young women, and this was true with the many
its
limitations imposed on their life, even when it came to girls from patrician
families, most of whom inhabited the monastery of Saint Clara. It is not
surprising therefore to see nuns expressing their unhappiness over their
condition to the point of rebelling. On February 9, 1566, the Ragusan Senate
(Consilium rogatorum) in a secret session discussed the problems of the
nuns of Saint Mary de Castello, since our Lord the Archbishop has authorized
us to consider those problems. It was proposed that the papers concerning
the case that he had sent be returned to the Archbishop for him to solve the
difficulties, with the understanding that the state would give him every help
12Ibidem,

vol. XLVIII, f. 290v.

44

Baria Kreki

and support. This proposal was rejected and it was decided that the city
Provisors (provisores) were to submit within three days a draft of the advice
to be given to the Archbishop. He was expected to use this advice to reduce
the stubborn nuns of Saint Mary de Castello to true obedience, as is ruled and
ordered by the holy Council of Trent.13
We do not know whether the Provisores fulfilled their task, but we do
know that on February 19, 1566. the Senate, in another secret session, was
again discussing the case of the nuns of Saint Mary de Castello. It was
decided to give full support to the Archbishop in the implementation of his
decree, read in the Senate, and directed against the abbess and the nuns of that
monastery.14 However, that measure evidently did not have the desired effect
and on February 23, 1566 the Senate in secret session adopted new, drastic
decisions against the disobedient nuns. The city Rector and the Minor Council
were ordered under penalty of an enormous fine of 500 golden ducats and
loss of all state offices for ten years to give full support to the Archbishop
in all things that our distinguished Lord Archbishop has undertaken until now
and in those that he will decree in the future against the abbess and the nuns of
Saint Mary de Castello. On the same day the fathers and brothers of the
rebellious nuns were prohibited from taking part in the work of the city councils
when those matters were discussed. This was a clear indication that patrician
girls and women were involved in the case. Any public or secret criticism of the
Archbishop or of the governments decrees and any help and support given to
the nuns, would be punished by exile from Dubrovnik for twenty years. In
addition. if a patrician was the guilty party, he would lose all the benefices of
state offices. How serious this rebellion of the nuns was considered can also be
seen from the fact that anyone writing to Rome in favor of the nuns was to be
severely punished and whoever denounced a person giving bad advice to the
nuns would get 500 golden ducats from the government.15
This was not the only case of trouble that the Archbishop and the
Ragusan authorities had to confront when it came to nuns and nunneries. In
March 1566, the Senate was again discussing, in a secret session, the behavior
of the nuns of the monastery of Saint Symeon and on March 11th, a proposal
was made that, with the Archbishops permission, presbiter Paulus Antonius,
chaplain of those nuns, be found guilty for reasons known to this council.
Unfortunately, there is no indication as to what those reasons were.16 Two
13

DAD, Secreta rogatorum, vol. II, f. 120. On the difficult life of nuns in the monastery of Saint
Clara see S. irkovi, Laureae Bartholomeo Krekich septuragenario oblate, Beograd 2003,4
7, 17-19.
14
Secreta rogatorum, vol. II, f. 120v.
15Ibidem, ff. 121-121v.
16Ibiden, ff. 122, 122v.

Images of womens lives in Dubrovnik in the XVth and XVIth centuries

45

years later, in November 1568, the Senate was again obliged to discuss the
nuns problems. This time the subject of controversy were the nuns of the
monastery of Saint Andrew. It was proposed that the Rector and the Minor
Council find a house near the monastery and wall up the windows and doors,
so as to make space where all the nuns who were found to be opposed and
disobedient to the orders of our honorable Lord Archbishop shall enter and
live there. This proposal was modified the next day, when the Senate decided
to send two members of the Minor Council and a notary to inform the nuns
what was being prepared for them. The notary was to write down the names
of those who were willing to submit to the Archbishops will as well as of
those that were not. The nuns were informed that the implementation of
measures against them would start in three days.17
The cases mentioned here are only a small segment of similar troubles
which the Ragusan authorities and the Archbishop had to deal with in the
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. In all fairness one must point out that there
were even bigger and more numerous problems and conflicts between the
government and male members of the clergy, especially Franciscan monks and
various priests, but that does not properly belong to the topic of this article.
As already mentioned, although Dubrovnik at this time was, on the
whole, a rich city, there was a good deal of poverty inside and outside its
walls. Among the poor were both men and women and the constant influx of
the population from the nearby poor and bare region contributed to the
increase in the numbers of impoverished people in the city. Poverty, of course,
frequently led to crime. The involvement of women was no exception, theft
being the most widespread serious crime that they committed. Very severe
physical and financial punishments for thefts were already included in the city
Statute of 1272. In 1299 these laws were slightly modified, so as to make
them less drastic for the women who were unable to pay fines. They could be
whipped, branded, have their nose cut off or be expelled from the city and
territory of Dubrovnik, depending on the value of the stolen goods but they
could not lose one eye or have their right arm cut off, as was the case with
men who could not pay the fines.18
Summer was a particularly convenient season for thefts because at
that time houses were much more open with many patrician and rich
commoner families leaving their residences in the city to avoid the unpleasant
heat, and spending time on their estates in various areas of the Ragusan
17

Ibidem, ff. 177-177v. For similar situations in Venice see M. King, Women of the Renaissance,
Chicago London 1991, 80 103.
18
Statut grada Dubrovnika, lib.VI, cap. IV. On the cruelty of torture in Florence see L.
Martines, Strong Words. Writing and Social Strata in the Italian Renaissance, Baltimore
Toronto 2001, 182 198.

46

Baria Kreki

territory. In addition, harvesting of grapes was a very important annual ritual


for the sake of which even the quorum of city councils was reduced. All of
this offered good opportunities for thieves and women no less than men took
advantage of the situation. In particular this was an opportunity for female
servants to rob the houses of their masters and then to escape from
Dubrovnik, a phenomenon mentioned in dozens of documents. In July 1464
thefts committed by males and females had reached such proportions that the
Major Council was forced to deliberate what to do about it because recently
various and big thefts are happening daily in our city. Three such robberies
in three houses were explicitly mentioned and it was further added that
attempts to break into three other houses had been unsuccessful.19 Soon after
that, in May 1465, punishments for thefts were considerably increased, but
that did not stop the phenomenon.20
Womens participation in thefts continued undiminished. In 1485 the
Major Council granted pardons to three servants who had been sentenced to
have their noses cut off because it is foreign to our justice for anyone to
suffer two punishments for one crime and the said servants have spent over a
year in jail, in humidity, stink, dirt and all kinds of deprivation, so that they
themselves stink and are almost leprous.21 Less lucky was a young girl
(puella).in July 1514. The Minor Council authorized the judges to execute the
sentence of cutting off her nose, adopted earlier in the Senate.22 Another
young girl, Franca, fared much better. She had been condemned by the judges
to have her eyes gouged out, but the Major Council, in November 1525,
commuted her sentence to a lighter penalty: Franca was to be first exposed ad
carrum and then whipped through the city streets and finally expelled forever
from Dubrovnik. Should she ever return, she would lose her eyes.23
It should be pointed out that women were not just perpetrators, but
also victims of thefts committed by other women or, as happened more often,
by men. A rather peculiar case occurred in 1442. In July of that year
Radosava, the servant of the noble widow Petrussa de Gozze (Gueti),
accused Bogosav, the son of Pribina, of entering her house, where he found a
key hanging near the window and opened her chest, from which he stole 50
hyperpers in cash, six golden rings and perhaps other things that I do not
remember. Bogosav was arrested and brought in front of the Rector and the
judges in the place of torture Asked about the theft, he said he had not
stolen anything from Radosava, and added that there had been talk about
19

DAD, Consilium Maius, vol. XII, f. 174v.


Liber Croceus, ed. by B. Nedeljkovi. Beograd 1997, cap. 43.
21
Consilium Maius, vol. XV, f. 47v.
22
Consilium Minus, vol. XXXI, f. 277v.
23
Consilium Maius, vol. XX, f. 106.

20

Images of womens lives in Dubrovnik in the XVth and XVIth centuries

47

marriage between them and that Radosava had given him 30 hyperpers to buy
clothes. But when Radosava learned that he intended to go to Venice for that
purpose, she accused him to the authorities of theft, although he had stolen
nothing, but she herself had given him so that he would take her as his wife.24
However, as in many other cases, we do not know how this controversy ended.
At times, stealing was also a family affair in which women took an
part.
Thus, in February 1442 Ivanu Miljkovi filed suit against the
active
sailor Vitko, alleging that, together with his wife and her sister, he had stolen
from Ivanus shop candles, eels, 60 hyperpers in cash and other things.25 Not
surprisingly, houses of widows and of patricians, and especially those of
noble widows, were the main target of thieves. Rich patrician houses in which
there was no male presence were considered the easiest and most profitable
prey. An example of this pattern is the case of donna Catarina, widow of the
nobleman ser Andreas de Cruce (Krusi). In July 1470, she accused an
unknown thief of having broken during a summer night into her house in
Dubrovnik, while she was on the island of ipan. The thief had opened all her
chests and taken everything he had found in them. Lady Catarina added to her
denunciation a long list of stolen goods which offers some interesting insights
into the way of life of a rich patrician woman.26
Yet another case which offers further insights into the household of a
Ragusan patrician family comes from May 1484. Ser Marinus Raphaelis de
Gozze had accused his servant Catarina of a theft of valuables from his studio.
Under torture, Catarina declared that the theft had been perpetrated by the
patrician serMarinus de Sorgo, called Pischupus, her lover, to whom she had
opened the house door at night and whom she had enabled to enter the study.
The investigation of this case lasted several months and was accompanied by
multiple tortures, not just of Catarina, but also of Sorgo, who was a notorious
thief who had previously robbed several houses. In spite of the fact that he
belonged to one of the most prestigious and influential patrician families in
Dubrovnik, on June 18, 1484 he was stripped naked and tortured in the
presence of the judges. The detail of his, Catarinas and several other patricians
and commoners depositions concerning this case provide a vivid insight into
the interior of a noble dwelling and the way of life of its inhabitants.27
The practice of female servants secretly admitting their male lovers
at night into the houses of their masters was as widespread in Dubrovnik as it
was in Venice and in other Italian cities. As early as August 1366 the
24

DAD, Lamenta de intus, vol. II, f. 194v. On the habit of buying luxurious or high-quality
things in Venice see B. Kreki, Unequal Rivals, Zagreb - Dubrovnik 2007, 241-242.
25
Lamenta de intus, f. 169.
26
Lamenta de criminale, vol. II, f. 47v.
27
Lamenta de intus, vol. XXX, ff. 164-164v and separate sheets.

48

Baria Kreki

government discussed the fact that because of the fragility and malice of
servants, many enormous dangers occur. Female servants secretly introduce,
by night or even by day, unauthorized men into the houses of their male and
female masters. Lovers frequently profited to steal things from the house. It
was therefore decided that any servant who allowed such a transgression
would have his or her nose cut off, while the man who entered the house
would spend six months in the lower jail.28 These measures, drastic as they
were, do not seem to have been successful and, aware of the situation and of
its danger, in October of 1459 the Major Council ordered that anyone who
entered secretly or violently into any house during the night shall be
condemned to spend one year in the lower jail.29
On the other hand, women, especially servants, often suffered
physical attacks on their person. Most of these attacks came from men and
consisted of beatings with fists, sticks or other weapons. The authorities
punished the aggressors, when they could find them, which was not an easy
task in the narrow, crowded and dark streets at night, when most attacks
occurred. Attacks which usually caused minor bloodshed attracted special
attention of the authorities. However, attacks against women did not take
place only in the streets and squares of Dubrovnik, but also in shops and
homes. Thus, in January 1442 Vlahna Miodrugova accused three men of
having broken into her home and then dragging her by her hair out of her bed.30
Similar cases of violence were quite numerous and female servants were the
frequent victims. In April 1427, Bilosava, servant of the pharmacist Bernardo
from Fermo, was attacked by a man inside the house of her master. The
aggressor hit her on her head and when she escaped from the house, he waited
for her, threw a stone in her chest and beat her with a stick on her head and
arms with bloodshed. The government sent two judges to Bilosavas home
to hear her deposition, since she way lying in bed because of her wounds.31
Patricians, especially young ones, participated very often in attacks
on women. In March of 1471, a married woman named Vukosava filed suit
against the 21 year old nobleman ser Marinus de Ragnina, accusing him of
having entered her house previous night, grabbing her by her hair and beating
her with his fists. However, that was not all. Ser Marinus returned a little later
with several young patricians and they started breaking down her door.
Vukosavas neighbor Vukota heard her being thrown to the floor and
screaming for help. He allegedly was willing to help and had taken his
28

HAD, Reformationes, vol. 23, f. 24. Monumenta ragusina, IV, ed. by J. Gelcich, Zagreb
1896, 53.
29
Liber viridis, cap. 492.
30
Lamenta de intus vol. II, f. 62v.
31
Ibidem, f. 133.

Images of womens lives in Dubrovnik in the XVth and XVIth centuries

49

weapons but his wife did not allow him to go. Vukosava then started calling
for help in the Slavic language, at which point the aggressors left, but returned
a little later and once again started breaking Vukosavas door. Vukota, from the
safety of his home, appealed for them to leave, which they did after a while.32
In addition to attacks by men against women, there were many
fistfights among women themselves. In December 1470, a woman named
Stoisava accused another woman, Costanza, alleging that Costanza had
beaten her and dragged her by her hair the previous day. However, a witness
declared that Stoisava had insulted Costanza first It turned out very quickly
that things were somewhat more complicated than just a simple fistfight
between two women. Costanza had, in fact, accused Stoisava of having
seduced and corrupted her husband Ivani. According to Costanza, Ivani
was visiting Stoisavas home and carrying bread and other things there from
his own house. What is worse, Ivani had even abandoned his wife and was
living with Stoisava.33 This was, of course, far from being the only such case in
Dubrovnik, but space does not permit a broader analysis of this phenomenon.
Conflicts and fistfights took place not only among commoner
women, but between noble ones as well. In May 1472, the patrician ser
Nicholas de Resti (Resti) filed suit against lady Fiolca, widow of ser Raphael
de Gozze, saying that this morning in the church of Saint Mary (the Ragusan
cathedral), near the staircase leading to the reliquary, where noble women sit,
she beat with her hands lady Bioca (Nicholas wife), hitting her with her
hands on the head. In addition, lady Fiolca insulted lady Bioca by calling her
a thief. Both ladies were not young and, what is worse,they were even related:
Fiolcas daughter was married to Biocas brother ser Symeon de Benessa.
(Benei). The Ragusan court reacted quickly and severely to this accusation.
Lady Fiolca was sentenced to six months of house arrest under threat of
spending one month in one of the lower jails in the Rectors palace, should
she leave the house earlier. The courts explanation of its sentence is of
particular interest: Lady Fiolca did not behave well, she raised her hand
against a noble person, her equal, and above all in a holy place, where the
mortals must dedicate their thoughts to the divine service more than to any
human affairs.34
However, this was not the end of the story. On the same day lady
Fiolca had denounced the patrician ser Franciscus de Benessa, Biocas
brother, alleging that he had attacked her in the evening, as she was returning
32

Lamenta de criminale, vol. II, ff. 241v-242. On the usage of the Slavic language among women
in Dubrovnik and in Dalmatian cities see B. Kreki, Note e osservazioni sulla vita e sul ruolo
del patriziato a Ragusae nelle citt dalmate trail Due e Cinquecento, Firenze 1999, 20-21.
33
Lamenta de criminale, vol. II, ff. 165, 165v.
34Lamenta de intus, vol. XXIV, ff. 245v, 246v.

50

Baria Kreki

from the Franciscan church and was in front of the Benessa residence.
According to lady Fiolca, Franciscus had hither three times on her head with
a stick and, as she was trying to protect herself, he also wounded her arms,
after which he hither ribs. Once again, the court reacted very quickly: Since
ser Franciscus had acted wrongly and very badly and, with greatest dishonor
had dared to lift his arm on a public street against a noble woman and, having
attacked her, he had dared to beat her, the court, considering that such a thing
cannot be tolerated or covered by silence sentenced ser Franciscus to enter
within three days one of the lower jails on the sea side, that is to say the worst
kind, and to spend nine months there with closed doors. Should he disobey
this order, he would be jailed for a whole year.35
A special category of crimes against women were conflicts between
husbands and wives, and which frequently took on the appearance of
battered wives. In all fairness, it should be pointed out that the number of
such cases mentioned in the archival documents is rather small, perhaps
because it was considered a shame to admit that a husband beat his wife.
Nevertheless they existed and involved patricians as well as commoners. A
drastic case occurred in June 1484, when the shoemaker Ivanu ivkovi filed
suit against his son-in-law Frano Luki and his brother Peter alleging that the
two of them, in their house in the Ragusan suburb of Gru, had stripped naked
Ivanus daughter and Francis wife Marua, taken away her rings and other
things and then expelled her naked from the house.36 Noble families were not
exempt from similar internal conflicts. In January 1456 the Minor Council
warned ser Nicholaus de Lucha (Lui) not to dare beat his wife or do
anything dishonorable or illegal against her without previously informing the
Lord Rector and the Minor Council and without filing a legal suit against his
wife. Should he ignore this warning, Nicholas would have to spend one year
in a lower jail each time it happened.37
Murders of women were rather rare, but one still finds a few cases. In
1442,
August
a man named Cvjetko Krankovi informed the Ragusan judges
his
that
wife the day before had gone outside the city walls, to the small
church of Saint Blaise, patron-saint of the city, and when she was below that
35

Ibidem, ff. 247-247v. On the Ragusan patriciate in general see the classical work by I.
Mahnken, Dubrovaki patricijat u XIV veku (The Ragusan Patriciate in the 14th Century),
Beograd 1960. Among more recent works, in addition to Janekovi-Rmers Okvir slobode, of
particular interest, especially for the study of patrician clans and their conflicts, is the book by
N. Vekari, Nevidljive pukotine. Dubrovaki vlasteoski klanovi (Invisible Cracks. The Ragusan
Patrician Clans), Zagreb Dubrovnik 2009.
36
Lamenta de intus, vol. XXX, f. 105.
37
DAD, Consilium Minus, vol.XIV, f. 76v. Ser Nicholas de Lucha had married in 1440
Iacomina de Zrieva (Crijevi), with whom he had five sons and two daughters. See Mahnken,
o.c., II, tab. XL.

Images of womens lives in Dubrovnik in the XVth and XVIth centuries

51

church, she was murdered and dead. The authorities immediately launched
an investigation, the very interesting minutes of which have been preserved,
but cannot be introduced here in any detail. After examining several male and
female witnesses, the suspicion fell on Nicholas Mizijerkovi. For almost a
year, and maybe longer, he was exposed to a variety of cruel tortures in jail,
but never admitted any guilt. Some other men were accused too, but
unfortunately again, we do not know the outcome of this case.38
There is further archival information that noblemen also were
sometimes engaged in the murder of women. In January 1466, three
representatives of the Hungarian King Matthias Corvinus submitted a petition
to the Ragusan government, asking pardon for ser Iacobus de Sorgo, who
deserved punishment because of the murder of Vladisava Nikojevi. Sorgo,
who at the time was about 26, was not in Dubrovnik. The Hungarian envoys
proposed that Sorgo and his brothers, as compensation for the pardon, pay
each year 30 hyperpers to Vladisavas mother for her nourishment as long as
she lived. In addition, for the next five years ser Iacobus would have to spend
his nights at home and, until the end of his life would be prohibited from
wearing arms in the city. However, despite the fact that this proposal was
coming from the illustrious Hungarian king, who was also the protector of
Dubrovnik, the Major Council, by a vote of 130:75 ballots rejected it. The
Hungarian envoys then raised the sum to be given annually to Vladisavas
mother from 30 to 40 hyperpers. This solution was then approved by the
Major Council by a vote of 155:33.39 It should be added that women themselves
sometimes committed murders. One such case from April 1599, shows the
Major Council refusing to pardon a married woman who had been condemned
for murder, but nevertheless the following year she was pardoned.40
Sexual violence against women, such as rape, sodomy, etc. existed in
Dubrovnik, as they did practically everywhere else, especially in urban
centers. Rapes and attempted rapes were not numerous, but they did happen
with a certain frequency. I do not intend, however, to enter into the details of
these phenomena, because that would require much additional space and
because there already exists a sizeable, although far from sufficient, literature
on the subject.41
38

Lamenta de intus, vol. II, ff. 232-233, ad f. 240.


Consilium Maius, vol. XII, ff. 235v-236.
40Ibidem, vol. XXX, ff. 20v, 66v.
41
Dini-Kneevi, o.c., 135-145. R. Jeremi J. Tadi, Prilozi za istoriju zdravstvene kulture
starog Dubrovnika (Contributions to the History of the Health Culture of Old Dubrovnik), I,
Beograd 1938, 121-130. B. Kreki, Abominandum crimen: Punishment of Homosexuals in
Renaissance Dubrovnik, Viator 18, Los Angeles 1987, 337-345 (reprinted in B. Kreki,
Dubrovnik: a Mediterranean Urban Society, 1300-1600, Aldershot Brookfield 1997, VII).
39

52

Baria Kreki

In summary, this article has been a very brief survey of certain


aspects in the life of women in Dubrovnik in the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries.42 What I have sketched here allows, it seems to me, for some
interesting observations. Women suffered various kinds of physical and
verbal attacks certainly more frequently than did men, but, like men, they also
engaged in fighting and stealing. both among themselves and with men.
Unlike men, they were exposed to sexual crimes and violence. However, the
Ragusan laws offered at least a degree of protection from such acts and the
punishments were certainly severe.
On the other hand, women were free to move around any time,
anywhere in the city. Although their legal status was limited by the Statute and
other laws, they engaged in minor business deals, served as witnesses or acted
as plaintiffs in court and their depositions and complaints were treated with
the same seriousness as were those of men. Women also acted as their absent
husbands procurators in court and served as executors of wills. A few
patrician women were quite wealthy and. powerful and were treated with
great deference, even though women could not participate in political life nor
be members of city councils. Nevertheless, there can be little doubt that
patrician women knew a lot of what was going on in government and politics
and,especially the more powerful ones, more than once influenced their
husbands, fathers, sons or brothers in their decision-making.
All of this leads one to conclude, as did also some prominent historians
of Venice recently,43 that the position of women, at least in urban settings such as
Dubrovnik or Venice, may not have been as bad as is usually assumed and that
it is necessary to take a more nuanced approach to the study of that problem.
I wish to express my sincere gratitude to Dr Allan Scholl, of Pasadena, California,
who with great care and competence, edited the English text.

The same, Prostitution and Sexual Violence in Dubrovnik at the Beginning of the Fifteenth
Century, Istraivanja, 16, Novi Sad 2005, 125-133. A much more substantial study on the
prostitution in Dubrovnik has been recently published by G: Ravani, Prostitucija u
kasnosrednjovjekovnom i renesansnom Dubrovniku (Prostitution in the Late Medieval and
Renaissance Dubrovnik), Gradske marginalne skupine u Hrvatskoj kroz srednji vijek i
ranomoderno doba, Zagreb 2004, 89-105.
42
Of course, many situations and problems similar to those upon which I have touched here
occurred already in the fourteenth century and before, but I have not included them into this
brief article because of space and because most of them have been analyzed in considerable
detail by D. Dini-Kneevi in her book mentioned above.
43
See for example E. Crouzet-Pavan, Venise triomphante. Les horizons dun mythe, Paris 1999.
L. Guzzetti, Venezianische Vermachtnisse: die soziale und wirtschaftliche Situation von Frauen
im Spiegel sptmittelalterlicher Testamente, Stuttgard Weimar, 1998. M. Chojnacki, Working
Women in Early Modern Venice, Baltimore London 2001.

Images of womens lives in Dubrovnik in the XVth and XVIth centuries

53



15. 16.

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54

Baria Kreki

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Ignacij VOJE
Ljubljana
Slovenija

MJENICE (LITTERA CAMBII) U KREDITNIM POSLOVIMA


SREDNJOVJEKOVNOG DUBROVNIKA

Apstrakt: Prilikom vraanja kredita dolaze do izraaja razliite kreditne transakcije.


Otvoreno je pitanje ukljuivanje kreditnih poslova u iro promet sa stranim bankarima,
naroito sa bankama u Veneciji. Prikazana je uloga mjenice u kreditnoj trgovini srednjo
vjekovnog Dubrovnika.
Kljune rei: mjenica (littera cambii), kreditne transakcije, vjerovnik, dunik, Venecija,
kurs moneta, mjenini rokovi, vuna, Katalonci.

Kreditna trgovina postigla je u srednjovjekovnom Dubrovniku


nesluen razvitak i uspon. Obuhvatit e sve drutvene slojeve vlastelu,
velike i male trgovce, zanatlije, pa ak i najnii sloj gradskog stanovnitva,
koji uestvuje u ovoj trgovini sa nekoliko perpera obrtnog kapitala. Kreditnu
trgovinu moemo posmatrati kao jedan od najznaajnijih oblika ranoka
pitalistikih poslovanja. Ovdje je najvidnije dolazila do izraaja akumulacija
kapitala. Razvitkom trgovine, poslovnih veza sa inostranstvom i jaanjem
novane privrede dolo je do sve vee primjene trgovanja na kredit i razliitih
oblika trgovinskog poslovanja. Kreditna trgovina u raznovrsnim oblicima, u
kojoj Dubrovnik nije zaostajao za gradovima na podruju Mediterana,
doprinijela je uveavanju kapitala. vrst sistem kreditnog poslovanja
omoguavao je trgovcima da sprovode u ivot vrlo razgranatu trgovaku
mreu. Iako na izgled komplikovan, bio je sistem kreditiranja vrlo jasan i
precizan. U vrlo bogatoj grai Dubrovakog arhiva nai emo odgovor na
mnoga pitanja u vezi sa mehanizmom i ekonomsko-drutvenim efektom
kreditnog poslovanja u starom Dubrovniku.1

I. Voje, Kreditna trgovina, 187.

56

IgnacijVoje

Uprkos ogromnoj izvornoj grai, ovdje mislimo na grau u speci


finoj seriji Dubrovakog arhiva, seriji Debita notariae, moemo odgovoriti
na neka bitna pitanja u vezi sa vraanjem zajmova. Kako, na koji nain i u
kakvom obliku su dunici podmirivali svoje dugove, moemo utvrditi na
osnovu marginalnih biljeaka, priznanica o isplati dugova, likvidaciji dugova,
razliitih dodatnih ugovora i slino. Poto su dubrovaki trgovci imali vrlo
ive poslovne veze sa trgovcima iz razliitih krajeva Italije, kao i sa trgovcima
sa ireg podruja Mediterana, onda nije neobino da se u kreditnim ugovorima
dunicima postavlja uslov da u odreenom roku vrate zajam u jednom od
znaajnih novanih i trgovakih centara Italije ili panjolske.2 Najvie je
ugovora u kojima se kao kraj podmirivanje dugova spominje Venecija. Ovo
dokazuje da su Dubrovani imali sa Venecijom vrlo iv novani promet,
naroito u XV veku.
Naveli bismo dva interesantna primjera, koji razjanjavaju neka
pitanja u vezi sa isplaivanjem zajma u nekom tuem kraju. Ako dunik nije
u roku vratio zajam onda je morao sklopiti novi ugovor. Tom prilikom
odreivali su i kraj isplate duga. Stjepan Crijevi i Paladin Buni ostali su
duni svom vjerovniku Martinu Chierini, trgovcu iz Firence, 800 dukata i 30
groa. Obavezali su se da e ih isplatiti in civitate Venetiarum Philippo Igheraui
et sociis mercatoribus florentinis recipientibus nomine ispsius Maritin
creditoris. Vjerovnik e ponititi zadunicu odmah kad primi od Filipa i
socija literram avisam.3 U vezi sa ovakvim kreditnim transakcijama
Dubrovani su se sluili nekim bankama u Veneciji. Prokurator Mateja
Tudizia prijavio je dubrovakom knezu potraivanje duga, zbog toga je
podnio kreditni ugovor. Iz ugovora proizlazi da je Simko Buni bio duan
Mateju Tudiziu 300 dukata. Kasnije je bila upisana marginalna biljeka iz
koje se vidi na kakav nain je dunik podmirivao svoje kreditne obaveze.
Prokurator vjerovnika je naime izjavio da je primio u Veneciji ad bancum
Bartholomey Michaelis od Ilije Radovania faktora dunika Simka Bunua
pro parte 78 i pola dukata.4 Ovi primjeri dokazuju da su se Dubrovani ve
u XIV veku sluili savremenim nainom finansijskog poslovanja. Sa
mletakim bankarima morali su imati poslovne veze, a preko njih ukljuivali
su se u iro promet. Bankari u Veneciji vrili su iro poslove na taj nain to
su novac koji im je bio predat na pohranu vraali ulagau kad to ovaj zatrai,
ili pak treim osobama, ulagaevim povjerenicima.5
Vraanje zajmova vrilo se u XV veku takoe posretstvom mjenica
(littera cambii). U domaem novanom prometu mjenice se nisu
Ibid, 153, 154.
Div. Not., knj. XLVIII, fol. 5 27.X.1459.
4Ibid., knj. VIII, fol. 237 7. VI. 1368.
5 J. Kulischer, Allgemeine wirtschafts Geschichte, I, 331; G. Luzzato, Storia economica I, 331.
2
3

Mjenice (littera cambii) u kreditnim poslovima srednjovjekovnog Dubrovnika

57

primenjivale. Mjenic su se upotrebljavale naroito u trgovini sa stranim


zemljama. Mjenice se spominju u Dubrovniku ve u dvadesetim godinama
XIV veka.6 Vie nego mjenicama sluili su se u Dubrovniku obinim novanim
doznakama. Mjenice su pri svom poslovanju upotrebljavali prije svega faktori
stranih kompanija i strani trgovci. Dubrovani su bili ukljueni u menini
promet na taj nain to su preuzimali isplatu mjenice. Tek godine 1368. bila
je izdata prva novana doznaka u kojo se kao partneri spominju iskljuivo
Dubrovani.7
Konstantin Jireek je bio miljenja da se mjenice spominju u
Dubrovniku tek od 1398. nadalje, i to u novanom prometu sa junom Italijom,
Srbijom i Osmanskim carstvom.8 Ova njegova konstatacija moda vrijedi
samo za mjenicu koja se spominje u vezi sa kreditnim ugovorima. Tek od
godine 1400. se u kreditnim ugovorima sve ee naglaava da dunik mora
vratiti kredit posredstvom mjenice. Poto se mijenjao nain upisivanja
kreditnih ugovora moemo pretpostavljati da su dunici i vjerovnici u XIV
veku sklapali menini ugovor odvojeno od kreditnog ugovora.
Mjenino poslovanje za Dubrovnik u srednjem vijeku jo nije
dovoljno proueno. Neka rijeenja dao je Momilo Spremi u studiji u kojoj
je prouavao odnose izmeu Dubrovnika i Aragonaca u junoj Italiji.9 Jedan
od naina kreditiranja bilo je mjenino poslovanje. Ono se sastojalo u tome
to je zajmodavac ustupao odreenu sumu novca nekom poslovnom ovjeku,
a ovaj se obavezivao da mu je vrati na drugome mjestu i u drugoj moneti. U
mjenici su sadrane dvije operacije: kredit i promjena valute. Poslovanje
mjenicom obuhvatalo je dva plaanja, pozajmljivanje u jednom i vraanje
novca u drugom mjestu. Pored kreditiranja i promjene valute, mjenica je
omoguavala da se novac ne prenosi s mjesta na mjesto, to je u srednjem
vijeku bilo skopano sa velikim rizicima. U Dubrovniku XV vijeka, punom
meusobnih dugovanja i uopte kreditnih poslova, na kojima je poivala
trgovina, mjenino poslovanje bilo je uveliko primjenjivano. M. Spremi
utvruje, kad je prouavao kreditne i mjenine veze sa aragonskim zemljama
u drugoj polovini XV veka da je mjenica bila prevenstveno sretstvo kredita.
Dubrovaki trgovci obavezuju se agentu florentinske firme Buonaccorsi da e isplatiti posredstvom
mjenice u Veneciji zastupniku ove trgovake firme 176 dukata u roku od osam dana po dolasku
broda odnosno odmah kad e podnijeti mjenicu. Div. Canc., knj. XII. fol8 1334; fol 82
1335; dubrovaki trgovac obavezuje se da e isplatiti posretstvom mjenice 308 sol. ven. gross.
osam dana po dolasku u Venciju. Isplata se odnosi na kupovinu sukna, knj. IV. fol. 14 1320;
fol. 72 1321; knj. IX, fol. 36, 41 1329. O mjenicama u 15. vijeku: . ,
- 15. ,
, 2009, 165-178.
7 Ibid., knj. XX, fol. 83 1368.
8 K. Jireek, Istorija Srba I, 205.
9 M. Spremi, Dubrovnik i Aragonci, Poglavlje Menice, 119-125.
6

58

IgnacijVoje

U mjenicama koje se odnose na dubrovako-aragonsko trgovanje obino se


ne navodi nikakva zamjena valute, ve je dunik nalagao svome partneru da
povjeriocu isplati odreenu sumu dukata koju je dobio na zajam u Italiji.10 U
kreditnoj trgovini Dubrovnika mjenica je zauzimala u XV vijeku sve
znaanije mesto. Vraanje dugova vri se preko mjenica, naroito ako su
partneri Dubrovana strani trgovci. Dunik je mogao zajam podmiriti na taj
nain da je vjerovniku isporuio mjenicu adresiranu na nekog poslovnog
ovjeka u Veneciji, koji e mjenicu isplatiti.11 Mjenica je bila isplaena nekoj
treoj osobi, odnosno onome koga je odredio vjerovnik.12 U momentu kad je
vjerovnik primio obavjetenje (avisum) da je mjenica isplaena, naredio bi da
se zadunica poniti (cassa).13 U sluaju da dunik u predvienom roku nije
isporuio vjerovniku mjenicu, na osnovu koje bi dunik podmiro dug14 ili ako
10

Ibid., 122.
Nekoliko znaajnih primjera: Ego Franciscus de Benessa confiteorsolvere sive facere dare
et solvere in Venetiis per cambium Johanni Brullo Catellanovel cui ipse Johannes voluerit duc.
au. 174 et grossos octo Ragusii, pro ipso debito ut supra solvendo teneoret debeo dicto Johanni
hic Ragusii dare et consignare litteras cambii hinc per totum XX diem presentis mensis, Deb.
Not., knj. XV, fol. 164 4.II. 1432; post predicta, dictus ser Marinus de Bona (vjerovnik)
confessus fuit quod suprascriptus ser Andreas (dunik) direxit vnum cambium Venetiis, knj.
XXXIX, fol. 56 12.IX. 1470; duc. au. 560 pro quibus fecimus sibi tres litteras cambii sub die
20 presentis, videlicet primam, secundam et terciam in Donum de Florentia, Andrianopolis
commorantem, knj. XXXIX, fol.76 24. X 1470. U priznanicama se isto tako spominje da
dunik vraa svoj dug posretstvom menice: Patar Primojevi uzeo je kredit kod Schiate Ridolfo
et Laurentio Mavoti sotiis Florentinis civibus et mercatoribus florenosauri 596 pro duabus ballis
pannorum, u vidu marginalne biljeke upisana je 2. V. 1419 priznanica kojom prokurator
vjerovnika potvruje: confessus fuit habuisse litteram cambii a dicto Petro ad Thomam
Martoli in Venetiis producatis solven. lombarteschi in Venetiis nomine predictorum Schiate et
Laurentii. Suprascriptibus duc. 100 defalcando de dicto debito cum constiterit dictam litteram
cambii acceptandum fuisse, knj. XIII, fol. 6 9. I. 1418; marginalna biljeka kod zadunice:
Cassa de voluntate creditoris quia supradictus Marinus fecerit sibi litteram cambii in Antonium
Georgii, knj. XXXVIII, fol. 191 14. V. 1471; izjava nekog dunika u vezi sa vraanjem zajma
pomou menice: obligo me per littera cambii quas per totum mensem marcii prox. fut.
facere et exhibere debeam instrumentu ser Johanni (vjerovnik) solvendi Venetiissive in Marchia
ubi magis placuerit, knj. XV, fol. 20 l6. XII. 1430.
12
litteras cambii directas ser Petro Marcello de Venetiis, solvendas domino Palle de Stroziis
de Florentia et sociis ad decem dies post litteras presentatas. Deb. not. knj. XIII, fol. 27
30, III. 1418; direxit unum cambium Venetias in Giuragh Pripcinovich deducatis 600 si
et in quantum dicti ducati 600 solventur dicto ser Marino (vjerovnik) aut cui ipse Marinus
ordinaverit, knj. XXXIX, fol 56 -12. IX. 1470.
13
quod cambium si solutum fuerit hec carta nullius et vigoris et cassari debet. Deb. not.,
knj. XIII, fol. 23 14. III. 1418; qua solutione facta secundum litteras predictas hec carta
cassa et nullius valoris, knj. XIII, fol. 27 30. III. 1418; virtute dicti cambii presens
obligatio cassari debeat quando habebitur avisum de satisfactione dicti cambii, knj. XXXIX,
fol. 76 24. X. 1470.
14
quas cambii litteras nisi dedero per totum presentem mensem sum obligatus sibi dare et
solvere Ragusii dictum totum debitum, Deb. not. knj. XV, fol. 164 4. II. 1432.

11

Mjenice (littera cambii) u kreditnim poslovima srednjovjekovnog Dubrovnika

59

mjenica nije bila isplaena,15 onda je bilo u ugovoru odreeno da dunik mora
vratiti zajam vjerovniku u Dubrovniku. Dunik je snosio sve trokove ako
mjenica nije bila naplaena.
Mjenice u okviru kreditne trgovine nisu se primjenjivale samo na
relaciji Dubrovnik-Venecija ili drugi italijansko gradovi, nego su se sve vie
in vie upotrebljavale kod trgovakog poslovanja sa trgovcima na
balkanskom zaleu. Mjenice su se isplaivale u Sofiji i Skoplju16 i to pokli
sarima haraa, kako proizlazi iz kreditnih ugovora. U ovim transakcijama
uestvuju iskljuivo dubrovaki poslovni ljudi. Zbog toga nas ne smije uditi
da se pojavljuju mjenice pisane in littera sclava.17
Iz Dubrovnika je poslat prilino veliki broj mjenica u Sirakuzu i u
Kataloniju, uglavnom u Barcelonu u vremenu kad cvati dubrovaka
manufaktura sukna. Ovim mjenicama su se dubrovaki trgovci, za kupljenu
vunu, zaduivali kot katalonskih trgovaca i primali obavezu da izvre isplatu
na Siciliji ili u Katalonii. Skoro cjelokupna trgovina vunom s dalekom
Katalonijom obavljala se u Dubrovniku preko mjenica, pri emu su isplate
vrlo esto, vrene katalonskim trgovcima nastanjenim u Veneciji. Osim toga,
Katalonci su u Dubrovniku obavljali i svoje meusobne menine poslove, pa
je na taj nain Dubrovnik, zajedno sa Venecijom, bio najznaajniji centar
finansijskih operacija katalonskih trgovaca na podruju Jadranskog mora.18
Kreditni odnosi izmeu dubrovakih trgovaca i trgovaca iz Barcelone
predviali su isplatu dugova preko mjenice u samoj Barceloni. Tako se na
primjer Matej urgovi obavezao, u decembru 1452. godine da e isplatiti u
Barceloni u roku godinu dana Mihajlu Pichiero iz Barcelone duc. au. 919 ad.
sol. XVI de Barcelona pro ducato qui sunt libr. 735 et sol. 4 de Barcelona.
Dunik e za ovu sumu, ako se u meuvremenu promjeni kurs monetama
que current ad presesns in Barcelona, isplatiti putem mjenice ducatos
venetos bono etiusti ponderis pro admontantia dicrotum denariorum secundum
quod valebunt cambia a Napulis Barcelone. Slian ugovor sklopio je
istovremeno Benko Kotruljevi sa istim vjerovnikom za sumu duc. au. 916
et unum tertium ad sol. XVI. de Barcelona.19
15

Deb. Not., knj. XIII, fol. 27 30. III. 1418; knj. XXXIX, fol 56 12. IX. 1470.
Isplata duga posretstvom menice u Sofiji: Deb.not., knj. LIII, fol. 78 23. II. 1490; knj. LVII, fol.
84 30: VII. 1495; fol 93 19. VIII. 1495: knj. XL, fol 153 17. XII. 1500. Isplata duga
posretstvom menice u Skoplju: ibid. knj. LV, fol. 20 4. X. 1492; knj. LX, fol. 154 18. XII. 1500.
17
Radonja Miobratovi uzeo je 25. dukata na kredit od Nikole Pucia. Dug e vrati tu roku od
15. dana. Dunik izjavljuje: qui sunt provna littera cambii manus Radoe fratri meiscripta
in litera sclaua in Neapoli sub die 3. junii 1488 et michi directa de dicta quantitate. Deb.not.
knj. LII, fol 14 21. VI. 1488.
18
M. Spremi, Dubrovnik i Aragonci, str. 120, 121.
19
Deb. not., knj. XXVII, fol. 166 15. XII. 1452.
16

60

IgnacijVoje

U kreditnim ugovorima se u vezi sa mjenicama spominju i menini


rokovi. Najee se odreuju rokovi od 8 ili 10 dana. U ovom vremenu
morala je mjenica biti isplaena. Pored ovih rokova spominju se i dulji rokovi
isplate mjenice, na primjer: duorum mensium post presentationem dictarum
litterarum.20
Ovaj prilog pretstavlja pokuaj, da skrene panju na vrlo znaajanu i
zanimivljivu pojavu u kreditnoj trgovini srednjovjekovnog Dubrovnika.

Na pokojnog akademika Simu irkovia vee me vie osobnih i


naunih odnosa i uspomena. Kao recenzent sam se sreo sa njegovim
prvencem, odlinim naunim radom Herceg Stjepan Vuki i njegovo
doba. Prikaz knjige objavio sam u Zgodovinskom asopisu (br. 25, god.
1970, str. 301-303). U recenziji sam podvukao meu ostalim: Da je Sima
irkovi podal novo in zelo precizno sliko o tej najbolj dinamini in morda
najzagonetneji osebnosti srednjeveke Bosne, se ima v prvi vrsti zahvaliti
ohranjenosti Dubrovnikega arhiva. Tesni stiki hercega Stefana z
Dubrovnikom so zapustili v dubrovnikih arhivskih knjigah veliko sledov. S..
je uspelo iz mnogih serij dubrovnikega arhiva, ki jih je sistematino
pregledal, odkriti in zbrati tiste podatke, ki v zelo jasni lui prikazujejo
ivljenje in delo hercega Stefana. U recenziji sam takoe podvukao da je
S.. u najveoj meri posvetio privrednom razvitku hercegove zemlje. Jedan
od ciljeva S.. kod prouavanja bogate dubrovake arhivske grae bio je
posveen istraivanju srednjevekovnog rudarstva u Srbiji i Bosni, kao i
utvrivanju obima proizvodnje srebra. Poto sam dobro poznavao nauni rad
Sime irkovia, kao predstojnik Oddelka za zgodovino Filozofskog fakulteta
u Ljubljani obratio sam mu se i pozvao ga da doe na gostovanje. U
novembru 1977. bio je gost naeg odelenja i na predavanjima upoznao nae
studente sa rezultatima svog naunog dostignua. Kad sam 24. novembra
2008. primio najvie republiko priznanje Zoisovu nagradu za ivotni nauni
rad, Sima irkovi mi je u pismu estitao: Vi ste to u punoj meri zasluili. Vi
ste najzapadniji domai istoriar Balkana ije su zasluge neprolazne. Ova
estitka mi je znaila najvee priznanje to sam ga dobio od vrhunskog
naunika van Slovenije. Simi irkoviu sam se oduio na ovaj nain. Kad sam
bio obavjeten da je u Oxfordu izala njegova knjiga The Serbi (2004),
odmah sam predloio upravnom odboru Slovenske matice, da uvrsti u seriju
Zgodovina narodov in drav njegovu knjigu. Na moj predlog knjiga je bila
knj. XXXIX, fol. 76 24. X. 1470; O meninim rokovima uporedi: De Roover, Money,
Banking an Credit, str. 57; isti, The Medici Bank, str. 30.

20Ibid.,

Mjenice (littera cambii) u kreditnim poslovima srednjovjekovnog Dubrovnika

61

uvrtena u program SM. Kao lan upravnog odbora, obavjestio sam S..
pismom od 25. januara 2008 obavjestio o prihvaenom predlogu i zamolio da
pristane na prevod na slovenski jezik. U pismu od 1. februara 2008. mi je
javio da se slae i dodao: a jo vie hvala na Vaem angaovanju oko moje
knjige. Istovremeno mi je poslao i srpsko izdanje Srbi meu evropskim
narodima sa posvetom. Srpska verzija bila je osnova za prevod na slovenski
jezik i na jesen ove godine e knjiga izai iz tampe. Na taj nain e Slovenska
matica ukazati ast njegovoj uspomeni.

Izvori:
Dravni arhiv u Dubrovniku:
Debita Notariae, ser. 36 a (Deb. Not.)
Diversa Notariae, ser. 25 (Div. Not.)
Diversa Cancelariae, ser. 26 (Div. Canc)
Literatura:
De Roover, Raymond, Money Banking and Credit in mediaeval Brugges,
Massachusetts 1948.
De Roover, Raymond, The Medici Bank, New York 1948.
Jireek, Konstantin, Istorija Srba, I, Beograd 1952.
Kulischer, Josef, Allgemeine wirtschaftsgeschchte de Mittelalters, Bd. I,
Mnchen 1928.
Luzzatto Gino, Storia economica d'Italia, vol. I. Roma 1949.
Spremi, Momilo, Dubrovnik i Aragonci (1442-1495), Beograd 1972.
Voje, Ignacij, Kreditna trgovina u srednjovjekovnom Dubrovniku,
Sarajevo 1976.
Spremi, Momilo, Pravo i ekonomija - Propisi i praksa o poslovanju
menicama u Dubrovniku i Srbiji 15. veka. Srednjovjekovno pravo u Srba
u ogledalu istorijskih izvora (Nauni skupovi SANU, Odeljenje drutvenih
nauka, Izvori srpskog prava XVI), Beograd 2009, str. 165-178.

62

IgnacijVoje

Ignacij Voje
BILL OF EXCHANGE (LITTERA CAMBII)
IN MEDIEVAL CREDIT AFFAIRS OF DUBROVNIK
Summary

Credit affairs of medieval Dubrovnik have reached the unsuspected


growth and rise throughoutXIVth and XVth centuries. Together with development
of trade, business links with Italian towns and reinforcement of monetary
economy, the credit trade as well as different other aspects of trading affairs
came into practice. The firm system of credit affairs, clearly and precisely
defined in Dubrovnik, has allowed traders to put into effect a highly developed
trade network. Very rich material of the Archives of Dubrovnik, above all a
significantly important and unique series entitled Debita notariae (a notary
obligation book), yield answers to numerous questions concerning medieval
Dubrovnik credit affairs mechanisms and their economic and social consequences.
In XVth century Dubrovnik, a paying-off loans was effectuated by
of
means
bills of exchange (littera cambii), usually employed upon trading
with foreign countries, Venice in the first place. As several examples explain,
the debtor could pay off his loan by sending a bill of exchange to his creditor,
addressed to Venetian man of affairs, who was to pay off the bill of exchange.
In affairs with traders of the Balkan area, bills of exchange written in littera
sclava have been mentioned. During the flourishing period of the textile
manufacturing production of Dubrovnik, numerous bills of exchange were
sent to Siracuse and Catalonia for payments of the purchased wool. Bill of
exchange due date was usually set to 8 or 10 days.
Key Words: bill of exchange (littera cambii), credit transactions, creditor, debtor,
Venice, monetary rate, bill of exchange due date, wool, Catalonians.

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41

. , - , , 372; .
, , 76; . ,
, 27.
42
Fr. Miklosich, Monumenta Serbica, 564; . , , 635; .
, , 2627; . , , 1992,
3536.
43
. , , XI (1960) 263.
44
15. 1403,
. 1395. 1423,
, 1858, , 20072, 49, . 86; .
, I1, 487, . 507.

72

Rade Mihaq~i}

.
. ,
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.

,
.

Zamena poseda u sredwovekovnoj Srbiji

73

Rade Mihalji
PROPERTY EXCHANGE IN MEDIEVAL SERBIA
Summary

Ancient Serbian monuments yield information on exchange of towns,


fortifications, villages, districts, heritage, churches as heritage properties,
mountains, forests, vineyards, vines, tree trunks, mills, dependant individuals.
There are more information on the exchange of real estate than movable
property. Every endower strived upon organizing the landed estate in the form
of encircled, uninterrupted territorial entirety for his endowment, which was
a crucial reason that led to exchange. The exchange has been carried out
voluntary, with the mutual accord of the two sides. The Duans Code allowed
the heritage exchange only in case the person agreed self-willingly. The
salvation motif, being a guiding line of the endower, excluded the violent
exchange on the occasion of creating and regrouping the monasterial estates.
Significantly earlier than the first codification of the Duans Code occurred,
the principle of voluntary exchange had been applied. The exchange was
effectuated in accordance to justice: village in exchange for village, vineyard
for vineyard, mill for mill. Although there sometimes might have been a de
clarative tone in heirs accounts that the exchange was carried out according
to their will and acceptance, Svetoarhanelovska hrisovulja contains an
information stating that the exchange regulation has been respected. In
contrast to lord Mladen Vladojevi and lord Rajko, who gained other heritage
from Stefan Duan, Dmitar Utoliis heritage remained in the realm of the
monasterial landed estate. Nevertheless, not always have the secular people
respected good customs and legal regulations on voluntary exchange. When
the power of central authorities started to diminish, the feudal powerful
people starting infracting both law and justice.
ey Words: Medieval Serbia, Duans Code, permissions, customary law, feudal law,
lords, endowment, monastery, endower, village, town, heritage, voluntary exchange, obligatory
exchange, forced exchange.

: 929.642 (450:497.13)"15"


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2 Chronica ragusina Junii Restii (ab origine urbis usque ad annum 1431), MSHSM Zagreb, 80;
J. Lui, Oko nekih ugovora izmeu Dubrovnika i talijanskih gradova u XIII stoljeu,
Historijski zbornik XXIII-XXIV (Zagreb 1971) 375.
3I diari di Marino Sanuto. Vol. II, Venezia, 166 (9. X 1495).
1

Firentinska porodica iz Ferare Minijati ...

77



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7 DAD, Div. canc. CXXVIII, 187 (3. X 1542).
8 DAD, Div. canc. CXXIX, 208 (20. XI 1543).
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11
DAD, Div. canc. CXXXI, 25-27, (16. II 1546).
12
DAD, Cons. rog. XLVII, 262 (29. XI 1546).
13
DAD, Div. canc. CXXXV, 23-24.

9
10

Firentinska porodica iz Ferare Minijati ...

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DAD, Div. canc. CXXXIII, 81-81, Santa Maria di Loretto


, 5%.
15
DAD, Div. not. CX, 185-185 (3. XI 1549).
16
DAD, Div. canc. CXXXV, 154 (17. XI 1550); . , . .
VI, 2009, 350.
17
DAD, Cons. rog. XLIX, 151 (15. IV 1550).
18
DAD, Cons. rog. L, 134 (3. X 1551).
19
, 80 (23. VI 1552).
20
, 141-141 (20. XII 1552).
21
, 143 (29. XII 1552). 1552.
,
. 1 ,
4, (carnisiuma) 5 (Cons. rog. LI, 113).
(Cons. rog. LI, 122 (20. XII 1552).
22
DAD, Div. canc. CXXXVI, 97.

80

Bogumil Hrabak

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DAD, Div. not. CXII, 40 (3. V 1522, 31. X 1551).


DAD, Div. canc. CXXXVII, 49-50 (30. VII 1552).
25
DAD, Div. canc. CXXXVII, 171-172 (8. IV 1552).
26
DAD, Div. canc. CXL, 126-128 (7. II 1555).
27
DAD, Div. canc. CXXXVII, 180 (7. II 1553).
28
DAD, Div. canc. CXXXVIII, 85 (8. VII 1553).
29
, 128-129 (4. VIII 1553).
24

Firentinska porodica iz Ferare Minijati ...

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DAD, Div. canc. CXXX, 4-5 (10. II 1554).


DAD, Div. canc. CXXXIX, 180 (5. X 1554) at. 2 %.
32
DAD, Div. canc.CXL, 86-87 (8. I 1555).
33
DAD, Div. not. CXIV, 151 (18. XI 1555).
34
DAD, Div. canc. CXL, 168-169 (5. V 1555).
35
DAD, Div. canc. CXLIV, 174-175 (22. VI 1557).
31

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Bogumil Hrabak

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DAD, Div. not. CXV, 15.16 (3. IV 1556).
38
. , . . I, 1950, 259.
39
DAD, Div. canc. CXLII, 217-218 (4. XII 1556).
40
, 167-167 (13. X 1556).
41
, 199 (12. XI 1667).
42
DAD, Div. canc. CXLIII, 89-91 (27. IV 1557).
37

Firentinska porodica iz Ferare Minijati ...

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44
DAD, Div. canc. CXLVI, 23 (2. I 1561).
45
DAD, Div. canc. CXLVII, 18 (14. II 1561).
46
DAD, Div. canc. CXLVIII, 152-153.
47
DAD, Div. canc. CXLVIII, 150-150 (14. IV 1562).
48
DAD, Div. canc. CXLIX, 162 (14. IV 1562).
49
DAD, Div. canc. CXLVIII, 171-171 (8. V 1562).
50
DAD, Div. canc. CXLIX, 43-44 (21. VIII 1562), 56-56 (7. IX 1562).

84

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54
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55
DAD, Div. canc. CXLIX, 29-30 at (13. VI 1563).
56
DAD, Div. not CXVII, 18 (20. X 1563).
57
DAD, Div. canc. CXLIX, 242-245 (13. VI 1563).
58
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52

Firentinska porodica iz Ferare Minijati ...

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61
DAD, N-S I, 181-182 (6. VII 1564).
62
DAD, Div. not. CXVII, 40 (10. III 1564).
63
DAD, Div. canc. CLXXX, 87 at. I66 at. (1591).
64
DAD, N-S II, 92-94 (26. IX 1567).
65
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66
DAD, N-S II, 193-195 (14. I 1566).
575 .
60

86

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DAD, Cons rog. LI, 161 (16. II 1553).


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69
, 194-194.
70
, 226-226 (12. VII 1553).
71
, 266.
72
DAD, Cons. rog. LII, 81 (5. V 1554).
73
, 201 (29. I 1555).
74
DAD, Div. canc. CXL, 126-127 (7. II 1555).
75
DAD, Div. canc. CLV, 66 (14. I 1569).
76
, 154-155 (17. XI 1569).
77
DAD, Div. canc. CLIII, 10-11 (13. IX 1577).
68

Firentinska porodica iz Ferare Minijati ...

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1971, 263-264.
79
DAD, Div. not. CXIV, 151.
80
DAD, Div. not. CXII, 40 (3. V 1552).
81
DAD, Cons min. XLVIII, 24 (4. III 1568).
82
. , , 285.
83
DAD, Div. not. CXII, 40 (3. V 1552).

88

Bogumil Hrabak


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DAD, Cons. rog. LXIV, 90-90 (28. IV 1577).


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86
DAD, N-S XV, 273-274; XVI, 190-191, 159-160.
87
DAD, N-S XVIII, 1-2 (17. VI 1583) 15 900 , 4%.
88
DAD, Nob. Ord. XL, 235 (10. X 1585).
89
DAD, Cons. rog. LXIX, 240-241 (18. II 1588).
90
DAD, Cons. min. LVII, 30-30; . , (1593-1595),
124 (1984) 77. . : . , . . VI, 145.
85

Firentinska porodica iz Ferare Minijati ...

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XVII
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DAD, Div. canc. CLXXX, 8 at. (22. V 1591).


DAD, Div. canc. CLII, 210 (23. VI 1567).
93
. , XVI ,
XI-1 ( 1970), 460.

92

90

Bogumil Hrabak

50- XVI .

,
;
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(Mob. ord., Sent. canc.).
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, , ,
.
(119 ),
;
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, .96

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. , XVI , XXXIV
(1987) 115.
95
. . I, . , 1950, 254.
96
. , ,
XXXI (1984) 291-298.

Firentinska porodica iz Ferare Minijati ...

91

Bogumil Hrabak
THE FLORENTINE MINIATI FAMILY OF FERRARA
IN DUBROVNIK WORLD OF AFFAIRS (XVIth CENTURY)
Summary

Inhabitants of Florence stood for the most energetic Italian merchants of


XVIth century. They practically entered all the Italian towns, as well as
Dubrovnik and Turkish lands. Important merchants and bankers stayed in
Florence to administer the entire comercial system, while the medium capital
owners, even those in possession of no significant funds, gained their capital
through favours, i.e. as middlemen, delegates, lawyers and business agents.
Miniati family of a Tuscan village was one of these. Members of this family
managed to secure their place in the business world by means of managerial
work. Its first representatives came to Ferrara in the second half ofXVth century,
and appeared in Dubrovnik at the very beginning ofXVIth. Four members acted
as familys representatives: Simon (1505), Dimo (1567), Lorenzo and Nicolo.
Lorenzo was the most prominent family representative, who was
recorded to have been in Dubrovnik during 1540s, and has already become
the central figure among the Italian population of Dubrovnik in the following
decade. He became Florentine consul in the town of St. Vlah (Blasius) at the
time, and performed that function until 1564. He was focused upon maritime
trade, especially on the port of Alexandria, and Naples later on. On the other
hand, he maintained connections with Turkish lands only occasionally, with
Belgrade and Sarajevo for instance. He often insured ships and was even in
possession of navalkarte. He dealt in most demanded products: cereals, salt
and leather. His son Nicolo became merchant himself, and was active in
Dubrovnik during the mid-XVIth century together with his father, but stayed
more closely connected to Ferrara. He maintained strong relation with
Muslim traders of Sarajevo. Being a nouveau riche, he jumped too promptly
into importing textile in Turkey on credit. He thus became so indebted that he
could not pay his debts off, and his company went bunkrupt, i.e. got handed
over to a collective creditor.
The negative remark on Lorenzo, existing in Serbian science, has not
been justified nor reached on the basis of important archivistic material.
ey Words: ncona, Alexandria, Venice, Naples, wheat, textile, leather, ships,
insurance, debts.

: 930.2:94(497.12)"04/14"

Darja MIHELI
Znanstvenorazisnovalni center
Slovenske akademije znanosti in umetnosti
Zgodovinski intitut Milka Kosa
Ljubljana
Slovenija

DON MAURO ORBINI IN NJEGOVI VZORNIKI


O ZGODNJEM SREDNJEM VEKU VVZHODNIH ALPAH

Apstrakt: lanek obravnava historiografijo baronega obdobja s poudarkom na


Mauru Orbinu in nekaterih predhodnikih, ki jih je povzemal v svojem delu Il regno degli Slavi
(Pesaro 1601). Po obiaju tedanjega zgodovinopisja se je pri pisanju opiral na predhodne
zgodovinopisce, mestoma pa jih kar preprosto prevajal v italijanino. Med vzorniki, ki jih je
posnemal, so izpostavljeni Vinko Pribojevi (Vincentius Priboevius) z govorom De origine
successibusque Slavorum (Venetiis 1532), Iohannes Aventinus z deloma Annalium Boiorum
libri septem (Ingolstadii 1554) in Chronica (Franckfurt am Mayn 1566) in Wolfgang Lazius s
svojimi De gentium aliquot migrationibus, sedibus fixis, reliquiis, linguarumque initiis et
immutationibus dialectis libri XII (Basileae 1557).
Kljune rei: humanistika istoriografija, rani srednji vek, Karantanija, Mauro Orbini,
Iohannes Aventinus, Wolfgang Lazius, Vincentius Priboevius.

Za uvod

Cenjeni akademik, profesor Sima irkovi je svojo pozornost


posveal tudi pogledom stareje historiografije na balkanski prostor. V
raziskavah se je dotaknil tudi Dubrovana Maura Orbina.1 Zato se mi je zdelo
umestno, da v njegov spominski zbornik prispevam drobec razmiljanja o
historiografiji baronega obdobjas poudarkom na Mauru Orbinu in nekaterih
Za podatke o ivljenju prim.: Nikola RADOJI, Srpska istorija Mavra Orbinija (SAN,
Posebna izdanja, Odeljenje drutvenih nauka 152), Beograd 1950; Franjo BARII, Radovan
SAMARDI, Sima IRKOVI, Mauro Orbin, Kraljevstvo Slovena, Beograd 1968; Franjo
ANJEK, Povijesni pogledi Mavra Orbinija, v: Mavro ORBINI, Kraljevstvo Slavena, Zagreb
1999, 754 (z obsenim seznamom literature).

94

Darja Miheli

predhodnikih, ki jih je povzemal v svojem delu Il regno degli Slavi.2 Mauro


Orbini se je po obiaju tedanjega zgodovinopisja pripisanju opiral na predhodne
zgodovinopisce, mestoma pa jih kar preprosto prevajal v italijanino. Med
vzorniki, ki jih je posnemal, elim izpostaviti Vinka Pribojevia (Vincentius
Priboevius), Iohannesa Aventinusa in Wolfganga Laziusa.
Historiografska dela humanistinega obdobja, h katerim smemo
priteti tudi stvaritve omenjenih avtorjev, se bistveno razlikujejo od sodobnih.
Priprava knjige je bila tedaj pravo podjetje. Knjine objave so bile praviloma
mnogo obseneje kot sodobne. Knjige velikih formatov v ve zvezkih po
okrog 1000 strani so bile tedaj obiajne. Nain stavljenja, draga izdelava pona
zoril, sam papir in vezava so vplivali na to, da so bile knjige drag(ocen)e in
redkeje kot danes. tevilo knjig, ki so izhajale, je bilo za strokovnjake obvla
dljivo: lahko so sledili knjinim novostim. Te so bile za tedanje intelektualce
tudi jezikovno dostopne: mnoge so bile pisane v splono razirjenem jeziku
kulturnikov latinini, za vzhodnoalpski prostor tudi v ljudskem, nemkem
jeziku, manj zgodovinskih del, ki so opisovala to obmoje, pa je bilo
italijanskih, furlanskih, slovenskih in hrvakih. Strokovni jezik je bil dale od
klasinega ali sodobnega; prilagajal se je terminolokim potrebam asa. Velik
del v objavah sestavljajo kompilacije objav virovali razlag dogodkov, prepisanih
iz del predhodnih piscev. Povzete odlomke predhodnikov so avtorji
neredko preprosto nizali drugega ob drugem. Neskladja v povzetih razlagah
jih niso motila, ob njih so se le obasno opredelili, ali dodali lastno vdenje
dogajanja. Sistematika razporejanja snovi v teh delih je neredko nelogina.
Avtorji so pogosto omenjali dogodke iz preteklosti, ne da bi navedli, kdaj so
(naj bi) se zgodili. Tudi redosled dogajanja ne sledi kronolokemu zaporedju.
Suhoparne dogodke so pisci popolnjevali z bajkami, izmiljotinami in
potvorjenimi vloki. Stremenje za zgodovinsko resnico je bilo tem piscem
drugotnega pomena. Skratka: v teh delih e ocenjujemo njihovo histo
riografsko vrednost z dananjimi omi mrgoli nedoreenosti in netonosti,
eprav ne moremo zanikati, da gre pri njih za dragoceno historiografsko
dediino. Ta sama po sebi ne pomeni zanesljive faktografske osnove, ki biji
smeli nekritino verjeti ali jo podvrei kritiki s sodobnimi strokovnimi merili,
ampak moramo v njejvideti zgodovinski vir obdobja, ko so dela nastala. Vsak
tak izdelek in vsak njegov avtor lahko predstavlja poseben predmet
zgodovinarjeve raziskave: ta more osvetliti posameznega historiogafa in
njegovo izobrazbeno in kulturno okolje, v irem kontekstu raziskav ve
sodobnih avtorjev pa nuditi vpogled v dojemanje svet, intelektualno obzorje
in poznavanje preteklosti najirega kroga razumnikov nekega obdobja.

II Regno degli Slavi di don Mavro Orbini Ravseo, Pesaro 1601.

Don Mauro Orbini in njegovi vzorniki ...

95

Vidiki pretresa izbranih historiografov,


Karantanija in Konverzija

Pri piscih,3 ki se lotevajo zgodnjesrednjeveke zgodovine


vzhodnoalpskega in panonskega prostora, je za slovensko historiografijo zelo
zanimivo njihovo poznavanje, dojemanje in razlaga slovanske gentilne
kneevine Karantanije,4 njene zgodovine, njenih etninih posebnosti ter virov
o njej zlasti kljunega, iz katerega izhaja tudi veina naega sodobnega
vdenja: to je (Libellus) de conversione Bagoariorum et Carantanorum
(/Spis/o spreobrnitvi Bavarcev in Karantancev) ali kraje Conversio Bagoariorum
et Carantanorum (Spreobrnitev Bavarcev in Karantancev), v slovenski strokovni
literaturi navadno imenovan kar Konverzija.5
Spis je podatkovno izjemno bogat. Njegova vsebina in namen do
danes burita duhove strokovnjakov. Kot pove naslov, opisuje spreobrnitev
oziroma pokristjanje(va)nje Bavarcev in Karantancev. Nastal je leta 870. Ne
prinaa netendencioznih, objektivnih podatkov o irjenju kranstva v
3 Prim. Darja MIHELI, Karantanija v oeh zgodovinarjev od konca 15. do 18. stoletja,
Zgodovinski asopis 31, Ljubljana 1977, 287328; EADEM, Etnina podoba Karantanije in
njenih prebivalcev v spisih zgodovinopiscev od 15. do 18. stoletja, v: Rajko BRATO (ur.),
Slovenija in sosednje deele med antiko in karolinko dobo. Zaetki slovenske etnogeneze,
Ljubljana 2000, 839961.
4 O njej: Hans-Dietrich KAHL, Der Staat der Karantanen. Fakten, Thesen und Fragen zu einer
frhen slawischen Machtbildung im Ostalpenraum (7.-9. Jh.) = Drava Karantancev. Dejstva,
teze in vpraanja o zgodnji slovanski dravni tvorbi v vzhodnoalpskem prostoru (7.-9. stol.)
(Situla. Razprave Narodnega muzeja Slovenije = Dissertationes Musei nationalis Sloveniae 39,
suppl.) (Razprave, Slovenska akademija znanosti in umetnosti, Razred za zgodovinske in
drubene vede = Dissertationes, Academia scientiarum et artium Slovenica, Classis I: Historia
et sociologia 20), Ljubljana, Narodni muzej Slovenije, Slovenska akademija znanosti in
umetnosti, 2002; IDEM, Streifzge durch das Mittelalter des Ostalpenraums. Ausgewhlte
Abhandlungen (1980-2007) (Dela, Slovenska akademija znanosti in umetnosti, Razred za
zgodovinske in drubene vede = Opera, Academia scientarum et artium Slovenica, Classis I:
Historia et sociologia 37) (Zbirka Zgodovinskega asopisa 36), Ljubljana, Slovenska
akademija znanosti in umetnosti, Zveza zgodovinskih drutev Slovenije, 2008.
5 Prim.: Milko KOS, Conversio Bagoariorum et Carantanorum (Razprave Znanstvenega
drutva v Ljubljani 11), Ljubljana 1936; Herwig WOLFRAM, Conversio Bagoariorum et
Carantanorum. Das Weibuch der Salzburger Kirche ber die erfolgreiche Mission in
Karantanien und Pannonien, Wien Kln Graz 1979; Bogo GRAFENAUER, Spreobrnjenje
Bavarcev in Karantancev. Conversio Bagoariorum et Carantanorum, v: Sveta brata Ciril in
Metod v zgodovinskih virih. Ob 1100 letnici Metodove smrti (Acta Ecclesiastica Sloveniae 7),
Ljubljana 1985; Fritz Loek, Die Conversio Bagoariorum et Carantanorum und der Brief des
Erzbischofs Theotmar von Salzburg (Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Studien und Texte 15),
Hannover 1997; Darja MIHELI, Izroilo Konverzije, ki je doseglo Schnlebna in Valvasorja,
Acta ecclesiastica Sloveniae 20, Ljubljana 1998, 369396.

96

Darja Miheli

vzhodnoalpskem in panonskem prostoru. Njegov namen je bil prepriati


kralja Ludvika Nemkega v prednostne pravice, ki naj bi jih v Karantaniji in
Spodnji Panoniji glede na svoje dotedanje misijonske zasluge uivala
salzburka cerkev pred konkurennim pobonim poslanstvom svetih bratov
Konstantina in Metoda, ki sta delovala v moravskopanonskem prostoru.
Pripomogel naj bi k okrepitvi poloaja salzburkega cerkvenega sredia tudi
v razmerju do pokrajinskih kofov, ki so stremeli za samostojnostjo, kot tudi
do Salzburgu podrejenih kofij Passaua in Freisinga, ter do oglejskega patriar
hata, ki je bil tudi pretendent za cerkveno jurisdikcijo v vzhodnoalpskem prostoru.
Pri opisih predhodnih in soasnih drubeno-politinih razmer na
obmoju Vzhodnih Alp in Panonije pa spis ni sledil prikritim interesnim
ciljem. V teh pogledih smemo njegova sporoila sprejemati kot objektivna.
Nezanesljivost podatkov je mo priakovati le v primeru, da je bil avtor spisa
o nekaterih zgodovinskih dejstvih pomanjkljivo obveen. Iz Konverzije
izhaja glavnina poznavanja karantanske zgodovine: politino-verskih, drube
nih razmer, karantanskih knezov, bavarsko-frankovskih nadoblastnikov, uve
ljavljanja kranske vere, Salzburgu konkurennega Metodovega poslanstva.
Pri pretresu avtorjev in njihovih razlag karantanske zgodovine sta
torej pomembna dva vidika: poznavanje Konverzije in upotevanje njenih
podatkov na eni strani ter verodostojnost teh podatkov in vrednoteno s
stalia sodobnega zgodovinopisja njihova bolj ali manj kritina interpre
tacija pri posameznih avtorjih na drugi.

Humanistina historiografija
o vzhodnoalpskem prostoru

Humanistina historiografija o prostoru vzhodnih Alp6 v osnovnih


potezah ni odstopala od historiografije irega evropskega prostora, imela pa
je tudi nekaj svojskih znailnosti. Zgodovinska dela je pogojevala politina
stvarnost, v kateri so iveli pisci. Monumentalne knjine stvaritve tedanjih
polihistorjev, historiografov in e koga so potrebovale naronika ali
sponzorja, kar je vplivalo na usmeritev dela.
6 MIHELI, o. c., kot v op 3; Anna CORETH, sterreichische Geschichtschreibung in der
Barockzeit (16201740) (Verffentlichungen der Komission fr neuere Geschichte sterreichs 37),
Wien 1950; Alphons LHOTSKY, stereichische Historiographie (sterreich Archiv. Schriftenreihe
des Arbeitskreises fr sterreichische Geschichte), Wien 1962; Erich NUBAUMER, Geistiges
Krnten. Literatur und Geistesgeschichte des Landes, Klagenfurt 1956, 137138; Alfred WLGER,
Die historische Literatur in und fr Krnten. Ein Versuch die Entwicklung der
Landesgeschichtsschreibung in Krnten darzustellen, Wien 1950 (disertacija v ciklostilu).

Don Mauro Orbini in njegovi vzorniki ...

