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Middle Kingdom Studies



Stephen Quirke



Nacterlands Instituut
vsor ket Nabije Oosten
Laidan - Nodarland

First published in 1991 by SIA Publishing,
31, Maiden Way New Maiden Surrey KT3 6EB

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
Middle Kingdon studies.
I. Quirke, Stephen
ISBN 1 872561 02 0

© SIA Publishing

Printed in England by: Whitstable Litho Printers Ltd., Whitstable, Kent



Patterns of c h a n g e in burial c u s t o m s during t h e M i d d l e



C i r c u m s t a n t i a l l y a d v e r b i a l ? the c i r c u m s t a n t i a l
Detlef F r a n k e
T h e career of K h n u m h o t e p III of Beni H a s a n and the so-called
" d e c l i n e of the n o m a r c h s "


T h e coffins of t h e M i d d l e K i n g d o m : the R e s i d e n c e and the r e g i o n s
N o n - E g y p t i a n s r e c o r d e d on M i d d l e - K i n g d o m Stelae in Rio de
T e a c h i n g s , d i s c o u r s e s and tales from the M i d d l e



R o y a l p o w e r in the 13th Dynasty


Sur les graphies d e la formule "l'offrande q u e donne le r o i " au
M o y e n E m p i r e et a la D e u x i è m e P e r i o d e I n t e r m é d i a i r e

The final product forms it is hoped some fitting tribute to the industry of Janine Bourriau. Stephen Quirke April 1991 1 . Since that double triumph three years ago Janine has retired from her position as Keeper of Antiquities at the Fitzwilliam Museum. in a small way the papers that join hers in this volume testify to her energetic role in Egyptology and her untiring assistance to colleagues of whatever station. The editor and contributors owe a particular debt of thanks to Arabella Binney and to Alan May for their generous subvention of this v o l u m e .Richard Parkinson of University College Oxford have added articles on language and literature. two areas of Middle Kingdom studies not covered by the original colloquium. The gathering of specialists provided a forum for discussion of many points highlighted by the exhibition "Pharaohs and M o r t a l s " mounted by Janine at the Fitzwilliam Museum. As editor and as a student who benefited and continues to benefit from her guidance I take the opportunity of this publication to offer on behalf of the others attending the colloquium and contributing to this volume joint best wishes for a long and bright future in promoting our subject and assisting colleagues. organised by Janine Bourriau.Mark Collier of Corpus Christi Cambridge and Dr. The contributors to this volume include five of the speakers from the 1988 colloquium as well as the organiser herself.Preface In April 1988 Darwin College Cambridge hosted an Egyptological colloquium on Middle Kingdom studies under the title "the Residence and the Regions". In addition research fellows Dr.


^ The bibliography is a conference on "A Sense of Place: Regional Art and Archaeology of First Intermediate Period and Middle Kingdom Egypt" in October 1990. Gay Robins and the University Museum of Art and Archaeology in conjunction with a loan exhibition. and the funerary cult. by Janine Bourriau From the Instructions of Prince Harjedef: "When you prosper. It was organised by Dr. In other words. a son will be born to you. the arrangements for the burial. It is for the son you build a house. 3 . must reflect and so help us to understand wider changes in society as a whole which are otherwise more difficult to identify. take a hearty wife. whether social. Ancient Egyptian Literature VolJ. The Old and Middle Kingdoms (Los Angeles.Patterns of change in burial customs during the Middle Kingdom. to establish a family and build his tomb. Make worthy your dwelling in the west" 1 The twin poles of an ancient Egyptian's ambition. so much time and so many resources went into the preparation of equipment for the tomb. we can begin to see an evolution in burial customs in the Middle Kingdom. inappropriate to this volume of short studies. Egyptian Regional Art from the Museo Egizio. tombs. Turin".without attempting an exhaustive survey of the sources. 1975). that changes in them. Lichtheim. make good your dwelling in the graveyard. It is this unchanging and determined preoccupation with provision for the afterlife which allows us to assume that changes in burial customs accurately reflect changes in society. and the LÄ together with the most recent issues of the PEB provides the most convenient access to iL 3 The starting point for this paper was a lecture delivered at Emory University in Atlanta. From specialist studies of particular sites. I hope to suggest some ideas and approaches to the subject. "Beyond the Pyramids. found your household. 58. economic or political. I should like to take this opportunity to thank Gay Robins for inviting me to give the lecture and to benefit from the discussions which took place. are nowhere more concisely expressed. When you make a place for yourself. which we can observe. I shall concentrate on the material from the Memphis-Fayum region and Middle Egypt and the period from the 2 3 1 M. or classes of object.

as will be seen from the numerous citations to this work which follow. Hoffmeier and bibliography cited in this volume.O. Not all scholars would agree to this redating. not weak. Moret. Chests of Life (Leiden. using rites and prayers previously restricted to Royalty. passim but especially 244-249. rites carried out at the entrance or inside the burial chamber: all these activities leave little or no trace and yet may have been considered essential in ensuring safe passage through death to the afterlife. 1988). for the practical reason that this has been the focus of the most recent research and therefore provides the fullest and most reliable data. 238-244 and bibliograhy there cited. 1926). 331-360. rather than the First Intermediate Period. It is significant that only images of or for the use of the dead adopt royal attributes: sceptres. A. that it was very profound. The preparation of the body. independent of any King.cit. A re-dating of Coffin Texts to the Middle Kingdom. 164-9. see J. sought his own deification through identification with Osiris. words spoken. When considering burial customs we always have to accept that the tangible remains are not the whole story. that the adoption for non-royal burials of Coffin Texts (derived ultimately from the funeral liturgy of the Kings of the Old Kingdom). These changes are now thought to be an expression only of the private person's desire to claim identity with Osiris after death. If this change took place in the Middle Kingdom rather than the First Intermediate Period. in which the individual. and that it reflects an equally deep change in men's views of their relationship to the King.. Establishing which changes in society may be reflected in changes in burial customs is full of pitfalls. 14Iff. They continue to be the exclusive preserve of royalty in sculpture representing the living. a division without meaning in Ancient Egypt. together with the inclusion of some items of royal regalia among the painted "Frise d'Objets" on rectangular coffins. that is to a time when the monarchy was strong. also H. 6 Willems op. Totenglauben und Jenseitsvorstellungen der alten Ägypter (Leipzig. Yet if the earlier hypothesis grew out of a preoccupation with the relationship between the individual and the state. interprets the ornamentation on "standard class" coffins as an "account of the ceremonies on the day of burial". had (it was argued) undermined faith in the King's power to maintain the divinely ordered sequence of the seasons and the institutions of public life. "L'Accession de la Plèbe Egyptienne aux droits Religieux et Politiques sous le Moyen Empire" in Recueil d'études égyptologiques 8 (1922). and as a consequence undermined also the belief in his control over the afterlife. There is no doubt that the change in burial customs did occur. This led to "democratization" of the afterlife. then it is in the society of that time that explanations must be sought 4 5 6 4 However. rather than an attempt to usurp the privileges of living Kings. should be understood in terms of the growth of the individual's political power at the expense of that of the King. garments. H. even in those rare cases where the burial is found intact. has prompted a reappraisal.The breakdown of order. 5 . This paper owes a great deal to Willems' careful analysis of Middle Kingdom coffins. both in this life and in the afterlife. titles and modes of address. Until recently it was argued. and the modelling of them on anthropoid ones. the procession to the tomb. crowns.Janine Bourriau 4 beginning of the XII to the early XIII Dynasty. there is implicit in the new one a modern assumption about the separation of the spiritual from the political side of life. following Moret's classic exposition.Kees. Willems. combined with the famines of the early First Intermediate Period.

were transported widely. and the Memphis region. for each region. and status and number of people being buried or commemorated. suggests that coffin painters did occasionally travel and cites a coffin from Beni Hasan whose decoration matches very closely coffins from Bersheh. 161. and most scholars would now agree that Egypt's material culture in the Middle Kingdom can be observed only in terms of the cultures of the Delta.Patterns of change in burial customs 5 The evolution of burial customs can be visualised as forming three interlocking patterns which relate to geography. the special skills of masons or sculptors who could travel from one commission to another. between 1890 and 1914. During this initial period of excavation. suffers from the complication that while much of it may have been made locally. J. 1988) The art historical analysis such as W. and the pattern of three vertical text columns between the panels and four vertical text columns at each end of the long sides.Bourriau. 1974) has not yet been embarked upon for coffin decoration. Pottery. the Memphis-Fayum region. Pharaohs and Mortals. as a medium through which what was spoken or acted out once could continue to be efficacious for eternity. Significant exceptions are Aswan. Wepwawetemhet. chronology. containers for traded commodities. like tomb reliefs or sculpture.cit. or major period of excavation early in the history of Egyptology and. then the evolution of its inscriptions should directly reflect changes in the rites of burial. 9 . It has been assigned to Asyut and to the reign of Amenemhet II on the evidence of the owner's name. Coffins. coffins and pottery. particularly tomb biographies. It is not always possible to distinguish the local product from 7 8 9 7 Willems opxit. being difficult to transport and yet not requiring. have changed this view. in the history of archaeology. Middle Egypt (to Asyut). All the important Middle Kingdom sites had their only.66a. The two pieces belong side by side with a gap the width of one panel and two vertical text columns between them. Upper Egypt and Aswan. and right up until the 1960's. Willems op. First. 239. if the coffin is interpreted as a "ritual machine" i.evolved its own craft traditions in the manufacture of funerary monuments and equipment. on the other hand. we can examine the geographical pattern. From the end of the Old Kingdom onwards each of these regions ..and in some cases even smaller districts within them . Egyptian Art in the Middle Kingdom (Cambridge.b. but the recent excavations in these regions still await completion and/or full publication. The alignment in the published photograph should be corrected. E. are most striking expressions of local workshop traditions. The gaps in our knowledge are such that we can often identify a coffin or stela as belonging to a particular provincial workshop but be unable to assign it to a precise date within that workshop's history.e. sadly. and continued to be so until the end of Dynasty XII. some specialist vessels. It followed from this that graves at Qau in Upper Egypt could be compared with graves from Harageh in the Fayum and differences between them interpreted in terms of chronology rather than of regional variation.Simpson has begun for stelae in Terrace of the Great God at Abydos: The Offering Chapels of Dynasties 12 and 13 (New Haven and Philadelphia. The design is unique to Asyut.W. the traditional view was that Egypt was culturally unified after the political unification by Nebhepetre Mentuhotep in Dynasty XI. Specialist studies of individual regions or classes of object. the Delta. a separate sequence must be established. 8 See for example the fragments of an unprovenanced coffin in the Fitzwilliam Museum. Furthermore. stelae..