97

V prostorskem oziru je pozornost tedanjih zgodovinopiscev pogosto


pritegovala posamezna deela. Zavest o pripadnosti deeli je bila tedaj mnogo
bolj izrazita kot zavest o pripadnosti dravi (oziroma kaki drugani
oblastnoupravni skupnosti). Opisovanje in opevanje preteklosti posamezne
deele je spodbujalo tudi dejstvo, da so bili naroniki (planiki) zgodovinskih
spisov pogosto deelni stanovi. Avtorje, ki se osredotoajo na deelno
zgodovino, tejemo med predstavnike deelno-stanovskega zgodovinopisja.
V 17. stoletju so se jim pridruili tudi zastopniki dvornega in cerkvenega
zgodovinopisja,7 katerih zgodovinska dela so v zvezi z obravnavano tematiko
obasno presegla meje deel.
Dvorni zgodovinopisci so opevali vladajoo dinastijo (ki gledano
prostorsko navadno ni obvladovala le ene deele). Cerkveni historiografi pa
so opisovali zgodovino upravnih enot katolike cerkve v dravi; tudi obseg in
dejavnost teh enot, ki se niso prekrivale z deelnimi, sta pogosto razirila
avtorjev zgodovinski opis prek deelnih mej.
tevilni pisci pa v svojih delih izkazujejo ire vizije, ki e v
osnovnem konceptu presegajo uokvirjanje v meje deele. Videti skuajo v
jedro razlinih etninih skupin in jih posledino glede na njihovo zaetno
poreklo poistovetiti s primarno nadetnijo. Na osnovi tega kriterija
moremo med pisci 15. do 18. stoletja, ki posredujejo (tudi) vdenja o
vzhodnoalpskem prostoru, razlikovati progermanske pisce, ki iejo
etnino opredelitev evropskega ivlja (neredko pa tudi svojo lastno) v staro
davnem germanskem poreklu ali pa izkazujejo nemtvu vevreden poloaj, in
soasne zastopnike proslovanske razlage evropske zgodovine, ki slavno
tradicijo pripisujejo Slovanom. Predstavniki obeh koncepcij so bili sodobniki.
V pogledu historiografskih spoznanj pa so imeli kasneji avtorji monost, da
so se omedili s spoznanji pronicljivih predhodnikov ne glede na njihovo
etnino vizijo. Globalno gledano se je historiografija postopno priblievala
sodobnemu vdenju.
Progermanski zgodovinopisci so evropskemu ivlju pripisovali panger
mansko poreklo od svetopisemskega Jafeta. Poudarjali so star izvor, vasih tudi
avtohtonizem Bavarcev v vzhodnoalpskem prostoru. Slovane so obasno
izenaevali z Germani, ali pa so oboje teli k enemu (germanskemu) ljudstvu z
dvema jezikoma. Za etnino opredelitev ljudstva pri teh piscih ni bil pomemben
jezik, ampak deela izvora. Ti avtorji so se zavedali obsega prostora, kjer je bil
v uporabi slovanski jezik; do njega tudi niso bili sovrani, vendar so opevali
nemtvo. Zanje je znailno neko megleno poznavanje Konverzije.
Delitev zgodovinopiscev na dvorne, cerkvene in deelne vpeljujeta CORETH, sterreichische
Geschichtschreibung in der Barockzeit (16201740), o. c. kot v op. 6, in LHOSTKY, stereichische
Historiographie, o. c. kot v op. 6.
7

98

Darja Miheli

Johannes Aventinus, avtor sedmih knjig bojskih analov Annalium


Boiorum libri septem8 in Kronike Chronica9 in Wolfgang Lazius z 12
knjigami o nekaterih selitvah, naselitvah, zaetkih jezikov in spremembah
ljudstev De gentium aliquot migrationibus, sedibus fixis, reliquiis,
linguarumque initiis et immutationibus dialectis libri XII10 sta kot pristaa
progermanske teorije utemeljila vsenemko koncepcijo in z njo razirila
Germane na vse ostale evropske narode. Izhajala sta iz bavarskega zgodo
vinopisja in v zvezi z bavarsko zgodovino obravnavala tudi karantansko.
Soasno z avtorji, ki so izvajali evropsko prebivalstvo iz germanskih
korenin, so se v 16. in 17. stoletju pojavljali tudi zgodovinarji proslovanskih
nazorov. Ti niso povelievali germanskega sveta, ampak nasprotno
slovanskega. V svojih prizadevanjih so prehajali v drugo skrajnost in izraali
bodisi panslovanske ali celo avtohtonistine tenje. Zmerneji so ostajali
ljubitelji slovanstva, omenjali so razirjenost in opevali hrabrost in slavno
preteklost Slovanov.
Teorija o avtohtonizmu Slovanov izvira iz Nestorjevega Kijevskega
letopisa.11 Zaetek delitve lovekega rodu naj bi bil v Mezopotamiji po
potopu. Noetovi sinovi Sem, Ham in Jafet naj bi si tedaj razdelili svet. Nastalo
naj bi eno samo ljudstvo z istim jezikom, ki pa naj bi se ob gradnji
babilonskega stolpa razbilo na dvainsedemdeset skupin. Semova ljudstva naj
bi dobila vzhod, Hamova in Jafetova pa sever in zahod. Med Slovani, ki naj
bi prili iz Mezopotamije na zhod, omenja Nestor Ilire ( ).
Tudi Noriane priteva k Slovanom ( ).12 To trditev
naj bi potrjevalo tudi cerkveno izroilo: kranstvo naj bi junim Slovanom
prinesel apostol Pavel na Balkanski polotok, kot omenja Nestorjev Kijevski
letopis (poglavje XX)13 in pismo papea Janeza X., poslano okrog 925
hrvakemu kralju Tomislavu in zahumskemu knezu Mihaelu: Quis enim
ambigit Slauinorum regna in primitie apostolice et uniuersalis ecclesie esse
commemorata (Mar sploh kdo dvomi o tem, da so bila slovanska kraljestva
omenjena v kli apostolske in univerzalne cerkve ...?).14
Annalium Boiorum libri septem Ioanne Auentino autore, Ingolstadii 1554; Basileae 21580
(izdaji se razlikujeta, eprav so deli besedila skladni; v citatih so sklici na strani prve izdaje).
9 Iohannis Aventini des Hochgelehrten weitbermbten Beyerischen Geschichtschreibers
Chronica, Franckfurt am Mayn 1566.
10
Basileae 1557; Francofurti 21600 (izdaji se razlikujeta, eprav so deli besedila skladni; v
citatih so sklici na strani prve izdaje).
11
Fr. MIKLOSICH (ed.), Chronica Nestoris, Vindobona 1860, 13; o tem: Lubor NIEDERLE,
Slovansk staroitnosti II., Puovoda potky Slovanuojunch 1., v Praze 1906, 73.
12 LuborNIEDERLE, Slovanske staroitnosti I., Puovoda potky nroda slovanskho 1., v Praze 1902,39.
13
Chronica Nestoris, o. c. kot v op. 11, 1314.
14
Marko KOSTRENI (ur.), Diplomatiki zbornik kraljevine Hrvatske, Dalmacije i Slavonije
(Codex diplomaticus regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et Slavoniae) I, Zagreb (Zagrabiae) 1967, t. 24.

Don Mauro Orbini in njegovi vzorniki ...

99

Vsaj do srede 13. stoletja se je razvila teorija o Sv. Hieronymu, ki naj bi


iznael glagolico, ki se je je ponekod zato prijelo ime scriptura hieronymitana.
V interesu dokazovanja staroselstva Slovanov je bil v 13. stoletju
falsificiran privilegij Aleksandra Velikega za Slovane, datiran z letom 335 pr.
n. t., ki naj bi dodelil Slovanom obseno ozemlje: Nos Alexander illustri
prosapiae ac linguae Slavorum Massagetisque salutem. Qui nobis semper in
fide veraces, in armis strenuissimi nostri milites et coadiutores robustissimi
fuistis, damus vobis hanc totam plagam terrae quae extenditur ab Aquilone
usque ad partem Italiae Meridionalis ut nullus ausus sit isthic manere aut se
locare nisi vestrates et quiusque (Niederle napano: quiqunque) alienus
(Niederle napano: alineus) inventus fuerit, illic manens sit servus vester et
eius posteri servi vestrorum posterorum (Mi Aleksander pozdravljamo
slavni rod in slovanski jezik in Masagete. Vam, ki ste nam bili vselej resnino
zvesti, v vojni najpogumneji vojaki in najtrdneji pomoniki, dajemo ves pas
ozemlja, ki se razprostira od severa do june Italije, tako da naj si nihe ne
drzne tam ostati ali se naseliti razen vaih; kateregakoli tujca pa bi zalotili, da
tam biva, naj bo va suenjin njegovi potomci sunji vaih potomcev).15 To
izroilo se je precej razirilo v asu husitov.
K skupini avtorjev, ki so predstavljali opisane nazore, sta sodila tudi
Vinko Pribojevi z govorom O izvoru in nasledstvu Slovanov De origine
successibusque Slavorum16 in Mauro Orbini s svojim Kraljestvom Slovanov
Il regno degli Slavi.

Vincentius Priboevius

Kronoloko je kot prvi od omenjenih tirih avtorjev stopil na


zgodovinarsko sceno Vinko Pribojevi.17 Rojen je bil na Hvaru, bil je
benediktinec. Njegov govor De origine successibusque Slavorum je tendenen,
15

Lubor NIEDERLE, Slovanske staroitnosti I., Pvoda potky nroda slovanskho 2., v
Praze 1904, 33536; prim.: Primo SIMONITI, Dekret ali prievanje Aleksandra Velikega o
Slovanih, asopis za zgodovino in narodopisje n. v. 9, Maribor 1973, 225233.
16
Oratio fratris Vincentii Priboevii sacrae theologiae professoris ordinis praedicatorvm De
origine svccessibvsque Slavorum, Venetiis 1532; Grga NOVAK (ed.), Vinko PRIBOJEVI, O
podrijetlu i zgodama Slavena. Vincentius PRIBOEVIUS, De origine successibusque Slavorum
(Hrvatski latinisti 1), Zagreb 1951, 49155.
17
Vink Pribojevi je ivel od srede 15. stoletja do po 1532. Za podatke o njem in njegovem
delu prim.: Grga NOVAK, Dalmacija i Hvar u Pribojevievo doba, v: NOVAK (ed.),
PRIBOJEVI, O podrijetlu i zgodama Slavena, o. c. kot v op. 16, 747; na napake opozarja
Nikola RADOJI, Pribojevi Vinko, O podrijetlu i zgodama Slavena, Zbornik Matice srpske
za knjievnost i jezik 2, Novi Sad 1954, 233235.

100

Darja Miheli

viri avtorju pripovedujejo predvsem to, kar v njih hoe videti. Slovane
navezuje na stare narode, po katerih so prevzeli le ime. Vseslovanske ideje in
poudarjanja enotnosti Slovanov se je kot pravi Radoji18 navzel na
Poljskem. Slovane poveliuje tudi zaradi lastne samoosveenosti: v prvi
vrsti se teje za Dalmatinca, torej tudi Ilira in Slovana: Verum quia Dalmata
et proinde Illyrius ac demum Slauus coram Slauis de Slauorum fortunis
sermonem habere statui, ideo originem gloriamque ac nominis Slauonici
generis interpretationem primo in loco in medium adducam, Dalmatiae deinde,
quae haud spernenda Slauorum nationis portio est, euentus perstringam,
postremo huius nostrae uetustissimae ciuitatis situm successusque depromam
(Vendar pa sem se kot Dalmatinec intorej Ilir in slednji Slovan, odloil pred
Slovani imeti govor o usodi Slovanov, zato se bom najprej osredotoil na
razlago izvora in slave ter imena slovanskega rodu, nato se bom dotaknil
dogodkov Dalmacije, ki ni zanemarljiv del slovanskega ljudstva, slednji pa
bom povzel stanje in uspehe tega naega najstarejega mesta /namre Hvara,
op. a./ po objavi NOVAK (ed.) kot v op. 16, str. 5859).
Pribojevi v govoru zaenja slovanski rod, quod nunc nouo quidem
uocabulo Slauorum natio dicitur (ki se zdaj po novem besednjaku imenuje
slovansko ljudstvo) po svetovnem potopu. Iaphet naj bi imel najmlajega
(sedmega) sina Thyrana ali Thyrona (kasneje uporablja avtor tudi obliko Thyra,
Thyras), ki naj bi bil zaetnik Traanov. Ti naj bi govorili jezik Myssorum, ki
naj bi sovpadal z ilirskim jezikom (str. 5960, 61). Potomci Traanov naj bi bili
Moezijci, Iliri, Daani in Geti ti naj bi bili kasneji Goti. Trakija naj bi se
raztezala do Donave na severu, do rnega morja na vzhodu, Egejskega morja
na jugu in Makedonije na zahodu (str. 60). Iz Thyrasa naj bi izel ves slovanski
rod (str. 61). Pod njegovimi potomci naj bi bile deele Ruscia, Cassubia,
Pruscia, Masouia, Vandalia, Moscouia, Polonia, Slesia, Morauia, Bohemia,
Pannonia, Carniola, Hystria, Lyburnia, Croatia, Dalmatia, Bosna, Rascia,
Dardania, Seruia, Myssia in Bulgaria, ki se je neko imenovala Macedonia (str.
62). Makedonci in Histri naj bi bili potomci Thyra. Bratje Czech, Lech in Rhus
naj bi prili iz Dalmacije in bili predniki ehov, Poljakov in Rusov (str. 67).
Pribojevi omenja Cirila kot izumitelja elementov pisave, ki ji je bil
osnova dalmatinski jezik; glede tega se avtor pohvali: quemadmodum ego
ipse expertus sum (ki sem ga tudi jaz sam ve str. 69).
Ime Slovani naj bi izviralo od besede slava (str. 69). Slovani so bili za
Pribojevia tako Sv. Hieronym (str. 6667), kot Filip Makedonski in njegov
sin Aleksander Veliki (str. 7071), Aristoteles (str. 7172), ter nekaj rimskih
cesarjev in papeev (str. 7476). Hieronym naj bi bil Dalmatinec, izumitelj
osnov pisave za potrebe svoje deele (str. 86).
18

RADOJI, Pribojevi Vinko, O podrijetlu i zgodama Slavena, o. c. kot v op. 17, 234.

Don Mauro Orbini in njegovi vzorniki ...

101

V teh slavospevih, ki opevajo Slovane (str. 5794), nato Dalmatince


(str. 8094) in nazadnje Hvar in Hvarane (str. 94111) Karantanija ni
omenjena, vendar je Mauro Orbini povzel ve slovanofilskih Pribojevievih
misli. Pribojevi Konverzije ni poznal.

Iohannes Aventinus

Iohannes Aventinus19 je bil znan bavarski historiograf. Utemeljil je


ve razlag, ki so jih njegovi nasledniki posnemali. Poznal je Konverzijo, se
mestoma pustil zavesti njenim zmotnim trditvam, obasno pa je njene
podatke interpretiral svojevoljno, v skladu z lastnimi preprianji. Napisal je
deli Annalium Boiorum libri septem in Chronica. Anali so pisani v latinini,
Kronika pa v nemini. V okviru bavarske zgodovine govori Aventin precej o
Karantancih, ki jih imenuje z razlinimi imeni. Die Winden (Slovani),
imenovani Charner (Karni), jim pravi v zvezi z avtohtonistino teorijo
(Kronika, str. CCCIIv), kojih enai s Karni, prebivalci vzhodnih Alp pred (!)
prihodom Slovanov.20 Die Kernter (Koroci)21 jih imenuje v zvezi s Huni (gre
za Avare ali Obre)22 in pokoritvijo po Bavarcih23 (Kronika, str. CCCIII). Tu jih
v isti zvezi imenuje enkrat die Winden, malo naprej pa spet razlikuje Winde in
Kernter. Nejasnost je tudi v ukazu frankovskega kralja Dagoberta
bavarskemu vojvodu Tasilu, naj pokori Winde in Sclaue (dejansko oba izraza
pomenita Slovane); tem vlada Scham ki je Windischer Herzog v Kernten in
19

Johannes Aventinus s pravim imenom Turmair je ivel od 1477 do 1537. Za podatke o


njegovem ivljenju, prim.: Turmair, v: Der Groe Brockhaus 19, Leipzig 1934, 202; LHOTSKY,
stereichische Historiographie, o. c. kot v op. 6, 65.
20
Po sodobni dataciji po sredi 6. do prvega desetletja 7. stoletja.
21
Ta vzdevek je anahronizem: historine deele Koroka, tajerska, Kranjska (tudi Avstrija) se
v prostoru med Alpami in Jadranom oblikujejo okoli 13. stoletja. Aventin pa ni edini
humanistini zgodovinopisec, ki enai zgodnjesrednjeveke Karantance s Koroci.
22
Nomadski znaaj Hunov (4. in 5. stoletje), Avarov ali Obrov (6. do zaetka 8. stoletja) in
Ogrov ali Madarov (od druge polovice 9. stoletja) je vplival, da je veina humanistinih
historiografov vsa ta ljudstva poimenovala z enotnim imenom Huni.
23
Po sodobni dataciji je bilo to 743, vsekakor pred 745: karantanski knez Borut je pred avarsko
nevarnostjo zaprosil za pomo Bavarce. Z njihovo podporo je uspel odvrniti Avare, deela pa
je postala klientelno odvisna od Bavarcev. Zvestobo naj bi zagotovili talci lani kneje
druine, med njimi karantanska prestolonaslednika: sin in neak kneza Boruta, Gorazd
(Cacatius) in Hotimir (Cheitmar). Po Borutovi smrti je od 748 tri leta vladal Gorazd, ki mu je
751 sledil bratranec Hotimir. Zlasti slednji je bil zelo zagret za uvajanje kranske vere.
Salzburka kofija mu je poiljala misijonarska poslanstva.

102

Darja Miheli

sterreich (Samo, slovanski vojvoda na Korokem v Avstriji,24 Kronika, str.


CCCXII). V Analih pa uporablja latinska imena. Venedi in Sclaui sta mu
najira izraza za Slovane, ki jim pripisuje staro poreklo: Venedi (ipsi se
Sclauos vocant antiquissima Germaniae natio ) (Venedi /sami se imenujejo
Sclaui, zelo staro ljudstvo Germanije / Anali, str. 249). Venedi Chariones
proprie dicti (Venedi pravilno imenovani Charioni /Koroci/25 Anali, str.
191) se omenjajo ob naselitvi v vzhodne Alpe. V zvezi z nastopom Hotimirja26
in kransko misijo se omenja vulgo Carinorum (ita enim proprie illi Venedi
dicuntur) (ljudstvo Karinov /Korocev/27 /tako se namre ti Venedi sami
imenujejo/ Anali, str. 300). Korepiskop Modest28 naj bi bil poslan ad
Charionas (h Korocem29 Anali, str. 304).
Kaj torej meni Aventin o etnini pripadnosti prebivalcev teh deel?
Vse Teutschen/ Vinden/ Wenden in Dennmaercker (Nemce, Slovane in Dance)
izvaja od enega praoeta Tuitscha (Kronika, str. XIX). Na drugem mestu pa
zapie, da so bili Herkulesovi sinovi Noricus, Hunnus, Heluetius in Boius
(Anali, str. 4445).
Sicer pa pravi: Germanorum genera sunt quatuor, Teutones, Venedi,
Cimbri, Vgri (Germanski rodovi so tirje: Tevtoni, Venedi, Kimbri, Ogri
Anali, str. 34). Tudi Venedi v Dalmaciji in Liburniji naj bi bili po rodu
Germani, et ex Germania velut officina gentium prodierunt (in so izli iz
Germanije ali delavnice ljudstev Anali, str. 39). Dvojezinost omenja
Aventin kot znailnost Venedov. Navaja, da Austriaci, Norici, Stirii,
Chariones, Carni utramque Venedam et Teutonam linguam norunt (Avstrijci,
Noriani, tajerci, Koroci, Karni30 razumejo oba, slovanski in nemki jezik).
Tirollii, Vindelici, Boii, Rheti, Sueui, Engadini, Curii, Franci, Catti, Hessi,
Bochi, Turogi, Moesi, Venedi nostro sermone, suo sunt Sclaui: bilingues fere
sunt, in multarum gentium capita diuisi (Tirolci, Vindelici, Boji, Reti, Suevi,
24

Samo, po poreklu Frank ali Slovan, je zdruil slovanska plemena, ki so se 623 osvobodila
izpod avarske oblasti. Osnoval je veliko plemensko zvezo s srediem na ekem. Vkljuevala
je tudi ozemlje kasneje Karantanije pod imenom marca Vinedorum, ki mu je naeloval Valuk.
Samo je dal pobiti trgovsko poslanstvo frankovskega kralja Dagoberta, ki je zato poslal nadenj
kazensko ekspedicijo, v kateri so s Franki sodelovali tudi Langobardi in Alamani. Zavezniki so
bili v spopadih uspeni, frankovska vojska pa je doivela poraz in plemenska zveza je ostala
samostojna do Samove smrti 658. Samo ni bil vojvoda, o Koroki in Avstriji v tem asu ne
moremo govoriti, prim. op. 21.
25
Prim. op. 21.
26
Prim. op. 23.
27
Prim. op. 21.
28
Pokrajinski kof v Karantaniji za asa Hotimirja.
29
Prim. op. 21.
30
Gre za anahronizem: Noriani in Karni so staroselci, glede Avstrijcev, tajercev in Korocev
prim. op. 21.

Don Mauro Orbini in njegovi vzorniki ...

103

Engadini, Kurijci, Franki, Kati, Hesi, Boki, Turogi, Mezijci so v naem jeziku
Venedi, v svojem pa Slovani: obiajno so dvojezini, razdeljeni v tevilne
rodove Anali, str. 34).
Zanimiv je Aventinov opis poselitve in razdelitve Vzhodnih Alp, ki so
ga kasneje povzemali ali citirali tevilni kasneji zgodovinopisci, tudi Mauro
Orbini: Die Winden/ genannt die Charner/ namen die Land under dem
Gebirg/so man Taurum nennet/heroben umb die Dra unnd Sauw alle eyn/bi
gar an Italien/habens noch inn/Und Kernten/als die alten Brieffe auweisen
begreifft under seinem namen auch die Steyermarck/ Crain/ und die
anstossende Laender (Vindi, imenovani Karni,31 so zavzeli deelo pod
gorovjem, ki se imenuje Taurum, navzgor ob Dravi in Savi do Italije. Koroka
pa je kot razkrivajo stari zapisi tedaj pod svojim imenom zajemala e
tajersko, Kranjsko in sosednje deele32 Kronika, str. CCCIIv). V Analih pa
pie: Theodo je 508 vkljuil Hunnorum reliquias, Abares, et Auaros, Angilos,
Venedorum nationem, Charinos, adhuc incertis sedibus vagantes (ostanke
Hunov, Abare in Avare,33 Angle, ljudstvo Venedov Karine/Koroce,34 ki so se
dotlej selili brez stalnih bivali Anali, str. 255), ki pa so se zdaj ustalili:
Venedi prav imenovani Chariones/Koroci35 so osvojili ... eam Norici
portionem, quae infra Taurum montem Orientem spectat, inter fontes Murae,
Draui, Saui includitur, usque Aquileiensem agrum occuparunt, et adhuc
possident (oni del Norika, ki lei znotraj gore Taurum proti vzhodu, med
izviri Mure, Drave, Save do Oglejskega polja in ga poseljujejo do zdaj
Anali, str. 262).
V nadaljevanju Aventin povzema po delu Historia Langobardorum
(Zgodovina Langobardov)36 langobardskega zgodovinopisca diakona Pavla
(720799) podatke o bojih na obrobju Furlanije in pri Aguntu na Zgornjem
Korokem proti koncu 6. in v zaetku 7. stoletja (Kronika, str. CCCXvCCCXI
oziroma Anali, str. 275276).
Po Aventinovi predstavi naj bi ivelo na korokem37 obmoju ljudstvo
Windi z dvema jezikoma. Bavarci so si jih podredili. Demnach seind die
31

Karni niso bili Slovani, prim. op. 30; za naselitev Slovanov prim. op. 20.
Za omembe deel prim. op. 21. Ozemeljska opredelitev kae, da Aventin pod imenom
Koroka razume Karantanijo.
33
Tokrat louje Hune od Abarov (?) in Avarov, sicer pa v besedilu Avare ali Obre imenuje kar
Huni, prim. op. 22.
34
Prim. op. 21.
35
Prim. op. 21.
36
Pauli Historia Langobardorum, in usum scholarum ex Monumentis Germaniae Historicis
recusa (Scriptores rerum germanicarum, in usum scholarum ex Monumentis Germaniae
Historicis recusi) Hannoverae, Impensis Bibliopolii Hahniani, 1878; Pavel DIAKON = Paulus
DIACONUS, Zgodovina Langobardov = Historia Langobardorum, Maribor, Obzorja, 1988.
37
Prim. op. 21.
32

104

Darja Miheli

Beyern in beyde Land gesetzet/ die Stette mit inen besetzt worden/wie es
dennoch in Crain/ Kernten/Steyermarck in den Stetten/Teutsch vnd Beyrisch
redet/auff dem Land aber Windisch (Potem ko so se Bavarci ustalili v obeh
deelah, so zasedli mesta, kakor se e sedaj na Kranjskem, Korokem in
tajerskem v mestih govori Teutsch in Beyrisch, na deeli pa Windisch
Kronika, str. CCCIII). Podobno omenja tudi v drugem primeru: nad Rabo do
Petronela je cesar (po hunski/avarski vojni) dal deelo Hunom/Avarom; hinab
wohneten Winden/ Beyern und Teutsche durcheinander, wie jetzt in den
Stetten/ Teutsch und Vngerisch/ auch in etlichen Windisch (pod njo pa so
iveli Slovani, Bavarci, Nemci pomeani med seboj, kakor zdaj v mestih
Nemci in Madari ter v nekaterih Slovani Kronika. str. CCCXXXv). Opis
jezikovne razlike med mestom in vasjo najdemo tudi v Analih: ruri adhuc
Veneda lingua in usu est, Boius sermo in urbibus et castellis inualuit (na
kmetih je do sedaj v rabi slovanski jezik, v mestih in gradovih pa se je
uveljavil nemki govor Anali, str. 279).
V opisu razdelitve Norika v prvi polovici 6. stoletja (Kronika, str.
CCCIIvCCCIII, Anali, str. 262) pa Aventin takole opie bavarsko
navzonost: Die Kernter und Haunen haben fuer sich selbs ire Land mitirem
Fuersten regirt/ seind frey gewesen bi die Beyern Christen wurden/ da
wurden sie vnd die Winden der sachen vneins/ vnd die Beyern au befehl der
Koenige von Franckreich/nemlich Hildebrechts de andern/Degenbrecht de
ersten/vberzogen die Winden vnd Kernter/brachtens zu gehorsam (Koroci38
in Huni/Avari so sami vladali deeli z lastnimi knezi in so bili svobodni,
dokler se niso Bavarci pokristjanili; tedaj so bili ti in Slovani glede tega
neenotni in Bavarci so na ukaz frankovskih kraljev, namre Hildeberta II.,
Dagoberta I. napadli Slovane in Koroce in jih pokorili39 Kronika, str.
CCCIII). Ob dinastinih delitvah ozemelj med potomce bavarskih vladarjev,
ki jih Aventin vekrat omenja, pa oja Karantanija ni pripisana nikomur in se
ne omenja.
Deela, ki ji je vladal knez Creytzmar (Hotimir) in ki naj bi spadala
pod Bavarsko, naj bi obsegala Koroko, Kranjsko, tajersko40 in Windische
Marck (Slovensko marko Kronika, str. CCCXXII). Po Hotimirjevi smrti so
se slovanski veljaki na tem obmoju uprli. V Analih pripisuje Aventin
Hotimirju e ire obmoje: Bavarski vojvoda Utilo (Odilo) naj bi dal
Chitomara (Hotimirja) po ukazu kralja Pipina za kneza Venedis, qui Noricum
38

Prim. op. 21.


Slovani so poselili vzhodne Alpe ele od druge polovice 6. stoletja dalje, prim. op. 20.
Aventinova razlaga se deloma naslanja na izroilo Konverzije, ki napano poroa, da je
Dagobert pokoril karantanskega kneza, Slovana Sama. Nejasnost je v razlikovanju Slovanov
in Korocev, glede katerih prim. op. 21.
40
Prim. op. 21.
39

Don Mauro Orbini in njegovi vzorniki ...

105

infra Taurum montem, et superiorem Pannoniam, in confinio Dalmatiae,


Liburniae, Illyrici ad fontes Draui et Saui amnium habitabant (Venedom, ki
ive v Noriku pod Turami in v Zgornji Panoniji, v mejnem ozemlju
Dalmacije, Liburnije, Ilirika do izvirov Drave in Save Anali, str. 300).
Pri Aventinu najdemo mnogo elementov Konverzije, vendar so
pogosto podrejeni njegovemu lastnemu pojmovanju zgodovinskega dogajanja.
Omenja vojvodo (Kronika) oziroma kralja (Anali) Sama. Ta je dal pobiti
trgovce frankovskega kralja Dagoberta, ki je poslal nadenj tri vojske: te naj bi
pokorile deelo, Venede pa pokristjanile. Ta trditev, ki ne dri, naslanja pa se
na Konverzijo,41 se je v kasneji historiografiji e dolgo ponavljala. Nekaj
dni kasneje42 najbi Huni/Avari hudo napadli Venede. Njihov vodja Boruth je
prosil Boje za pomo. Ti so premagali Hune/Avare, Venede in njihove sosede
pa so predali Frankom. Za talce so odpeljali s seboj na Bavarsko Borutovega
sina Carasta (Gorazda) in neaka Chitomara (Hotimirja). Na tujem so ju
vzgojili v kranski veri (Anali, str. 279, Kronika, str. CCCXII).
V skladu z izroilom Konverzije Aventin opie duhovno poslanstvo
korepiskopa Modesta in njegovega spremstva ad Charionas (pri Korocih).43
Omeni tudi, da po njegovi smrti salzburki kof Virgilij zaradi nesoglasij pri
Venedih in upora venedskih prvakov proti Hotimirju ni obiskal deele, ampak
je poslal tja novo misijonarsko poslanstvo (Anali, str. 304).
Podatek iz Konverzije o nastopu vlade Hotimirja je prikrojen:
Venedom v Noriku oziroma in Kernten44 naj bi ga po ukazu kralja Pipina dal
oziroma postavil za kneza bavarski vojvoda Odilo (Anali, str. 300 oziroma
Kronika, str. CCCXXv), medtem ko Konverzija poroa, da mu je oblast dalo
ljudstvo.45 Ker je Hotimir podpiral irjenje kranske vere, naj bi prilo do
vstaje poganskega plemstva.46 Plemstvo naj bi k pokorini Hotimirju prisilila
Tasilova intervencija.47 Po Hotimirjevi smrti je plemstvo odvrglo kransko
41

Prim. op. 24.


Konverzija navaja, da so non multo post tempore (nedolgo zatem) Huni/Avari zaeli
ogroati Karantance. Avarska nevarnost pa je nastopila ele desetletja kasneje: 743 vsekakor
pa pred 745. Napana asovna opredelitev iz Konverzije je dolgo povzroala kronoloke
teave. Po njej naj bi Borut zavladal neposredno ali zelo kmalu za Samom (658). V tem
primeru bi bodisi Samo, ki se je izkazal z osnovanjem plemenske zveze e 623, bodisi Borut,
ki se omenja na elu Karantanije v tiridesetih letih 8. stoletja, doakala metuzalemsko starost.
43
Prim. op. 21.
44
Prim. op. 21.
45
To nakazuje obiaj, ki se kasneje izoblikuje v obred umeanja korokih vojvod.
46
Aventinova razlaga, da se je knezu Hotimiru uprlo plemstvo, je verjetna: upor se namre v
Konverziji imenuje carmula, to je pu poskus zamenjati oblast. Aventin je prvi historio
graf, ki kot vzrok upora omenja uvajanje nove kranske religije. V historiografiji se je utrlo
preprianje, da je lo pri uporu za vstajo ljudstva proti kranstvu.
47Take intervencije ni bilo, trditev tudi ni v skladu s Konverzijo: Hotimir je oba upora, ki ju
je doivel, zatrl sam.
42

106

Darja Miheli

vero, duhovnike pa odgnalo na Bavarsko. Tasilo je z vojsko posredoval v


Charionum regio/Koroka48 in Venedom postavil za kneza Valdunga oziroma
Baldunga (Valtunk), salzburki kof Virgilij pa je tja poslal novo misijo
duhovnikov. Aventin opisuje tudi legendo o Ingu, ki naj bi bil Venedorum
regulus,49 ki je priredil pojedino, ob katerije astno ravnal s pokristjanjenimi
kmeti in ponial pogansko plemstvo, ki mu je dal postrei kot psom. S tem
naj bi pripomogel k njegovi spreobrnitvi (Anali, str. 304).
Pri opisu organizacije mejnih krajin po vojni Karla Velikega proti
Avarom povzema Aventin po Konverziji v nekoliko spremenjeni obliki
imena bavarskih prefektov Vzhodne prefekture (Goteramus, Wernerus,
Albericus in Godofridus) in slovanskih rektorjev (Primislaus, Cemicas,
Stomarus, Otogerion Anali, str. 341). Upravno reorganizacijo prostora
razlaga takole: Post hos duces, et huiusmodi Venedorum natio, et qui inter
fontes Saui Drauique consident, cum finitibus gentibus, Boiariae nobilitati
commissa est (Po teh knezih in na ta nain je bilo slovansko ljudstvo,
naseljeno med izviri Save in Drave skupaj z obmejnimi rodovi prepueno
bavarskemu plemstvu).50
V verskih zadevah naj bi Karel vso deelo, od koder so bili pregnani
Huni in Avari, izroil salzburkemu kofu Arnu51 in njegovim naslednikom;
Arno je za vrhovnega sveenika deele postavil Theoderica (Anali, str.
341342). Po Karlovih vojnah se je bavarsko kraljestvo razirilo do Save.
Bojski vladar je za obrambo vzhodnega bojskega mejnega obmoja proti
Bolgarom postavil Albogerona, Helmouuina Babona in Gerolda, tiri
prefekte plemenitega bojskega porekla (Anali, str. 378). Tudi ti podatki imajo
osnovo v Konverziji.
Aventin omenja upor Ljudevita Posavskega, ki ga prav umea v
leto 819 in ga imenuje Lindeuuitus Sclauus; na noge naj bi dvignil vzhodno
Bavarsko in pridobil na svojo stran Bolgare, Karne52 in nekaj Karniolcev
(Anali, str. 380381); nemka inaica imena je Lintvit aus Crabaten und
Bosen (Lintvit iz Hrvake in Bosne53 Kronika, str. CCCXL).
Aventin opisuje Metodovo misijonarsko poslanstvo. Methodius
Philosophus, Venedas inuenit literas, uertitque diuina oracula in uernaculum
48

Prim. op. 32.


Ingo ni bil princ, ampak salzburki duhovnik, WOLFRAM, Conversio Bagoariorum et
Carantanorum, o. c. kot v op. 5, 96102.
50
Po frankovsko avarski vojni (791796) je Karel Veliki jugovzhodno mejo zavaroval z
vzpostavitvijo Vzhodne in Furlanske krajine. Obramba se je ob vpadu Bolgarov v Spodnjo
Panonijo 827 izkazala za neuinkovito, zato je po odvrnitvi Bolgarov prilo 828 do
reorganizacije prostora v sistem mejnih grofij pod frankovskimi grofi.
51
kof 784798, nato nadkof do smrti 821.
52
Karni so bili staroselci, Ljudevitu pa so se pridruili Karantanci.
53
Omemba Bosne je asovni anahronizem.
49

Don Mauro Orbini in njegovi vzorniki ...

107

Sclauorum sermonem (Filozof Metod je iznael venedsko pisavo in prevedel


bojo besedo v doma slovanski govor Anali, str. 434), oziroma: Gleich
eben diese Zeit stunde ein gelehrter Windischer auff/ mit namen Methodius/
der hat die Crabatischen und Windischen Buchstaben erfunden/hat die Bibel
in die Windische Sprachgebracht (Prav v tem asu se je pojavil uen Slovan
z imenom Metod; iznael je hrvake in slovanske rke in prevedel Biblijo v
slovanski jezik Kronika str. CCCLI). Slovane v Dalmaciji in na Hrvakem
naj bi preprial, da so zavrgli latinski jezik in opravljali bojo slubo v svojem
jeziku. Na Bavarskem naj biskual storiti isto pri Venedih v Liburniji, Noriku
in Panonijah (Anali) oziroma bey den Winden in Beyern/ Crain/ Kernten/
Steyermarck (pri Slovanih na Bavarskem, Kranjskem, Korokem, tajerskem54
Kronika), a so ga pregnali in je zbeal na Moravsko. Aventin v Analih
razvija mnenje, da sta bila Metoda dva.

Wolfgang Lazius

Wolfgang Lazius55 je v svojem delu De gentium aliquot


migrationibus, sedibus fixis, reliquiis, linguarumque initiis et immutationibus
dialectis libri XII e izraziteji zagovornik pangermanske koncepcije kot
Aventin. Povzema stareje teorije o delitvi deel po potopu med Noetove
sinove in navaja, da je Tuisco priel iz Azije v Evropo in postal vladar
Sarmatije od Dona do Rena (str. 16). Meni, da se je to zgodilo leta 130 po
potopu (str. 17). Potomci Tuiscona so po njegovem preprianju Germani.
Pie, da je bil Japhet iz potomstva Gomera in Aschaenasa, ki sta mu vladala
Tuisco in Mannus, to pa so bili predniki Tuisconov in Galatov, ki so se kasneje
imenovali Alemanni, Germani ali Celtae Galli. Germanski jezik naj bi
vseboval hebrejske elemente (str. 22)
Povelievanje starega porekla pojasnjuje Lazijeva samoopredelitev,
saj se v besedilu vekrat istoveti z Germani. Ko se sklicuje na Tacita, zapie:
Manet adhuc Germanis nobis nomen uetus, quos Tuiscos uel Dodeseos
externae gentes uocant, et nosmet Duiczios appellamus (Do zdaj nam
Germanom ostalo staro ime, ki ga druga ljudstva nazivajo Tuisci ali Dodesei,
mi pa se kliemo Duiczii str. 17). Nadalje dokazuje s starim pregovorom:
54

Prim. op. 21.


Wolfgang Lazius je ivel od 1514 do 1565. Za podatke o njegovem ivljenju, prim.:
NUBAUMER, Geistiges Krnten, o. c. kot v op. 6, 137138; WLGER, Die historische
Literatur in und fr Krnten, o. c. kot v op. 6, 2931; LHOTSKY, stereichische
Historiographie, o. c. kot v op. 6, 8586.
55

108

Darja Miheli

nostram a Tuiscone Noae filio originem (na izvor je od Noetovega sina


Tuiscona str. 17). Na drugem mestu spet spregovori v prvi osebi mnoine:
nos Germani, qui Noricum et Vindeliciam colimus ( mi Germani, ki
poseljujemo Norik in Vindelicijo str. 277).
Glede izvora Venetov trdi, da so star rod ob Jadranu, ki izhaja iz
Paflagonije in se samo po jeziku, po navadah in telesni lepoti pa ne, loi od
Galcev (str. 169). Na obmoju stare Japidije naj bi iveli Japodi, ko pa so se
ti preselili, naj bi prili na njihovo mesto Carni (pripisuje jim tevtonsko kri)
in deela naj bi se iz Iapidie preimenovala v Crania et Carniola (str. 197). Ob
Eginhardovem56 poroilu o vojnah proti Ljudevitu Posavskemu in ob
pokoritvi Karniolcev (Carniolensium) in dela Karantancev (Carantanorum)
se omenja Slauorum provincia Carnunto, quam modo Craniam vocant
(slovanska deela Carnunto, ki jo zdaj imenujejo Crania /Kranjska/ str.
197). To deelo razlikuje od Karantanije, ki jo istoveti s Koroko (Carinthia
siue Carentania str. 189), na drugem mestu pa z Ligurijo (Carantana siue
Licuria str. 200).57 Sicer pa deele Carantanorum geografsko podrobneje ne
opredeljuje.
Glavno vlogo imajo v Lazijevem delu genealogije. V zvezi z vladarji
razlinih ljudstev opisuje avtor zgodovinske dogodke. Ob vladarjih ljudstev,
ki so prihajala v stik, se opisi dogodkov neredko ponavljajo, vasih tudi z
manjimi odstopanji.
Ob genealogiji karnskih knezov omenja Lazius na elu Karnov in
Bavarcev Tasila iz rodu Suevov, po Pavlu Diakonu58 pa povzema njegov
poraz v bojih s slovanskimi Avari (Slaui Auares) pri Aguntu59 (str. 199).
Zanimivo je Lazijevo nadaljnje izvajanje: Mixti enim ab eo tempore Slaui
Carnis Teutonibus, in unam paulatim eandemque gentem coalure:
quemadmodum in hanc usque diem Slauis aequ ac Germanis Carinthiam
cultam uidemus (Od tedaj pomeani, so se namre Slovani s tevtonskimi /!/
Karni postopoma zlili v eno ljudstvo: kakor tudi do danes vidimo Koroko
poseljeno tako s Slovani kot z Germani str. 199). Po Aeneu Sylviju
Piccolominiju60 omenja Lazius tudi posebno pravico karnskih knezov: Et in
pervetustis privilegiis, Carnorum princeps Slauonica reperitur lingua fuisse
56

Frankovski kronist Einhard(t) (741829).


Deelne opredelitve so napane. Carnuntum je bil soznaen s Karantanijo, ki je obsegala
obmoje severno od Karavank, juno od njih v Posavju pa je bila na tleh kasneje Kranjske v
zgodnjem srednjem veku Karniola. Deela Koroka se je oblikovala na delu karantanskih tal,
sicer pa nista identini, prim. op. 21. Ligurija ni leala na tleh Karnatanije.
58
Prim. op. 36.
59
Dogodki iz 593595.
60
Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini je bil kasneji pape Pij II. (14051464). Opisal je obred
ustolievanja korokih vojvod.
57

Don Mauro Orbini in njegovi vzorniki ...

109

inuestitus (In iz prastarih privilegijev je razvidno, da je bil karnski61 knez


umeen v slovanskem jeziku str. 199).
V opisovanju zaporedja karnskih knezov ex Slauorum natione
(slovanskega rodu) omenja Lazius Samoisa, kneza in Carantana siue Licuria,
ki naj bi ga porazil frankovski vladar Dagobert in ga podjarmil z njegovim
ljudstvom vred (ta trditev je napana,62 a skladna z Aventinom). Po istih
gentilitiis Annalibus (tako Lazius imenuje precej odtujeno inaico
Konverzije, po kateri je rpal te podatke ali pa je zapis samovoljno povzel)
najbi Avari Baruchu (Borut) odvzeli karantansko kraljestvo, frankovski kralji
pa naj bi mu vrnili poloaj.63 Carastus (Gorazd) naj bi bil prvi kranski knez,
ki naj bi ga krstil beatus Domingus, uenec boanskega Ruperta, salzburkega
kofa in karnski apostol. Vrsto karnskih knezov nadaljujejo v Lazijevem
delu knezi iz rodu Frankov (!). Nastopili naj bi po tem, ko so bili premagani
Slovani in Carantana v mediteranskem Noriku. Kot prvi se omenja
Cetemarus (Hotimir), ki sta mu bila poslana duhovnika Modestus in
Modelhaymus, ki naj bi obnovila kofovsko stolico in Solio. Lazius nadalje
omenja nastop Waldcuna (Valtunk) ter novih misijonarjev, ki jih je v deelo
poslal (salzburki kof) Virgilij. Okrog 772 naj bi Valtunku sledil Theodo, sin
Tasila, ki naj bi Slovanom iztrgal Carinthio/Koroko64 (str. 200). Lazius
povzema legendo o pojedini, pri kateri je Theodonov naslednik Inguon
(Ingo)65 s spotljivim obravnavanjem pokristjanjenih kmetov in zaniljivim
ravnanjem s poganskimi velikai dosegel, da se je Koroka pokristjanila. Od
tod naj bi izvirala slovesnost umeanja knezov na Korokem, kakrne ne
poznajo nikjer drugje. Opis tega obreda povzema Lazius po Aeneu Sylviju
Piccolominiju.66 Ne pozabi omeniti, da ob umestitvi kmet kneza ogovori
sermone Sclauico (v slovanskem govoru); po predlogi doda pojasnilo, ki se
sicer ne ujema z njegovo lastno razlago etninega (nemkega) znaaja deele:
Sunt enim ipsi Carinthiani Sclaui (Koroci67 so namre Slovani str.
200201). Kot Ingove naslednike postavlja Codolausa ali Codelacha, za njim
Baldric(h)a68 in nato Ludovica Panonskega.69 Poroa o sodelovanju
Carniolensium in dela Carantanorum v njegovem uporu in o porazu, ki mu
61

Prim. op. 31; Lazius ima Karantance za Karne.


Prim. op. 24. Karantanija ni identina z Ligurijo.
63
Konverzija omenja, da so Karantance ogroali Avari (ne pa jim odvzeli deele), na pomo
pa so jim priskoili Bavarci.
64
Ti podatki so brez historine podlage, glede Koroke, prim. op. 21.
65
Gre za izmiljeno nasledstvo, prim. op. 49.
66
Prim. op. 60.
67
Prim. op. 21.
68
To sta bila furlanska krajinika.
69
Bil je knez Spodnje Panonije.
62

110

Darja Miheli

ga je prizadejal furlanski knez Cadelochus. Ludovicu naj bi sledil Domitianus


(z njim je povezana legenda, ki ima neko historino podlago v dogodkih 8.
stoletja),70 ki mu Lazius pripie za eno Marijo Meransko, kot njegove
naslednike pa nateva mejne grofe, ki so omenjeni v Konverziji (str.
201203, 821), oziroma v njeni izpeljanki, ki jo sam uporablja. Laziju so
znana imena salzburkih kofov in v Karantanijo poslanih duhovnikov, ki jih
omenja Konverzija. Vekrat citira izvajanja Aventina in dopolnjuje svojo
vrsto vladarjev z njegovimi podatki.

Mauro Orbini

Mauro Orbini se v delu Il Regno de gli Slavi ve kot le zgleduje po


Vinku Pribojeviu, eprav ga med uporabljenimi avtorji ne navaja. Tudi zanj
so Slovani vsi in povsod. Njih biblino poreklo izvaja od Jafeta, Noetovega
najstarejega sina. Slovani naj bi pod imenom Goti 3790 od nastanka sveta
oziroma 1460 pr. Kr. prili v Evropsko Sarmatijo, ki naj bi segala do Azova
in Dona na vzhodu, do Baltika na severu in Karpatov na jugu. Na
novoosvojenem obmoju naj bi pod razlinimi poglavarji nastala razlina
ljudstva: Venedi, Slaui, Anti, Verli ali Eruli, Alani ali Massageti, Hyrri, Scyri,
Sirbi, Emincleni, Daci, Suedi, Fenni ali Finni, Prussi, Vandali, Burgundioni,
Gothi, Ostrogothi, Visigothi, Geti, Gepidi, Marcomanni, Quadi, Auari,
Peucini, Bastarni, Rossolani ali Russi in Moscouiti, Poloni, Boemi, Slesi in
Bulgari. O njih Orbin meni: I quali tutti furonovna medesima natione Slaua
(Vsi ti so bili iz istega slovanskega rodu str. 7). Ugotavlja, da slovanski jezik
70

Robert EISLER, Die Legende vom heiligen Karantanerherzog Domitianus, Mitteilungen des
Instituts fr sterreichische Geschichtsforschung 28, Innsbruck 1907, 52116; Franz
NIKOLASCH, Domitian von Millstatt eine Erfindung des 12. Jahrhunderts?, Carinthia I
180, Klagenfurt 1990, 235253; IDEM, Die Entwicklung der Legende des Domitian von
Millstatt, v: Franz NIKOLASCH (Hg.), Studien zur Geschichte von Millstatt und Krnten,
Vortrge der Millsttter Symposien 1981 bis 1995, Archiv fr vaterlndische Geschichte und
Topographie 78, Klagenfurt 1997, 151181; Franz GLASER, Domicianus dux. Eine
historische Persnlichkeit in Millstatt zur Zeit Karls des Groen, v: Franz NIKOLASCH (Hg.),
Studien zur Geschichte von Millstatt und Krnten, o. c. kot zgoraj, 137150; HansDietrich
KAHL, Bemerkungen zur ltesten Millsttter Domitianberlieferung, Symposium zur
Geschichte von Millstatt und Krnten (16. und 17. Juni 1995), Millstatt 1995, 80120; IDEM,
Bemerkungen zur ltesten Millsttter Domitian-berlieferung, v: Franz NIKOLASCH (Hg.),
Studien zur Geschichte von Millstatt und Krnten, o. c. kot zgoraj, 183239; IDEM, Der
Millsttter Domitian. Abklopfen einer problematischen Klosterberlieferung zur Missionierung
der Alpenslawen Oberkrntens, Vortrge und Forschungen des Konstanzer Arbeitskreises fr
Mittelalterliche Geschichte, Sonderband 46, Stuttgart 1999.

Don Mauro Orbini in njegovi vzorniki ...

111

ne prevladuje le pri tistih, ki ive v Dalmaciji, Iliriku, Istri in Karpatih, ampak


ga govore tudi druga ljudstva: Bulgari, Rasij ali Rassiani, Serbi, Bosnesi,
Croati, Petigorschi, Russi, Podolij, Polini, Moscouiti, in Cercassi, enako
Pomerani in tisti, ki ive presso il Golfo Venedico, in sino al fiume Albio (ob
Baltiku v zalivu ob reki Labi). Ugotavlja, da ostanke teh Germani e v
njegovem asu imenujejo Slaui in Vndi ali Vindi. Sem pa sodijo e Lusaci,
Cassubij, Moraui, Poloni, Lituani, Slesi in Boemi (str. 78).
Slovani naj bi se uprli Aleksandru Velikemu, po spopadu z njim pa
naj bi se umaknili iz Sarmatije. Ko so se napotili od tod, so se razdelili v dva
dela: Vna and verso Settentrione, et occup le riue del mar Baltico ... I
popoli Heneti ouer Venedi, i quali da Germani sono chiamati Vuenden, da
glItaliani Slaui, et da i nostri71 sono detti etiandio Vandali, occuparono tutta
questa riuiera del mare Baltico (En del se je usmeril na sever in zasedel obale
Baltika ... Ljudstva Heneti ali Venedi, ki jih Germani imenujejo Vuendi,
Italijani Slavi, nai pa Vandali, so poselili vso obalo Baltikega morja str.
15). Laltra parte degli Slaui, che presero volta verso mezo d, occup la riua
del Danubio. Onde cercarono poi impatronirsi etiandio dellImperio Romano
(Drugi del Slovanov, ki se je obrnil proti jugu, je zasedel obreje Donave. Od
tam so se skuali polastiti Rimskega cesarstva str. 16). Donavo so
prekoraili. Tudi ta skupina Slovanov se je razcepila: en njen del je zasedel in
poselil desno stran Jadrana. Tisto, kar se je prej imenovalo Istria in Dalmatia,
se je poslej imenovalo Slauonia. Ti Slovani so podvrgli vse pokrajine
Dalmacije in Ilirika ob Jadranu. Drugi del te skupine se je od Donave usmeril
proti Zgornji (zahodni) Panoniji. Slovani pod Cecom in Locom (na drugih
mestih omenja avtor Lec/h/a) naj bi prodrli v Morauio, Boemio in Polonio
(str. 2426).
Tisti Slovani, ki so prili v Zgornjo Panonijo in Spodnjo Bavarsko
in so osvojili la Stiria, Carinthia, i Carnioli72 in mnogo drugih sosednjih
krajev, so zelo proslavili svoje ime (str. 32). Orbin povzema (prevaja) po
Aventinu, da okrog 515 gli Slaui, hora propriamente detti Charioni,
occuparono quella parte del Norico, che posta fr il monte Tauro, guarda
lOriente, et compresa fr i fiumi di Mura, Muraua, Draua et Saua, final
territorio dAquilegia, la quale ancora posseggono, chiamandosi dal luogo
occupato Carantani, Carintani (so Slovani, ki so se sedaj prav imenovali
Charioni/Koroci,73 zasedli del Norika ki lei znotraj gore Tauro proti vzhodu,
med rekami Muro ali Moravo, Dravo in Savo do Oglejskega polja in ga
71

Ni povsem jasno, s kom se Orbini tu poistovetuje; kdo so ti nai? Ker so Nemci in


Italijani omenjeni posebej, bi tu lahko lo za Dalmatince.
72
Prim. op. 21.
73
Prim. op. 21.

112

Darja Miheli

poseljujejo do zdaj, po osvojenem prostoru pa so prevzeli ime Carantani ali


Carintani/Koroci,74 str. 33). Karantanija je torej po Orbinovem mnenju
obsegala prav omenjeni prostor.
Orbin poroa o bojih teh Slovanov z Bavarci ob zgornji Dravi75 in o
uporu proti Avarom pod vodstvom Sama.76 Spopad Sama s frankovskim
kraljem Dagobertom povzema po dveh starejih piscih in ga asovno razdeli
v dvoje spopadov, katerih drugi naj bi bil ele po 650. Omenja, da je v
Samovem asu tu iril Kristusov nauk Sv. Kolumban.77 Tudi Orbin kronoloko
napano postavlja karantanskega kneza Boruta za neposrednega Samovega
naslednika.78 Bil naj bi prvi kreni vladar korokih79 Slovanov. Pri teh opisih
se Orbin sklicuje na predhodnika Lazija. Ma morto che f Samo R, gli
successe Boruth, ... Boruch, il quale ... f il primo R degli Slaui Carintiani,
che riceu il Santo battesimo dal Beato Domingo discepolo del diuin Ruperto
Vescouo Iuuauense, et Apostolo deCarni (Ko je umrl kralj Samo, ga je
nasledil Borut, ki ... je bil prvi kralj korokih Slovanov, ki se je dal krstiti80
blaenemu Dominiku, uencu blaenega Ruperta, salzburkega kofa in
karnskega apostola). V potrditev vezi zvestobe naj bi dal kralju Dagobertu81
za talca oba prestolonaslednika: sina Carasta (Gorazd) in neaka Chitomirja
(Hotimir). Ko se je nato spopadel s Huni/Avari, ki so napadali njegovo
deelo, naj bi jih raztrgal na kosce. Po Borutovi smrti naj bi vladala Slovanom
Norika ali Carintihe82 Chitomir (Hotimir) in (po Laziju) Carasto (Gorazd). Iz
tega ni jasno razvidno, ali je avtor napano menil, da je Hotimir vladal pred
Gorazdom, ali pa naj bi po njegovem oba vladala hkrati (str. 37). Orbin
poroa o misijonarstvu Majorana in po Aventinu o uporu slovanskih plemiev
proti knezu Hotimirju per hauere egli posposta la religione antica, la quale i
suoi maggiori lungo tempo felicemente seruarono, et abbracciata vnaltra
nuoua (ker je zavrgel staro vero, ki so ji bili on in njegovi predniki dolgo
sreno zvesti in se oklenil druge, nove).83 Hotimirju naj bi na pomo priskoil
74

Karantanci so bili prebivalci zgodnjesrednjeveke gentilne kneevine Karantanije, ki je


obsegala velik del vzhodnoalpskega prostora, kasneja historina deela Koroka je zavzemala
le osrednji del nekdanje Karantanije. Karantanci in Koroci niso identini. Prim. op. 21.
75
Vletih 593595.
76
Prim. op. 24.
77Sodobna historiografija ga umea v 6. stoletje, pred nastopom Sama.
78
Prim. op. 40.
79
Prim. op. 21.
80
Borut je bil in ostal pogan.
81
Borutu so proti Avarom pomagali Bavarci, ne Franki. Dogodki so se odvijali 743, frankovski
kralj Dagobert je umrl 639.
82
Geografska pojma kronoloko nista skladna, srednjeveka Koroka je bila bistveno manja
od antinega Norika.
83
Prim. op. 46.

Don Mauro Orbini in njegovi vzorniki ...

113

bojski knez Tasilo in prisilil njegove podlonike k pokorini (Orbin to


netono trditev povzema po Aventinu).84 Po Hotimirjevi smrti so slovanski
plemii odvrgli kransko vero in nagnali duhovnike na Bavarsko. Tasilo je
vnovi posredoval in pomagal na oblast Valdungu (Valtunk). Orbin omenja
prihod novih misijonarjev (Hemone, Reginoualdo, Maiorano, Gotario,
Erchinoberto, Reginardo, Augustino, Gunthero; imena so povzeta iz
Konverzije str. 3738). Opie legendo o knezu Ingu,85 ki je dosegel
pokristjanjenje velikaev s tem, da je priredil pojedino, kjer je po kraljevsko
ravnal z e pokristjanjenimi hlapci, poganske velikae pa je obravnaval
nadvse zaniljivo. Pobudo za pojedino naj bi dal salzburki kof Arno. V
zvezi s tem dogodkom omenja Orbin rojstvo obreda umeanja korokih
vojvod, ki ga opie po Aeneu Sylviju Piccolominiju (str. 3839).86
Po frankovskih analih omenja Orbin pronjo avarskega glavarja
kakana na Karla Velikega, naj mu prepusti prebivalia med Sabario in
Carantanom, e da ga v prvotnih naselbinah ogroajo Slovani pod
Primislauom, Cemico, Stomirom in Ottogerom (to so malo spremenjena
imena mejnih grofov iz Konverzije str. 41). Orbin opie tudi upor
Ljudevita Posavskega: A questo tempo Liudeuito Slauo Signore della
Pannonia Inferiore, hora detta Possega, ribell dellImperatore Ludouico (v
tem asu se je Slovan Ljudevit, gospodar Spodnje Panonije, danes imenovane
Poega, uprl cesarju Ludviku); povezal naj bi se z Bolgari, Carni in
nekaterimi Carioni/Koroci87 ter zasedel velik del Zgornje Panonje. Orbin
(kot pred njim npr. Lazius) napano pripisuje oblast nad prouintia de
Carantani furlanskemu knezu (Balderiku). V spopadih so se Li Carmolani, i
quali habitano attorno il fiume Sauo, e quasi sono contigui a Furlani, si
diedero Balderico: ilche fece etiandio quella parte di Carentani, che sera
prima accostata Liudeuito (Karniolci, ki ivijo ob reki Savi skoraj tik ob
Furlanih, so se predali Balderiku; enako je storil del Karantancev, ki se je
sprva pridruil Ljudevitu (str. 4144). Balderik naj bi bil varuh meje Avarov
s prouincio Carentano. Ko je bil odstranjen, naj bi bil zamenjan s tirimi
mejnimi grofi.88
Orbin nima jasnih pojmov o pokristjanjevalni akciji Cirila in Metoda;
enkrat trdi, da je Metod sledil Cirilu (str. 45), drugi pa, da je bil Metod
kasneje preimenovan v Cirila (str. 32).
Orbin je poznal velik del virov, ki jih uporablja dananja znanost za
prikaz tedanje dobe; teh virov pa ni pretresel kritino, marve jih kljub
84

Prim. op. 47.


Prim. op. 49.
86
Prim. op. 60.
87
Prim. op. 30.
88
Prim. op. 50.
85

114

Darja Miheli

neskladjem navaja drugega ob drugem. Tudi pri njem sreamo omembo


privilegija Aleksandra Velikega89 Ilirom (!) v zahvalo za njihovo pomo v
vojni s Perzijci: ... perche noisete stati nella sede veraci, nellarmi prodi,
et nostri conduttieri, et robusti guerrieri. Per vidiamo, et conferiamo
liberamente in perpetuo tutta la parte della terra dAquilone, insino gli
vltimi confini di mezo giorno dellItalia; talmente che niuno ardisca iui
stanziare, habitare o fermaruisi, se non i vostri. Et se alcuni saranno ritrouati
stanziare, siano vostri schiaui, et li figliuoli loro siano schiaui devostri
figliuoli (... ker ste nam bili vselej resnino zvesti, v vojni pogumni, nai
vojskovodje in vrsti bojevniki. Zato vam dajemo in potrjujemo v svobodno
uporabo za vselej ves del ozemlja od severa do zadnjih meja june Italije, tako
da najsi nihe ne drzne tam bivati, se naseliti ali se muditi razen vaih. e pa
bi zalotili kakne ljudi, da tam bivajo, najbodo vai sunji in njihovi potomci
sunji vaih potomcev str. 167168).
Orbin Konverzije same ni neposredno poznal in uporabljal, ampak
jo je povzemal predvsem po Aventinu. Ni mu le sledil v interpretacijah
zgodovinskih dogodkov, ampak je v veliki meri njegovo delo preprosto
prelil v italijanino.

89

Prim. op. 50.

Don Mauro Orbini in njegovi vzorniki ...

115

Darja Miheli
REFLECTIONS OF DON MAURO ORBINI AND HIS
PREDECESSORS ON THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES IN THE
EASTERN ALPS
Summary

Academician, Professor Sima irkovi devoted much of his research


to the early historiographical perspectives on the Balkan area. Therefore, his
investigations also focused on Mauro Orbini from Dubrovnik. Orbini based
his work Il regno degli Slavi [The Realm of the Slavs] (Pesaro 1601) on the
writings of previous historians as was the customary historiographical practice
of the time or sometimes simply translated them to Italian. Predecessors he
copied from were Vinko Pribojevi (Vincentius Priboevius), Iohannes
Aventinus and Wolfgang Lazius.
Historiographical works of the humanist period, including the
productions of the aforementioned authors, differ from their modern
counterparts. They were primarily written in Latin and for the eastern Alpine
area also in vernacular German. Moreover, a smaller number of historical
accounts pertaining to the same region were also written in Italian, Friulian,
Slovenian and Croatian. Most publications consisted of compilations of
source editions or explanations of events transcribed from the writings of
earlier authors. Although these works constitute an invaluable historiographical
legacy, they are riddled with ambiguities and inaccuracies.
One striking feature that is of great interest to Slovenian historio
graphy and common to all authors dealing with the early medieval history of
the territory between the eastern Alps and the Pannonian plain is the
knowledge, understanding and interpretation of the Slavic tribal Principality
of Carantania, its history, ethnic peculiarities and sources especially the
primary and most important source on which most of our contemporary
knowledge is based: the treatise on the conversion of the Bavarians and
Carantanians to Christianity, usually referred to as The Conversion of 870.
In spite of having a few specific traits, the humanist historiography of
the eastern Alps did not depart significantly from the historiography of a
broader European area. In spatial terms, the historians of the time usually
treated individual provinces separately. They were representatives of
provincial historiography until the 17th century, when they were joined by
imperial and ecclesiastical historiographers whose historical works would
occasionally move outside provincial borders.

116

Darja Miheli

Between the 15th and 18th centuries, there were, in fact, a number of
authors whose works already emanated broader visions that reached far
beyond provincial boundaries. These authors tried to see into the very cores
of various ethnic groups, determine their ultimate origin and identify them
with the primary super ethnicity accordingly. On the basis of this criterion
historiographers who (also) passed on knowledge of the eastern Alpine area
may be classified into, firstly, pro-Germanic authors who tried to determine
the ethnicity of the European peoples (and not seldom their own) by ascribing
it the ancient Germanic origin or at least accorded Germandom a superior status,
and secondly, advocates of the pro-Slavic interpretation of European history
who attributed the glorious tradition to the Slavs. The representatives of both
conceptions were contemporaries. Later authors, however, had the opportunity
to absorb and benefit from the historiographical findings and knowledge of their
savvy predecessors, regardless of their ethnic visions. In a global context,
historiography was gradually brought closer to modern knowledge.
Johannes Aventinus and Wolfgang Lazius, both proponents of the
pro-Germanic theory, embraced and promulgated the pan-Germanic idea that
the entire European civilisation was of Germanic origin. In connection to
Bavarian history, the two authors also examined the history of Carantania.
The 16th and 17th centuries, however, were also marked by the advent
of historians of pro-Slavic stance. Rather than praising the Germanic world,
these authors glorified the Slavic one. In their efforts, they went to an opposite
extreme expressing pan-Slavic or even autochthonous tendencies. Only the
advocates of Slavism retained a more moderate position by evoking the
preponderance, as well as exalting the bravery and glorious past of the Slavs.
The views described above were also held by authors, such as Vinko
Pribojevi and Mauro Orbini.
Vinko Pribojevi was born on the island of Hvar. His oration titled De
origine successibusque Slavorum [On the Origin and Glory of the Slavs]
(Venetiis 1532) linked the Slavs to ancient peoples from which they only
assumed their name. He also praised them on the basis of his own self
consciousness by considering himself as a Dalmatian and hence an Illyrian
and a Slav. In his oration, the Slavic race was constituted after the Flood. The
name Slavs was held to be derived from the word slava [glory]. According
to Pribojevi, St. Hieronymus, Philip the Macedonian and his son Alexander
the Great, Aristotle, as well as a few Roman emperors and popes were all of
Slav origin. The Conversion was not known to Pribojevi. His impassioned
glorifications of the Slavs, the Dalmatians and Hvar with its inhabitants
contained no mention of Carantania. Mauro Orbini borrowed a number of
Slavophile ideas from him.

Don Mauro Orbini in njegovi vzorniki ...

117

Iohannes Aventinus was a known Bavarian historiographer. He


introduced a number of interpretations that were imitated by his successors.
Being familiar with The Conversion, he sometimes allowed himself to be
misled by its erroneous assertions and sometimes interpreted its data arbitrarily,
according to his own convictions. He produced two worksAnnalium Boiorum
libri septem [Annals of Bavaria in Seven Books] (Ingolstadii 1554) and
Chronica [Chronicle] (Franckfurt am Mayn 1566), the former being written in
Latin and the latter in German. Within the framework of Bavarian history,
Aventinus dedicated much of his attention to the Carantanians. His depiction of
the settlement and division of the eastern Alpine area was later adopted or
quoted by many historians of later generations, including Mauro Orbini.
Although Aventinus writings contain many elements of The Conversion, he
often appropriated them to his own understanding of historical events.
In his De gentium aliquot migrationibus, sedibus fixis, reliquiis,
linguarumque initiis et immutationibus dialectis libri XII [The Migrations,
Settled Dwellings, and Languageswith Reference to the Remains of Original
Usage, as well as Changes and Dialects of Certain Peoples in Twelve Books]
(Basileae 1557), Wolfgang Lazius espoused the pan-Germanic conception
even more fervently than Aventinus. His glorification of the ancient origin is
based on his self-determination, as he identifies himself with the Germanic
world several times in his text. Relying heavily on genealogies, Lazius
described historical events in connection with the sovereigns of individual
peoples. The descriptions of the rulers of peoples that came into contact are
often repeated, sometimes with minor deviations. Lazius was familiar with the
names of the bishops of Salzburg and priests sent to Carantania mentioned in
The Conversion. Furthermore, he also quoted Aventinus theories on several
occasions and expanded his own list of sovereigns with his data.
Although Orbin did much more than just imitate Vinko Pribojevi in Il
Regno degli Slavi, he never listed him among the quoted authors. He, too, held
that the Slavs were everyone and everywhere, being the Biblical descendants of
Japheth, the eldest son of Noah. Moreover, Orbin knew most of sources that are
used in modern science to provide an account of that period; but instead of
subjecting them to a critical scrutiny, he used them indiscriminately, in spite of
their inconsistencies. Having no direct knowledge and use of The
Conversion, Orbin quoted from the book indirectly, especially through
Aventinus, whom he followed not only in his interpretations of historical
developments but also by translating much of his work into Italian.
ey Words: humanist historiography, the early Middle Ages, Carantania, Mauro
Orbini, Iohannes Aventinus, Wolfgang Lazius, Vincentius Priboevius

: 323.2(497.13 )"04/14"

Nenad FEJI
Universit des Antilles et de la Guyane
Schoelcher-Martinique
France

LORDRE REGNE A DUBROVNIK:


UNE COMMUNE MEDIEVALE FACE A LA MENACE ETRANGERE
ET AUX PROBLEMES DE LA PAIX CIVILE

Abstract: A limage du modle communal vnitien, le gouvernement patricien de


Dubrovnik tait partag entre une politique dexclusion de toutes les catgories non-patriciennes
citoyens ordinaires, habitants, trangers de lexercice du pouvoir, et une politique dintgration
conomique qui leur permettait dexercer diffrentes activits commerciales et artisanales et de
senrichir considrablement. En temps de paix et de prosprit cette politique ne posait pas de
problmes. Cependant, entemps de guerres et de menaces trangres la situation se compliquait.
Lauteur tudie dans cet article, cette politique apparemment contradictoire, applique lgard
des catgories non-patriciennes de la population, politique quil dfinit, partiellement de punitive
et de dissuasive (emprisonnements, perscutions, voire assassinats lgard des citoyens non-dsirables
et des trangers) et partiellement, dintgrative (inclusion des citoyens ordinaires dans les forces
de dfense de Dubrovnik, ou dans les rangs de vigiles de nuit). Un savant dosage entre ces
diffrentes mesures, appliques par le pouvoir patricien, explique la prennit de la paix sociale
et de lordre intrieur Dubrovnik et le nombre rduit de complots et de conjurations, malgr
lenvironnement difficile auquella Commune tait expose au fil des sicles du Moyen Age.
Mots cls: Dubrovnik, guerre, paix sociale, ordre, patriciat, citoyens, trangers,
punition, dissuasion, incitation.

Les historiens voquaient souvent un des traits distinctifs de


lvolution sociale de Dubrovnik au Moyen Age, en loccurrence labsence
presque totale de conflits internes, aptes mettre en danger la libertainsi que
la prennit des liens sociaux ausein de la Commune, placs sous le signe de
la prdominance absolue des familles patriciennes1. A limage de sa grande
rivale dans lespace adriatique, Venise, et la diffrence des communes
1 Sima irkovia brillamment rsum cestraits distinctifs, dans leslignes suivantes: Sans entrer
dans les dtails, nous pouvons dire que Dubrovnik, en tant que commune, ntait pas organise
selon les principes diffrents de ceux, existant dans dautres villes; la diffrence apparaissait
dans la manire dont les Ragusains menaient leurs affaires publiques dans les cadres
institutionnels identiques. On pourrait, de la manire la plus succincte rsumer cela, dans la formule,

120

Nenad Feji

toscanes, tous les agents possibles de troubles sociaux, toutes les structures
potentiellement dangereuses pour la stabilit de la Commune, en premier lieu
les confrries et les congrgations de marchands et dartisans, taient Dubrovnik
trop faibles et soumises au contrle permanent du pouvoir patricien, pour
pouvoir constituerune relle menace lordre tabli2.
Cependant, si Dubrovnik, une seule exception prs, ne connut gure
de complots ou de conjurations majeures de type Tiepolo-Falier au XIV sicle,
qui faillirent saper les assises mmes du pouvoir patricien Venise, la Commune
ntait pas labri de conflits intrieurs de moindre envergure3.
Une premire catgorie de conflits intrieurs, que nous pourrions
dfinir comme mineurs et quotidiens, concernait les diffrentes infractions au
droit commun, constates dans les sries spciales de registres ragusains4. Il
sagissait de rixes et de bagarres et dautres voies de fait, dinsultes et de
harclements dans les rues et places publiques de Dubrovnik, mais aussi
datteintes la proprit dans les demeures prives, les magasins et lesateliers,
dont se plaignaient auprs des pouvoirs publics, aussi bien les Ragusains que
les trangers. Les tmoignages sur ces conflits, consigns dans les registres
officiels, sont trs intressants pour ltude de la mentalit urbaine ragusaine
au Moyen Age et pour une meilleure connaissance de la perception delautre
dans une commune mdivale, domaine de prdilection des mdivistes
contemporains. Mais toutes ces atteintes quotidiennes la paix publique, ne
constituaient pas un danger majeur pour lordre tabli, et les pouvoirs
respectifs, politique et judiciaire, Dubrovnik venaient bout deces atteintes
sans trop de difficults.
Une deuxime catgorie de conflits rels ou potentiels proccupait de
toute vidence davantage le pouvoir ragusain: il sagissait dune manire
gnrale datteintes lordre public et la paix intrieure en temps de guerre
quils dirigeaient la ville, inspirs par le mme esprit et les mmes critres quils appliquaient
dans la conduite de leurs socits daffaires. Ils voulaient tre bien informs, objectifs,
sadapter dans les meilleurs dlais tout changement de situation, en demeurant fidles aux
objectifstablis long terme. Citation traduite daprs: S. irkovi, Dubrovnik i zalee u srednjem
veku, publi dans le recueil Rabotnici, vojnici, duhovnici, Beograd 1997, 47-56, str. 54.
2 Sur le rle de confrries et des congrgations Dubrovnik, voir surtout B. Kreki, Influence
politique et pouvoir conomique Dubrovnik, Variorum, Aldershot, 1997, I, 241-258, notamment
p. 255, avec une bibliographie correspondante.
3 Pour les conflits sociaux et les menaces lordre public Venise, voir surtout: E. Crouzet
Pavan, Violence, socit et pouvoir Venise (XIV-XV sicles): formes et volutions de rituels
urbains,, Mlanges de lEcole franaise de Rome, Moyen Age, 2, 1984, 903-936. D. E. Queller,
The Venetian Ptriciate: Reality versus Myth, Illinois Press, 1986. D. Romano, Patricians and
popolany. The social foundations of the Venetian Renaissance State, Baltimore-London, 1987.
4 Surtout dans les registre de dolances des archives ragusaines: DAD (Dravni arhiv Dubrovnik),
Lamenta de Intus, Lamenta de foris, Liber Maleficiorum.

Lordre regne a Dubrovnik . . .

121

ou simplement en temps de menaces dattaques venues de lextrieur. Ces


atteintes lordre public ntaient pas diffrentes dans leur essence, maiselles
taient portes alors que la Commune se trouvait dans une situation difficile,
expose la menace trangre. Le gouvernement redoublait alors de prudence,
traitait avec la plus grande vigilance la moindre infraction lordre public,
infraction quen temps de paix il traitait avec beaucoup moins de rigueur,
voire laissait passer sans ragir. Do lintrt, nous semble-t-il, dune mise
en relations des mesures de protection militaires avec les mesures de
protection de lordre intrieur, au cours de nombreuses guerres auxquelles
Dubrovnik prit part au Moyen Age. Tandis quen temps de paix, le pouvoir
protgeait lordre public par une palette de mesures punitives, en temps de
guerre cette palette tait largie, nous semble-t-il de mesures dissuasives ou
incitatives prises en amont, lgard detous les habitants souponns, pour
diffrentes raisons, de pouvoir se tenir lcart de leffort commun de dfense
ou pire encore, de servir de soutien logistique lennemi extrieur. Punir,
inciter, dissuader, cest dans cestrois directions que se dploie lactivit du
gouvernement ragusain dans le domaine de la protection de lordre public et
de la paix civile, en temps de guerre et de menace extrieure. Nous
lvoquerons de plus prs, et dans cet ordre-l, dans les lignes qui suivent.
Dans un premier temps, il faut bien prciser quelles catgories de la
population urbaine pouvaient tre envisages comme sources de danger pour
lordre public Dubrovnik au Moyen Age ? Il ne pouvait sagir, tout le
moins officiellement, de membres de la classe patricienne, dtentrice du
pouvoir. Toutes les autres catgories taient concernes, en loccurrence les
citoyens ordinaires, les habitants, les trangers de passage Dubrovnik, les
paysans du district, et cest lgard deces catgories-l de la population, que
le gouvernement ragusain dployaitune activit scuritaire accrue en temps
de menaces extrieures et de guerres.
Paradoxalement pour une socit patricienne, menace en principe par
ses membres marginaliss de modeste extraction, ceux-ci ntaient
quaccessoirement viss par les mesures punitives rellement appliques: en
effet, on ne trouve pas, dans les sries de registres ragusains, de citoyens
ordinaires, marchands, artisans, en tant que fomenteurs de troubles et de
conjurations graves contre la Commune. Tous les cas avrs de complots,
simples ou en collusion avec lennemi extrieur en temps de guerre,
proviennent, au contraire, des rangs du patriciat. Le pouvoir patricien
Dubrovnik le reconnat, mais il noublie pas de rappeler, comme lors de la
dcouverte de la conjuration de quatre jeunes patriciens ragusains, le 9 mars
1400, que ceux-ci pratiquaient un mode de vie et des coutumes rustiques,
trs infmes, et que parmi les nobles ils se distinguaient par un comportement

122

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peu recommandable5. Comme au sein des conjurations vnitiennes, les


lites patriciennes Dubrovnik pouvaient compter sur la complicit plus ou
moins directe, de certaines catgories de la population urbaine au moment du
passage lacte, mais linitiative demeurait aux mains des patriciens. Les
mesures punitives nen sont pas pour autant, moins impitoyables Dubrovnik
qu Venise, contre les patriciens comploteurs, que contre les simples
citoyens, surtout lorsque ceux-ci se prvalent dune situation de guerre pour
ourdir leur coup dEtat.
Ainsi, en 1204, le comte Damijan Juda se permet dexercerson mandat
de comte Dubrovnik, bien au-del du terme lgal et se prpare mme excuter
un coup dEtat en faisant entrer lintrieur de la ville, une soldatesque ses
ordres, () rpandant la terreur non seulement au sein des gens ordinaires,
mais aussi parmi les snateurs6. Une juste punition sabat sur le tyran, qui est
attir dans un guet-apens et squestr par ses concitoyens sur une galre
vnitienne de passage Dubrovnik en route pour Constantinople: Damijan
Juda dans un accs de rage suicidaire, met fin ses jours, et la Commune
accde la libert sous la tutelle bienveillante de Venise7. Nous avons l dj
un exemple dintroduction dlments de sdition et de troubles parmi les
gens ordinaires - simples citoyens artisans ou marchands qui agissent
comme rceptacles dides subversives et comme instruments des
comploteurs. Mais les vritables auteurs deces ides sontailleurs; il sagit de
patriciens dvoys qui aspirent la tyrannie. Uncas plus pertinent encore
de conjuration en collusion avec lennemi se prsente en 1268, lorsque
certains patriciens ragusains, conseills par un proche du roi Stphane
Ouro, et apparemment sous la menace militaire du roi serbe, qui stait
rapproch de Dubrovnik, dcidrent de perptrer un coup de force et de placer
lun des leurs la tte de la Commune. Le coup de force, tent en dehors des
murs de la ville, ne russit, parat-il qu moiti, le vice-comte un patricien
ragusain prit assassin, quelques membres de lentourage du comte
vnitien eux aussi fort probablement patriciens ragusains furent blesss.
5 Annales Ragusini Anonymi, item Nicolai de Ragnina, digessit Speratus Nodilo (Plus loin: Anales
Ragusini Anonymi), Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum meridionalium, Zagrabiae,
1883, 243
6 Chronica Ragusina Junii Restii item Joannis Gundulae, digessit Speratus Nodilo (Plus loin:
Chronica Ragusina Junii Restii), Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum meridionalium,
Zagrabiae, 1893, 71-72. A lexception de tous les cas ultrieurs, la puissance trangre, en
loccurrence Venise, est prsente dans cet extrait de la chronique ragusaine, comme allie du
patriciatragusain dans la dfense de la libert.
7 Ibidem. Sagit-il simplement de la part de Restic dune tentative de prsenter la mainmise
vnitienne sur Dubrovnik, non pas comme un acte doccupation mais comme une rponse
linvitation du patriciat local; lhonneur de celui-ci ainsi que ses prtentions ultrieures
prsenter Dubrovnik comme une Commune souveraine, seraientainsi pleinement justifis.

Lordre regne a Dubrovnik . . .

123

Lorsque le comte Jean Quirino fit condamner mort lun des conjurs, non
seulement il choua, mais il fut empch, apparemment par dautres conjurs
de regagner la ville. Il dut camper cinq jours devant les portes fermes de
Dubrovnik, avant de regagner Venise, ce qui mit en colre le doge vnitien
Rainerius Zeno, qui adressa aux patriciens ragusains des menaces peine
voiles, en les rappelant vertement lordre et la soumission8.
Cependant la plus grave menace lordre public Dubrovnik, fut la
conjuration de quatre jeunes patriciens, dj voque, au passage du sicle.
Nous ne nous attarderons pas sur laspect vnementiel de cette conjuration
qui a t tudie, notamment par l historien de Dubrovnik Baria Kreki9; il
sagit prcisment de la seule grande menace lordre public ragusain jusqu
la fin du Moyen Age10. Les chroniqueurs ragusains qui se penchent sur cet
pisode dsignent nommment les coupables, quatre jeunes patriciens11, mais
sattardent avec complaisance sur les vritables milieux sociaux, qui, dirait
on aujourdhui profite le crime, ces milieux qui pratiquent un mode de vie
rustique et trs infme; les quatre jeunes patriciens nentretenaient-ils pas
des rapports troits avec divers sclrats, ne sentouraient-ils pas de bon
nombre de pelletiers, de bouchers et dautres gens semblables, attires par
lespoir du pillage? 12A la drogation sociale, les quatre jeunes patriciens
ajoutaient le crime de haute trahison, car il avourent stre attendus un
soutien venu de lextrieur, probablement du roi de Bosnie Stphane Ostoja,
qui taient entrs mauvais terme avec le gouvernement ragusain, et qui en
1403 devait dclencher contre Dubrovnik une vritable guerre dusure13. Si
lide du complot est ne ausein des jeunes patriciens, la force vive, comme
dans le cas des conjurations Tiepolo-Falier Venise, tait constitue depetites
gens, habitants de la ville ou du district, qui ne pouvaient que profiter du
relchement, voire de la chute du rgime patricien. Leur chtiment sera
T. Smiiklas, Codex Diplomaticus Regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et Slavoniae, Vol. V (1256
1272), 399.
9 Baria Kreki, Prilozi unutranjoj istoriji Dubrovnika poetkom XV veka, Istorijski glasnik 1
2, 1953, 63-67. Lpisode na pas pu tre reconstruit partir des registres des conseils
ragusains,qui nont pas t conservs pour le tout dbut du XV sicle, mais la chronique
ragusaine la amplement rpercut. Voir notamment: Annales Ragusini Anonymi, 242-243 et
Chronica Ragusina Junii Restii, 187.
10Les conjurations devinrent plus nombreuses au XVI sicle, lorsque la Commune connut de
vritables partis pro-espagnols, pro-franais, pro-pontificaux, avec des membres minents du
patriciat dans le rle de promoteurs des intrts des grandes puissances trangres, aux intrts
souvent opposs dans lespace adriatique.
11
Annales Ragusini Anonymi, 243: ce sont Nicolas et Jacques, fils dOrsat Zamagna, et Laurent
et Simon, fils de Michel de Bodazza.
12
Chronica Ragusina Junii Restii, 187.
13
Sima irkovi, Istorija srednjovekovne bosanske drave, Beograd, 1964, 199-200.
8

124

Nenad Feji

dautant plus humiliant, selon le code admis, mais non crit, de la justice
mdivale ragusaine: les quatre jeunes patriciens eurent latte tranche, mais
leurs complices issus des rangs populaires eurent droit des peines plus
humiliantes: un certain Nicolas Catalan, un tranger donc, qui avait tremp
dans la conjuration, fut littralement train (strascinato), jusquau gibet et
pendu, les Slaves, Milo udeljina et Daliin Masa qui taient venus
exprs, pour tre auprs des quatre jeunes patriciens, furent promens dans
une charrette jusqu la place publique, o ils furent excuts, en compagnie
dune jeune servante, prnomme Bogna, qui fut attache un poteau et
brle vive, pour avoir cach chez elle les deux Slaves, au lieu de les
dnoncer au gouvernement14. Les ttes de plusieurs autres conjurs absents
furent mises prix, et plusieurs autres bouchers et pelletiersfort nombreux,
noublie pas de prciser le chroniqueur furent trans et excuts sur la place
publique, et leurs corps cousus dans des sacs lests de pierres, furent jets
la mer15. Lamenace laquelle venait dchapper Dubrovnik, fut dvoile dans
toute son ampleur lanne suivante, en 1401 lorsquun certain Pribislav
Bogi homme de basse condition et de mauvaise rputation avoua au cours
dun procs qui lui fut intent, sa participation au complot des quatre jeunes
patriciens. Ilavoua que ceux-ci comptaient sur la complicit de 70 personnes
dans la localit de Trebinje, et sur celle de 200 personnes dans la contre de
Konavli, lpoque encore sous contrle des seigneurs bosniens16. Un cas
particulier de condamnation dun membre du patriciat ragusain est celui du
duc bosnien Stphane Vuki-Kosaa, qui mena contre Dubrovnik une des
plus dures guerres de son histoire de 1451 1454. A un moment donn, les
Ragusains, excds par la violence du duc, profitrent du fait que celui-ci
avait t, par le pass gratifi du titre de patricien ragusain, pour le proclamer
flon, tratre la patrie, et pour mettre sa tte prix17
Les mesures dissuasives, en vue du maintien de la paix civile, surtout en
temps de menaces extrieures, sont Dubrovnik certainement plus nombreuses
que les mesures punitives et, la diffrence de celles-ci, concernent davantage
les catgories de la population autres que le patriciat18, en premier lieu les
14

Annales Ragusini Anonymi, 245.


15Ibid.
16

Dravni arhiv Dubrovnik (DAD), Liber Maleficiorum (Lib.Mal.) 13-14 (26 avril 1401).
personne qui porterait atteinte sa vie, devait recevoir un prix de 15000 ducats, une
provision annuelle de 300 ducats, une maison lintrieur de lespace urbain, et un sige
hrditaire ausein du Grand conseil, cest dire le statut de patricien ragusain. Voir ce sujet,
Sima irkovi, Herceg Stefan Vuki-Kosaa i njegovo doba, Beograd, 1964, p. 165-166.
18LImage dun patriciat vertueux et soucieux du bien public, se dvouant la dfense de la
commune et la promotion de ses intrts politiques et conomiques, ntait pas moins
enracine Dubrovnik qu Venise. Et lcart entre le mythe et la ralit ntait pas, non plus,
moins douloureux Dubrovnik qu Venise. Pour le mythe du patriciat vnitien voir surtout
17Toute

Lordre regne a Dubrovnik . . .

125

citoyens ordinaires, les habitants, les paysans du district et les trangers de


passage Dubrovnik19. Le regard des membres du patriciat sur les autres
catgories de la population tait nettement condescendant, et en tant que
dtenteurs de la totalit du pouvoir politique et de la part de lion du pouvoir
conomique Dubrovnik, les patriciens ne se privaient pas de manifester
travers de nombreuses dispositions lgislatives et les dcisions quotidiennes des
trois conseils gouvernementaux, leur profonde mfiance lgard detous ceux
qui nappartenaient pas leur cercle social privilgi. Les rapports entre llite
patricienne et les autres catgories de la population risquaient particulirement
de se tendreen temps de guerre: nous avons vu que cette mme lite patricienne
nhsitait pas avoir recours aux couches sociales dfavorises et de les inclure
dans ses projets de haute trahison. Paradoxalement, llite patricienne ragissait,
en raidissant la lgislation lgard deces catgories de population qui, en
dernier ressort ne servaient que de chair canon pour les projets subversifs des
patriciens dvoys. Do le foisonnement des mesures dissuasives en temps de
guerre, particulirement lgard des citoyens ordinaires et des trangers.
Ltat de guerre, ou la simple menace de guerre, taient des ralits
militaires, mais aussi des ralits politiques et sociales qui accompagnaient la
Commune ragusaine travers les sicles20. Le gouvernement ragissait alors,
non seulement en renforant les enceintes, en murant les portes, en creusant
les fosss ou en dmolissant les maisons dans les faubourgs qui pouvaient
servir de points dappui lassigeant, mais aussi en faisant voter au quotidien,
de nombreuses mesures qui avaient des incidences directes sur la qualit des
liens sociaux et sur la convivialit urbaine et qui, sous prtexte de menaces
trangres, limitaient voire supprimaient de nombreux droits notamment aux
citoyens ordinaires et aux trangers.
D. E. Queller, The Venetian Patriciate. Reality versus Myth, University of Illinois Press, 1986.
Pour la ralit du patriciat ragusain, voir surtout larticle de Baria Kreki, Ser Basilius de
Basilio, Zbornik radova Vizantolokog instituta 232, 1984, 171-182. Larticle, traduit en anglais
est paru sous le titre Ser Basilius de Basilio a less than Commendable Ragusan Patrician
(1361? 1413), Variorum, Aldeshot, 1997, III (1-16).
19
Sur loctroi de la citoyennet ragusaine et sur le rle des trangers Dubrovnik, parmi de
nombreux articles nous retiendrons deux principaux: J. Mijukovi, Dodeljivanje dubrovakog
graanstva u srednjem veku, Glas Srpske akademije nauka i umetnosti 246, 1961, 103 et B.
Kreki, Contributions of Foreigners to Dubrovniks Economic Growth in the late Middle Ages,
Variorum, London, 1980, XIX (376-394). Il est impossible, faute de place, dvoquerici dans
le dtail les nuances entre les statuts dhabitant et de citoyen ordinaire: le deuxime statut tait
certainement plus favorable, mais ne pouvait en aucun cas tre compar au statut de citoyen
patricien, membre du Grand conseil qui seul appartenait llite urbaine, et donnait libre accs
lexercice du pouvoir politique.
20
Les sources ragusaines voquent quatorze conflits arms auxquels la Commune prit part
depuis la fin du XII, jusquau milieu du XV sicle. N. Feji, Jedan pogled na ratove
Dubrovnika, Istorijski asopis 56, 2008, 117-151.

126

Nenad Feji

Une des premires mesures appliques par le gouvernement tait


linterdiction, souvent explicitement adresse aux trangers, mais parfois
aussi aux Ragusains, de se promener arms dans les rues de la ville. Ainsi en
1319, la suite dun conflit qui opposait le roi Stphane Miloutine au ban de
Croatie Mladen ubi, dans larrirepays de Dubrovnik, le gouvernement
ordonna aux vigiles installs aux portes de lancien port, dinscrire les noms
detous les trangers qui entraient Dubrovnik, quelle que fut leur origine,
et de leur demander de remettre les armes21. Un peu plus tard cette mesure fut
tendue mme aux Ragusains, et proclame in Sclavonesca lingua par le
crieur public de la Commune22. Tandis que les mercenaires originaires de la
Pninsule ibrique, recruts au service du roi serbe Stphane Deanski
transitaient par Dubrovnik, en 1330-1331, et bien quils jouirent de la pleine
libert, de graves mesures de restriction furent vote, cause du grand
nombre dtrangers qui sont Dubrovnik et qui continuent y affluer23. Au
mois de juillet on envisageait une mesure extrme, celle de chasser tous les
trangers de la ville lexception des marchands, qui fut remplace par une
mesure plus clmente, savoir de leur confisquer les armes et de les placer
sous bonne surveillance24. Outre linterdiction du port darmes, ils taient
frapps de linterdiction de se promener en ville aprs le troisime son de
cloche et pour empcher les vols, sous peine de prison25, et un peu plus tard
de linterdiction absolue de se dguiser lors des ftes carnavalesques sous
peine de doublement de la peine prvue par le Statut de Dubrovnik26.
Il est certain que toute augmentation sensible de la population, fut-elle
temporaire provoquait la suspicion des autorits ragusaines. Il ne devait pas
sagir uniquement dune population hostile, lextrieur des murs, mais aussi
de certaines catgories de la population qui ntaient pas les bienvenues, et
qui pouvaient mettre en danger la paix civile. Ainsi, en septembre 1303, la
21

J. Gelcich, Monumenta Ragusina, Libri Refoprmationum (Mon. Rag.), V, Zagreb, 1897, 117: electi
et assumpti fuerunt ad standum ad portam pontis de foris, adscribendum nomina foresteriorum
qui aducunt arma de foris, ad accipiendum dicta arma et salvanda ad hoc ut non adducant in
civitatem.
22
Ibid/
23
Mon. Rag. II, 328: Quod propter magna quantitate forasteriorum qui sunt in Ragusio, et
continuo veniunt, civitas Ragusii debet melius custodiri, quam nunc facitur. Sur le sjour
des mercenaires espagnols Dubrovnik voir M. Dini, panski najamnici u srpskoj slubi,
Zbornik radova Vizantolokog instituta, 6, 1960, 15-28.
24
Mon. Rag. V, 291: Prima videlicet de expellendo extra civitatem omnes forenses et secunda
de non expellendo eos, sed de accipiendo arma eorum, ita quod nullo modo possent ipsa habere,
et de faciendo bona custodia.
25
Mon. Rag. V, 282: Quod eligantur XII scaraguardie, quorum offitium sit scruptare de nocte
per civitatem, ne furta aliqua fiant et accusare omnes euntes post tercium sonum campane.
26
Il sagit du chapitre 97 du Livre VIII du Statut de Dubrovnik: V. Bogii et K. Jireek, Liber
Statutorum Civitatis Ragusii, compositus anno 1272, Zagrabiae, 1272.

Lordre regne a Dubrovnik . . .

127

suite dune guerre trs meurtrire avec le roi Miloutine27 le gouvernement


vota une interdiction de sjour tout Slave Dubrovnik et dans son district
qui fut transforme bientt en une autorisation de sjour aux seigneurs du roi
Stphane (Miloutine) quiy habitent avec leur famille ainsi quaux marchands28.
Cette sanction fut plus tard assortie dune condition, quil sagisse de
personnes convenables, qui peuvent labourer la terre et se prter aux travaux
que font les Ragusains29. Toute personne devait fournir des garants quelle
habiterait Dubrovnik ou dans son district, lexception des Slaves dj
bannis de la commune de Dubrovnik, auxquels le sjour fut interdit.
Les mesures dissuasives lgard des catgories de populations
indsirables, ntaient pas communiques par le crieur public, comme celles
concernant la circulation sans lumire ou la promenade dans les rues et places
publiques, aprs une certaine heure de la nuit. Ces mesures spciales et cest
prcisment leur aspect sinistre sappliquaient certaines catgories de la
population, sans que celles-ci soient mises pralablement au courant. A bien
des gards, ces dcisions appliques par le recteur, le Petit Conseil ou des
conseils ad hoc de sages de la guerre, en temps de conflits prcisment,
rappellentles modes opratoires du clbre Conseil des dix, de sinistre mmoire
Venise. Nous voquerons juste quelques exemples parmi ces mesures.
Au dbut du XIV sicle, peu aprs la guerre qui opposa Dubrovnik au
roi Miloutine, le Conseil mineur dcida douvrir un registre o seraient
inscrits les noms de tous les Slaves qui serviraient ou desserviraient la
Commune de Dubrovnik, ou des Ragusains titre individuel, afin que chacun
soit rcompens ou puni selon son d, et que personne ne puisse se glorifier
de ses mauvaises uvres. Ce registre avait encore un caractre public, car
il est prcis dans la mme dcision quil serait confi aux trsoriers en
exercice dela Commune30.
Une trentaine dannes plus tard, alors que la ville tait envahie par les
mercenaires espagnols au service du roi Stphane Deanski31, un comit
spcial de cinq membres, lus parmi cinq diffrentes familles patriciennes fut
pleinement habilit faire tout ce quil considrerait utile pour la ville et ses
habitants, y compris procder la destruction et la mort de toute personne
27

B. Kreki, Zato je voen i kada je zavren rat Dubrovnika i Srbije 1301-1302, Zbornik
radova Vizantolokog Instituta 17, 1976, 417-423.
28
Mon Rag II, 300 Exceptis nobilibus domini regis Stephani qui habitant in Ragusio cum
eorum familiis () et exceptis mercatoribus.
29
Mon. Rag. II, 301 et velit fideiussores dare de habitando in Ragusio veleius districtu,
usque ad quinque annos, faciendo angarias, ut faciunt alii Ragusei, quod recipiatur absque pena
ad habitandum usque quinque annosexceptis Sclavis qui essent banniti communis Ragusii.
30
Mon. Rag II, 303 (1303).
31
Voir note 28.

128

Nenad Feji

qui travaillerait au dtriment de Dubrovnik32. Pour atteindre cet objectif, le


comit avait sa disposition un crdit illimit33, et ce quil dciderait serait
valable comme si toute la Commune de Dubrovnik lavait fait34. Telle
quelle est formule, la dcision semble livrer la vindicte publique les
personnes inscrites dans un registre parfaitement accessible, caractre
public. Si les censeurs sont dfinis ils appartiennent cinq familles
patriciennes de Dubrovnik leurs victimes potentielles ne le sont pas, mais il
y a fort parier quil ne peut sagir que dtrangers ou de citoyens marginaux
ou suspects; bien que cela ne soit pas prcis, laccs aux registres, contenant
les noms des personnes dangereuses neutraliser ou liminer, ne pouvait
tre ouvert tous, au risque de compromettre la finalit mme dune pareille
initiative. De pareilles mesures caractre rpressif se multiplirent par la
suite, notamment en temps de guerre.
Une dcision du Snat de 1362, vote pendant le conflit avec le
seigneur serbe Vojislav Vojinovi, prvoyait que tous les trangers devaient
remettre leurs armes aux gardiens qui seraient placs aux portes de
Dubrovnik35. En 1363, lpoque de la guerre entre le roi de Hongrie Louis I
etle ban de Bosnie, Tvrtko I, Dubrovnik, fidle au roi de Hongrie devait se
sentir menace, car le Snat dcida en cette mme anne dlire cinq
patriciens chargs de rflchir, comment procder afin que personne nose
agir contre lhonneur dugouvernement de Dubrovnik, et dintroduire cet
effet des peines plus graves visant protger le bon tat de notre cit36. Trois
ans plus tard, toujours dans un contexte dinstabilit dans la Bosnie voisine,
quatre patriciens ragusains furent investis de la tche darrter ceux qui
dambuleraient dans les rues la nuit, afin dy commettre des prjudices37.
Le dispositif de dissuasion le plus puissant en temps de guerre
Dubrovnik fut mis en place pendant la difficile priode de la Guerre de
Chioggia/Tndos, (1378-1381), au cours de laquelle Dubrovnik fit partie de
la coalition anti-vnitienne, dirige par la Hongrie et par Gnes38. Les
32

Mon. Rag. II, 327 Quod eligantur quinque nobiles homines de quinque parentelis Ragusii,
qui habeant plenam et liberam potestatem tractandi, ordinandi, paciscendi quecumque
viderint esse necessaria mortis et distructionis (sic), omnium personarum que conantur et
student quotidie detrimentum et consumationem Ragusii.
33
Ibid. Et quod circa predicta possintexpendere de avere communis usque ad illam quantitatem
pecunie que eis videbitur et placuerit.
34Ibidem; Et quidquid dicti quinque homines duxerintsit firmum et ratum, ac si factum
esset per totum comune Ragusii.
35
Mon. Rag. III, 219 (1362).
36
DAD. Reformationes, vol. XX, 26 (31. VII 1363).
37
DAD. Reformationes, vol. XXIII, 39 (25.XI 1366): ut possint invenire illos qui se
contrafaciunt et stant per vias de nocte ad mallum perpetrandum.
38
B. Kreki, Dubrovnik i rat oko Tenedosa (1378-1381), ZRVI 5, 1958, 21-4.

Lordre regne a Dubrovnik . . .

129

trangers, en particulier les Vnitiens, mais parfois les Ragusains eux-mmes,


furent cette poque exposs un certain nombre de mesures policires
vexatoires, sans quil yaiteu, dans les documents conservs, la moindre trace
de leurs activits subversives. Ainsi le Snat dcida en avril 1378, autoriser
le recteur et son Petit conseil de nommer une commission de trois personnes,
charge dtudier do, et par le biais de quelles personnes provenaient
certaines choses qui pourraient porter prjudice lhonneur et au bon ordre
de la ville de Dubrovnik, et de den rfrer au Petit conseil39. Deux ans plus
tard, le Snat autorisa les capitaines de guerre de chasser de la ville tous les
Slaves de mauvaise rputation, et de faire en sorte que dornavant pas un
Slave de mauvaise rputation ne puisse venir Dubrovnik40.
Tous les trangers, reurent au mois daot 1378, lordre de
comparatre devant le recteur de Dubrovnik, libre celui-ci de dterminer les
sanctions en cas de refus de comparution. Certains trangers furent mme
assigns rsidence, tel Franois Baldella, lun des plus riches marchands
vnitiens Dubrovnik41, ou un certain Augustin, peintre de son tat, qui devait
partager la demeure de Franois, artisans de boucliers et se prsenter devant
le recteur, chaque fois que le feu, la nuit et la fume, le jour, annonceraient
lapproche des galres ennemies42. Toutefois la guerre ou simplement la
menace de guerre, entranaient leur lot de mesures restrictives qui visaient
aussi bien les citoyens Ragusains: ainsi le Conseil mineur interdit en 1381
tout homme ou femme descalader nimporte quel endroit les remparts de la
ville, lexception des gardes de nuit quiy furent autoriss: cette mesure fut
proclame par le crieur public dans les rues de Dubrovnik43. Lebien-fond de
cette dcision devait tre confirmune vingtaine dannes plus tard, en 1403,
pendant la guerre entre Dubrovnik et le roi de Bosnie, Stphane Ostoja,
lorsquune femme ragusaine fut aperue prs de la porte occidentale de la
ville (Pile), au pied des remparts, prs dune chelle en train de brandir une
torche, pour avertir les Bosniens, dune probable contre-attaque des guerriers
de Dubrovnik44.
Au-del des mesures punitives et dissuasives, une troisime srie de
mesures tait la disposition des patriciens au pouvoir Dubrovnik, pour
39

M. Dini, Odluke vea Dubrovake Republike I, Beograd 1951, (Plus loin: M. Dini, Odluke
vea I).
40
M. Dini, O.V. I, 94, expellere de civitate Ragusii omnes Sclavos famaticioset quod teneant
modum quod nullus Sclavus famaticius decetero permitatur intrare in civitatem Ragusii.
41
B. Kreki, Franesko Baldela, mletaki trgovac u Dubrovniku 1350-1389, Zbornik radova
Filozofskog fakulteta u Beogradu 24/1, 1979, 148-150.
42
Mon. Rag. IV, 179-180.
43
M. Dini, O.V. 1, 148.
44Lamenta de foris I, 184 (1403); S. irkovi, Istorija srednjovekovne bosanske drave, Beograd,
1964, 200.

130

Nenad Feji

assurer la paix sociale et la scurit intrieure: les mesures incitatives. Il


sagissait dintgrer dautres catgories de la population leffort de guerre
ou alors de protger ces catgories de la population des menaces
quentranaient les oprations militaires de lennemi. En premier lieu, mme
avant lintroduction massive de mercenaires au XV sicle, la dfense
ragusaine ne pouvait reposer uniquement sur le patriciat. Dj lors de la
guerre avec le roi Miloutine, en 1301, le Grand conseil dcida dappeler sous
les armes 300 hommes: indpendamment du fait quil sagissaitl deffectifs
considrables la population globale de la ville ne dpassant jamais au XIV
sicle, selon les estimations les plus audacieuses trois quatre mille habitants
parmitous ces guerriers, les patriciens, bien quaux postes de commande,
constituaient une nette minorit45. Dailleurs, le gouvernement ragusain
procde dj en 1323 au recensement de toute la population mle ragusaine
de 15 70 ans, et sa rpartition endouze bataillons, pourvus lavance de
capitaines: il sagit de toute vidence de toute la population dans les classes
dge voques, y compris videmment de citoyens ordinaires (cives) ou de
simples habitants (habitatores) de Dubrovnik, et pas uniquement de
patriciens. Une dcision vote ausein du Grand conseil et consigne dans le
recueil lgislatifLe Livre vert, ordonnait en 1348 le recensement de tous
les citoyens aptes tre recruts, avec autorisation dpargner uniquement
les portefaix et les terrassiers, sollicits probablement pour les travaux de
fortification46. Au XV sicle, notamment la veille des guerres avec les
seigneurs bosniens Radoslav Pavlovi (1430-1432) et Stefan Vuki-Kosaa
(1450-1454), les recensements pour les besoins de la dfense deviennent
encore plus ponctuels et ils incluent explicitement les citoyens ordinaires.
Ainsi, en 1428, le Petit conseil ordonna un recensement de la population apte
porter les armes de 16 65 ans, en procdant la constitution dune
vritable liste nominative47. Deux ans plus tard, en 1430, le Snat chargea le
recteur et son Petit conseil de procder un recensement nominatif de toutes
les personnes habitant la ville, de tout ge et de toute condition et qualit,
capables de porter les armes, et dinclure dans cette liste les hommes compris
entre quatorze et soixante-dix ans, au cas o ils seraient issus du peuple, et les
hommes au-del de quatorze ans, mais sans limite dge, sils sont
patriciens48. Tous ces recensements permettaient, en cas de menace de guerre,
ou de tension, de procder plus facilement au recrutement des dfenseurs, y
45

Pour le nombre des patriciens Dubrovnik, voir I. Manken, Dubrovaki patricijat, Beograd
1960.
46
B. Nedeljkovi, Liber Viridis, cap. XIII, p. 8.
47
DAD, Cons. Minus, IV, 200 Ad describendum homines et personas civitatis scribendo
48
nomina
Cons. hominum
Rog. IV, 136-137.
ad arma habiles (!), videlicet etatis ab annis XVI ad annos LXV.

Lordre regne a Dubrovnik . . .

131

compris de ceux issus des catgories populaires. Outre les recensements de


toute la population, en prvision des conflits, les registres gouvernementaux,
voquent partir du milieu du XIV sicle, assez rgulirement les palia,
comptitions en diverses adresses, le plus souvent autir larcou la baliste,
o prenaient part tous les citoyens et pas uniquement les patriciens. On trouve
dans le Livre vert, une disposition de 1383 qui ordonne linstauration de deux
palia gnraux annuels, pour que soient plus comptents et plus nombreux
les balistiers dans notre cit49.
Pendant laguerre avec le roi Miloutine en 1301-1302, le gouvernement
ordonna sous peine damende tous les habitants de lle de Mljet, sans
distinction, de se munir dune pe, dun bouclier, dun casque et dune
fronde50. En juillet 1330, lorsque la ville accueillit un grand nombre de
mercenaires espagnols, au service du roi, les effectifs de dfense furent
renforcs de 50 personnes aussi bien nobles que non nobles, sous le
commandement de deux patriciens, prcise une dcision du Petit conseil51. En
1348, lheure de la menace gnoise contre Dubrovnik toujours sous lautorit
vnitienne, un comit de Cinq sages (quinque sapientes), futcharg de recruter
les dfenseurs, aussi bien ausein de patriciens que de citoyens ordinaires52. Au
dbut de la guerre de Chioggia/Tenedos, en 1378, le gouvernement dcida de
faire venir chaque nuit Dubrovnik cent hommes de la localit de Vrm et cent
autres de la localit de Rijeka, localits dans larrire-pays immdiat de
Dubrovnik, avec mission de veiller la dfense des remparts pendant la nuitet
de rentrer chez eux pendant la journe: dans ce cas particulier, la troupe
combattante ragusaine tait compose de paysans du district53. Un peu plus
tard, au cours de la mme guerre contre les Vnitiens, le Snat dcida
daffranchir nos paysans (de affrancando nostros rusticos), sils se rendent
Dubrovnik pour assumer la garde des remparts54. Au cours de la guerre avec
Stphane Vuki-Kosaa, dans limpossibilit de recruter les soldats dans la
contre de Konavli, qui tait sous contrle du seigneur bosnien, les Ragusains
recrutrent Astarea, et dans les les de Mljet et de Lastovo.
49

B. Nedeljkovi, Liber Vir. Cap. 54, p. 24.


Mon. Rag. V, 6.
51
Mon. Rag. V, 295.
52
Mon. Rag. II, 11-12 Quod debeant eligi quinque sapientes qui debeant providere per
homines Ragusii tam nobiles quam populares.
53
M. Dini, O. V. I, 64
54
Evidemment, il ne sagissait pas dun affranchissement dfinitif des paysans du district: au
cours de diffrents largissements du district ragusain, au XIV et XV sicle, les terres des
paysans sur les terres acquises par Dubrovnik, taient simplement redistribues en majorit aux
patriciens, et en moindre mesure aux citoyens ordinaires auxquels les paysans devaient alors
taxes et corves. Le rgime agraire ragusain tait extrmement contraignant pour les paysans
du district.
50

132

Nenad Feji

Cependant, les citoyens ntaient pas engags uniquement titre de


combattants ordinaires. Entemps de guerre, certaines responsabilits ausein
des forces de dfense pouvaient mme leur tre confies. Cest lun des
aspects les moins lucids de lengagement dautres catgories que le
patriciat dans la protection de la Commune. Lorsque, en 1348, la suite de la
terrible pidmie de peste la ville fut expose une forte affluence dune
population affame et probablement contamine, depuis larrire-pays ragusain,
des mesures de surveillance des murs et des portes de la ville furent dcrtes
propter Slavos venturos Ragusium55 - et un contingent de 50 personnes fut
cr sous le commandement de quatre capitaines, issus des rangs du patriciat:
mais ces quatre capitaines patriciens, devaient leur tour choisir des capitaines
issus du peuple, et les disposer prs des portes de la ville, afin de surveiller les
entres et les sorties, et en particulier pour chercher les armes chez ceux qui
entraient lintrieur du primtre urbain, et si ncessaire, les confisquer.
Alors que Dubrovnik sattendait en 1464 larrive des croiss,
mobiliss par le pape Pie II contre les Ottomans croiss qui narrivrent
jamais le Petit conseil ordonna le dploiemet aux portes de Pile et de Ploe,
dun patricien et dun citoyen du peuple, chargs de distribuer 760 livres de
biscuits aux affams, afin de les inciter quitter le plus vite possible les
environs de la ville56 Cette distinction que lon trouve dans lessources ragusaines
entre les capitaines nobles (nobili) et les capitaines citoyens (populares) est
difficile expliquer. Sagissait-il de confier aux gens du peuple, aux citoyens
ordinaires, une tche de surveillance qui exigeait une meilleure connaissance
personnelle des habitants du district et de larrire-pays do risquaient de
venir les trangers indsirables ou contamins par la peste? Toutes ces
dispositions montrent que, loin dtre tenus lcart de la politique de dfense
de Dubrovnik, les citoyens ordinaires y taient, en cas de besoin, intgrs en
nombre consquent, et que mme certaines responsabilits pouvaient leurtre
confies, loin cependant de menacer la prpondrance du patriciat dans les
rles politiques et militaires de premier plan.
Les citoyens du peuple ntaient pas uniquement sollicits, ils taient
en cas de besoin protgs par le gouvernement patricien: ainsi, au mois daot
1378, le Snat dcida quaussi longtemps que durerait cette guerre contre les
Vnitiens, personne naurait le droit dexpulser les habitants de nosles, des
maisons quils occupent actuellement, et personne naurait le droit non plus
daugmenter leur loyer57 Un mois plus tard, le gouvernement ragusain
ordonna aux habitants desles de venir se rfugier Dubrovnik, accompagns
55

Mon. Rag. II, 51


DAD, Consilium Minus XVI, 133.
57
Mon. Rag. IV, 159.

56

Lordre regne a Dubrovnik . . .

133

de leur famille, sous peine damende de cinq hyperpres, pour tout chef de
famille, homme ou femme58.
En 1463, la veille de la chute de la Bosnie aux mains des Ottomans,
le gouvernement prvoyait le redploiement de la population du district
labri des remparts de Dubrovnik59. Mme lorsquil condamnait fermement la
fuite des habitants de Dubrovnik cette mme anne et lorsquil ordonnait aux
propritaires de petites embarcations decesser de transporter les fuyards sub
pena rebellionis et confiscationis bonorum suorum, le gouvernement
admettait les exceptions, et accordait aux femmes enceintes le droit de
prolonger leur absence de Dubrovnik60.
Au cours des mois dt de 1480, lorsque plusieurs escadres ottomanes
voluaient dans les eaux de Dubrovnik, le gouvernement autorisa les
habitants de lle de Lastovo causa metus qui est classe Turchorum de se
rendre dans les Pouilles, aux Marches, en Dalmatie Dubrovnik ou ailleurs
o bon leur semblerait, afin de trouver refuge poureux et pour leur famille.
Le gouvernement ragusain ordonna le mme jour, aux propritaires des
maisons vides Dubrovnik de remettre le lendemain les cls de leurs maisons
aux officiels dsigns, qui les remettraient aux rfugis venus de lle de
Lastovo: le non respect de cette dcision tait sanctionn dune amende de 25
hyperpres61.
En guise de conclusion, on pourrait dire qu limage dautres
communes de la cte adriatique et du commonwealth vnitien, le
gouvernement patricien de Dubrovnik tait partag entre deux tendances,
aussi durables lune que lautre: celle dexclure de lexercice du pouvoir
toutes les catgories de la population qui ne sinscrivaient pas au rang des
patriciens les citoyens ordinaires (cives de populo) les habitants
(habitatores), les trangers, et celle de permettre ces catgories de
participer la vie conomique et daccder un certain degr de richesse, qui
parfois dpassait la richesse des moins fortuns parmiles patriciens. Ces deux
tendances ntaient pas contradictoires en temps de paix et de prosprit.
Mais en temps de guerre ou de menace trangre, la situation devenait plus
dlicate. Le gouvernement tait alors, et les sources le dmontrent clairement,
partag entre deux choix, deux tendances opposs: celui dintgrer, au moins
certaines catgories de la population, dans leffort de guerre, et duvrer de
cette faon une certaine harmonie et une paix sociale, en dtournantainsi
ces catgories de toute tentation de trahison et de collusion avec lennemi, et
58

Mon. Rag. IV,165.


DAD Cons. Rog. XVIII, 79.
60
DAD Cons. Rog. XVII, 237,239, 240, 241, 244.
61
DAD Cons. Minus XXI, 144.
59

134

Nenad Feji

celui dexclure davantage ces catgories de la vie sociale et conviviale, en


leur imposant une panoplie de mesures dissuasives et restrictives. Do une
contradiction entre deux politiques: la premire qui se prsente sous forme de
mesures que nous avons dcrites comme punitives et dissuasives telles la
restriction de circulation au-del de certaines heures de la nuit, du port
darmes, dentre lintrieur du primtre urbain, voire demprisonnement
prventif sil sagissait de ressortissants des Etats avec lesquels Dubrovnik
tait en guerre, par exemple de Vnitiens au temps de la guerre de Chioggia/
Tndos et de mesures incitatives telles lintgration des trangers ou des
habitants des campagnes dans les forces de dfense ou, cas plus intressant
encore, lattribution des postes de capitaines du peuples (capitanei de
populo) certains citoyens mobiliss dans leffort de dfense. La combinaison
russie de ces mesures punitives, dissuasives et incitatives illustre bien la
grande flexibilit du modle communal ragusain, et explique sa grande
capacit dadaptation et sa prennit, malgr tous les prils auxquels tait
expose la libert de Dubrovnik, au fil des sicles du Moyen Age.

135

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: 94:327](497.13 :450.341)"15"

Oliver JENS SCHMITT


Institut fr Osteuropische Geschichte
Wien
Austria

MICRO-HISTORY AND LEBENSWELTEN


AS APPROACHES TO LATE MEDIEVAL DALMATIAN HISTORY.
A CASE STUDY OF KORULA1

Abstract: The article discusses micro-history as approach for analyzing the question
of Venetian rule in Late Medieval Dalmatia. Thick description of local conflicts on the island
of Korula reveals a complex network of personal economic and political dependencies and
demonstrates the limits of Venetian power.
ey Words: Dalmatia, Venice, Korula, Micro-History

While most medievalists dealing with Late Medieval Southeastern


Europe are trained to analyze in detail a rather restricted number of docu
ments which were actually produced in the region (this observation does,
obviously, not concern Dubrovnik), relying usually heavily on a documentation
from outside the area or even stemming from later periods, the archive of
Korula represents the very rare example of an almost complete source
collection of a minor island at the crossroads of the Balkans and the East
Mediterranean world. This paper discusses the question whether some
methods of the so called New Cultural History help analyzing the Korulan
society of the 15th century. It is divided into several steps:
1. It will try to give a short methodological overview of the methods
in question
2. It will describe in a few words the political and social framework
of the Korulan society at the eve of the Venetian domination
This article was read as a paper at the University of Belgrade in October 2009; it was probably
one of the last lectures Sima irkovi could attend. I remember our conversation on that occasion,
and it is the subject of our discussion which I dedicate to his memory.
1

138

Oliver Jens Schmitt

3. It will present several case studies which shall illustrate how a


micro-historical approach can be applied in historiographical reality,
thus bridging the common gap between theoretical wishful thinking
and the thorny task of integrating it into a scientific narrative.
1. The methods referred to above are neither new nor can they be called
particularly innovative, since they have already been firmly established in
European history. Micro-history is an emanation of the so called New
Cultural History which introduced methods and questions from anthropology
to history; it is not necessary to evoke here the Annales school, its interests
for mentalities and daily life which was also intensively discussed in Serbian
historiography - I mention here only the multi-volume synthesis on private
life in Serbian history. Micro-history represents probably an extreme case of
this new Cultural history and a strong opposition to the German concept of
historische Sozialwissenschaft of the Bielefeld school, because it puts the
individuum in the centre of history and scientific interest. The classic studies
of this current were written by Italian and French scholars, all well known
names as Carlo Ginzburg, Carlo Levi, Emmanuel LeRoy Ladurie or Natalie
Zeamon Davies2. They all tried to focus on the extraordinary normal which
they analyzed on the basis of a particularly rich source documentation. This
documentation allowed them to focus on individuals and to describe their
mental and social environment, to analyze their perception and interpretation
of their surroundings, of society and religion. This historiographical current makes
also implicitly or explicitly use of the often cited method of thick description
developed by the anthropologist Clifford Geertz3. The individual case studies
are put in a second step into a wider social and cultural framework. This
second level of interpretation is of key importance for answering criticism
that micro-history is unable to make any statement on past societies that
transcends the horizon of individual and therefore limited case studies. Micro
history has not really developed a coherent theoretical system; it has
preserved the charme of individualism which is reflected in the choice of the
subject. It sometimes provoked angry reactions by classical social historians
for whom the analysis of single biographies did not contribute to a better
C. GINZBURG. Hexensabbat. Entzifferung einer nchtlichen Geschichte. Berlin 2005; N. ZEMON
DAVIS, Die wahrhaftige Geschichte von der Wiederkehr des Martin Guerre. Berlin 2004; A.
LDKE, Alltagsgeschichte, Mikro-Historie, historische Anthropologie, in: H. -J. GOERTZ (ed.),
Geschichte. Ein Grundkurs. Reinbek bei Hamburg 2001, 547 - 578; S. BURGHARTZ, Historische
Anthropologie/Mikrogeschichte, in: J. EIBACH - G. LOTTES (ed.), Kompass der
Geschichtswissenschaft. Gttingen 2002, 206 - 218.
3 C. GEERTZ, Dichte Beschreibung. Beitrge zum Verstehen kultureller Systeme. Frankfurt/M.
1987.

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understanding of major social developments but simply risked to lose itself in


the ocean of sources. This discussion about the heuristic value of this
approach might explain why it has not become one of the major currents in
modern historiography. Even famous examples of the method as E. LeRoy
Laduries Montaillou were criticized because they failed, in the eyes of the
critics, to put the evidence from case studies into a wider spatial, chronolo
gical, social and cultural context - in the concrete case: to present Montaillou
as an isolated case study - or because they fell into the trap of believing to
much in their sources, in the case of Montaillou by taking a report of the
inquisition as the voice of illiterate peasants from the beginning of the 14th
century. In the particular case of Montaillou, this criticism seems to be
unjustified, but in general it reminds historians of the dangers of an approach
exclusively from below.
In order to avoid these shortcomings, the concept of Lebenswelten,
worlds,
was developed, in the field of East European History, it was
living
conceptualized particulary by a specialist for Modern Russian and East
Jewish history, Heiko Haumann in Basel4. This approach combines the
approach from below with structural history, i.e. it uses the same source
material as micro-history, but attributes the same intensity of research to
larger developments, especially structures of power, society and culture. In
this perspective, micro- and macro-perspective are not seen as opposed, but
as complementary levels. This approach seems particularly helpful when
making use of sources like the archive of Korula.
If we briefly consider the state of the art in regional studies, i.e.
Southeast European history, we notice a strong interest in New Cultural
history; the most serious obstacle however is the lack of relevant sources. The
only exception probably is the archive of Dubrovnik. It is therefore not by
chance that one of the most innovative and theoretically challenging studies,
Zdenka Janekovi Rmers Marua ili suenje ljubavi relies on a court
process from 15th century Dubrovnik5. Janekovi Rmer made use of a wide
range of methods, stretching from anthropology to gender studies, and
provided a thick description of gender and social relations in Renaissance
Dubrovnik. It is not necessary to mention here that a similar study for
neighbouring Hercegovina or Bosnia would have been impossible; but it
would have been impossible also in the case of most other Dalmatian towns,
because their notaries are silent on human interaction which does not directly
H. HAUMANN, Geschichte. Lebenswelt, Sinn. ber die Interpretation von Selbstzeugnissen, in:
B. HILMER, G. LOHMANN; T. WESCHE (ed.), Anfang und Grenzen des Sinns. Fr Emil Angehrn.
Gttingen 2006, 42-54.
5 Z. JANEKOVI RMER, Marua ili suenje ljubavi. Brano-ljubavna pria iz srednjovjekovnog
Dubrovnika. Zagreb 2007.
4

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concern economic activities. But to the case of Dubrovnik, we are able to add
the example of Korula now.
Before discussing the case studies, the island and the general
framework it provided have to be described.
2. As many Dalmatian islands, medieval Korula has not enjoyed
great interest on the part of historians. There are very few studies dealing
exclusively with it, notably Vinko Foretis monograph which appeared in
1940; a second monograph by Sero Dokoza was recently published by the
Knjievni krug in Split6. Both books concentrate on the pre-Venetian period
which ends in 1420. Both used the same source material, the first five boxes
of the Arhiv Korule. But even a brief glance at this archive reveals that the
pre-Venetian period constitutes - from the perspective of the material - only a
prelude to the Venetian administration which produced 400 boxes of material
until the end of the 18th century, of which about 35 concern the 15th century.
These boxes seem to be almost completely untouched - a history of Korula in
the 15th century, even in its general lines, has therefore still to be written7.
Research mainly relies on the Statuta of the town, published by Hanel 130 years
ago, especially on the annex with the most important decisions by the Venetian
Senate8; nine years ago, Ermanno Orlando published a book on Korula within
the framework of the series Corpus statutario delle Venezie directed by
Gherardo Ortalli who himself dedicated an article to the constitutional bounds
that linked the two communities9.
At the beginning of the 15th century, Korula was part of the Hungarian
kingdom, administrated by the Bali family who had been invested by King
Sigismund of Hungary. The social structures - the division in patricians and
populares - ressembled those of other Dalmatian communities; with them
Korula had much in common: a written constitution, self-government by the
patricians, a loose control by the Hungarian crown. Townspeople, patricians
and citizens (cittadini), looked down on the villagers (villani), the population
of the main villages of Lumbarda, rnovo, Smokvica, ara and Blato who
FORETI, Otok Korula u srednjem vijeku do g. 1420, Zagreb 1940; S. DOKOZA, Dinamika
otonog prostora, Split 2009. Cf. IDEM, Prilog prouavanju unutranjih prilika na otoku Koruli
u srednjem vijeku. Radovi zavoda za povijesne znanosti HAZU u Zadru 39 (1997) 117-140;
IDEM, Obrambeni sustav Korulanske komune u srednjem vijeku. Radovi Zavoda za povijesne
znanosti HAZU u Zadru 49 (2007) 205 220.
7 Cf. O.J. SCHMITT, Mondes de vie dune le adriatique: Korula au 15e sicle (Editions du
Collge de France) Paris 2011.
8 J.J. HANEL, Statuta et leges civitatis et insulae Curzulae (1214 1558). Zagreb 1877.
9 E. ORLANDO, Gli accordi con Curzola 1352 1421. Rome 2002; Gh. ORTALLI, Il ruolo degli
statute tra autonomie e dipendenze: Curzola e il dominio veneziano. Rivista storica italiana
98/1 (1986) 195 200.
6V.

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141

began to raise their voice in order to obtain more political rights on the island.
As for the demographic structure, the western part of the island was better
suited for agriculture and it also housed bigger villages than the eastern part
in the vicinity of the only fortified settlement, the town of Korula.
Overshadowed by its powerful neighbour Dubrovnik, Korulas trade
was of limited stretch and importance; it was mainly confined to local and
smaller regional links with the Balkan hinterland, Southern Italy and - for the
import of grain - Albania. There was of course some fishing as well. Most
Korulans were active in agriculture and cattle breeding. With its vineyards,
olive plantations, almond-trees and fig-trees, the island represents an example
of a typical Mediterranean agriculture. Pasturing was of great importance and
closely linked with the nearby mountains of Peljeac and the Neretva valley,
where quite a few pastors came from.
The integration into the Venetian overseas empire radically changed
this situation: a new frontier was drawn immediately in front of the harbour
of Korula in the midst of the channel of Korula. The small centre of local
traders and fishermen became one of the most important towns in the
Venetian trading system10: in fact, Korula was the first port of Dalmatia
which Venetian ships could call at. While before 1409/1420, Durazzo and on
a much smaller degree Dulcigno had been the last major Venetian strongholds,
Korula offered henceforward a thorough maritime infrastructure to Venetian
ships. At the same time, Korulan traders were integrated into the Venetian
overseas trading network which heavily relied on local ships for transport not
only in the Adriatic sea, but also in the Eastern Mediterranean in general.
Young men found jobs in Venetian galleys, and we soon see them in
Alexandria and other major ports of the Mediterranean. Contrary to the
opinion of the older Croatian historiography, Venetian domination did not
destroy trade in Dalmatia; it rather transformed it, by damaging certain areas
as salt-producing Pag, but at the same time by boosting trade in islands like
Korula11. Korulan entrepreneurs ventured not only in the Eastern
Mediterranean, they also broadened their activity in the Balkans, especially in
the seigneurie of Stipan Vuki12. Venice animated trade and economy also in
10

Cf. SCHMITT, Mondes de vie.


For a thorough revision of old research opinions s. the groundbreaking articles of T. RAUKAR,
Jadranski gospodarski sustavi: Split 1475-1500. Rad Hrvatske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti
480 (2000) 49-125; J. KOLANOVI, Izvori za povijest trgovine i pomorstva srednjevjekovnih
dalmatinskih gradova s osobitim osvrtom na ibenik. Adriatica maritima 3 (1979) 63-150; J.C.
HOCQUET, Fiscalit et pouvoir colonial. Venise et le sel dalmate aux XV et XVI sicles, in: M.
BALARD (ed.), tat et colonisation au Moyen ge et la Renaissance. Lyon 1989,277 316.
12
S. IRKOVI, Istorija srednjovekovne bosanske drave. Belgrade 1964; IDEM, Stefan Vuki
Kosaa i njegovo doba. Belgrade 1964; O.J. SCHMITT, Contrabannum. Deradriatisch-balkanische
Schmuggel im ausgehenden Mittelalter. Sdost-Forschungen 67 (2008) 1 26.

11

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Oliver Jens Schmitt

a rather unwilling way: by imposing its severe custom system on the island
and the surrounding waters, by banning imported salt, limiting the import of
iron from Styria via Rijeka and Senj, but penalising trade with weapons and
powder, it tried to cut old economic networks. Thus it provoked smuggling
which began to flourish immediately after the installation of Venetian office
holders on the islands. The main profiteurs were Korulan patricians who
bypassed the Venetian sea police and even sold weapons to the Ottomans in
Greece during the Veneto-Ottoman war. While the maritime part of the
Korulan society was thus mobilised by the change of political power, the
economic structures in the hinterland of Korula, in the villages of Lumbarda,
Smkovica, ara and Blato, remained mainly unchanged; that this it not true
for the social structures, will be shown in the next part of this paper. Until the
first Ottoman raids in Dalmatia, Korula only had to face the danger of
Catalan raids from Southern Italy which were however, until the end of the
century, mostly contained by the Venetian sea police. Serving as an important
transit port for Levant trade, being integrated into a wider economic space,
Korula evidently profited from the integration into the Venetian state: it
could balance the overwhelming economic power of neighbouring Dubrovnik
and it enjoyed Venetian protection for its traders in the Neretva valley13. This
situation changed with the intensification of Ottoman attacks; we have
fascinating descriptions of how pastors fled with their cattle from the
mountains of the Hercegovina to the coast; although data on a massive
immigration from the hinterland are still rare. As long as a relative peace
reigned in Albania, Korula could import large amounts of grain from the
south; but heavy warfare between approximately 1460 and 1480 made the
island more depending on grain from Southern Italy. Korulas trading
activities can be quantified on the basis of the port registers which have been
almost completely preserved, a unique case in the Venetian overseas empire;
it is evident that the regional, i.e. Adriatic, trade was still prevalent, but the attraction
of Venice as an economic centre of the Adriatic drastically increased. The old
relations with South and Central Italy were not interrupted, neither the trade
with the Hungarian (and Habsburg) littorale around Rijeka, Bakar and Senj.
The most notable change occurred in the South where merchants from Korula
increasingly called at ports on Corfu, in Morea and even in Crete - since
Korulans were excluded from Levant trade with luxury products, they
concentrated on mass products such as wine, fish, figs, cheese, salted meat,
hides and others products of cattle breeding, but also on iron and timber14.

13
14

. TOI, Trg Drijeva u srednjem veku. Sarajevo 1987.


SCHMITT, Mondes de vie.

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143

3. While the main conjunctures can thus be sketched at least in their


main lines, as it is possible for other Venetian overseas possession as well, we
have to turn our attention to the particularities of the Korulan archive and our
methodological interest as discussed above. What this paper proposes is to
apply the concept of Lebenswelten on the Korulan source material. That
means that we have to formulate a general question which will then be approached
from below and from above - and this paper brings forward an apparently
very traditional topic, the reality of Venetian domination in its overseas
empire. The character of Venetian domination in Dalmatia and Greece has
long been controversially discussed by Italian, Yugoslav and Croatian and
Greek historiography15: Idealisation of Venice as empire of peace and
civilisation here, a grim foreign occupation there. Both perspectives rely on a
rather limited sample of sources, i.e. official documents emanating from the
Venetian central authorities, mainly the Venetian Senate. Local archives as
those from Korula offer, as we will see, a very different image of the reality
of the Venetian presence in Dalmatia.
Let us start from above, with a short analysis of the Venetian power
structure on Korula: When we will have a closer look on these realities, one
has to bear in mind, as banal as it may sound, that Venice did not colonise its
Dalmatian possessions, that it never sent Venetian settlers and that it respected
the Dalmatian communities as political and constitutional partners which
belonged to the same cultural world, also to the same political culture, i.e. the
Italian style communal system.16 The physical presence of Venice on Korula
was rather symbolical: the governor, a chancellor (often not a Venetian
citizen), a handful of servants, altogether not more than about ten persons
who had to face an island community of possibly 4000 persons. There was no
major Venetian police force, no Venetian judges, no Venetian soldiers except
in times of open warfare (mainly against Naples). There were also almost no
permanent Venetian residents in Korula. The governor was replaced every
two years as in other Venetian possessions - there was little personal continuity
15

G. NOVAK, Prolost Dalmacije. 2 vols. Zagreb 1944; G. PRAGA, Storia di Dalmazia. Reed.
Varese 1981; cf. E. IVETIC, Dalmazia e Slavi negli studi di Roberto Cessi. Archivio Veneto s.
V, 164 (2005) 125 144.
16
T. RAUKAR, Zadar u XV stoljeu. Zagreb 1977; IDEM, Hrvatsko srednjovjekovlje. Zagreb 1997;
IDEM, Studije o Dalmaciji u srednjem vijeku. Split 2007; D. FORETI-M. SUI- N. KLAI-T. RAUKAR
(ed.) Prolost Zadra. 3 vols. Zadar 1981-1987; J. KOLANOVI, ibenik u kasnome srednjem
vijeku. Zagreb 1995; I. BENYOVSKY LATIN, Srednjovjekovni Trogir: prostor i drutvo. Zagreb
2009; Cf. A. MALZ, Frhneuzeitliche Modernisierungals Sackgasse: Die dalmatinische Stdtewelt
vom 14. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert. in: C. GOEHRKE B. PIETROW ENNKER (ed.), Stdte im stlichen
Europa Zurich 2006, 103 133; Gh. ORTALLI O.J. SCHMITT (ed.), Balcani occidentali,
Adriatico e Venezia fra XIII e XVIII secolo/Der westliche Balkan, der Adriaraum und Venedig,
13. - 18. Jahrhundert. Vienna - Venice 2009.

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in the very small Venetian administrative apparatus17. The governor was


obliged to observe the local Statutaand to cooperate with the local elite. Although
he was the highest judge on the island, he could not act without local judges
elected by the Council of Noblemen; he was again and again remembered to
respect and to apply local law; he was controlled by regular inspections by the
so called sindici - there were quite a lot of formal restrictions which the
central state had imposed on its representatives on the spot. The governor was
head of the security forces - but in fact, they were almost inexistent outside
the city walls; inside he disposed of four or five policemen. The defense of
the island was cared for by the local population. Fighting against smugglers
and criminals on the sea was partially the duty of the Venetian Adriatic fleet,
in daily business, local people were charged with persecuting smugglers or
guarding the coastline. Korula had its own galley which served in the
Venetian fleet - it was manned by local men whose recruitment was a constant
subject of conflict between patricians and non-patricians. On the countryside,
the Venetian state was almost completely absent; local authorities, as the
gastaldiones or the pudarii, looked after public security, investigated damages
on fields and crops and settled minor conflicts between local peasants. Not all
Venetian governors ventured out of town, visited the villages and
administrated justice in the rural world; usually, countrymen had to go to
Korula town in order to plead their cause in front of the governor. In general,
Venice did not touch the old administrative system; it did not interfere in local
affairs of the villages. Venice would certainly have preferred to ignore local
politics which only caused the governors trouble. However the beginning of
its domination on Korula coincided with the sharpening of the power
struggle between Korulan patricians, citizens and villagers who all saw in
Venice their protector and their ally - Korula is therefore no exception of the
well-known rule that the Republic of Saint Mark acted not as an occupation
force but as a mediator between competing local groups. The power struggles
are only known when they reached the ears of the Venetian central authorities;
the best known case in Dalmatia is the so-called popular uprising on Hvar in
151018. Minor conflicts however are only documented in local archives, which
for most Dalmatian towns have not survived from the 15th century.
It is exactly at this point that the Korulan source material becomes
relevant - and at this point, our investigation has to change its perspective. Micro
historical case studies are usually bound to a single person who becomes in a
way the hero of an analytical narrative: our heroes are two brothers,
anin and uanin Dragai from the village of ara. Let us hear their history:
OCONNELL, Men of Empire. Power and negotiation in Venices maritime state. Baltimore 2009.
A. GABELI, Ustanak hvarskih puana (15101514). Split 1988.

17M.
18

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145

on 22 April 1444, Radain from Ston, habitator of Korula since his infancy,
accused uanin Dragai that he broke in his newly built house and violated
his daughter Franua who was sleeping on the second floor in absence of her
father and her brothers. Franua confessed that she had given life to a baby
and that one of Dragais relatives, the presbyter Luka Marini, had assisted
her and brought the baby to Ston where it should be nursed.19 The presbyter
confirmed that he had been called to Franua and that he had found her alone
in her house with a baby which she had wrapped up in some clothes.20 On the
25th of April, the governor summoned Dragai who did not show up; on the
10th of May, this call was repeated on the camp of Polud in presence of many
Korulans21. Taken as an isolated case, this process would not be of major
interest, since sexual violence was quite common on Korula and accusations of
violation or sexual harassment occur frequently. But the story does not end at this
point. On 12th of May, Marko Bogdani accused anin and uanin Dragai,
Grgur Tonisi, Jakov Skroboti and Mileta of Krajina of having stolen one of his
goats on their way to Venice.22 Mileta explained the governor that they had tried
to call a pastor, but that nobody had answered them; Jakov Skroboti explained
that they had looked after the brand of the goat and saw that it belonged to a man
from their own village of ara; they decided to pay him after their return from
Venice.23 This second case might as well have happened by pure coincidence.
But the following development showed that both accusations were closely
linked. The governor condemned Dragai in contumaciam to six months of
prison. But Dragai had not fled. In July 1444 he returned from Venice; and this
news alone was sufficient to stir up different feelings. The non-patricians were
all in arms, especially in Dragais village ara, and according to some
patricians, thay threatened that they would make chopped meat out of the
patricians and drink their blood; ara resembled a fortified stronghold. The
governor decided to send a Korulan patrician, ser Ivan Miki, judge of
Korula, to proclaim that Dragai had to appear in front of the court
immediately. Miki left a report of his journey from Korula to ara. On his
way, he met Mihailo Radomili, field-guard of the village, who implored him
not to risk his life by setting a foot in the village. Mihailo was told early that
morning by his wife that uaninus had come back from Venice and that the
governor wanted to arrest him in Lumbarda, but the Dragai had entered
together with twelve bodyguards the village of ara, that seven of these men
19
Dravni arhiv u Zadru. Arhiv Korule 10/13/1 f.47v (all references to archival material are
from this collection).
20
Ibid. f.48r.
21
Ibid. f.48v.
22
Ibid. f.49.
23
Ibid. f.49r and 50r

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Oliver Jens Schmitt

had slept in the church of Saint Peter and four others slept in the same room
with Dragai in order to prevent his arrest; Mihailo left his house when it
was still dark and approached ara at dawn; he was frightened by what he
saw: uaninus stood there with a sword, a knife and a tended cross-bow with
13 arrows; he was accompanied by his brother aninus, by Frane Marini and
Grgur Tonisi (afterwards, Mihailo was not prepared to give the governor the
names of the bodyguards, because, as he said, the villagers did not reveal him
their secrets24). He told the patrician that twelve young men had sworn to
defend uanin till the death; Miki and the field-guard approached the
village. Dragai shouted at them: Who is that beak who wants to arrest
me...? and turning himself to the field-guard he mocked him Make your
public proclamation, but no one will dare to arrest someone of us if he does
not want to die; some of his followers took their swords, aninus grasped
Miki and said Take me if you want; and he then declared that nobody will
obey to the governors order. The trembling field-guard read nevertheless the
proclamation four times announcing that the whole village will be punished
in case of disobedience. The situation became very tense; one of the few
ennemies of Dragai in the village, Franul Tatar ivojevi approached
Dragai together with the field-guard; Dragai warned them If you come to
me, no one of you will return; Franul asked the judge to go ahead, but he
refused; at that moment Dragai showed two Ducali, official documents
from the Doges chancellery.25 The judge, the field-guard and the two men
who were ready to arrest Dragai had to retreat. The whole village had
defended Dragai, whom they had expected like a God and who was a guest
in the house of the village priest don Marko Komari; his twelve bodyguards
did not let him alone a single minute, they ate with him, they slept close to
him and accompanied him all the time. Villagers told that there had been
festivities celebrating the return of Dragai and his followers, rumours said
that Dragai would invite the mortal enemies of Venice, the Catalans, to take
over the island and town of Korula.26 The next act of the drama, a real show
down, happened three weeks later
On 7th August 1444 uanin Dragai brought an action against
Franuas father, and this action revealed very soon that the process of April
and Dragais condemnation by the governor had a much wider dimension:
Franuas father had simply invented the accusation by instigation of local
patricians in order to destroy uanins political career. uanin was in fact the leader
of the Korulan villagers who defended their rights in front of the Venetian
24

Ibid. f.56r.
Ibid. f.56r.
26
Ibid.f.57r.
25

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147

Doge exactly at the moment when Franuas father had accused him. He was
an immigrant from Ston who hoped to be recompensed by the Korulan elite
for his services; the main instigator of the intrigue was magister Juraj
Grupi.27 Radain was under double pressure, since both of his daughters,
Franua and her sister Katua tried to prevent him from accusing Dragai.
He explained to the comes that his plaint was made only to satisfy his
desperate daughter who had become pregnant after the violation. The
Venetian governor summoned Franua and heard a completely different story:
several years ago, she had fallen in love with Dragai; and as postillon
damour, she had sent Pribislav from Krajina to take him into her house - and
into her bed; she never had been violated by Dragai, on the contrary, she
had given birth to two children. She supported the plaint of her father because
master Grupi and the predecessor of the actual governor had blackmailed
her: she would be arrested, if she did not denounce her lover; she also
admitted that she had had other love affairs before and that she had had no
intention to marry these men. The whole story was confirmed by several
testimonies: the patrician Ante Stanojevi informed the governor that
Dragais affair with Franua was widely known, that her father had called
her several times uanins whore and that he had seen one day governor
Marco Gradenigo reading in the Korulan statuta and saying to a Korulan
nobleman This chapter is against uanin Dragai who has a love affair with
the daughter of Radain from Ston. The postillon damour, Pribislav from
Krajina, added his memories: in a cold night, when it was snowing and
raining, and people feared an attack by Catalan pirates, the whole male
population gathered on the main square; when he, Pribislav, passed by
Radains house, Franua asked him to invite Dragai to come to her; he in
fact met Dragai in front of the church of Saint Mary; he served in the same
function several times; two and half a year ago, he met Dragai at noon at
the city gate and took him to Franua. Ante Koi, finally, told the governor
that Franua had sexual intercourse with Dragai since almost four years,
that Dragai had had several angry disputes with master Grupi, and that it
was rumoured that Dragais predecessor in Franuas bed was Dabiiv the
blacksmith. Soon after the process, Franua disappeared; the governor issued
a proclamation that no one was allowed to hide her, but in vain. Only in
February 1445 Radain of Ston found out who had helped her; he accused
before the governor Frane Marini de Tomko and Marins widow dona
Francesca who had given shelter to Franua in a house outside of Korula
town; when the field-guard and other men arrived and searched the house,
they found one of Franuas hankerchiefs, but Franua could escape to other
27

10/15/3 f. 97r.

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Oliver Jens Schmitt

friends (we even have a inventory of Franuas wardrobe (una gonela de


pavonazo valoris duc. 8; una tovalia magna a tabula valoris duc. 2, unum
fustagnum d.2; 9 fazolos a manu novos d.2; cedimentum filli line d2; unum
par linteonis d2, tole brachia 4 s 32; unum par manicarum de cundato s.32;
unum cusmelum folatum s.60, unum fazolum cum serico s.60 - Frane Marini
de Tomko explained he had not known the proclamation since he had been
working in his vineyards, and he added that Franua had slept one night in his
house and had left on the next day - the governor however did not believe him
and sentenced him to 15 days in prison which he left on 30 April 1445).28
Our starting point is thus a political intrigue which coincided with an
escalation of the power struggle between patricians and villagers of Korula:
the Dragai brothers played a decisive part in conflict. What is evident is the
fact that a Venetian governor and a group of patricians decided to eliminate
one of the Dragaii from political life by an intrigue - this alone is remarkable.
They did not dare to arrest him, since they had no legal instrument to stop his
political activities. Venice explicitly encouraged petitions of his subjects, and
the central authorities received numerous delegations from the overseas
possessions. The governor had his hands bound; and the patricians as well
feared the political and, as we shall see very soon, also the physical power of
the villagers. Apart from this political aspect, the story offers us insights into
social patterns of Korula; the power struggle was fought with all means,
mainly by the criminalisation of non-patricians by patricians. Patricians tried
to destroy their enemies by transforming them into thieves and violators; they
tried to destroy their honour in the eyes of the local society and especially in
the eyes of the Venetian government. Honour was a key concept of behaviour:
judge Miki and his field-guard insisted that they defended their and the
states honour in the dangerous moments in ara. Dragai as well defended
his honour against unjust accusations and a possible arrest by his enemies in
the village. The villagers and especially the twelve bodyguards protected their
protector, since Dragai had represented them before the Doge in Venice.
Words and gestures express honour and dishonour: Dragai humiliated judge
Miki when he grasped him at the arm; his gestures were violent and
impressive: he stood at the entrance of the village, surrounded by his
bodyguards and the population. He showed off his arms and challenged thus
the representatives of patrician power on the island and their monopoly of
violence. Loyalty was another key factor in the power game: the villagers
supported their leader, and the attempt of the governor and the patricians to
intimidate them utterly failed; they stood as one man behind their leader.
Emotions ran high, the accusations and intrigues of the patricians hit at the
28

10/14/1 f.29.

Micro-History and LEBENSWELTEN... - A Case Study of Korula

149

most vulnerable point of their adversaries, honesty, honour. But we have also
elements which illustrate gender relations on Korula: that concubinage was
tolerated, that in this small town nothing could be kept secret, but that certain
social conventions were observed (Franua could not directly invite Dragai
because of the social control in the public space), finally that a father could
not enforce a marriage when the lover of his daughter was a powerful and
aggressive man. Another path of research is offered by the use of space,
public and private: Dragai, a villager of ara, came often to Korula town
and could be seen at the main square and the gates; his quarrels with local
townsmen were well known as well as his private life; the same is true for
minor persons as the blacksmith or master Juraj Grupi. We know that in
villages as well public space was used for assemblies and for the mise en
scne of social relations and political power. The armed demonstration of
villagers showed the patricians the narrow limits of their power - and it
marked also the helplessness of the Venetian governor.
The real micro-historical research has to start after the analysis of
these documents which alone would offer us an interesting glimpse into
Korulan society, but not more: the extremely dense source material however
allows us to reconstruct the complex network of personal, social and
economic relations between the main players of the power struggle in Korula
in the 1440ies.
anin and uanin Dragai, sons of Frane and therefore also called
Franeti, appear in 1438 in the social life of Korula: in October 1438 they
contended a testament of Don Nikola Marini, an uncle of the Dragaii; their
plaint was accepted by the governor and the patrician judges Ante Roen und
Marko Paperi29; soon afterwards they instituted legal proceedings against the
nobleman Marko Goriglavi who had occupied a house which Tomko
Miloevi had given them by his testament.30 Since the Dragai brothers
defended the rights of two Ragusans, they were accused by Goriglavi of
offending the Statuta of Korula which did not allow Korulans to act as
representatives of foreigners against other citizens of Korula. The brothers
were condemned, but appealed in Venice against this judgment, at the court of
the Auditori novi which quashed the decision of the Korulan court.31
A third lawsiut involved anin Franeti in April 1441; the patrician
ser Negoje Bogdani claimed that anin had promised to marry his daughter.
In his plaint his described how the marriage was arranged in August 1440 in
the village of ara; the Dragaii had sent their cousin, don Luka and two
29

7/9/I-II f. 151, 158.


Ibid. f. 160r.
31
7/9/1-2, f. 199v-200v.

30

150

Oliver Jens Schmitt

noblemen, ser Bogdan Radi and ser Ante Jurjevi to Negoje and asked him
Would you be prepared to give your daughter Jakovica as wife to anin, son
of Frane?; he answered: If the Lord wants it, this can be so, and if you and
my other friends give me this advice, I will gladly accept it. After that, the
two Dragaii appeared and anin accepted the deal. When anin wanted to
dissolve the marriage, the governor and his judges forced him to accept his
bride.32 In December of the same year, both brothers were condemned to pay
two ducats to don Ivan Boin.33 The Dragaii were thus active members of
the Korulan society who did not hesitate to travel to Venice to defend their
interests; the impression that they were rather unruly men is confirmed by
another much more serious process which opposed them to the leading men
of the island, and this time, it was for political reasons.
On 27th May 1441 the legal councilors of Korula, the patricians
Frane Obradovi, Marin Ivani, Stipan Junjevi and Gabriel Angeli together
with Forte Antonii and Ivan Petrovi appeared in front of the governor Michele
Michiel and raised heavy accusations against the Dragaii. They exposed
that Korula had always lived in peace and social harmony, but that this times
had gone, since Franul Mariovi and Jakov Banievi had began to agitate the
common people; that they had been joined by Frane Marini, Pavao Glavi,
anin and uanin Dragai, Antic Blaeti and others who had stirred up
popular emotions, first in the village of Smokvica, later in other villages of
the island; they had contaminated the peaceful peasants and organized public
meetings; master Pavao Glavi from Lumbarda, paid by the enemies of
Venice, had visited the village of Blato by night and agitated the uneducated
villagers - for this purpose, this group obtained the authorization to represent
the villagers interest in Korula town and even in Venice. These men were a bad
seed, they make noise as they like it, insulted the noblemen, formed sects and
congregations and threatened to destroy the whole island.34 These were serious
accusations which attest how deep the social division was on the island: the
patricians defended their political monopoly not against townsmen, but against
the rural elite, composed by peasants and artisans; Pavao Glavi, a leading figure
was a shoemaker. It is evident that villagers had made their own assembly and
elected their own political representatives and challenged thus directly the Statuta
and the patrician council of Korula. The patrician discourse which addressed the
Venetian authorities accused them of having violated the good old order and
depicted the rural leaders as troublemakers and criminals. Obviously, the
patricians tried to use Venice to crush internal strife on the island.
32

ibid. 182r-184r.
ibid. f. 198v.
34
7/10/1 f. 30v-34r.
33

Micro-History and LEBENSWELTEN... - A Case Study of Korula

151

The Dragaii were not impressed - on the contrary, in September


1441, they gathered many followers on the camp of Polud where they met the
leading patrician Dobroslav Obradovi with his brothers, all in arms; both
sides began to insult each other. When uanin provoked Obradovi Dont
attack me all in a body; but he who wants to fight with me, shall go out of the
town, I will wait there, the patrician refused an open fight, saying that I am
not stupid and I wont fight with you.35 uanin had challenged a leading
nobleman who avoided open conflict; this was an evident symbolical victory
of the Dragaii. Another incident demonstrates how insolent they had
become against the traditional authorities: when the governor ordered uanin
not to leave the town, he complained about the governors violence and added
Neither the governor nor the judges have enough power to put me in jail36
- Dragai not only challenged the Korulan elite, but he seriously provoked
the Venetian governor - who was incapable to punish him; the only means to
contain Dragais temper was to force him to present more documents in his
lawsiuts againstvarious patricians.
But popular unrest was not appeased. On 10th October 1442, in the
of
the night, Ivan Bogojevi, a peasant from Smokvica, asked the
middle
plazarius of the village, Marko Vitkovi, to proclaim that all villagers who
complained about new taxes should descend the following day to the town of
Korula in order to demonstrate against the Venetian governor - and this
despite the severe order of the government which banned all unauthorized
assemblies on the island, an order which was once again read aloud in
Korula on 7th December37 - in fact three leading patricians, Stanko
Obradovi, Marin ilkovi, Ante Radeti and Forte Antonii had immediately
after the uprising set sail for Venice and obtained a decision from the Doge in
their favour (November 144138). In the following years, the conflicts between
noblemen and peasants were not calmed down, taxes and the obligation of
villagers to serve as guardians in the town of Korula - where they were given
order by Forte Antonii to do compulsory services (angarie39) - caused
repeatedly new tensions. Since these could not be resolved on the island, the
villagers chose to submit the whole cause to the central authorities in Venice;
in March 1444 they elected the Dragaii brothers as their representatives and
sent them to the Doge in Venice where they stayed for three months. The
reactions of the patricians show how high tensions ran - and how close some
patricians came to high treason. They demonstrate as well how limited the
35

ibid. f.37r-39r.
Ibid. f. 36v.
37
10/14/1 f.78r-v.
38
HANEL 161-62.
39
HANEL 168.