"Nubians in Egypt during the Middle and New Kingdoms" to be published by the British Museum.. It-t3wy. bypassing Upper Egypt. S. probably to be identified with 3-11. When you lie down. inheritors of local traditions going backiperhaps even beyond the Unification under Menés. it is worthless. in response (we surmise) to the increasing power of local rulers. Lichtheim opxit. or rival loyalties (Heracleopolis). which tell him: 10 "Trust not a brother. know not a friend.Bourriau." 11 The text goes on to describe an assassination attempt.6 Janine Bourriau the import on shape alone.He called it. 1 1 1 2 . Nubia and the Delta. up till the end of the reign of Senwosret HI. Cat. can be seen in terms of the interplay between on the one hand these three cities. However.CHayes. more particularly the Hyksos based at Avaris (Tell Dab'a) in the Eastern Delta. close to the place chosen for the Pyramid complexes of Amenemhet I and Senwosret I. the residence of the King being inevitably the seat of central government. All the officials and institutions set up there were dependent on the new King. had been the capital of a rival Dynasty during the First Intermediate Period. thereby emphasising the importance of this region for the control of Northern Egypt). and Gebelein .were immemorially ancient Nome capitals or cult centres. inheritors of no ancient traditions (Memphis). and many excavation reports provide no other information. into Middle Egypt. It-t3wy is often called simply "The Residence". a new royal Residence at It-t3wy. Aswan. "Horemkha'uef of Nekhen and his Trip to It-towe" in JEA 33 (1947).places like Asyut. if we accept at face value the Instructions he left for his son Senwosret I. Much of the history of the first part of the Middle Kingdom. This event took place some time after the middle of the XIII Dynasty. Pharaohs and Mortals. Centres within these regions . In contemporary Egyptian texts. Thebes. ignoring Memphis itself? It may have been because his own reign was not secure. between Memphis and the Fayum. The site of this capital has not been identified for certain but must lie in the cultivation near the modern village of el Lisht. made of a clay from the Memphis-Fayum region. which remained an important necropolis for the rest of the Middle Kingdom. Why did Amenemhat I choose to establish what was in effect a new capital city. make no intimates. the burial place of Osiris. a phrase sufficient to designate the royal palace. centre of pilgrimage. see J. recalling perhaps the event which precipitated Sinuhe's flight to Syria in his famous narrative. like many founders of new Dynasties before and since. its total identification with the State. "Seizer of the Two Lands". and on the other the provincial centres controlled by dynasties of Nomarchs and their dependents. Beni Hasan. is illustrated by the fact that the Middle Kingdom may be considered to end with the abandonment of the Residence and the withdrawal of the King southwards to Thebes. the centre of the administration of the Southern part of Egypt and the heartland of the XI and XII Dynasties. Iit3wy. Quirke in Bourriau. guard your heart yourself for no man has adherents on the day of woe. wanted a new capital. (Nearby Heracleopolis. The significance of the Residence. an additional reason may have been that Amenemhet I. and finally Abydos. dominated by the activities of the King and his officials. W. significantly. Bersheh. In addition to these places there were three significant urban centres: the Residence. close to the mouth of the Fayum. 136. 12 1 0 This is a problem encountered in establishing the distribution of storage vessels of Marl C fabric.60.

1980). * The evidence.147. may originate in the cemeteries around the Residence.cit. close to the Pyramid of Amenemhet III. Ibid. and Amenemhet III again at Hawara. Mortuary priests were given me. Two Lisht coffins are among his earliest sources for type IVaa. 1988). in so far as we know it. was a focus for royal activity throughout the XII and XIII Dynasties. 4 1 5 1 6 1 7 1 8 . thereafter.cit. which is frustratingly incomplete. it is possible to chart the spread of this "Residence" pottery tradition as it reached the rest of Egypt and Nubia. rearranged the elements of Mortuary Temple.. n." The attraction of such patronage in this world and the next must have been great: it was sufficient to cause the successor of Khnumhotep II to abandon his unfinished tomb at Beni Hasan in favour of a mastaba at Dahshur. and type VI is thought to derive from the decoration on the royal sarcophagi of Senwosret II and III and Amenemhet HI at Lahun and Dahshur. The overseers of construction in the Necropolis busied themselves with it. It is rich in private and royal funerary monuments from the XI dynasty until the reign of Senwosret I. A funerary domain was made for me. Given the different ceramic traditions prevailing in Egypt in the early XII Dynasty.cit. The obvious interpretation is that 13 14 15 16 17 18 *3 Lichtheim op. Thebes had a different history in the Middle Kingdom. 160. Until then the degree to which it is present on a provincial site can be used as one indication of the strength of contacts between that site and the Residence. the vizirs and treasurers.. Minoan Pottery in Second Millennium Egypt (Mainz.19. Willems op.. 143-146. 233. Merrillees. In this way they had access. It is significant that it arrives in Nubia before it appears at Thebes and becomes dominant throughout the country only in the late XTJ Dynasty. Kemp and R. i. Amenemhet III and Senwosret III at Dahshur. Such architectural innovation and experiment would have provided a climate encouraging to changes in burial rites and equipment It is significant that the two most popular designlayouts for the external decoration of "standard class" coffins. A master draughtsman designed it. Dorothea Arnold in Dieter Arnold. The Pyramid of Senwosret I (New York. "A stone Pyramid was built for me in the midst of the Pyramids. n.. Senwosret II at Lahun. The masons who build tombs constructed it. It had fields and a garden in the right place as is done for a Companion of the first rank. would have been the first to respond to change. from Dahshur in the North to and including the Fayum. Valley Temple. subsidiary Pyramids and private mastabas. Senwosret I and Amenemhet I at Lisht.Patterns of change in burial customs 7 The region around the Residence. We can perhaps assume that such burials of the highest officials and their families. 162. and whilst retaining the Royal Pyramid as centrepiece. in pottery studies Dorothea Arnold has recently shown that the Riqqeh-Lahun-Harageh corpus thought to be characteristic of Dynasty X I I originated at Lisht in the second half of the reign of Senwosret I . 23. A master sculptor carved in it. B J. Here the kings were buried: there are Pyramids of Amenemhet II. is summarised in Willems op. In the early XII Dynasty each King moved his mortuary complex to a new site. by favour of the King. All the equipment that is placed in a tomb shaft was supplied. to all the resources of the royal workshops. Sinuhe describes the favours showered on him by Senwosret I. desiring to be buried close to the King they served. Similarly.S. Willems' layouts of types IV and VI. 61-2.. fewer monuments survive.e. of those people closest to the King. To the cemeteries around the Pyramid complexes came the great officials of the state.138. n.

we may imagine them calling in at Abydos to arrange for a commemoration to be left for them and their families. identified in the Middle Kingdom with the tomb of King Djer of the First Dynasty. The Sanctuary of Heqaib (Mainz. whereas the main period of use of the Harageh. either in themselves or in their relationship to each other. Leahy. publication and analysis of this rich documentation is one of the most important recent advances in Egyptology. perhaps. with his aim of understanding the texts on coffins in terms of the rites of burial. Statues. Bourriau op. 2 4 .no. 159. there is an exceptional amount of unpublished evidence of this date. Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Willems hardly ever appeals to associated objects for dating coffins. home of Osiris and the site of his tomb. a general increase in wealth is apparent. With this wealth comes a shift of resources away from the provinces towards the Fayum region. This is most clearly seen in Middle Egypt.. until the mid-XIII Dynasty when the centre of royal power shifts southwards again. regardless of where you were buried. Personendaten aus dem Mittleren Reich (Wiesbaden. passim. Beni Hasan. patrons or proteges at the Terrace of the Great God. 1984). This is inconsistent. People wished to dwell near the god in the same way as they might wish to be buried or commemorated close to the royal tomb enclosure. with very few exceptions. which may change this picture radically. However.8 Janine Bourriau private cemeteries become more modest.cit. He does not provide tomb numbers in his documentation of them and this emphasises that his approach isolates the coffin from the physical context of burial. D. earlier cliff tombs are re-used and simple shafts without superstructures dug. Wood gives way to stone in sculpture in the round. Cat. religious texts and motifs and design of decoration. a gold catfish from Harageh Cemetery A 72. L. can they be related to the contents of the extensive cemeteries of shaft tombs at Abydos.cit. 424-434. 22 For example at Elephantine. or to groups of people whose work drew them together. 19 20 21 22 23 24 1 9 A. If we could relate burial equipment and stelae as we can begin to relate sculpture and stelae. Hundreds of stelae were the product of this piety. Franke. the number of deposits where coffins and grave goods may be associated is suprisingly small. passim. especially from the Metropolitan Museum of Art excavations at Thebes. titles.cit. However. 23 it could be argued that coffins provide similar dating criteria to stelae: names. Bersheh and AsyuL They had all ceased to exist by the reign of Amenemhet III. As the XII Dynasty progresses. but in the course of the XU Dynasty it became increasingly important to be commemorated there. passim.. The Abydos necropolis was continuously used for the burials of people who lived locally or who were attached to the site's numerous shrines. giving us all the more reason to regret that so few of these stelae can be restored to the monument from which they were extracted and so related to others of the same date or family group. Egyptian archaeology would be immensely enriched. Nor. Lisht North and Dahshur cemeteries came in the late XII to XÏÏI Dynasties. and modest burials contain gold and hard stone jewellery and amulets. 1985). "The "Osiris' Bed Reconsidered" in Orientalia 46 (1977). Abydos was the sacred city. judging simply by the quality of the raw materials used in private and royal monuments. The regional styles that can be observed in the early Middle Kingdom were not static. and as officials passed up and down the river secure in the stability of a unified country. offering tables and stelae were set up in small chapels. 127. at sites like Meir. These might belong to families. Habachi. funerary formulae. around the Residence. 21 Simpson op. Simpson op. 20 There is a great increase in private stelae at Abydos during the reign of Senwosret I and again in the late XII-early XIII Dynasties..with the important exception of the shaft tombs at Beni Hasan.

See also J. University of Oxford. defined by motifs. List 2.35-40. Asyut exhibits the trend most clearly. uneven though they are. do show in respect of coffin decoration. 10-12. and not coffin types whose occurrence is confined to a single site.19-34. going back to the early Heracleopolitan era. is that the "standard class" coffin with interior decoration was more popular 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 25 Bourriau op.V. List 1. Willems' type 1 is replaced by his type 2. this volume. that Lisht may be the source of the layout design. n. and there is a movement of people. Why did Asyut cease to function before Beni Hasan did. Donald Spanel's unpublished thesis. under Asyut. A lesser change is marked by the end of the reign of Senwosret I. however. 49-50. see J. p. 281 have already suggested above.. Willems op. It is the cultural homogeneity of the late Middle Kingdom which contrasts so strongly with the First Intermediate Period or the first phase of the Middle Kingdom. and a little later. ending with the reign of Senwosret I. as Diana Magee has shown in her unpublished thesis.cit. all-important in showing the strength of local traditions in funerary ritual and coffin craft. a greater one by the end of the reign of Senwosret III and the final phase ends with the abandonment of the Residence in the XHI Dynasty. contains the latest known example of a coffin type unique to Asyut. This trend towards standardisation in the exterior decoration of "standard class" coffins. 30 Ibid. There is a growing cultural homogeneity expressed in the style of coffins and pottery and the selection of grave goods. either to a different part of the cemetery or away from the cemetery altogether.l38. 3* As a consequence he lists all coffins with interior decoration. at Bersheh.. 1990. The burial of Djefaiha'py. 7 2 9 . part of a tradition of coffin decoration. Lapp's account is more comprehensive in scope though necessarily less detailed than Willems' work.Hoffmeier. These are. who served King Senwosret I. for example? Despite the uneven pace of this change.cit. inscriptions and their arrangement.Patterns of change in burial customs 9 The process is twofold. p. Asyut to the end of the Middle Kingdom: an historical and cultural study. Willems' documentation has to be used with care because he analyses only what he calls the "standard class" coffin.. of which 46 are "Siutian". should also be consulted. in their interior decoration.. From a period contemporary with Djefaiha'py's coffin.See also above n. there are 69 coffins. The earliest examples are listed on p. there are obvious phases in the transitional period. is reinforced by a change which also occurred a little later.10. local traditions in funerary equipment and sculpture begin to give way to artefacts without such a strong local character. and Lisht. What the sources. but only a limited number of those without. What happened is not easy to understand. this volume. 136-7. and such "deviant" types as he calls them. 430-434. in the reign of Amenemhet II. This is G . 190.cit.Hoffmeier. Beni Hasan. 26 Diana Magee. 32 in Willems List 1. which I have not seen.16. His purpose is to establish dating criteria for coffins with Coffin Texts by comparing coffins from different sites. with fig.160. coffins of Willems' type IVaa occur at Asyut itself.Lapp's Lower Egyptian type in LÄ. At the end of this first phase. which seems to me to begin at this time. and in the new type the similarities between coffins from different sites is so strong that Willems suggests that it can be accounted for only by contact between coffin workshops. 2 Willems op. (or"Siutian" for those from Asyut) are a dead end in this respect.