36

152

Oliver Jens Schmitt

prestige of the governor could be: Magister Zore Grupi, whom we have
already met as the main instigator of the Franua affair, threatened the
villagers in August 1444: You have made these days a council; this had never
happened in this place, and this council will be for nothing; your heads will
be cut and our lord governor will be sent in jails to Venice by the state inspectors
because he had allowed this assembly, he even dared to say: He allowed
this assembly in a bad moment, but he will perhaps return (to Venice) without
his head, and if he returns with his head, he will return covered with shame;
he called the governor a stupid (stultus) man and compared him with his wise
predecessor (who had supported the patrician).40 - it was not by chance that
Zores ennemies accused him as a traitor before the governor; Ratko, a stone
mason, declared on the camp of Polud Zore, I will prove that you are a
traitor41 (it seems that Zore had reproached Ratko with his idleness; he would
only work half a day, the other half of the day he would walk around; Ratko
had answered:
The Venetian
now I authorities
put shame
alreadyonacquainted
you).
with the
Traitor,central
will work towere
internal strife on Korula. In November 1441, a delegation of populares had
complained about the political monopoly of the patricians, about legal
discrimination of populares and abuse of power; Venice had shown considerable
comprehension for these demands, but was not prepared to change the
Korulan statutes, it cancelled however all decisions of the Korulan council
which had not been confirmed by the central authorities, satisfying thus the
interests of the non-patricians42. On the other hand, Venice did not fulfill the
patricians wish to prohibit popular assemblies; in March 1444, the Doge
decided that gatherings for weddings, burials and the election ofambassadors
to Venice were explicitly allowed - but they had to be communicated within
three days to the local governor.43 The patricians did not remain idle and tried
to hit the Dragaii on another point: magister Juraj Grupi (the man who
had forced Franua to accuse Dragai) and Dobroslav Obradovi (who fled
from a fight with Dragai) obtained in October 1443 the confirmation of a
decision of the Korulan council concerning Jakovicas marriage with one of
the Dragaii.44
This was the situation when the two Dragaii exposed the
complaints of the villagers in the Doges palace in July 144445: they
immediately accused Forte Antonii as their main enemy and enumerated the
40

10/14/1 f.16v.
ibid. f.11r.
42
HANEL 157-161.
43
HANEL 162-63.
44
HANEL 165-66.
45
Hanel 166 173.
41

Micro-History and LEBENSWELTEN... - A Case Study of Korula

153

abuse of their privileges by the patricians with the compliance of the


governor. Their mission was a complete political victory, since the Doge and
the Senate confirmed their privileges and ordered the governor to observe
them. On the other hand, however, in November 1444, the Doge banned the
New Council which the Dragaii and their followers had established as
concurrence to the patrician town council of Korula.46 It became evident that
Venice aimed at containing the aspirations of both sides; it limited the
patricians power by protecting the villagers interests, but it prevented also a
take-over of power by the Korulan peasants. Dragais self-confidence was
nevertheless enormously boosted, and his position as a popular leader was not
challenged any more. He established himself as one of the leading men of the
island who acted as representative of local businessmen47, defended the real
property of the presbyter Marko Lovreni in ara against the dean Marin
Jurjevi48 and dared to challenge Venetian power in Korula town itself: when
in February 1456 two gastaldiones, local policemen, arrested a thief and
conducted him through the streets of Korula, the Dragai brothers stopped
them alleging that the arrested was a honorable man. Local patricians who
were playing (cards or chess) in the nearby loggia observing what happened
intervened immediately. First Matija Obradovi approached them and said:
Do you want to protect thieves, you who built your house with the blood of
this people which you have swallowed? He was joined by ser Marin ilkovi
who pushed the Dragaii aside; others followed and shouted You have
always been the worst enemies of the noblemen of this town and you have
always wanted to destroy us. Ser Antun Sainier reproached them to molest
those who do justice. One of the Dragaii replied: When I will go to Venice,
you will learn who I am and you will pay your debt to the Venetian state, to
which Sainer responded My clothes are torn, try to repair them!. The
struggle escalated, and patricians accused Dragai of having threatened the
Venetian governor with death.49 Once again, the public space served as the
theatre of social conflicts; the roles were divided as in 1444. Dragai acts on
the street in front of the loggia, the latter being a space with a clear social
connotation as chasse garde of the patricians. When patricians leave the
loggia, they enter the arena of public and social contention; they show their
readiness for conflict and become vulnerable at the same time. Occupying
public space was an important symbolical act as well as touching another
person: the Dragaii stopped the gastaldiones, Marin ilkovi pushed the
46

HANEL 174-75.
f.3r.
48
49
10/14/4
14/26/2 f. 188v.
10r-11v.
479/2/2

154

Oliver Jens Schmitt

brothers aside; testimonies describe also that, when and whose voices became
louder. Both sides were reinforced by patricians and townsfolk running at
their support; their was, according to the priest Stipan, no difference in the
verba grossissima which both sides exchanged, i.e. there was apparently
no attempt of keeping a certain socially distinctive behaviour on the side of
the patricians. Players and their discourses are remarkable as well.
Both sides invoked Venice; the patricians accused Dragai of
violating state justice, Dragai reminded one of his adversaries of open
accounts with the central authorities. No one openly challenged Venice which
in fact was absent at this moment - the gastaldiones did not play a major role,
and the governor intervened much later when he started an investigation. No
one dared to use physical violence - it was a conflict fought out with words:
and these show how deeply the social conflicts were rooted in social
conscience on the side of the patricians who still claimed to be the only
representatives of the community; both sides accused each other of having
derived financial profit from the conflict; they tried to calumniate their
enemies, and above all, Venice acted as invisible mediator and point of
reference for a conflict ridden island society.
The Dragaii succeeded in establishing themselves as popular
leaders: their social position becomes evident from several attributes of power:
they did not serve on the Korulan galley, but sent a paid substitute - by the
way it has to be noticed that the recruiting commission was composed only by
patricians, among them Matija Obradovi (1452)50. The two brothers also acted
on behalf of the local lower clergy, for instance in 1460, when uanin
appeared before the bishop as representative of a presbyter called Radoslav.51
They defended the rights of local cattle breeders against the bishop who tried
to introduce new taxes; this time, they cooperated with local patricians in a
mixed commission.52 In 1457, a Johannes Dragai was notary of Korula.53
The populares continued to send them as ambassadors to Venice (1461).54
Finally they still were known for their love stories and passed for
womanizers: in April 1456 Cristina, wife of Radi Galjenovi, accused
Milisava, wife of Cvitan Cauzota, of having insulted her and her daughter of
being Dragais whores who had become pregnant by the latter.55 And last
but not least, the old power struggles had not ended. The Dragaii,
meanwhile well-to-do property owner, began in 1463 a process against the
50

13/23/6 f7. r.
15/28/6 f. 17r.
52
15/29/4 f.42.
53
17/32/3 f.9v.
54
16/31/1, f.6r.
55
14/26/2 f. 60.

51

Micro-History and LEBENSWELTEN... - A Case Study of Korula

155

Sainier family, patricians of Korula; both sides demanded a camp called


Plitvice on the territory of ara. Once again, Dragai invoked old privileges
and
who the
pretended
statuta toofknow
Korula;
the law
their
better
noble
than
enemies
the social
mocked
elite: patricians
them as wise
considered
men
knowledge of written law as attribute of nobility and tried to hinder populares
to use the common law for their own interests.56 Both sides developed also
historical argument telling the story of this real property back to 40 or even 60
years and explaining exactly means of land use (whether it was fallow land,
wood or arable land, and how fallow land could be used as forest).
The whole story has to be put in a wider framework which remains
however a local one: in the 1440ies, it became obvious that social groups
which were excluded from political power challenged the political monopoly
of the Korulan patricians: in July 1445, the patrician judge Bogdan
Radievi was settling legal conflicts in the village of Blato in front of the
church of Saint James when Mikula Jurjevi began to insult him (Asine, homo
nullius valoris) and threatened him with his sword; only the intervention of
several men from Blato prevented a more serious incident.57 In September
1445, a spontaneous demonstration of peasants broke out, when the Venetian
governor and Korulan patricians tried to levy a new tax - when the news
spread over the island, 70 peasants from Smokvica came down from the hills
to Korula and vociferated their protest; Andreas Cijebranovi and Franul
Ivanovi both hold speeches and announced that they would kill any tax
collector who dared to come to their houses; the villagers were joined by
some citizens; it was only after this demonstration that the comes began an
investigation, on the demand of a local patrician.58 In March 1445, a man from
Smokvica was brought to Venice to trial, because he had not only refused an
order of the governor, but said, that the governor should be put in irons and
sent back to Venice.59
Both sides tried to use the Venetian legal system as a weapon to
overwhelm their political enemies: the patricians started the power struggle
with the accusations we had discussed above. But as we have seen, the
populares also knew their rights and turned the statuta against the patricians
who believed them to be their political property. Non-patricians did not
hesitate to bring patricians and their followers to trial; we have mentioned the
stone-mason Ratko; and we can add here another case, Pavao Glavi, one of
56
57

18/33/7 f.
10/13/1
f.49r-51v.
7r.

58

ibid. f. 13v.
10/14/1 f. 40v.

59

156

Oliver Jens Schmitt

the leading populares, accusing Franuas father; Glavi was in charge of


looking after some stolen vine; Radain told him, that he would crush his
shoulders if he dared to investigate in his cellar60 - Radain explained, that
Glavi and another official had entered with violence into his cellar and had
treated him harshly; the governor quashed the accusation - it was evident that
the two populares had abused their office to harass their political enemy
(15.9.1444).

Conclusion

It is hardly exaggerated to say that in Late Medieval Balkan history


we rarely come so close to single persons and their behaviour as in the case
of Korula. We have focused in this paper on politically active persons we
could have extended our attention to fishermen, peasants and pastors who
were not involved in politics, and we would have found a similar wealth of
information. But story telling alone, although it is fascinating enough, was not
the goal of this paper: its aim was to put a micro-historical approach into a
broader framework and it is time to come back to the starting question about
the character of Venetian statehood: from our case study it becomes clear the
Venetian presence on Korula was symbolical and fragile at the same time.
The governor was almost alone in his interactions with a politically divided
local society which saw in him a mediator, the representative of a spatially
remote central state. Governors had to build up their own network in order to
maintain stability on the island, and since they were obliged to respect local
laws and constitution, they relied on the patricians, giving thus support to one
of the conflicting social classes on the island. The non-patricians bypassed the
governor and appealed directly to the Doge who gave them his political
support: Doge and governor, patricians and non-patricians represented thus
different political tendencies within their own political system, Venice and
Korula: there was no opposition Korula vs Venice, but internal strife on the
island was regulated on the higher level of the Venetian state which neither
acted as a single and coherent force. Venice did not oppress rural opposition
against local patricians, but at the same time it prevented a takeover of power
by the Dragai clan. It becomes evident that the Republic tried to secure,
with a minimum of budget and personnel, a vulnerable social and political
balance on the island. Its power resided in the enormous prestige and the
potential threat of armed intervention (as in Crete in the 1360ies) but the
60

ibid. f.10r.

Micro-History and LEBENSWELTEN... - A Case Study of Korula

157

case of Hvar, some 70 years later, shows that Venice was extremely reluctant
to use military pressure against its subjects. On a more local level, our case
study demonstrates that Venice did not penetrate into the rural hinterland of
Korula; the Republic was represented by local officers, elected by local
communities. And these communities proved to be surprisingly self
confident; free men with a communal autonomy, men who negotiated directly
with the Doge and who with their explicit recognition of Venetian domination
obtained substantial political concessions. Micro-history shows how honour
and power were lived and demonstrated in daily life, how symbolical gestures
and the occupation and new connotation of public space aimed at
transforming local power structures. We have also learned which means were
used in this fierce struggle for influence and power. A micro-history of
Korula speaks thus to large issues: it offers us the unique picture of a
complex society at the fringe of the Mediterranean and the Balkan worlds.

158

Oliver Jens Schmitt


LEBENSWELTEN
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: 339.56:677.3/.37](497.13 :450.521)"14"

Paola PINELLI
Department of Economic Sciences
Faculty of Economics
University of Florence
Firenze, Italy

THE FLORENTINE COMPANY OF FRANCESCO NERONI


AND TRADE WITH DUBROVNIK (RAGUSA)
IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE 15TH CENTURY

Abstract: In the collection of documents titled Corporazioni Religiose Soppresse dal Governo
Francese in the State Archives in Florence there is a small group of letters from correspondents
in Dubrovnik (Ragusa) addressed to the Florentine merchant Francesco Neroni which reveal
the intensity, frequency and importance of the trade relations between Dubrovnik and the
Tuscan city during the first half of the 15th century. This trade involved mostly silver and woolen
fabrics. These documents also contain frequent references to the role that the Florentine companies
had in the importation of Spanish wool to the city of Ragusa and the importance that Dubrovnik
had in the trade of cochineal, a valuable substance used in the dyeing of silk fabrics.
ey Words: Dubrovnik; Florence; 15th century; Francesco Neroni; wool; woolen fabrics;
silver; cochineal.

Francesco Neroni belonged to a rich Florentine family whose


fortunes were directly connected to the political ascendancy of the Medici
family because of the unconditional support that his father, Nerone di Nigi di
Nerone Dietisalvi, had offered to Cosimo the Elder after his return from exile
in 1434. Cosimo could not have been more demonstrative of his gratitude
toward Nerone di Nigi, who had shown himself to be a friend in times of
difficulty and he appointed all the members of the family to prestigious
positions: they were nominated Gonfaloniere or member of the Signoria, or
Accoppiatore or member of the Otto di Guardia o di Bala, or called to speak
in the Consulta, used as ambassadors and representatives in diplomatic
negotiations1. The friendship and the company of powerful men, the participation
1

N. Rubinstein, Il governo di Firenze sotto i Medici, Firenze 1971, pp. 165-210.

160

Paola Pinelli

in political power, the fortunate outcome of their mercantile and banking


activities, the luxurious life style (as demonstrated by the size and elegance of
the Neroni residences)2, the purchase of a funeral chapel (the last of which,
acquired in 1463 was double and facing the Medici chapel)3, and the
patronage and commissioning of works of art authorized the Neroni to feel
that they were equals of the Medici and, after the death of Cosimo and the
accession to power of his son Piero, as guarantors of the defense of republican
liberty and the preservation of the peoples government4. In 1466 Dietisalvi,
Francescos brother, one of the most influential and prestigious exponents of
the 15th century Florentine oligarchy and secretary of the Medici, was
implicated in having a major role in the conspiracy organized against Piero di
Agnolo Acciaiuoli, Niccol Soderini and Luca Pitti. Francesco, who was also
among the conspirators, was arrested after the flight of his brother and
confessed5. The failure of the conspiracy swept away the fortunes of the
Neroni over night and many members of the family were either exiled or
banished. On the 11th and 12th of September Dietisalvi, Francesco, Agnolo,
Nigi, Filippo and Antonio were deprived of all civil rights for the next twenty
years (privati di tuttigli uffici drento et fuori per XX anni proximi futuri)
and confined at distances from Florence which varied according to the degree
of their guilt6. Later, Dietisalvi, Agnolo, Francesco and Filippo along with
their male descendants were declared rebels of the Municipality of Florence
and all of their goods and possessions were confiscated7. Francesco went to
live in Naples, a city where he had already established trade relations, and
died there in 1481; he was buried in the Church of SS. Severino e Sossio8.
If we are to believe the tax forms, the richest of the brothers was
Francesco; he was a member of the silk makers guild as well as being a
merchant and a banker and in 1457 he had a taxable income of 9365 florins9,

P. Benigni (ed.), Palazzo Neroni a Firenze. Storia architettura restauro, Firenze 1996.
H. Saalman, San Lorenzo 1462-66: The Neroni Ascendancy, in Hulle und Flle. Festschrift
fr Tilmann Buddensieg, A. Beyer, V. Magnago Lampugnani, G. Schweikhart (eds.), Alfter
1993, pp. 483-489.
4 N. Rubinstein, Il governo di Firenze, pp. 165-210.
5 There are several copies of Francesco Neronis confession. In this regard see: N. Rubinstein,
La confessione di Francesco Neroni e la congiura antimedicea del 1466, in Archivio Storico
Italiano, 1968, pp. 373-387.
6 Archivio di Stato di Firenze (from now on referred to as ASFi), Otto di Guardia e di Bala,
224, cc. 126v-127v.
7 For Francesco see ASFi, Capitani di Parte Rossi, 65, c. 169v.
8 ASFi, Ceramelli Papiani, 3391.
9 ASFi, Catasto, 821, ins. 273.
2

The Florentine Company of Francesco Neroni . . .

161

while Dietisalvi followed him with a much smaller amount, 4270 florins10.
Information about Francesco is fragmentary and scattered among various
archives; for this reason no complete study of this merchant figure has been
conducted, although many scholars have recognized his importance in the
economic context of Florence in the first half of the 15th century11. The
surviving documents in fact, consist of some accounting books which cover
the period from 1454 to 1465 related to the Pisan company with Averardo di
Alamanno Salviati which are preserved in the Archives of the Scuola
Normale Superiore in Pisa12; a large set of letters (about 80) written between
1445 and 1463 to Francesco Neroni in Florence and in Barcellona contained
among the documents related to religious institutions suppressed by the
French Government (Corporazioni Religiose Soppresse dal Governo Francese)
in the State Archives in Florence13; also in the Florentine archives, in the
collection of documents titled Mediceo Avanti il Principato (Medici
documents from the period before the princedom) we have a series of copies
of Francescos confession made the day after the conspiracy, a sales contract
for lands sold to the Medici family, a receipt for payment made at the Medici
bank in Florence and 17 letters written from Pisa to the Florentine company
of Giovanni di Cosimo and Pierfrancesco di Lorenzo di Giovanni de Medici
between 1455 and 145914. There is also quite a large set of documents in the
State Archives in Naples in which Francesco Neroni is recalled as the person
who first introduced the manufacture of silk in that city15.
The trading activities of Francesco Neroni are first mentioned in a
document dated 1442, which states that he was at the head of a small convoy
of galleys sent from Florence to Flanders and England16. The Florentine letters
show that already in 1444 he had an individual firm in Florence and a
10

ASFi, Catasto, 822, ins. 766.


In this regard see: L. Mol, Oltre i confini della citt. Artigiani e imprenditori della seta
fiorentini allestero, in Arti fiorentine. Lagrande storia dellartigianato, F. Franceschi, G. Fossi
(eds.), vol. II, Il Quattrocento, Firenze 1999, pp. 85-107; B. Dini, La ricchezza documentaria
per larte della seta e leconomia fiorentina nel Quattrocento, in Idem, Manifattura, commercio
e banca nella Firenze medievale, Firenze 2001, pp. 9-44.
12
Archivio della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa, Salviati, Serie I, 13-23.
13
ASFi, Corporazioni Religiose Soppresse dal Governo Francese, 78, 322, cc. 1-80.
14
ASFi, Mediceo Avanti il Principato, 6, 785; 7, 186; 9, 57; 16, 73-74, 449; 17, 208, 211, 229,
322, 531; 68, 86-87, 122; 84, 284; 97, 438; 137, 1003; 138, 452-455; 147, 24.
15
R. Pescione, Gli statuti dellArte della Seta in Napoli in rapporto al privilegio digiurisdizione,
in Archivio storico per le province napoletane, 1919, pp. 159-190, pp. 160, 175-182; Idem, Il
Tribunale dellArte della Seta in Napoli (da documenti inediti), Napoli 1923, pp. 95-105; G.
Tescione, Statuti dellArte della Seta a Napoli e legislazione della colonia di S. Leucio, Napoli
1933, pp. 4-5, 12-17; A. Cirillo Mastrocinque, Per la storia dellArte della Seta a Firenze e a
Napoli nel 400, in Archivio storico per le province napoletane, 1964, pp. 130-138.
16
M. E. Mallet, The Florentine Galleys of the Fifteenth Century, Oxford 1967, p. 158.
11

162

Paola Pinelli

company in Barcellona in partnership with Iacopo di Giovanni Masi17 with a dense


network of correspondents at all of the major European markets: Naples, Palermo,
Lisbon, Valencia, Montpellier, Genoa, Savona, Bologna, Venice, Ancona and
Ragusa. In 1450 the partnership with Carlo Carnesecchi, presumably a silk
company, was terminated. Starting in at least 1454 Francesco was a partner of
Averardo di Alamanno Salviati, who in 1457 married his sister Maddalena, and had
a firm in Florence and one in Pisa. The Pisan company, for which, as mentioned,
some documents survive, conducted mercantile and banking activities and, above
all, dealt in raw silk coming from Spain and the area around the Caspian Sea, which
was supplied to a great number of silk manufacturers in Florence; there was also a
significant trade in Spanish wool of the sanmattea type, and substances used by
dyers like alum and cochineal, leather from Portugal, paper and some foodstuffs like
salt from Tortosa and Sardinian and Sicilian cheeses. According to the land registry
office, in 1457 Francesco also had a silk manufactory (uno traficho darte di seta
in Porta Santa Maria) in partnership with Bartolo di Biagio Tovaglia and a
merchant company (uno traficho in Merchato Nuovo) in partnership with
Giovanni de Medici and Nerozzo di Piero del Nero18. Using the account books at
the Ospedale degli Innocenti in Florence, Bruno Dini was able to make a list of the
silk makers active in Florence from 1451 to 1453 and from 1461 to 1462; Francesco
Neronis name appears on this list, with a production worth about 12-13.000 florins
annually19. In 1474 Ferrante I of Aragon granted Francesco numerous privileges for
the introduction into Naples of the art of silk manufacture (introdurre in questa cit
de Napole ... larte de la seta): an annual commission of 200 ducats (and another
100 ducats for the chief builder that he appointed); exemption from payment of
taxes and custom duties for the importing of raw silk, precious metals, dyeing
substances, mordant and raw materials; free export of all the silk materials
produced; citizenship for his partners and master craftsmen; immunity for crimes
committed outside of the kingdom and autonomous penal and civil jurisdiction. In
exchange the Florentine merchant promised to manufacture brocades and gold and
silk cloths for ten years and provide the necessary workforce to do so. The activity
was conducted in partnership with Luigi and Francesco Coppola, who were among
the leading businessmen in the kingdom of Naples20.
In this study we are considering a particular aspect of the activities of
and
that is the trade relations with the city of Dubrovnik (Ragusa).
Neroni
17

The company contract has survived in ASFi, Corporazioni Religiose Soppresse dal Governo
Francese, 78, 322, c. 8.
18
ASFi, Catasto, 821, ins. 273; also F. Edler De Roover, Larte della seta a Firenze nei secoli
XIV e XV, Firenze 1999, p. 29.
19
B. Dini, La ricchezza documentaria per larte della seta, pp. 15, 18.
20
L. Mol, Oltre i confini della citt, pp. 95-99.

163

The Florentine Company of Francesco Neroni . . .

Among the letters to be found in the collection of documents related to religious


institutions suppressed by the French Government there are, in fact, 19 letters
addressed to Francesco Neroni in Florence and written between 1445 and 1453
by correspondents in Ragusa, which shed new light on the trade relations between
the two cities in the first half of the 15th century. These documents were partially
used by Mario Del Treppo in his book I mercanti catalani e lespansione della
Corona dAragona nel secoloXVwhich focused mainly on the relations between
Francesco Neroni and the Iberian peninsula21. More recently, Luca Boschetto used
four of these letters, those written by Benedetto Cotrugli, for the purpose of
providing new information about this citizen of Ragusa22.
Tab. 1
Letters from Ragusa addressed to Francesco Neroni in Florence
(Archivio di Stato di Firenze, Corporazioni Religiose Soppresse dal Governo Francese, 78, 322)

Sender
Benedetto Cotrugli
Benedetto Cotrugli
Giovanni Cotrugli
Benedetto Cotrugli
Nicola di Butico
Sigismondo Zorzi
Giovanni Cotrugli
Antonio Spini
Giovanni Cotrugli
Sigismondo Zorzi
Sigismondo Zorzi
Nicola di Butico
Benedetto Cotrugli
Nicola di Butico
Giovanni Cotrugli, Niccol di Luca Zorzi
Niccol di Luca Zorzi
Benedetto Cotrugli
Sigismondo Zorzi
Niccol di Luca Zorzi

21

Date (d/m/y)
26. 11. 1445
10. 12. 1445
11. 12. 1445
31. 1. 1446
16. 6. 1446
16. 7. 1446
10. 3. 1447
13. 3. 1447
18. 3. 1447
10. 7. 1447
5. 10. 1447
6. 10. 1447
6. 11. 1447
15. 11. 1447
11. 12. 1447
10. 3. 1448
19. 10. 1448
11. 1. 1449
7. 12. 1453

M. Del Treppo, I mercanti catalani e lespansione della Corona dAragona nel secolo XV,
Napoli 1972, pp. 55, 300, 312, 324-327, 777.
22
L. Boschetto, Tra Firenze e Napoli. Nuove testimonianze sul mercante umanista Benedetto
Cotruglie sul suo Libro dellarte di mercatura, in Archivio Storico Italiano, 2005, pp. 687-715.

164

Paola Pinelli

The letters were written by Benedetto Cotrugli (5) and Giovanni


Cotrugli, Benedettos uncle (3); Sigismondo Zorzi (4) and Niccol di Luca
Zorzi (3, one of which is also signed by Giovanni Cotrugli); Nicola di Butico
(3); one was written by a Florentine agent stationed in Ragusa, Antonio Spini.
They are all in vernacular Italian, though the Cotrugli tend to write in a more
Tuscan style and the Zorzi and Nicola di Butico in Venetian dialect.
These documents confirm what has already been demonstrated by
other Tuscan sources, in particular the correspondence and ledgers of the
merchant and wool manufacturer from Prato, Giuliano Marcovaldi, but also
the account books of other Florentine firms like that of the Cambini23. During
its golden age, the Dalmatian city established a complex network of trade
relations with Florence which involved mainly the exchange of silver from
the Balkans and medium quality Tuscan woolen cloth of the type called
panni di garbo. As mentioned previously on several occasions, a document
that is very significant in this context is the letter that the Signoria sent on
February 13th, 1406 to its ambassadors in Rome in which it stressed the
necessity of being grateful to and helping the Ragusan merchants; on the
contrary they might leave Florence and go elsewhere. This would be of the
gravest damage for the wool makers of the city which worked much better
because of their presence (per che se noi non facessimo ogni operatione a
noi possibile, sarebbe cagione di diviargli dalla nostra citt et andare in altre
parti, la qual cosa se avenisse sarebbe di troppo danno a ciascheduno nostro
cittadino, considerato quanto lArte della Lana ne lavora di meglio nella
comunit nostra per lo loro traffico). At the end of the letter the Signoria
added that the merchants from Ragusa who were in Florence had been very
useful and very good and kind to all of citizens because they had filled the city
with silver so that Florentines were almost able to buy the city of Pisa with
the money they brought in (e mercanti da Ragugia che sono nella nostra
citt nno facto utile e sono stati cari e buoni a tutta la nostra cittadinana e
23

P. Pinelli, Giuliano di Marco da Prato, fattore a Ragusa: il carteggio, in Atti e memorie della
Societ Dalmata di Storia Patria, 2004, pp. 5-15; Eadem, Largento di Ragusa, in Storia
Economica, 2005, pp. 549-574; Eadem, Il carteggio Marcovaldi (1401-1437) nellArchivio di
Stato di Prato. Inventario, Pubblicazioni degli Archivi di Stato, Quaderni della Rassegna degli
Archivi di Stato n. 106, Roma 2006; Eadem, Argento, grano e panni: Piero Pantella da
Piacenza, mercante e imprenditore nella prima met del XV secolo, in Imprenditorialit e
sviluppo economico. Il caso italiano (secc. XIII-XX), F. Amatori, A. Colli (eds.), Convegno di
Studi, Milano 14-15 novembre 2008, Milano 2009, pp. 591-604; Eadem, I trafficitra Firenze
e Ragusa allepoca di Marino Darsa, in Marino Darsa e il suo tempo, R. Tolomeo (ed.), Venezia
2010, pp. 57-65; Eadem, Le relazioni commerciali tra Firenze e Dubrovnik (XV-XVI secolo),
in Firenzee Dubrovnik allepoca di Marino Darsa (1508-1567), P. Pinelli (ed.), Atti della Giornata
di Studi, Firenze 2010, pp 43-50.

The Florentine Company of Francesco Neroni . . .

165

come essi nno ripieno tutto ilnostro comune dariento, che quasi in gran parte
abbiamo fatto lacquisto della citt di Pisacol detto ariento)24. The purchase of
the city of Pisa had cost 206.000 florins. Again, in 1451 a provision recalled that
many foreigners, and especially Ragusans, spent in Florence a large quantity of
silver in textiles and fabrics and other merchandise; the silver had been taken to
the mint and made into coins (per molti forestieri et maxime ragugei, che
solevano mandare loroariento a Vinegia et inn altra parte del mondo, si comincia
a recare allavostra citt, et cos per lavenire recheranno, gran quantit dariento,
il quale insino a qui s messo nella echa et fatttone munete coniate del vostro
conio. La quale cosa gittata et gitta grandissima utilit a tucto il vostro popolo,
per che ditucto il ritracto nno fatto di detto ariento nno speso in panni, drappi
et altre mercatantie et sonorimasi quasi tuctinella vostra citt)25.
The trade in silver di Raghugia that is what the metal from the
Balkans is called in the Tuscan documents typically rendered substantial
profits which were often greater than those to be obtained from other forms
of investment available at the time if we exclude the risky loans to the
aristocracy and belligerent nations; while the profits that could be made from
financial and mercantile operations in the 15th century amounted to about 5 to
10% and showed a significant bearish tendency, the trade in silver produced
profits reaching even 17-18% and, moreover, had a quick turnover or was
speedy (lesto as Benedetto Cotrugli defined it)26. For this reason, many
Italian agents, and especially those from Tuscany and Venice, made contact
with Ragusa and joined the local merchants in conducting the trade in
precious metals. When Antonio Spini went to Ragusa in March of 1447 he
wrote to Neroni, astonished that in the city of San Biagio one could acquire
as much silver as one wanted (quanto homo volese)27.
Giovanni Cotrugli, however, informs us that on the market of Ragusa
was
silver
expensive (arienti sono chari) because of the competition with
Venice on this marketplace28. Venice on the other hand was the financial
24

The document was published in Monumenta Historica Slavorum Meridionalium


vicinorumque populorum e tabulariis et bibliothecis italicis deprompta, V. Makuev (ed.),
Warszawa 1874, p. III, doc. 7. The archive reference is ASFi, Legazioni e Commissarie,
Registro di lettere interne ad ambasciatori, 13, cc. 5r-6v.
25
M. Bernocchi, Le monete della repubblica fiorentina, I, Il Libro della Zecca, Firenze 1974,
pp. 297-298.
26
Benedetto Cotrugli Raguseo. Il libro dellarte di mercatura, U. Tucci (ed.), Venezia 1990, p.
160. For a new edition of the Pratica see Z. Janekovic-Roemer, Benedikt Kotrulj, Libro del arte
dela mercatura, Zagreb-Dubrovnik 2009.
27
ASFi, Corporazioni Religiose Soppresse dal Governo Francese, 78, 322, c. 17v., Antonio
Spini to Francesco Neroni, March 13th, 1447.
28
ASFi, Corporazioni Religiose Soppresse dal Governo Francese, 78, 322, c. 12, Giovanni
Cotrugli to Francesco Neroni, December 11th, 1445.

166

Paola Pinelli

capital of Ragusan trade29 and in 1319 it had already been declared that
merchants from that city were totally exempt from taxes for gold and silver
presented to the Venetian mint or else paid only 1% for the metals sold in that
city30. Of course, a great deal of silver from the Balkans was used also for
trade with the East31, as is mentioned by Sigismondo Zorzi, who, in July of
1447 notified Francesco of a ship which was going to Syria and which
stopped in Ragusa especially to buy silver32. In the early 15th century the flow
of merchandise seems to change and we have word of the circulation in the
Levant of European gold coins, however research has demonstrated that silver
continued to be exported toward the Byzantine and Moslem areas while gold
was moving in the opposite direction33. On the other hand, gold and silver tend
to move to those areas where they are overrated and the relationship between
the two metals during the period being considered here was enough to attract
silver to the Islamic and Byzantine world and gold to the Christian world. The
equilibrium in the trade relations, in view of the lack of an organized clearing
house system between Arabs and Christians, was therefore achieved by
sending silver to the Near East, which in the West had a lower value and gold
29

B. Bojovi, Entre Venise et lEmpire ottoman, les mtaux prcieux des Balkans (XVe-XVIe
sicle), in Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales, 2005, pp. 1277-1297 (but also in GLAS, 2006,
pp. 163-195); S. irkovi, The Production of Gold, Silver, and Copper in the Central Parts of the
Balkans from the 13th to the 16th Century, in Precious Metals in the Age of Expansion, vol. 2, H.
Kellenbenz (ed.), Papers of the XIVth International Congress of the Historical Sciences, Stuttgart
1981, pp. 41-69; Idem, Ragusae il suo retroterranel Medioevo, in Ragusae il Mediterraneo. Ruolo
e funzioni di una Repubblica marinara tra Medioevo ed Et Moderna, A. Di Vittorio (ed.), Bari
1990, pp. 15-26; D. Kovaevi-Koji, Dans la Serbie et la Bosnie mdivales: les mines dor et
dargent, in Annales ESC, 1960, pp. 248-258; Eadem, Il commercio raguseo di terrafermanel
Medioevo, in Ragusae il Mediterraneo, pp. 61-78; Eadem, Les mtaux prcieux de Serbie et le
march europen (XIVe-XVe sicles), in Recueil des travaux de lInstitut dtudes byzantines,
2004, pp. 191-203; M. Spremi, Der Metallexportvom Balkan in den Mittelmeerraum im 14. und
15. Jahrhundert, in Der Tiroler Bergbau und die Depression der europischen Montanwirtschaft im
14. und 15. Jahrhundert, R. Tasser, E. Westermann (eds.), Bozen 2004, pp. 202-209.
30
Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum Meridionalium, V, Monumenta ragusina, Zagreb
1879-1897, pp. 144-145.
31
R. uk, I rapporti economici fra Ragusae Venezianel Medioevo, in Ragusae il Mediterraneo,
pp. 115-129; D. Kovaevi-Koji, Trgovina u srednjovjekovnoj Bosni, Sarajevo 1961, pp. 52,
139-141; B. Kreki, Dubrovnik (Raguse) et le Levantau Moyen Age, Paris 1961, pp. 68-69, 122;
F. C. Lane, Andrea Barbarigo, Merchant of Venice, Baltimore 1944, p. 19; Idem, Exportations
vnitiennes dor et dargent de 1200 1450, in Etudes dhistoire montaire, J. Day (ed.), Lille
1984, pp. 29-48, p. 32; F. C. Lane, R. C. Mueller, Money and Banking in Medieval and Renaissance
Venice, Vol. 1, Coins and Moneys of Account, Baltimore 1985, pp. 262, 367-370; R. C. Mueller,
Money and Banking in Medieval and Renaissance Venice, Vol. 2, The Venetian Money Market.
Banks, Panics, and the Public Debt 1200-1500, Baltimore 1997, pp. 137-138.
32
ASFi, Corporazioni Religiose Soppresse dal Governo Francese, 78, 322, c. 29, Sigismondo
Zorzi to Francesco Neroni, July 10th, 1447.
33A. M. Watson, Back to Gold and Silver, in The Economic History Review, 1967, pp. 1-34, p. 18.

The Florentine Company of Francesco Neroni . . .

167

in the opposite direction34. The price of gold expressed in silver - which had
doubled or even tripled on the main European markets from the 13th to the 14th
centuries (in Venice in the 1290s 1 unit of gold was exchanged with 11 or 12
units of silver, but in 1308 the ratio had already risen to 1 to 14) - in the West
in fact remained at about 1 to 10.5-12 until the 16th century when, on the other
side of the Mediterranean, notwithstanding the considerable oscillations, it was
registered at about 1 to 835. Although there can be no doubt about the
generalized shortage of precious metals in Europe and that the 15th century was
the period of greatest instability in the relations between the two metals36,
notwithstanding the massive export to European countries there was no
substantial reduction in the supplies of silver and when the silver mines in the
West became less productive and the rich mines in Kutna Hora suffered the
consequences of a blockade imposed by King Sigismund37, the loss was
compensated for, at least partially, by the production of the Balkan mines38: a
decree of the Venetian Senate in 1419 - the year in which the Hungarian king
applied increasingly severe economic sanctions against Venice - specified that
the importation of silver still amounted to 40.000 marks (more than 9.500 kg.)39.
One should also consider the demand for silver in Florence, even
though much of the research conducted up to now neglects the importance
and intensity of the flow of silver from the Balkans towards Florence starting
in the 1430s40. According to Sigismondo Zorzi, in Florence silver was worth
a lot (a Firenze i argenti valeno bene)41. In the Quaderno de li merchadanti
de la echa (Register of Merchants at the Mint) of Ragusa of 142242 there are
the names of several Tuscan merchants involved in the silver trade, including
the Florentines Bernardo Belfradelli, Giovanni di Marco, Papi di Piero and
the Pratese merchants Niccolao di Bartolomeo and Ser Benedetto di Matteo
p. 21.
pp. 25-27.
R. C. Mueller, La crisi economico-monetaria veneziana di met Quattrocento nel contesto
generale, in Aspetti della vita economica medievale, Atti del Convegno di Studi nel X
anniversario della morte di F. Melis, Firenze-Pisa-Prato 10-14 marzo 1984, Firenze 1985, pp.
541-556, p. 545.
37
J. Janaek, Largent tchque et la Mditerrane (XIV et XV sicles), in Mlanges en
lhonneur de Fernand Braudel, 1, Histoire conomique du monde mditerranen 1450-1650,
Toulouse 1973, pp. 245-261.
38
S. irkovi, The Production of Gold, Silver, and Copper, p. 51; J. Day, The Great Bullion
Famine of the Fifteenth Century, in Past and Present, 1978, pp. 3-54, p. 40; D. Kovaevi
Koji, Dans la Serbie et la Bosnie, p. 250; F. C. Lane, Exportations vnitiennes, p. 35.
39
F. C. Lane, Exportations vnitiennes, p. 37.
40
P. Pinelli, Largento di Ragusa.
41
ASFi, Corporazioni Religiose Soppresse dal Governo Francese, 78, 322, c. 43, Sigismondo
Zorzi to Francesco Neroni, January 11th, 1449.
42
M. Dini, Iz Dubrovakog arhiva, II, Beograd 1963.
34Ibidem,
35Ibidem,
36

168

Paola Pinelli

Schieri, who in that year exported from Ragusa to Florence at least 1/5 of the
silver (1.125 kg. out of 5.700). In particular the Florentine documents of the
Cambini make it possible to determine the quantities exported between 1457
and 1464, and reveal, notwithstanding the extreme variations, how on the
average the mercantile firm moved about 70 kg. of silver from Ragusa to
Florence, a quantity which, in 1464, reached 100 kg., which represented about
a fifth of the export capacity of one of the leading Ragusan companies of the
era, the Caboga43.
The letter that Giovanni Cotrugli sent to Neroni in December of 1445,
moreover, adds that on the market place of Ragusa silver was expensive even
for the Turkish mint that made bad money and bought costly silver (per
rispeto de la zecha di turcho che fano monete chattive e chonperano arienti
chari)44. The incessant military campaigns occurring in the middle of the
century had caused severe inflation and depreciation of the Turkish currency,
the aspro. The Ottoman Empire, which was essentially based on an agricultural
economy and was not equipped with an industrial or commercial structure,
mostly due to the autocratic and highly centralized administration, was unable
to solve the problem45. If, after the conquest of Serbia in 1459 and Bosnia in
1463, the solution was found in the prohibition of exporting silver which was
constantly violated by the Ragusan merchants, from the words of Cotrugli we
learn that in the preceding decade it had been the direct cause of an increased
demand for precious metal on the marketplace of Ragusa, where silver from
the Balkans was traded.
Of course the development of the mineral trade increased the
importance of the Serbian and Bosnian cities as purchasing centers; in these
territories a demand was created for medium quality products, in particular
woolens, that the Ragusans, both on account of a lack of adequate
manufacturing structures as well as raw materials, were never able to
completely satisfy even when, in the 1420s, the textiles began to be
successfully produced locally, thanks to the foresight of the economic policy
of the Republic which granted numerous privileges to foreigners who started
up wool manufactories in the city46. This situation offered an unexpected and
highly desirable solution for a sector that in Italy was headed for a crisis and,
in any case, was close to saturation. Jorio Tadi has calculated that in the first
43

J. Tadi, Privreda Dubrovnika i srpske zemlje u prvoj polovini XV veka, in Zbornik


Filozofskog fakulteta u Beogradu, 1968, pp. 519-539, p. 531 which proposes an average
estimated at 550 Kg. a year.
44
ASFi, Corporazioni Religiose Soppresse dal Governo Francese, 78, 322, c. 12, Giovanni
Cotrugli to Francesco Neroni, December 11th, 1445.
45
B. Bojovi, Entre Venise et lEmpire ottoman, p. 1289.
46
P. Pinelli, Argento, grano e panni, p. 594.

The Florentine Company of Francesco Neroni . . .

169

half of the 15th century about 250,000 ducats worth of fabrics were exported
from Ragusa to the Balkan hinterlands47. The Pratese Michele di Giovannino
and his partner Francesco Moddei frequently supplied large amounts of
woolens to the Ragusan Niccol Gozze; in 1418 the Pratese dyer Antonio di
Lorenzo, known as Prete, cornered the market on woolen cloth in his native
city and involved several wool makers, including the above mentioned
Michele, for an amount of eight hundred florins48. As payment, the Italians
again asked the Ragusans for silver in the shape of ingots and bars and very
rarely, merchandise. In April of 1421 Michele di Giovannino informed
Giuliano Marcovaldi that he would be sending him in Ragusa ten Pratese
fabrics in different colors and urged him to show them to the Ragusan
Giovanni Gozze, adding that if he paid in silver or wax he could have them
(e segli regha arienti o cera potragli avere)49. The decisions of the Wool
Guild in Florence (the Arte della Lana) in the first decades of the 15th century
also confirm the key role played by Ragusa as an export market for woolen
cloth. On March 23rd, 1406 the Guild discussed the request presented by the
Ragusan merchants for an increased severity in the rules regarding delivery
times and the introduction of a penalty for late delivery quod ... ipsi emerunt
in dicta civitate magnam quantitatem pannorum et magnam dispositi sunt
emere dante domino in futurum50. Moreover, in 1429 a large galley was
placed at the disposal of the Florentine merchant Domenico di Bartolomeo
Dolfini which was armed, outfitted and equipped at the expense of the city of
Florence (armata et corredata et padroneggiata a tutte le spese del comune di
Firence) in order to load the fabrics sent to the markets of Ragusa without
any freight charges (sanza pagare alcuno nolo) for five years. The ship was
suppose to leave from the port of Pisa. Domenico, or somebody else in his
place, had to promise to make at least two voyages the first year and three
voyages annually for the following three years and for each voyage he must
acquire a thousand or more woolen fabrics (et per cischuno di detti viaggi sia
tenuto comperare e levare mille panni o pi di dette ragioni) specified
shortly before that time as made in the city of Florence51; in practice, they
were intending to export to Ragusa one fourth of the entire wool production
of the city using only the galleys belonging to the State. As already
47

J. Tadi, Privreda Dubrovnika, p. 527.


Archivio di Stato di Prato (from now on referred to as ASPo), Ospedale, 2467 bis, 487,
Prato-Ragusa, Michele di Giovannino and company to Giuliano di Marco Marcovaldi, August
20th, 1421.
49
ASPo, Ospedale, 2467 bis, 481, Prato-Ragusa, Michele di Giovannino and company to
Giuliano di Marco Marcovaldi, April 18th, 1421.
50
ASFi, Arte della Lana, 48, cc. 91, 98v.
51
Monumenta Historica Slavorum, p. III, doc. 12.
48

170

Paola Pinelli

mentioned, not even the start-up of a local production excluded the


importation of foreign wool textiles, to the extent that starting in the 1440s
even English wool textiles initially imported through Genoa, Pisa and Venice
began to appear in Dubrovnik52. In the first decades of the 16th century, the
insurance amounts registered in Florence by the agent Raggio di Nofero
Raggi show that Florentine wool textiles were among the main products
exported to Ragusa through Ancona53. In the years 1518-1522 the company
owned by the heirs of Francesco da Sommaia, in which the majority partners
were the Salviati, sold 20,12% of its woolen cloth to agents in Ragusa; in
1525-1532 the company of Piero di Alamannno Salviati sold 19% of its wool
production to Ragusan merchants; in both cases, after the Florentines, the
Ragusans were the most important clients54. Consequently, although the East
was the main consumer (in buona parte lo stomaco) of the Florentine
panni di garbo55 (the Ragusan agents were very aware of this fact and
became actively involved in this type of trade), Dubrovnik also represented
an important marketplace for these products.
After wool fabrics started being produced locally56, Ragusa also
became an important marketplace for the trade in North African
(barbarescha), Southern Italian and, above all, Spanish wool. De Roda and
Ghibert alone in 1429 sent to Ragusa over 44 metric tons of wool worth more
than 5,000 ducats; between1430 and 1435 Johannes Brull sold in Ragusa 120
migliari of wool, i.e., over 58 metric tons, a very substantial amount if we
consider that from 1428 to 1429 the Barcellonan notary Bartolome Masons
registered insurance contracts for 360 metric tons of wool exported to all of
the Tyrrhenian and Adriatic ports57. However, there were many Tuscan
companies stationed in Barcelona in the 15th century that were involved in
supplying Spanish wool to the market of Ragusa. One of these was the
company of Francesco Neroni who, using the city of Pisa as a base, sent large
lots of raw materials to Dubrovnik using an entirely overland route that
52

P. Pinelli, Argento, grano e panni, p. 596.


P. Pinelli, I trafficitra Firenze e Ragusa, pp. 59-60.
54Ibidem, p. 60.
55
H. Hidetoshi, Larte della lana in Firenze nel Basso Medioevo: il commercio della lana e il
mercato dei panni fiorentini nei secoli 13.-15., Firenze 1980, p. 243.
56
D. Dini-Kneevi, Tkanine u privredi srednjovekovnog Dubrovnika, Beograd 1982.
57
N. Feji, Ragusei e spagnoli nel Medioevo. Luci e ombre di un rapporto commerciale, in
Ragusae il Mediterraneo, pp. 79-100, p. 93. For as more general description of the presence of
Catalan goods and merchants in Ragusa see M. Del Treppo, I mercanti catalani; N. Feji, Les
Catalans Dubrovnik et dans le bassin Adriatique la fin du Moyen ge, in Anuario de
Estudios Medievales, 1994, pp. 429-452; D. Kovaevi-Koji, Les Catalans dans les affaires
de la compagnie Caboga (1426-1433), in Acta historica et archaeologica Mediaevalia, 2005,
pp. 759-766.
53

The Florentine Company of Francesco Neroni . . .

171

arrived in Ancona. In his letters Giovanni Cotrugli specified that the wool
must be new and clean; moreover, it should not be too tightly packed because
this makes it appear old and also reduces the weight (lane nete e nove; e
quando fosero non stivate troposarebono asai di megllio perchstive forte le
fano parere vechie e anche perdono de lopeso)58. In March of 1447 however,
Antonio Spini declared that although on that market there was a strong
demand for wool and the price was good (lane si mantengono, chelle buone
a contanti in su duc. 50; e ogid se ne vende ed ciene venuta da settembre in
qua pi di 1200 sacha che se scharicha qui: tutta venduta), it was often
difficult to sell it for cash; on the contrary, generally there was a request for
deferred payment at one or two months or even on consignment (chon i
panni pegno). According to Spini in fact, the Ragusan wool makers were just
like the oxen pulling the plow, they never move forward (fatti chome e buoi
quando tirano laratro, che mai vanno innanzi)59 and, in any case the trade in
Ragusan fabrics does not seem to have had much continuity. Nicola di Butico
in a letter to Francesco written in July of 1446 describes this situation;
according to the Ragusan, the wool-makers in the city until they sell the
fabrics they dont have the money to pay for them because they are only poor
men and the country around them is so badly off that one cant sell anything
(mentre che non vendano li panni non nno chomodo de pagarne, che sono
poveri homeni e lopaexe tanto mal disposto atorno che non si p vendere
nula)60. The following year, Sigismondo Zorzi continued, saying, again
reference to the wool, that it is useless to try and sell in Ragusa because of
the war nobody comes here to buy cloth (del scoder de qua non se rasona, in
nome di guerra nulla persona vien di qua per conprar un pano)61. The
advance of the Turkish forces, often mentioned also in the letters of Neroni,
but perhaps also the competition from English and Flemish textiles62,
probably reduced the possibility of selling the woolen cloth produced locally
since the main marketplaces for these fabrics were the inland areas which
were directly involve in the Turkish invasion. A demonstration of this is the
fact that in the second half of the 15th century the Ragusan Council provisions
related to wool were quite rare and the Ordo pro Arte Lane of 1481 started
58

ASFi, Corporazioni Religiose Soppresse dal Governo Francese, 78, 322, c. 16, Giovanni
Cotrugli to Francesco Neroni, March 18th, 1447.
59
ASFi, Corporazioni Religiose Soppresse dal Governo Francese, 78, 322, cc. 17-18, Antonio
Spini to Francesco Neroni, March 13th, 1477.
60
ASFi, Corporazioni Religiose Soppresse dal Governo Francese, 78, 322, c. 21, Nicola di
Butico to Francesco Neroni, July 16th, 1446.
61
ASFi, Corporazioni Religiose Soppresse dal Governo Francese, 78, 322, c. 29, Sigismondo
Zorzi to Francesco Neroni, July 10th, 1447.
62
See in particular: V. Kosti, Dubrovnik i Engleska, 1300-1650, Beograd 1972.

172

Paola Pinelli

with the admission that some regulations were necessary; to this aim the Wool
Guild should be restored in the city, because it had almost died out causing
great damage to both public and private revenues (a z che lArte de la Lana
se vegna ad commodare in la cit nostra per modo che la possa esser
restaurata perch la era quasi ectincta cum grandissimo danno de le intrate
tanto publiche quanto private)63. As had previously occurred in the 1420s
they were again considering the possibility of producing woolen cloth in
Ragusa, not specifying whether it be with local or foreign makers, and they
were proposing a prize of one ducat for each bolt of cloth produced. They set
limits to the sale of foreign cloth, especially that of low to medium quality and
they removed all custom duties on wool entering the city64. In 1486, moreover,
they proposed the reconstitution of the Camera dellArte della Lana65, which
had previously been disbanded, and in 1499 they issued the statute Ordo Artis
Lane in sublevationem et manutentionem eius66.
One aspect that was not evident from the letters of Marcovaldi, which
is the source we have used principally for our research up to now, appears
very clearly in the letters addressed to Neroni: the trade in the red coloring
agent, Polish cochineal (cremisi; in English also known colloquially as St
Johns Blood) and the importance of Ragusa as a collecting and distributing
center for this dyeing substance.67 On the other hand, Francesco Neroni, as we
have seen, was involved not only in the trade of raw silk, but also in the
production of silk textiles and cochineal was very sought after as a dyeing
agent for silk. The substance was derived from the Porphyrophora variety of
the cochineal insect and made it possible to dye fabrics a clear, luminous red
with a touch of blue which made it tend to purple68. Polish cochineal came
from several different sources: Poland, Russia, Ukraine and Armenia, but
there was also an ecological niche in a region west of Belgrade along the Sava
river. This latter variety was called cremesino minuto or cremesino
schiavo or cremesino raguseo since the city of Ragusa was the natural
marketplace for its trade69. Other important markets for Polish cochineal were
63

Liber croceus, B. M. Nedeljkovi (ed.), Beograd 1997, cap. 102.


cap. 203.
65Ibidem, cap. 114.
66Ibidem, cap. 170.
67
I. Voje, A Contribution to the Trade in Crvac (Chermesium) in Medieval Dubrovnik, in
Historical Review, 2008, pp. 101-116.
68
J. H. Munro, The Medieval Scarlet and the Economics of Sartorial Splendour, in Cloth and
Clothing in Medieval Europe. Essays in Memory of Professor E. M. Carus-Wilson, N. B. Harte,
K. G. Ponting (eds.), London 1983, pp. 13-70; D. Cardon, Du verme cremexe au veluto
chremesino: une filire vnitienne du cramoisi auXVe sicle, in La seta in Italia dal Medioevo al
Seicento. Dal bacoal drappo, L. Mol, R. C. Mueller, C. Zanier (eds.), Venezia 2000, pp. 63-74.
69
D. Cardon, Du verme cremexe, p. 69.
64Ibidem,

The Florentine Company of Francesco Neroni . . .

173

Constantinople and Venice. In 1465 when the Venetian Marino di Cataponte


was called to the Court of Naples to oversee the production of silk fabrics, it
was specified that he should, in particular, dedicate attention to the
manufacture of the decorated crimson fabrics because the crimson dye was
not available locally and a certain amount of time was required for it to be
brought from Ragusa or from Venice (carmosino figurato, perch questa
tinta non di questa terra et bisogna tempo per venir da Ragosa o di
Venezia)70. In any case Polish cochineal was a valuable substance which was
used only for dyeing luxury quality fabrics; in Venice, in fact, it was used
exclusively for silk and never for woolen cloth71. In fact, according to a
Venetian dyeing manual of the end of the 15th century, from 6 to 9 pounds of
Polish cochineal and even 12 to 14 pounds of Armenian cochineal were
required to dye a pound of silk72. Polish cochineal, moreover, was never
available in large quantities and was traded only in a certain period of the year
which corresponded to the harvesting of the insects, which occurred at the end
of June. Often the Ragusan merchants wrote to Francesco Neroni saying that
there was no cochineal available and there wouldnt be any (di charmuxi non
z nullae non n per eserre)73. According to the letters a pound of cochineal
dye was worth not less than a florin and a half74 and it is significant that it was
sent to Florence on the ships transporting silver (la barcha degli arienti)75.
In his Pratica Benedetto Cotrugli defined Polish cochineal as speedy (lesta)
like silver, as we have seen, but also gold, lead, copper, and wax, on account
of the speed with which it could be placed on the market; Cotrugli believed
that the involvement in this kind of commerce, naturally combined with the
skill and ability they had (dextrezza dello ingegno che hanno), was one of
the reasons for the success of the Ragusan merchants76. In almost all of the
letters they speak of shipments of cochineal sent to Florence through Ancona
or Rimini; one has the impression that as soon as it arrived at the Tuscan
marketplace the substance was sold immediately and with a good profit77. In
1449 Sigismondo Zorzi requested that Francesco reserve special treatment for
a Ragusan merchant, Ser Pribisav, who every year came to trade in Florence
70

G. Tescione, LArte della Seta a Napoli, Napoli 1932, p. 13.


S. M. Newton, The Dress of the Venetians, 1495-1525, Aldershot 1988, p. 18.
72
G. Rebora (ed.), Un manuale di tintoria del Quattrocento, Milano 1970, pp. 76-79.
73
ASFi, Corporazioni Religiose Soppresse dal Governo Francese, 78, 322, c. 31, Nicola di
Butico to Francesco Neroni, October 6th, 1447.
74
See for example, ASFi, Corporazioni Religiose Soppresse dal Governo Francese, 78, 322, c.
17r., Antonio Spini to Francesco Neroni, March 9th, 1447.
71

75Ibidem.
76
77

Benedetto Cotrugli Raguseo, p. 160.


In particular, see the letters written by Giovanni Cotrugli.

174

Paola Pinelli

(pratichara Firenze) and brought at least 1000 florins in cochineal78. In the


account books of the Cambini family, who were also dealing in silk in the same
period, it is interesting to note that Polish cochineal (cremisi) never appears,
but another red dyeing substance called grana, which was also derived from a
cochineal insect but of a different variety, Coccus Ilicis or Kermococcus
Vermilio; in particular, the company dealt in grana from Corinth or from
Patrasso and purchased their supply in Ragusa. This substance cost much less
than the Polish cochineal, about half as much, and dyed to a color that was
described as pinkish (rosato)79. In the Florentine tax rolls of 1402 and in the
Pisan tax rolls of 1409 the finest grana was taxed 4 florins and 2 lira for every
100 pounds, while the Polish cochineal (cremisi) was taxed 5 florins80.
The documentation which we have proposed in this essay is no doubt
fragmentary and cannot be considered complete; it consists of about twenty
letters written from Ragusa to Florence which are not supported by
accounting documents because the registers of the Florentine company of
Francesco Neroni have all been lost. The information contained in the letters
is therefore approximate and does not supply us with a complete picture of the
trade and the business that the Florentine company had with Ragusa. This
correspondence however is not without interest; first of all, it confirms the
intensity, frequency and importance of the commercial contacts between
Ragusa and Florence in the first half of the 15th century, which was based on
silver from the Balkans and wool cloth from Tuscany. Since the letters refer
to a period in which the manufacture of wool in Ragusa had already been
started, we find frequent references to the role of the Florentine companies in
the importation of Spanish wool to the Dalmatian market and important
considerations of the Ragusan merchants on the difficulties involved in
selling the textiles produced in the city, in particular on account of the
Ottoman conquests which made trade with the inland areas of the Balkans
very difficult. Of considerable interest also are the numerous references to the
importance of Ragusa as a center for the trade in a valuable dyeing substance,
cremisi, or Polish cochineal which was used chiefly for the dyeing of silk
fabrics, and which one of the authors of the letters, Benedetto Cotrugli, had
indicated in his book, Pratica di mercatura as the merchandise which had
made the commercial fortunes of the city.
78

ASFi, Corporazioni Religiose Soppresse dal Governo Francese, 78, 322, c. 43, Sigismondo
Zorzi to Francesco Neroni, January 11th, 1449.
79
C. Collier Frick, Dressing Renaissance Florence: Families, Fortunes and Fine Clothing,
Baltimore 2002, pp. 101-102.
80
S. Bongi, Della mercatura dei lucchesi nei secoli XIII e XIV, Lucca 1858, p. 47.

The Florentine Company of Francesco Neroni . . .

175




15.

Francesco Neroni
Cosima Medicejskog.
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, 1445. 1453,
,

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Giuliana Marcovalda ,
Cambinijeve.


di garbo. ,
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: 314.743(497.11:450.341)"14/15"

Lovorka ORALI
Hrvatski institut za povijest
Zagreb
Hrvatska

PRISUTNOST I DJELOVANJE ISELJENIKA IZ SRBIJE


U VENECIJI U XV. I XVI. STOLJEU

Apstrakt: Rad se zasniva na ralambi izvorne grae iz Dravnog arhiva u Veneciji


(oporuni spisi). Tragom tih izvora u radu se podrobno ralanjuju temeljne sastavnice iz
prolosti iseljenika iz Srbije u Veneciji: vremenski okvir njihove prisutnosti i djelovanja, nain
biljeenja u vrelima, mjesta stanovanja, zanimanja i gospodarske mogunosti, obiteljske i
prijateljske veze te odnosi s venecijanskim crkvenim ustanovama i duhovnim osobama. U
zavrnom dijelu rada posebno se, tragom nekih dokumenata, ukazuje na veze iseljenika de
Servia s crkvenim ustanovama u zaviaju i na Svetoj Gori.
Kljune rijei: Venecija, Mletaka Republika, Srbija, migracije, kasni srednji vijek,
rani novi vijek, drutvena povijest

Uvod
Iseljavanje, prisutnost i djelovanje itelja zaviajem sa ireg podruja
istonojadranske obale i unutranjosti u Veneciji pojava je i proces dugoga
vremenskog trajanja. Od srednjega vijeka pa sve do suvremenog doba
moemo pratiti migracije iz gotovo svih dijelova istonojadranske obale u
Veneciju, pri emu posebice prednjae iseljenici s podruja venecijanskog
dominija na istonom Jadranu (Istra, Dalmacija, Boka kotorska, budvansko
barsko podruje). Podruja Primorja, Pazinske kneije, Dubrovake
Republike, unutranjosti Hrvatske, Bosne i Crne Gore takoer su nerijetko
spominjana kao mjesta iseljavanja u grad na lagunama, ali - sveukupno
gledajui - ipak zaostaju za useljenicima s podruja Mletake Istre, Dalmacije
i Boke.1 Osim iseljenika iz navedenih podruja, u Veneciji biljeimo, iako ne
Problematikom prekojadranskih migracija bavila sam se intenzivno u posljednjih petnaestak
godina. Usporedi: Lovorka orali, U gradu Svetoga Marka: Povijest hrvatske zajednice u
Mlecima, Zagreb, 2001.; Ista, ibenani u Mlecima, ibenik, 2003.; Ista, Hrvatski prinosi mletakoj
1

178

Lovorka orali

tako uestalo i vremenski dugotrajno, zapaenu i historiografske pozornosti


vrijednu skupinu useljenika iz podruja Srbije.
U znanstvenoj literaturi koja se bavi srpskom povijeu tijekom
razdoblja XV. i XVI. stoljea biljeimo u sintezama i djelima koja obrauju
pojedine oblike trgovine i trgovakih veza srednjovjekovne Srbije, brojne
podatke koji se odnose na prisutstvo stranih trgovaca (npr. Venecijanaca,
Firentinaca, Ankonitanaca) u unutranjosti Balkana. Nasuprot tome, podatke
o opsegu iseljavanja, trgovakoj povezanosti i djelovanju pojedinih
poduzetnika i trgovaca iz tih krajeva u razliitim gradovima i dravama
Apeninskog poluotoka, napose u Veneciji, biljeimo vrlo rijetko.2
Doseljavanje, prisutnost i djelovanje doseljenika iz Srbije u Veneciji stoga je
tema koja je velikoj mjeri neobraena, te je stoga svaki podatak koji se odnosi
na navedenu problematiku dragocjen prilog poznavanju ovog aspekta
povijesti naroda koji su naseljavali podruja unutranjosti Balkanskog
poluotoka tijekom srednjovjekovnog i ranonovovjekovnog doba njegova
povijesnog razvoja.
U ovom radu pokuati u na osnovu izvorne grae iz venecijanskog
Dravnog arhiva (Archivio di Stato di Venezia, dalje: ASV), napose iz fonda
notarskih dokumenata / oporuka (Notarile testamenti, dalje: NT), prikazati
vremenski okvir iseljavanja i djelovanja useljenika iz Srbije, oblike njihove
djelatnosti, mjesta stanovanja, duhovni ivot i religioznost, kao i
svakodnevlje promatrano kroz temljne krugove njihove komunikacije
(obitelj, rodbina, prijateljske veze, poznanici, poslovni partneri).

kulturi: odabrane teme, Zagreb, 2003. Usporedi i neke pojedinane radove: L. orali, Prilozi
poznavanju prisutnosti i djelovanja doseljenika iz Bosne u Veneciji od XIV. do XVII. stoljea,
Historijski zbornik, sv. 46. (1), Zagreb, 1993., str. 31.-60.; Ista, Dubrovani u Veneciji od XIII
do XVIII stoljea, Anali Zavoda za povijesne znanosti HAZU u Dubrovniku, sv. XXXII.,
Dubrovnik, 1994., str. 15.-57.; Ista, Iseljenici iz grada Kotora u Mlecima (XV.-XVIII. st.),
Povijesni prilozi, god. 17., Zagreb, 1998., str. 133.-155.; Ista, Tragom crnogorskih iseljenika
u Mlecima (XV.-XVII. st.), Istorijski zapisi, god. LXXVII., sv. 1.-4., Podgorica, 2004., str. 7.
44. O migracijama sa ireg podruja istonojadranske obale i Balkana u Veneciju usporedi i
monografiju francuske povjesniarke Brunhilde Imhaus, Le minoranze orientali a Venezia
1300-1510, Roma, 1997.
2 Usporedi nekoliko vodeih sinteza srpske povijesti u kojima su kao posebno obraene cjeline
izdvojena poglavlja o trgovini i prometu: Kosta N. Kosti, Stara srpska trgovina i industrija,
Beograd, 1904.; Konstantin Jireek, Istorija Srba, sv. I.-II., Beograd, 1978.-1981.; Isti,
Trgovaki putevi i rudnici Srbije i Bosne u srednjem veku, u: Zbornik Konstantina Jireeka,
sv. I., Posebna izdanja SANU, knj. 326., Beograd, 1959., str. 205.-303.; Istorija srpskog
naroda, sv. I., Beograd, 1981., sv. II., Beograd, 1982. Za razdoblje XIII. i XIV. stoljea
usporediti i vrlo uporabljivu monografiju Rue uk, Srbija i Venecija u XIII i XIV veku,
Beograd, 1986. (posebno str. 172.-176.).

Prisutnost i djelovanje iseljenika iz Srbije u Veneciji u XV. i XVI. stoljeu

179

Nain biljeenja u venecijanskim izvorima


i vremenski okvir spominjanja

Iseljenici sa podruja Srbije navode se s obzirom na mjesto svoga


porijekla u dokumentima na nekoliko naina. Najvei broj doseljenika naveden
je oznakom de Servia, doim u sluaju nekolicine biljeimo i ime grada iz kojeg
dolaze (de Belgrado, de Novo Monte).3 Iseljenici se oznaavaju iskljuivo svojim
i oevim imenom (rjee i vlastitim nadimkom), a prezimena nisu zabiljeena.
Iako raspolaemo s relativno nevelikim brojem dokumenata u kojim
se biljee iseljenici iz Srbije, ipak je ve i opim uvidom u datume njihova
nastanka, oito da se proces njihova useljavanja u cijelosti poklapa sa opim
intenzitetom migracija s istonojadranske obale. Stoga u razdoblju do 1475.
te useljenike gotovo da i ne biljeimo u spomenutim venecijanskim izvorima.
U periodu od 1475. do 1500. godine prisutan je znatno vei broj te skupine
iseljenika, da bi u iduem razdoblju (1501. - 1525.) uestalost njihove nazonosti
u prijestolnici Serenissime postigao najvei intenzitet. Tijekom iduih 25
godina (1526. 1550.) broj useljenika iz Srbije se ponovno smanjuje, a taj se
trend nastavlja i nakon 1551. godine, kada je razina useljavanja sa tih podruja
ponovo vraena na razdoblje od 1451. do 1475. godine. U cijelosti gledajui,
navedeni trend useljavanja, napose periodi uspona, rasta, kulminacije i opadanja,
gotovo se u potpunosti poklapaju sa opim trendom prekojadranskih migracija
sa istonojadranske obale,4 iako je, poradi malog broja uzoraka, u naem
primjeru mnogo tee donositi neke potpuno potvrene zakljuke.
Uzroci prekojadranskih migracija stanovnika s prostora istonog
Jadrana tijekom druge polovice XV. stoljea i u XVI. stoljeu (kada i postiu
svoju najviu razinu) su raznovrsni, ali je osim posebnosti u unutarnjem
razvoju svakog kraja ili grada - potrebno ukazati i na neke, svima zajednike
uzroke. Rije je prije svega o turskom faktoru odnosno o turskim provalama
u unutranjost Balkanskog poluotoka te njihovom postupnom zaposjedanju
veine do tada slobodnih balkanskih drava. Slina sudbina tada je zadesila i
podruje Srbije. Ratna pustoenja i nesigurnost ivljenja nagnala je brojne
stanovnike iz unutranjosti Balkana da spas i sigurnost potrae kako u od
Turaka nezaposjednutim podrujima Ugarsko-hrvatskoga kraljevstva, du
prostora venecijanskog dominija na istonojadranskoj obali, diljem apeninske
izme te naposljetku i u samoj Veneciji.
Allegrettus de Belgrado condam Martini (ASV, NT, b. 967., br. 24., 22. VIII. 1508.);
Damianus de Novo Monte condam Nicolai (NT, b. 958., br. 221., 26. VII. 1496.).
4 L. orali, U gradu Svetoga Marka, str. 441.

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Zanimanja iseljenika

Podaci o zanimanjima nisu redovito navedeni, ali je i pored toga na


osnovu raspoloivih podataka mogue analizirati temeljne skupine
svakidanje djelatnosti i zanimanja useljenika iz Srbije. Poput veine
useljenika sa istonojadranske obale, koji su najveim dijelom bili zaposleni
u pomorskim, obrtnikim, sitnotrgovakim i slinim, uglavnom manje
unosnim i ekonomski isplativim zanimanjima, tako i useljenici de Servia
uglavnom obnaaju zanimanja slinog ili istovjetnog obiljeja. Veina ih je
stoga zaposlena u zanimanjima pomorskog karaktera, ali je pritom primjetna
nemala gradacija izmeu pojedinih vrsta djelatnosti. Tako u spomenutim
dokumentima biljeimo uvijek ugledno, traeno i zasigurno vrlo unosno
zanimanje paruna broda (Radus de Servia), koji se spominje kao prijatelj
jednog, mnogo poznatijeg useljenika iz Boke (Stjepan Tartaro iz Grblja), koji
je, zahvaljujui svojoj nemaloj ekonomskoj moi i ugledu svojevremeno bio
jedan od najuglednijih predstavnika slavenskih useljenika u Veneciji.5 U
Veneciji se pomorskim zanimanjem bavio i Marko pokojnoga Karla de
Servia, koji se navodi kao barkariol odnosno gondolijer koji svojom barkom
saobraa kanalima i povezuje razliite dijelove grada i otoka du Lagune.
Iako je vjerojatno djelovao uzdu razliitih dijelova grada i Lagune, Markovo
je sjedite i osnovno mjesto djelovanja (traghetto) bilo u predjelu (sestiere) S.
Marco u upi S. Felice.6 Naposlijetku, u skupini zanimanja koja su u Veneciji
oduvijek bila posebno traena, biljeimo Nikolu de Servia koji se kao mornar
(marinarius) spominje krajem XV. stoljea.7
Iako je vojniko zanimanje topnika (bombardiere) rjee spominjana
djelatnost slavenskih doseljenika, primjer Antonija pokojnoga Matije de
Servia posebno je zanimljiv i svjedoi o raznovrsnosti zanimanja te skupine
slavenskih useljenika u Veneciji. Zanimljivo je da Antonio, iako oporuku
sastavlja u Veneciji, zapravo dolazi iz Verone te da je u gradu na lagunama
samo na proputovanju uoi odlaska vojne galije na Cipar. S obzirom da je
rije o neizvjesnom i opasnom putovanju i pohodu koji se poduzima nekoliko
Stjepan Tartaro iz Grbalja trgovac je u upi S. Severo u predjelu Castello. U nekoliko svojih
napisanih oporuka (1513., 1514. i 1519. godine) ostavlja svom poznaniku Radi de Servia,
patron del naviglio dvadeset dukata (ASV, NT., b. 742., br. 58., 18. VII. 1513; b. 742., br. 58.,
18. VII. 1513.; b. 968., br. 442., 15. VIII. 1519.).
6 Marcus condam Caroli de Servia barcarolus ad traiectum S. Felicis (ASV, NT, b. 191., br.
486., 9. II .1526.).
7 Nicolaus de Servia marinarius (ASV, NT, b. 377., br. 5., 31. I. 1485.).
5

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181

godina uoi Ciparskoga rata (1570. - 1573.) taj je iseljenik poput brojnih
svojih vojnikih sudrugova pred odlazak napisao iskaz svoje posljednje volje.8
Nadalje, kao vrlo istaknut i ekonomski djelatan useljenik u Veneciji
spominje se Nikola pokojnog Pola zvan Kalojko o kojem e kasnije biti vie
rijei, a ija je zamana trgovaka i openito poduzetnika aktivnost te
veliina kapitala kojim raspolae, umnogome netipina za veinu istono
jadranskih useljenika koji su se u trgovaki oblik privreivanja najee
ukljuivali kao trgovci-sitniari.9
Iako se u dokumentu izriito ne navodi njezino zanimanje, oito je da
se Andrijana pokojnoga Nikole de Servia, koja obitava u kui upnika Santa
Marcophoa u upi SS. Apostoli u predjelu Cannaregio, moe ubrojiti u sluinad,
zanimanje koje nije rijetko kada je rije o doseljenicama sa istonojadranske
obale u Veneciji, a koje su, napose ukoliko slubu obavljaju u crkvenim
ustanovama, najee udovice ili neudate ene.10

U venecijanskim predjelima i upama:


mjesto obitavanja useljenika

Mjesto stanovanja slijedei je, takoer ne manje vaan podatak koji


se u dokumentu biljei uz oznaku useljenikova zanimanja. Mjesto stanovanja
oznaava se u izvorima biljeenjem predjela (sestiere) odnosno upe
(confinio, contrata) u kojoj useljenik boravi. Slino useljenicima iz ostalih dijelova
istonojadranske obale i unutranjosti, i oni zaviajem de Servia najee su
zastupljeni u predjelu Castello, smjetenom neposredno uz dugaku, za
pristajanje brodova nadasve pogodnu obalu Riva degli Schiavoni, a ija su
imena brojnih ulica koje su vodile u unutranjost predjela i njegove pojedine
upe, svjedoila da je etniki karakter ovog predjela i napose njegovih
pojedinih upa bio tijekom srednjeg i ranog novog vijeka u velikoj mjeri
slavenski (Fondamenta degli Schiavoni, Calle Schiavona i dr.).11 Ovdje je
posebno zanimljivo napomenuti da je uliica koja od Riva degli Schiavoni
8 Antonio condam Mathio de Servia bombardier habitante de Verona essendo per andar al
presente per bombardier al Cipro (ASV, NT, b. 532., br. 126., 15. IX. 1567.).
9 Nicol condam Polo de Servia chiamato Caloyco (ASV, NT, b. 786., br. 71., 4. VII. 1517.).
10
Andriana condam Nicol de Servia habitante in confin SS. Apostoli in casa reverendo missier
piovano (ASV, NT, b. 929., br. 70., 29. VI. 1538.).
11
Brojni toponimi u Castellu svoje podrijetlo duguju iseljenicima iz Dalmacije (Corte Piero da
Lesina, Corte Solta, Corte Sabioncella). Usporedi rad: L. orali, Od hrvatske obale do
dubrovake ulice: hrvatski prinosi mletakoj toponomastici, Kolo. asopis Matice hrvatske,
god. VIII., br. 4., Zagreb, 1998., str. 57.-76.