Such a profound cultural change did not come about simply through the King's political will. Cemetery A at Riqqeh began in the reign of Amenemhet II.but the evidence for the first site is unpublished and for the second lost. However. Arnold op. 60-63. The relationship of the site to the Residence may be a factor. Gräberfelder aus dem Obergang vom Alten zum Mittleren Reich. Dorothea Arnold has shown how the classic Middle Kingdom pottery repertoire was a creation of the Lisht potters in the second half of the reign of Senwosret I . language and institutions of society.333. in his seriation of the Beni Hasan tombs. 143. 3 4 3 5 . He fixed the southern border at Semna.329. Meir.Seidlmayer. Two examples may suffice: the soldiers of the garrison of the late XTJ Dynasty at Buhen were buried with 33 34 35 36 37 38 3 3 The coffins from Lisht South and Lisht North are currently being prepared for publication by James Allen of the Metropolitan Museum of Art. 37 LBourriau. Too little has survived from other Upper Egyptian sites for comparisons to be useful. Lisht itself and Riqqeh. the situation cannot be completely understood. She has also shown how types-of the First Intermediate period continued to circulate longer at Asyut and Beni Hasan than at Sedment or Gurob. includes shapes circulating in Upper Egypt as well as examples of the "Residence style". Nevertheless it would seem that local traditions in coffin decoration were more tenacious at some places than at others. The strength of local styles also varied from craft to craft: compare for example. but seems to be more deep seated and unselfconscious.. unlike the coffins. placed those groups with classic XII Dynasty pottery in his latest level. Pottery from the Nile Valley before the Arab Conquest (Cambridge. 233. This phenomenon may explain why Seidlmayer. until the early XII Dynasty coffin types used in the cemeteries at Lisht are published and can be compared with those from the great cemeteries in Middle Egypt. the evolution of pottery style with coffin typology. confined at first to the cemeteries in the immediate vicinity of the Residence. given the distance involved and the strength of local craft traditions) Thebes. Stephen Quirke has argued that Senwosret Ill's concern to re-define the boundaries of Egypt may have been the catalyst for this profound social change. It is the reign of Senwosret III which introduces the final phase of the Middle Kingdom. Willems op. n. Level HI. the Nile was navigable even at low water from the Second Cataract to the Mediterranean. Bersheh.cit. and cut a channel through the rocks of the First Cataract so that. The effect of this on communications with Nubia is easy to see. The evidence suggests at present that the new pottery style contemporary with the type IVaa coffins. The pottery from Beni Hasan has a character all its own. Umm el Ga'ab.Janine Bourriau 10 at Saqqara.e.cit. and moreover. n. not just in terms of distance but also in terms of the degree of contact with the King and his officials. Beni Hasan and Lisht than at Asyut and (not suprisingly. 16 SJ. We can see changes in that reign which go far beyond burial customs and touch all aspects of the material culture. This may also have been true at Bersheh and Meir. See note 18 above. (Heidelberg. as the culmination of Senwosret Ill's policy of centralisation of power. introduced at the end of the reign of Senwosret I. dated by him to the reigns of Amenemhet II-Senwosret I I . i. 144. 1981). for the first time. The potters whose workshops were immortalised in the Beni Hasan tomb paintings produced a funerary pottery altogether more idiosyncratic in style and technology than the products of the coffin makers. 1990). was. This book reached me too late to be fully incorporated into the present paper..

They ceased to appear in the Memphis-Fayum region after the reign of Senwosret n. 34. both in a movement away from the provincial cemeteries which had evolved after the Old Kingdom and in changes in the type and class of object placed in the burial. 7.cit.A. op. introduced between the end of the reign of Amenemhet II and early in the reign of Senwosret HI. 243. they are evidence of direct trade between the region around the Residence and Nubia.XII Dynasty. two model boats and a model 12. and Asyut. El Kab. Ph. magic wands and rods. Meir. however.Murray. nos.a coffin with outer decoration of Willems' type VI. 3 Some evidence has been lost through poor preservation.. as far south as continuity of use throughout the Middle Kingdom.15. this change in burial practices did not reach some provincial cemeteries like Meir and Beni Hasan until later. see also the quotation from Hilda Petrie's diary in Bourriau. See note 10 above. intact burial . op. fig. Arnold. 1990. As a consequence we find in Beni Hasan tomb 500 .Garstang. 1923). was wooden tomb models. Brunton's original observation during his excavations at el-Lahun has been amply confirmed by Angela Tooley's comprehensive study.3. are relatively rare and the names and titles of few individuals survive. Inscriptions. no. 226. Middle Kingdom Burial Customs. In terms of burial customs. J. University of Liverpool.9. Coincidentally with the disappearance of models a new range of ritual objects begins to appear in burials: funerary figurines. Mace's notebooks recording his work in Cemetery W at Diospolis Parva occasionally note the presence of painted coffins. After the reign of Senwosret III no evidence is forthcoming from Beni Hasan. Since these jars are never found in Upper Egypt. 5. which continued until the mid. 8. in the locality if not always in exactly the same spot. fig. By every available criterion they were of lower status than. ^ Angela Tooley. for example. and Rifeh. Do. Pharaohs and Mortals. apart from coffins. "Kerarnikbearbeitung in Dahschur 1976-1981" in MDA1K 38 (1982). or at Abydos or Thebes. most of those buried in the cemeteries of comparable date in the Memphis-Fayum region. 4 0 4 1 4 2 4 4 4 4 4 6 ^«àexlands Insfctum •%5or het Nabije Oester» .MJ\Petrie. the changes manifested themselves in two ways. G. no. together with pottery of similar date.thesis. It seems that the majority of the people buried in these graves were not members of the official classes. Bersheh. Qau cemetery 7000. for example . The evidence is reviewed conveniently in Willems. accompanied by figurines which are 3-dimensional versions of the subjects 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 39 Bourriau. scarabs and coffins. Provincial cemeteries of people at a lower level of society those at Diospolis Parva. developing into shabtis. There are also changes to be seen in the actual contents of non-royal burial groups of the late XII to XIII Dynasty. Marl clay storage jars typical of the Memphis-Fayum region can be found all over Nubia.8. The Burial Customs of Ancient Egypt (London. 6. The most characteristic product of the funerary workshops of the early XII Dynasty. A Study of Wooden Models and Related Materials. Beni Hasan tombs 75 and 886 also contained coffins with outer decoration of type VI together with boat models. 136.Brunton and M. 10. 1907).. 62-104. W. 99. and inner decoration of type 2.D. 214. with the occasional exception of boat models. Lahun II (London.Patterns of change in burial customs 11 grave goods indistinguishable in appearance from those of their contemporaries buried at Lisht or Dahshur over a thousand miles to the north.cit. Like the classic XII Dynasty pottery style. fig. those of the Nomarchs and their dependents do not.

If we use the refinements in pottery dating now available from Lisht and apply them to a few key groups from the region. 50 W. pl. There is evidence that at least some of these changes spread out to the rest of Egypt from the cemeteries close to the Residence and the royal funerary complexes nearby. The starting point jeems to be the reign of Amenemhet in and the end. 27-8. and their dependent officials. If we add three well dated groups from Abydos and Thebes the chronological picture is similar. (A list and brief discussion of the groups is given at the end of the paper). female figurines. illustrating belief in the posthumous pilgrimage to Abydos. See above. in this region. the multiplicity of temples dedicated to the mortuary cults of Middle Kingdom Kings was sufficient to ensure the presence in this area of large staffs of priests.12 Janine Bourriau depicted on them. Williams in Sarapis 3 (1975-6). we may be able to establish when this change took place. See tomb list. Frankfort in JEA 14 (1928). W38.82. 41-55. which is to generalise from a small and possibly unrepresentative sample of data.5.XXII. Most cemeteries of the mid-late XII Dynasty produced funerary statuettes in hard stones. The Labyrinth. Liliquist in Sarapis 5 (1979). from Diospolis At the same time we begin to find a style of writing of funerary inscriptions which uses mutilated hieroglyphs. with or without the offering formula and other prayers. C. or in the afterlife if the real body were destroyed. G. H.A. 1912). I am aware of the great danger in extracting individual groups from a mass of archaeological material in this way. At the end of the XII Dynasty. ^ Abydos B13. The name and title may be given. The next step in the development of these statuettes is the application to them of the shabti text. B.. passim. here was the perfect setting for new rites of burial to appear and to spread. and this seems to have happened first in the Memphis-Fayum area. but there is also some evidence to suggest that the changes occurred a little later at these centres. Pétrie. and as a stand-in for it in the offering cult. Wainwright and E. or the figure may be uninscribed. It is consistent with what we know of Ancient Egyptians to assume a multiplicity of purposes for these figures.cit. What they show is that a change in the selection of objects for burial coincides with the evolution of pottery types dateable to the late XH" to early XHI Dynasties. notes 18 and 40. 239-40. two examples from Hawara dating from the reign of Amenemhet III. pl.3.. Bourriau op. objects and (sometimes) coffin is reasonably secure. and the objects from the Ramesseum tomb however. and are found in offering chapels at Abydos as well as in tombs generally. where the association of pottery. representing the deceased as a wrapped mummy or wearing a long cloak. The 47 48 49 50 51 4 7 Kemp and Merrillees op. I have. Gerzeh and Mazguneh (London. the burial of Renseneb in Carter's tomb 25 in the Asasif at Thebes. 4 8 4 5 1 .cit. funerary scribes. Mackay. faience model offerings of food and pottery.M. the advanced XÏII Dynasty. Cat.F. Such figures are sometimes placed in model coffins. The statuettes seem to have evolved from the mummy figures placed in model funerary boats. chosen either groups which have already been used by others to establish the character of Middle Kingdom burials or well dated groups from the most recent work at Dahshur and Lisht by Dorothea and Dieter Arnold. The statuette could function as an additional representation of the wrapped body of the deceased in funeral rites.

animals and reptiles have been removed. as vulnerable (in Egyptian thinking) as the newly born to malign influence.75-7 and M47C. op. sometimes in miniature coffins. but it did not thereby lose any of its earlier significance. The earliest burial group known to me to contain the script is the burial of the princess Neferu-ptah. The wands and rods with their associated collections of magical figures. 56 P. 58 Abydos B13. 57 N. between those who carry out manual work and those who do not. NubkheperreInyotef. It is in the form of a legal contract. and sets out to provide the deceased with exemption from his duty to help maintain the irrigation system in the afterlife.cit. 46-7. Kahun.Patterns of change in burial customs 13 52 earliest examples are from Lisht. Gurob and Hawara (London. pLVHI. 1977). by appointing the shabti as his substitute. the latest known example being the coffin of one of the most important kings of the Theban seventeenth Dynasty. 59 Carter and Carnarvon tomb 25. 1890). 1971). daughter of Amenemhet III. Shabtis are still found. p.Lacau. as it still does in Egypt. since the practice also occurs in earlier compilations.F.Petrie. such as the Pyramid Texts: it is to prevent the power of the beings represented by the hieroglyphs from doing harm to the newly dead. Unfortunately the archaeological sequence at Kahun is unknown. in offering deposits. 54 See shabtis of Bener and Wahneferhotep from Lisht.Winlock. The Discovery ofNeferwptah (Cairo. From the late XII Dynasty onward.E. pl. The text is an old spell. 60 in the British Museum.XIV. see tomb list below. For Lisht 453 in which the shabti of Ameny was found. Schneider. human beings. or they may be represented in relief sculpture on stelae or in shrines. 55 P. B2L. 6 1 . a town dating from the reign of Senwosret II to the XIII Dynasty. W. 101-114.dateable to Dynasty XIII.. first known amongst Coffin Texts from Meir and El Bersheh. 57-102. the text uses mutilated hieroglyphs in which the legs of the signs representing birds. When it appears on the statuettes."Une Formule des shaouabtis sur un pseudo-naos de la XHIe Dynastie" in Revue d'Egyptologie 26 (1974). in tomb list.Vernus. the context is interesting in providing general support for the date of these objects and illustrating 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 5 2 H. Farag and Z. 164. 48-58. see tomb list. see tomb list. this mutilated script was used for objects placed close to the body in burial."Suppressions et modifications de signes dans les textes funéraires" in ZÄS 51 (1914). see H. so for most of the finds precise dates cannot be given. The tradition spread to Abydos and Thebes. To this discussion should be added Willems' comments on the dating of the relevant coffins. Iskander. This undoubtedly reflects the practice of a society in which the great division lay. 53 Ibid. With the addition of this text the shabti figure has acquired a very specific function. Shabtis I (Leiden. can be paralleled by objects from domestic contexts at Kahun. which has a terminus post quern of the reign of Amenemhet IV. p. which appear in late Middle Kingdom burials anywhere in Egypt. at Lisht. The reason for this we know. BIP.M.. 62 The meagre information in the reports has been painstakingly examined in Kemp and Merrillees."The Tombs of the Kings of the Seventeenth Dynasty at Thebes" in JEA X (1924).97. Nevertheless. Dahshur and Hawara.D. 182.