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vodi u unutranjost predjela Castello (tonije prema crkvi i upi S. Provolo),


smjetena nedaleko od same Dudeve Palae i mosta Ponte della Paglia,
nazvana Calle delle Rasse. Ime je dobila po vrsti grubog sukna koje se u
velikim koliinama dovozilo u grad na lagunama i iskrcavalo upravo na
tamonjoj obali, a smatra se da je sukno uvoeno iz unutranjosti Balkanskog
poluotoka odnosno iz rake zemlje te je po tome i sama vrsta sukna dobila
naziv. Useljenici iz Srbije prisutni su u predjelu Castello u nekoliko tamonjih
upa, pri emu napose vrijedi spomenuti upu S. Pietro di Castello (katedrala
Venecije do 1807. godine) u kojoj je stoljeima nazonost useljenika sa
cjelokupnog podruja istonojadranske obale i iz unutranjosti bila
najizrazitija. U Castellu su ovi useljenici nazoni jo i u upama S. Maria
Formosa i S. Severo, zonama koje su takoer esto zabiljeene kao mjesta
boravka i djelovanja useljenika sa istonoga Jadrana.12
Osim predjela Castello, drugi predjelu kojem je prisutnost slavenskih
doseljenika izrazita bio je sredinji gradski predjel S. Marco. U upama toga
predjela neto su ee zabiljeeni useljenici s podruja istonojadranske
obale i unutranjosti koje se nije nalazilo pod venecijanskom upravom (dio
Istre, Senj, Modru, Dubrovnik, Zagreb, Slavonija), dok je veina doseljenika
s podruja venecijanskog dominija uglavnom stanovala u upama
spomenutog predjela Castello. Doseljenci podrijetlom de Servia djelomino
odstupaju od navedene pravilnosti te se oni u predjelu S. Marco biljee neto
manje uestalo nego u predjelu Castello. No i pored toga, predjel S. Marco
drugo je po vanosti mjesto njihova obitavanja, pri emu su od upa zastupljene
contrade S. Bartolomeo, S. Maria del Zobenigo i S. Vitale.13 Ostali predjeli
Venecije (Dorsoduro, Cannaregio, S. Polo, S. Croce) nisu u potpunosti
zastupljeni, te ove useljenike biljeimo samo u predjelima Cannaregio (upa
SS. Apostoli) i S. Croce (upa S. Giacomo dellOrio).14
Na otocima Lagune (Murano, Burano, Giudecca, Chioggia, itd.) ne
biljeimo niti jednog doseljenika sa navedenog podruja, dok je u primjeru
ve spomenutog topnika Antonija pokojnoga Matije, grad Verona zabiljeen
kao mjesto odakle dolazi u Veneciju.
12

Nicolaus de Servia de contrata S. Maria Formosa (ASV, NT, b. 377., br. 5., 31. I. 1485.); Iohanna
condam Luce de Servia de confinio S. Pietro de Castello (NT, b. 776., br. 210., 30. I. 1524.); Radus
de Servia dictus Turcho de confinio S. Severo (NT, b. 876., br. 623., 31. VIII. 1481.).
13
Damianus de Novo Monte condam Nicolai de confinio S. Vitale (ASV, NT, b. 958., br. 221.,
26. VII. 1496.); Allegretus de Belgrado condam Marthini de contrata S. Maria Zobenigo (NT,
b. 967., br. 24., 22. VIII. 1508.); Gratiosa condam Allegretti de Belgrado de confinio S.
Bartolomei (NT, b. 776., br. 195., 22. IX. 1535.).
14
Andriana condam Nicolao de Servia habitante in confin SS. Apostoli (ASV, NT, b. 929., br.
70., 29. VI. 1538.); Marcus condam Caroli de Servia de confinio S. Jacobi de Lupio (NT, b.
191., br. 486., 9. II. 1526.).

Prisutnost i djelovanje iseljenika iz Srbije u Veneciji u XV. i XVI. stoljeu

183

Svakodnevni ivot:
obitelj, rodbinske i prijateljske veze,
poznanici i poslovni partneri

Svakodnevlje useljenika inili su, osim obavljanja njegove osnovne


profesije, ivot u krugu njihovih obitelji, rodbinske veze, sastajanja, druenja
i poslovne veze s prijateljima i poznanicima sa kojima su bili povezani zaje
dnikim predjelima i upama stanovanja, bavljenjem istovjetnim poslovima
te zajednikim podrijetlom. Neki useljenici dolazili su u Veneciju sa obitelji
koja je zasnovana jo prethodno, te se obiteljski ivot, bez obzira na promjenu
sredine, nastavljao svojim uobiajenim tokom. Nasuprot tome, neki su u grad
na lagunama dolazili sami te su njihove obitelji zasnivane u novoj domovini.
U oba sluaja obitelj je predstavljala najtemeljniji dio njihova svakodnevnog
ivota. Zanimljivo je pritom spomenuti da je u primjeru useljenika
podrijetlom iz Srbije izrazito uestalo spominjanje lanova obitelji i rodbine
kako prilikom njihova imenovanja izvriteljima oporuiteljeve posljednje
elje, tako i prilikom dodjeljivanja razliitih legata. Primjetno je, nadalje, da
su prijateljske veze, kod mnogih doseljenika sa istonojadranske obale
zastupljene intenzivnije nego obiteljske, u sluaju doseljenika de Servia rjee
prisutne te da su kontakti sa useljenicima iz drugih slavenskih zemalja zabi
ljeeni manje uestalo.
lanovi najue obitelji najee su osobe koje oporuitelji imenuju
izvriteljima svoje posljednje volje (commissarii; esecutori del testamento).15
Oni su i najee zabiljeeni u sklopu dodjele legata te se meu njima obino
i nalazi glavni nasljednik sveukupnih, drugim legatima nepodijeljenih oporu
iteljevih dobara (herede residuario).16 Podjeljivanje obinih legata takoer se
najee odnosi na blie i ire lanove obitelji. Supruzi se tako najee
ostavlja cjelokupan njezin miraz koji je donijela u brak te katkada i odreena
15

Marcus condam Carlo de Servia: Commissariam meam instituo et esse volo Paulam filiam
meam (ASV, NT, b. 191., br. 486., 9. II. 1526.); Maria uxor Luce de Servia: Commissario meo
solo... sia mio marido Luca (NT, b. 651., br. 100., 27. V. 1483.); Damianus de Novo Monte:
Commissarii siano ... et uxore mea Andriana (NT, b. 958., br. 221., 26. VII. 1496.).
16
Allegrettus de Belgrado: Residuum ... dimitto filiis et filiabus meis Marino, Floriana e
Gratiosa egualmente inter eos (ASV, NT, b. 967., br. 24., 22. VIII. 1508.); Iohanna condam
Luce de Servia: Residuum lasso marido meo Marco (NT, b. 776., br. 210., 30. I. 1524.);
Antonio condam Mathio de Servia: Residuum lasso a Dorothea consorte mea (NT, b. 532., br.
126., 15. IX. 1567.).

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novana svota iz suprunikove imovine.17 Nerijetko imenovani izvriteljima


oporuke i glavnim nasljednicima - sinovi i keri useljenika koji izrie svoju
posljednju volju - takoer su obdarivani legatima jednog od svojih roditelja,
pri emu im se najee podjeljuje stanovita novana svota ili neki predmet
iz pokretne imovine.18 Braa i sestre oporuitelja takoer su redovito spome
nuti prilikom podjeljivanja legata, kao i ostali lanovi rodbine, od kojih se
uestalou spominjanja najee navode oporuiteljevi neaci, neakinje,
unuci i roaci.19 Kao ilustraciju ukljuenosti bliih i irih lanova obitelji
meu osobe koje se posebno uestalo obdaruju moemo navesti primjer
oporuke Nikole pokojnoga Pola zvanog Kalojko, koji, pored znatnog dijela
svoje imovine koju namjenjuje vjerskim ustanovama, nemali dio legata
upuuje brojnim lanovima svoje rodbine, naglaavajui da su ukljueni i oni
o kojima ne zna mnogo, ali koji imaju pravo na manji dio njegovih dobara
ukoliko se dokau njihove rodbinske veze do u etvrto koljeno srodstva.
Popis Nikolinih roaka povelik je i raznovrstan. Nikola tako ostavlja svojoj
roakinji Ani 100 dukata; neaku Dominiku 200 dukata, namjetaj u kui i
cjelokupnu srebreninu; neaku Marku ili 200 dukata; svakome od etiri sina
roaka Mihovila po 20 dukata; keri njegova strica Petra 30 dukata (novac je
namijenjen za njihovu udaju); bratu Gaparu svoje odijelo; neakinji Jeleni 20
dukata; keri svoje roakinje koja stanuje u predjelu Cannaregio u upi SS.
Apostoli 10 dukata za udaju; roaku urainu jedan dukat, jedan par obue i
jedan ogrta; roaku Gaparu Drago jednu pliticu; roaku Mihovilu za udaju
njegovih keri 60 dukata; neakinji Margareti 50 dukata za udaju; neaku
Nikolotu Aleksijevu 10 dukata; roakinji Marini 10 dukata te naposlijetku sva
kome od preostalih svojih roaka do u etvrto koljeno srodstva po pet dukata.20
Slijedei i ne manje vaan vid svakodnevne komunikacije useljenika
su
inile prijateljske veze i poznanstva nastale na osnovu podudarnosti mjesta
17
Radus de Servia dictus Turcho: Item Franceschine uxori mee totam suam dotem et soldos 5
ultra sua dote qua est ducatos 100 (ASV, NT, b. 876., br. 623., 31. VIII. 1481.); Damianus de
Novo Monte: ... vendere omnes pannos et sua arma et de tractum tertiam pars va Andriane
uxori sue (NT, b. 958., br. 221., 26. VII. 1496.).
18Allegretus de Belgrado: Dimitto Marciali filio meo omnes meas vestas et ducatos 100. Item
Marino filio meo omnes vestas et argentes. Item Floriane et Gratiose filiabus meis omnia
armamenta (ASV, NT, b. 967., br. 24., 22. VIII. 1508.); Radus de Servia dictus Turcho: Dimitto
Isabete et Andree filiabus meis ducatos 300 pro quolibet prosuo maridare (NT, b. 876., br. 623.,
31. VIII. 1481.).
19Agnesa uxor Nicolai de Servia: Dimitto ducatos 20 Helisabethe sorori mee. Dimitto Iohanne
nepti mee ducatos 20 auri (ASV, NT, b. 377., br. 5., 31. I. 1485.); Gratiosa condam Allegretti
de Belgrado: Ducati 100 sia de mie nezze fie de mia sorella cheest morta (NT, b. 776., br. 195.,
22. IX. 1535.); Damianus de Novo Monte: Lasso Zuana mia germana ducati 20, unum
mantellum de grassis et unum sobalium (NT, b. 958., br. 221., 26. VII. 1496.).
20
ASV, NT, b. 786., br. 71., 4. VII. 1517.

Prisutnost i djelovanje iseljenika iz Srbije u Veneciji u XV. i XVI. stoljeu

185

stanovanja, obavljanja istovjetne ili sline djelatnosti te svakodnevnog


okupljanja i druenja. U primjeru useljenika de Servia prijateljske veze nisu
spominjane onoliko esto kao u primjeru drugih useljenika sa istonoja
dranske obale, ali nam, i pored toga, pruaju dragocjene podatke o drutvenoj
strukturi, zanimanjima, mjestu stanovanja i sastajanja, kao i o oblicima
poslovanja kako sa samim stanovnicima Venecije, tako i sa - to je nae
istraivanje napose zanimljivo - doseljenicima iz drugih dijelova istonog
Jadrana. U izvorima su prijatelji i poznanici ove skupine useljenika najee
spomenuti kao svjedoci prilikom potpisivanja oporuke.21 Prijatelji su katkada
imenovani i izvriteljima oporuke. U tom sluaju oporuitelj izabire osobe
najveeg povjerenja i odanosti te su imenovani izvritelji nerijetko i njegovi
kumovi (compatre) ili bliskiji poslovni partneri sa kojima je tijekom ivota
ostvarivao razliite poduzetnike poslove.22 Iako ne tako uestalo kao lanovi
rodbine, oporuiteljevi prijatelji takoer su spomenuti i prilikom
podijeljivanja legata. Za neke od njih razvidno je da su sa oporuiteljem i
njegovom obitelji bili u bliskijim vezama (najee kumstvu), dok je u sluaju
preostalih rije o vezama prijateljstva i poznanstva uvjetovanih slinou
zanimanja i podudarajuim mjestom svakidanjeg obitavanja u Veneciji.23
Ukoliko je doseljenik tijekom svog ivota i boravka u Veneciji imao sluge,
tada ih se u svojim oporukama redovito prisjea, te im uz iskaze zahvalnosti
za vjernu slubu nadoknauje plau zaraenu u proteklom periodu i dodatno
daruje manju novanu svotu ili dio svoje pokretne imovine.24

21

Sveenik Paulo Nigro, postolar Primo pokojnoga Nikole iz Drivasta, Lodovico Faustino iz
Venecije, mjera Giovanni iz Venecije i postolar Giacomo iz Feltrea, svi iz upe S. Vitale u
predjelu S. Marco, svjedoci su prilikom pisanja oporuke Damjana iz Novog Brda (ASV, NT, b.
958., br. 221., 26. VII. 1496.). Kova Antonio i ribar Giovanni svjedoci su Agnese, supruge
Nikole de Servia (ASV, NT, b. 377., br. 5., 31. I. 1485.).
22
Radus de Servia dictus Turcho: Comissarios meos lasso Georgium barbitonsorem compatrem
meum, Radum cimatorem, Lucam condam Flori Campise et Iohannem compatrem meum
(ASV, NT, b. 876., br. 623., 31. VIII. 1481.); Allegretus de Belgrado: Comissarii... Lucia
Marini, Toma nepote meo, Nicolaus Georgii de Antibaro et Rada sorore mea (NT, b. 967., br.
24., 22. VIII. 1508.); Nicol condam Polo de Servia chiamato Caloyco: Comissarii miei...
Dominocho Massarachi, Marco Xilla et Andrea de Zeta (NT, b. 786., br. 71., 4. VII. 1517.).
23
Agnesa uxor Nicolai de Servia: Dimitto filie Radi compatris mei unam meam investituram
rubinam (ASV, NT, b. 377., br. 5., 31. I. 1485.); Damianus de Novo Monte: ... vendere omnes
pannos et mea arma et de tractum ... unius partis dimitto Zanetto filacanevo mei comparis (NT,
b. 958., br. 221., 26. VII. 1496.).
24
Maria uxor Luce de Servia: Lucie camarieri mee dimitto un vardacuor viridis, duas pelizzas
e una traversa; Item Damiano familiario mei maridi ducati doi (ASV, NT, b. 651., br. 100., 27.
V. 1483.); Agnesa relicta Nicolai de Servia: Item a Margareta mea massera una pelizza (NT, b.
742., br. 1., 18. I. 1513.).

186

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Gospodarske mogunosti
i oblici poslovanja

Preteit broj useljenika zaviajem sa istonoga Jadrana ubrajao se u


srednje
sloj
i sitno imunih graana. Dometi njihova poslovanja, raspoloiv
ekonomske
kapital i
mogunosti najee nisu bili znatni te je njihova
egzistencija ponajvie ovisila o jednoj vrsti djelatnosti. Iseljenici de Servia
takoer su najveim dijelom osobe koje raspolau srednjim i sitnim
kapetalom, a najee se bave manje unosnim i ekonomski produktivnijim
djelatnostima (kuna posluga, mornari, barkarioli). Ipak, nekoliko useljenika
iz te skupine odudara od prosjenosti te se mogu ubrojiti u elitniji odnosno
gospodarski snaniji dio iseljenitva. Tako je ve spomenuti Nikola Kalojko,
koji u svojoj oporuci ostavlja velike novane svote svojim brojnim roacima,
prijateljima i poznanicima, ali i crkvenim ustanovama u domovini i u
Veneciji, raspolagao sa znatnim novanim kapitalom, o emu nam svjedoi
nekoliko biljeaka navedenih u samoj oporuci. Na samom poetku oporuke
Nikola navodi da posjeduje iznimno velikih 4600 dukata rasporeenih i
uloenih na vie mjesta (osobito u Ankoni). Dio toga kapitala namijenjuje
svojim neacima (oko 400 dukata), dok za 300 dukata odreuje da se uloe u
neku sigurnu investiciju odnosno nekretninu (fondo stabile), od koje e
prihod redovito ii njegovim nasljednicima. Nikola je tijekom svog ivota
poslovao sa razliitim osobama, od kojih su neki bili slavenskog porijekla
(Andrija iz Zete), neki su njegovi roaci (Marko ila), dok su ostali iz
Venecije ili nekog drugoga talijanskog grada. Kod svih tih osoba, koji su
ujedno i izvritelji njegove oporuke, Nikola je imao u pohrani stanovitu
novanu svotu, ali najveim dijelom ne zahtjeva njezin povrat, ve im kapital
koji dre u svojim rukama ostavlja kao legat za dugogodinju uspjenu
suradnju i prijateljstvo.25 Znaajan je, nadalje, i kapital kojime raspolae
Gratioza pokojnoga Alegreta iz Beograda koja posjeduje 400 dukata u novcu
(ne ukljuujui pokretnu imovinu i odjeu) i ostavlja ih sinu Alviseu (300
dukata) i svojim neakinjama, kerima oporuiteljiine pokojne sestre (100
dukata).26 U opseno trgovako poslovanje bio je ukljuen i Rade zvan Turin
koji spominje svoje pravo na robu i novac u vrijednosti od 1000 dukata, od
kojih je 400 dukata investirano u trgovake poslove u Flandriji, a kapitalom
trenutno raspolae njegov poslovni partner i izvritelj oporuke Luka Campisi.
Rade ne trai da se navedeni imetak uloi u neko budue poslovanje i
25
26

ASV, NT, b. 786., br. 71., 4. VII. 1517.


ASV, NT, b. 776., br. 195., 22. IX. 1535.

Prisutnost i djelovanje iseljenika iz Srbije u Veneciji u XV. i XVI. stoljeu

187

trgovaku operaciju, ve ga dariva svojim brojnim roacima i poznanicima,


kao i raznim crkvenim ustanovama.27

Vjerski ivot, religioznost


i veze s crkvenim ustanovama
u Veneciji i u domovini

Crkvene upe i ondje smjetene crkve, samostani, bratovtine i


hospitali mjesta su sa kojima se u bliskoj vezi odvijao duhovni ivot svakog
onovremenog stanovnika Venecije. Nazoenje redovnom bogosluju,
svetkovine, blagdani, inovi krtenja, vjenanja i pokopa odreivali su vjerski
ivot i religioznost stanovnika. U oporukama ove skupine useljenika biljeimo
brojne i iscrpne podatke o njihovom duhovnom ivotu, kao i o odnosu prema
crkvenim ustanovama u Veneciji i domovini.28
Prvi podatak vezan za duhovni ivot useljenika navoenje je mjesta
pokopa. Crkve i samostani koje useljenici iz Srbije navode kao mjesta svoga
posljednjeg poivalita nalaze se, sukladno mjestima njihova stanovanja, u
upama predjela Castello (crkve S. Francesco della Vigna, S. Antonio).29
Odreivanje odijee (habita) u kojoj se oporuitelj eli sahraniti prvi je u nizu
podataka koji slijede nakon odreivanja mjesta pokopa, pri emu je obino
rije o habitu franjevakog crkvenog reda.30 Pored toga, poneki oporuitelj
uopenim darivanjem novaca pro mia sepoltura izrie elju da se tim legatom
nadoknade preostali trokovi sahrane.31
Oporuiteljeva elja za sluenjem misa zadunica jedan je od
najvanijih dijelova oporuke u kojima se govori o nainu i trokovina pokopa.
Najee je rije o kratkim (messe S. Marie) i gregorijanskim misama (messe di
S. Gregorio), koje se, ovisno o oporuiteljevoj elji, dre prije i poslije pogreba.
Za navedene mise ostavlja se manja novana svota crkvenim ustanovama u
27

ASV, NT, b. 876., br. 623., 31. VIII. 1481.


iseljenika koji su predmet razmatranja ovoga rada bila je kako posvjedouju njihovi
oporuni legati usko povezana s venecijanskim katolikim crkvenim ustanovama te s tamonjom
crkvom S. Biagio sjeditem onovremene zajednice pravoslavnih vjernika. injenica da
oporuitelji kranske vjere biljee i legatima obdaruju i katolike i pravoslavne crkvene
ustanove tada je bila uobiajena pojava.
29Agnesa uxor Nicolai de Servia: ... sepelire ad S. Francesco a Vinea. (ASV, NT, b. 377., br. 5.,
31. I. 1485.); Maria uxor Luce de Servia: ... sepelire a S. Antonio (NT, b. 651., br. 100., 27. V. 1483.).
30Agnesa uxor Nicolai de Servia: sepelire... in habito S. Francesco (ASV, NT, b. 377., br. 5.,
31. I. 1485.).
31
Damianus de Novo Monte: Promia sepultura dimisit ducati 4 (ASV, NT, b. 958., br. 221., 26.
VII. 1496.).
28Veina

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kojima se slavi sluba Boja, pri emu se katkada odreuje da se mise u


spomen na pokojnika imaju drati tijekom jednug dueg vremenskog
razdoblja (nekoliko mjeseci ili jedna godina nakon smrti oporuitelja).32
U uskoj vezi s prethodno navedenim odredbama je i obiaj slanja
jedne ili vie osoba u posjet hodoasnikim odreditima u samoj Veneciji ili
izvan grada. U Veneciji su to u prvom redu etiri tradicionalna hodoasnika
mjesta (S. Lorenzo, S. Croce, S. Pietro di Castello, S. Trinit) te se ona - poradi
svoje lake dostupnosti stanovnicima Venecije u ovim primjerima najee
spominju.33 Osim navedenih hodoasnikih mjesta, useljenici de Servia
katkada izraavaju elju i za upuivanjem osoba u udaljenija hodoasnika
stjecita te stoga u njihovim oporukama zatiemo podatak o slanju hodo
asnika ili o darivanju glasovitih svetita u mjestu Monteortone (marijansko
svetite kraj Padove), u Loretu te u Svetoj zemlji (Jeruzalem).34
Neizostavno prisutne u svakodevnom ivotu useljenika, vjerske
ustanove vanjski su okvir njihovog duhovnog ivota i religioznosti te je
dodjeljivanje legata razliitim crkvama, samostanima, bratovtinama i
hospitalima, kao i konkretnim crkvenim osobama, uobiajen in kojime je
pojedinac isticao svoju religioznost i nastojao se iskupiti pred Bogom.
Dijelovi oporuke u kojima doseljenik obdaruje razliite crkvene ustanove i
duhovna lica pokazatelj su i njegovih materijalnih mogunosti temeljem kojih
je bilo mogue ispunjavanje legata. U oporukama koje analiziramo obdaruje
se nemali broj crkava i samostana kako u samoj Veneciji, tako i u nekim
drugim gradovima Apeninskog poluotoka (crkve u svetitima u Loretu i
Monteortoneu), ali i u domovini odnosno u krajevima s kojima je oporuitelj
bio povezan prije svog dolaska u Veneciju. Analizom nekoliko oporuka
saznajemo koje su osobe darivale pojedine crkve i samostane te od ega se
sastoje i koliko su vrijedni legati koji im se ostavljaju iskazom posljednje
oporuiteljeve elje. Tako Agnesa, udovica Nikole de Servia, ostavlja samo
stanu S. Giovanni Laterano u Veneciji tri dukata, jedan par plahti, dva saga i
32

Agnesa relicta Nicolai de Servia: ... messe della Madonna e de S. Gregorio avanti il mio
corpo sia sepelido (ASV, NT, b. 742., br. 1., 18. I. 1513.); Gratiosa condam Allegreti de
Belgrado: ... voio che siano celebrate le messe di S. Gregorio e della Madonna. (NT, b. 776.,
br. 195., 22. IX. 1535.); Allegretus de Belgrado: celebrare messe 30 S. Marie; celebrare messe
S. Marie e S. Gregorio in chiesa S. Maria delle Grezie. Dimitto uno fratri presbitero in
monasterio S. Iohanni e Paulo 11 pezze carisee pro faciendi una mansionaria in S. Maria
Zobenigho pro anima mea (NT, b. 967., br. 24., 22. VIII. 1508.).
33
Agnesa uxor Nicolai de Servia: Volo mittat ad S. Trinit, S. Laurentio et S. Croce (ASV, NT,
b. 377., br. 5., 31. I. 1485.); Gratiosa condam Allegreti de Belgrado: ... e che sia mandato a S.
Lorenzo, a Croce et alla Terint et a S. Pietro Castello. (NT, b. 776., br. 195., 22. IX. 1535.).
34
Radus de Servia dictus Turcho: Item dimitto S. Marie de Loreto ducatos 5 et doplerios 5. Item
dimitto ecclesie S. Marie de Monte Ortono alios ducatos 5 et doplerios 5. Item volo dentur
ducatos 50 uniquivadat ad Ierusalem (ASV, NT, b. 876., br. 623., 31. VIII. 1481.).

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jedan ogrta, dok neveliku svotu od svega dva dukata namjenjuje samostanu
S. Maria dei Miracoli.35 Brojne su, nadalje, venecijanske crkve i samostani
koje obdaruje Rade zvan Turin (S. Maria di Miracoli, S. Maria delle Grazie,
S. Pietro di Castello, S. Salvador, S. Catarina, S. Maria Magdalena, S. Nicol
dei Mendicoli, S. Antonio, S. Giovanni Battista), a u oporuci se istoga iseljenika
biljee i crkve u Loretu i u svetitu Monteortone.36
Za ovo istraivanje posebno nam je zanimljiva oporuka imunog
useljenika Nikole Kalojka koji u iskazu svoje posljednje volje obdaruje
brojne crkvene ustanove u Veneciji, ali i cijeli niz crkava i manastira na
Skadarskom jezeru te na Svetoj Gori. U Veneciji se taj ugledni useljenik pri
sjea crkava i samostana S. Giuseppe, S. Maria dei Miracoli, Madonna della
Pace, SS. Giovanni e Paolo, S. Fantin te hospitala Madonna della Piet. Osim
navedenih, Nikola u Veneciji obdaruje i bratovtinu S. Nicol u pravoslavnoj
crkvi S. Biagio.37 Nadasve su dragocjeni podaci o legatima koje Kalojko
namjenjuje pravoslavnim sreditima na Svetoj Gori, na otocima Skadarskog
jezera, te svetitu Sv. Katarine na gori Sinaj. Tako svakom od deset manastira
(ija imena zasebno ne specificira) na Svetoj Gori Kalojko ostavlja po 100
dukata (ukupno 1000 dukata), namjenjujui ih za gradnju, ureenje i ostale
potrebe manastira. Svakom od tih deset manastira ostavlja jo po 20 dukata
koji e se upotrebiti za odjeu i skrb tamonjih siromanih i ostarjelih
kaluera. Crkvi Sv. Katarine na gori Sinaj, u kojoj se uva tijelo i moi
svetice, ostavlja 200 dukata perfabrica. Slijedi spominjanje brojnih crkava na
Skadarskom jezeru, nastalih zadubinama srpske i crnogorske vlastele
tijekom srednjovjekovnog razdoblja, a koje su svojom brojnou, viesto
ljetnom tradicijom i kulturom, predstavljale znaajna sjedita pravoslavlja na
tome dijelu istonojadranske obale. Tako Kalojko ostavlja manastiru u
Vranjini 60 dukata, manastiru Gorica na otoiu Starevo dariva 30 dukata, a
Sv. Spasitelju na Skadarskom jezeru (Lago di Zeta) 150 dukata. Nadalje,
35

ASV, NT, b. 742., br. 1., 18. I. 1513.


fabrice ecclesie S. Marie de Miracolis ducatos 25. Item monasterio S. Maria de le Grazie
ducatos 25 pro fabrica ipsius ecclesie. Item dimitto S. Marie de Loreto ducatos 5 et doplerios
5. Item ecclesie S. Marie de Monte Ortono alios ducatos 5 et doplerios 5. Item dimitto doplerios
5 ponderis librarum 2,5 ecclesie S. Pietro de Castello et totidem dimitto ecclesie S. Salvadoris.
Item ecclesie S. Catarine totidem doplerios et totidem ecclesie S. Marie Magdalene et ecclesie
S. Nicolai et S. Antonii et Iohannis Baptiste (ASV, NT, b. 876., br. 623., 31. VIII. 1481.).
37
Lasso a giesia della Madonna de S. Fantin per fabrica ducati 30. Lasso alla giesia de S. Iseppo
ducati 10. Lasso per vestir li poveri putti della Piet ducati 20. Lasso alla Scuola de S. Nicol
in S. Biagio ducati 20. Lasso alla giesia de S. Maria de Miracoli in Venezia ducati quatro in
tanto oglio per far arderuno candello a dicta giesia sempre fin durer dicto oglio et altri ducati
quatro de oglio lasso alla giesia de la Madonna de S. Fantin per tener acceso uno candello fino
dura dicto oglio et similmente a la giesia de la Madonna a S. Zuanne Polo ducati quatro et
similmente alla giesia della Madonna de la Paxe (ASV, NT, b. 786., br. 71., 4. VII. 1517.).
36Item

190

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ostavlja 50 dukata za kupnju jednog maslinika iz kojeg e se dobivati ulje za


potrebe reenih manastira. Crkvi Sv. ora na otoiu Beka (Brezovica)
ostavlja 20 dukata pro fabrica, a istu novanu svotu poklanja i crkvi Sv.
Marije na otoku Moraniku i Bogorodici Krajinskoj smjetenoj iznad
Skadarskog jezera. U reenim manastirima na Skadarskom jezeru odravati
e se i mise zadunice u spomen na njegova pokojnoga brata te za tu svrhu
ostavlja manastirima jo 100 dukata.38 Navedeni legati iseljenika Nikole
Kalojka dragocjeno su posvjedoenje o njegovoj iznimnoj gospodarskoj
snazi, ali i o snanoj svijesti o vjerskoj pripadnosti i povezanosti s nekim od
vodeih pravoslavnih svetita.
Slino kao i prilikom obdarivanja crkava i samostana, takoer je
nemali broj venecijanskih bratovtina kojih se prilikom izricanja svoje
posljednje elje prisjeaju doseljenici de Servia. Tako Agnesa, supruga
Nikole de Servia ostavlja manje novane svote i poneki predmet iz svoje
imovine razliitim bratovtinama u gradu na lagunama, u pravilu smjetenim
u crkvama predjela Castello,39 dok Damjan iz Novog Brda daruje bratovtinu
S. Maurizio, iju grobnicu odabire i za svoje posljednje poivalite.40 Nekoliko
bratovtina zabiljeeno je i u oporunom spisu Nikole Kalojka. Od
venecijanskih bratovtina Nikola obdaruje jedino bratovtinu S. Nicol ije je
sjedite u pravoslavnoj crkvi S. Biagio (S. Biagio dei Greci) te bratovtinu
slavenskih doseljenika S. Zorzi degli Schiavoni (Scuola S. Zorzi e Triffone,
Scuola Dalmata),41 kojih je moda i sam bio lan. Zanimljivo je naglasiti da
38

Item lasso al 10 monasterii de Monte Sancto per fabrica et bisogno ducati 1000 cio ducati
100 per monasterio. Item altri ducati 20 per monasterio per far tanti vestimenti alli poveri
calogeri vecchii. Item allegiesie del Monte Sinaj dove xe il corpo de S. Catarina ducati 200
per fabrica. Item lasso alla giesia di S. Nicol de Vranina ducati 60 per fabrica. Item alla Ternit
a Goricani ducati 30. Item a S. Salvador in Lago di Zeta per fabrica de la giesia ducati 150.
Item lasso ducati 50 per comprar uno zardino de olivari che faccia tanto oglio qual sia
dispensado per li detti monasterii. Item alla giesia a S. Zorzi di Lago ducati 20 per fabrica. Item
alla giesia de S. Maria de Moraschini ducati 20. Item lasso alla Madonna de Craina per fabrica
della giesia ducati 20. Lasso ducati 100 che sia dato alli monasterii in Lago per dirtante messe
per lanima del mio fratello (ASV, NT, b. 786., br. 71., 4. VII. 1517.).
39
Dimitto Scuola Corpo Xristo della chiesa di S. Severo ducati tree doi tapedi, al altar del
Croce in chiesa S. Severo un mantil de miei nuovi, alla Scuola S. Francesco Vigna ducati doi,
alla Scuola S. Crucis in S. Maria Formosa per accompagnar alla sepoltura ducati doi (ASV, NT,
b. 742., br. 1., 18. I. 1513.).
40
... vendere omnes pannos et arma per duos anos et de tractum:.. 1/4 Scuole S. Mauritii et
unam dispensare inter pauperos dicte scuole (ASV, NT, b. 958., br. 221., 26. VII. 1496.).
41
O bratovtini S. Zorzi degli Schiavoni usporedi: Niko Lukovi, Bratovtina bokeljskih pomoraca
Sv. ora i Tripuna u Mlecima, Godinjak Pomorskog muzeja u Kotoru, sv. 4., Kotor, 1957.,
str. 33.-43.; Guido Perocco, Carpaccio nella Scuola di S. Giorgio degli Schiavoni, Venezia,
1964.; Isti, Guida alla Scuola Dalmata dei Santi Giorgio e Trifone (detta San Giorgio degli
Schiavoni), Venezia, 1984.; L. orali, Bratovtina slavenskih doseljenika sv. Jurja i Tripuna
u Veneciji. Izvori, historiografija i mogunosti istraivanja, Radovi Zavoda za hrvatsku povijest

Prisutnost i djelovanje iseljenika iz Srbije u Veneciji u XV. i XVI. stoljeu

191

Nikola, iako podrijetlom iz krajeva koji nisu pod vrhovnitvom Kraljice


mora, daruje bratovtinu koja je osnovana sa svrhom okupljanja useljenika sa
podruja venecijanskog dominija na istonom Jadranu (bratovtina je
ponajprije pregnuima iseljenika iz Boke - osnovana 1451. godine).42
Hospitali kao posljednje utoite onemoalih, naputenih i siro
manih, ustanova su koja se osniva i djeluje pod patronatom dravne vlasti
(iuspatronato dogale), crkvenih ustanova ili tamonjih plemikih obitelji.
Darivanje legata hospitalima takoer je esto prilikom izricanja posljednje
elje veine useljenika, pri emu je redovito rije o obdarivanju nekoliko
najpoznatijih venecijanskih hospitala (S. Maria della Piet, S. Antonio, S.
Lazzaro dei Mendicanti, Nazareth).43 Naposlijetku, dio legata namjenjen je i
za siromane i najugroenije lanove drutva (pro pauperes Christi) pri emu
je najee rije o mirazu namijenjenom siromanim djevojkama ili o pomoi
koja se upuuje malodobnim tienicima tamonjih karitativnih ustanova.44
Zanimljivo je spomenuti da u oporuci Nikole Kalojka biljeimo legat (koji
iznosi ak 200 dukata) namijenjen za osloboenje krana iz turskog
zatoenitva.45 Takav legat est je u primjeru useljenika koji zaviajem
potjeu iz krajeva izravno ugroenih turskim osvajanjima te je dragocjeno
svjedoanstvo o osjeajima i razmiljanjima iseljenika koji, iako daleko od
domovine, nisu zaboravljali na surovu ratnu stvarnost sa kojom je bila
suoena njihova vlastita zemlja.
Premda se najvei dio legata upuenih u nabone svrhe odnosi na
crkvene ustanove, dio njih se upuuje i konkretnim duhovnim osobama koje
obnaaju neka od crkvenih zvanja. Najee je rije o sveenicima ili
redovnicima crkava ili samostana koje oporuitelj odreuje za mjesta sluenja
misa te se tom prilikom imenuju duhovne osobe koje e reenu dunost
Filizofskog fakulteta Sveuilita u Zagrebu, sv. 27., Zagreb, 1994., str. 43.-57.; Ista, Scuola
della nation di Schiavoni - hrvatska bratovtina sv. Jurja i Tripuna u Mlecima, Povijesni
prilozi, god. 18., Zagreb, 1999., str. 53.-88.; Ista, Hrvatski prinosi mletakoj kulturi: odabrane
teme, Zagreb, 2003., str. 159.-210.
42
Lasso alla Schuola de S. Nicol de S. Biagio de Venezia ducati 20. Lasso alla Schuola de S.
Zorzi della nation apresso S. Zuanne del Templo ducati 10 per fabrica (ASV, NT, b. 786., br. 71.,
4. VII. 1517.).
43
Nicol condam Polo chiamato Caloyco: Lasso per vestir poveri putti della Piet in Venezia
ducati 20 (ASV, NT, b. 786., br. 71., 4. VII. 1517.); Allegretus de Belgrado: Ospedale pauperum
S. Lazzari dimitto ducato uno (NT, b. 967., br. 24., 22. VIII. 1508.); Radus de Servia dictus
Turcho: Item hospedali S. Antonii et Nazareth ducatum unum pro quolibet eorum (NT, b. 876.,
br. 623., 31. VIII. 1481.).
44
Agnesa relicta Nicolai de Servia: Residuum lasso dispensare in poveri della mia contrada
(ASV, NT, b. 742., br. 1., 18. I. 1513.); Radus de Servia dictus Turcho: Residuum dimitto pro
maridare una povera donzella (NT, b. 876., br. 623., 31. VIII. 1481.).
45
Lasso ducati 200 per liberartanti schiavi christiani delle man de infedeli (ASV, NT, b. 786.,
br. 71., 4. VII. 1517.).

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izvriti. esto su navedeni sveenici tijekom oporuiteljeva ivota bili sa


njime u bliskijim vezama te se spominju i kao oporuiteljevi ispovjednici.
Duhovna lica stoga su nerijetko i osobe od iznimnog povjerenja te nije rijedak
sluaj da se oni navode kao svjedoci prilikom potpisivanja oporuke,46 ali i kao
izvritelji oporuiteljeve posljednje elje.47 Mjestom stanovanja i obnaanja
duhovnih slubi, navedeni sveenici i redovnici obino su vezani uz upe i
predjele u kojima je obitavao i obavljao svoje svakodnevne poslove i sam
useljenik. Navedenim duhovnim osobama se, prema tadanjim obiajima,
ostavlja manja novana svota u znak zahvalnosti za uinjene usluge i kao
nadoknada za preuzetu obavezu odravanja misa zadunica u spomen na
oporuitelja i njegove pretke.48

Zakljuak

Zavravajui ovaj saeti pregled prisutnosti i djelovanja useljenika iz


Srbije u Veneciji u razdoblju XV. i XVI. stoljea moemo istaknuti nekoliko
zakljunih postavki.
Iako ne raspolaemo s velikim brojem dokumenata o useljenicima s
podruja srpske drave, moemo primjetiti da se intenzitet njihova uselja
vanja u Veneciju poklapa sa opim trendovima prekojadranskih migracija u
kasnom srednjem i u ranom novom vijeku. Mjestom stanovanja, zanimanjima
koja obavljaju te oblicima poslovanja i materijalnim mogunostima koja
stjeu i kojima raspolau veina iz te skupine useljenika u velikoj mjeri
podsjea na brojne primjere useljenika iz drugih slavenskih zemalja. Potrebno
je, nadalje, spomenuti kao svojevrsnu specifinost iz ivota useljenika iz toga
dijela Balkanskog poluotoka, brojnost i uestalost spominjanja obitelji i
rodbinskih veza. Stanovnici Venecije zaviajem de Servia najbliskije kontakte
ostvaruju u krugu svoje ue i ire obitelji, dok su njihove veze, zajedniko
poslovanje, sastajanja i druenja sa useljenicima iz drugih dijelova istono
jadranske obale prilino rijetki. Unato tome, iz malog broja podataka koji
46

Sveenik Bernardin, sakristan crkve SS. Apostoli, svjedok je oporuke Andrijane pokojnoga
Nikole de Servia (ASV, NT, b. 929., br. 70., 29. VI. 1538.). Nicol Rubeo, pleban crkve S.
Maria Zobenigo, svjedoi pri sastavljanju oporunog dokumenta Alegreta iz Beograda (NT, b.
967., br. 24., 22. VIII. 1508.).
47
Agnesa relicta Nicolai de Servia: Commissaria lasso abadessa S. Laurentio (ASV, NT, b.
742., br. 1., 18. I. 1513.); Andriana condam Nicolai de Servia: Commissario solo voglio chesia
reverendo Santo Marcopho piovano SS. Apostoli (NT, b. 929., br. 70., 29. VI. 1538.).
48
Maria uxor Luce de Servia: Lasso Iohanni plebano S. Antonio ducati tre per messe per
lanima mia (ASV, NT, b. 651., br. 100., 27. V. 1483.); Agnesa relicta Nicolai de Servia: Lasso
ducati 5 cappellano della mia contrada (NT, b. 742., br. 1., 18. I. 1513.).

Prisutnost i djelovanje iseljenika iz Srbije u Veneciji u XV. i XVI. stoljeu

193

govore o njihovim prijateljskim vezama i poznanstvima sa slavenskim


useljenicima u Veneciji, primjetno je da su takve veze zasnivane i odravane
bez obzira na etniku i vjersku pripadnost doseljenika te da je osjeaj
zajednikog slavenskog podrijetla osnovna uporina toka na kojoj se
zasnivaju njihovi odnosi prijateljstva i poslovne suradnje.
Doseljenici de Servia ne mogu se svojom brojnou, intenzitetom
useljavanja i dugotrajnou razdoblja njihovog intenzivnog prisutstva u
Veneciji usporeivati sa doseljenicima iz nekih drugih dijelova istonojadranske
obale (ponajprije sa izrazito brojnim Dalmatincima i Bokeljima), niti je
njihovo djelovanje u gradu na lagunama ostavilo presudan trag na postojanje
i djelovanje slavenskih doseljenika tijekom njihovog viestoljetnog prisutstva
u Veneciji. Unato tome, injenica da su se u grad na lagunama doseljevali i
neko vrijeme intenzivno djelovali useljenici iz irih podruja balkanskog
zalea te da su se svojim ivotom i stvaranjem u potpunosti uklopili i saivjeli
sa novom sredinom, jo je jedan dragocjen prilog i svjedoanostvo o slo
enosti i raznovrsnosti migracijskih kretanja, meusobnih utjecaja i komu
nikacije izmeu dviju obala Jadrana.

194

Lovorka orali

Lovorka orali
THE PRESENCE AND AGENCY OF THE IMMIGRANTS FROM
SERBIA INVENICE IN THE FIFTEENTH AND IN THE
SIXTEENTH CENTURY
Summary

The central theme of this research is directed towards the study of


migrations, presence and agency of the immigrants coming from Serbia to
Venice. The article has been based on the study and analysis of the source
material from the State Archive of Venice (Archivio di Stato di Venezia), in the
first place the collection of last wills (Notarile testamenti). Based on the
source materials, the principal components from the past of this immigrant
group have been analysed: the way in which they were mentioned in Venetian
sources, the places of their residence according to the city areas (sestieri) and
parishes, their occupations, and economic potentials. Research attention has
been awarded to the everyday life of the immigrants from Serbia in their new
Venetian setting, during the discussion of which the family and kinship
relationships and the ties of friendship and acquaintances have been put into
the focus. In the final part of the study, the connections of the group of the
immigrants from Serbia to the Venetian ecclesiastical institutions and
members of clergy have been placed under the scrutiny. Particular attention
has been awarded to the last will and testamentary bequests of Nicholas son
of Polo, also known as Kalojko, a particularly wealthy entrepreneur who
operated with the capital worthy of several thousands ducats. He bequeathed
a large proportion of his property to the Orthodox churches and monasteries
of the Lake Scutari and the Mount Athos. The article concludes in the end that
the research and the analysis of the theme of the presence and agency of the
immigrants from Serbia to Venice is an important contribution to the discu
ssion of centuries-long communications and permeation between the western
Adriatic coast and the Balkan Peninsula.
ey Words: Venice, the Republic of Venice, Serbia, migrations, the Late Middle
Ages, Early Modern Age, social history.

: 904:94(497.15)]:343.712"14"

Esad KURTOVI
Filozofski fakultet
Sarajevo
Bosna i Hercegovina

MONTE LAPIDOSO KAMENO BRDO

Apstrakt: Rad identificira lokalitet Kameno brdo kao ozloglaeno mjesto pljakanja
dubrovakih trgovaca u XV. stoljeu. Prema autorovoj ponudi to je dananje istoimeno
uzvienje u blizini Cernice, Gacka i Kljua u Hercegovini. Ono dominira nad frekventnim
trgovakim putem koji je upravo preko Kamenog brda prolazio pravcem Cernica-Bilea. To je
pozicija koju su stanovnici okolnih podruja esto iskoritavali za presretanje i pljakanje
dubrovakih trgovaca. Kroz prizmu Kamenog brda autor otvara dilemu Sime irkovia o
podrujima nad kojima su vlast imali herceg Stjepan Vuki Kosaa i njegov sin Vladislav
1464-1465. godine i razdvaja mjesto Brdo od lokaliteta Kameno brdo koji su doivljavali
poistovjeivanja.
Kljune rijei: Kameno brdo, Brdo, drumski razbojnici, Kosae

Drumsko razbojnitvo predstavlja uobiajenost dubrovakog zalea


u prvoj polovini XV. stoljea. O njemu se slikovito izrazio ueni Filip de
Diversis koji je kao savremenik imao uea u, uzajamnim vezama sa
zaleem isprepletenoj, svakodnevnici Dubrovnika.1 Intenzivan privredni
razvoj zasnovan na eksploataciji plemenitih metala rezultirao je jakim
trgovakim kretanjima i irom mreom putnih komunikacija kojima se, prema
zainteresovanim pojedincima i organiziranim skupinama, kao voda rijenim
kanalima prelijevala raznorazna skupocjena roba. To je rezultiralo i prateim
deavanjima, uestalijim pljakanjima u kojima se nerijetko kao uesnici
1 Gospodin knez i petorica lanova Maloga vijea koji se nazivaju suci sasluavaju, ispituju,
pretresaju, popravljaju i kanjavaju i svojim presudama okonavaju sve krivine nepravde,
nasilja, krae, pljake, fizike povrede i sve vrste zloina za koje se podnese tuba. Njihova je
vlast ograniena zakonima, osobito u kanjavanju lopova. Njih ima mnogo u Bosni kroz koju
neprestano prolaze Dubrovani sa silnom trgovakom robom. Bosanci su barbarski narod,
sirov i osvetoljubiv, i veliki razbojnici. Kad bi se netko od njih kaznio smru, njegovi bi
srodnici uhvatili kojeg Dubrovanina na prolazu kroz Bosnu pa bi ga opljakali i za osvetu
nemilo ubili, Filip de Diversis de Quartigianis, Opis poloaja, zgrada, dravnog ureenja i
pohvalnih obiaja slavnog rada Dubrovnika koji njenom Senatu posvjeuje izvrsni doktor
nauka i govornik iz Luke, Dubrovnik 3, Dubrovnik 1973, 33.

196

Esad Kurtovi

prepoznaju samo za te poslove zainteresovani pojedinci drumski razbojnici.


Vrlo esto oni su nepoznati i, prema krtim opisima iznenadnog i efikasnog
djelovanja, najee obavljanog pod okriljem noi, profesionalni u ovom
svome poslu. ira analiza poznatijih aktera pokazuje da su uee u pljaka
njima uzimali svi slojevi drutva u zaleu. Uglednijim predstavnicima zalea
pljaka se ponekad moe pripisati kao primjenjivano sredstvo politikog
pritiska ili pokrivanja trokova za eventualnu krivicu trgovaca u irim
konturama komunikacije drave, posjeda velmoa i Dubrovana.2 Naprotiv,
veini je pljaka svojevrsno usputno, dodatno zanimanje, tj. izvor zarade
kojeg povremeno primjenjuju bez dodatnih ili prepoznatljivijih argumenti
ranja, ali oito najvie u nadi da ih pravda nikada nee stii.3 Na nekim
mjestima, koja nisu ba ni sporadina, samo ouvanim izvorom praeni
pojedinci ostavljaju iza sebe upravo i jedino tragove u pljakanjima tako da
se na osnovu toga i moe kazati da im je to bilo osnovno zanimanje.4
Mjesta deavanja pljaki koje su obavljane i javno (ad viam publicam,
ponekad i u sred bijela dana i pred veim brojem svjedoka), obuhvataju skoro sva
poznata naselja u neposrednom dubrovakom zaleu, naselja na dubrovakom
podruju, pa i na susjednim otocima. Iznimno su isticana ozloglaena mjesta
pljake. Tako je u dva ugovora o prijevozu soli iz Dubrovnika do Podbora u reiji
vlaha Vlahovia, ljudi vojvode Radoslava Pavlovia, za Vjenaac kod Nevesinja
kazano da je ozloglaeno za karavane i trgovce.5 Oito je ovaj zao glas o Vjenacu
M , , . ,
, 1978, 325.
3Naprotiv, vie suprotnih primjera pratimo u, , .
XIV XV , Miscellanea XVII/6, 1978, 7-180.
4 Esad Kurtovi, Pljake i nasilja Dobrovojevia, ljudi vojvode Sandalja Hrania sa podruja
Vrsinja, Godinjak Akademije nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine XXXIII, Centar za
balkanoloka ispitivanja 32, Sarajevo 2005, 269-289. Slian primjer predstavljaju braa
Radovii iz naselja Grebci, Isti, Selo Grebci u Popovu u srednjem vijeku, Radovi Filozofskog
fakulteta XIV-XV, Sarajevo 2010, 341-365.
5 Biela Vocichnich, Stiepcho Vochasinich, Stiepan Radonich, Peruosau Branchouich et Vlatchus
Doberchouich omnes vlachi Vlachouich voiuode Radossaui super se et omnia cuiuslibet ipsorum
bona ad meliustenentem promiserunt et se obligauerunt Francho Vlachote Cranchouich presenti
et contentanti ad omnem voluntatem ipsius Franchi de Ragusio sub Bora portare salmas centum
quinquaginta salis sine illa dilatione nec scaligio fiendis in aliqua parte sui itineris siue viagii
saluas et securas a quacunque persona et quocunque periculo occurrente et occurrere valente et
ab hominibus habitantibus in Vinaza (24.06. 1435.g.), Dravni arhiv u Dubrovniku (dalje:
DAD), Diversa Notariae, XX, 23; Vochsa Stagneuich et Vlatchus Dobraseuich vlachi Vlachouich
voiuode Radossaui ad meliustenendem super se et omnia cuiuslibet ipsorum bona promiserunt et
se obligauerunt Radoe Jagodich et Miglien Pliesich presentibus et contentatibus ad omnem
voluntatem ipsorum de Ragusio sub Bora portare salmas decem et septem salis sine ulla
dilacione vel scaligio fiendo in aliqua parte sui viagii saluas et securas a quacunque persona et
quocunque periculo occurrente et occurere valente et ab hominibus habitantibus in Vinza, Isto,
23-23v; M. , , 325.
2

Monte Lapidoso - Kameno brdo

197

plod konkretne situacije koja je upeatljivo obiljeila jedan kratak vremenski


period, jer daleko je vei broj informacija koje se vezuju za brojna druga naselja,
pa i znatno vea, po kojima se vidi da su uestalija mjesta pljake.
Ponekad je teko utvrditi mjesto pljake. Dosta pljaki izvreno je u
graninom podruju, izvan naseljenih mjesta, u okviru ili pored posjeda
odreenih velikaa ili u poblie nepoznatim lokalitetima i sredinama za ijim
identifikacijama i dalje tragamo. Dvanaest informacija o pljakama u herce
govakim krajevima u periodu 1413-1473. godine povezano je uz jedan manje
poznati lokalitet koji se zove Kameno brdo. Prema registriranim tubama u
prvoj polovini XV. stoljea to je mjesto oito poznato kao ozloglaeno i lako
prepoznatljivo s obzirom da ima i svoje latinsko imenovanje u tubama kao
Monte lapidoso. U ast akademika Sime irkovia na ovom mjestu emo
detaljnije ispratiti ponuene pokazatelje o ovom lokalitetu i time ga uiniti
poznatijim pred buduim irim sagledavanjima i elaboracijama topografije
hercegovakog podruja u srednjem vijeku.
***
Prvi poznati pomen Kamenog brda je iz poetka 1413. godine. Tada
je Branko Medojevi optuio nekoliko ljudi iz Trnovice (Ratka Zunia,
Miomana Oblivojevia, Branka Paskojevia i Branka Ostojia), inae ljude
Pribaa Mrenovia iz Bohorina, a zbog pljake i ranjavanja u Kamenom
brdu (in Cameno Berdo).6 Pominjana Trnovica i Bohorin se mogu uoiti u
blizini Cernice. To je posjed Kosaa, a uz ovaj vlastelinski rod je direktno
povezana naredna vrlo interesantna informacija o Kamenom brdu. Aprila
1413. godine dubrovako Vijee umoljenih usvojilo je prijedlog kojim se daje
dozvola jednom kamenaru da moe ii na rad kod vojvode Sandalja Hrania
ali da djeluje za vojvodu na podruju iza Kamenog brda, a da prije Kamenog
brda (blie Dubrovniku) to ne smije initi.7 Oito je se radi o vanom,
stratekom aranmanu kamenara kod Sandalja Hrania i oito je da je
Medoeuich coram domino Simone de Goziis Rectore conquiritur supra Ratchum Zunich
et supra Mioman Obliuoeuich et supra Brancum Pasquoeuich et supra Branchum Hostoych de
Ternouiza homines Pribacii Mergenouich s Bacorin. Eo quia predicti diebus his propelapsis in
Cameno Berdo violenter acceperunt sibi unam clamidem, unum galerium et in grossis
conputatis perperos duos. Et ipsum verberauerunt et vulnerauerunt acriter cum effusione
sanguinis super caputis (16.01. 1413.g.), DAD, Lamenta de foris, III, 44.
7 Prima pars est de dando licentiam uni magistro petrario quod possit ire laboratum voyuode
Sandali laborando ultra Camenoberdo et a dicto loco citra non audeat laborare (11.04.
1413.g.), DAD, Reformationes, XXXIV, 190; Nicola Iorga, Notes et extraits pour servir a
lhistoire des croisades au XVe sicle, II, Paris 1899., 137; . ,

6Branchus

,
, 1959, 67.

198

Esad Kurtovi

Kameno brdo prepoznatljiv lokalitet u Dubrovniku. Jo jednu preciznu


odrednicu o lokaciji Kamenog brda daje informacija iz novembra 1419.
godine. Radin Bogosali iz Brena optuio je neke vlahe Banjane i druge ljude
zbog izvrene pljake u Kamenom brdu (u latinskom prijevodu Monte
lapidoso), a za koje je dodatno navedeno da se nalazi na podruju Gacka (in
Monte Lapidoso in contratis Gazche). Teko je znati da li je i tko od pominjanih
pljakaa sa ovog podruja (Cvjetko Boini, Milat Koevi, Vukoslav i Vukac
Ugljei, vlasi Dobrilo i Vlatko, Vukain i Vukota Stapovi).8
Prema podatku iz oktobra 1427. godine o mjestu izvrenja pljake
robe, novca i stvari pekara Lukasa Radiia i njegovog kompanjona Radoja
Pripia, Kameno brdo se navodi izrijekom kao mjesto (locus) a koje je
situirano u neposrednoj blizini Cernice i Kljua (infra Cernizam et Clu in
loco Camenobrdo). Spisak optuenih pokazuje ljude vojvode Radoslava Pavlovia
sa oblinjeg trebinjskog podruja (Radi i Andrija Usinovi, sinovi Usina
Dragania).9 Oktobra 1442. godine Nikola Jonovi je podigao tubu protiv
Radoja Viia iz Cernice zbog pljake voska na putu iz Cernice prema
Kamenom brdu (dum veniret de Cerniza in Camenoberdo).10 Decembra iste
godine Cvjetko Nikoli podigao je tubu protiv Bratulja Miokania zbog
8 Radin Bogosaglich de Breno coram nobili et sapienti viro domino Rectore ser Johanne de
Volzo conqueritur supra Zeuetchum Bosignich, Milath Coseuich, Volchoslauum Ugliesich et
eius fratrem Volcha, Dobrillum vlachum et Vlatchum vlachum de Bagnana, Volchassinum
Stapouich et eius fratrem Volchotam. Eo quod diebus propelapsis in Monte Lapidoso in
contratis Gazche predicti violenter sibi abstulerunt quindecim animalia minuta et duos equos
et duos touaros onustos frumento et quatuor saccos, unam clamidem, unam sellam ab equo et
unam touarniam (05.11. 1419.g.), DAD, Lamenta de foris, IV, 103v.
9 Lucas Radisich fornarius suo nomine et nomine et vice Radoe Pripzich socii sui coram nobili
et sapienti viro domino Rectore ser Volzio de Babalio conqueritur. Eo quia ante festum sancti
Illie proxime preteriti infra Cernizam et Clu in loco Cameneberdo dicto Radoe accepte fuerunt
per certos homines quos non potuit cognoscere petie due pannorum ipsius Luce et dicti Radoe
sociorum et yperperos quinquaginta in denariis. Que petie pannorum erat deportatis LX. Et
ensis unus vallorem ducatorum IIIIor et due curtellixie et zuponus unusnouus, camisie due noue
et clamis una rassie nigre, biretum unum, duo serabula, gonella Ia nigra famuli, camisia et
serabulum famuli et clobuch famuli, scatole II confetti vallorem yperperorum III, tres tenestri
seu sachi ab equis, tria bochalia, tres toualioli, corigie due (22.10. 1427.g.), DAD, Lamenta
de foris, VII, 238; Ispod: Die VIII nouembris 1427 de mandato domini Rectoris ser Pauli An.
de Sorgo hic additi fuerunt illi quos facit lamentum suprascriptus Lucas de quibus dixit statim
habuisse noticiam qui sunt isti, videlicet, Radi Usinouich, frater eius Andreas, Vochossaus
Ratchouich et cum eis alii tres fuerunt quorum nomina nescit ad huc, Isto; Ispod: 1428 die
XXVI maii Vochossauus Ratchouich accusatus per suprascriptum Lucam fornarium, Isto. O
Draganiima, . , - ,
, 347, 54, 1967, 49.
10
Nicola Jonouich pasar coram domino Rectore ser Marino R. de Goze fecit lamentum supra
Radoe Visich de Cerniza, dicens quod ipse accepit per vim libris XVI sere dum veniret de
Cerniza in Camenoberdo. [Testes:] uietchus pasar (27.10. 1442.g.), DAD, Lamenta de foris,
XVI, 46. O Radoju Viiu iz Cernice i: Nos Radossauus Dormitor becharius, Radossaus Dobrouoeuich

Monte Lapidoso - Kameno brdo

199

pljake izvrene na putu iz Cernice prema Dubrovniku u mjestu zvanom Kameno


brdo.11 Oktobra 1443. godine Miljen Plii je za pljaku njegovog sina Nikole
izvrenu u Kamenom brdu, a kada je Nikola iao iz Cernice u Dubrovnik (veniret
de Cerniza Ragusium), optuio vlahe Miloa Starovlaha i Radia Velimirovia.12
Spominjani Milo Starovlah povezan je za naselje Korita koja su smjetena
juno od Cernice. To pokazuje njegova identifikacija (Milos Strovlach de Corita)
prilikom zaduivanja na 105 perpera dubrovakih dinara kod dubrovakih
vlastelina Benedikta Gundulia, Blaa i Stjepana Sorkoevia i drugih iz
njihovog drutva, iz novembra 1440. godine.13
Pokazatelji iz maja i juna 1445. godine govore o pljaki vlaha Pilatovaca
u Kamenom brdu. Maja 1445. vlah Pilatovac Radivoj Kukjekop i Vuka Nikoli
iz Mirua su u Kamenom brdu opljakali Budea Petkovia14, a juna iste godine
tamo je od strane pet vlaha Pilatovaca opljakan Radoje Radulinovi.15
Daljnje dostupne informacije koje govore o Kamenom brdu su iz
et Radoe Vissich de Zrniza confitemur quod super nos et omnia nostrabona obligamus nos dare
et soluere ser Marino Luce de Sorgo yperperos CLXXXXVI usque adunum mensem proxime
futuris (17.11. 1446.g.), Diversa Notariae, XXXI, 155.
11
Cuietcus Nicoligh passar coram domino Rector ser Mateo de Gradi fecit lamentum supra
Bratugl Miocanigh, dicens quod cum ipse Cuietcus veniret Cernia Ragusium ipse Bratugh
insultauit ipsum Cuietcum supraviam in loco dicto Cemenoberdo et per vim arripuerunt sibi
unum par bisaciarum cum duabus formis cere ponderis decem librarum et duas formas
marcenarum valoris ducatorum duorum (10.12. 1442.g.), DAD, Lamenta de foris, XVI, 64v
bis; -, ,
, 1978, 213, napomena 60.
12
Milien Plescha coram domino Rectore ser Marino Junii de Georgio fecit lamentum supra
Milos Staroulach et Radi Velimerouich vlasci, dicens quod dum Nicola eius filius veniret de
Cerniza Ragusium, dicti Milos et Radi cum aliis multis cum aliquibus fratribus et compatribus
dicti Radiouiauerunt ei in Cameno berdo et eum depredarunt et acceperuntunam salmam cere
de libris 480 et unam salmamagnellinorum magnarum 400 et ducatis 42 auri etyperperis CLIII
et alia multa et eum verberauerunt, quare petiit. [Testes:] Pribigna Tambar, Radasinus
Ticosalich, Budisauus Ticosalich (11.10. 1443.g.), DAD, Lamenta de foris, XVII, 67.
13Ego Milos Strovlach de Corita confiteor quod super meet omnia mea bona obligo me dare et
soluere ser Benedeto de Gondola et ser Blaxio et ser Stephano de Sorgo et sociis yperperos centum et
quinque usque adunum mensem proxime futuris (16.11. 1440.g.), DAD, Debita Notariae, XX, 92.
14
Bude Petchouich coram domino Rectore ser Nicola de Poza fecit lamentum supra Vuxam
Nicolich de Mirus et Radiuoi Chuchiechop de Pillatouci, dicens quod acceperunt sibi pervim
olleum preci yperperis quatuor, ferum yperperis trium, unam zupam, unam camisiam, unam
gonellam, unum capellum, unum par caligarum, unum par sotularium, unum par bixachiarum,
unum mantellum et unum par tangliarum et ipsum verberauerunt. Et hoc fuit in Chameno brdo
(02.05. 1445.g.), DAD, Lamenta de foris, XIX, 69.
15Radoe Radulinouich coram domino Rectore ser Johanne de Volzofecitlamentum, dicens quod fuerunt
sibi pervim accepte pelles, cera et vestes et tres pelles martoree et quatuor vulpine et alia ad valorem
yperperorum XXX in Cameno berde. Dixit quod fuerunt quinque, videlicet, Mirosauus et Budisauus
Pilatouichi et Dobrie Obradouich et Deian Nonchouich et Giurach Braianouich de Pilatouci. [Testes:]
Stanichna Radasinouich, Bosidar Sochouich (27.06. 1445.g.), DAD, Lamenta de foris, XIX, 117.

200

Esad Kurtovi

novembra i decembra 1445. godine a povezane su za vlahe Dobriie. Juna


1445. godine Radoje Mirosali podnio je tubu u ime svoga brata Baljina
protiv vlaha Dobriia koje poimenice nisu poznavali, a zbog pljake izrene
na putu iz Srbije u Kamenom brdu.16 Decembra 1445. godine Rada Bojakovi
optuio je vlahe Dobriie zbog napada, pljake i ranjavanja izvrenog u
Kamenom brdu.17
Sredinom decembra 1464. godine Milica, kerka Vlatka Vojsilovia,
podigla je tubu protiv veeg broja vlaha Priradaca zbog ranjavanja njene
sestre Vladisave i pljake njenih stvari, a izvrene u mjestu zvanom Kameno
brdo na podruju podjurisdikcijom hercega Stjepana Vukia Kosae (in loco
dicto Cameno berdo super teritorio herceg).18
Kameno brdo se spominje i u drugoj polovini maja 1465. godine.
Prije toga su Osmanlije izvrile prodor na hercegovo podruje i nali se u
dubrovakom susjedstvu. Dubrovani su odluili da poalju jedno poslanstvo
osmanskom vojnom zapovjedniku. Prilikom odluivanja u Vijeu umoljenih
16

Radoe Mirossalich coram domino Rectore ser Marino Mi. de Restis fecitlamentum supra murlachos
Dobrizichi quos non cognoscit, dicens dum Baglinus frater dicti Radoe portaret certam robam
suam con dicti eius fratris in Sclauoniam, dum esset in Berdo Chamenno superuenerunt dicti
murlachi et acceperunt per vim perperis centum quinque in denariis, unum equum et aliam
robam et vulnerauerunt dictum Baglinum tribus vulneribus in capite et in manibus, ita quod
dubitatur de eius vita (30.11. 1445.g.), DAD, Lamenta de foris, XIX, 286.
17
Rada Boiachouich coram domino Rectore ser Nicola de Georgio fecit lamentum supra
vlachos Dobricichi quos non cognoscit, dicens quod in Chameno Berdo acceperunt sibi pervim
unum mantellum de pano griso, unam toualiam et ipsum verberauerunt et ipsum vulnerauerunt
in pede cum lapidibus (26.12. 1445.g.), DAD, Lamenta de foris, XX, 24.
18
Millica filia Vlatchi Voysilouich coram domini judicibus de criminalis quorum caput fuit ser
Damianus de Mence conqueritur contra Murgasium Milossaglich et Vocassinum Giurienouich et
Radouancum et Dobretchum et contra Vlatchum priecedo Couazium Dodoeuich omnes de Prierazi
de vlachis, dicens quod predicti omnes obiuerunt Vladisaue sorori dicte Milice et eam derobarunt
et sibi acceperunt infrascriptas res quas ipsa Milica depositaueratapud dictam suam sororem, quas
res sibi acceperunt in loco dicto Cameno berdo super teritorio herceg. Quaia res fuerunt, videlicet,
4or scauine, una gonela de panno turchino cum 60 botonis de argento, una pust, unus bos, una
camisia a mulier, duo fazoli, duo touaglioli, unus gladius, octo brachie tele, una caldera. Item
verbererarunt dictam Vladissauam (15.12. 1464.g.), DAD, Lamenta de foris, XXXVI, 84. Ispod:
Die XVIII decembris 1464. Cum sit quod Murgas Millossaglich et Vocassinus Giurienouich
contentis in suprascripto lamento fecerunt captum per domini judices et inclusi in carceribus
occasione facti et derobatione suprascripti facti de rebus suprascripte Milice idcircho ipsi predicti
Murgas et Voccassinus occasione dicte derobationis venerunt as infrascriptam compositonem et
conuentionem, videlicet, primo ipsi predicti Murgas et Voccasinus confessi fuerunt quod ipsi cum
sex aliis, videlicet, cum Vlatco et Stiepco Vlageuichii, Iuco Dodoeuich, Iuaniso Dodoeuich et
Dobrietco et Radouan Mirossaglichii, Iuaniso dicto Ogusien omnibus de cathono de Bratugl et de
Prierad Jeloucich et Radouanchi omnibus de vlachis Prieraci derobarunt suprascriptas res in
suprascripto lamento. Et ideo predicti Murgas et Vocassinus obligarunt se ad melius tenendem et
unus se pro alio plegium etiam constituit de dando et restituendo omnes suprascriptas res in
lamento contentas usque ad calendas januaris proxime futuris, Isto.

Monte Lapidoso - Kameno brdo

201

prvi prijedlog je bio da poslanstvo u namjeri da doe do osmanskog zapo


vjednika treba da ide do Gacka, a neusvojeni protivprijedlog je podrazu
mijevao da poslanstvo ide do Kamenog brda.19 Kameno brdo je, slino kao i
u pokazatelju iz 1413. godine opet bilo Dubrovanima orjentir koji im omogu
ava sagledavanje zalea. I, opet je oito da ga oni dosta dobro poznaju.
Jedna kasnija informacija, iz kraja aprila 1473. godine, takoer
spominje Kameno brdo kao mjesto na kojem se desila prevara dubrovakih
trgovaca. Naime, suknar Vladoje Radosali ugovorio je prijevoz dva tovara
tkanina u Srbiju sa vlasima koje je predstavljao Stjepan Radivojevi, sinovac
Klapca Dubravia. Iako je sve bilo unaprijed dogovoreno, u mjestu zvanom
Kameno Brdo (in Cameno Berdo, loco sic dicto) vlasi su istovarili tkanine sa
svojih konja traei da im se izvri isplata prijevoza. Predstavnik vlaha
Stjepan Radivojevi je pobjegao sa novcem.20

***
Narednih nekoliko pronaenih informacija podsjea ali se ne moe
dovesti u jasan sklad niti direktnu vezu sa ovdje navoenim Kamenim brdom.
Te pokazatelje navodimo radi ilustracije, moguih komparacija i otvaranja
novih potraga. Oktobra 1415. godine spominje se u jednom ugovoru o
dvogodinjem sluenju kao sluga izvjesni Vukac Rusnovi iz Kamena (de
Camena).21 Izolirano promatrano, teko je znati da li ovo naselje ima veze sa
Kamenim brdom. Oktobra 1442. godine pomenut je Stjepan Budakovi iz
Kamena.22 Prema navodu iz 1448. godine na podruju Kamena svoje je ljude
19

Prima pars est quod oratores ituri ad Exebegh non teneantur ire ultra Gazchum. Secunda
pars est quod non teneantur ire ultra Camenoberdo (za prvi prijedlog 34, protiv 2) (25.05.
1465.g.), DAD, Consilium Rogatorum, XX, 57; M. , ,
. , , 1978, 260, 323.
20
Vladoe Radossaglich lanarius coram domini judicibus de criminali quorum caput fuit ser
Johanis Fra. de Sorgo lamentum fecit contra Stiepanum Radiuoeuich nepotem Clapcii
Dubraucich, dicens quod cum ipse Vladoe misiset duas salmas pannorum per Matchum
Dobrassinouich et Pirchum Radouanouich in Sclauoniam super equis dicti Stiepani et cum sit
quod dictus Matchus dedisset hic in Ragusio dicto Stiepano in partem et precio dicti viagii
yperperos nouem de grossos, accidit quod vlachi qui portabant dictos pannos eum peruenissent
in Cameno Berdo, loco sic dicto exonerarunt ab equis dictos pannos dicentes se nole portari
dictos panno sine solutione. Qui Matchus eis respondit: ecco nos dedimus partem solutionis
vostri viagii Stiepano vostro cramario ... dictus Stiepanus inde aufugerat ... asportans dictos
yperperos nouem grossos (24.04. 1473.g.), DAD, Lamenta de foris, XLIII, 123v.
21
Voca Rusnouich de Camena locando se et operas suas promisit et se solemniter obligauit
Milossao pictori ... stare et habitare cum dicto Milossao et cum Martino Busath eius socio ...
hinc ad duos annos proxime futuros (01.10. 1415.g.), DAD, Diversa Cancellariae, XL, 224.

202

Esad Kurtovi

imao vojvoda Vukosav Jamometi.23 Shodno tome poziciju Kamena bi trebalo


traiti na podruju Popova, blie Raptima i enici, gdje se prati vlastela
Jamometii sa svojim ljudima.24
Marta 1443. godine registrirano je razbojnitvo koje se desilo na putu
od Koteza u Popovu prema Dubrovniku u Kamenom Brodu.25 Vjerovatno ni
ovaj sluaj nije u vezi sa Kamenim brdom koje se nalazi kod Cernice.
22

Radetta Obradouigh coram domino Rectore ser Marino Si. de Restis fecit lamentum supra
Brancum Goicouigh dictum Codoeuigh et Branillum Goicouigh et Iuancum Goicouigh et
Branettam Goicouigh fratres de villa dicta Mislien et supra Radognam Tuerdisigh et Iuanum
Tuerdisigh et Bosin Tuerdisigh et Biloe Tuerdisigh et Vochigh Tuerdisigh fratres de dicta villa dicta
Mislien et supra Radoi et Radoe Bogoseuigh fratres et supra Mil Miliuoeuigh, dicens quod ipsi
supra accusati in villa dicta Vocigarli interfecerunt Marinum filium ipsius Radette Obradouigh et
Radosauum Pribiqualouigh socium ipsius Marini et Stiepanum Budacouigh de Cameno et Rusan de
Ragusio famulos ipsorum ser Marini et Radosaui. Et etiam interfecerunt [prazan prostor] unam
feminam de Popou. Et postea acceperunt ipsos quinque mortuos et portauerunt in quandam domum
vacuam de Milos Gherdomiligh dictum Bancigh. Et ibi combusserunt ipsam domum cum ipsis
quinque mortuis suprascriptis. Et arripuerunt sibi duas pecias pani Ragusei de 50. Etyperperorum
quattuorcentum in ducatis auri et monetam (15.10. 1442.g.), DAD, Lamenta de foris, XVI, 34v.
23
Dobrouoch Mioceuich, Vlatchus Stanoeuich, Nicola Pribisalich et Ratchus Radosalich, Micha
Radoichouich, Stiepanus Pribisalich de Ombla coram domino Rectore ser Martolo de Zamagno
pro se et pro aliis domibus circa XX depredatas de villa domini archiepiscopi et ser Stiepani de
Zamagno et ser Georgii de Caboga fecerunt lamentum supra homines vaiuode Stiepani quos ad
huc nesciunt, dicentes quod ipsi venerunt et pervim accepernt sibi capita CCXX animalium supra
Umblam ad terrenum quod tenet Radoe Nicolich et ea vias duxerunt, depredantes XX domosut
dictum est in eorum magnum damnum, et verberauerunt Ratchum Mercagl cum maciis et ligarunt
ipsum et posuerunt sibi morsum ne possere cridari, quare peccierunt sibide remedio opportuno sibi
prouideri (06.09. 1447.g.), DAD, Lamenta de foris, XXI, 167. Ispod: Die XI septembris 1447.
Suprascripti venerunt et dixerunt quod isti fuerunt qui depredati fuerunt sibi animalia predicta
Vucha Obradouich dictus Craichouich de Luch homo vaiuode Radoe, Pribigna Metchouich de
Lugch homo Radosaui Gliubisich, Dobrie Nouachouich de Prosiech homo Vochasini Biouicich,
Milorat Priboeuich de Prosiech homo dicti Vocasini qui est homo Vocasini Gergoreuich, Andrias
et Radiuoi filii de Usin Dragancich in cadum de Vucha Radiceuich de Bobane, qui habitant cum
Rachoe Bogaucich, Milut cum uno suo socio quem nesciunt, homines Vuchosaui Jamomet de
Camena. Miladinus Radochnich de Orach soch, Isto. Ispod: Die XVII mai 1448. Suprascripti
venerunt et dixerunt quod ultra suprascriptos etiam fuerunt subscripti qui fecerunt suprascriptam
robariam, videlicet, Radossaus Nespidrau qui fuit conductor et principalis, Vidach Dobrossalich
qui habuit capita XV, Radi Giurasseuich habuit capita XV, Miobrat Racich habuit capita XV,
Braichus Pribisseuich habuit capita XV, Gliubissa Radichieuich habuit capita XV et quod dederunt
partem Mlados Baglinouich, videlicet, capita X, item Radiuoi Dobrossalich capita X, Radoe
Dobrossalich capita VIIII, Isto. Ispod: Die 24 maii 1448. Suprascripti qui fecerunt lamentum,
venerunt et dixerunt quod ultra suprascriptos etiam fuerunt subscripti dicte robarie, videlicet,
Braian Miosich, Luchaz Miosich, Dobrouoi Jencich, Vlatcho Jencich, Vuxam Jencich, Isto.
24
O Jamometiima, . , - , 60-61.
25 Miloua Milutinich, Pribigna Veocouich coram domino Rectore ser Johanne And. de Volzo fecerunt
lamentum supra Milorad Stoisalich, Radoie Soranouich et Pribium Miomanich, dicentes quod ipsi
acceperunt sibi pervim yperperis quinquaginta dum venirent de Cotesi Ragusium et verberauerunt eos
cum bastonis. Ethoc fuit in Veterniza a Camenbrot (02.03.1443.g.), DAD, Lamenta de foris, XVI, 135.

Monte Lapidoso - Kameno brdo

203

Informacija iz decembra 1421. godine je jasna da se jedno naselje pod


imenom Kameni Brod nalazi i u Konavlima.26
Pored navedenog vie je lokaliteta i naselja koji se mogu pronai u
regionu
irem
Balkana a koji u svojoj osnovi imaju rije kamen.27 Meutim,
nijedno naselje sa slinom osnovom prema vojnim kartama ne poznajemo u
blizini Gacka, Cernice i Kljua.
***
Iako se u pet navrata spominje u izrazu locus, izrijekom: kao mjesto
zvano Kameno brdo (in loco dicto Cameno berdo), kao naselje Kameno
Brdo je takvim teko uoiti u dostupnim kartografskim ponudama. Ni rani
osmanski popisi ga ne spominju. Ovako upeatljiv izraz mjesta pljake ipak
nije rezultirao nijednim pokazateljem osobe koja bi bila porijeklom ba iz tog
eventualnog naselja. Ne nalazimo ga u nekoj drugoj arhivskoj seriji kao
eventualnu karavansku stanicu ili trg. Tu nema dunika koji bi se spominjali u
knjigama zaduenja. Odatle nema ljudi koji sklapaju ugovore o uvanju stoke,
prodaji stoke i sl. Po svemu, nije nam poznato nita drugo o njemu do lokacije
pojedinih pljaki i, kroz dvije prilike, kao prijedlog destinacije do koje je
dozvoljeno kamenaru da djeluje za vojvodu Sandalja Hrania i neto kasnije
kao orjentir dokle jedno poslanstvo moe da ide u unutranjosti. Sve nas to
prije vodi ka postavci da se u ovom sluaju i ne mora nuno ni raditi o naselju.
Pravei detaljan pregled osmanskog osvajanja hercegovih podruja,
kao i rekonstrukciju posjeda starog hercega Stjepana Vukia Kosae i
njegovog sina Vladislava, Sima irkovi je spominjao i Kameno brdo meu
tim posjedima.28 Neto kasnije u tom pravcu se izraavao i Veljan Atanasovski,
koji je bio nekako jo odreeniji u tumaenju da se radi o naselju.29 Ponajvie
se je u tom pravcu moglo da ode na osnovu pokazatelja iz novembra 1464. i
26

Radossaus Gudegleuich ... supra Radiuoium Pribilouichi et Dobrassinum Pribilouich et


Jurin Pribilouich fratres et Volchossauum [nije popunjeno] de Versigne de genere Zuba. Eo
quia dicti accusati interfecerunt unum porcum ipsi accusatoris et ipsum asportauerunt et
acceperunt prose. Et hoc fuit in Canali in loco dicto Camen Brod. Testes: Pop Pribe de Canali,
Dobrassin Miladinouich de Canali (21.12. 1421.g.), DAD, Lamenta de foris, IV, 374v.
27
Uporedi: Kamen, Kameni Dol, Kamena, Kamena Glava, Kamena Gora, Kamena Gorica,
Kamenac, Kamenare, Kamence, Kamenci, Kamene, Kamendol, Kamenica, Kamenik,
Kamenmost, Kameno, Kamenovo, Kamensko, Kamni potok, Kamni vrh, Kameno brdo u
opini Grosuplje u Sloveniji, i sl., Imenik naseljenih mesta u SFRJ, Novinsko-izdavaka
ustanova Slubeni list SFRJ, Beograd 1985, 149-150.
28
, - ,
, 376, 48, 1964, 257.
29
, , , ,
1979, 17, 45.

204

Esad Kurtovi

februara 1465. godine. Ti podaci spominju izvjesnog Petka anjevia iz Brda


(de Berdo) a pod jurisdikcijom hercegovog sina Vladislava. Po svemu to
Brdo se nalazi u blizini upe dubrovake (Brenum, Breno) i oito sa pravim
razlogom ga ni Mihailo Dini nije dodatno vezivao za neki drugi lokalitet, pa
ni za njemu poznato Kameno brdo.30
Brdo je posebno mjesto, a na to upuuje i jedna ranija informacija iz
oktobra 1420. godine koja ga jasno vezuje za podruje Trebinja (in Tribigna
in loco dicto Berdo).31 U tubi iz novembra 1455. godine navodi se da je
pljaka izvrena u mjestu na podruju hercega Stjepana Vukia Kosae koje
se ba tako i naziva: Brdo!, (in certo loco teritorii dicti ducis Stephani, nominato
Berdo).32 Otvoreno je pitanje gdje se tano nalazi ovo mjesto posebno
nazvano Brdo. Uz naselje Orah kod Trebinja vezuje se jedne prilike lokacija
30

Michosius Gliubissich marangonus comparuit coram domini judicibus carrum criminalium


quorum caput fuit domino Michael de Bocignolo et vice et vice et nomine sui patris Gliubisse
jacentis grauiter in lecto ob infrascriptas percussiones querelantis suam querellam exposuit dicens
contra et aduersus Petchum Xagnieuich de Berdo iurisdictionis comitis Vladissaui, dicens quod
predictus Petchus reperiens die lune proxime decurse ipsum dictum Gliubissam ad graniam in
Breno eum malo modo verberauit cum una macia lignea per persona, item cum pedibus et
manibus spingendo eum ita et taliter quod ex dictus verberibus male jacet egrotans. Qui Petchus
sibi dicto Gliubisse aripuit duos somerios et secum duxit (08.11. 1464.g.), DAD, Lamenta de
foris, XXXVI, 48v; Dobrula uxor Vochse Milloucich de Brenno pro marito prenominato suo
Vochsa comparuit coram domini judicibus de criminalis quorum caput fuit ser Triphono de Bonda
conquesta fuit contra Petchum Xagnieuich de Berdo jurisdictionis comitis Vladissaui et contra
Radouanum Radossaglich de Brenno Prieualich, dicens quod dicti eum verberarunt et sibi
acceperunt derobantes unum medium cupelum salis, unam toualeam et unum mantelum de rascia
et sotularia etiam ei velle etiam accipere reliqua animalia. Testes: Matchus Zuietanouich, Radinus
Radichnich (25.02.1465.g.), Isto, 167; M. , , . ,
, 259, 315. Ve na narednoj strani isti autor govori o
Kamenom brdu u drugom kontekstu i ne vezuje ga za ranije spominjano Brdo, Isto, 260.
31
Petroe Miloseuich ... supra Iuan Velich et Milanum Velich. Eo quia dicti accusati die lune
propelapsis messi fuerunt panicum dicti accusatoris existentes in Tribigna in loco dicto Berdo
(02.10. 1420.g.), DAD, Lamenta de foris, IV, 253. Ispod: Item conqueritur supra Iuanum et
Glubissam Velichi fratres. Eo quia dicti accusati die lune propelapsi violenter spoliauerunt
Stanchum famulum ipsius accusatoris in loco nominato et eidem vi acceperunt unam tunicam
albam, unam interulam et unum cossir. Testes: Goia Cheruarich, Bosichicho Gorich} de
Umbla, Isto. Ovi Velii su ljudi Grgura Nikolia to opet upuuje na njihov pljakaki
djelokrug koji se oito naslanja na trebinjsko podruje: Bogossau Braicouich de Ossalnich
... supra Iuanum Velich et eius fratrem Glubissam Velich et Vlatchum Stanichnin homines
Gregorii Nicolich (01.10. 1419.g.), Isto, 87v
32
Illias Perchouich coram domino Rectore ser Trifono de Bonda lamentum detulit contra et
aduersus infrascriptos homines et subditos ducis Stephani, dicens quod die sabati nuper elapsa
in certo loco teritorii dicti ducis Stephani, nominato Berdo, per vim substulerunt sibi unum
mullum et expoliauerunt eundem Illiam vestimentis suisac sibi acceperunt grossos VIII, unam
centuram et unam securim. Nomina delinquentium: Rados Branilouich, Radoy Milasseuich,
Ziucho Radoucich, Radouacius Pribilouich, Zepergna [bez prezimena] (11.11. 1455.g.),
DAD, Lamenta de foris, XXVIII, 283.

Monte Lapidoso - Kameno brdo

205

Brdo.33 Na dostupnim vojnim kartama ipak nije pronaeno adekvatno rjeenje


za ovu ponudu.
Svakako se spominjano Brdo ne bi moglo izrijekom vezivati za nae
Kameno Brdo ni kroz prizmu Petka anjevia. Ovdje navoenog Petka anjevia34,
tj. Petka Novakovia anjevia i njegovu brau trebalo bi vezivati za junije
trebinjsko podruje i u blizinu Dubrovnika (Brena, upe dubrovake), a ne za
sjevernije smjeteno Kameno brdo.35 Dubrovani su oito dosta dobro poznavali
Kameno brdo i ne bi ga propustili na potrebnim mjestima tako i nazivati.
33

de Orach de Tribinio (13.06. 1392.g.), DAD, Diversa Cancellariae, XXX, 113v; in Orach de
Tribigna (10.07. 1442.g.), Lamenta de foris, XV, 238; supra Dabisiuum Pribilouich de Uscopgle
et Radulinum Sredanouich de Orach (07.09.1423.g.), Isto, V, 196v; Radulin Sridanouich duceret
unum asellum dicte Stanissaue in loco dicto Orach in Berdo (14.01.1424.g.), Isto, 244v.
34
Ser Marinus Petri de Menze coram domino Rectore ser Leonardo de Georgio fecit lamentum
supra Nouach Xagneuich et eius filios, Branchum et Radouanum et Dobrouoi Vechatouichi et
Dobrie eius fratrem et Lucha Miosich, Radiuoi Dobrosalich et Vidach eius fratrem et
Vochosauum fantum de Mlados, dicens quod ipsi furati fuerunt sibi capras sexdecim in Biele
(17.09. 1444.g.), Isto, XVIII, 89v. Michoe Ratchouich, Mladien Petchouich et Radossauus
Radiceuich de Breno coram domino Rectore ser Damiano de Menze fecerunt lamentum supra
Branchum, Radiuoi, Radouanum et Petchum Zagneuichi, Ruscum hominem de Vuoch
Pribilouich, Raian Dobrassinouich, Vocetam hominem dicti Vuoch, dicentes quod ipsos
verberauerunt cum lapidibus et bastonis et acceperunt sibi aliqua feramenta (27.04. 1449.g.),
DAD, Lamenta de foris, XXII, 65v; Ziucha Dobriloua de Breno coram domino Rectore ser
Damiano de Menze lamentatur contra Petchum et Radiuoi Xagneuich de Tribigna, dicens quod
sibi furata fuerunt XVI capras de quibus restituerunt XII capras et quatuor ritinuere (12.04.
1457.g.), Isto, XXX, 141; Petchus Bogaucich coram domino Rectore ser Nicola Si. de Bona
lamentatur contra Petchum et Radouanum Xagneuich homines de chercech, qui percuserunt
filium suum Ruscum cum una spata in cossia sinistra duabus plagis et cum maxima sanguinis
effudione et cum periculo mortis. Et hoc fuit super tereno Ragusii ad molendinis (03.09.
1459.g.), Isto, XXXIII, 77; Matchus Vocoeuich de Biele de Brenno coram domini judicibus
de criminali quorum caput fuit ser Nicolinus de Basilio conqueriter contra Petchum Xagnieuich
et Radouanum fratrem eius dicti Petchi et contra Radossauum nepotem predictorum
jurisdictionis herceg, dicens quod predicti primo ista estatis proxime decursa verberarunt
patrem dicti Matchi ex quo mortuus fuit (14.11. 1464.g.), Isto, XXXVI, 56; Radovanus
Xagnevich de Biele ... contra Petchum Xagnevich fratrem eius Radovani (04.11. 1468.g.), .
, . XIV XV
, 102.
35
Mladien Petchouich de Breno coram domino Rectore ser Johanne Mat. de Georgio fecit
lamentum supra Petchum Nouachouich de Bielo hominem cherzechi Stiepani, dicens quod
dictus Petchus voluit interficere Tomchum Petchouich fratris ipsius Mladieni cum ense et
voluit accipere ipsi Tomcho per vim unum bouem. [Testes:] Illias Bogetich, Gliubissa
Petchouich, Pribius Bogetich (28.12. 1450.g.), DAD, Lamenta de foris, XXIV, 56; Hostoya
Obrichnich de Brenno coram domini judicibus de criminalis quorum caput fuit ser Blasius de
Zamagno lamentum detulit contra Petchum Nouacouich, Radiuoi Nouacouich, Radosauum
Brancouich, Radossauum Ruscouich, Radiuoi Ruscouich de Biela omnes homines et subdictos
herceg de Biela villa de dicta (08.01. 1462.g.), Isto, XXXV, 176v; Radossauus Nenoeuich,
Millissa Dobrassinouich socii perlabuchii ... contra Petchum Nouacouich et contra Radouanum
Nouacouich filios Xagneuich homines jurisdictionis herceg, item contra Radiuoium fratrem

206

Esad Kurtovi

Izvjesno bi i anjevie, koji su im bili prvim susjedima i koji im nisu bili


nepoznati, jasnije vezivali za Kameno brdo da je to bilo tano ili potrebno.
Dakle, u izraenim dilemama o jurisdikciji nad pojedinim podrujima
izmeu hercega Stjepana i njegovog sina Vladislava koje je otvoreno i postavljeno
problemskim u razmatranjima Sime irkovia36, moglo bi se kazati da je Brdo bilo
podjurisdikcijom Vladislava to je kroz lik Petra anjevia i kazano u podacima
iz novembra 1464. i februara 1465.,37 i razdvojiti tu lokaciju od Kamenog brda,
putem pokazatelja iz decembra 1464. godine koji govori o Kamenom brdu pod
jurisdikcijom njegovog oca hercega Stjepana Vukia.38 Pored iskazivanog u
dosadanjem razmatranju tome u prilog u ovom sluaju i na ovom primjeru
(Brdo, Kameno brdo) ide i skladnija hronologija koja pokazuje da su otac i sin u
isto vrijeme vladali ne nad istom nego nad dvije razliite lokacije.39
Sam naziv Kameno brdo upuuje na geografsku lokaciju koja je
specifinim
izgledom ostajala prepoznatljivom kod onih koji su je
svojim
bila
uoavali a oito i
zgodno uporite za zasjede prilikom pljaki. Prema
ponuenim informacijama da se zakljuiti da bi ovaj lokalitet trebalo traiti u
blizini Cernice, Gacka i Kljua, te, u pretpostavci, povezati sa danas poznatim
uzvienjem koji se i danas tako naziva (Kameno brdo), a smjetenom upravo
pored Kljua i Cernice na starom putu koji je prolazio iz pravca Cernice u
Bileu, sjevernije od oblinjeg veeg naselja zvanog Korita. Takvim ga je
kroz jedan podatak iz 1413. godine posmatrao i Gavro krivani (danas se
tako zove brdo juno od Gackog).40 Prema vojnim kartama jasnim se uoava
put koji je upravo preko Kamenog brda iao prema Cernici i kroz Cernicu i to
je oito i lokacija i stari srednjovjekovni put na kojem se deavaju spomenuti
predictorum, dicentes quod cum ipsi querelantes ducerent animalia, videlicet, castronos et oues
et capras versus Ragusium et die veneris hospitatis suo esent in domo eorum fratrem ipsi dicti
Xagneuichii furati fuerunt eis duo animalia, videlicet, unum castronum et unam capram
(22.10. 1464.g.), Isto, XXXVI, 28v. Uporedi i, . , .
XIV XV , 81.
36
. , - , 257.
37
Petchum Xagnieuich de Berdo iurisdictionis comitis Vladissaui (08.11. 1464.g.), DAD,
Lamenta de foris, XXXVI, 48v; Petchum Xagnieuich de Berdo jurisdictionis comitis
Vladissaui (25.02. 1465.g.), Isto, 167.
38
in loco dicto Cameno berdo super teritorio herceg (15.12. 1464.g.), DAD, Lamenta de foris,
XXXVI, 84. Dakle nemamo pokazatelj da je hercegov sin Vladislav imao jurisdikciju nad
Kamenim brdom. Uporedi, . , - , 257.
39
Navedeni primjer upuuje da bi kompletan irkoviev problemski osnov trebali jo detaljnije
ispitivati i kroz druge primjere, pa vidjeti da li bi i dalje mogao stajati iskazani stav:

.
, . ,
- , 257.
40
. . , , 67.

Monte Lapidoso - Kameno brdo

207

dogaaji41 (u odnosu na novi put koji danas u irem luku zaobilazi uzvienje
Kameno brdo, a i ne prolazi kroz Cernicu).42

Gacko, Topografska karta 1:50000, 576-3, Vojnogeografski institut, Beograd 1984.


41

Primjera radi: dum veniret de Cerniza in Camenoberdo (27.10. 1442.g.), DAD, Lamenta de
foris, XVI, 46; veniret Cernia ... supra viam in loco dicto Cemenoberdo (10.12. 1442.g.), Isto,
XVI, 64v bis; veniret de Cerniza Ragusium ... in Cameno berdo (11.10. 1443.g.), Isto, XVII, 67.
42
Nevesinje 4 (575-4); Gacko 3 (576-3), Topografska karta 1:50 000, Vojnogeografski institut,
Beograd 1984; Stepen (576-3-3), Topografska karta 1:25 000, EUFOR IAD Geo Section Jul
2008, Survayed by Geodetski zavod 1972. Isto pokazuje koliko je dosadanji pristup
poznavanju Drinskog puta na ovome dijelu od Bilee do Cernice jo uvijek pun nepoznanica
iako postoje dobro obraeni pristupi koji pokazuju jasnim da je Cernica ranije bila na glavnom
putu, a danas to vie nije. Uporedi, Konstantin Jireek, Trgovaki drumovi i rudnici Srbije i
Bosne u srednjem vijeku (preveo ore Pejanovi), Svjetlost, Sarajevo 1951., 118; .
, , , 1974., 46
. 48-49; . -,
, 92-93; Pavo ivkovi, Ekonomsko - socijalne promjene u bosanskom drutvu u XIV.
iXV. stoljeu, Univerzal, Tuzla 1986., 143-148.

208

Esad Kurtovi

Kameno brdo predstavlja ozloglaeno mjesto na kojem se deavaju


drumska razbojnitva. Tu je u vremenskom periodu od 1413. do 1473. godine
izvreno 12 pljaki dubrovakih trgovaca. Uprkos sporadine upotrebe
termina locus, nije pronaena nijedna informacija koja ukazuje na njegove
stanovnike niti jasne elemente koji bi ukazivali na trajnije stanite, odnosnu
urbaniju sredinu. Ne radi se o naselju ve o lokalitetu, strateki pogodnoj
lokaciji za vrenje drumske pljake koja je bila prepoznatljiva po oblinjoj
kamenoj uzvisini. Specifinost meu savremenicima imala je i kroz latinsko
prevoenje (Monte lapidoso). Kameno brdo smjeteno je uz frekventan put
koji je prolazio pored Kljua, niz pravac Cernica-Bilea a kroz oblinje
naselje Korita. Pljakai su stanovnici oblinjih i susjednih podruja koji su
dobro poznavali teren i oito ga vjeto, s vremena na vrijeme, koristili da bi
iznenadili dubrovake trgovce. Lokacija Kamenog brda se izdvaja od mjesta
koje se zove Brdo. Omeavanje posjeda starog hercega Stjepana Vukia
Kosae i njegovog sina Vladislava 1464-1465. pokazuje da je herceg Stjepan
drao u posjedu Kameno brdo a njegov sin Vladislav je imao u posjedu Brdo.
Kao odraz srednjovjekovnog egzistiranja uzvienje Kameno brdo uoljivo je
na modernim vojnim kartama.

Monte Lapidoso - Kameno brdo

209

Esad Kurtovi
MONTE LAPIDOSO KAMENO BRDO
Summary

Kameno brdo [Rocky hill] is an infamous place in present day Hercegovina


where highway robberies took place in the 15th century. From 1413 to 1473 a
total number of 12 robberies of Ragusan merchants were recorded there. In
spite of the inconsistent use of the term locus, no information was found
about its inhabitants or any other elements which could be used to designate
it as a long term settlement or an urban agglomeration. Kameno brdo was, in
fact, not a settlement but only a site, a strategically positioned location, famous
for the vicinity of a rocky hill, suitable for highway robberies. Another
specific trait of this place lies in the fact that contemporaries used to translate
its name into Latin as Monte lapidoso. Kameno brdo is situated along a
frequented route which passed by Klju, through the village Korita, along the
road from Cernica to Bilea. The robbers were inhabitants of neighbouring
areas who knew the terrain well and who used it from time to time in order to
surprise Ragusan merchants. The location of Kameno brdo needs to be set
apart from another place known as Brdo. Tracing the boundaries of domains
belonging to the old herzog Stjepan Vuki Kosaa and his son Vladislav
from 1464-1465 shows that herzog Stjepan held Kameno brdo while his son
possessed Brdo. As a result of its medieval existence, Kameno brdo can also
be seen on modern military maps.
ey Words: Kameno brdo, Brdo, road bandits, the Kosae.

: 94(497.15)"04/14":8137

:
. , albanus,
,
, .
.
,
, ,
. , ,
( )
() .
: , , , , , ( ),
, .

Albanus
ubanus IX 1233. .
, , ,
, ubanus
.1
, .
,

Urbanus .
, u
v .
u v
Theiner Augustin, Vetera monumenta historica Hungariam sacram illustrantia, I, Romae,
1859, 120.
1

212

Petar Rokai

vbanus vicebanus
.
.
.2
. ?
, 1387.
Albanus.
, ,

.
Archivio storico italiano 1865. .3
.
Loxena.4
, ,
j , ,
Boxena.5
.6
, 1949.
.
, .7
, Jakov imao nejasne pojmove o Bosni i njezinu
naprama Srbiji (Rassena) odnoaju.8
,
, .
,

. Jarra ()
Tana (),
. r ()
d() . ,
, .
2 Wertner Moriz, Beitrge zur bosnischen Genealogie, I, Ubanus dictus Prijezda, Vjesnik kr.
Hrvatsko-slavonsko-dalmatinskoga zemaljskoga arkiva, VIII(1906), 235-239.
3 Archivio storico italiano, 1865, S. III, tom. 1.
4 Dllinger Ignaz, Beitrge zur Sektengeschichte des Mittelalters, II, Mnchen, 1890, 268.
5 Raki Franjo, Bogmili i patareni, Rad Jugoslavenske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti, VIII,
1869, 131.
6idak Jaroslav, Problem bosanske crkve u naoj historiografiji, Rad Jugoslavenske akademije
znanosti i umjetnosti, 259, 1937, 81.
7 Kniewald Dragutin, Vjerodostojnost latinskih izvora o bosanskim krstjanima, Rad Jugosla
venske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti, 270, 1949, table 7. i 8.
8 Raki, . .

Tri priloga istoriji Bosne u sredwem veku

213

,
, .
(usque prope
Jarram), .
?
; . !
Jarra () .
,
. ,
, .
.9
,
, ,
Jakov govori o Bosni i banu
Bosne (albanus de Boxena).10 K je
.
.
, rex
Rassie. .

: .11
,
Albanus
.
, l.
( )
. l ()
.

.
.
.

. ,
banus. :
. : .
Sui Mate, O imenu Zadra, Zadar, Zbornik, Zagreb, Matica hrvatska, 1964, 95-96.
Kniewald, . . 240.
11
, , ,
, 1964, 363, 7.

9
10

214

Petar Rokai

1233. 1387.
.

.12
.13 ,
,
,
.
.
.

Ponsa Po(u)sa Poa

, , ,
.14
IV
1246. .15 .16
. u
v, n.17
Pousa, Pausa Ponsa Pansa
. ,
Pansa, Pausa.18
, .19

. .
- , , , , 2002, 39, 300.
14
Klai Vjekoslav, Poviest Bosne do propasti kraljevstva, Zagreb, 1882, 79.
15
Theiner, . ., 201.
16
, . ., 63, 65; idak Jaroslav, Nova graa o akciji Rimske kurije u Bosni, 1245,
Historijski zbornik, XXVII-XXVIII(1974-75), 322. ,
- , ,
44(1935), 57 (Pousa ne Ponsa).
17
Cappelli Adriano, Dizionario di abbreviature latine ed italiane, Milano, 1929, 229, 383;
Kniezsa Istvn, A magyar helyesirs trtnete, Egyetemi magyar nyelvszeti fzetek,
Budapest, 19592, 10.
18
Horvth Jnos, Anonymus s a Kassai kdex, Horvth Jnos-Szkely Gyrgy, szerk.,
Kzpkori ktfink kritikus krdsei, V. Kovcs Sndor, szerk., Memoria saeculorum
Hungariae, 1., Budapest, 1974, 83.
19
Kniezsa, . ., 7.
12Wertner,
13

Tri priloga istoriji Bosne u sredwem veku

215

.20
.21
()
( 1238. 1270) .
II, a
-.22
(IV), Gesta Hungarorum.23
.24
,
, IV 1246. ,
, , ; .
.

J ( )
?

,
, ,
.25
.
1412. Marolt knig zu Bossen.26
20

, 13-16 , , , ,
2008, 58, 449.
21
Klmn Bla, A nevek vilga, Sikerknyvek, Budapest, 1969, 58, 71, Lad Jnos, Magyar
utnvknyv, Budapest, 1978, 202.
22
Pfeiffer Nicolaus, Die ungarische Dominikanerordensprovinz von ihrer Grndung bis zur
Tatarenverwstung, 1241-1242, Zrich, 1913, 50-92, 133-134, Gai Emericus, Brevis conspectus
historicus dioecesium Bosnensis-Diacovensis et Sirmiensis, Essekini, 1944, 122; Karsai Gza, Ki
volt Anonymus? (Az Anonymus? (Az Anonymus-gesta kzirata, szvegkritikja, tartalmis nyelvi
problmk, klns tekintettel a palimpszeszt-szvegek fototechnikai krdseire), Horvth Jnos
Szkely Gyrgy, szerk., Kzpkori ktfink kritikus krdsei, V. Kovcs Sndor, Memoria
saeculorum Hungariae, 1, Budapest, 1974, 56-57; Rokay Pter, Boszniai pspksg, 1. trtnete,
Engel Pl-Koszta Lszl 2. pspkei; Krist Gyula-Engel Pl-Makk Ferenc, Korai magyar
trtneti lexikon (9-14. szzad), Budapest, 1994, 124-125.
1269. . A , . ., 61, 1270. , . ., 59,
... ....
23
Karsai, . .
24
Horvth, . ., 81-106.
25
Klai, . , 1882, 244, .
26
Eberhard Windecke, Historia vitae imperatoris Sigismundi vernacula, 1386-1442, Mencken
Johann Burchard, Scriptores rerum germanicarum, I, Lipsiae, 1728, cap. 23, pag 1090.

216

Petar Rokai

M, 1896.
.27
, ,
.28
.29
a ,
,
.
,
.30
( )
.
.
,
.
.

. .

,
. ,
( ).

27

Potthast August, Wegweiser durch die Geschichtswerke des europischen Mittelalters bis
1500, Bibliotheca historica medii aevi, II, Berlin, 1896 (Graz, 1954), 1118.
28Altmann Wilhelm, ed., Eberhard Windecke, Historia vitae imperatoris Sigismundi vernacula,
Berlin, 1893, 10.
29
. , ,
, I/1-4(MCMXXXV) 352-367.
30Thallczy Lajos, Bosnyk s szerb let- s nemzedkrajzi tanulmnyok, Budapest, 1909, 334.

Tri priloga istoriji Bosne u sredwem veku

217

Pter Rokay
THREE CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE HISTORY
OF THE MEDIEVAL BOSNIA
Summary

In these three contributions the author proposes to change in reading


of some terms from the history of the medieval Bosnia. In first of them he
suggests that the term Albanus should be explained through Hungarian lan
guage, in which it means vicebanus. As the science has already established
the existence of vicebanus in Bosnia, this would be a new reference to this
official. This would also explain the seemingly confusing statement of Jacob
Beck. In the second contribution the author insists on the proper reading of
the name of the Bosnian bishop, who is erroneously named Ponsa by the
South Slav historiography and should be correctly read Pousa or Posa. In
the third contribution the author explains how the wrong assumption that
Jovan of Morovi (Marti Jnos) was king of Bosnia was caused by lack of
punctuation (namely, a comma) in the text of Eberchard Windecke.
ey Words: Ubanus, Albanus, Ponsa, Pousa (Posa), Jovan of Morovi (Marti Jnos),
Bosnia, akovo

: 94:929](497.13 )"13": 821.1404

XIV *

: ( ),
XIV ,
, .
.
: , , , , , .



, ,
, .1 ,
,
,
.2 ,
,
,

, (. . 177032)
: ,
9. 15. (. . 177015).
1 IX XV , 1969, 407 (. .
) / : , /; H. Hunger, Die hochsprachliche
profane Literatur, II, Mnchen 1978, 270.
2 The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, ed. A. P. Kazhdan, III, New York Oxford 1991, 1674
(J. Scarborough A. Kazhdan) / : ODB/

220

Radivoj Radi}, Du{an Kora}

.3
,
.4
, ,
, , .
,
.5 ,
,
,
.6 , ,
,

. ,
XIII XIV
, ,
. ,
: , , ,
, , .7
, , 407.
H. G. Beck, Geschichte der byzantinischen Volksliteratur, Mnchen 1971, 2831 (
: Beck, Volksliteratur); , I (IV VII .),
1984, 482483 (. . )
5 XII ,

. , ,
, ,
. , ,
. : Ecbasis captivi
(11401145) and Isengrimus (11481150), .
,
, Roman de Renart ( 1174 1205. ),
( ), ,
, . : H. R. Jauss,
Untersuchungen zur mittelalterlichen Tierdichtung, Tbingen 1959; Aspects of the Medieval Animal
Epic: Proceedings of the international conference, Louvain May 1517, 1972, ed. E. Rombauts,
Series: Mediaevalia Lovaniensia I:3, Leuven University Press, 1975; Le roman de Renart, IVI, ed.
M. Roques, Paris 19511963; J. Flinn, Le roman de Renart dans la littrature franaise et dans les
littratures trangres au moyen ge, Toronto 1963; Sh. Short Robertson, Those Beastly People: a
Study of Human Beings in Animal Epics, Le Roman de Renard: On the Beast Epic, ed. Vaan den
Hoven - H. Westra, Canadian Journal of Netherlandic Studies Special Issue, May, 1983, 6368; J.
Scheidegger, Le roman de Renart ou le texte de la drision. Geneva 1989.
6 Renik knjievnih termina, Beograd 1985, 895-896 (S. Grubai S. Koljevi)
7 . . , , ( : . . - .
. , IXXV ., 1978) 212 (
: , )
3

Jedan neobi~an pomen Dubrovnika iz XIV veka

221


,
.
,

,8
, , .


, .

,
.
,
.
,
XIII , ( ), (
), ( ),
.9


,
, , .

. ,
.
,
.10
( ),
,
.11

.
H. Arveler, Politika ideologija Vizantijskog carstva, Beograd 1988, 134135; -
. ,
, 1996, 58; . , , 11801453, I,
2000, 103107.
9 Beck, Volksliteratur, 173179; , , 212; ODB, I, 100101 (E.
M. Jeffreys).
10
. , , 1994, 245.
11
, ed. I. Tsabari, Athina 1987, 247305 ( : Tsabari, Poulologos)
8

222

Radivoj Radi}, Du{an Kora}

, ,
XIV .12

.
, ,


:
, .
,
,
.13
.
,

. ,
,
, , ,
. , ,
, .

, , .14

,
, , , .
, .15
, , ,
.

.

, ,
,
.16

,
. , ,
12

Beck, Volksliteratur, 173174; ODB, III, 1708 (E. M. Jeffreys)


ODB, III, 1708 (E. M. Jeffreys)
14 , III (XIII XV .), 1991, 339 (. . )
15
. , , 2009, 211.
16
. . , , 1988, 266 ( :
, ).

13

Jedan neobi~an pomen Dubrovnika iz XIV veka

223


17 -
.18

.
,
.

.19
, ,
.20 ,

. :

, , .21
,22

()
.23


, , ,
. , ,

.
17

. . , : ,
1990, 7 .
18
, , 266.
19
Tsabari, Poulologos, 254255, 8890.
20
,
, ,
, , ,
. : , ed. S. Krawszynski,
Berliner byzantinische Arbeiten 22, Berlin 1960, 48, 8890
21
Tsabari, Poulologos, 255, 9192.
22
Ibid. 330, 88.
23
. , XIV XV , 1952, 1344; . ,
(1280-1460), 1956, 5158; B. Kreki, Dubrovnik in the 14th and 15th
Centuries: A City between East and West, Norman, University of Oklahoma Press 1972, 3174;
V. Foreti, Povijest Dubrovnika do 1808, III, Zagreb 1980; . . ,
, 19892, 7281; B. Kreki, Dubrovnik: a Mediterranean Urban
Society, 13001600, Variorum Reprints, London 1997; Lexikon des Mittelalters, VII (Planudes bis
Stadt/Rus/), Stuttgart 1999, 399401 (B. Kreki) / /.

Radivoj Radi}, Du{an Kora}

224

Radivoj Radi, Duan Kora


AN UNUSUAL FOURTEENTH CENTURY MENTION OF RAGUSA
Summary

Poulologos (A Book on Birds), a late Byzantine avian epic of almost


seven hundred verses, was a work of folk literature composed by an anonymous
author at the end of the fourteenth century. Based on its rich tradition (there are
seven extant manuscripts) it was a very popular reading material. The late
Byzantine animal epic, like similar literary works in the Latin West, represented
an allegorical genre that used animal figures not only to satirize certain negative
social mores, but also to ridicule the corrupt imperial administration, clergy, and
monastic institutions. A very negative attitude towards the social elite is
especially noticeable, which mirrored popular sentiment and worldview and
attitudes of ordinary people. Byzantiums enemies and some neighbors were
also ridiculed Bulgarians, Tartars, and Wallachs.
The narrative of Poulologos is relatively simple the birds are
to
invited attend the wedding reception thrown by eagle, the bird emperor, for
his son. Very soon the guests began to quarrel passionately. Especially bitter
and insulting was the encounter between stork and swan, and crane and heron.
The eagle-emperor had to threaten them with falcon and hawk before the calm
returned and the wedding reception continued in festive mood.
In the course of his tirade and among numerous insults and belittlements
the crane throws at the heron, he compares heron to a Ragusan from the city
of Ragusa who picks up and hoards everything he comes across and throws it
into his saddle bags. The Ragusan symbolizes a hungry beggar who fumbles
and stumbles around in search for food scraps.
Such a deep contempt for the merchants of Ragusa was an obvious
expression of a deeply rooted popular opinion about the Ragusans, which was
widely spread among the common Byzantines. As Latins and an integral part
of the Venetian world they were probably perceived as treacherous and not
trustworthy, even as enemies of Byzantium. Since Ragusa was not so grand,
rich and powerful as Venice, the Byzantine folk felt deep contempt for the
Ragusans, but did not fear or hate them. Be that as it may, this interesting
piece of information from the Eagles Wedding does not allow us to
elaborate more about the Byzantines perceptions of the Ragusans in the
decades before the Turkish conquest.
ey Words: Byzantium, birds, Poulologos, Ragusa, crane, heron.

: 94(497.11)"1389":929



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(. . 147024).
1 . , , 15. 1389, , . 65,
1989, 76.
*

226

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, 1992, 138-145.
3 . , , 453, . , 14. 15. ,
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4 . , , ,
, . 11, 1990, 109-118.

O mogu}oj ulozi Vuka Brankovi}a u Kosovskoj bici . . .

227

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, 79-80 (2009) 7-42.
6
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8 ., . .
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III , XXI (1940) 33-81; .
, ; ., , , , ,
19892, 127-156; . , , CCCLXXVIII
(1996) , 2005, 250-251; . , . ,
I, 2000,
, 254-261 (. ); . , , 29-30.
7

O mogu}oj ulozi Vuka Brankovi}a u Kosovskoj bici . . .

229

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, 64; . , , 16.
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: . , I, 1990, 320-321; ,
, 5, 1962, 497 (M. ) ,
, 1978, 148-177; . ,
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O mogu}oj ulozi Vuka Brankovi}a u Kosovskoj bici . . .

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1371. . . . Sp. Radojii, Antologija stare srpske
knjievnosti (XI-XVIII veka), Beograd 1960, 99-101; ,
24 , 1986, 72.
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1901-2001, 2001, 115-129.

O mogu}oj ulozi Vuka Brankovi}a u Kosovskoj bici . . .

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O mogu}oj ulozi Vuka Brankovi}a u Kosovskoj bici . . .

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244
Marko uica

ON A POSSIBLE ROLE OF VUK BRANKOVI IN THE BATTLE


OF KOSOVO (1389) A CONTRIBUTION TO THE STUDY OF THE
MEDIEVAL WAR TACTICS
Summary

The role of Vuk Brankovi in the battle of Kosovo in 1389 was one of
the central themes of history, legends and folk epic poetry. Although historical
sources closest to the event did not mention his participation, the historical
science cannot call in question Vuks presence on the battlefield. The
contemporaries left only vague testimonies about all participants of the battle, its
course and ultimate end. The tradition, however, marked Vuk as a traitor. Only
later or territorially distant sources tell us about Vuks maneuvers in battle.
According to one of them, from the pen of a Catalan writer from the early 15th
century, Vuk Brankovi withdrew with his army from Kosovo field only after
prince Lazar was killed. The fact that Vuk Brankovi survived June 15th 1389 is
a testimony in itself that, at some point, he had to withdraw from the battlefield.
Following that trail, a passage from the Life of despote Stefan Lazarevi by
Constantine the Philosopher, which tells about the war tactics of the time, was
also introduced in the circle of consideration. In the description of the battle
which took place in Kosovo in 1402 between the Lazarevii and the Turkish
army (with the participation of ura Brankovi), Constantine the Philosopher
laid out the plan of Stefan Lazarevi made before the mentioned battle. The plan
was communicated to Vuk Lazarevi and it involved the tactics by which the
younger brother was given the task to retire from the battle and protect the state,
if Stefan falls in battle. Considering the relationship established between Prince
Lazar and his son-in-law, Vuk Brankovi, in the period from 1370/1 to 1389, the
impression was created that these two Serbian lords acted together in the battle
of Kosovo, as family members and not as ordinary political allies. The subsequent
Vuks withdrawal from Kosovo field should not be interpreted as treason, but
viewed in the light of war tactics and long-term national strategy, which was
later, in terms of events of 1402, explained by Constantine the Philosopher. Of
course, such a conclusion, due to lack of sources, can only remain at the level of
speculation, but it opens a way for rethinking and searching for the answers to
the question of political activities and statehood claims of Vuk Brankovi after
the decisive conflict that happened on St. Vitus Day in 1389.
ey Words: Vuk Brankovi, prince (knez) Lazar, treason, war tactics, the battle of Kosovo
(1389), Konstantin Filozof (Constantine the Philosopher), family relations, the Lazarevii

: 930.1(497.11)"19/20":929

Jelena MRGI
Univerzitet u Beogradu
Filozofski fakultet
Odeljenje za Istoriju
Filozofski fakultet

CIVES ET CIVITATES
URBAN STUDIES IN RECENT SERBIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY*
In Memory of Prof. Sima irkovi

Abstract: This paper is dedicated to the memory of Sima irkovi, who gave a large
contribution to the field of urban studies in ex-Yugoslav and Serbian science. His texts are
observed in regard to the questions, problems and novelties they presented, during more than
fifty years of his scientific career. Furthermore, development and new research trends in the
Serbian historiography of urban settlements during the last two decades are highlighted.
ey Words: Sima irkovi, historiography, urban studies, medieval Serbia and Bosnia.

As the other fellow colleagues in this volume would confirm, the


scientific opus of Sima irkovi, our dear professor and teacher, was highly
diversified, leaving almost nothing outside his scientific interest. This true
polyhistor carefully observed changes, structures, and processes which
shaped and colored the human lives in different periods. It may be, however,
observed that he focused mostly on the Middle Ages. He was unusually
talented and prolific writer, equally successful in monographs, syntheses,
studies, biographies, articles, encyclopedic entries, textbooks, methodological
discussions, and every other kind of historiographic work.1
Urban studies were one of many fields ofirkovis expert knowledge,
where he contributed greatly, laying the foundations for subsequent scholars. Very
unfortunately and sadly, one of his latest reviews was for the Lexicon of towns
and marketplaces in the medieval Serbian lands, published shortly after his death.2

(XIV-XV ), [Settlements
and Population in the Late Medieval Serbian Lands (14th and 15th c.) (. . 177010).
1Annotated bibliography of S. irkovi appeared in: Zbornik radova Vizantolokog instituta 41
(2004) 11-53, and Stari srpski arhiv 3 (2004), XIX-LXIII (. Bubalo).
2 Leksikon gradova i trgova srednjovekovnih srpskih zemalja, ed. S. Mii, Beograd Zavod
za udbenike 2010.
*

246

Jelena Mrgi

The texts of S. irkovi concerning urban settlements could be


divided into several groups, discussing a multitude of issues. He gave sound
historical presentations to a number of settlements, tracing their history through
sources of various provenances: Hungarian, Papal, Dubrovniks, French,
German, Byzantine, Ottoman, Serbian and Bosnian. Further, a number of
previously unknown and unidentified settlements were brought to light as the
result of his efforts. To this group of texts belong: Golubac (1968), Sirmium (1969),
Smederevo (1970), Nevade (1995), castra oecumena in De administrando
Imperio (1998), and Mava (2008).3
Another group of texts irkovi devoted to the analysis of the urban
commune, its structure, legal foundations and organization of municipal life.
He found it interesting to compare the Adriatic city-communes with the
Serbian and Bosnian continental, i.e. interior Balkan towns, estimating
different degrees of libertas of universitas civitorum.4 irkovi personally
coined a very specific and precise term of unfulfilled autonomy to describe
the level of development which medieval Serbian and Bosnian towns had
reached until the time of the Ottoman conquest. One of his latest texts
differentiated several categories of citizens in Dubrovnik, carefully discerning
their special legal rights.5
irkovi, Golubac u srednjem veku, Poarevac 1968; Idem, Civitas Sancti Demetrii Sremska
Mitrovica, Sremska Mitrovica 1969, 59-71; Idem, Priloci za istoriju Kovina u srednjem veku,
Zbornik Matice Srpske za istoriju 1 (1970) 83-86; Idem, Smederevo prestonica srpskih
despota, u: Oslobodjenje gradova od Turaka 1862-1867, Beograd 1970, 61-69; Idem, Nevade.
Nepoznati utvrdjeni grad u Srbiji, Istorijski glasnik 1-2 (1995) 13-22; Idem, Naseljeni
gradovi Konstantina Porfirogenita i najstarija teritorijalna organizacija, ZRVI 37 (1998) 9-32;
Idem, Zemlja Mava i grad Mava, Prilozi za JKiF LXXIV, 1-4 (2008) 3-20.
4Idem, Starigrad srednjovekovna Budva, u: . Bujukli, Pravno uredjenje srednjovekvone
budvanske komune, Niki Budva 1988, 9-22; Idem, Ragusa e il suo retroterra nel Medio
Evo, in: Ragusa e il Mediterraneo, ed. A. Di Vittorio, Bari 1990, 15-26 (= Dubrovnik i zaledje
u srednjem veku, u: Rabotnici, vojnici, duhovnici, Beograd 1997, 47-55); Idem, Continuit et
rupture des hirarchies: le cas des villes dalmates et de leur arrire-pays, in: Gerarchie
economiche egerarchie sociali, secoli XII-XVIII, Firenze 1990, 73-89 (= Kontinuitet i prekid
medju hijerarhijama: primorski gradovi i njihovo zaledje u srednjem veku, u: Rabotnici,
vojnici, duhovnici); Idem, Iz starog Dubrovnika: graani roeni i graani steeni [From the
old Dubrovnik: Citizens Born and Citizens by Right], Istorijski asopis 56 (2008) 2138;
Idem, Prevod povelje cara Stefana Duana gradu Skadru (1346-1355) [Traduction de la charte
de lempereur Stefan Duan la ville de Skadar], Stari Srpski Arhiv 6 (2007) 113-122.
5Idem, Sviluppo e arretratezza nella penisola balcanica fra il XIII e il XVI secolo, in: Sviluppo
e sottosviluppo in Europa e fuori dEuropa dal secolo XIII alla rivoluzione industriale, Atti
dela Decima settimana di Studio, Firenze 1983, 291311 [= Razvoj i zaostalost na
Balkanskom polustrvu iyme]u XIII i XVI veka, in: Rabotnici, vojnici, duhovnici. Drutva
srednjovekovnog Balkana, ed. V. oki, Beograd 1997, 21-36]; Idem, Unfulfilled Autonomy:
Urban Society in Serbia and Bosnia, in: Urban Society of Eastern Europe in Pre-modern
Times, ed. B. Kreki, Berkeley Los Angeles London 1987, 158184. [= Neispunjena
autonomija: Gradsko drutvo u Srbiji i Bosni, in: Rabotnici, vojnici, duhovnici, 259-276].
3S.

Cives et Civitates - Urban Studies in Recent Serbian Historiography

247

Urbanization process in the medieval Serbia and Bosnia had always


kept his attention. Continuing the work of his teacher, Mihailo Dini,
irkovi had attributed mining production as the main factor of urbanization,
as well as D. Kovaevi-Koji and R. uk had presented their research results.
Implementation of foreign, i.e. Saxon communal law, its modifications and
adjustments to local needs, both in mining activity and in municipal
organizationall these issues were thoughtfully analyzed in irkovis studies.
His immense linguistic knowledge enabled him to unravel the precise meaning
of specific mining law terms, which would be otherwise left unexplained.6
Court residences, court cities, and court culture was subject of his
fastidious decennial research. Owing to him, a system of royal palaces and
court cities in the surroundings of the dried-out lake of Svrin in Kosovo was
fully
the Nemanjis
fromofNemanjas
Ras todiscovered.
Milutins Prizren
Transfer
and of
to Duans
Skoplje, court
and theplaces,
foundation
particular
court cities in the medieval Serbia and Bosnia (Kruevac, Smederevo,
Bobovac) were analyzed in his texts over the years.7
irkovi was one of few scientists that had always kept close ties
the
with
international scientific community, closely observing the latest trends
in research, development of new methodologies, and fresh results. Therefore,
his texts were also a valuable source of the most important novelties and
information in history and auxiliary disciplines. And vice versa, his attendance
at the most distinguished scientific conferences was a way to present both his
research, as well as the results of his fellow colleagues. This dissemination of
knowledge was highly significant, especially in times preceding the Internet
Revolution.8
Further along, he masterly wrote contributions for the prestigious
series of Lexikon der Mittelalters (1980 1998), where each entry expressed
6 S. irkovi, The Production of Gold, Silver and Copper in the Central Parts of the Balkans
from the 13th to the 16th century, in: Precious Metals in the Age of Expansion, Stuttgart 1979,
41-69 [= Proizvodnja zlata, srebra i bakra u centralnim oblastima Balkana do poetka novog
veka, in: Rabotnici, vojnici, duhovnici, 79-103]; S. irkovi D. Kovaevi-Koji R. uk,
Staro srpsko rudarstvo [Old Serbian mining], BeogradNovi Sad 2002: S. irkovi, Latinini
prepis Rudarskog zakonika despota Stefana Lazarevia [Latin translation of the Mining Law
Code of the Despot Stefan Lazarevi], Beograd 2005.
7 S. irkovi, Vladarski dvori oko jezera na Kosovu, Zbornik Matice Srpske za Likovnu
umetnost 20 (1984) 67-83; Idem, Dvor i kultura u srednjovekovnoj bosanskoj dravi, u: Bosna
i Hercegovina u tokovima istorijskih i kulturnih kretanja u jugiostonoj Evropi, Sarajevo 1989,
61-69; Idem, Der Hof der serbischen Herrscher: von der Burg zur Residenzstadt, in: Hfische
Kultur in Sdosteuropa, Bericht der Kolloquien der Sdosteuropa-Kommission 1988 bis 1990,
hrsg. R. Lauer H. G. Majer, Gttingen 1994, 7485 [= Dvor srpskih vladara: od tvrave do
gradskog naselja, in: Rabotnici, vojnici, duhovnici, 423-434].
8 Cf. Sima irkovis bibliography in ZRVI 41, and in SSA.

248

Jelena Mrgi

his expertise in the form of synthetic presentations. Soon afterwards, irkovi


co-edited the Serbian Lexicon of Middle Ages (1999), creating its structure,
with the right balance between politics, society, language, religion, culture,
economics and natural environment, and authoring nearly a hundred articles,
and reviewing all the other entries.9
He edited the conference volume Social Structure of the Serbian
Urban Settlements (1992), one of the last dedicated to urban studies. In the
opening text, irkovi scrutinized the overall development of this scientific
field in our historiography, from its beginnings at the start of the nineteenth
century until the last decade of the previous century.10 In the same collection
of papers from the conference, the last in the series of the scholarly gatherings
dedicated to the urban life complexities in the Balkans,11 the important
contributions to the discussion were made by other distinguished medievalists
as well. They approached the aspects of the Byzantine urban heritage and its
reception in the medieval Serbian lands, further, spatial organization of the
town and its agrarian surroundings, the structure of urban population and
town government.12
irkovis remarks on the inadequacies and problems in urban
studies in Serbian historiography could be taken for valid, to a certain degree,
even today, almost two decades later. Certain progress, however, might be
observed, though still falling behind the contemporary European and world
research trends. The survey which is offered bellow has the aim of
S. irkovi, Amborija, Varo, Dvor, Gradjani, in: Lexicon of the Serbian Middle Ages,
Beograd 1999, 10, 68, 126127, 139142, et pass. For urban studies issues, see: Lj.
Maksimovi, Grad, ibid., 122124; D. Kovaevi-Koji, Podgrae, Trg, ibid., 534535,
737739; M. Popovi, Gradac, Gradina, Gradite, Kula, ibid., 124125, 340342.
10
S. irkovi, Urbanizacija kao tema srpske istoriografije [Urbanization as a subject of the
Serbian historiography], in: Socijalna struktura srpskih gradskih naselja (XII-XVIII veka)
[Social structure of the Serbian urban settlements], Papers from the conference held in
Smederevo on November 23 and 24, 1990, Smederevo Belgrade 1992, 919.
11
La ville balkanique (XVeXVIIIe sicles), ed. N. Todorov, Institut detudes balkaniques
Acadmie Bulgare des sciences, Sofia 1970; La culture urbaine des Balkans (XveXIXe
sicles), ed. N. Tasi V. Han, Institut des etudes balkaniques Acadmie Serbe des sciences
et des arts, Belgrade Paris 1991.
12
J. Kali, Sloveni i vizantijsko urbano naslee [Slavs and the Byzantine urban heritage], in:
Social structure, 2134; D. Kovaevi-Koji, Drutvena struktura rudarskih gradova [Social
structure of the mining towns], ibid., 3550; M. Blagojevi, Grad i upa mee gradskog
drutva [Town and its county boundaries of urban society], ibid., 6784; R. uk, Kolonije
u srpskim srednjovekovnim gradovima [Colonies in the medieval Serbian towns], ibid.,
8596; Lj. Maksimovi, Poznovizantijski grad slom ili renesansa jednog srednjovekovnog
drutva [Late Byzantine town The fall or the renaissance of a medieval society], ibid.,
97112; R. Mihalji, Grad u prelomnom razdoblju [Town in a time of crises], ibid., 113124;
A. Veselinovi, Vladarsko i komunalno u gradovima Despotovine [Regalian and municipal in
the towns of the Serbian Despotate], ibid., 125138.
9

Cives et Civitates - Urban Studies in Recent Serbian Historiography

249

highlighting the observed positive changes in our historiography, stressing the


modern approach and most recent novelties, but also the work that is yet to be
done in the field of the urban studies.
Three decades ago Desanka Kovaevi-Koji wrote a fundamental
work about medieval Bosnian towns (1978) upon a wide heuristic scope, and
it still remains unparalleled. As far as the medieval Serbia is concerned, it still
lacks such a reference work, which would enable the scholars to take their
research to higher lever.13 Her most important papers concerning settlements
and relating issues have recently been republished in a book entitled Urban
Life in Serbia and Bosnia (XIV-XV centuries) (2007).14 These research papers
should serve to the future scholars as an epitome of a precise analysis and
multi-layered interpretation of the archival material.15 On the basis of the
copious sources from the State Archives in Dubrovnik, Sinia Mii authored
a monograph The Land of Hum in the Middle Ages (1994), in which he
presented data on numerous urban settlements in the region.16 Upon the same
heuristic grounds uro Toi reconstructed the history of medieval salt
market place of Drijeva upon Neretva River (1987) and that of The Region of
Trebinje, previously known as Travunija (1998).17
Regarding archaeological explorations, there is a need for a
comprehensive overall study as well as scholarly reference tool for the
research of the medieval material culture of Serbia. It should be a work
resembling in methodology and approach the well-known The Archaeological
Lexicon of Bosnia and Herzegovina IIII (1998). The results published in the
two volumes of series Archaeological Sites in Serbia (1953, 1956) have since
long been surpassed; moreover, these volumes succeeded to cover just a part
of the territory of Serbia. Recently, two more archaeological and architectural
studies of the medieval towns and castles in Bosnia and Herzegovina have

13

D. Kovaevi-Koji, Gradska naselja srednjovjekovne Bosne [Urban settlements of the


medieval Bosnia], Sarajevo 1978.
14
Eadem, Gradski ivot u Srbiji i Bosni (XIV-XV vijek), Istorijski institut Beograd 2008.
15
See: M. Vego, Naselja srednjovjekovne bosanske drave [Settlements of the medieval
Bosnian state], Sarajevo 1957; P. ivkovi, Bibliografija objavljenih izvora i literature o
srednjovjekovnoj Bosni [Bibliography of the published sources and literature on the medieval
Bosnia], Sarajevo 1982; E. Kurtovi, Historiografska literatura o srednjovjekovnoj Bosni
objavljena u zemlji i inostranstvu (19801998) [Historiographic literature on the Medieval
Bosnia Published in the Country and Abroad (19801998)], Prilozi Instituta za istoriju 29
(Sarajevo 2000) 4988. Unfortunately, the conference volume Urbano bie Bosne i
Hercegovine [Urban essence of Bosnia and Hercegovina], Sarajevo 1996, we could not obtain.
16
S. Mii, Humska zemlja u srednjem veku, Beograd 1996.
17
. Toi, Trg Drijeva u srednjem vijeku, Sarajevo 1987; idem, Trebinjska oblast u srednjem
vijeku, Beograd 1998.

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been published, as well as the study on Sarajevo in the 15th century.18 Milo
Antonovi dealt in his research with the issue of the towns with their
hinterland on the territory of medieval Zeta and northern Albania, stretching
from Kotor to Lje (2003).19 A good overview of the available sources and
literature for the region of north Macedonia with towns included in the
territory of Serbia of king Milutin, stretching to the Ohrid Prilep tip
borderline, represents the work by Ivan Mikuli (1996).20 A very specific
register of towns according to the folk poems of the Balkans: Towns in
Christian and Muslim epics appeared recently.21
The issue of Serbian medieval urban settlements has drawn the
attention of not only historians, but all sorts of experts in various fields.
Historians of law, art and architecture, historical geographers and anthropo
geographers, philologists, archaeologists and ethnologists made various
contributions, and yet remained more or less within the limits of their own
fields of expertise. Unfortunately, an association for urban studies was never
constituted, although this research field is interdisciplinary in its essence.22
18

A. Ratkovi, Srednjovjekovni gradovi u Bosni i Hercegovini [Medieval towns in Bosnia and


Herzegovina], Mostar 2005; H. Redi, Srednjovjekovni gradovi Bosne i Hercegovine
[Medieval towns of Bosnia and Herzegovina], Sarajevo 2009; V. Mueta-Aeri, Sarajevo i
njegova okolina u XV stoljeu izmeu istoka i zapada [Sarajevo and its environs in the 15th

century between the East and the West], Sarajevo 2005.


19
M. Antonovi, Grad i upa u Zetskom primorju i severnoj Albaniji u XIV i XV veku [Town
and county in the coastal region of Zeta and northern Albania], Beograd 2003.
20
I. Mikuli, Srednovekovnite gradovi i tvrdini vo Makedonia [Medieval towns and fortresses
in Macedonia], Skopje 1996.
21
. Deteli A. Loma I. Pavlovi, Gradovi u hruanskoj i muslimanskoj epici, Multimedia
CD ROM, Institute for Balkanology: Belgrade 2004; M. Deteli, Epski gradovi Leksikon,
Beograd 2007.
22
Cf.: R. Paddison, Studying Cities, in: Handbook of Urban Studies, SAGE Publications, 2001,
<http://sage-ereference.com/hdbk_urban/Article_n1.html>. Number of scientific organizations
dedicated to urban studies has increased, and we shall name only a few: International
Commission for the History of Towns (ICHT, http://www.historiaurbium.org), European
Association for Urban History (UH, founded in 1989), holds biannual conferences with a
comparative, pan-European approach: Urban Europe in Comparative Prospective (8th
Conference, Stockholm 2006); Comparative History of European Cities (9th Conference, Lyon
2008), City and Society in European History (10th Conference, Ghent 2010, see:
<http://www2.historia.su.se/urbanhistory/eauh/index.htm>). For the German cultural area, see:
Institut fr Vergleichende Stdteforschung, Universitt Mnster (<http://www.uni
muenster.de/Staedtegeschichte/Publikationen/IStG-Publikationen.pdf>), and Arbeitkreis fr
genetische Siedlungsvorschung in Mitteleuropa (<http://www.hisgeo.uni-bonn.de/>). In 1988 a
special issue of the journal Siedlungsforschung. Archeologie Geschichte Geographie gave
a survey of the current state of research in this field; however, Serbia was not included. Socit
Franaise dHistoire Urbaine has for more a decade published the journal Revue dHistoire
Urbaine, and also organized international conferences: <http://www.sfhu.org/>. Recently
published, the two-volumed Histoire de lEurope urbaine (red. Jean-Luc Pinol, Paris 2003),

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Observing the development of our historiography so far, one can notice that
the proliferation of the knowledge primarily rested upon the achievements of
the individuals. The research has been conducted without the creation of some
ruling paradigms, which would reflect new trends of thinking in social
sciences, and largely without the influence from the international scientific
production. Common enterprises have been made through occasional scientific
gatherings and collections of conference papers, the projects conducted by
national academies and scientific research institutions, and also in the form of
historical monographs, about which more shall be said in the text to follow.
Texts concerning the analysis of the settlement categories and their
classification, that is, terminology and typology, variety of urban settlement
types, are hugely important for medieval urban studies; however, such
theoretical and conceptual works are still very scarce in the domestic
scholarly production. Many years after Stojan Novakovi (1892), Pavao
Aneli tried to develop a classification of urban settlements in the medieval
Bosnian state from an economic aspect, but a more thorough one was offered
by Desanka Kovaevi-Koji.23 Another typology of medieval Serbian towns
was proposed by Milo Blagojevi, underlining differences between their
municipal government and their degree of autonomy towards Serbian rulers,
i.e. central government.24 A range of key terms was presented in the Lexicon
of the Serbian Middle Ages, such as: town (Serb. grad), court (dvor), market
place (trg), vros (varo), suburbium (podgrae), emporion (amborija),
smallish fort (gradac), as well as citizens (graani, purgari). The limitations
of short textual forms allowed authors only to state some general features,
which nevertheless could provide a basis for further consideration and a more
thorough investigation.25 It would be of a huge importance to try and
comparatively observe the domestic and different European settlement
has included the history of European towns from the Antiquity to the present day. Very active
organization in Austria is sterreichischer Arbeitkreis fr Stadtgeschichtsforschung, which
has, so far, published twenty one volume of Beitrge, covering different issues of urban
studies: <http://www.stgf.at/publikationen.html>.
23
S. Novakovi, Grad, trg, varo. K istoriji rei i predmeta koji se njima kazuju [Town, market
place and varos. On the history of these words and what they denominate], Nastavnik 1892, 117
(reprinted in: S. Novakovi, Iz srpske istorije, Novi Sad Beograd 1966, 144161); P. Aneli,
Trgovite, varo i grad u srednjovjekovnoj Bosni, Glasnik Zemaljskog Muzeja u Sarajevu, n. s.
Arheologija 18 (1963) 179194; D. Kovaevi-Koji, Gradska naselja, 133142.
24
M. Blagojevi, Pregled istorijske geografije srednjovekovne Srbije [Survey of historical
geography of the medieval Serbia], Zbornik Istorijskog muzeja Srbije 20 (1983) 99106;
idem., Grad i upa, [Town and its county], in: Socijalna struktura, 7072.
25S. irkovi, Amborija, Varo, Dvor, Gradjani, in: Lexicon of the Serbian Middle Ages, Beograd
1999, 10, 68, 126127, 139142; Lj. Maksimovi, Grad, ibid., 122124; D. Kovaevi-Koji,
Podgrae, Trg, ibid., 534535, 737739; M. Popovi, Gradac, Gradina, Gradite, Kula, ibid.,
124125, 340342.

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Jelena Mrgi

categories (town, city, market town, vros, civitas, castrum, castellum,


ppidum, Minderstadt, Marktfleck, etc.), in order to determine both their
common characteristics and specific features shaped by their different social
and cultural environments.
Some latest texts attempt to compensate for this huge delay in urban
studies and to propose a wider scholarly discussion. Analysis of urban
settlements from the aspect of their functions (administrative, military
defensive, economic and cultural), that is, as central places of their agrarian
surroundings proved very fruitful for medieval Bosnia. The same could be
noted for the application of the location theory and the investigation of
spatial relations within a network of various settlement categories: towns in
mutual relation, towns and market places, and towns and villages.
Furthermore, new research is done on the relation between the medieval and
early Ottoman categories (ehir, kasaba, bazaar), as well as the issue of
medieval urban heritage regarding its continuity and/or discontinuity as well
as change during the early Ottoman period.26
Quite understandably, due to the almost complete lack of archives in
Serbian
the
continental lands, and, even more, because of the scanty evidence
the preserved material yields, research of the origin, development and legal
status of the medieval urban settlements could not have started from the
analysis of liberties and legalistic definitions.27 Only from few charters, Czar
Duans Law Code, and Despot Stefans Municipal Law of the Town of Novo
Brdo, it could be deduced that Serbian rulers did issue charters to towns,
which, as it can be ascertained, had administered to a certain extent the
position of town residents citizens, as well as their rights and obligations
towards the central government.28Yet, of the four most general, quantitatively
26

First time in: J. Mrgi, Donji Kraji. Krajina srednjovekovne Bosne [Donji kraji. Mark of the
medieval Bosnia], Beograd 2002, 172180; eadem, Transition from late medieval to early
Ottoman settlement patterns, SOF 6566 (20062007) 5084; eadem, Severna Bosna
(1316.vek ) [Northern Bosnia, 13th-16th centuries], Beograd 2008, 206226; . Krsti,
Srednjovekovni trgovi i osmanski pazari u Branievu kontinuitet i promene [Medieval market
places and Ottoman bazaars in the region of Branievo: continuity and change], in: Moravska
Srbija. Istorija kultura umetnost, Kruevac 2007, 95113.
27
To a certain extent, town archives and statutes are preserved for several Adriatic towns, such
as Budva and Kotor . Bujukli, Pravno ureenje srednjovekovne budvanske komune [Law
system of the medieval town of Budva], predg. S. irkovi, Budva Niki 1988; A. Mayer,
Kotorski spomenici I-II, Zagreb 1951, 1981; P. Butorac, Kotor za samovlade (1355-1420)
[Kotor during the time of its authonomy], Kotor 19992: A. Dabinovi, Kotor pod Mletakom
republikom (1420-1797) [Kotor under the Venetian rule, 1420-1797], Zagreb 1934; I. Sindik,
Komunalno ureenje otora od druge polovine XII do poetka XV stolea [Communal system
of Kotor from the second half of the 12th to the beginning of the 15th century], Beograd 1950.
28
Distinctions in legal status of different types of citizens analysed S. irkovi, Iz starog
Dubrovnika: graani roeni i graani steeni [From the old Dubrovnik: Citizens Born and

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measurable criteria for an urban settlement the number and density of


population, the percentage of non-agrarian population in town economy, and
the number/diversity of non-agrarian jobs, only the last could be elaborated,
owing to the medieval sources from Dubrovnik Archives.29 Another type of
historical sources represents the earliest Ottoman survey defters dating from
the second half of 15th century. They contain data about the number of town
and market place inhabitants; however, the figures therein should be used
very cautiously. The picture they present was preceded by decades of warfare
and massive migrations of the population, further, some categories of the
population were not conscripted at the same place, that is, at the same time as
sipahis timar possessions.30
With the deficiency of written evidence, one possible solution to the
issue which settlement can be taken as having functioned as town could be
provided by the preserved material remains of urban structures town
citadels, ramparts, gates, palaces, churches and suburbium. Meticulous
archaeological and historical research have been conducted for a series of the
most significant fortified towns, such as Beograd, Smederevo, Ni, Uice,
Ras (Trgovite), Novo Brdo, Stala and Jelica in Serbia, then Bobovac, Visoki
and Jajce in Bosnia, and Kotor, Bar and Budva in Zeta.31 Spatial organization
of urban units has been clarified to the extent the saved material and written
sources allowed, while other issues, such as the sacral topography of towns,
are only beginning to gain momentum.32
Remains of royal and feudal residences, fortified and non-fortified
courts, have been, over the last decade, carefully examined.33 Marko Popovi
Citizens by Right], Istorijski asopis 56 (2008) 2138; idem, Prevod povelje cara Stefana
Duana gradu Skadru (1346-1355) [Traduction de la charte de lempereur Stefan Duan la
ville de Skadar], Stari Srpski Arhiv 6 (2007) 113-122.
29
D. Kovaevi-Koji collected data on approximately some 50 different crafts and occupa
tions of the medieval Bosnian town inhabitants, which could be also assumed for other regions
Gradska naselja, 201-222; see also: S. irkovi, Zanati, in: Lexicon of the Serbian Middle
Ages, 217.
30
D. Kovaevi-Koji, Gradska naselja, 55; E. Miljkovi-Bojani, Smederevski sandak. Zemlja
naselja stanovnitvo [The sancak of Smederevo. Landsettlementspopulation], Beograd 2004.
31
Cf. Sources and literature for each settlement in the Lexicon of Towns and Market Places (2010).
32
J. Erdeljan, Beograd kao Novi Jerusalim. Razmiljanja o recepciji jednog toposa u doba
despota Stefana Lazarevia [Belgrade as the New Jerusalim. Rethinking of the reception of a
topos in the time of the Despot Stephan Lazarevic], Zbornik radova Vizantolokog istituta
(ZRVI) 43 (2006) 97110; D. Crnevi, Osakralnog topografiji poslednje srpske srednjovekovne
prestonice utvrenog grada Smedereva [On the sacral topography of the last Serbian medieval
capital the fortified town of Smederevo], in: Moravska Srbija, 249264.
33A synthetic overview in: S. irkovi, Der Hof der serbischen Herrscher: von der Burg zur
Residenzstadt, in: Hfische Kultur in Sdosteuropa, Bericht der Kolloquien der Sdosteuropa
Kommission 1988 bis 1990, hrsg. R. Lauer H. G. Majer, Gttingen 1994, 7485.

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Jelena Mrgi

wrote some of the most distinguished works in this field, dedicating many
years to castle studies, both from the archaeological practise as well as
theoretical consideration.34 Gordana Miloevi attempted to reconstruct
profane residential architecture and the way of dwelling in medieval rural and
urban environments. The results are in many ways limited by a small number
of systematically examined sites and the unavailability of the great part of the
archaeological material, which are still mostly unpublished.35 Environmental
and paleoecological studies are only starting to appear in our historiography,
although they could offer quite a different view of the pre-modern society.36
The Byzantine towns which were conquered and included in the
Serbian state, such as tip and Prizren, have been more thoroughly
investigated owing to the well-preserved diplomatic material. Both towns
showed similar territorial and administrative organization of the urban
settlement, its spatial structure and the pertaining agrarian surroundings.
While writing about tip, Sima irkovi showed that the urban unit consisted
of a town fortress, a settlement and a suburbium, for which a special
suburbian law was valid. The town was governed by a kephalia and a
count.37 The closest surroundings to the town, named town metohion, were
also observed in Prizren, including the area outside the suburbium, of the
perimeter of three to five kilometres. Milo Blagojevi was the first to draw
attention to the organization of a wider town districtthe district area of a
Serbian continental town, showing the structure of a town upa (county)
with villages subject to it in Prizren valley.38 Sinia Mii has used Czar
Duans charter for the monastery of the Holy Archangel Michael to
accurately describe the urban history of the medieval Prizren, including town
Popovi, La rsidence du despote Djuradj Brankovi dans le chtelet de la forteresse de
Smederevo, Balcanoslavica 7 (1978) 101112; idem, Ordnance in the Defensive System of the
Smederevo Fortress During in the 15th Century, Balcanoslavica 10 (1983) 107132; idem,
Utvrenja Moravske Srbije, in: Sveti knez Lazar, Beograd 1989, 7187;idem, Vladarski i
vlastoski dvor u srednjovekovnoj Bosni i Hercegovini [Royal and feudal court in the medieval
Bosnia], Zbornik za istoriju BiH 2 (1997) 133; idem, Srednjovekovni Dobrun [Medieval town
of Dobrun], Starinar 52 (2002) 93114; idem, Dvor vladara i vlastele, in: Privatni ivot u
srpskim zemljama srednjeg veka [Private life in the medieval Serbian lands], S. Marjanovi
Duani and D. Popovi (eds.), Clio: Beograd 2004, 2963; idem, Zamak u srpskim zemljama
poznog srednjeg veka [Castle in the late medieval Serbian lands], ZRVI 43 (2006) 189207.
35
G. Miloevi, Stanovanje u srednjovekovnoj Srbiji [Living in the medieval Serbia],
Beograd 1997.
36
J. Mrgi, Srednjovekovni ovek i priroda [Medieval man and nature], in: Privatni ivot u
srpskim zemljama srednjeg veka, 162183; eadem, Severna Bosna (13-16. vek), 1332.
37
S. irkovi, tip u XIV veku, in: Zbornik na trudovi posveteni na akademikot Miahilo
Apostolski, Skopje 1986, 2536.
38
M. Blagojevi, Grad i upa, in: Socijalna struktura, 6783.
34M.

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fortification, the social and economic structure of the population,


identification and spatial organization of economically useful areas.39
Byzantine urban heritage in the medieval Serbian lands has been
studied far better than the impact which another long-term neighbor and
regional power the Hungarian Kingdom had on the organization and
structure of the settlements, urban life and culture. Identification of this
influence has only slightly moved from the obvious examples, such as war
technology and fortification building, as well as the acceptance of the term
varo (Hung. vr) to denominate a suburbium of a town. The Serb-Hungarian
relations demand a profound re-evaluation, based on a more systematic
research and wider comparative settings. What deserve to be taken into
account are various social, economic and cultural flows from Central and
Western Europe, which penetrated our regions via the Hungarian royal court
in Buda, as well as the family ties between the royal dynasties of Hungary,
Bosnia and Serbia.40
Our historiography has recognized the importance of the rapid
development of mining in the 14th century and, as its result, the intensive
international long-distance trade in metals. These processes are interpreted as
the main factors of urbanization in the Serbian continental lands.41 However,
it is necessary to take into account much earlier efforts by the rulers, i.e.
central government to use and to further develop a network of strongholds
towns, fortifications and market places as military, administrative and
commercial centres in order to impose its position and influence, thus gaining
control over population and economic flow. The ruler would, on his part,
39

S. Mii, Prizren i manastir sv. Arhanela do pada pod Turke [The town of Prizren and the
monastery of St. Archangel until the Ottoman conquest],in: S. Mii T. Subotin-Golubovi,
Svetoarhanelovska hrisovulja, Beograd 2003, 2157ff.
40
Hungarian historiography on settlements is very voluminous, including historical geography,
topography and numerous local histories, but mostly published in Hungarian. We would name
only several available to broader scientific public: A. Kubinyi, Einige Fragen zur Entwicklung
des Stdtenetzes Ungarns im XIV und XV Jahrhundert, in: H. Stoob (Hrsg.), Die
Mittelalterlische Stdtebildung im Sdostlichen Europa, Kln Wien 1977, 164183; E.
Fgedi, Ungarns oppida im 14. Jahrhundert, in: Stadt und Stadtherr im XIV Jahrhundert, Linz
1979; E. Fgedi, Castle and Society in Medieval Hungary (1000-1437), Acta Historica
Academiae Scientiarum Hungariae 187 (1986) 1162; P. Engel, Honor, castrum, comitatus.
Studies in the Government System of the Angevin Kingdom, Questiones Medii Aevi Novae I
(1996) 91100.
41
D. Kovaevi-Koji, La rle de lindustrie minire dans le dveloppement des centres
conomiques en Serbie et en Bosnie, pendant la premire moiti du XVe sicle, in: La ville
balkanique, 133138; S. irkovi D. Kovaevi-Koji R. uk, Staro srpsko rudarstvo [Old
Serbian mining], BeogradNovi Sad 2002: S. irkovi, Latinini prepis Rudarskog zakonika
despota Stefana Lazarevia [Latin translation of the Mining Law Code of the Despot Stefan
Lazarevi], Beograd 2005.