can produce the range of objects in organic materials that have come from Kahun.. which dies out after the reign of Amenemhet I. are late XII Dynasty (personal observation). the supernatural powers of the night and of the desert and the unquiet dead was hardly an innovation.\05. 6^ Willems lists three exterior decoration layout types. Lapp in SAK 13 (1986). 66 Stephen Quirke. see note 74 below. a chief lector priest at Lisht. 405-414. which occur during. At Dahshur. Bourriau opxit. Willems' type 2. Gebelein. IVaa. The kinship between some spells among the Coffin Texts and the medico-magical papyri. the reign of Senwosret III and continue later. Firstly the trend towards standardisation in exterior decoration becomes even more marked. makes their primary function to protect living women and children clear. coinciding with this change in the burial goods.. p. 110-127. T6C and TlOC.Willems op.cit. Beni Hasan.cit.121. none is certainly later than the reign of Senwosret III. do seem to be more popular in the Memphis-Fayum region than in Upper Egypt but that may be a distortion due to an imbalance in the sources available to us. The few examples imply that access to the texts was much more restricted in the late Middle Kingdom and this contrasts sharply with the situation in the early XII Dynasty. such as Kom Rabi'a. and of officials close to the King.. sundry types were in circulation and represent local variants. "Childbirth and Female Figurines at Deir el-Medina and el-Amarna" in Orientalia 52 (1983). 22-3. which includes Coffin Texts. The earliest levels above water at Kom Rabi'a at Memphis.. The idea that the newly born and the newly dead required the same magical protection against the natural forces of disease and decay. shows this very well..\\l\ Berlev in JEA 60 (1974). and (in the case of IVba and VI) begin shortly before. 6 5 7 6 9 7 0 7 1 7 3 . The female figurines which also appear at this time cannot on present evidence be thought to originate in a particular region. currenüy being excavated by the Egypt Exploration Society. and Thebes. 72 Willems op. From the mid-XII Dynasty onwards. 6 CPinch. IVba and VI. changes in the decoration of coffins also occurred.cit. Willems shows clearly how his type VI coffin becomes the most common type throughout Egypt after the reign of Senwosret III. such as those in the Ramesseum find. °4 Evidence to confirm this from other settlements in the region is lacking so far. Nevertheless the notion seems to have found new expression at this time in the Memphis-Fayum region. ofSsnb-nf. The model food offerings and miniature cups made of faience. 20 coffins with these types of exterior decoration also carry the latest type of interior decoration. Asyut and Meir cease to operate. when coffins from Aswan. the coffins are not "standard class" coffins. Bersheh. but either "court" types or "deviants". for definitions of these terms. LiLi. personal communication.Willems op. List 1. Of these. Examples from these sites all carry Willems' type I layout of exterior decoration.2A. Saqqara. Beni Hasan. 106-113. It is doubtful that any site in the valley. Sedment. G. all carry Coffin Texts. after the reign of Senwosret IU.cit. Secondly the frequency of interior decoration with Frise d'Objets and Coffin Texts shows a corresponding steep decline after the end of his reign. were being adopted into burial practices. 135-147. Abusir. perhaps in origin a replacement for wooden tomb models.127 with chronological table p. 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 6 3 Altenmüller.Janine Bourriau 14 63 how devices perhaps long used to protect the living. as the local workshops of Bersheh. Moreover. Isolated examples appear until well into the Xffl Dynasty but they are special cases: burials of the royal family and their household. see coffins DalC-Da8x in Willems op.

turtle. Statues and stelae were increasingly deposited in temples. Is it possible that these objects are replacing some of the spells previously represented in the Coffin Texts? The basic study of the procession of animals. Die Apotropaia und die Götter Mittelägyptens. so that they might "dwell near the god" and benefit from the rites and offerings made there. Here we see. There is no reference to master or mistress. the relatively sudden disappearance of these texts from non-royal coffins would imply a dramatic change in private funerary ritual. ht. baboon. The background myth is the battle of the sun god against his enemies. Munich. This again relates to the last phase of the Middle Kingdom. Re. hieroglyphs: the wsr sign and the brazier sign for fire. or at Abydos at the "Terrace of the Great God". in current use for a similar purpose in everyday life. A limestone stela from Abydos with a simple painted text is an example of the most modest category of 76 Quirke in Bourriau op. 75 See tomb list below.Patterns of change in burial customs 15 We can. both inside near the doors and in the outer courts. Diss. snake-headed leopard. 1-27. so we may assume their status was above that of the serving classes. and of Coffin Texts and Pyramid Texts together. Represented on the wands in the Ramesseum group are deities: Seth. triple-headed serpent. only two of the men are given titles.AItenmiiller. hieroglyphs and gods shown on the wands is by Altenmüller. U. in a cheaper and more easily obtainable form. vols. If he is right.I. the solar spells in the Coffin Texts? The objects were. real animals: frog. Willems has argued that the texts relate to episodes in the funerary rites themselves.cit. in SAK 13 (1986). Cat. as Quirke has said. Could the figures and the wands have come to replace. mythical beasts: griffin with human head between its wings. see a chronological correlation in the late XII Dynasty. 1965. The autobiographical texts of the early Middle Kingdom are replaced by religious ones... hymns to Osiris or Min (a change which may be related to a need to find another medium for texts relating to the Osiris myth previously provided by the Coffin Texts). Thueris. hon. I think. Spells referring to the myth of the sun god travelling through the caverns of the night are a major theme of the Coffin Texts. cat. The sun god's helpers are shown carrying knives. continue to appear sporadically. the texts of funerary stelae themselves change. id.41. individuals from among the elusive middle ranks. This suggestion need not be invalidated by the fact that examples of Coffin Texts. rods and wands. I shall both speculate and generalise to suggest that the late Middle Kingdom saw a simplification in burial customs. after all. which made burials and/or commemorations 74 75 76 7 4 H. and they are simply "steward". Moreover. and both male and female forms of Aha. painted or carved on the walls of the burial chambers of private tombs. and/or simple offering formulae with family genealogies and endless lists of names. were open to more people than ever before. Nekhbet. .XIII Dynasties. Finally I should like to suggest a change which I think can be seen in the social pattern of burial. Seventeen men and women are listed. Opportunities for burial and/or commemoration in a sanctified place close to a royal mortuary temple. I have so far discussed patterns of change in relation to the funerary geography of Egypt and the chronological phases of the Middle Kingdom. between literate official and illiterate farmer. between the decline in the occurrence of coffins with interior decoration and the appearance in burials of magical figurines. the late XII . and it is the protective powers represented by these beings which are called up to aid the dead.

associated with pottery of the late XH-early XIII Dynasty. Date: Advanced XJJJ Dynasty or later. The political process which marked the end of the Middle Kingdom was the reduction in the area controlled by the Pharaoh from the Residence at It-t3wy. fig....cit. Closed group.. associated with pottery of the late XIII Dynasty. fig. Fewer burials were furnished with both inner and outer coffins and fewer coffins had interior as well as exterior decoration. what was placed in the tomb was amulets and magical figurines used in daily life.cit. It is the advent of the XVIII Dynasty which introduces the next major cultural phase. At the great mortuary temples of the XII Dynasty Kings at Lisht and Dahshur.Type HIA. Arnold op. 183. and Senebtisi. together with standard pottery vessels and food offerings. instead of specially made tomb models. 78 79 80 81 82 Bener Group.cit. with its promise of eternal life. culminating in the removal of the royal household to Thebes. both inscribed using the mutilated script. two recently published closed groups from Lisht South.6. Type HIB.Dorman in Arnold op. 7 8 8 0 8 1 8 2 8 3 . 83 7 7 There are undoubtedly many other relevant groups from Lisht. these were not individuals of high rank. opxit. both inscribed using the mutilated script. I have selected groups referred to in Kemp and Merrillees (see note 16 above). available to many more individuals.cit. Arnold op. to date. Date: Late XII . that there were many more burials of the late Xll-Xm Dynasties than of the early XII Dynasty and to judge by their inscriptions.6. tomb shafts. TOMB LIST 7 7 Lisht South Wahneferhotep Group. his successor. then houses and grain silos into the sacred precincts. an invasion of first.early XÏÏI Dynasty. text version IIIA. one can observe. Dorman in Arnold op. 147-149. It is noticeable at Lisht North. Shabti and model coffin . text version ITIA. Closed group. because her burial is a constant source of reference. 147-149. nevertheless the evidence does not show. Schneider opxit. 37-40. 183. that a correspondingly sudden or even very profound cultural change followed it. but they must await full publication of the cemeteries around the North and South Pyramids. for example. Shabti and model coffin . 79 P.16 Janine Bourriau less costly. the contents of those houses and shafts show a steady evolution. more often. This event must have been traumatic when it took place. such people had moved away to set up their "dwelling" close to the King they served or. However. the separate culture of the Eastern Delta flourishes until the period of the Hyksos wars. Schneider. 34-37. from the mid-XIII Dynasty onwards. not an abrupt change from the familiar types of the XII Dynasty itself. and so a "goodly burial in the west". In Northern Egypt.. the burial traditions of the late Middle Kingdom continue..

98 Arnold op. 99 Willems op.114.cit. "An enigmatic faiencefigure"in Miscellanea Wilbouriana I (New York. judging by the presence of two skulls and of 3 inlaid eyes from coffins. magical figurines of a cat and a jerboa. text version IIC. 125-134. C. 86 Information from tomb card. 37. 92 See note 86 above. fig. 195.E.Engelbach. 89 Arnold. 1923). and pottery. Arnold op. 93 G. No information on number of burials. An elaborate shaft tomb which contained remains of two burials. "Keramikbearbeitung". The pottery included carinated cups. see note 39 above. now in the Oriental Institute in Chicago. Mace and H. on fig. Harageh (London. Date: Late XU Dynasty onwards. which do not occur in the early XII Dynasty corpus at Lisht South but do appear at Dahshur in the cemetery around the Pyramid of Amenemhet UP and in late XII Dynasty stratified levels at Memphis.196.70.cit.. is a point insufficiently stressed in the discussion of the date of the burial of Senebtisi that her coffins do not employ the mutilated scriptThis sets it apart from that of Neferu-ptah which it otherwise closely Williams in Sarapis 3 (1975-1976). type IIIA. fig. 41-55. principally of the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period (Oxford. 167. Now dated by the pottery to the reign of Amenemhet III or a little later.cit. 182. n. Faience hippopotamus. Her observation is confirmed by comparison made by the author. lion from a magic rod. Liliquist in Sarapis 5 (1979). squatting man holding an offering table . a scarab and shabti of the same man. from a deposit dated to Senwosret Ill-early Amenemhet HI. Egyptian administrative and private name seals. At Lisht South this type comes in cluster 3. passim.6. 85 pace Riefstahl.Martin. A. 91 Kemp and Merillees op. 21.l2. 95 Shown clearly in a photograph..67. 96 Arnold op. 27-8. Kom Rabi'a.T. 92 93 94 95 96 91 Senebtisi. Winlock. 98 99 E. The Tomb of Senebtisi at Lisht (New York. and the neck of a wine j a r of Lisht South type shown on fig. 8 7 8 8 4 9 7 . fragments of Tell el-Yahudiyeh ware. 1971).6. B. 104-5.cit. Date: Late XII Dynasty 94 85 86 87 88 39 90 91 Tomb 453. of a new drawing of the Senebtisi marl C jar. Ameny written using the mutilated script. including hemispherical cups with an index of 150. model food. The pottery is not consistent with a single period of use but nothing is earlier than the late XII Dynasty. no. nos. faience figurines of women. with pottery of Amenemhet III or a little later.. 1972). 1916).Patterns of change in burial customs 17 Lisht North Tomb 315. There were fragments of an anthropoid coffin.Riefstahl. 90 Personal observation.cit. The coffins support this date. This burial does not contain any of the grave goods whose date of introduction I am seeking to establish but it is a key burial for the period.cit. 137143. by courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum of Art. 10B-10P. R.. with the Dahshur example of the late XÜ" Dynasty cited by Dorothea Arnold.76. 9 Schneider op.

and found that the results compared well enough with the seriation from multi-burial groups to suggest there was no significant distortion. ™ Ibid. but in my view problems lie in his reliance on the accuracy of the typing of pottery by Engelbach and in the assumptions made in reducing the original corpus to a size suitable for the seriation technique. In addition to pottery it contained a faience dwarf. op. In addition to pottery.. Listed in Kemp's seriation in a cluster around tomb 91.XIV. 1 0 1 2 1 0 3 1 0 4 1 0 7 1 0 8 1 0 9 1 1 0 .. This surprising observation needs further testing on other cemeteries. 31. Engelbach opxit. See notes 89. Arnold opxit.8. Contained 3 burials in 2 chambers. not illustrated. Date: Advanced XÏÏI Dynasty. Closed Deposit. which belongs to the advanced XLU pl. 141.cit. 11.XIV. It is also dangerous to place too much weight on the evidence of a single cup. If we can consider a deposit with so many burials as a single g r o u p .LVIII. pLLVIII. Date: Late Amenemhet DI. Pottery includes a wine jar of type 4 If with an aperture index which places it in Arnold's cluster 3 . the group included a faience dog figurine. One burial in a single chamber. see below. of course. p. 100 Harageh Cemetery A No. opxit. which has a terminus post quern of Senwosret III.. to use a type drawing rather than a drawing of the actual vessel to measure the vessel index.XIV. 141. See notes 89 and 90 above. because the validity of any conclusions depends on the accuracy of the typing which cannot.. pl.. 105 106 108 Cemetery A No. pLXIV. belonging to the period between the reign of Senwosret II and the end of the XII Dynasty . pLLVIII. a type which does not 107 occur before the reign of Amenemhet in.12..55.Janine Bourriau 18 Closed Deposit.cit. Date: Dynasty XII.index 140.76. These are presumably ivory clappers such as those found in the Ramesseum tomb.. 1 0 3 104 Cemetery A NoS6. Arnold opxit. Date: Advanced XIII Dynasty. 109 110 1 U U I am selecting those groups listed in Kemp and Merrillees. 141. It contained a faience hippopotamus and a faience vase. the pottery includes a hemispherical cup of approx.9 and "ivory hands". Engelbach. 175. It is not possible to discuss Kemp's seriation here. Senwosret II or later.90 above. Arnold op. All that can be done is to suggest probabilities in the light of the evidence which remains.143.The tomb also contained a faience dwarf. dated by Arnold to the advanced XIII Dynasty. and a carinated cup.cit. Engelbach op. Contained 10 burials in 3 chambers.The pottery included a carinated c u p and a hemispherical cup with index of 130. fig.77. seriated the pottery in tombs with single chambers not known to contain more than one body. 105 Kemp in Kemp and Merrillees. 2 burials in 1 chamber..cit. in this case. Arnold op. Date: Late XTJ Dynasty or later. pl. be checked since the whereabouts of this cup are unknown. m 102 Cemetery A No. 10. a "rough" hippopotamus and fragments of a headrest. It is dangerous.

Gerzeh and Mazguneh (London. Date : End of the reign of Amenemhet HI.353.LIX. 112 11 Cemetery B No. Intact burial in a pit containing the coffin of a woman. 116 1 1 7 Hawara Tomb 58. ! * Arnold op.7.the deposit contained faience figurines of a cow and a frog.. Pétrie.M. A full list of contents is provided by Kemp and Merrillees. Date: Late XII Dynasty. 41m.. 119 Arnold op..88a.. From a shaft with two chambers containing at least 5 burials. 1912)..XIV. There was a female figurine in wood with a model bed.644. Within the body wrappings.A.cit. which belongs to Arnold's cluster 3.Patterns of change in burial customs 19 ul Cemetery A No.LXI. Bourriau op. In addition to pottery.cit.. pl. pl. dated to Senwosret HI to early Amenemhet m. pLXXX.XIV. 23. The pottery includes two hemispherical cups with indices of 163 and 130 respectively. contained cups with indices below 1 7 0 . Bourriau op. a scarab. 114 115 Cemetery S No.cit.cit.. 118 119 Closed Deposit. 120 H.75.cit. Cat. 118 W.cit. Carter and Carnarvon. 143. 36. Among the pottery is a wine jar. suggesting an advanced XIII Dynasty date. The coffin's inscriptions are in mutilated hieroglyphs. of the period from the reign of Senwosret II to the end of the XII Dynasty.cit. pllXII.F. 54 ff. Assuming this is a homogeneous deposit. Cat.. dateable to the end of the reign of Amenemhet III. but only fragments of the text giving the man's name and title were recorded before the coffin disintegrated. 11 The cemetery began in conjunction with the building of the Pyramid of Amenemhet in. but the burial was intact. Date: Late XU Dynasty. The Labyrinth. fig.88b. * No information on number of burials. Date: Advanced XIU 4 1 1 5 7 . with which the Tell el-Yahudiyeh ware and kohl pots agree. Kemp and Merrillees op.34. 39. 15. 116 Arnold op. Thebes Tomb 25 in the Asasif.. Group of faience figurines on pl. no bodies recorded. The pottery included a hemispherical cup with an index of 163 and Arnold has shown that at Lisht South only the pottery deposit in the South East dump. The pottery consisted of a water jar and two hemispherical cups with indices of 165 and 175.cit. G. a model storage jar of wood. Sitrenenutet. Five Years Explorations at Thebes. H2 Arnold op. Underneath the coffin were fragments of a toilet 120 1 1 1 Engelbach opxit. 11^ Engelbach op. and a faience model of a pigeon.Burial of Renseneb.163. 141. pl.. Closed Deposit. 36. Shaft with two chambers."Great one of the Southern Tens". against the back. Engelbach op.ll2.6. The coffin had been dragged out of one of the chambers. A single burial in one chamber. was a faience hippopotamus. fig.cit. 141.l. Wainwright and E. they argue in favour of placing it at the late end of the Harageh sequence.223.

a fragment of a large magic rod in ivory.cit. The Ramesseum (London. Their function within the rites of protective magic. 110-111. Bourriau op.III.cit. At the bottom of the shaft a group of objects was found scattered around a box of papyri. They have been considered to be an exceptional group. composed of instruments of magic used with the magical texts among the papyri.. 183-4. 122 123 124 125 Abydos Cemetery B No. Quibell. 100. Date: Advanced XUJ Dynasty. There are strong links between the objects in style. with the exception of the model food and vases. * ^ This class offigurineis to be dated to the late Middle Kingdom according to information provided by Dorothea Arnold.Ln. The pottery group as a whole shows how the classic XII Dynasty style which originated at Lisht had by now reached Thebes. an ivory djed pillar. T. pl. 113.. 166..162. is unquestioned but they are unremarkable within the general context of burial groups of the late XII to Xni Dynasties. Bourriau op. shown in the publication on pl. 1 The detailed list given in Kemp and Merrillees. and a cobra wand.3.cit. The deposit contained the two shabtis of Renseneb with a text inscribed in the mutilated script.83. and pottery of advanced XHI Dynasty date.Janine Bourriau 20 box with the name of Amenemhet IV. 126 1 2 1 127 iE. is not repeated here. Wrongly identified by Kemp and Merillees as a handle. The hemispherical cup has an index of approx. text version IIIA.LII. The papyri have been dated to the mid-Xni Dynasty and the objects are entirely consistent with that date. Except for one Upper Egyptian type. 1898) 3. a paddle doll of painted wood.cit. * Schneider op. and this suggests that the objects had undergone a similar fate. 121 Ramesseum group.nos. and in the south chamber were a magic wand and an ivory crocodile.XIII. 1914).62. The papyri had suffered only natural decay and had not been disturbed beyond their original displacement into the shaft.. a wooden statuette of a woman wearing a Bes-Aha mask and carrying snake wands. Cat.Peet. 135a. a model cucumber. type IIIC. Cat. 57-8. The pottery. function and date. after reign of Amenemhet model cups of faience. appears entirely consistent with the date of the box. Date: Mid-XUJ Dynasty.13. pl. Shaft with three chambers. fragments of 3 ivory wands. pl. an ivory object of unknown use. 166. Cemeteries of Abydos II (London. all the pottery can be paralleled in the Harageh/Lisht/Dahshur corpus.cit. 2 2 2 1 2 4 1 2 5 1 2 6 2 7 . This consists of 3 female figurines of faience and limestone. Date: Late XH-early XIII Dynasty. all of which suggests that we are dealing with a homogeneous group. within an area of 2 square feet. faience figurines of two baboons and a standing lion. It is worth stressing that with the exception of the cobra wand and the statuette of the woman carrying wands. a pair of clappers. op..2 J5.the objects are typical of a late Middle Kingdom burial. op. Kemp and Merrillees.

For reasons of space. 1944). 'Egyptian tenses'. Israel Oriental Studies 6 (1976).an analysis which has become widely accepted.f)lsdm. even though I was not able to attend the 1988 Colloquium. Collier.n(. 'Egyptian tenses'. philological and grammatical notes and references have been kept to a minimum. at least in certain environments where the circumstantial sdjn(.f)/sdm. 1 2 4 5 21 . 1-25.n(.f) in all Middle Egyptian source genres. 1-50 (Transpositions').6).n(. In this paper.Circumstantially adverbial? the circumstantial sdm(. It is now over a quarter of a century since Polotsky published his discovery of the circumstantial sdm(. such an analysis leads to serious difficulties which do not arise if the circumstantial sdm(.f) as verbal verb-forms in Middle Egyptian'.f)/sdjn. This analysis is intended to cover the occurrence of the circumstantial sdjn(f)/sdm. Erman had earlier proposed a circumstantial form of the sdm(. section 3.f) can account satisfactorily for the overall syntactic distribution of these forms in Middle Egyptian in the following seven 1 2 3 4 5 * I am grateful to Janine Bourriau and Stephen Quirke for inviting me to contribute to this volume. and to Harry Smith for comments on a draft of this paper. Vol.n(. 71-96. M. the exemplification focuses primarily on literary Middle Egyptian. id.n(. Gr? §343). part III.A. 3 The fully developed position is to be found in Transpositions'. However. conveniently in Collected papers (Jerusalem.5 (1965).n(.n(. However. For Middle Egyptian. In this paper Polotsky also proposed a circumstantial form of the prospective sdßi(. 'Les transpositions du verbe en égyptien classique'. 1989).f)lsdjn. this form does not share the particular distribution of the circumstantial sdjn(.f) in Middle Egyptian . originally published in The Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities. As Polotsky notes (§41).f) are analysed simply as verbal verb-forms . Polotsky developed a syntactic analysis of the circumstantial sdm(. 1971). Polotsky. in recent work I have put forward the case that. Introduction The work of Professor H. 'The circumstantial sdm(. However. A grammatical analysis of sentences with iw in Middle Egyptian (University of London PhD thesis.f)/sd/n.f) (3. Polotsky has had a profound impact on the study of Middle Egyptian grammar.f) restricted to the iwf sdm.f)lsdtn.n(.f)lsdjn.f) occur.f pattern (Äg. Based on their ability to occur in environments where simple adverbial expressions such as prepositional phrases are to be found. JEA 76 (1990) 73-85. revised version forthcoming as Verbal syntax in Middle Egyptian . Cambridge.f) and is not discussed here.J. The research was supported by Research Fellowships from The British Academy and Corpus Christi College. particularly the study of the syntax of the verb .n(. see particularly: Etudes de syntaxe copte (Cairo. II.f) reconsidered* by M a r k Collier 0. it is argued that the verbal analysis of the circumstantial s(hn(.f) as adverbial forms of the verb .f)/sdjn.