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Jelena Mrgi

guarantee for the inviolability of private property, freedom of movement and


trade, offering personal and legal protection as well as the protection of
property. The example given by the ruler and the ruling family would be
followed by feudal lords in the Late Middle Ages, which usurped the regalian
rights and income. As paradigmatic examples of noblemen that founded their
own urban centres we could name Knez (Prince) Lazar Hrebeljanovi, Vuk
Brankovi in Serbia, and two Bosnian magnates: Duke Hrvoje Vuki and
Duke Stefan Vuki Kosaa.
The influence of German immigrants Saxon miners, to swift
urbanization of the Serbian lands has been studied both from the aspect of
adoption of German municipal law and the specific position of mining towns
towards Serbian rulers. Besides the miners, indirect evidence of the urban
status of a settlement would be given by the clustering of a considerable
number of foreign merchants, above all from Dubrovnik, organized into
colonies with their autonomous rights and well defined obligations. The
influence of the social network of Dubrovnik merchants went further than the
exchange of information, money, goods, technological inventions and the
business know-how. It also pertained to the shaping of urban space of towns
and market places (houses, shops, squares and streets, churches, lazarets), and
influenced the social and political relations therein.42 Moreover, it has been
observed in our historiography that the location of Franciscan monasteries
with churches in medieval Bosnia, and Catholic parishes in continental Serbia
implies a larger number of inhabitants in a settlement and its increased
economic activity, thus indicating its status of a market place or a town.43
Social and everyday life in the majority of medieval towns in the
Adriatic hinterland and further into the continent remains largely unknown
due to the limitations of the domestic sources. There are certainly more
possibilities to try to find dis-/similarities on the basis of comparisons with
the well researched European urban centres. More detailed description of the
pulsing urban life has only been given in the case of medieval Kotor,
including the women studies. Concerning Beograd, a virtual reconstruction
has been done of the town architecture in the time of Despot Stefan.44 On the
42

D. Kovaevi-Koji, Izgled Srebrenice u dubrovakim izvorima (1352-1460) [The appearance


of Srebrenica according to the sources from Dubrovnik (1352/1460], in: Gradski ivot, 203218;
eadem, Srednjovjekovna Srebrenica XIV-XV vijek [Medieval Srebrenica 14th - 15th centuries],
Beograd 2010.
43Eadem, Gradska naselja, 281297; S. irkovi, Katolike parohije u srednjovekovnoj Srbiji [Catholic
parishes in the medieval Serbia], in: idem, Rabotnici, vojnici, duhovnici, Beograd 1997, 240258.
44
L. Blehova-elebi, ene srednjovekovnog Kotora [Women of the medieval Kotor], Podgorica
2002; V. ivkovi, Kotor model kasnosrednjovekovnog grada [Kotor a model of the late
medieval town], in: Privatni ivot u srpskim zemljama srednjeg veka, 80111; S. Fostikov,

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other hand, some new concepts about the life of medieval people nutrition,
health, diseases, mortality, physical appearance, etc., could be provided by the
results of the funerary archaeology (necropolises of steci), cultural and
physical anthropology.45
Medieval road network including market places as caravan stations
has only lately become the subject of detailed analysis, usually within
boundaries of specific historical and geographical regions of the medieval
Serbia and Bosnia. A wider extent of investigation on the level of micro
topography could be reported for the valley of River Lim (Polimlje),
surrounding areas of Pljevlja, for the regions of Branievo, Central and South
Eastern Serbia.46 Several medieval market places got their historical
presentations, such as Drijeva (1987), Zaslon (abac) (1970), Prijepolje (1976),
Valjevo (1994), Kurumlija (2000) and Pljevlja (2009)47, though the level of
understanding of such specific settlement categories is far from satisfactory, and
it will be necessary to put much more effort into local history research.

ena izmeu vrline i greha [Woman between the Virtue and the Sinn], ibid., 323-366; M.
Radosavljevi, Pictures of the Lost City Digital Art Design from the special exhibition
Pictures of the Lost City, screened at the European Heritage Days, Belgrade September
1119, 2004; idem, The Most Beautiful Place since the Days of Yore digital reconstruction of
the Fortress of Belgrade as it looked in the 15th century - Digitally Animated Movie:
<http://www.belgradexv.com/index.htm>.
45
Historical literature on necropolis of steci is much diversified: M. Vencel, Ukrasni motivi na
stecima [Decorative motifs on the steci], Sarajevo 1965; . Belagi, Steci kataloko
topografski pregled [Steci a catalogue with a topographyc survey], Sarajevo 1971; idem,
Steci kultura i umjetnost [Steci culture and art], Sarajevo 1982. Some latest trends in the
field of paleoanthropology and paleodemography are presented in the works of ivko Miki,
which also treat the issue of steci: Prvi pokuaj socijalne stratifikacije srednjovekovnih
steaka [The first attempt to make a social stratification of medieval steci], Zbornik
Filozofskog fakulteta u Beogradu 17 (1991) 217226; idem, Nekropola u atiima i
antropoloka problematika steaka [The necropolis in atii and the anthropological
problematics of steci], Zbornik za istoriju BiH 3 (2002) 1727.
46
R. uk, Dva stara trga u Polimlju [Two old market places in the region of Polimlje], Istorijski
asopis 2930 (198283) 3946; eadem, Karavanske stanice u Polimlju u srednjm veku [Medieval
caravan stations in Polimlje], Mileevski zapisi 2 (1996) 74; S. Mii, Gradovi i trgovi Gornjeg
Polimlja u srednjem veku (problem deurbanizacije i urbanizacije) [Medieval towns and market
places in the Upper Polimlje the problem of deurbanization and urbanization], Mileevski zapisi
7 (2007) 119125; idem, Jugoistona Srbija srednjeg veka [Medieval South-Eastern Serbia], Vranje
2002; idem , Pirot pod srpskom vlau, in: Pirotska buna 1836, Pirot 1997, 4957 Numerous
valuable contributions were presented in the conference volumes Seoski dani Sretana
Vukosavljevia, and in the journal Glasnik Zaviajnog muzeja u Pljevljima. Also see: E. Miljkovi
A. Krsti, Branievo u 15. Veku [The region of Branievo in the 15th century], Beograd 2008.
47
Cf. sources and literature for each settlement in Lexicon of towns and market places in the
medieval Serbian lands, Belgrade 2010.

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Jelena Mrgi

So far, it seems that the medieval urban studies of the Serbian lands
show a somewhat similar situation to that of the majority of European regions
outside of the metropolitan and highly urbanized areas. Latest results indicate
that there was a huge number of urban settlements though with a very small
population (amounting to not more than several hundred inhabitants), which
were, however, rather densely located over smaller areas. These small towns
and towns on the periphery are becoming a very popular issue, as well as the
problem of functional correlation of towns and their agrarian surroundings.48
Local scholars are facing many challenges in the field of medieval
urban studies, starting from overcoming the limitations of the individual
fields of work, to the more profound cooperation with other social sciences.
Gaps in contemporary historiography are noticeable both at the level of
synthetic surveys which would aim to present the entire medieval urban
development of Serbian lands in wide swaths, and even more regarding the
reconstruction of urban landscapes, emerged in and surrounded by the rural
hinterland.

48

P. Clark (ed.), Small Towns in Early Modern Europe, Cambridge University Press, 1995; S.
R. Epstein, Town and Country in Europe 1300-1800, Cambridge University Press 2001.

Cives et Civitates - Urban Studies in Recent Serbian Historiography

259


CIVES ET CIVITATES

- .


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7 1, 106 (fol. 6r, L 1718; fol. 6v, L 13).
8 3, 122 (fol. 142r, L 510).
9 , 254 (fol. 62r, L 58).
10
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. , 1349. 1354, 1960, 113; ,
, 244245; 1, 107, 183; 2, 191; 3, 57, 123, 255.

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Prinosi za hrvatski pravno-povijesni rjenik II, Zagreb 19081922.
13. (. ,
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Sudbina i opadanije - prilog tuma~ewu ~lana 84 Du{anovog zakonika

265

w , ,
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266

\or|e Bubalo

Djordje Bubalo
SUDBINA (FINE IMPOSED BY COURT) AND OPADANIJE (OUT
OF-COURT FALSE ACCUSATION) A CONTRIBUTION TOTHE
INTERPRETATION OF ARTICLE 84 OF DUSHANS CODE
Summary

On the ground of different understanding of the word sudbina (a fine


imposed by the court, instead of former meaning trial) and opadanije (out
of-court false accusation entailing the possibility of pronouncing a statutory
fine, instead of former initiating counter-claims in course of the litigation
proceedings), the author of the present paper proposes a new translation and
interpretation of Article 84 of Dushans Code. The one who succeeds to
vindicate himself from guilt through the ordeal procedure (kotao) was
exonerated and thus was not liable to pay either the court or any other dues
provided for such vindication. Also prohibited is the unfair protection of the
accused at the court (ruka) as well as the practice of accusing someone, or of
malicious attributing a guilt (opadanije), the outcome of which includes the
payment of the fine imposed in advance on the one pronounced guilty as a
measure of punishment for various kinds of transgressions (udava). The only
permitted and lawful procedure is the due and regular administration of justice.
Key Words: DushanCode, sudbina (fine imposed by court); opadanije (practice of
accusing someone), udava (payment of the fine), vindication, court, punishment.

Sudbina i opadanije - prilog tuma~ewu ~lana 84 Du{anovog zakonika

267

, . 1,
, ,
4, 1975.

, . 2, , ,
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, 4, 1981.

, . 3, , ,
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, 4, 1997.

, . . . ,
1999.

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1980.

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1904, 7980.
3 . ,
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12 (1984) 1119, .
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271


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: Dominus comes fecit scribere ad futuram rei memoriam quod
serenissimus rex Urossus (liberavit) misit licteras suas domino comiti et comuni
Raugii sigillatas suo sigillo. Quarum licterarum tenor talis est: Al conte de
Raugia miser Bartholomeo Gradenico ed a tucti entili homini eda iudii, si
come lli tene li miei mercati de Maoe e deli Lipinich Piero et Marino et Nichola.
Unde sapie che Nicchola ma incomplimento (a plen) pagato la sua parte. Que
lictera hic est apposita.8

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273


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diplomatike i sigilografije junih Slavena, Sarajevo 1976, 37, 39, 82, 127128,131132.
20
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277

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288

Neboj{a Por~i}

Neboja Pori
DIPLOMATIC PATTERNS OF SERBIAN MEDIEVAL QUITTANCES
Summary

Serbian medieval rulers often leased their right to collect customs


revenues to businessmen from neighboring Dubrovnik. Once the lease
expired, the ruler and the lease-holder settled their accounts, and if they found
that the lease-holder had paid his dues, the ruler confirmed that fact in a
document best described in modern terms as a quittance (Latin absolutoria,
Serbian razrenica). In total, 66 of these quittances are known to have been
preserved, spanning the period from 1304 to 1425. Analysis of their external
and internal diplomatic characeristics reveals that these documents represent
a distinct type that went through several phases of development. The earliest
specimens have the form of brief letters addressed to the Dubrovnik
authorities, notifying them of the settlement of accounts. After that, the royal
chanceries of Stefan Deanski and Stefan Duan (13211355) resorted to the
practice of issuing two-part quittances consisting of a letter to the Dubrovnik
authorities and a charter intended for the lease-holder himself. This practice
proved to be too cumbersome for the chanceries of the various regional lords
who split Serbia up among themselves in the last decades of the 14th century.
Instead, these chanceries opted for one-part quittances, with some showing
preferrence for the letter form and others for the charter. However, the
important role that the Dubrovnik authorities played in the account-settling
procedure due to their custom of recording the quittances in the registers of the
city chancery favored the letter form. Thus, in the chanceries of the Lazarevi
and Brankovi princes the letter form prevailed in a highly specific type of
quittance letters that also encompasses certain characteristics of charters.
ey Words: Serbia, Dubrovnik, Middle Ages, diplomacy, quittance, chart, letter.

: 272-726(4973.16):272-774(497.11)"13"

: 1284.

.
,
.

,
.
: , , ,
, , , ,


.1

.
,

(. . 177010).
1 . , (= ,
), XV , , 1979, 15-27; . ,
(= , ), ,
*

290

Katarina Mitrovi}



.


.2
30- 15.

,
.3
*


.4
22. 1243.

.5 23. 1254. I
,
13. .6
.
, , Equilibrium, 1997, 240-258; . -,
(XIII XV ) (=
, ), 16 (2005) 103-112; . ,

(= , ), .
, 29.
30. 2007. , 2007, 127-142.
2 , , 254; cfr. . , XIV XV ,
.
, . 3, ,
1999, 167-197.
3 , , 22-26; , , 137-141;
Eadem, Mletaki episkopi Kotora (1420-1513) (= Mitrovi, Mletaki episkopi Kotora),
Utopija, Beograd 2007, 106-110
4 . , (= , ),
5 (2006) 12-13 .
5 . , , 56 (2008) 305-309.
-.
6 F. Miklosich, Monumenta Serbica spectantia historiam Serbiae, Bosnae, Ragusii, Vindobonae
1858, 45-46 ( 46); . , I, , 1929, 18-19 ( 21).

Sukob barskog arhiepiskopa i kotorskog episkopa . . .

291


.7
80-
13.
.
, . ,
(Coradus, capellanus domini Fabrigar),
(plebanus et sacerdus) ,
(Armanus Teutonicus de ordine predicatorum)
, . . ()
.8
,
Heinz de Bibanis,
, , ,
.
iure perpetuo
possidendam
.
7. 1285. .9


.10
. .11
v. . ,
, XIII ,
15-16. 2000, , 2003, 99-106;
, , 2002, 21-28 (. ).
8 . , 1278-1301 (= , ),
, 1932, 36-37 ( 37), 92 ( 259); J. Lui, Spisi Dubrovake kancelarije II,
Monumenta historica Ragusina II, Zagreb 1984, 200 ( 869).
9 D. Farlati, Illyricum sacrum VI (= Farlati, IS VI), Venetiis 1800, 117-118, 442-443
1281. ; T. Smiiklas, Codex diplomaticus Regni Croatiae,
Dalmatiae et Slavoniae VI (= Smiiklas, CD VI), JAZU, Zagrabiae 1908, 538 ( 457).
10
v. D. Penone, I Dominicani nei secoli. Panorama storico
dellOrdine dei Frati Predicatori, Studio Domenicano, Bologna 1998, 478. Cfr. . ,
, 38 (1991)221-231.
11
, , 244; , 22 (. ).

, , .
, , , 7 (1952) 80-82.
,
1983-1984. ,
, , 13 . 19.
7

292

Katarina Mitrovi}



. ,

, .12
1284.
I.13
9.
14
, ,
,
forum non
conveniens.15
. . . . m Antibarensem
super subiectione ecclesie Bres . . . ensis16

.


.
,
,
, ,
12


, II/1 (= II/1), 1970, 54-55
(. ); , , 254.
13
I (c 1270-1327) v. F. Cornelio, Catharus Dalmatiae civitas, Patavii
1759, 21-22; Farlati, IS VI, 442-444; cfr. L. Blehova elebi, Hrianstvo u Boki 1200-1500.
Kotorski distrikt, Pobjeda, Narodni muzej Crne Gore, Istorijski institut Crne Gore, Podgorica
2006, 45-47.
14
v. I. Ostoji, Benediktinci u Hrvatskoj i ostalim naim krajevima
II, Split 1964, 519-520.
15
,
.
. 1200.
1300. , C. Eubel, Hierarchia catholica Medii aevi I (1198-1431) (= Eubel, Hierar.
cath.I), Monasterii 1913, 466.
16
. , . . , Acta Albaniae,
. ecclesia Brescouiensis.
AA (archiepiscopum [Michaele]m
Antibarensem). , ,
22. 1282. , Eubel, Hierar.
cath.I, 92.

Sukob barskog arhiepiskopa i kotorskog episkopa . . .

293

.
,

,


.
, ,17
instrumentum publicum.18
, 19

,
,

.
.20
.
.

. ,
IV I 28. 1285.
. IV 2. .21
25.
1285. ,
, , ,
per Sclavonie provinciam constitutis,22

, .
,
.
I 17. 1285.
17

Thomas de Firmo .
v. . ,
, 27 (1980) 36.
18
Smiiklas, CD VI, 496-497 ( 413); Acta et diplomata res Albaniae mediae aetatis illustrantia
I (= AA I), edd. L. Thallczy, C. Jireek, E. Sufflay, Vindobonae 1913, 146-147 ( 489).
19

.
20
Smiiklas, CD VI, 498 ( 414); AAI, 147 ( 490).
21
http://mb-soft.com/believe/tic/popes.htm (02.08. 2010.)
22
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,
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.25


,
,
,
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.
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XI 18. 1303.
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, , ,
()28
. ,
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Farlati, IS VI, 117-118,442-443; Smiiklas, CD VI, 538 ( 457).


Farlati, IS VI, 443; Smiiklas, CD VI, 538-539 ( 458).
25
, , 16-17; , , 254; ,
, 128.
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(= , . ),
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,

.31
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. quod in Arbano,32 Polato,
Canavia, Duratio, Cataro, Dulanio,33 Suatio, Scodro, Drivasco, Antibaro
, ,
, . ,
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.

.
, . ,

,
.

illicite
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, parvuli et imbecilles in fide
.
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29

A. Theiner, Vetera monumenta historica Hungariam sacram illustrantia I (= Theiner, Mon.


Hung. I), Osnabrck 1968, 408 ( 649).
30
XI 22. 1303. . http://mb-soft.com/believe/tic/popes.htm
(02.08. 2010.)
31
, 28-32 (. ).
32
(, )
33

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, . XI

,
.34
XI
,

,
,
.
.

.
, ,
.

,35 V

,
, .
,
, - . V
.
1. 1307. .36
V

.


, , .37
34

Theiner, Mon. Hung. I, 408-409 ( 650).


. 24.
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Hierar. cath.I, 466.
36
Theiner, Mon. Slav. I, 123-124 ( 175).
.
,
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V ,
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.

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. III 1089.

(, ,
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.40 (1219)
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,
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, , 7-14.
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, . ,
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,
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40
, , 47.
41
1101. ,
II I
.
, 12.
.

, , , 48-52.
39

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,42 ,43 , , , , ,
, .44


, 1199.
I 1249. 1250.,

.45

, I
1252. .46
1247. ,
, :
? !,
.47 ,

1308.
, ,
.48 , V
.49
,

.
42

1189-1191. 40- 13. ,


,

.
. , ,
, . ,
(= , ),
1912, 70-71, 106-110; II/1, 21, 22 (. ).
43

,
XXII ,
, . , 27.
44
Eubel, Hierar. cath.I, 100-101, 125-126, 221, 227, 229, 403-404, 434, 439-440, 466, 543.
45
, , 80-87, 132-133.
46
, , 145; II/1, 23-27 (. ).
47
T. Smiiklas, Codex diplomaticus Regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et Slavoniae IV, JAZU, Zagrabiae
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48
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III 28. 1172.
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,
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,
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51

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.53
, .
. (S.
Triphonis de Gergoniste), .
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.
,
ius patronatus,
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,
.55


,
.
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,

,

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1345. 1346.
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.
, . ,
4 (1954) 3-33; . , . , ,
10 (1954) 220-225; v. . ,
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54
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XIV vijeka, .
20-22. 1995. 800- ,
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,

.

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.56 VI
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,
I.57 7. 1346.

(!) , . , ,
, , , , , , , ,
Ostacia, , , , Chelminia, , ,
.
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.58
,
, ,

,
, -, ,
.59
56

.
,
, ,
, 18-19.
57
Theiner, Mon. Slav. I,215 ( 280), 216 ( 281,282); Theiner, Mon. Hung. I, 701 ( 1061); T.
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58
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59
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, Eubel, Hierar. cath.I, 150, 218, 419.
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, ,
.


. ,
,
. 1324. 1341.
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, VI
,
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,
.62
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30- 15.

, ,
.63
.64
60

Dirrectorium ad passagium faciendum


,
, , .
,
, ,
. , 23-25.
.
,
14.
. , ,
.
61
Eubel, Hierar. cath. I., 93.
62
, . ,
, ( 1360.), Eubel, Hierar. cath. I., 93.
63
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64 ,
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66

304

Katarina Mitrovi}

Katarina Mitrovi
BAR ARCHBISHOP AND KOTOR BISHOP CONFLICT OVER THE
CATHOLIC PARISHES IN MEDIEVAL SERBIA
Summary

The Catholic Parishes in Serbian medieval state were being formed


spontaneously from the mid 13th century. Their inhabitants were Saxons, the
German miners, and traders from the seaside towns. They were mainly from
Kotor and Dubrovnik. One of the oldest such communities was conceived in
Brskovo, a settlement nearby the Tara river. Saint Marias Church of Brskovo
was the reason for the bursting Bar Archbishop and Kotor Bishop conflict
over the jurisdiction as testified by two documents dating from September
1284. The Archbishopric of Bar, ever since its establishing in the 1080s, has
enjoyed an enviable reputation in the Serbian lands. Those Nemanji dynasty
rulers used to consistently protect it, especially at the time of its conflict with
the Archbishopric of Dubrovnik reaching its climax in the middle of the 13th
century. The documents from 1285 and 1303 testify that the Popes considered
the Archbishop of Bar responsible regarding the matters of jurisdiction over
the Catholics in the Serbian state. On the other hand, the Bishop of Kotor
enjoyed such a reputation neither at the Holy See nor at the Serbian court.
Besides, he was the suffragan of the Bari Archbishop in the southern Italy.
However, the businessmen from Kotor played a significant role in the
founding of the Catholic parishes in the Serbian country. Their economic
clout enabled them to strengthen the political influence at the Serbian court.
Building certain Catholic churches at the market places and at some mining
settlements, the citizens of Kotor had ius patronatus over them, which
enabled them to have an influence on the priest electing. The Bishops of
Kotor were thus able to exercise the jurisdiction over some Catholic parishes,
though they did not get any official approval for that by the Holy See. A Kotor
delegation, endeavouring to receive an official confirmation of the Kotor
bishopric pretensions from Pope Clement VI, was at the papal court in
Avignon by the end of 1345 and early in 1346. Taking avail of the papal
ignorance concerning the circumstances of the Serbian state and its
environment, the deputies of Kotor presented the things in a way that made
the Bishop of Kotor, in the days of old, seem to have had the jurisdiction over
the Catholic parishes in Serbia and that the right was afterwards taken over by
the Serbian authorities by force. That was the moment when the relations

Sukob barskog arhiepiskopa i kotorskog episkopa . . .

305

between Emperor Duan and William Adam were tense, as the Bar
Archbishop took the side of the Serbian rulers enemies, and that helped the
Bishop of Kotor act the way he wanted. The Bishops of Kotor had the
jurisdiction over the Catholic churches in Janjevo and Novo Brdo during the
1420s and 1430s, but the great plans of Marin Contareno, concerning the
establishing of jurisdiction over the Catholic churches in Serbia, failed
because Despot ura Brankovi energetically supported the Archbishop of
Bar. The conflict that had lasted for centuries was ended by the Bar
Archbishopric victory. The Archbishop of Bar was considered primas Serviae
at the time of the Ottoman rule.
Key Words: Bar Archbishopric, Kotor Bishopric, Holy See, jurisdiction, Catholic
parishes, Serbian lands, Serbian rulers, ius patronatus

: 394.268(497.11)"04/14"

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T, (. . 177032).
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wt zakonnka s(ve)tix cy na potrhb$ popovwm. i vshm ldhm, po zakon$ s(ve)tago crkovnago
$stava; , V. Jagi, Sitna gradja za crkveno
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,
. ,
,

.
, . ,
, :
,
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2009, 261283.
*

308

Stanoje Bojanin

,
: i $ nedel i $ praznke naroqite
da nhst raboth nikakove, ni bhdbh ni male ni velike.2

.
,
,
, XIV .3 ,
.
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:
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. , , ?


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:
,
(. ).6
, ,
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.7 ,
. , , 37.
. , , 3842
,
.
4 1349. 1354, . , ,
1960, 56, 108.
5 . , 24,
. . . . . ,
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, , 116.
6 ,
. , 24 , .23/I, , 2005, 97.
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309


.
,
: $ izabrani dany svet$ nedil$.8

.

, , ,

.

, ( XIII )
, .9
. 48.

(2. . 20, 811).10 ,


, ,
.11
,
, , , .12 ,
8 F. Miklosich, Monumenta Serbica spectantia historiam Serbiae, Bosnae, Ragusii, Viennae
1858, 372, 472.
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10%esty d(y)nii dhlai i stvorii vsa dhla svo. d(y)ny je sedmi soubota. g(o)s(pod)ou b(og)ou
tvomou. ne stvorii vy ny vsaka dhla, ,
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VIII , . ,
( e),
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11
, , ,
; , , 12 ,
13 , ,
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12
. . , ( XII XV
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310

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,
:
.13 , 29.
(IV ).14 ,

,
: , ,
.15

. ,
, I (ioustinina
c(h)s(a)ra) ,
(i vsaka
nedhl).16

XIV ,

, , (
), .17
: A koje vy nedel ne podobaety dhlati Nedel
bezy dhlana bivaety.18
, ,
13

I w tomy ko po silh pod(o)baty prazdynovati ned(h)l, ,


73, 4, 7, ko po
vmh\en, , . . ,
XIV . . I, , 1906, 21.
14
. . , , 272 : ate mogouty.
, .
.
, . . , , ,
I . . IV, , 1907, 328 (= : ).
, . , a, II, 1896,
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15
Ne dhlati je i praznovati vy nedel, , 256; . . 26.
,
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16
, 707708; Codex Justinianus III, 12, 68, 12. De feriis
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54. VI (886912),
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,
.

. ,

,
, ,
vse nedeli bez dhlana sout.20
,
.
.
,
,21
,22
.23
19

,368, . 4, 6; . ,
, , 1892, 273, . 15.

,
(. . 108. ).
20
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21
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(Azy Petry i Pavyly. zapovhdavh
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. ,
.24
,
.25 ,
(2 . 20: 811)
, 29. ,
:
, .26 ,
:
.27
.

,
.28
24

, 162163; cf. W. Rordorf, Sunday, 147148, 153 .3.


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Vsaky xr(i)stininy. ne vy soubotou prazdnouty ny ned(h)l 29.
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. ,
.
, , :
ilido pol($)d(y)ne. ili do tretago q(a)sa. ili pakyf v(y)sy d(y)ny vy s$bot$.
,
(opera servilia): $prazniti se dhla thjkago.
,
: i pamet mr(y)tvyfx tvori. i strannoprete $qrhjdena
lbovy svryat.
: vy s$bot$ wt wsmago qasa do $tra
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, $prajnat se wt vysakogo
dhla mala i velika.
, .


: wt vtwrago q(a)sa naqinat dhlat r$qnaa vsaka.29

.
,30
,
. ,
.
( )
.

. ,
29


(= ) 53, . 101-
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, , . . ,
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, . XV, .1 (1910) 4243.
30
, 164; . ,
, 2. (
, . ),
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,
.
.
/ .

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, ,
. ,
, (prazdni sty)32
, .33
, (opera servilia),
, , ,

. .

. (
) : xranit i
poqitat. koje rexwmy w s(ve)thi ned(hli) bojemy pryvim(y) d(y)ni.34
,
,
.35 XV ,

XVI ,

XVII . : Vy
ned(h)l[xy] i vy naroqite prazdniki zavh\ai ne d(h)lati ny prixoditi
vy cr(y)kovy koje pwd(o)baety xr(i)stanomy. a\e li kto dhlaet(y) vy tie
d(y)ni da wtl$qit se.36 ,
31

Da ne dhlaty ld. ny da prazdnouty. vsi.i rabi i svobodnii,


, 163; , servi
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33
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K. E. Zachari von Lingenthal, Die Handbcher, 24; . , ,
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).
36
(= )
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,
. , omnes
dies dominicales totius anni44
vsaka nedhl, vse nedeli vy ned(h)lxy
ni u gradu ni u polju,45
svakog tekog napora i runog rada te od svih teakih poslova
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, 20
40

Statut grada Trogira, Splitski knjievni krug, Split 1988, I lib. cap. III; Statut grada Splita. Splitsko
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. , , : - ,
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, 10 .
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, 1443. .48

, .
1436.
(indixit poenam excomunicationis)
,
() (imposuit poenam vnius yperperi)
.49

, !

,
.
,
, .
,
.
,
.

: , , .50

1520.
, e : da
svetiy $ nediel$ da ne rabotay.51


.52
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, ,
, , .
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(. ) (
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, .
, , , ,

(ko vy s(ve)t$
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,
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i proklety da s(ty) ql(o)v(h)ky koi v s$bot$ rabotty v(y)sy d(y)ny ny tykmo do .. go
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.
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( ),
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. ,
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:
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, ,
, ,
,
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. ,
;65 v(a)sy rad; slite i
raz$meite, ne veste li; ne sliaste li vy s(ve)temy e(a)g(e)l; g(lago)l
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62

: poslax[y] na v(a)sy zme lte i seqy nepo


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: , ,
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14 (1978) 194+ 1 (
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.
.

i proqitaety prhd[y] sbor
i po inexy mestex[y] ( va svetih crykvaxy) vy
$sliane rod$ xristyanyskom$
(vy grady ili vy selo).68

,

.

,

.69
,
:
,
.70
, ,
,
, .

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. , , 467, 489.


. ,
,
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322

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(12571277)
1299. .
. , ,

: selo Brody, vy nmy trygy nedel i panagry .i.
dyny sepytembra,77 : vsak nedel tryg, i sy doxodkomy tryga togo.78
,
.
,
.

,
: a\e popy idety v ned(hl) na trygy prhjde lut$rgi da
postity do togo d(y)ne me(ani) .s. na d(y)ny.79


.


.
.
,
,
. ,

, ,
.

,
,
.
1539. , 16. ,
77

. , 1912, 615;
I, .
, . -, . , . , . -, .
, . . , . . , , 1975 (=
: I), 227; . ,
XI-XV , I (1926) 4577.
78
I, 190; . . ,
. . . . , 2005, 32, 3032.
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29, . 36.

324

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, 20 .80
, ,
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(
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.

.81

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(1412. .)
:
.82
,
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1443.
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16 20 (), . .
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VII . 1928
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3 (1937) 314.
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Statuta et leges civitatis Cathari, 423, 426; A. Dabinovi, Kotor, 83.
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325

, XIII ( )

, .
, ,
.86
.87

1443,
21.
(
). , ,
.
,
.88
.
, , ,
, .
, : (
), , , .89


,
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, . , . -, .
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86
K. L. Parker, The English Sabbath, 13; S. Letters, Markets and Fairs, 219220.
87
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(
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, .


, , .

,
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.
,
,
,
.91
,

( , . 26;
. 34).92 ,
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90 . , . , ,
, , 2006, .
91
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92 , . ,
I: , 1931, 9091.
93

,

, , (.
23, . 128, . 157158), , 91.

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327


, .94

, ,
.
,
(1321. ).95
68. , ,
,
,
.96


.
, .97
. ( 1300. .)
.98 ,

: , .99
,

, .100
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. ,
:
, .
,

94


,
.
95
. , . ,
, 51, 149.
96
, 56, 108109.
97
. , s.v. (. ) 37.
98
Crykvi bhdbou .g. d(y)ni ou goditi, . , ,
I, 1936, 21.
99
I da orou crykvi dyny bhdbe i da jn dyny i da kose dyny, . ,
, 14.
100
, 1., ,
, , . ,
, 15, 139; , , 21.

328

Stanoje Bojanin

.101 . (13431345)
,
.102 ,

, .103

,
.
,
, ,
.
.
(XIII ) : ,104
( XIV ):
.105 ,

.


,

.


:
.106
,
, .
,
.

, (
101

, . , ,
30, 142. ,
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102
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103
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Nedeqa kao neradni dan u sredwovekovnoj Srbiji

329

).
,
. ,
.

, .

,
Indeje zakony neotlojnou oubo prazdnosty vy
nedel istezaety, ny kromh dhlately; nekli bo, dhlomy ponoujdatimy,
iny ne mogouty dyny obrhsti, sice thmy ky dhlomy posphvaty107

, , 54.
VI : Petydesete i qetvrytaa je Novaa cara Lyva
prazdnovati vy gospodoimeniti dyny i dhlatelmy povelhvaety.108
,
. ,
29.

(i ate mogouty)109
: proena ne polouqevati.110

.111


. ,
,
.
107

, 368, (VII, 17, 19), , 368, . 6;


, 315.
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108
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, ,
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Justinianus III, 12, 2(3), P. Krueger, Corpus iuris civilis, 127. VI
(, )
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traduction publis par P. Noailles et A. Dain, Paris 1944, 204209. . . ,
, 31; W. Rordorf, Sunday, 162169.
109
29.
, , 328.
110
, 328. . , 240, . 2.

330

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, ,
.
.112
,
.
, . (15. VI) . (23.
VII), , . (15. VIII) .
(29. IX)
.113

.

.
. ,

. ,
.
: .114


, , ,

,
. ,
,
.

.
:
, , ,
(ni da mou e prhstanouti ou nedhl.

Cf. D. Wood, Discipline and Diversity in the Medieval English Sunday, in: Discipline and
Diversity, edited by K. Cooper and J. Gregory, Studies in Church History vol. 43, Boydell &
Brewer 2007, 202211.
112
Statut grada Trogira, 9; Statut grada Splita, 350353.
,
: vindemiarum, hoc remaneat in
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113
, 96, 72.
114 I, 246; , ,
VI, , 1976, 165.
111

Nedeqa kao neradni dan u sredwovekovnoj Srbiji

331

kako da se rabota gospodska ne $prazdni).115


, ,
,
.116
,

. ,
.
, ,
, .

* * *



, ,
.
.
,
,
,

.
, ,
,
, ,
,
.
,
. ,

,
.
,

115
116

. , , 52; . , , 21.
, 51; . . , . -, . , , 92.

332

Stanoje Bojanin

. ,

.
,


.
,
. ,

. ,

,
( ).

.
,
. :
( ) ,

,
, ,

, , .
, :
, ,

. ,
,
, .

.
,
.

.
, ,
.
, , ,
.
, ,

Nedeqa kao neradni dan u sredwovekovnoj Srbiji

333

. ,
, ,
,
,
( ) ( )

.

334

Stanoje Bojanin

Stanoje Bojanin
SUNDAY AS A NON-WORKING DAY IN MEDIEVAL SERBIA
Summary

This essay investigates the concepts of Sunday as a non-working day


in medieval Serbia, pointing out the basic rhythms of everyday life marked by
the succession of working and non-working days of the week. The main
sources from medieval Serbia dealing with the issue of Sunday as a non
working day are presented in the essay.
A variety of sources of different origin are used: 1) the cannon and civil
law of the Early Byzantine Church and State presented in the Nomokanon of
Saint Sava of Serbia in the 1220s, 2) the Slavic translation of the Syntagma
of Matthew Blastares (from the end of the first half of the 14th century), 3)
The Code of Emperor Stefan Duan (1349 and 1354), 4) The Mining Law of
Stefan Lazarevi (1412), 5) different laws concerning the organization of
Serbian feudal estates (Zakon Srbljem, Zakon Meropsima, Zakon
Vlahom, etc), 6) the statute-laws of Adriatic communes, 7) The Penitential
Nomokanon of PseudoZonaras (Nomokanon of Cotelerius) with a special
redaction of the Rules of Peter and Paul (Apostolic constitutions VIII, 33), 8)
a group of the penitentials in the Trebnik, 9) the apocrypha (Epistle on
Sunday, The Apocalypsis Deiparae, Seven deadly sins, etc.), 10) the
presentation of sinners in church paintings and 11) popular oral literature
written down several centuries later.
Each of the sources pertains to a particular social group, specific
social circumstances and situations or society as a whole. They concern among
other things the feudal obligations of dependent farmers, shepherds and artisans,
or the confession of believers and other pastoral activities of the parochial
priesthood in general. This diversity of the sources shows us the different
ways in which the idea and massage of Sunday as a non-working day was
transmitted and disseminated.
According to the Nomokanon of St. Sava all servile occupations
(opera servilia) were banned on Sundays (based on the 29th cannon of the
synod of Laodikeia and the Code of ustinian). As for secular laws, the lesser
Serbian feudal laws (13th14th centuries) and Duans code do not contain
any prohibition regarding work on Sundays. However, it is included in the
abridged version of the Syntagma of Blastars, published as a part of the
wider legislation of Duans era and without a set punishment.

Nedeqa kao neradni dan u sredwovekovnoj Srbiji

335

It seems that the issue of Sunday as a non-working day remained


within the legislative domain of local authorities such as the statute-laws of
Adriatic communes and the mining towns (The Mining Law). The penitential
manuals as well as the popular literature of apocrypha and its oral
transmission through priests sermons and popular songs (from later periods),
or the paintings of the Last Judgment on the walls by the main entrances of
churches, convey the ultimate prohibition of the every kind of work (even the
selling of necessary victuals or house work) on Sundays which is expressed
through eternal damnation. Moreover, the concept of Sunday as a long non
working day of the week (from Saturday afternoon to Monday morning) was
defined in the aforementioned penitentials (the Rules of Peter and Paul from
the Penitential Nomokanon) and apocrypha (Epistle on Sunday).
However, many types of work could not always be undertaken
according to the rhythms of the weekly cycle. In this regard, the diversity of
approaches in defining the non-working day of the week is much more
obvious in secular law, whether it pertains to specific social groups or
seasonal works. Furthermore, Sunday markets and trading were deeply
enrooted in local customs and rhythms of the week.
In any case, the analysis of the sources presented in this essay
shows us both the ideal organization of Sunday as a non-working day and
adaptation of this concept according to the practical needs of a community.
This diversity of approaches and attitudes whether explicitly or implicitly
confirmed in sources of official or unofficial origins comes from common
practices, beliefs and the types of occupations of medieval society.
Key words: Sunday, weekend, the time of work, the time of rest, Sunday market,
church and state legislation, apochrypha, written and oral culture.

: 339:669.21/.22(450.341:497.11)"14"

: a

III .

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.14
,
1327. ,
1326. 1327. .15
14

Nicephori Gregorae byzantina historia, vol. I, 373-374, 376-380; . . ,


, , . VI, 197 .81.
15
. , , 197 .81. . P. Schreiner, Die Gesandt
schaftsreise des Nikepohoros Gregoras nach Serbien (1326/27), 38 (1999/2000) 331341, 334 .19.

Podatak Ni}ifora Grigore o hronologiji braka Stefana De~anskog . . .

343


.
,
, ,
.16
,
.
,
, 1327. . ,
()
. 1275.
,
.17

16

Nicephori Gregorae byzantina historia, vol. I, 455-457, 456.16.


,
, 1275.
. , . Two notes on medieval Serbian history, The Slavonic and East European
Review, XXIX (1951) 545-549, 547-549; . . , , 205.
17

Sr|an Pirivatri}

344
Sran Pirivatri

A REPORT OF NIKEPHOROS GREGORAS


REGARDING THE CHRONOLOGY OF
STEPHAN URO`III MARRIAGE WITH MARIA PALAIOLOGENA
Summary

In his major work Historia Byzantina the Byzantine historiographer


Nikephoros Gregoras makes a chronological reference to the second marriage
of Stephan Uro III Deanski, king of Serbia and Maritime Regions, to his
noble bride Maria Palaiologena. As daughter of Panhypersebastos John
Palaiologos, Maria was niece of the Emperor Andronicus II, but she was also
granddaughter of the highly positioned and very influential Megas Logothetes
Theodoros Metochetes. Gregoras wrote that the event occurred the year
following the coronation of Andronicus III the year after 2nd February of
the Indiction VIII is the year 6834 after the Creation (Byzantine mode), i.e.
the period between 1st September of 1325 31st August 1326. In resolving
the issue of when the marriage occurred, modern historiographers have
favoured data derived from diplomatic sources over Gregoras. Both in an act
of Andronicus III, issued for the Chilandari monastery, dating from December
1324, and in an act from the archives of the Vatopedi monastery, dating
possibly from September of the same year, the Serbian King is referred to as
gambros of the Emperor Andronicus II. The kinship reference has been
understood as a consequence of the abovementioned marriage, and as a result
modern scholars date the event to 1324 and ignore the assertion made by
Gregoras. It should be noted that the terms of kinship could appear in the
sources as the result of a betrothal, rather than a marriage ceremony itself.
Marriages of this kind were, of course, purely political in essence, and came
about as a result of political interest, necessary prearrangements and often
very complex negotiations. In some cases we see the kinship terminology
applied as a result of a betrothal (mnesteia), i.e. of the pre-agreement of a
marriage, contracted sometimes quite a long time before the marriage
ceremony (stephanoma) itself. In some cases, often for purely political
reasons, the mnesteia was cancelled and the planned marriage never took
place. The difference between a contract and the ceremony of mnesteia itself
should be noted, as the latter was a part of stephanoma and would be
performed in a church. In the case of Stefan Uro it is very probable that
the diplomatic sources refer to the kinship as a part of a contracted mnesteia,
and the data from the History of Gregoras refers the year when stephanoma

Podatak Ni}ifora Grigore o hronologiji braka Stefana De~anskog . . .

345

actually occurred. Bearing in mind the broader framework of events, especial


ly the helpful chronology of the Byzantine embassy to the court of the Serbian
King, established by the late Prof. Sima irkovi (spring of 1327) we may
conclude that the marriage probably took place in the late summer or early
autumn of 1325 in Skoplje. It is supposed from sources of an indirect nature
that King Stephan was born c. 1275. Since Gregoras refers to the Serbian
King as, a man of fifty at the time of his marriage his report supports also
the hypothesis of c. 1275 as the year of the Kings birth.
y Words: Stefan Uro Deanski, Maria Palaiologena, betrothal, premarital
agreement, marriage ceremony, marriage.

: 613.2:28

: , , ,
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.
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, , ( ), ().


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).
.
1
2

Kuran, 5, 90; 16, 67; 4, 43.


Kuran, 2, 173.

348

Olga Zirojevi}

. , ,
.3

,
.4

( ,
, ). : , , ?
.
(): :
: , , ,
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, ,
, .5

,
, .
.
(arak),6 , XIII .
, ,
(. ,
hamriyyat).7 (Ibn Sina,
Lexikon arabische Welt, Wiesbaden, 1994. 37.
, (A. J. Wensinck, Wine in Islam,
The Moslem World XVIII, Cairo, 1928, New York, 1966. 367).
4 P. T. Hughes, Lexikon des Islam, Wiesbaden, 1995. 560.
5 B. Georgijevi, Moje robovanje i obiaji Turaka, Skoplje, 1924. 33.
6 .
, , , , ,
. (mastix) ,
(Lexikon arabische Welt, 59).
7 ,
,
3

Ishrana NOVIH MUSLIMANA

349

Avicenna) .8 .

( ), , ,
. , -
,
, , -
.9

.
, ,

.10
;11
, ,
,
.
. ,
II, , , ,
, XVI ,
. , ,
(cennet),
(N. Smailagi, Leksikon islama, red. D. Tanaskovi, Sarajevo,
1990. 157).
8 , 62
(P. Heine, Weinstudien, Untersuchungen zu Anbau, Produktion und Konsum
des Weins im arabischen Mittelalter, Wiesbaden, 1982. 111-112).
9 , . ,
, , . ,
. ,
(B. Spuler, Die Mongolen in
Iran, Politik, Verwaltung und Kultur der Ilchanzeit 1220-1350, Akademie Verlag, Berlin, 1985.
39). , (1483-1530)
, , , .
Babur-nami.
10
Smailagi, Leksikon islama, 664-666; Lexikon arabische Welt, 37; Lexikon der arabischen Welt,
Amsterdam, 1959, 1966. 142-143; Kl. Kreiser, R. Wielanat (hrsg), Lexikon der islamischen
Welt, Stuttgart-Berlin-Koeln, 1992. 284-285.
1001 . ,
, .
11
(defterima) (mota)
, , , ,
, . : M. Muji, Prilog prouavanju uivanja
alkoholnih pia u Bosni i Hercegovini pod osmanskom vlau, Prilozi za orijentalnu filologiju,
V, Sarajevo, 1955. 297-298.

350

Olga Zirojevi}

.
, ,
( )
. ,
, ;
, , ,
, (
, ),
(
,
) (
). , , , (),
.
.
.
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, ,
). , (Gedoyn)
. , ,
,
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. XVIII ,
,
; .
? ,
.
(1925)

; (
) .
.

.
, (
) .12
12

S. Faroqhi, Kultur und Alltag im Osmanischen Reich vom Mittelalter bis zum Anfang des 20.
Jahrhunderts, Muenchen, 1995; Lj. Mikov, Pienjeto alkohol kaj alevite vo Bzlgarija, Etnolog, 7
8, Skopje, 1997, 184-185; Evlija elebi, Putopis o jugoslavenskim zemljama, predgovor, uvod
i komentar H. abanovi, Sarajevo, 1967, 119, 214; A. Lakii, Bosanski kuhar, tradicionalno
kulinarstvo u Bosni i Hercegovini, Sarajevo, 1975, 307-309; D. Lapevi, O naim muslimanima,
socioloke i etnografske beleke, Beograd, 1925, 27; T. orevi, Preislamski ostaci meu
jugoslovenskim muslimanima, Na narodni ivot, 6, Beograd, 1932,38; M. Barjaktarevi, Dvovjerske

Ishrana NOVIH MUSLIMANA

351

, , ,
,
, ,

. (
) ,
.
(),

13 .14
, ,
.
1585. /
, . , ()
,
.

( ).

,
, .
(lard cutters).

iptarske zadruge u Metohiji, SAN, Zbornik radova IV, Etnografski institut 1, Beograd, 1950,
205; Lexikon arabische Welt, 307; M. M. . Baeskija, Ljetopis (1746-1804), Sarajevo, 1968.
passim. , (
, / ). , ,
- ;
, kuranskih ajeta (Muji, Prilog
prouavanju, 290-291, 295).
( XV ) , XVI XVII
(Lexkon arabsche Welt, 314). ,
,
( ) (G. Jacob, Altarabsches
Bedunenleben, nach den Quellen geschildert, 109; Encyclopaedia Iranca, V, Costa Mesa,
California, 1992, 893).
13
(domuz dii),
,
(T. orevi, Zle o u verovanju Junh Slovena, SEZb LIII, ivot i
obiaji narodni 23, Beograd, 1938. 255).
14
. , , , ,
,
(. P. Ru, Religija Turaka i Mongola, Beograd - Sr. Karlovci, 2002, 218, 288).

352

Olga Zirojevi}



. ,
.15

15

Kreiser, Lexkon, 252; Lexkon arabsche Welt, 209; M. Handi, Jedan prilog povijesti
prvih dana irenja islama u Bosni i Hercegovini, Narodna uzdanica, VI, Sarajevo, 1938, 229
245; S. Skendi, Crypto-Chrstanity n the Balkan Area under the Ottomans, Slavic review,
XXVI, Baltimore, 1967, 230; J. G. Han, Putovanje kroz poreinu Drima i Vardara, prev. M. N.
Ili, Beograd, 1876, 137, nap. 2; P. Petrovi, Raka, antropogeografska prouavanja, 1,
Beograd, 1984, 217.

Ishrana NOVIH MUSLIMANA

353

Olga Zirojevi
THE ALIMENTATION OF THE NEW MUSLIMS
Summary

The alimentation of the Muslims, and consequently, of the converted


to Islam (the New Muslims), is regulated by the Quran and the tradition
(Hadis). In short, there exists a complete prohibition on drinking alcohol and
eating pork. In different epochs, the government had a very ambivalent
attitude towards the prohibition of wine-drinking (as the brandy does not
appear before the thirteenth century). Strict measures of early Islam were
replaced by the high tolerance of the Umayyads, while the Abbasids again
resorted to rigid measures. The official attitude towards wine was also
changing during the Ottoman Empire. There was an obvious effort of the
Muslims - especially the New Muslims to continue drinking the alcoholic
beverages on which they were accustomed and which were lavishly offered
by the surrounding nature. They resorted to small deceits, the renaming or the
euphemisms, the addition of various spices to the wine, boiling it etc. The
converted had a difficult time forgoing their previous eating habits, i.e. the use
of pork (which was, just to mention, tabooed even in the pre-islamic period),
in contrast to the Bektai Dervishes which usually publicly violated both
drinking and eating ban.
Key Words: New Muslims, Quran, Hadis, alcochol, brandy, wine, grape, prohibition,
drunkards, Bektai Dervishes, pork meat

: 929.52

:
XIV .
.
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, .
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1348. :
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Testamenta Blagog djela 3, f.106. . ,
: , , ,
, 19912, 105, . 1.
2 ,
, ,
. 1601.
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315317 ( , );
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, I, 339385, . 353354, . 29.
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1. (Voynus, XIII 1348) .


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19812, 22, 95, 109, 204; , ,
1908; . , , ,
1932; , , 20012, 4071, 141155.

. , ,
, No 3, . .
3 24. 1326.
baro et vexilifer Voynus,
(Libri Reform. 1326, ., 1065).
, .
4 12. 1325. ; 13.
,
15
,
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eius), ,
5 . 14.
. (tribula)
,
. 1000 , ,
( ) (antequam una candela unius
follari compleat ardere), ,
. ()
500 , Monumenta Ragusina, Libri
Reformationum, II, Zagrabiae 1882, Additamentum, 317.
. , ., 1065, 13. 14. 1325.
XIV 358,104 gr, 15 5.371, 56
gr, , , III, 1968, 527528, s. v. .

Vojinovi}i

357

(de Pelago).
,
, (30.
1326),
.5
2. (Cheruatinus, XIII 6. 1349),

, .
(1325, 1330).6 ;
(1330).7
,

.
,
, ,
1349. .
,
.8

,
,
, .
3. , ( XIV 1333),
.
, ,
.9 1332.
, , I, , 1981, 204; , ,
34, 1060, 5585; ., 1065, Liber
reformationum 1326, 30. .
6 16. 1330. 2
, (Cheruatino fratri Voyni ypp. II),
., 1065, Liber reformationum 1330, ind. XIII.
7, , 28. III 1330
(Vsin hominem Cheruatini de Rudine, Div. Canc. 9, fol.137), ,
, , 1967, 79, . 79.
8 , , 1974, 6162,
. 42, . 42 ( ); 74, . 58, . 58
( , 25. 1363); 75, . 60, .
60 ( , 13661371).
9 . , , II, 23, . 145 ( . 1333: stavilezio Milosio Voyni);
, I/1, . ,
1929, 51 (stavilacq milw[q). , 1999, 693694, s.v.
(. ).
5

358

Gordana Tomovi}


, 10 .
, , 15.
1333,
. ,
,
.10
4. , ( XIV 1359),
.
1333,
. 1347. ,
, ,
.
, , ,
1348.11 XIV
,
( 1370),
34 , .12
1359. .13
,
.
5. , ,
(+ 1371).
,
.14
6. , ( XIV
25. X 1363), . (Voyslavus filius Voyini)
.

10

. . , , 45, . 3.
, , 1969, 222 ( );
, de Pobrata, 1348. e,
, (Testamenta 1348, f. 68: intura
una de argento dAltoman Uoinouich, che stala dita intura per ypp. VII de Rag.),
, ,
II, 1962, 130.
12
, , XXIVXXV,
1976, 131138.
13
. , , 42, . 12 (Debita Notariae 4, f. 78).
14
. , , 75, . 60, . 60 (
, ,
13661371).

11

Vojinovi}i

359

, ,
.15
1333.
2000 ,
1343, 16 .
1345. Sfinarevo, in
terreno Voyslavi Voynovich.16
, ,
1477. .17
,
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.
(), ( 1353),
, ,
. 1358.
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. , , 43, 58, 308, 315.
16
. , , 5, . 9 10.
17
( ) 1477.
3.500 ,
, 700 , Poimenini popis Sandaka
vilajeta Hercegovina, Priredio Ahmed S. Alii, Sarajevo 1985, 206207.
18
, , 1908; .
, , 4071.
19
, ,
XLIX, 2003, 139162.

360

Gordana Tomovi}

, , , , , .
.
, ,
( 1359-1361; 1365).20
1360 1361. .
1361. 200
,
10.000 , 2.000,
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, 3. 1362.
( ) ,

. , 22. 1362. ,
,

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15.
1363.

. ,
1363. , 25. ,
.

, .22
7. , (Comitissa Goyslava)
. , , ( ,
. ), .
, ,
, (1364,
1366), , (1365, domine comitisse
20

, ,
1912, 182183 ( da gredou sq trqgom i sq vsakomq kouplomq slobodqno ou zemlou carqstva
mi, i na vyrou carqstva mi da gredou ili na zetou na bal[ikE, a ili na drq\avou kneza voislava i
ou zemlou carsqstva mi.). , ,
, 200, 80 ( );
81 ( ).
21
, I, , 1981, 579582 (.
).
22
, ,
III, 1928, 2641; . , ,
74, . 58, . 58 ( , 25. 1363).

Vojinovi}i

361

uxori comitis Voyslavi). 1368.


, . , .

.23
8. (Petrus Voynovich), 5.
1388.
(in Radochigna),
.24


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. .
,
(1327), ,
(1330).

, 1349,
, ,
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,
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() ().
9. , (1348-1395),

(uppan Nicola de Altomano).


1348, 1366. ,

.
, , (compatre),
,
(, ),
23

. , , 710.
. , ,10, . 25 (Div. Canc. 27, f. 86b, 5. . 1388,
).

24

362

Gordana Tomovi}

(1368),
(, , ).25
, ,
, (. 1 2).26
,
,
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, , ,
, , .



.27

.
.
,
1372.
. ( 1369),
, , ( , ).28

, ,
XII, 1933, 257; , , 2001,
8687 ( , , , , ).
26
(Diversa cancelariae 9, ad fol 117, 9. 1329;
Testamenta V, 120, 1348) .

, ,
, I, 1989, 117-173 ( , ).

, 1988. .
: pisa petko diykq vq dni /Upana nikoleva igum(e)na rapila
da mU E zdraviiE tylU a na spaseniE [dU[i (. 1). ,
( ),
: ase pisa iva-anq di]kq vq dni /Upan(a) nik(o)le (.
2). 1363 ( ) 1373. (
).
27
, , 2009, 105107.

, ,
, XLI, 2009, 265278.
28. , ,
7987 ( ).
25.

Vojinovi}i

363


(1373).29
,
(1371), 1372.
,
. ,
.
.
, ,
,
1373. .
, , ,
, .
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,
.
, .

,
, 1395, ,
.
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,
,
31
.

29

. , , I, 254, . 102 (10. . 1372, );


, ,
I, 1959, 248, . 110. . , , 14 (1369,
); 2021 (1372, ); 16, . 16 ( IX
16. 1372. in territorio fori Roinich,
spectante ad nobilem virum Nicholaum de Altamanich).
30
. , , 61, 317 (. ); ,
, , XXXIII, 1986, 536.
31
. , , 16, . 16, 23, 2526; 27, . 14; 2931.

364

Gordana Tomovi}

.1 , (1363-1373)
Ill. 1 Bela crkva Karanska, the deacon Petko s graphite in the altare (1363-1373)

. 2 , (1363-1373)
Ill. 2 Bela crkva Karanska, the deacon Ivan`s graphite in the altare (1363-1373)

,
(
,

1326,

1353;&

25.
1359.

.
1333
f

3.

XIV

2.

1.
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et
(baro

H,

XIII

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vexilifer)

1347
1325

|
1349
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1348

1371

f.
,

|
1348-1395

366

Gordana Tomovi}

Gordana Tomovi
VOJINOVII
Summary

Vojinovii were Serbian medieval noble family from the XIV century
which has risen as the military gentry. Two of four brothers are known by
name Vojin and Hrvatin, Vojin`s sons Milos, Altoman and Vojislav and his
daughter (Sela). The most powerful and famous member of this family was
Altoman`s son Nikola Altomanovi. Short prosopographic notes about them
are given in the article, and about expanding of their estates.
Key Words: Vojinovii, Serbian mediaeval gentry.

: 929.52

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368

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.
, .
1774. .2
, , , ,
. :
, 119.
2 : I. Bojnii, Der Adel von Kroatien und Slavonien, Nrnberg
1899, 121; . , -
( -), Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja (GZM) u
Sarajevu, Nova serija, 52, 158 Isti, Mihailo i Jeronim Miloradovii-Hrabreni,
1997, 52.
( , 1983, 28)
... XVIII ,
, () ,
. ( ...
, 57/1998, 101, . 17).
1

Slavonska grana porodice Miloradovi}

369

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, 2000, 94.
4 . . , , 3, 1912, 514, 515, 517, 522,
530; . , , 1871. . .
, [1771-1825] (
), , 5, 2008, 157-185.

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370

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. . , , III, 522, 546.
, ,
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, 160, . 13.
6 II
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(unmittelbare Descendenten),
(Obristlieutenantem Hyronimus Milloradovics). . ,
... , 113, , 27. 1792.
7 . . , , III, 530.
8 . , 1769. , , .
114, 1872, 154 . ,
1769, , . IV,
1931, 54. Dragomerich
: J. Bsendorfer, Crtice iz slavonske povijesti, Osijek 1910, 135.
5

Slavonska grana porodice Miloradovi}

371

1725. .9
, ,
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11
. , ... , 106, , 13.
1760. . . ,
XII XIX (
), 2001,
115-116.
9
10

372

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, , , 1757.
1761. ,
,
II. ,
250
40 .12

,
:
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, ,

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(Deutsche Ritterstand)
.
,
, von
Hrabrenovich und Dubrave

( ),
.14
,
,
,
,
, ,
. , ,
12

. , ... , 111-112, . .
[1763?].
13
, 109 , 7. 1757; , 15. 1757; , 15. 1760.
14
. , ... , 107, , 13.
1760. , , : .
, -, 146-147, 151 . ,
, ,
,
, 19-21. 2003, 281, . 14, -
: P. Aneli, Srednjovjekovna upa Dubrave, Srednjovjekovne
humske upe, Mostar 1999, 189-201.

Slavonska grana porodice Miloradovi}

373

, ,
, ,
,
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15

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1760. . . ,
, 116. , ,
, I. Bojnii (Der Adel von Kroatien und Slavonien, . 121 87)
,
. :
- 144 : Mihailo i Jeronim Miloradovi-Hrabren, 53.
16
. , ... , 107-108, , 13.
1760.
17
, ,


. . ,
, 185.
18
,
: Vincentius Barco, obrister (L. S.) Freyh (err) v. Langendorf,
obristwachtmeister, (L. S.) Joh. Godrif, Rittmeister, (L. S.) Ivanovich, Ober Lieut(enant), (L. S.)

374

\uro To{i}

,

, (1765)
, .19 ,
, , 1769, 1777.
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1784. ,
-
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II.22
, 1785. 1787. ,
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.
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.24
Drakallovich, grenadiers Unter Lieut-(enant) fon St. Endre, (L. S.) Jo. Berenyi, obrist
Lieut(enant), (L. S.) Frid. Guillaume, Prinz zu Issenburg, Major, (L. S.) Hieronimus Zaick,
Obrist-Lieutenant, (L. S.) Siegfrid v. Kospoth grenadier und Lieut. Sax(en) Gotha, (L. S.)
Joseph Pieller, Wachtm (eister) von der Saxen Gotha grenadier Compagnie. . ,
... , 112, . . (1763?).
19
. ,
XVIII , 50, 1994, 169.
20
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21
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, . XX/1, 1972, 202-203.
22
. 6.
23
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, , 1938, 19.
24
, 18-19. . , 1769,
, . IV/1, 1931, 54.
. ( , . II, 1990, 174)
.

Slavonska grana porodice Miloradovi}

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IV/2, 1931, 324.
26A. Cuvaj, Graa za povijest kolstva Kraljeevin Hrvatske i Slavonije, sv. II, Zagreb 1910, 107.
27
. , ... , 103.
28
. , , , . 128,
1881, 70-71, 72-73, . 1; . , ,
, , . XI, 1932, 141-142; .
,
, 1997, 202-203; . . , , .
II, , 1990, 174.

\uro To{i}

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Slavonska grana porodice Miloradovi}

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\uro To{i}

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Slavonska grana porodice Miloradovi}

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\uro To{i}

380
uro Toi

SLAVONIC BRANCH OF MILORADOVI FAMILY


Summary

Successors of third and probably youngest among founders of


Miloradovi family, known by name (Mihailo, Ilija and Danilo) - firstly,
Danilos son Vakoumije (Vakula!), followed by grandson Simeon (Semen!),
had moved from Herzegovina to Serbia, where they spent their last days. We
know that Jeftimije, Simeons son, lived in Slavonic eparchy, regiment of
Gradika and village of Dragomir, that might correspond to a place called
Dragomerich, attached to castle of Gradite in the district of Poega. It was at
the same location that he showed himself as a faithful, eager, capable and
courageous young, twenty-year-old officer in a husser (equestrian) company
of Mihailo arnojevi. This earned him recommendations for acceding to the
rank of grenadier captain. After arnojevis unit got disbanded, he came to
the regiment of the border guard of Gradika, still as a grenadier captain.
Miloradovis military success accomplished in battles at Klatenberg,
Harcberg, Ledertorf, Kovin, Planaj and Luderhof was growing more
observable from day to day. His superiors have certainly noticed his frequent
and longer involvement in various battlefields, as well as the traits of mature
officer he had already acquired. He was thus proposed for numerous medals
at the Vienna royal court. The most important of all the mentioned
recognitions was the Empress chart, issued on 13th September 1760, by
which Jeftimije and his younger brother Mojsije, a noncommissioned officer
of the Austrian Army, as well as their male and female successors, got
promoted to the rank of German nobility (Deutsche Ritterstand), and were
allowed to employ their ancestors predicate von Hrabenovich und
Dubrave. Jeftimijes sons (Danilo, Simeon and Atanasije) have, according to
family tradition, started developing military skills since their early youth.
Unfortunately, the oldest son Danilo died prematurely, barely at the age of
thirty, while the youngest one, Atanasije, got prevented at his young age, by
means of serious illness, from continuing down that path.
ey Words: Miloradivi family, Jeftimije, Pulherija, Herzegovina, Slavonia, Maria
Austria,
Theresa,
Russia, Danilo, Simeon, Atanasije.

: 94(=163.41)(497.13)"08"(093)

Tibor IVKOVI
Institute of History
Belgrade

THE ORIGIN OF
THE ROYAL FRANKISH ANNALISTS INFORMATION
ABOUT THE SERBS IN DALMATIA*

Abstract: The Serbs are mentioned for the first time in an Early Medieval source in
the Annales regni Francorum in 822. The provenience of this information, from which source
the annalist knew it are the key questions examined in this paper.
Key Words: Serbs, Dalmatia, Annales regni Francorum, Liudewit, Borna.

The section of Annales regni Francorum (hereafter: ARF) for the


early years of the reign of Louis the Pious contains the earliest reference in an
early medieval source to the Serbs.1 The importance of this statement is of
crucial significance it is the earliest mentioning of the Serbian name in the
Early Middle Ages. The character of this information is precious because it
contains several important pieces of information. The Serbs are mentioned in
the context of a description of the last days of a four-year long conflict
between the Franks and a rebellious duke of Lower Pannonia, named
Liutewid (819 822). In 822, Liutewid was finally forced to withdraw from
his capitol - Siscia (the modern town of Sisak in Croatia) - and was forced to
seek shelter among the Serbs (Sorabos). He was accepted as a refugee by one

: - ,

(. . 47025).
1 For the authorship of the Annales regni Francorum, cf. Carolingian Chronicles: Royal
Frankish Annals and Nithards Histories, transl. By B. W. Scholz B. Rogers, Ann Arbor 1972,
5 8 (= Scholz-Rogers, Royal); R. McKitterick, Constructing the Past in the Early Middle Ages:
The Case of the Royal Frankish Annals, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 7 (1997)
119 121 (= McKitterick, Case); Eadem, Charlemagne: The Formation of a European Identity,
*

382

Tibor ivkovi

of the Serbian dukes,2 but Liutewid killed him and took over his city. Having
been unable to stay longer among the Serbs, from there he went to Dalmatia
(i.e. so-called Dalmatian Croatia) where he was killed in 823 on the order
of the Croatian duke Liudemisl, the uncle of the late Duke Borna.

Sources:
ARF
1.1

(822, August)

Exercitus de Italia propter Liudewiticum bellum conficiendum in


Pannonia missus est, ad cuius adventum Liudewitus Siscia civitate relicta ad
Sorabos, quae natio magnam Dalmatiae partem obtinere dicitur, fugiendo se
contulit, et uno ex ducibus eorum, a quo receptus est, per dolum interfecto
civitatem eius in suam redegit dicionem. Missistamen ad exercitum imperatoris
legatis suis ad eius praesentiam se velle venire promisit.3

Cambridge 2008, 39 49 (= McKitterick, Charlemagne). The 19th century historiography,


however, ascribed this part of the ARF to Einhard; cf. Einhardi Annales a. 741 829, ed. G.
Pertz, MGH SS I, Hannoverae 1826, 124 127; Annales regni Francorum inde ab a. 741.
usque ad a. 829 qui dicitur Annales Laurissenses maiores et Einhardi, rec. F. Kurtze, MGH
SRG in usum scholarum 6, Hannoverae 1895, VII (= ARF). R. McKitterick suggested that the
Revised ARF covers (sc. Annales qui dicuntur Einhardi) the period 741 801, and the rest of
the ARF, from 802 to 829 is common continuation of both the ARF and the Revised ARF;
cf. McKitterick, Charlemgane, 27; Eadem, The Illusion of Royal Power in the Carolingian
Annals, The English Historical Review, vol. 115, No 115 (2000) 8. See, also, R. Collins, The
Reviser Revisited: Another Look at the Alternative Version of the Annales Regni Francorum,
Narrators and Sources of Early Medieval History, ed. A. C. Murray, Toronto 1998, 201 202.
For the scholarly discussion about the parts of the ARF and their autorship, see, McKitterick,
Charlemagne, 33, notes 111 and 112. However, J. N. Adams, The Vocabulary of the Annales
Regni Francorum, Glotta 55 (1977) 258 259, made the phyological analysis of the ARF, by
which was able to recognize three major parts: 1. 741 795; 2. 796 807; 3. 808 829.
According to Adams, the first part was written by someone untouched by the Carolingian
revival, while the second and third parts reveal a higher degree of classical learning.
Therefore, it is not so important whether Einhard or someone else wrote the last part of the ARF
(for instance, 820 829, which is of interest for this paper); it is far more important that here
we meet an educated, prolific author and such person should be, and also according to the
content of his work, at the court; see also, Scholz-Rogers, Royal, 6 7; S. Airlie, Narratives of
Triumph and Rituals of Submission. Charlemagnes Mastering of Bavaria, Transactions of the
Royal Historical Society 9 (1999) 95.
2 Not: the only one of their dukes, as in Scholz-Rogers, Royal, 111.
3 ARF, 158.

The Origin of the Royal Frankish Annalists Information about the Serbs in Dalmatia

383

An army from Italy was sent in Pannonia to finish the war against
Liudewit and, Liudewit abandoned the city of Siscia, at its approach, and
sought refuge with the Serbs, a nation that, as they say, rules over the large
portion of Dalmatia; whereupon he killed a tricky one of their dukes who
received him, and took the city under his rule. He sent his envoys to the imperial
army and promised that he himself would appear in front of the emperor.4

1.2

(823, May)

In eodem conventu (sc. in Frankfurt) tempus et locus alterius


conventus habendi condictus est, November videlicet mensis et Compendium
palatium; peractoque placito et dimissis primoribus, cum imperatoriam inde
digredi statuisset, adlatum est ei de interitu Liudewiti, quod relictis Sorabis,
cum Dalmatiam ad Liudemuhslum avunculum Bornae ducis pervenisset, et
aliquantum temporis cum eo moratus fuisset, dolo ipsus esset interfectus.5
At the same assembly, the time and place of the next assembly was
decided: the month of November in the palace of Compigne. When meeting
was over and when the emperor dismissed the officials as he had already
decided to leave, he was informed of Liudewits death who, after having left
the Serbs, spent some time at Duke Bornas uncle Liudemisl in Dalmatia who
then killed Liudewit through trickery.
Not: sent his envoys to the emperor, promising that he was willing to appear before him, as in
Scholz-Rogers, Royal, 111.
5 ARF, 161. It has been proposed that the Sorabos were not related to the Serbs, but rather to the
inhabitants of the small city of Srb which is only mentioned in the 14th century as being a upa
in Croatia; cf. N. Klai, Izvori za Hrvatsku povijest do 1526. godine, Zagreb 1972, 18, n. 2; I.
Goldstein, Hrvatski rani srednji vijek, Zagreb 1995, 169. However, this understanding of
Sorabos is impossible due to at least two reasons; 1. the Sorabos were a natio; 2. The Sorabos
ruled over a large portion of Dalmatia (quae natio magnam Dalmatiae partem obtinere dicitur)
which the inhabitants of a small city could hardly have done. For the proper understanding of
this passage, that the Sorabos are in fact the Serbs, see, K. Jireek, Istorija Srba I, Beograd 1952,
111; R. Katii, Uz poetke hrvatskih poetaka, Split 1993, 42, n. 24. There are also the Sorabi
who lived along the Elba River regularly mentioned in the Annales regni Francorum. The
Sorabos from Dalmatia, however, have nothing to do politically with these Sorabos along the
Elba River, and their possible common ancestry is not primary objective of this paper. See, ARF,
159, where the assembly at Frankfurt (822) was mentioned when the emissaries of the Eastern
Slavs arrived, among which were the Serbs (Sorabos) from the Elbe River In quo conventu
omnium orientalium Sclavorum, ide est Abodritorum, Soraborum, Wiltzorum, Beheimorum,
Marvanorum, Praedenecentorum, et in Pannonia residentium Abarum legationes cum
muneribus ad se directas audivit. Therefore, the same author made difference between the
Sorabi from the Elbe River (which belonged to the Eastern Slavs) and those from Dalmatia.
4

384

Tibor ivkovi

In the Annales Fuldensis (The Annals of Fulda), there is a short,


abridged story about Liudewits last days, based on the ARF.6 This shorter
account of the same event is a fine example of a medieval authors approach
to his sources, and which details such an author would have been ready to
exclude. For instance, (see 2.1 below) the author neglected the description of
Liudewits adventures among the Serbs: the mention of the Dux Serborum
and his murder, as well as Liudewits occupation of the dukes city.
The abridged text of the ARF in the Annals of Fulda:
2.1
Liudewitus, qui superiore anno propter exercitum contra se missum
Siscia
relicta
civitate ad Sorabos, qui magnam Dalmatiae partem obtinere
dicuntur, fugiendo se contulit, cum iterum in Dalmatas ad Liudemuhslum
avunculum Bornae ducis pervenisset, dolo ipsius interfectus est.7
Liudewit, against whom an army had been sent the previous year,
abandoned the city of Siscia and sought refuge among the Serbs, who, as they
say, rule over a large portion of Dalmatia, and from there he left to Dalmatia
to Liudemisl, the uncle of Duke Borna, who killed him through trickery.
There are a number of questions which arise from this text. For
instance: 1. Why did Liudewit take refuge among the Serbs? 2. Why was he
received by the Serbian duke? 3. Why did he kill the Serbian duke? 4. Why
did he leave Croatia, whose former ruler Borna (d.821) was a Frankish vassal
and actually fought against Liudewit on the behalf of the Franks? 5. Where
did these Serbs live? 6. Were they only one part of the wider Serbian tribe or
was this territory a part of Serbia? 7. How many dukes did the Serbs have? 8.
What does civitas really mean in this context? 9. What are the boundaries of
Dalmatia in the annalists perception? 10. Did Liudewit have previous ties
with the Serbs, or was it his first contact with them? 11. When and how did
the Serbs take possession of this vast area of Dalmatia? 12. From whom or
whence came the information used by the annalist?
6 For a summary of the scholarly problem of the authorship of the Annales Fuldensis, see, The
Annals of Fulda, ed. T. Reuter, Ninth-century Histories, Vol. II, ed. J. L. Nelson, Manchester
1992, 1 11; S. Maclean, Kingship and Politics in the Late Ninth Century: Charles the Fat and
the End of the Carolingian Empire, Cambridge 2003, 24 28; R. McKitterick, History and
Memory in the Carolingian World, Cambridge 2004, 33 35 (=McKitterick, History).
7 Annales Fuldenses sive Annales regni Francorum Orientalis, ed. F. Kurtze, MGH SRG 7,
Hannoverae 1891, 22 23.