and thus compares favourably with Polotsky's adverbial analysis of the circumstantial sdjn(. Kammerzell GM 102 (1988). adjunct. To supply full supporting references. attention is focused on the simple sentence with adverbial predicate.e. Virtual' relative clauses 4.2.f)/sdjn. whereas converters allow a complex intermixing of the two (EG §§44. are unconverted.e. 3 3 3 3 3 9 . 1986). However. Adjunct/focus position 6. in the present analysis. the morphological form of the pronominal subject with the sentence with adverbial predicate and pseudoverbal construction depends on the local morphological environment in which it occurs.fl. full exemplification and comparisons with the Polotskyan tradition are to be found in papers noted in the references below. The narrative verbal system of Old and Middle Egyptian (Geneva.Mark Collier 6 affirmative environments in which they have been securely identified . Doret.f)/sdjn. The clause forms of this pattern can be classed : 8 9 10 " Other possible occurrences after ir (cf most recently E.n(.n(. See the relevant sections below. The pseudoverbal construction with stative predicate is hence analysed as a verbal sentence exhibiting SVO order. After converters 3. of course. However. 46-50) are more contentious and are not discussed here. the Stative differs from the simple suffix conjugation forms in exhibiting SVO order (as well as mandatory agreement and in being able to occur without a subject as a predicative phrasal expression). Coordination 7.f)lsdjn. 10 The classification is dependent. The pseudo-verbal construction is standardly treated as exhibiting the syntactic form of the sentence with adverbial predicate. coordination and en vedette usage. details of particular analyses (where these differ significantly from the Polotskyan tradition).f)/sdjn.f) without introductory expression). 119.f)lsdjn. After auxiliaries 5. Although it does not affect the syntactic status of the pattern (cf the brief discussion of the relationship between syntax and morphology in section 4). after most initial particles (excepting smwn. After auxiliaries the pronoun suffixes to the auxiliary (EG §§37. Control The central claim of the verbal analysis is that the bare circumstantial sdjn(. 22 with fn 77) and after the negation n (cf F.f) (i. 7 This paper presents an overview of the verbal analysis of the circumstantial sdm(. 8 The term 'bare' is intended to indicate the basic syntactic formation considered apart from any syntactically active introductory expression. 200. 324). and indeed the bare sentence with adverbial predicate and the bare pseudo-verbal construction.n(. cf EG §241) the pronoun cliticizes to the initial particle (EG §§44. This can best be seen in the sentence with adverbial predicate .2. on analyses which differ somewhat from the traditional Polotskyan analysis. the circumstantial sdm(. For many of the sections below. this holds only for the pseudo-verbal construction with preposition + infinitive predicate. the auxiliary ÎW is required to 'support' the pronominal subject (EG §§117.n(. Since this issue lies beyond the bounds of the present paper. non-transposed. 323).n(-fP' 1. 223). 117. patterns.2. The terminology adopted here is extended in its syntactic sense to cover pronominal examples including examples with w-support. i. In 'virtual' relative clause. After initial particles 2. 323).f) (cf particularly the discussion of the inherent non-nominality of unconverted verbal expressions below). it has been necessary to refer to a number of papers either in press or in MS form at the time of writing. Iw clearly does not behave as a syntactic converter or initializer in this usage but as morphological support. The Stative is analysed as a verbal verb-form in much the same manner as discussed below for the circumstantial sd/n(. However.

m. the forms traditionally analysed as the 'adverbial' forms of the simple suffix conjugation. However.f)lsdm.g.f) and Polotsky's analysis of the nominal and adjectival transpositions of the verb is adopted here to facilitate the presentation of this overview. the suffix conjugation verb itself undergoes conversion and exhibits a specialized form.f) circumstantial s dm ( f) Is dm . are analysed as the basic unconverted forms of the simple suffix conjugation which co-occur with initial particles. If Polotsky is correct about the role of nominal and adjectival transpositions .n(.n(.g.Circumstantially adverbial? (initial) main clause 'adverbial' clause true 'adverbial' clause nominal clause adjectival clause converter/initializer initial particle/auxiliary e.f) diverges from the Polotskyan tradition in that an unconverted/non-transposed verb-form clearly cannot be analysed as an adverbial 1 1 Relative clauses. hr-ntt nominal converter e. exhibit a relationship between the antecedent and an overt or non-overt resumptive expression within the relative clause. auxiliaries and converters.f) that-form sdm( .g. then the forms of the sdm(.f)lsdjn.f) can be organized similarly: 12 (initial) main clause 'adverbial' clause true 'adverbial' clause nominal clause adjectival clause converter/initializer initial particle!auxiliary e. The verbal analysis of the circumstantial sdjn(f)/sdm. auxiliaries and converters. of course. It would seem that the simple suffix conjugation presents an analogous paradigm.n( f).m. Indeed it opens up the possibility of alternative analyses of these forms (and hence of 'second tenses').f)lsd.f)/sdm.n(.f) circumstantial sdm(. this paper is concerned with the circumstantial sdm(.n(. mkllw unconverted clause sr m pr srm pr prepositional converter e. However.n(.f In this analysis the form traditionally analysed as the 'adverbial' clause form is analysed as the basic unconverted form of* this construction which co-occurs with initial particles. in nominal and adjectival environments.f)Isd. nty/wn(n) sr m pr srmpr 11 sr ïm.g.n( f) relative form sdm(f)lsdpi. 1 2 .n(. This framework is not dependent on the postulation of nominal and adjectival transpositions of the verb.g.g. ntt/wnt/wn(n) adjectival converter e. Cf section 3 below. mkllw prepositional converter e. hr-ntt unconverted clause circumstantial $dm( f)lsdjn.n(.f) The circumstantial sgjn(.

11-61. but as a sub-category inherently shared by unconverted verbs and prepositions. and has become standard in generative grammar. In this manner. 4 1 5 3 1 6 3 1 7 . 1 The feature analysis of the basic parts of speech originated with N. parts of speech are classed according to their nominal and verbal properties. of the so-called 'adverbial' properties of the circumstantial sdm(.n(. as postulated. At the same time verbs and adjectives contrast with (true) nouns and prepositions in having verbal properties . the bare sentence with adverbial predicate and the bare pseudoverbal construction may be said to have the form of a 'small clause'. However.n(. In particular.n(f) in Middle Egyptian. conveniently in id.f)).f) are verbal expressions (being headed by a verb). The circumstantial sdjn(-f)lsdjn-n(f). Within clausal expressions. Chomsky. It is not precluded that there was a reanalysis of an originally nominal form at some point before Middle Egyptian. for example. Studies on semantics in generative grammar (The Hague. The feature analysis of the basic major parts of speech allows an account. by reference to the sub-feature [-N] shared by both unconverted verbal expressions and prepositional phrases. Clearly.f)/sdm. the circumstantial sdjn(. 'Remarks on nominalization'.f). this element is the head of the predicate (the 'predicator'). Cf EG §48.f)lsdfn. the verbal analysis is not incompatible with the possibility of a nominal origin for the Middle Egyptian suffix conjugation verb-forms (here the circumstantial sdm(. but must be analysed simply as the verbal verbform of the simple suffix conjugation .n(. The Middle Egyptian parts of speech may thus be represented: 13 14 15 16 3) noun adjective verb 'adverb' [NJ [+N] [+N] [-N] [-N] [V] [-V] [+V] [+V] [-V] Equally.Mark Collier 24 conversion or transposition of the verb. In the present framework. The small clause analysis offers interesting possibilities for an analysis of a wide range of grammatical properties ranging from tense/aspect effects to control. It is commonly recognized that in Middle Egyptian nouns and adjectives contrast with (unconverted) verbs and prepositions in having nominal properties . without invoking adverbial substitution or adverbial transpositions. 'adverbiality' is not treated as a super-category encompassing non-nominal verbal expressions (which are thus required to exhibit an adverbial form) and prepositional phrases.f)/sdrn. it is commonly recognized that the behaviour of an entire expression is determined by the most important element within that expression (the 'head'). for prepositions (which may well have had a nominal origin but do not behave as nouns in Middle Egyptian). the basic parts of speech are analysed as feature bundles . In this approach. whereas the bare sentence with adverbial predicate is clearly adverbial (being headed by an adverbial predicate) . 17 13 The present paper is concerned solely with the synchronic analysis of the syntax of the circumstantial sdjn(. verbal expressions do not have to be converted or transposed into adverbial forms in order to exhibit a substitutional paradigm with prepositional phrases in certain syntactic environments. in the verbal analysis.f)ls&m. Cf £G §143. 1972). where required.

Polotsky. auxiliary. such subordinate behaviour has been analysed in terms of the traditional non-verbal parts of speech as nominal. they can be analysed as unconverted expressions functioning as non-initial main clauses . Non-initiality is not.f). the present framework also licenses the circumstantial sdm(. auxiliary or converter. Johnson.n(. a matter of (nor related to) subordination or predication. W. adjectival clauses and adverbial clauses respectively . and converter + unconverted clause to exhibit a distribution licensed by the initial particle. as unconverted verbal verb-forms they are not forms specialized solely to exhibit subordinate behaviour as substitutes for simple adverbial expressions such as prepositional phrases. 69-73. the bare sentence with adverbial predicate and bare pseudo-verbal construction to occur syntactically initial in suitable contexts. However. The term 'relative tense/aspect' is deliberately intended to be vague in order not to prejudice compatibility with a number of interesting proposals now under development. e. adjectival and adverbial subordination. as noted for noun + Stative by F. if Polotsky is correct. either in terms of their status as unconverted forms (see section 3) or in terms of their inherent non-nominality (see section 7)). the verb itself can undergo subordinating conversion and displays a form specialized for nominal and adjectival subordinate functions.H. these forms require some extra expression (or context) on which to 'lean' for relative tense support .g. but of relative tense/aspect : ordinarily. these patterns are not required to be syntactically subordinate to the initial particle or auxiliary.f) can thus be used in subordinate functions in the verbal analysis (where compatible with their nature as unconverted verbal verb-forms.J. or converter and the unconverted clauses with which they co-occur will be the subject of the relevant section below. Johnson attempts to integrate non-initiality with issues of subordination and predication within the adverbial analysis of the circumstantial sdm(. ed. !9 Cf J. 1986).n(. auxiliaries and converters . 1987). Simpson. Traditionally. Cf HJ.n( f). see section 1).n(. in Crossroad.f). 18-9. in Essays on Egyptian grammar.f)/sdjn. Junge. the suffix conjugation differs from the sentence with adverbial predicate and pseudo-verbal construction in that. eds. the bare sentence with adverbial predicate and bare pseudo-verbal construction. 1-21. 1986). along with the bare sentence with adverbial predicate and the bare pseudo-verbal construction. Frandsen (Copenhagen.m(.P. to behave as main clause patterns in certain environments. 18 19 20 21 22 *8 The internal grammatical relation between initial particle. converters allow an unconverted construction to behave subordinately exhibiting a form specialized by the presence of the convener to occur in the relevant subordinate environment.f). auxiliary + unconverted clause. This brings us to the third property exhibited by the circumstantial SQjn(. G. J. Allen. 20 Treating non-initiality as a tense/aspect property rather than as a property of syntactic subordination has the important advantage of licensing the circumstantial sdjn(. after initial particles. Initializers such as initial particles and auxiliaries allow a pattern to occur initially (the former also co-occur with initial main clauses.n(.Circumstantially adverbial? Although the circumstantial sd. Serapis 6 (1980). so that subordinate clauses can function as nominal clauses.f)lsdm. auxiliaries and converters allow the entire pattern initial particle + unconverted clause. As noted above. in Lingua sapientissima. (New Haven. in the present framework. The issue is but touched on here. 208-9 with fn 84. Since non-initiality is treated as a property of tense/aspect rather than subordination. Most importantly. 2 1 2 2 .f)/sdjn. Ray (Cambridge. ed.K. Englund and P. In contrast. The presence of initial particles. Rather. conforming with the main clause usage noted above.f)lsdm. This account draws on the similar usage by J. These patterns are essentially non-initial.f)/sd_m.D.