The Origin of the Royal Frankish Annalists Information about the Serbs in Dalmatia

385

Most of these questions have rarely been considered in modern


historiography, but the final question concerning the sources of information
about Dalmatia and the Serbs available to the annalist has never been
addressed. Without an answer to this final question, the other questions cannot
be discussed. The possible documents used by the author or authors of the ARF
are of vital importance to enable us to assess the reliability of this account.
As is most commonly accepted by scholarly opinion, the latest parts
of the ARF (i.e. 807820; 821 829) were not written by Einhard.8 However,
the primary question is not who wrote it, but rather which material the author
himself had relied upon. If one takes a closer look into the ARF, especially its
later parts (802 829) it will become apparent that most of the information
comes from official reports9 which were sent to the emperor (regardless the
place in which he was at that moment) and then kept in the Archives most
probably in Aachen.10 Military expeditions, which occurred on an annual basis
during the long and prosperous rule of Charlemagne, most probably were
described in the reports of the Frankish comites who led the Empires armies
against its various enemies.11 The possible proof for the existence of written
reports could be seen in the abridged, but still detailed description, of the battle
between the Saxons and Abodrites from 798: Caesa sunt ex eis in loco proelii
quattuor milia, ceteri, qui fugerunt et evaserunt, quanquam multi et ex illis
cecidissent, de pacis condicione tractaverunt (ARF, 104). It is much more
See note 1.
See, for instance, ARF, 131 132 (s. a. 810) where the annalist says that the emperor received
various news while he was absent from the palace (diversarum rerum nuntii ad eum
deferuntur): that the Danish fleet which was devastating the shores of Frisia had returned
home, that King Godfred of the Danes was killed by someone from his retinue (note the detail
about his killer from his retinue), that Wiltzi captured the castellum Hohbeck (note the detail:
manned with the East Saxons), that his son Pippin had died (note the detail: on 8 July), and that
legations from Constantinople and Cordoba had arrived.
10
For instance, ARF, 139 (s. a. 813) stated that Irmingarius, comes Emporitanus (modern
Ampurias in Catalonia) confronted the fleet of the Maurs, and octo naves eroum cepit in quibus
quingentos et eo amplius Corsos captivos invenit. Such kind of details should be only from the
written report of this comes. Note that it was HE (Irmingarius) who captured the eight ships
and found captives, not THEY (sc. Franks). We assume that the annalist retold the original
document in which Irmingarius wrote in the first person. Another example is from 826, when
Balderic and Gerold, comites on the borders of Pannonia, informed emperor at the assembly
that they did not notice any movement of the Bulgarian troops against the Franks; cf. ARF, 170.
The complete analysis of the ARF would reveal plenty of such places.
11
For the significance of the annual assemblies in Francia as a central institution of their
government, see, E. J. Goldberg, Struggle for Empire: Kingship and Conflict under Louis the
German, 817 876, Cornell 2006, 226 229. Also, T. Reuter, Assembly Politics in Western
Europe from the Eighth Century to the Twelfth, Medieval World, ed. P. Linehan J. L. Nelson,
London 2001, 432 450.
8
9

386

Tibor ivkovi

clear in the Revised ARF, 105: Nam in prima congressione quattuor milia
eorum cecidisse, narravit legatus regis, Eburis nomine, qui in eodem proelio
fuit, et in Abodritorum acie dextrum cornu tenuit. The Latin phrase, for instance,
Clytarchus tibi narravit, does not mean that Clytarchus spoke to you, but that
you read in Clytarchus. Exactly the same meaning this Latin phrase sustains
in this passage: Eburis wrote about it (lit. Eburis narrated about it).12
If one observes the entry under the year 819 of the ARF, where
Bornas conflict with Liudewit is described even the brief analysis will
reveal that the annalist relied on Bornas report. Firstly, Borna marched with
the great army (magnis copiis);13 then there is the mention of the Cupa River
(hardly known to someone who is not from these parts); then that (the tribe
of) Guduscani deserted Borna, and that Borna was saved only because of his
praetorians. Secondly, the author knew that Liudewits father-in-law,
Dragomu, was killed in the battle, as well as an extraordinary detail that he
was fighting on the Bornas side from the beginning of the rebellion. Thirdly,
Borna managed to impose his rule over Guduscani again obviously, some
time (perhaps weeks or months) after the battle. Fourthly, there is a minute
report how Liudewit devastated Dalmatia, in December 819, and what kind
of strategy Borna applied to save the land. There is also a precise number of
casualties inflicted to Liudewit during the (numerous) small-scale attacks by
Borna 300 horses captured and 3,000 foot soldiers killed.14According to the
structure of the information, the precise toponyms, numbers of casualities
given for the whole campaign, the kind of strategy both sides utilized, one
must conclude that it should be from Bornas report. Fortunately, the last
sentence of the annalist relating to this passage strongly supports that
conclusion: Quae qualiter gesta fuerint, per legatos suos imperatori nuntiare
curavit. We can only assume that Bornas emissaries did not report to the
emperor verbally since they had to describe the course of at least four
months of war (and there are too many details preserved in this report to be
remembered) but delivered the report written by Borna.
Another evidence of the annalists systematic approach to the
documents, which is plainly discernible, can be gathered from the events
12

This insteresting passage escaped to Scholz-Rogers, Royal, 76.


it comes to the description of an allied army, the latests part of the ARF is usually silent
on its size; cf. ARF, 117 (802, an allied army of Saxons was sent to invade the land of the
Saxons across Elbe River: ...et misso Saxonum exercitu); ARF, 128 (809, Thrasco, dux of the
Abodrites, invaded the land of Wiltzi, the allies of the Danes: ...collecta poplarium manu et
auxilio a Saxonibus accepto...); ARF, 141 (815, the allied troops of Abodrites and Saxons:
...omnes...copiae); ARF, 149 (819, exercitus Saxonum). We assume that Borna was the one who
wanted to underline his importance by exaggerating the number of his troops.
14
ARF, 151.
13When

The Origin of the Royal Frankish Annalists Information about the Serbs in Dalmatia

387

described, for instance, under the year 820. First, the author writes about the
political issues of major importance the decision to dispatch three armies
against the rebel, Liudewit, as well as the punishment of the comes Bera of
Barcelona. These two cases fall both in to the matter of internal policy. Then,
the author writes about the course of war against Liudewit during that year.
The next issue regards foreign policy the foedus made with Abulaz regem
Hispaniae. The following issue is related exsclusively to the naval matters
the activities of pirates in Italy (Sardinia), Frisia, the mouth of Sena, and
finally the coast of Aquitane. Note the geographical order of the regions
they are mentioned in geographical order counter clockwise.15 Finally, the
author speaks about the pestilence among the people and animals, then the
agriculture and the weather problems resulting in very low yield of fruits and
vegetables, as well as very bad quality of wine in each part of the Frankish
kingdom (ut vix ulla pars totius regni Francorum ab hac peste inmunis atque
intacta possit inveniri).16 This was not a regional problem, but an overall
picture of the epidemics and agriculture yields for the entire kingdom and
that is why this account should be based on the reports of regional comites.17
Therefore, it appears that all these facts, contracted under the single entry of
820, were written down according to the number of various official reports of
military, administrative and diplomatic provenience. Such a systematic
approach of the author was possible only if he had at his disposal the material
preserved in the Archive of the Palace (Aachen).18A person who lived in some
ordinary place or monastery, could hardly know what happened not only in
the different parts of the kingdom, or even in the far away regions such as
Spain or Italy, let alone about the different issues regarding economics,
15

The annalist provided similar naval reports for the years 809, 810, 812, and 813; cf. ARF,
128,130, 137, 139.
16
ARF, 152 153.
17
The same conclusion is valid for the entry for 810 it should be based on the reports of the
regional (provincial) comites: Tanta fuit in ea expeditione boumpestilentia...et non solum ibi, sed
etiam per omnes imperatori subiectas provincias illius generis animalium mortalitas inmanissime
grassata est; cf. ARF, 132.
18
Apart from, L. Ranke, Zur Kritik frnkisch-deutscher Reichsannalisten, Abhandlungen der
Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, Berlin 1854, 415 456, who concluded
that the ARF was composed at the court and ex silentio based on the documents, the similar
conclusion was recently also advanced by, P. E. Dutton, The Politics of Dreaming in the
Carolingian Empire, Lincoln (NB) London 1994, 86 87 (= Dutton, Politics). However,
Duttons conclusion that the author of the ARF did not create the entries in well established
order, because, he ordered disorder, is not well grounded. Namely, the disorder in the ARF
could be the consequence of the immense number of documents, which were at the annalists
disposal. From the hundreds of documents he had to make twenty or thirty lines of the text. It
should be a difficult and torturous task even for modern scholar. About the whole range of
possible sources see also, McKitterick, Charlemagne, 26; McKitterick, History, 31, 34, 175.

388

Tibor ivkovi

military, finance, agriculture, or ecclesiastical matters.19 If there are any


doubts about the existence of the very rich Archive of the Aachens palace,
there are the words of the annalist who said that if one wants to be informed
about the contents of the particular documents he previously mentioned, he
can find them (sc. their copies) in the Archive of the palace (in archivo palatii
exemplaria illarum habeantur).20 Finally, it would have been impossible for
the annalist to title Borna differently in 818, 819, and 821, had he not relied
upon the documents. In 818 Borna is only ducis Guduscanorum, in 819 he is
Borna vero dux Dalmatiae, and in 821 he is Borna dux Dalmatiae atque
Liburniae.21 Note the gradual ascent of his title: dux of Guduscani, then dux
of Dalmatia, and finaly dux of Dalmatia and Liburnia. The gradual improving
of Bornas title should be the consequence of his growing importance for the
Franks during their conflict with Liutewid. The annalist was systematic
because he used the documents. If the annalist was based on memories or
gossip then Borna should be, most probably, only dux of Dalmatia and
Liburnia the ultimate title he held at the moment of his death.
The system of gathering official reports (developed by Charlemagne)22
would have therefore been able to provide the key documents necessary for
such a work as the ARF. Naturally, the annalist who had written before
Charlemagne would have not been able to provide such a detailed account
about the most important annual events, as it was Charlemagne who
introduced such novelties as regular annual assemblies23 or minute reports of
the officials to the Court.24 For instance, the Annales Sancti Amandi, Annales
19

For the purpose of this paper, which is aimed at analysis contained in the pars prototo approach,
it is not necessary to make a profound analysis of the entire ARF regarding its sources.
However, it is worth to mention the passage from ARF, 129 (s. a. 809) where it was stated that
the emperor decided, after many reports had reached him about the arrogance of the king of the
Danes, that he would build a civitas across the Elbe River and install a garrison of the Franks
in it. This entry was certainly not based on the reports which reached the emperor, but on his
IUSSIO in which, most probably, the emperor explained his decision to build a civitas across
the Elbe River having been propelled by the reports he received from that region.
20
ARF, 138 (s. a. 813).
21
ARF, 149, 151, 155.
22
Cf. McKitterick, Charlemagne, 150, 215 222.
23
Einhard, in his: Vita Karoli Magni, MGH SRG 25, curavit O. Holder-Egger, Hannoverae et
Lipsiae 1911, 8.21 22, strtessed that annual assembly was the insitution already in the times
of Merowingian dinasty: ...ad publicum populi sui conventum, qui annuatim ob regni utilitatem
celebrabatur...
24
Cf. B. S. Bachrach, Charlemagne and the Carolingian General Staff, The Journal of Military
History 66 (2002) 318, and note 19. The assemblies of the Franks were held before Charlemagne,
but not so regularly; cf. ARF, 15 (757); 18 (760); 20 (763). From 763, assemblies were held
regularly once per year; cf. ARF, 22, 24, 26 (764, 765, 766, 767, 768, etc); about Charlemagnes
novelties regarding the assemblies, see, A. Barbero, Charlemagne: Father of a Continent, Los
Angeles London 2004, 144 146.

The Origin of the Royal Frankish Annalists Information about the Serbs in Dalmatia

389

Alamannici, Annales Guelferbytani, or Annales Nazariani had a completely


different approach, as their authors usually made the choice of a single, highly
important event, which is solemn testimony to what was considered as being
the most important event in a single year.25 Furthermore, their choice of the
event of the year depended on the authors own personal interests. For
instance, while the author of the Annales Allamannici for 715 simply wrote:
pugna Franchorum; et mors Dagoberti regis iunioris,26 the author of the
Annales Sancti Amandi was more explicit: quando Saxones vastaverunt
terram Chatuariorum.27 While the Annales Alamannici considered the most
important event for 722 to be: magna fertilitas, the Annales Sancti Amandi
and Annales Tiliani left this entry blank.28 The drastic change, regarding the
ARF, came from circa 773, when the annual entries became very rich and were
dedicated to major political events of internal and foreign policy (respectively).29
Some other entries from the ARF are of equal interest for such
research. Through examining certain information, one is able to understand
from which kind of source such particular information had originated. For
instance, when Liudewits (dux Pannoniae Inferioris) name and title appears
in the ARF for the first time (818), it was when his legates appeared in
Aachen, complaining to the emperor about the misdeeds (crudelity and
extravagance) of Cadolach, comes and prefectus marcae Foroiuliensis.30 The
narrative about the first, failed campaign against Liudewit was most probably
based on the reports of the comites who had led that army, submitted in July
of 819 at the assembly in Ingelheim.31 On the same occasion, Liudewit also
sent his emissaries to the emperor: quasi pacem pretendo ad imeratorem
misit.32 The following assembly was held in Aachen in January 820, and a
decision was made that three armies were to be sent against Liudewit. Among
the emissaries were those of Borna, and then Borna himself, who offered his
25

This is most frquently the death of a prominent person a king, his son, a close relative, or
a bishop mors Hildeberti (711), mors Herberti (712), mors Pippini (714), pugnavit Carolus
contra... (717), etc; cf. Annales Sancti Amandi, Annales Guelferbytani, Annales Nazariani,
MGH SS I, ed. G. H. Pertz, Hannoverae 1826, 6, 24.
26
Annales Alamannici, 24.
27
Annales Sancti Amandi, 6.
28
Annales Sancti Amandi, Anales Tiliani, 6.
29
ARF, 34 38.
30
ARF, 149.
31
ARF, 150. The ARF does not provide a single clue that this information was collected from
the official reports of the comites who led that armybut we have to bear in mind that this was
a failed campaign, and the author of the ARF usually does not dedicate too much attention, if
at all, to the failed military campaigns of the Franks; cf. Collins, Reviser, 209, n. 68.
32
ARF, 150.

390

Tibor ivkovi

opinion on what should be done.33 The next assembly was held in Aachen in
February of 821,34 and another in Thionville in October of the same year.35 The
sentence: Interea Borna, dux Dalmatiae atque Liburniae, defunctus est, etpetente
populo atque imperatore consentiente nepos illius nomine Ladasclavus,
successor ei constitutus est must have been written according to information
obtained at the assembly held in October of 821.36 This would mean that
Borna died between January and October 821. On the same occasion, the
Frankish comites who had been involved in the war against Liudewit in
Pannonia appeared at the assembly, whereupon the emperor should learn
about the course of the war.37 Then, an assembly was held in Attiniaci (mod.
Attigny) in the August of 822, when the army of Italy was sent against
Liudewit.38At neither the next general assembly in the winter of the same year
at Frankfurt, 39nor at the assembly at Frankfurt in May 823 was anything said
about Liudewit or the war waged against him.40 However, at the end of this
entry (May, 823) when the decision was made that the following assembly
was to be held in Compigne in November of the same year, the emperor
learned (adlatum est ei it was announced to him, it was made known to him)
about the Liudewits death and generally about his adventures after he had left
the Serbs and had sought shelter in Dalmatia at the court of Liudemuhslum,
avanculum Bornae.41 The expression: adlatum est ei strongly suggests that it
was not Liudemisl himself who had informed the Emperor, but rather that he
learned this from a letter.
It is very likely that the core of the narrative for each year entry in the
ARF (or at least for the later parts, 802 829) was constructed from
documents related to a specific assembly.42 It is plainly discernible when two
assemblies were held in the same year and the annalist always distinguished
which event belonged to which assembly.43 The regular annual assemblies
33

ARF, 152.
ARF, 154.
35
ARF, 156.
36
ARF, 155.
37
ARF, 156: Adfuerunt et comites in eodem conventu iam de Pannonia regressi, qui depopulata
desertorum et Liudewito adhaerentium universa regione, cum nullus eis copiam pugnandi fecisset,
domum regressi sunt.
38
ARF, 158.
39
ARF, 159.
40
ARF, 160.
41
ARF, 161.
42
The main sources of the author of the ARF most probably include: the reports of the comites
and imperial orders (iussio), charters or capitula. For a similar point of view, see, Dutton,
Politics, 8687.
43
For instance, ARF, 154, 156 (February of 821, October of 821); ARF, 169 171 (June of 826,
October of 826); ARF, 173 (Imperator autem duobus conventibus habitis, uno aput Niumagam
34

The Origin of the Royal Frankish Annalists Information about the Serbs in Dalmatia

391

wer held twice a year sometimes only once at the place where the emperor
had ordered them to be held, e.g. Aachen, Ingelheim, Frankfurt, Compigne,
Regensburg, Cologne, etc. The author of the ARF often mentions iussio the
imperial order when something was to be done,44 as well as an abbreviated
account about the consequences of the given iussio. In this manner the author
writes about the events from the perspective of the following assembly, after
the news and outcome of the emperors previous orders had become known.
This would mean that the author of the ARF had the most reliable documents
at his disposal: first grade testimonies about the external and internal politics
of the empire. Therefore, the information that Liudewit fled Siscia before the
Frankish armies must have been written based on reports which had reached
the assembly held in Frankfurt in the winter of 822. This is exactly why the
annalist is silent on Liudewit (winter of 822), since he had used the
information from this assembly to write about the outcome of the Frankish
military campaign from the August of 822. Only in May of 823 did the
annalist learn the rest of the story about Liudewit. Therefore, Liudewits
adventure started after August of 822, and his final hours took place in
April/May of the 823. In other words, he had already left Siscia in September
of 822, and after having spent several months with the Serbs, he escaped to
Dalmatia (Croatia) to meet his death not long before the assembly held in May
of 823. This all means that the adventures of Liudewit lasted for approximately
nine months (September of 822 May of 823). This retrospectively and
summarly approach of the annalist to some specific event, when a prominent
person was involved can be found in the entry for the year 821 (assembly at
Aachen in February of 821) related to Fortunat, the patriarch of Grado. The
annalist firstly provided a brief account about Fortunat and his role as the
supporter of Liudewit (he was accused a front of the emperor that he, together
with certain priest Tiberius by name, provided craftsmen to Liudewit to build
the palace and fortresses in his realm), then how he escaped to Grado, from
where he left to John, the Byzantine prefect (sc. the strategos of Dalmatia) in
Iadera, who sent him to Constantinople.45 Such an extensive report on Fortunat
(and obviously abridged a lot) resembles some kind of intelligence gathering
(note the disperssion of the territories mentioned: Grado, Pannonia, Iadera,
Constantinople), and should be based on the written documents.46
propter falsas Hohrici filii Godefridi regis Danorum pollicitationes, quibus se illo ad
imperatoris praesentiam venturum promiserat, altero apud Compendium, in quo et annualia
dona suscepitet his, qui ad marcam Hispanicam mittendi erant...).
44
For instance, ARF, 119, 124, 129, 130, 138, 141, etc.
45
ARF, 155 156.
46
This episode opens extremely important question about the Byzantine involment into
Liudewits rebelion, as well as, about the variety of sources used by the annalist.

392

Tibor ivkovi

The information that the army from Italy was sent in August of 822
against Liudewit, followed by the immediate report of how Liudewit, after
hearing that the army from Italy was coming to Pannonia left Siscia and
sought shelter with the Serbs, cannot belong to the same timeline as that
previous. This information about Liutewid must have been from the following
winters (Decembers) assembly held in Frankfurt. This is why nothing about
the outcome of this offensive could be found in the description of the events
which took place between these two assemblies (August December) since
Liudewits adventures had already been described retrospectively under the
entry related to the August of 822. In fact, the Franks warred against Liudewit
in Pannonia from August to October/November of 822, and the emperor could
therefore have learned about Liudewits destiny from the comites who led this
army in the December of 822. However, they would have known that
Liudewit sent his emissaries to them and that he had personally not waited for
the outcome of the negotiations, but rather fled to the Serbs the natio who
ruled over a large portion of Dalmatia. This is something which they would
have been able to hear from the inhabitants of Siscia when they entered the
city. Yet, it is hard to explain how they would have known that Liudewit had
found shelter and hospitality among the Serbs, and that he, per dolum,
executed that Serbian dux who had accepted him, and took over his civitas.
In May 823 at the assembly held in Frankfurt, the emperor would presumably
have learnt about the further development that Liudewit having left the
Serbs found hospitality in Dalmatia at the court of Liudemisl, avanculus
Bornae who after some time had Liudewit killed per dolum. This ad hoc
report received at the very end of the assembly (probably through a letter)
may mean that the murder of Liudewit had occurred around that time, most
probably in April 823. Therefore, it appears that the second part of the entry
related to Liudewit from 1.1 (describing his adventures among the Serbs) had
also belonged to the information received in the May of 823. The author of
the ARF, as he wrote the Annals from some chronological distance and due to
his own course of narrative, was able to use various documents and present
information gathered.
The first part of the report from December of 822 only contained the
information that Liudewit had sent emissaries and that he had escaped to the
Serbs, as well as that the Serbs were the natio who ruled over a larger part of
Dalmatia. The following information: et uno ex ducibus eorum a quo receptus
est per dolum interfecto, civitatem eius in suam redegit dicionem belonged to
the same informant from May 823, since it described the events - post festum
- when Liudewit had no longer been among the Serbs. The last sentence of
1.1: Missis tamen ad exercitum imperatoris legatis suis, ad eius praesentiam

The Origin of the Royal Frankish Annalists Information about the Serbs in Dalmatia

393

se velle venire promisit - also belonged to a report from the winter of 822. The
specific phrase: quae natio magnam Dalmatiae partem obtinere dicitur - may
be evidence that this statement had not been directly provided from the
natives of Dalmatia, but through someone who was not so certain of who the
Serbs were and over which territories they ruled exactly. This can be taken
from one specific word dicitur as they say. It is well known that
Charlemagne developed an efficient system of gathering intelligence about
foreign nations. In a document named the De ordine Palatii (which was
composed by the Abbot Adalhard (d. 826) in the late eighth or early years of
the ninth century, and is today preserved in Hincmars work, which was itself
composed in 882) the need of gathering intelligence on the gentes beyond the
frontiers of the Frankish regnum i. e. those which not yet been conquered is underlined: Extra vero, si aliqua gens subdita rebellare vel rebellata
subdere, si necdum tacta insidias regni moliri, vel tale aliquid oriri voluisset.
In his vero omnibus, quaecunque cuilibet periculo imminerent, illud
praecipue quaerebatur cujus rei occasione talia vel talia orierentur.47
If the brief note on the Serbs in 1.1 is observed, it is then possible that
the origin of this information falls into such a category of intelligence;
namely, about the natio that lived beyond the frontiers of the regnum and that
was most probably considered as being the next opponent to the Franks.
Therefore, this information could be gathered by a Frank who made an
enquiry on the spot; presumably in Siscia from the natives (Slavs).
Accordingly, the first part of fragment 1.1 would contain evidence that the
Franks made an enquiry about the natio which Liudewit had fled to in front
of the advancing Frankish armies.
Another problem is the precise meaning of the Latin text. It has
been
usually
understood that the Serbs occupied a large portion of Dalmatia.48
However, this is not the exact meaning: ad Sorabos, quae natio magnam
Dalmatiae partem obtinere dicitur, fugiendo se contulit, et uno ex ducibus
eorum a quo receptus est per dolum interfecto, civitatem eius in suam redegit
dicionem. The key word here is obtinere, which means to hold, to possess, and
consequently to rule. However, if someone ruled over a region, it would not
necessarily mean that the same natio lived there. This is exactly the case with
the Franks and the central parts of Gaul immidiately after 486, when this
region was annexed by the Franks and was ruled by them, even though the
Franks do not appear to have settled there in large numbers, if at all (with the
47Hincmar De ordine Palatii, ed. M. Pros, Paris 1885, ch. XXXVI. About De ordine Palatii, see,
J. L. Nelson, Aachen as a Place of Power, Topographies of Power in the Early Middle Ages,
ed. M. de Jong F. Theuws, Leiden 2001, 227 231; McKitterick, Charlemagne, 142 148.
48
Cf. J. V. A. Fine, When Ethnicity Did Not Matter in the Balkans, Ann Arbor 2006, 35.

394

Tibor ivkovi

exception of the military elite), and was instead inhabited by the Romanized
Gauls. Therefore, the exact meaning is that the political power that ruled over
a large part of (the former Roman province of) Dalmatia was actually in the
hands of the Serbs. However, this was only secondhand information that had
been gathered from the Slavs of Lower Pannonia by a Frankish official who
was there. The fact that the Serbs had provided shelter for the Frankish rebel
Liudewit should be sufficient for the Franks to make an enquiry about this
possible enemy.
The information contained in 1.2 is far more interesting. Here, it is
that
stated
the emperor was informed (it was made known to him: adlatum est
ei) that Liudewit had been killed by Dux Liudemisl. This specific phrase leads
to the conclusion that this information was passed on to the emperor through
a letter. This is exactly the same phrase used in the ARF under the year 821
when the emperor was informed that Emperor Leo (813 820) had been
killed in Constantinople: Adlatum est et de morte Leonis Constantinopolitani
imperatoris, quod conspiratione quorundam optimatum suorum et praecipue
Michahelis comitis domesticorum in ipso palatio sit interemptus.49 This does
not necessarily mean that he personally read it, but could have been read to
him by an official of the Court. The content of section 1.2 further on unveils
who would have been able to know about all the details on the Liudewit
adventures after he had left Siscia. The author of the letter, or report, knew
that Liudewit had escaped to Liudemisland that he was received there, but
was soon killed by his host. Additionally, the same person knew much about
the adventures of Liudewit (preserved in 1.1): that he had been received in a
friendly manner among the Serbs, that after some time he killed the Serbian
dux, and took his city, but very soon fled to Liudemisl in Croatia. The only
person who would have been able to know all of these details would have
been Liudemisl himself, as only Liudewit would have been able to talk about
his Odyssey. Consequently, the main source upon which the Annalist wrote
about the Serbs and Liudewit had come from Liudewit himself. His murderer
(Liudemisl) was probably the person who had passed this information on to
the emperor. It was the Croat dux who had decided to eliminate the rebel
Liudewit and to confirm his loyalty to the Franks.50 In any case, the most
49

ARF, 155. The same phrase is used under the year 815, when Louis the Pious learned about
the conspiracy against the pope Leo III (795 816) Sed antequam illuc veniret, id est cum
adhuc domi esset, adlatum est ei, quosdam de primoribus Romanorum...; cf. ARF, 142.
50It is important to note that Ladasclavus nepos Bornae was installed as the ruler of Dalmatia
(Croats) in 821, and that Bornas uncle Liudemisl was already in power in 823. This may
mean that his position as the dux was not that strong, and that he wished to underline his loyalty
to the Franks by killing Liudewit. Namely, Borna had no male heir, and he was succeeded by
his nepos, i.e. the son of his sister. He probably died without any offspring too. This is then how

The Origin of the Royal Frankish Annalists Information about the Serbs in Dalmatia

395

probable author of the document in which the adventures of Liudewit are


described was the dux of Croatia himself, Liudemisl. Through this letter, the
rumor was confirmed from 1.1 that Liudewit had escaped to the Serbs, since
in 1.2 it was stated that he had left the Serbs and came to Dalmatia (Croatia).
While most of section 1.1 is an intelligence report which had been gathered
by a Frankish official who was in Siscia (and 1.2 as well as) the sentence in
the middle of the 1.1 (et uno ex ducibus eorum a quo receptus est per dolum
interfecto, civitatem eius in suam redegit dicionem.) is a report of the Croat
duke based on Liudewits telling.
From these possibilities we can conclude the following: 1. The Serbs
came into possession of the lands to the south of Lower Pannonia and to the
east/southeast of Croatia; however, when and how it happened cannot be
extracted from this information; 2. The earliest mention of the Serbs preserved
in the ARF had come from two independent sourcesthe inhabitants of Siscia
and from the Croat dux. This information is confirmed by an independent
source; namely, the De administrando imperio of Constantine Porphyrogenitus,
who wrote in ca. 949 that Croatia and Serbia shared a common border at two
different places - to the south (southeast) and to the east (Tzentina River) of
Croatia;51 3. Dalmatia, as it is used to describe land possessed by the Serbs and
is used to describe land possessed by the Dalmatian (Croat) duke, has the
meaning of Dalmatia in Roman sense; 4. The fact that the Serbs ruled over the
northwest/western parts of Dalmatia does not mean that they had yet lived
there; 5. The Serbs had an administrative and military organization entrusted
to their duces (upans), as it is stated in the DAI as well;52 6. There was some
type of civitas in Serbia (most probably, gradina type walled places) which
served as military and administrative centers. 7. The mention of the Serbian
name could be a testimony to the otherwise unknown process of ethnogenesis
which had already been taking shape in the early ninth century in the
territories ruled by the Serbs, at least from the point of view as to which natio
was the actual leading military elite there; 8. By employing the same term,
Dalmatia, to the lands under the rule of Croat duke, as well as to the land
where Serbs ruled, the annalist probably reflects aspirations of the Franks
towards the whole territory of the former Roman province of Dalmatia; and
Liudemisl, the brother of Bornas mother, came into power. There could have been another
branch of the ruling family of the Croats eager to take power (the father of Bornas nepos?) and
it could have made the political situation in Croatia very fragile. This could be the possible
reason why Liudemisl killed Liudewit, so that he would have been able to secure his position
among his relatives as the dux through the support of the Franks.
51
Constantine Porphyrogenitus De administrando imperio, ed. Gy. Moravcsik R. J. H. Jenkins,
Washington D. C. 1967, c. 30.116 118 (= DAI I).
52
DAII, c. 29.66 68 (the Southern Slavs in general); 32.119 121 (the Serbs).

396

Tibor ivkovi

9. The fact that Liudewit escaped to the Serbs and was warmly accepted by
them may mean that he had previously had some contacts with the Serbs.53
Generally speaking, the Royal Frankish annalists information about
the Serbs, as the earliest record about their presence in Dalmatia (i. e. Roman
Dalmatia) originates from superior and reliable sources: the Slavs of Lower
Pannonia and the Croat dux (Croats).

53

Cf. ARF, 150 (819): Quas cum imperator non reciperetaliasque ei per suos legatos proponeret,
permanendum sibi (sc. Liudewit) in anchoata perfidia velut optimum iudicans missis
circumquaque legatis vicinas iuxta se gentes ad bellum sollicitare curavit. Therefore, the
emissaries of Liudewit could have been sent to the Serbs, as well.

The Origin of the Royal Frankish Annalists Information about the Serbs in Dalmatia

397


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398

Tibor ivkovi

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4 Kotorski spomenici I, nr.165, 70.
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Kotorski spomenici II, nr.802, 198.
12
Kotorski spomenici II, nr.802, 198.
13
Kotorski spomenici II, nr.810, 200; . ,
XIV XV , 92.

402

Marica Malovi}-\uki}

. 1333.

.
.14 , .
,
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. 1334.
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.20 1331.

1200 .21
.
1333.
116 17 .22
14

Kotorski spomenici II, nr.376, 93-94.


Kotorski spomenici I, nr.1063, 358; . -, ,
(14. ), LVIII (2009) 82.
16
Kotorski spomenici II, nr.876, 216.
17
Kotorski spomenici II, nr.1408, 357.
18
.1.
19
Kotorski spomenici II, nr.362,90.
20
Kotorski spomenici II, nr.375, 93.
21
Kotorski spomenici I, nr.793, 275.
22
Kotorski spomenici II, nr.377-378,94.
15

Porodica Kimo-Klimo iz Ulciwa u sredwem veku (14-15. vek)

403

, 1333.
(
).23
1333. 268 4 ,
.24 1362.


200 , .

. 1333.
, .16
1333.
430 .17
. 200
1333.

.
200 1362.
, . ,

.
1337.
, 50 ,
- .27

.
(Nicolao Bruioso) .28
,
1332. .

. , ,
, ,
23

Kotorski spomenici II, nr.403, 100-101.


Kotorski spomenici II, nr.405, 101.
25
HAD, Sentence di Cancellariae I fol. 2, 11. XI 1362.
26
. 18.
27
HAD, Diversa Cancellariae (Div. Canc.) XII fol.314, 19. III 1337.
28
Monumenta Ragusina libri reformationem II, ed J. Gelcich, Zagrabiae? (:Mon. Rag) II,
339-340; Monumenta Ragusina libri reformationem V (Mon. Rag), ed J. Gelcich, Zagrabiae
1897, (:Mon. Rag.V), 346-348; 2/1, 1970, 74 (.
); I, 1986, 511 (. ); . ,
XIII XIV , 1986, 52.
24

404

Marica Malovi}-\uki}

.
, .
75 ,
.
, ,
.29 ,
17. 1338 .
,
, ,
, .30

. 1354.
(Zanino Novello).
24.
.
,
. , ,
,
.31
, , 14.
, .
21. 1356.
,
200 . ,
. ,
, ,
et sicut fuit et est intentio domini imperatoris.32
, 1353.
.
.33
1353. . ,
29

Listine o odnoajih izmeu junoga slavenstava i Mletake Republike I, ed S. Ljubi, Zagreb


1868 (: Listine) I, 410, 424,465-466; Listine II,10-11; Predelli II, 43, 63; J.Valentini Acta
Albaniae Veneta I/1 Palermo 1967 (:Valentini I/1), 95, 101-102; E. essi e Sambin, Le
deliberazioni del Consiglio dei Rogati (Senato) I, 305; . , II,
1978, ( ), 183; . , XIII XIV ,52-53.
30
Deb. Not. II, fol. 232, 17. XII 1338; . ,
, 21(1982), 145; . , XIII XIV , 53.
31
Listine III, 174-176; Valentini I/1, 128-133; . , ,
148; . , XIII XIV , 73.
32
Listine III, 328-329;Valentini I/1, 147-148; . , XIII XIV , 123.
33
Listine II, 184,Listine III, 343-344; . , XIII XIV , 123.

Porodica Kimo-Klimo iz Ulciwa u sredwem veku (14-15. vek)

405

. ,
,
. , ,
1353..
400 .
.
, . 1354.
,
. 24.
1354.
, .
1357.
( )
. imperatrix Sclavoniae,
, .
, .34
( )

. ,
, .35
. 1359.

.
.36
1359 1360.
.37 .
.
. 1366. .38
(
) .
1366. . 100
200 . .
34

Listine III,263, 343-344; Valentini I/1, 149-150, 165-166; . , XIII


XIV

, 147.
35
. 9.
36
Mon. Rag. II, 263, Mon. Rag. III, 20; . , XIV ,
1960, 217.
37
Mon. Rag. II, 288.
38
HAD, Debita Notariae (Deb.Not.) VII fol. 45, 8. VI 1366; Div. Canc. XXI fol. 122; .
-,
, 1995, 212.

406

Marica Malovi}-\uki}

, .
23. 1367. , ,

.39
,
.
nobilis vir ser Marco Luce de Chimo de Dulcinio.40



.

,
.

39
40

.
HAD, Liber Dotium (Lib.dot.) II fol 6, 9. I 1382.

Porodica Kimo-Klimo iz Ulciwa u sredwem veku (14-15. vek)

407

arica Malovi-uki
KIMO-KLIMO FAMILY OF MEDIEVAL ULCINJ
(14th-15th CENTURY)
Summary

According to published sources, as well as unpublished archivistic


material and literature, we have presented the trading and credit affairs,
including familial situation of the prominent representatives of the Kimo
Klimo (Chimo-Chlimo) aristocrat family, that lived and worked in Ulcinj,
throughout 14th and 15th centuries. Particular bibliographic accent has been
put on the founder of the family, Kimo Gervasijev (Chimo-Chlimo Cervauasii
de Dulcigno), kings customs official and his successors, his son Luka above
all, one of the barons and customs officials of the Serbian King and Tsar Duan.
Key Words: Serbia, Ulcinj, Kotor, Dubrovnik, merchant, salt, customs official.

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3 . , , I, 1978, 278; II, 119-120, 127, 129. . ,
Fides publica ( ) XV ,
, . LXXVII, 1930. . ,
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1931. 1935. ), , 2002, 561-566. .
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415

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n sm i9goubil. da dast .e. svdtel dostovrnih da ga prave4
, ,
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418

Biqana Markovi}


.28
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, () . . , , 54, 66.
29
. 7 : bloud. Zakn2 Ae kogo potvoret bld. ili tatb. ili ko
lbo takov 9lo vei. i boudet povinn. i dast mito nkomou da ga pravi. a posldi
se i9nag ere st kriv. ko bi podel ka9n n9i tat. da podimet n9i ko ga e
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, () ,
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, 54, 66.
30
.18 : Zakon Ae dva 9emlidlatel. me`dou sobo 9govorita se 9amniti nivi.
ae boudout me`dou im dva ili tri vrnji svdtel. da prbivat mna
nepokolbimo:- ,
, . . ,
, 57, 68.
31
. W. Ashburner, The Farmers Law, The Journal of Hellenic
Studies XXX, 1910. . , ,
, , 250,
, 10, 1961, 141-158 ( = , . II, 1969, 100-122). L.
Margeti, Zemljoradniki zakon, Zbornik Pravnog fakulteta Sveuilita u Rijeci, 3, Rijeka
1983, 85-121.
.
. . .. ,
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- . . ,
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28. . , ,
, 2004. ,

Svedo~ewe u sudskom dokaznom postupku prema starijim rukopisima . . .

419

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33
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Zakon2 Ae kto ouhvati mou`a na svoei `en ili deri. ili inako bli`ikou. da go
dodr`it i svdo~it. Ae li ga ne dodr`it ni svdo~it, da se ne vrouet2
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420

Biqana Markovi}

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1975, 253-256.
.81 (.80 . -
, , , 253-256): A za meg7 selske. da dad boi
koi i{t, svdoke. n polovin. a n polovin po zakn. da kd rek svdoci. togovazi
da 7st. , ,
, . ,
, 182-183. .37 : 8a meg7 selske da dade boi koino iou,
svdoke. n polovinou a n polovinou po zakonou. da koude rekou svedoci. togovazi da
7st. , , , , , ,
; , . . , , 104
105. . . , , (. 80 . ) 58, 112.

Svedo~ewe u sudskom dokaznom postupku prema starijim rukopisima . . .

421

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36
. 21 : Ae dv sel imat pr prdl ili nivah. da rasmotrit sdja. i
prdr`av{om mnoga lta tom da st pravdani. Ae li boudet oustav drevnji. da
st nepolbimo4. , , 58, 68.
37
. , , 53. . . 6 . 83-87.

422

Biqana Markovi}

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Svedo~ewe u sudskom dokaznom postupku prema starijim rukopisima . . .

423

Biljana Markovi
TESTIMONY IN LEGAL PRESENTATION OF EVIDENCE
ACCORDING TO OLDER MANUSCRIPTS OF TSAR STEFAN
DUANS LEGISLATION
Summary

Significant number of regulations consecrated to testimony in legal


presentation of evidence ispresent in manuscripts of earlier redaction of Tsar Stefan
Duans legislation. Some of those are relevant to the persons who have, while
performing their official duties (, ), had the insight into the important
facts regarding the object of a dispute, and other are relevant to testimony of those
who had private knowledge on the important facts regarding the object of a dispute.
In Syntagma of Matija Vlastar, i.e. the Abbreviated Syntagma, given in manuscripts
as the first legal text, even before Justinians Law and Duans Code, the regulations
on witnesses have been concentrated in the 9th chapter, composition D. Given
regulations aimed at defining who can, and who cannot be in the role of a witness,
as well as the obligation oftaking the solemn oath before testifying, the number of
the witnesses needed for all types of lawsuits etc. These regulations are detailed and
thorough, and allow us to make a more or less complete picture oftestimony in legal
presentation of evidence. In Justinians Law, in all manuscripts of earlier redaction,
we find several regulations that depict the whole situation. Those regulations were
intended for some specific situations (for example, testimony of an official, nomik,
on the existence of dowry, testimony in the case the written document had existed,
but got lost, etc.), and can be considered supplement to the already existing
regulations. Only one regulation, relevant to legal testimony, was present in Duans
Code (article 80). It regulated legal proceedings on defining witnesses in lawsuits
between villages over village boundaries.
These three legal texts are important for shaping our knowledge on the
role and place the witness occupied in legal presentation of evidence in medieval
Serbia. The origin of legal regulations on witnesses can often be sought in
Byzantine legal heritage. Serbian redactors have strived upon bringing Byzantine
models into accord with the situation in Serbian medieval society, by altering,
supplementing or contracting the chosen regulations. Several unwritten regulations
on testimony in customary law must have certainly existed as well. Unfortunately,
we are unable to trace the application of written and customary legal regulations
relevant to testimony in legal presentation of evidence, since we possess no
preserved verdicts of the legal archives.
ey Words: Syntagma of Matija Vlastar, Justinians Law, Duans Code, legislation,
court, witness, lawsuit.

: 929.52(497.15):28

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.
. , ,
.

: . ,
, 3-4 (1935), 368-403; . ,
, 1 (1949), 42-79; . ,
( ),
4 (1952), 5-146; N. Filipovi, O nastanku feudalnih posjeda muslimanskog bosanskog
plemstva, Pregled 5 (1953), 386-393; A. Handi, O islamizaciji u sjeveroistonoj Bosni u XV
i XVI vijeku, POF 16-17 (1966-67), 5-48; N. Filipovi, Napomene o islamizaciji u Bosni i
Hercegovini u XV vijeku, Godinjak ANUBiH knj. 7, Centar za balkanoloka ispitivanja knj. 5,
Sarajevo 1970, 141-167; N. Filipovi, Osvrt na pitanje islamizacije na Balkanu pod Turcima,
Godinjak ANUBiH knj. 13, Centar za balkanoloka ispitivanja knj. 11, Sarajevo 1976, 385
416; B. Zlatar, O nekim muslimanskim feudalnim porodicama u Bosni u XV i XVI stoljeu,
Prilozi 14 (1978), 81-139; A. Handi, O irenju islama u Bsni s posebnim osvrtom na srednju
Bosnu, POF 41 (1991), 37-52; N. Filipovi, Islamizacija Bosne u prva dva desetljea osmanske
vlasti, POF 41 (1991), 53-65; A. Alii, irenje islama u Hercegovini, POF 41 (1991), 67-81.
2 B. Zlatar, Neki podaci o sandak-begu Mehmed-begu Obrenoviu, Prilozi 10/2 (1974), 341
346; B. Zlatar, Kopii i Vilii, 13 (1977), 322-327; B. Zlatar, O nekim muslimanskim
feudalnim porodicama u Bosni u XV i XVI stoljeu, 102-102, 123.
1

Prilog poznavawu nekih islamizovanih bosanskih porodica

427

.
,

.3
.
I (Vuk
Vilich) ,
II J
.4 ,
(Tomaso Vilich Starosta di Bosna),
.5 ,

(due
fratelli Vilicchi).6


.
XVI .7
,
. , , 2006, 115.
4 J. Luccari, Copioso ristretto degli annali di Ravsa, Venetia 1605, 45.
,
. I ,
.
. . , ,
1964, 80.
5 1419. ,
. ,
, ,
.
, . J.
Luccari, Copioso ristretto degli annali di Ravsa, 84.
1418. , . .
, , 246. Starosta
, , . Rjenik hrvatskoga ili
srpskoga jezika JAZU, XVI (1956), 447.
6 J. Luccari, Copioso ristretto degli annali di Ravsa, 139.
7 : . , , (
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3

428

Sr|an Rudi}

XVII . .
.8

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.11


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.12 XVI ,
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: ; :
. : ,
. ,
.13
Vili, od gornjega Vakupa, A. Kai-Mioi, Razgovori ugodni naroda slovinskog, Dubrovnik
1886, 243; Vilich, apud Gorgni Vacup, Prudentio Narentio, De regno Bosniae, Venetiis 1781,
54; Villich ad Gonyvacup, vulgo Scopie, . , Synoptico-memorialis Catalogus
observantis minorum provinciae S. Ioannis A. Capistrano, olim Bosnae Argentinae a dimidio
seculi XIII. usque recentem aetatem, ex archivio et chronicis eiusdem recusus, Budae 1823,
269; Vilich ad Gorni Vacup vulgo Scopie, E. Fermedin, Acta Bosnae, Zagrebiae 1892, 560562; . , , 89-91.
9. , , 1970, 170; . ,
, 1998, 164, 165; . , , 83.
10 .
. , , 1 (1935), 386.
11
. A. Alii, Sumarni popis sandaka
Bosna iz 1468/69. godine, Mostar 2008, 112-113.
12
B. Zlatar, Kopii i Vilii, 323; B. Zlatar, O nekim muslimanskim feudalnim porodicama u
Bosni u XV i XVI stoljeu, 102. J
- 1517/18. -, .
H. abanovi, Najstarije vakufname u Bosni, POF 3-4 (1952-53), 412; H. abanovi,
Vakufname iz Bosne i Hercegovine (XV i XVI vijek), Sarajevo 1985, 37.
13
B. Zlatar, Kopii i Vilii, 324-325; B. Zlatar, O nekim muslimanskim feudalnim porodicama
u Bosni u XV i XVI stoljeu, 102.
, . ,
. S. Iui, Podsjedae i osvojee Sigeta
u glagolskom prijepisu hrvatskoga opisa iz g. 1566. ili 1567, Starine JAZU 36 (1918), 412.
8

Prilog poznavawu nekih islamizovanih bosanskih porodica

429

Sr|an Rudi}

430

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.
14

Hersek, Bosna ve Izvornik livlari icml tahrr defterleri (926-939/1520-1533) I, Ankara


2006, 100.
15
Opirni popis Klikog sandaka iz 1550. godine, 94 (obradili F. Spaho i A. Alii; priredila
B. Zlatar).
. F. Spaho, Defteri za Kliki sandak iz XVI i poetka XVII stoljea, POF 34
(1984), 138; Opirni popis Klikog sandaka iz 1550. godine, ix.
16
Opirni popis Klikog sandaka iz 1550. godine, Sarajevo 2007, 202.
17
Opirni popis Klikog sandaka iz 1550. godine, 128, 199.
1528-30. . Hersek, Bosna ve
Izvornik livlari icml tahrr defterleri (926-939/1520-1533) I, 97.
18
Opirni popis Klikog sandaka iz 1550. godine, 249.
1528-30. Murad-i Sabanik [dmdi Vilik li]. Hersek, Bosna
ve Izvornik livlari icml tahrr defterleri (926-939/1520-1533) I, 97.

Prilog poznavawu nekih islamizovanih bosanskih porodica

431

,
,
.
.19

.

(Vuladislau Copcich).20
,
.21
1774.
.22

- 1516.
40072 .23
1526.
46115 .24 XVI
19

J. Vladi, Uspomene o Rami i ramskom franjevakom samostanu, Zagreb 1882, 9-10; A.


ati, Starine bega Kopia, GZM 18 (1906), 114-115; A. imik, Begovi Kopii, Zbornik za
narodni ivot i obiaje Junih Slavena 29/1 (1933), 38-47; . ,
, 50 (1938), 77-78; . ,
, 35, 1955, 47-49; . ,
, 2003, 188-189, 377-378.
20
J. Luccari, Copioso ristretto de gli annali di Ravsa, 139.
1700. . J. Kavain, Poviest vanelska bogatoga a
nesrena Epulina i ubogoga a estita Lazara, Stari pisci hrvatski 22 (1913), 226; XVI
,
. 1518.
, . F. ii, Iz arkiva grofova
Pongrcza, Starine JAZU 36 (1918), 71. 1566.
.
Kopchycha de Pokupia 1569. (
). . , , 39, . 2, 52.
21
Kopi od Rame, sada su Turci, A. Kai-Mioi, Razgovori ugodni naroda slovinskog, 241;
Copich, de Xarvnovnicza in Rama, Prudentio Narentio, De regno Bosniae,49; Copeich de
Xernovicza, in Rama, . , Synoptico-memorialis Catalogus observantis minorum
provinciae S. Ioannis A. Capistrano, olim Bosnae Argentinae a dimidio seculi XIII. usque
recentem aetatem, ex archivio et chronicis eiusdem recusus, 267; Copeich de Xernovicza in
Rama, E. Fermedin, Acta Bosnae, 560-562.
22
. , , 169, 174; . ,
, 162, 163, 167.
23
B. Zlatar, Kopii i Vilii, 325; B. Zlatar, O nekim muslimanskim feudalnim porodicama u
Bosni u XV i XVI stoljeu, 123.
24
.
A. Alii, Popis bosanske vojske pred bitku na Mohau 1526. godine, POF 25 (1976), 199.

432

Sr|an Rudi}

, -
: - -. - : -,
- -, - : -.

.25
1550.
.26 -, -, ,
.

. ,
8000
.27 -
.28
1604. - ,
-, .29

. 1615/16.
- -
.30 ,
,
1710. .
, ,
-.31
25

B. Zlatar, Kopii i Vilii, 325-327; B. Zlatar, O nekim muslimanskim feudalnim porodicama


u Bosni u XV i XVI stoljeu, 123. , ,
3830 . Opirni popis Klikog sandaka
iz 1550. godine, 259-260.
26
J -
1517/18. Veledhan-aga sin Kopgi-ev.
. H. abanovi, Najstarije vakufname u Bosni, 413; H.
abanovi, Vakufname iz Bosne i Hercegovine (XV i XVI vijek), 38.
, -.
27
Opirni popis Klikog sandaka iz 1550. godine, 149. 1526.
.
22.000, . 1516. 1526.
. A. Alii, Popis bosanske vojske pred bitku na
Mohau 1526. godine, 175, 179, 180, 185, 199.
28
Opirni popis Klikog sandaka iz 1550. godine, 201;
- (Zaferbeg Chopcich) 1541. . I. K. Sakcinski, Cronaca
del secolo XVI, Arkiv za povjestnicu jugoslavensku 4 (1857), 53.
29
Opirni popis bosanskog sandaka iz 1604. godine I/2, Sarajevo 2000, 297 (obradio A. Handi).
30
Hadi Jusuf Livnjak, Odazivam ti se, Boe ... putopis sa hada 1615. godine, Sarajevo 1981.
31
A. imik, Begovi Kopii, 49-50.

433

1749.
.

. 1763/64.
.
1841.

. .
1869. -
(
).
, ,
.

( .

|
|

* J. Jeleni, Ljetopis fra Nikole Lavanina, GZM 27 (1915), 26.


. . !eni, Ljetopis fra Nikole

ILavanina, 10; . imik, Begovi Kopii, 48; . Zlatar, Kopii i Vilii, 327.
* . Truhelka, Historika podloga agrarnog pitanja u Bosni, GZM 27 (1915), 158.
. imik, Begovi Kopii, 51-52.
. imik, Begovi Kopii, 52-59; B. Zlatar, Kopii i Vilii, 327; K. Hrman, Narodne
pjesme muslimana BiH 1-II, Sarajevo 1976, tom I, pesma XXI; tom II, pesma II; . ,
( ), 2010,
7. 31 ( ).

Sr|an Rudi}

434

. a
, a, . 1485.
40225 .
, ,
: -, -
. 1485.

.36 -
1485. 1489. ,37
. 1483.
Calim begh Obrenouich capicibasse imperatoris.38
, 19.
1487. ,
. 21. 1499.

- .39
,
, .
9.
1500.
, -
.
, ,
36

B. Zlatar, Neki podaci o sandak-begu Mehmed-begu Obrenoviu, 341-346; B. Zlatar, O


nekim muslimanskim feudalnim porodicama u Bosni u XV i XVI stoljeu, 103-104.
, 1354, 1357.
1366. 1394.
aula marsalcus aulicus. F. Miklosich, Monumenta Serbica, Viennae 1858, 224; . urmin,
Hrvatski spomenici I (1100-1499), Zagreb 1898, 84: L. Thallczy, Studien zur Geschichte
Bosniens und Serbiens im Mittelalter, Mnchen und Leipzig 1914, 23, 25; P. Aneli,
Originalni dijelovi dviju bosanskih povelja u falzifikatima Ivana Tomke Marnavia, GZM (A)
NS 36 (1971), 349, 352; P. Aneli, Studije o teritorijalnopolitikoj organizaciji
srednjovjekovne Bosne, Sarajevo 1982, 99-100.
37
B. Zlatar, Neki podaci o sandak-begu Mehmed-begu Obrenoviu, 342.
38
Dravni arhiv u Dubrovniku, Con. Rog. XXIV, f. 147 ( ).
39
. Truhelka, Tursko slavjanski spomenici dubrovake arhive, GZM 23 (1911), 443; .
, XVI , 1973, 28, 52; B. Zlatar, Neki podaci o
sandak-begu Mehmed-begu Obrenoviu, 342.

Prilog poznavawu nekih islamizovanih bosanskih porodica

435


, .40
,
,
.
,
.
.
- .41
1550.
: ifluk Matijaa, sina Matije i
Filipa, sina Grgurova, Mihovila, Pavela i Tome, pripada Neretvi. To je
Krstjansko Selite u navedenom selu Podhum. Spomenuti Filip je umro i
njegov dio je u posjedu sina mu akuba. Spomenuti su od loze umrlog
Obrenovi Halil-pae.
, , ,
, , .

. .42 ,
. ,
, .
.

- .

40

. Truhelka, Tursko slavjanski spomenici dubrovake arhive, 443.


. Truhelka, Tursko slavjanski spomenici dubrovake arhive, 444; B. Zlatar, Neki podaci o
sandak-begu Mehmed-begu Obrenoviu, 345; B. Zlatar, O nekim muslimanskim feudalnim
porodicama u Bosni u XV i XVI stoljeu, 103.
42
Opirni popis Klikog sandaka iz 1550. godine, 244.
41

Sr|an Rudi}

436


.
.

16. 1416. . ,
,
(nobilis vir Biloslavus Lubuncich de Hlivno)
160 .43
,
.44

. 1550.
,
-. :
, , - : , ,
. .45
.
-
, . ,
1528/30. 1550.
,46 1574.
- .47
1528.
,
-
1560/61. .48
43

D. Lovrenovi, Jelena Nelipi, splitska vojvotkinja i bosanska kraljica, Radovi Zavoda za


hrvatsku povijest FF u Zagrebu 20 (1987), 189; D. Lovrenovi, Na klizitu povijesti (sveta
kruna ugarska i sveta kruna bosanska) 1387-1463, Zagreb-Sarajevo 2006, 226; . ,
(1403-1413), 58 (2009), 131.
44
. , , 54
(2007), 143-146; . ,
(1403-1413), 131, . 25.
45
Opirni popis Klikog sandaka iz 1550. godine, 97, 155.
46
F. Spaho, Livno u ranim turskim izvorima, prilog za monografiju, POF 32-33 (1984), 150-151, 155.
47
F. Spaho, Livno u ranim turskim izvorima, prilog za monografiju, 156-157.
48
F. Spaho, Livno u ranim turskim izvorima, prilog za monografiju, 157, . 47.

Prilog poznavawu nekih islamizovanih bosanskih porodica

437

1550.
,
.49
- .
1550. ,
- ,
.

.
-
.50 1695.
, , 1711.
1730. .
1737. .51 -
1836. .52

1550.
. : ,
, . ,
,
.
49

Opirni popis Klikog sandaka iz 1550. godine, 57, . 132.


V. orovi, Nekoliko fojnikih pisama, GZM 21 (1909), 493.
51
H. Kreevljakovi, Kapetanije u Bosni i Hercegovini, Sarajevo 19802, 129.
52
H. Kreevljakovi, Kapetanije u Bosni i Hercegovini, 134.
50

Sr|an Rudi}

438

: ,
.
.53

.
1550.

: ifluk Pervane, Husejna i Jovice,
sinova umrlog Dejana, sina Pavke, martolosa, Alije i Mehmeda, sinova
umrlog Novaka, sina Pavke, martolosa, Juraja, sina umrlog Radice, sina
Pavke, martolosa i Radivoja, sina Pavke u selu po imenu Kuti. To je batina
krstjana, pripada Uskopolju.
, ,
. .54

- ,
.

53
54

Opirni popis Klikog sandaka iz 1550. godine, 178.


Opirni popis Klikog sandaka iz 1550. godine, 342.

Prilog poznavawu nekih islamizovanih bosanskih porodica

439

Sran Rudi
SUPPLEMENT TO ACCOUNTS ON
SOME ISLAMIZED BOSNIAN FAMILIES
Summary

Study of Muslim families, their origin and development, as well as of


the process of Islamization itself is a very intricate indeed. The Islamization
process in Bosnia has probably begun upon the Turkish instalment on the
area, several decades before the final fall of the medieval kingdom. Numerous
reasons led the population to embrace Islam members of medieval aristocrat
families were eager to preserve or improve their social position by means of
embracing Islam, while the common people who had the status of raja could
significantly improve their economic position through receiving Islam.
In this work, the origin and supplement to genealogy of several
families from Bosnia have been processed, on the basis of sources and
existing literature. Families with Christian roots have been selected, and those
whose certain branches have received Islam after the fall of the Bosnian
Kingdom. Four noble families figure as the object of our research (Vili,
Kopi, Obrenovi, Ljubuni), who made part of the local lower aristocracy
during the medieval Bosnian Kingdom, and flourished at the end ofXVth and
during XVIth centuries as Muslim feudal families. Information on
genealogies of the two families (Vladkovi, Pavkovi) were given at the end
of this work, aiming at depicting the Islamization process. Information on
these two families have been recorded in the register of the Sanjak of Klis
dating from 1550.
ey Words: genealogy, Bosnia, Vili family, Kopi family, Obrenovi family,
Ljubuni family, Vladkovi family, Pavkovi family.

: 94(497.15:560)"1414/1415":929


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(2005),
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16 (2005) 229240.
3 N. Filipovi, Princ Musa i ejh Bedreddin, Sarajevo 1971, 398, 486.
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Hungariae [=Dipl. Rag.], Budapest 1887, 249.
5 J. Radoni, Der Grossvojvoda von Bosnien Sandalj Hrani-Kosaa, Archiv fr Slavische
Philologie 19 (1897) 430; V. Klai, Povijest Hrvata od najstarijih vremena do svretka XIX
stoljea III, Zagreb 19803, 87,89 [prvo izdanje izalo 1901. kao tom II/2]; F. ii, Vojvoda
Hrvoje Vuki Hrvatini i njegovo doba (1350-1416), Zagreb 1902, 233; . ,
I, 1940, 415; Poviest hrvatskih zemalja Bosne i Hercegovine,
Sarajevo 1942, 441443; . , , 32. :
P. ivkovi, Tvrtko II Tvrtkovi. Bosna u prvoj polovini XV stoljea, Sarajevo 1981, 70; Isti,
Prvi ugarsko-turski sukobi na tlu Bosne (Dobojska bitka 1415. godine), Znaenja Doboj 34
(1983) 152; . , , : .
. ,
2003, 174; D. Lovrenovi, Na klizitu povijesti. Sveta kruna ugarska i sveta kruna
bosanska 13871463, Sarajevo Zagreb 2006, 178; . , 1316. ,
2008, 107108.
2

[ah Melek (prilog istoriji turskih upada u Bosnu 1414. i 1415.g .)

443

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Dipl. Rag., 224226; , (. .
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Jorga, Notes et xtraits pour servira lhistoire des Croisades au XVesicleI, Paris 1899, passim.
. , , 410412; . ,
, [=] 54 (2007) 135136.
10
S. Ljubi, Listine o odnoajih izmedju Junoga Slavenstva i Mletake Republike VII, Zagreb
1882, 138.
11
Dipl. Rag., 737; ed. N. Nodilo, Chronica Ragusina Junii Restii (ab origine urbis usque ad
annum 1451) item Joannis Gundulae (14511484), Zagreb 1893, 213; . ,
, , 56 (2008) 395396.
12
Dipl. Rag., 224226; . ,
(13911409), 2008, 46, 50, 56, 6667, 7374, 7879, 155, 165, 169, 183
( ). ,
1414/1415. ,
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- 1414. : . , I. 1537. ,
1952, 346; . , , 412; Poviest hrvatskih zemalja BiH, 440;
. , XIV XV , 1952, 44. (Povijest Hrvata
III, 87) (Vojvoda Hrvoje, 233) 1414.
, .
Poviest hrvatskih zemalja BiH, (1414)
, .
. ( XV. ,
1905, 33) . ( , 33),
1415. (Scender Euren)
1414/1415. (: G. Luccari, Copioso ristretto degli annali di Rausa, Venetia 1605, 82).
14
. , I, 329330; . , ,
1 (1926) 140141; . ,
XV XVI , 34 (1950) 60.
15
Dipl. Rag., 250
16
N. Jorga, Notes et xtraits I, 217218; . , ,
30; . , , 36.
17
: Basait(us), Pasait(us), Pasayt . . E. A.
Zachariadou, Manuel II Palaeologos on the Strife between Bayezid I and Kadi Burhan al-Din
Ahmad, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies [=BSOAS] 43/3 (1980)
479480.

446

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N. Jorga, Notes et xtraits I, 228229. .


. , , 24, 36, 38, 40, 43; , XIII, XIV
XV , 338 (1983) 65.
20
N. Jorga, Notes et xtraits II, Paris 1899, 7577, 79, 86, 251, 359; . ,
[=] I/2, . 1934, 218221.
21
Dipl. Rag., 737738; N. Jorga, Notes et xtraits II, 145.
19

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447

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N. Jorga, Notes et xtraits II, 146149; I/1, . 1929, 501503;


P. ivkovi, Tvrtko II, 6774.
23
N. Jorga, Notes et xtraits II, 145. 23. 1414.
23.
(. Dipl. Rag., 738).
.
24
Dipl. Rag., 246.
25
, 245.
26
ur. A. Lukinovi, Povijesni spomenici Zagrebake biskupije V (1395-1420), Zagreb 1992,
470471; ed. E. Malyusz etc, Zsigmondkori okleveltar [=ZsO] V, Budapest 1997, nr. 96.
27
ZsO IV, Budapest 1994, nr. 2407; . , , 237. 1414.
,
. : . , , 107.
28
Dipl. Rag., 243246, 737738; N. Jorga, Notes et xtraits II, 145149; . ,
, 3032.
29
Dipl. Rag., 246.

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30

. , , 3132, 3840; P. ivkovi, Tvrtko II, 6774.


Dipl. Rag., 247; . , ,
1 (1995) 8597.
32
F. Raki, Notae Joannis Lucii, Starine JAZU 13 (1881) 265; N. Jorga, Notes et xtraits II,
148149.
33
Dipl. Rag., 249.
34
, 247248, 738739; N. Jorga, Notes et xtraits II, 148151.
35
F. Raki, Notae Joannis Lucii, 265; Dipl. Rag., 738739; . ,
, 32; , , 232233.
31

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449

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derobauit Cehmelich Vaiuoda Turchorum Cetinam et similiter Tragurium,
36

,
, , ,
, 1415. . , ,
. : . urmin,
Hrvatski spomenici I (1100-1499), Zagreb 1898, 113114; V. Klai, Povijest Hrvata III, 86; F.
ii, Vojvoda Hrvoje, 232235; S. Jug, Turki napadi na Kranjsko in Primorsko do prve
tretjine 16. stoletja. Kronologija, obseg in vpadna pota, Glasnik Muzejskega drutva za
Slovenijo 24 (1943) 56; Fra Nikola Lavanin, Ljetopis, Sarajevo 1981, 105106; ZsO IV, nr.
2407; . , , 136139.
37
N. Jorga, Notes et xtraits I, 235.
II .
38
Dipl. Rag., 248, 738739; N. Jorga, Notes et xtraits II, 150151.
39
F. Raki, Notae Joannis Lucii, 265; S. Ljubi, Listine VII, 206.
1415. 500 ,
.

450

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Sibenicum et Jadram usque mare.40


.
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1414. 1415. .42 ,
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40

I. Kukuljevi Sakcinski, Kratki ljetopisi hrvatski. D. Ljetopis nepoznatoga u talijanskom


jeziku, Arkiv za povjestnicu jugoslavensku 4 (1857) 65; S. M. Tralji, Nin pod udarom tursko
mletakih ratova, Radovi Instituta JAZU u Zadru 1617 (1969) 530; Isti, Vrana i njezini
gospodari u doba turske vladavine, Radovi Instituta JAZU u Zadru 18 (1971) 344.
41
S. Ljubi, Listine VII, 207208. 1415.
( 1412. )
,
(Listine VII, 206).
(Listine VII, 209211),
. . ZsOV, nr. 1052; S. Jug, Turki napadi na Kranjsko, 56; I/1, 163164.
42
N. Jorga, Notes et xtraits I, 235; ZsO IV, nr. 2407.
43
ZsOV, nr. 645; S. Jug, Turki napadi na Kranjsko, 56. 31.
.
, ,
(30. 1. 1415).
, 21. .
1415,
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44
ZsO V, nr. 1155; . , , 110. ,
, 1414/1415.
30.000 . (: Klai, Povijest Hrvata III, 91).
(Turki napadi na Kranjsko, 56). .
: S. Jug, Turki napadi na Kranjsko, 6 . ,
, 236237.

[ah Melek (prilog istoriji turskih upada u Bosnu 1414. i 1415.g .)

451


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, .
45
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, , , .
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47
. , , 234235.
48
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49
. , , 233236.
50
. , , 3336; , ,
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452

Neven Isailovi}, Aleksandar Jakovqevi}

,

.51

. , ,
1414/1415,
.
()
. -,
, -
,
.52 -
, , ,
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, - 31.
1415, 28. ,
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. 1415.
,
1414. . -
1415.
.54


.55
.
, , II,
,
,
.56
51

. , , 234235.
52Akpaaolu Ahmed k, Tevrh-i l-i Osman, dzenliyen iftiolu N. Atsz, : Osmanl
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53
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54
Dipl. Rag., 250. ,
.
55
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1964, 242245.
56
. , , 417; . , , 3233;
. , XIV XV , : .
, 2005, 302314; E. Kurtovi, Veliki vojvoda bosanski Sandalj
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[ah Melek (prilog istoriji turskih upada u Bosnu 1414. i 1415.g .)

453

-
,
. ,
,
II .57
,
, ,
. , ,
58 ,
.59
1415/1416. ,
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1416.
1414.61
, ,
1463. 1482. .
*
Zech Melech-,
1415, 62 ,
57

N. Jorga, Notes et xtraits I, 235; . , , 236237.



.
59
N. Jorga, Notes et xtraits I, 150151; ur. A. Lukinovi, Povijesni spomenici, 525526; ZsO
VI, Budapest 1999, nr. 2117; . , , 234.
1415. ,
. (S.
Ljubi, Listine VII, 212). , ,
, , 2. 1416.
(: ZsO V, nr. 1393; L. Thallczy S. Barabs, Codex
diplomaticus comitum de Frangepanibus I (1133-1453), Budapest 1910, 176177.
60
Dipl. Rag., 253, 261,264, 739; N. Jorga, Notes et xtraits II, 153154. I
1416. ,
. .
61
Dipl. Rag., 264. 1416. (25.12.)
.
62
e : Die Altosmanischen Anonymen
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58

454

Neven Isailovi}, Aleksandar Jakovqevi}

, , ah Melek, Melek ah, Kr ah Melek.63


.
e XIX .64
,
, , .

. . ,
,
- .65
, ,
.

, II.66
, . ,
.
.67
1429. ,
,
-.68 ,
.
.69 ,

, .
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63
Melek ah;
Kr ah Melek (. Kr ), -
ah Melek.
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. , , I I, 13481520, 1940, 795796.
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69
M. T. Gkbilgin, Edirne ve Paa Livs, 27; E. H. Ayverdi, Osmanl Mimrsinde, 417.

.

[ah Melek (prilog istoriji turskih upada u Bosnu 1414. i 1415.g .)

455

,
, 70,
.
, ,
()
.71

1402. , .
,
, 1390. [!], ,
,
XIV XV .

.72 a

.73
1409.
.

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1413. ,
.74
,
,
17. 1411. ,
70

N. Filipovi, Princ Musa, 395.


M. T. Gkbilgin, Edirne ve Paa Livs, 27, . 95. E. H. Ayverdi, Osmanl Mimrsinde, 417.
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( ) .
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13001600, 1974, 2627; C. Imber, The Ottoman Empire, 13001481, stanbul 1990,
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. , 2002, 6869. ,
(14021413), D. Kastritis, Sons of Bayezid, 135158.
71

456

Neven Isailovi}, Aleksandar Jakovqevi}


,
-
.75
, a , -.

1422,
.76
,
.
.
, ,

- ,
.77
. ,



.78 ,
,

.
1411,
.
,
,
- -
75

Die Altosmanischen Anonymen Chroniken, 49; kpaazde, Tevrih-i l-i Osman, 82, Die
Altosmanische Chronik des Aikpaazade, 74; Akpaaolu, Tevrh-i l-i Osman, 147;
Frhosmanischen Jahrbcher des Urudsch, 107. [...] Kr ah Meliki vezir edindi. Mhaloli
Mehmed Begi Rum Eli begler begisi etdi. Smavna Kads olini kadasker edindi [...]:
je , - [],
[. ] .
76
V. L. Mnage, Neshrs History of the Ottomans. The Sources and Development of the Text,
London 1964, xivxvi; V. L. Mnage, On the Recensions of Urudjs History of the Ottomans,
BSOAS, 30/2 (1967) 314322; C. Imber, The Ottoman Empire, 13001481, 23.
77Ner, Kitb-i cihnnma, II, 488: [...] andan brahim Paay vezir edip, Melek ah dahi
vezir edindi [...] Simavne kads olu eyh Bedrettini kazasker edindi. Mihalolu Mehmed
Beye beylerbeyilik verip [...]: [...] - ,
[...].
78
V. L. Mnage, Neshrs History of the Ottomans, 1114.

[ah Melek (prilog istoriji turskih upada u Bosnu 1414. i 1415.g .)

457

, .

, ,
.

je
. ,
,
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1411.
.

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(, . Silivri) .

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, ,
1413.
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1411.

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.81 II,
,
.82
,
,
.
,
.

79

C. Imber, The Ottoman Empire, 13001481, 6970.


, 70.
81
. . , 1994, 5962.
82
C. Imber, The Ottoman Empire, 13001481, 70.

80

458

Neven Isailovi}, Aleksandar Jakovqevi}


.83 ,

, ,
,
.84
, :


.85
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, .
,87

.88 , ,

, . 1413. .

1415.
1415,
,
.
1415. ,
,
.
1415.89
, .
83

Die Altosmanischen Anonymen Chroniken, 51; kpaazde, Tevrih-i l-i Osman, 83, Die
Altosmanische Chronik des Aikpaazade, 74; Akpaaolu, Tevrh-i l-i Osman, 147148;
Frhosmanischen Jahrbcher des Urudsch, 108.
84Ner, Kitb-i cihnnma, II, 488.
85
Die Altosmanischen Anonymen Chroniken, 51; kpaazde, Tevrih-i l-i Osman, 83, Die
Altosmanische Chronik des Aikpaazade, 74; Akpaaolu, Tevrh-i l-i Osman, 147148;
Frhosmanischen Jahrbcher des Urudsch, 108; Ner, Kitb-i cihnnma, II, 488.
86
, , 302.
87
N. Filipovi, Princ Musa, 395.
, .
88
.
Kr ()

.
89
C. Imber, The Ottoman Empire, 13001481, 78.

[ah Melek (prilog istoriji turskih upada u Bosnu 1414. i 1415.g .)

459


. .
II 1421/22.
,
1426/7.
, , .90

. ,
1429.

1441/42. .91

XV XVI
. ,
.
.

.92
, ,

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1415. ,

XIV XV .93
90

N. Filipovi, Princ Musa, 398; Ner, Kitb-i cihnnma, II, 592.


E. H. Ayverdi, Osmanl Mimrsinde, 420.
92
370 Numaral Muhsebe-i Vilayet-i Rum-ili Defteri (937/1530), I, Ankara 2001, [= 370
Numaral, I]; 370 Numaral Muhsebe-i Vilayet-i Rum-ili Defteri (937/1530), II, Ankara 2002,
[= 370 Numaral, II]; XIII,
, XVXVI, II, . . ,
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) . . C. Imber,
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460

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-a, ,
-, -a.94

,
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, I 1399.
.
, , 1420.
(Gazi Mihal kprs)
.95 ,
1429.
, .96
1530. -

(Hzrlk/Hdrlk)
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, , ,
. , ,
, - - XVI
98
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, ,
, ,

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- . - (V. Demetriades, The Tomb
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A. Kuran, The Mosque in Early Ottoman Architecture, Chicago 1968, 6667. E. H. Ayverdi,
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461


1530. . (hisar)
-.
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,

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,

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100

370 Numaral, II, 505, 519. (Kozar Belen


Bzrg Kozar Belen Kk) ,
o . (Kozar Belen Gebran).
, ,
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462

Neven Isailovi}, Aleksandar Jakovqevi}

- , ,
1468. , ,
1477.
.104 ,
1515.
,105
.
-
, ,
.
,
(odah) .106
-,
-,
1464.
, XVII ,
.107

104

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.
105
. , , . 1, . 1, 911912; , Turski spomenici, knj. 1, sv. 2, 191.
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[ah Melek (prilog istoriji turskih upada u Bosnu 1414. i 1415.g .)

463

Neven Isailovi
Aleksandar Jakovljevi
AH MELEK
(A CONTRIBUTION TO THE HISTORY OF THE TURKISH
INCURSIONS INTO BOSNIA IN 1414 AND 1415)
Summary

In Yugoslav historiography, for almost hundred years, no one identified


the person (registered as Zech Melech by a notary from Dubrovnik), who led
the Turkish incursions into Bosnia in the period from February to June 1415.
The only proper identification of the afore-mentioned as Kr ah Melek, a
prominent Turk close to prince Musa and, later, Mehmed I, made by Nedim
Filipovi in 1971, remained unnoticed in science. On the basis of unused and
new sources, the authors clarify several issues related to the leadership and
direction of Turkish incursions in 1414 and 1415, with special emphasis on the
role of ah Melek. It is determined that shak Bey probably did not lead the
campaign in 1414 and that the whole series of Turkish attacks in 1414/1415
primarily aimed at Croatia, Slavonia and Slovenian lands. The lands of the
counts of Celje and of the Frankopans suffered most damage, as well as the area
between the rivers of Sava, Una and Kupa. On the basis of mainly Ottoman
sources, the life and career of ah Melek, who ispresumed to have played a role
in Bayezid Is conquests in the Balkans, has been partly reconstructed. He was
appointed to important offices of vezir, possibly (unconfirmed) muhafiz of
Gallipoli, leader of the campaign in Bosnia. The traces of his foundations
(mescids, dervish houses, vakifs) can be found in Edirne, the city to which he
was closely associated, and Nikopol with its surrounding area. A small mosque
(mescid), which he built in Edirne in 1429, still exists and it gave name to a
whole quarter (mahalle) of the city. It can be assumed that he participated in the
settlement of the Turkish population, since a number of villages bear his name.
The descendants of ah Melek had estates in the region where their ancestor
had been active in Bosnia, Edirne and Nikopol.
Key Words: ah Melek, shak Bey, Bosnia, The Turks, The Balcans, Edirne, Nicopolis,
XV century, 1414, 1415.


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