However. JEA 76 (1990). This paper is concerned solely with the syntactic form and function of the circumstantial sdm(. However. negation and anticipatory emphasis are not normally recorded. However. coined to relate to the transpositional terminology introduced by Polotsky. I. see below). JEA 76 (1990).H. §§41-5. 'Egyptian tenses'. in the verbal analysis of the circumstantial sd/n(. op. Thus the circumstantial sd/n( f)/sdjn.n(. 'More on initial particles' MS). is essentially the equivalent of the Linguistic category S. 23 24 1. there is a substantive difference in the treatment of the circumstantial sdjn(.n(. Johnson.f) can account satisfactorily for the distribution of these forms. Junge (Gö The particle mk is exhibited before the following patterns: 26 27 2 3 This work is also indebted to recent developments in generative grammar. nhmn (see id. for which see Collier. the sentence with adverbial predicate and the pseudo-verbal construction has much in common with that of Polotsky and is clearly in his debt on many issues .f)lsdm. ed. the essentials of which were established in 'Egyptian tenses'. in Festschrift Westendorf. this does not preclude individual particles from exhibiting specific collocational restrictions which may reduce or increase the number of patterns (drawn from the class of unconverted clauses) with which they may co-occur in comparison to those exhibited after mk. However. smwn. Tense/aspect (and thus non-initiality) and topic-focus/theme-rheme organization are not discussed in order not to prejudice compatibility with other proposals currently under development (cf fn 19). Studien zu Sprache und Religions Ägyptens. 'Constructions with h3 revisited'. F. h3 (see id.Mark Collier 26 This approach to the syntax of the suffix conjugation. constructions introduced by initial particles have received little detailed attention within the Polotskyan tradition . not only in the core environments for Polotsky's adverbial analysis (i.n(. 41. 71-85.f) and does not deal with their morphology. the most common initial particle. Cf Polotsky. They are also non-nominal expressions and can align in a paradigm with other non-nominal expressions to contrast with nominal expressions. these verb-forms are analysed as adverbial transpositions of the verb on die basis of their known ability to substitute with simple adverbial expressions such as prepositional phrases and hence their distribution is to be accounted for in these terms. The term 'unconverted clause'.n( f) are unconverted forms and are capable of aligning in a paradigm with other unconverted expressions (particularly unconverted clauses) to contrast with converted expressions. In the text examples are drawn where possible from the simple affirmative examples of each pattern. see Collier. the behaviour of these forms can be described according to several more finelygrained grammatical oppositions which cannot easily be articulated within the Polotskyan tradition.n(.f)lsdm. The exemplification provided here focuses on mk. After initial p a r t i c l e s 25 With the exception of an important paper by Janet Johnson.f)/sdjn. Utilizing these resources. cit. 26 J. GM 120 (1991) forthcoming).f)/sdjn. the present paper is concerned with Egyptological issues and linguistic references have been avoided where not integral to the argument. nor with predication. 2 4 2 7 . 25 For details. ti (see Collier. section 4.f)/sdjn. The claim of the present section is that these initial particles form a natural class and co-occur with the same type of grammatical pattern (the unconverted clause.f) presented above. but also in environments which do not easily reduce to an analysis based on adverbial substitution . In Polotsky's system.f) occur in a paradigmatic environment with prepositional phrases). 1984). full exemplification and comparison with the adverbial analysis. 73-85. 74-7). §§11.n(. the verbal analysis of the circumstantial sdjn(. Other particles which exhibit this behaviour are: ïs£.f). although the discussion below can be applied to a range of other initial particles . where the circumstantial sdm(.e.

i See. b) sentence with adjectival predicate 5) Leb 86-7: mk b h rn. the wn form found after initial particles (EG §107.. However.iSmw 3 See. I shall spend the summer here.f).t(w) n.70: mk wl 3tp.n( f) 12) Sin B181: mk in.. Doret Rd'E 40 (1989). this pattern is not divided according to the well known sub-categories which have been investigated in recent years. passives and the behaviour of verbs of motion.ipw Im. see Collier.Circumstantiaiiy adverbial? 27 2 a) sentence with nominal predicate * 4) Sh. in the present framework.rt. 75-77 (2h).123-4: mk trr. 9 For the presence of the circumstantial sdm(f)/sd/n.k See. the mallet has been taken.k ntt. there is no profit for the one who says it to you.i\ sw See. it is with me that you will arrange to act.S 2-5: mk ph. i) circumstantial sdjn(. it is my due from you. The syntax of the existential sentence (0 is in need of detailed discussion and is not considered here. h) pseudo-verbal construction 11) Peas. See. B2.f) in these examples.k See.n(. we have reached home. 2 3 0 3 . and the prow rope placed on land. The initial main clause patterns a)-e) are patently unconverted forms: initial main clauses do not behave as specialized substitutes for non-verbal parts of speech.i See. the circumstantial sdm(. and for corroborative evidence from negation.203-4: mknnkmn dd n.2) is probably to be analysed as a noninitial main clause form.6-7: mt Ink db3[. e) participial statement/ïn+noun+sajn(.f)/sdjn.f) 8) West 6. Hence the patterns c c c 29 30 2 ° Since it is the behaviour of the entire pattern which is of concern here. the mooring-post struck.k r irt hn .n. B 1. Cf most recently E.k st See. d) second tenses 7) Peas. Bl. I am before you. c) initial prospective sdjn( f) 6) Hek See. f) existential sentence 9) Peas. Equally. my name is detested.29: m&i ir..f)/sdm. I am the one who will replace it.n hnw ssp hrpw hwi mnit h3tt rdï. I am burdened. JE A 76 (1990). 49-63.t(i) hr t3 See. the bare sentence with adverbial predicate and the bare pseudo-verbal construction are also the unconverted/non-transposed forms of their respective constructions. g) sentence with adverbial predicate 10) Sin B263: mk wi m-b3h.S 159-60: mkh. this decree of the king is brought to you to cause that you know that 13) Sh.n(.k wdpn n nsw r rdh rh.

n(. particles such as mk provide temporal support for these non-initial formations (for mk. op. Rather. 3 2 . removing the adverbial analysis of these forms to the internal syntax of construction with auxiliaries. op. Hence mk behaves syntactically as a free 'présentatif. since they can stand independently as main clauses without supporting expressions and do not enter into substitutional relations with simple parts of speech. they occur in a substitutional relationship with initial main clause patterns. In this environment the circumstantial sdm(. 80 and 83 who proposes a deleted auxiliary before the circumstantial sdm(.e.f)/sdjn. whilst supplying an overall main clause construction to enter into substitutional relations with the other initial main clause patterns exhibited in the paradigm.f)/sdm.f). although these involve some emendation to paradigm 14) as presented here. that is to say trie unconverted form.f)/sdm-n(-f)> the bare sentence with adverbial predicate and the bare pseudo-verbal construction do not behave subordinate^ after mk. cit. Cf Polotsky. By function. along with the bare sentence with adverbial prediate and the bare pseudo-verbal construction. cit 77-78. Of course. cf Collier.n(. *Egyptian tenses'. they are generally restricted to non-initial positions because of their contextually dependent relative tense/aspect properties (see section 0 above). Separating out form and function.n(f). these patterns behave as main clause formations.f) Most importantly. the addressee and hence to the temporal reference point of the addressee).n(. the circumstantial sdm(. their role is not to behave as the substitute for a simple part of speech. this paradigm as it stands presents a fundamental problem for the adverbial analysis of the circumstantial sdjn{. by making the pattern it precedes relevant to. none of the members of paradigm 14) behave subordinate^ in relation to mk . they function as main clause patterns. worth the attention of. i. 83. Rather. Clearly.f)lsdm. there are various options available. op.f)Jsd/n. they do not behave 32 1 3 In contrast. The most plausible is that advanced by Johnson. However.28 Mark Collier in paradigm a)-i) form a natural class as unconverted clauses. along with the bare sentence with adverbial predicate and the bare pseudo-verbal construction do not occur in a substitutional relationship with cither simple prepositional phrases or with indisputably adverbial clauses. in contrast to initial main clause patterns. In the present case. In this analysis. in the present analysis. then. cit.f).f) second tenses participial statement b) non-initial main clause existential sentence bare sentence with adverbial predicate bare pseudo-verbal construction circumstantial sdm(. mk does not co-occur with converted clauses. whether nominally or adverbially converted. initial particles simply co-occur with unconverted clauses : 31 PRT mk unconverted clause a) initial main clause sentence with nominal predicate sentence with adjectival predicate prospective sdm(. just like the initial main clause patterns a)-e). §45 and Johnson. Equally. The initial main clause patterns are clearly not subordinate. which are clearly unconverted clauses. by form mk simply co-occurs with the basic clausal pattern for each construction it precedes.

k n.k dd. 18-19: dd(.29 Circumstantially adverbial? subordinated to the initial particle (or some other expression) and they do not behave as the substitute for a non-verbal part of speech. d) second tenses 18) Berlin 10023 A 1-2: dd(. c) initial prospective sajn(. 81-3. 38 The variants have wn. cit. The that-form and relative form sdjn(.I) rh. 22. op.5-6: sdr. does not accord with the normal 'adverbial' usage of these patterns. f) existential sentence 20) Mill 1. 37 As Johnson. op. 396).ï iry. the internal syntax of the construction would seem to be constant across both usages as recognized by EG §§223. 2. Collier. either nominal.fiw. which serves to introduce the main text of the letter. op.225 and Johnson.61-2: ph. cit..l Thus you will say to him.. a similar paradigm to that found after initial particles is exhibited after preposition-rctt converters in Middle Egyptian .. because it is you who does everything good. 1969).ï I speak that I might cause that you know that the doorkeeper of the temple Senet's son Ameny has arrived saying 7 am to be taken off on account of my son'.l hr kd hr-ntt dns tw r. this example could also be interpreted as a second tense. see W.k r-ntt hprprtSpdtm 3bd4prtsw 16 I am speaking that you might know that the rising of Sothis will occur in the fourth month of prt day 16 . Bl.k r-ntt spr.ï) rh.i) di(.nn. cit.33: hr. 81 fn 30 notes. Der Text der "Lehre des Amenemhet I für seinem Sohn" (Wiesbaden.k hr-ntt nn wnn mr(t) n s hrw n ksnt * You should sleep having guarded your heart yourself because there is no servant for a man on the day of misfortune. After converters 33 34 As has been recently re-emphasized by Janet Johnson . adjectival or adverbial.. 36 The common usage of preposition-n// clauses after introductory epistolary formulae in Middle Kingdom letters supplies a number of examples of this construction. The discussion in this section can be extended to cover the occurrence of the bare sentence with adverbial predicate and the bare pseudo-verbal construction after ntt/wnt/wn(n) converters in nominal clauses (EG §§186-7) and nry/wn(n) converters in adjectival clauses (EG §§200.k s3w.. 35 36 37 c 3 33 Details and comparison with the adverbial analysis in M.k lb. Preposition-rttf converters occur before the following patterns : a) sentence with nominal predicate 15) Peas. hr-ntt ntk irr nfrt nbt .k gs.k m 3pd dd3 hr-ntt ntk h n nmh You shall attain fatted fowl because you are a father for the orphan b) sentence with adjectival predicate 16) Kahun 3. But cf fn 39.kwï hr s3.2 29/39: . Tt is altogether too irksome to me because you heavier than me'.3 n hwt-ntr Snt s3 Vmny r-dd ïw3. 34 Johnson.. Helck. 'Preposition-n« clauses' MS. However. 3 5 3 3 3 .0 ksn r. 81-3. e) participial statement 19) Kahun 2.A.n.f) 17) Berlin 10012.f)lsdjn-Mf) are direct (lexical) conversions of the verb and cannot be decomposed syntactically into nominal/adjectival converter + suffix conjugation verb-form. This usage.

t hr. the analysis is essentially as in section l .f)). the porjter Nebsumenu. for the bare sentence with adverbial predicate and bare pseudo-verbal construction after preposition-mr converters in literary Middle Egyptian. Once again./)). of course. op. Hence patterns a)-i) form a natural class as unconverted clauses: 39 c 40 converter preposition-ntt unconverted clause a) initial main clause sentence with nominal predicate sentence with adjectival predicate prospective sdm(. In the present state of our knowledge. h) pseudo-verbal construction 22) Sin B75-6: hr hm Kmt nfr. perhaps along the lines suggested by Johnson.n(.f}/sdm.f) after preposition-/i/r converters from the literary corpus. Given the close siirülarity with the paradigm exhibited after initial particles.f)lsdmn(.t(l) <n>-ntt s(y) rh. the circumstantial sa/n(f)/sa/n.1. in fact.f)/n sdjn(. There are no examples of the circumstantial sdm(.f) second tenses participial statement b) non-initial main clause existential sentence bare sentence with adverbial predicate bare pseudo-verbal construction circumstantial sdm(.t(ï) rdf So.n(. it is difficult to determine whether this is a genuine difference between literary and non-literary Middle Egyptian or a mere matter of survival.f)/sdjn.M a r k Collier 30 g) sentence with adverbial predicate 21) Ptah L2 1.n. [. The initial main clause constructions a)-e) are patently non-transposed/unconverted clauses.. passives (the passive sdjn(w)(f)) and the behaviour of verbs of motion is given in Collier.n(..14: m mh Ib. cit. the discussion still holds for non-literary Middle Egyptian and. Equally. Notice that in either case. In view of the relatively limited number of examples of preposition-nr/ constructions from the literary corpus and the literary examples exhibiting negation (n sd/n(.f)) and passives (the passive sajn(w)(.ß/sdrn.f). In this construction the circumstantial patterns are in a substitutional relationship with initial main clauses and not with simple adverbial expressions such as prepositional phrases. an adverbial analysis requires some emendation of the paradigm as it stands.n(.n(f) 23) Kahun 12.k hr-ntt twmrh Don't fill your heart because you are a wise man. i) circumstantial sdm(\f)Isajn.s And greet the lady of the house Kebs. Egypt is happy because it knows that he prospers. The problems for the adverbial analysis are the same as after initial particles. perhaps caution should be exercised.f) 39 Corroborative evidence for the presence here of the circumstantial sdm{.f) from negation (n sdjn.n(. k3w]ty Nbswmnw nbtprlkw r-ntt sdm. the bare sentence with adverbial predicate and the bare pseudo-verbal construction are the unconverted patterns for their respective constructions and do not behave subordinately after preposition-ntt converters as substitutes for non-verbal parts of speech. 4 0 . they are the basic patterns for their respective constructions and do not behave subordinately as the substitutes for nonverbal parts of speech.n(. 34/50-51: hn na\ br[t] nbtprKbs^ [.1) n3 h3b.. and the lady of the house Dot that I have listened to that about which you have written. but as noninitial main clauses.

sn I shall grieve for her children who have been broken in the egg. EG §§353.1. 'Real' relative clauses exhibit forms specific to relative What they did was good. However. see M. For a recent discussion within the Polotskyan tradition. 'Real' relative clauses headed by verbs display special verb-forms (participles and relative forms as adjectival transpositions of the verb) . The relative clause and the verb in Middle Egyptian'. c) nty clause 27) Sin B166: nd. 'Real' relative clauses exhibit typical adjectival properties: adjectival agreement with the antecedent and the ability to stand independently without (overt) antecedent (nominalized relative clauses). Satzinger. whereas sentences with adverbial predicate and pseudo-verbal constructions display a converter. Transpositions'. who have looked on the crocodile-god before they have lived. CiL for discussion of both of these issues. full exemplification and comparison with the adverbial analysis. the 'virtual' relative clauses has received little detailed attention .n. 42 The term 'virtual' relative clause is due to EG §195-6 (cf §182) and is retained here (in quotes) due to its familiarity.n( f) in terms of adverbial substitution. Collier.f)/sdm.f Mayl greet the mistress of the land who is in his palace.Circumstantially adverbial? 31 This results in the maximally simple statement that the role of converters is to convert unconverted (main) clauses into a form (courtesy of the converter) suitable for specialized subordinate usage. b) relative form 26) Sin B28: nfr irrt. 380 and Polotsky. These two types of relative clauses are well known to exhibit important differences in their syntax. i. 3 4 4 3 4 5 3 4 6 . the 'virtual' relative clause provides problems for the adverbial analysis of the circumstantial sdm(. although the term is something of a misnomer (see below in the text).l hrt hnwt-t3 nttm h. Equally. cf H.4.s saw m swht m3w hr n hnty n. in Festschrift Westendorf 125-56. op. 'Transpositions' 2. either nty or a form (participle or relative form) of the auxiliary verb wnn : a) participle 25) Leb 78-80: mhy. The term 'real' relative clause (similarly in quotes) is used to refer to the adjectivally converted relative clauses introduced by relative converters and by the participle and relative form verb-forms.ihr msw. of the two. 200. 43 Perhaps because of the problems which 'virtual' relative clauses provide for the traditional definition of the relative clause as an adjectival clause. forms which do not occur in other wnnt m lb One does not know what is in the heart. See Collier. d) wn(n) clause 28) Peas B 1.the 'real' relative clause and the 'virtual' relative clause .A. They also exhibit a strict strategy concerning whether the resumptive pronoun is mandatorily oven or non-overt .256: n rh. 396 and Polotsky.e. submitted for publication to JEA .nht. 'Virtual' relative c l a u s e s 41 Middle Egyptian exhibits two separate types of relative clause . 3. 42 43 44 45 c c 46 4 1 For details.n. EG §§199. 3.

Since they exhibit adjectival conversion. the bare sentence with adverbial predicate and the bare pseudo-verbal construction : a) circumstantial sdm( f)/sdm. i. Rather the forms of the suffix conjugation. see Griffiths. see Collier. to properties of c o n v e r s i o n . 48 Regardless of their conversion properties. exhibit the form of the basic unconverted pattern 47 c 48 49 4 7 3 For other possible examples of 'virtual' relative clauses. 'real' relative clauses are restricted to environments compatible with such adjectival properties.G. As noted in EG §§198-9 and J. op. Hence these properties are not dependent on adjectival conversion and are not to be defined in terms thereof. JEA 54 (1968). Griffiths.n( f) 29) Eb 91. cit.19-20: ir m33. indefinite antecedents do not require that the relative clause be converted into a specialized form exhibiting adjectival conversion.n(. h) bare sentence with adverbial predicate 31) Eb 51. Definite antecedents require that the relative clause be converted into a specialized form exhibiting adjectival properties. property of relativization.f If you see a man on whose neck are swellings. adjectival conversion is to be treated as a contingent. 'Virtual' relative clauses do not exhibit adjectival agreement with the antecedent.Mark Collier 32 In contrast. sentence with adverbial predicate and pseudo-verbal construction found are the circumstantial sajn(. exceptions especially with generic antecedents. for discussion.e. the precise articulation of the opposition awaits a study of the interaction of definiteness. there are some (apparent. and quantification in Middle Egyptian and so the traditional definite-indefinite distinction is retained for expository convenience. cit. cannot stand independently as nominalized relative clauses and do not exhibit the same strategy concerning whether the resumptive pronoun is overt or non-overt. However. c) bare pseudo-verbal construction 32) Peas B l . a straight man whose straightness is splintered. The choice of relative clause seems to be linked with issues of dellniteness: 'real' relative clauses are required with definite antecedents and Virtual' relative clauses are required with indefinite antecedents . In contrast. including adjectival agreement.f). In the present framework. then. 171-3: mktwm mtnty d3 nb hmt cJc3 cjßy.231-2: m wn hwrw hr htffn rh. 4 9 3 .n. referentiality. 30) Peas B 1. a feeble man whom you know. 60-66. not a necessary.3: kt nt msdr dlf mw3 hw3 Another (remedy) for an ear which gives off foul water. Virtual' relative clauses must.k s stwt m nhbt. 'virtual' relative clauses do not display forms specialized for relative clause usage. 66).k sw Do not rob a poor man of his possessions. op. see below in the text).f) /sdm. specificity. Lacking conversion. the differences between the two types of relative clause result from the form that the clause is forced to take. see EG §196. Indeed.ffdkw See you are the ferryman who (only) ferries the possessor of the fare. Rather. the two forms of relative clauses share in common the properties of restrictiveiy modifying nouns (despite unsubstantiated claims to the contrary) and an antecedent-resumptive dependency (although the form of the resumptive pronoun is affected by the presence or absence of adjectival agreement. the resumptive pronouns are overt in contexts where in the equivalent 'real' relative clause the resumptive would be non-overt (participle and relative form respectively). in examples 29) and 30) above.

In contrast omission under agreement is mandatory in that where agreement occurs.. The interaction of omission under agreement and omission under relevance thus provides the foundation for an account of a wide range of resumptive effects in 'real' relative clauses . the form of the resumptive pronoun in relative clauses (and other unbounded dependency constructions ) is integrated into a general account of pronoun omission in Middle Egyptian. for discussion.80 (overt coindexed personal pronoun subject) and Nef 26 (non-overt non-specific coindexed impersonal pronoun subject). hpr.3-4: mk sp hsy hpr m k3w. the basic unconverted forms are. Middle Egyptian exhibits two strategies of pronoun omission: omission under relevance and omission under agreement.g. the sentence with adverbial predicate and the pseudo-verbal construction. A more precise formulation requires a proper study of the incorporation and cliticization effects of pronouns noted briefly in section 4. will 50 51 52 53 50 On unbounded dependency constructions (i.0 n-ïs m irt. that it came about was not through what I had done.m(.f) in Peas B2. 'virtual' relative clauses do not exhibit adjectival agreement and hence the resumptive pronoun can only be subject to omission under relevance. For omission under agreement outside adjectival environments. lord of She. resumptive pronouns must be mandatorily orriitted within the local domain of agreement (e. being sensitive only to omission under relevance (including examples where the subjects of nty/wn(n) clauses do not immediately follow the agreement carrier ). In contrast. cit. immediately following) an agreement-carrying expression . op. 53 See Collier.i See a wretched incident happened in my time . the bare sentence with adverbial predicate and the bare pseudo-verbal construction respectively. of course.n. In terms of specificity. the circumstantial sd... In the current framework. In the case of the suffix conjugation. In terms of animacy.f)/sdrn.n(. these forms are just those used in other environments where specialized conversion is not required and hence exhibit a wider range of usages than the forms found in 'real' (converted) relative clauses. Equally. pronouns with specific personal reference tend to be overt): 33) Fish A2. As unconverted forms. 52 Contrast the mandatory omission of resumptive pronoun subjects in standard nty/wn(n) clauses with the optional omission under relevance exhibited by nty n sdjn(.n. cit Another example is the topicalization construction considered below in section 4. pronouns with impersonal/inanimate reference are more likely to be non-overt than pronouns with personal reference (as a consequence.f). pronouns with non-specific or contextually clear reference are the more likely to be non-overt. cit.3: din 0 hr ht n Sbk nb S We shall put (something) on the fire for Sobek. Omission under relevance is optional and is sensitive to certain semantic/pragmatic parameters.î. resumptive pronouns. an overt coindexed pronoun or noun cannot occur locally to (in Middle Egyptian.e. particularly specificity and animacy. 34) Meri C4... In 'virtual' relative clauses. see Collier op. 5 .Circumstantially adverbial? 33 for the respective constructions involved in the relative clause. they are generally overt.. 1 The locality is stated here in the most informal of terms. Since the 'real' relative clause exhibits adjectival agreement. especially with personal reference. If placed beyond the local domain. see the discussion of the inflected preposition ('prepositional adverb') in Collier op. where the subjects of ntyjwn(n) clauses immediately follow the agreement carrier). constructions exhibiting an antecedent-resumptive pronoun dependency). this framework allows a unified approach to the form of the resumptive pronoun within the relative clause.

f Do not kill a man whose worth you know.fpw ml s wnm. After a u x i l i a r i e s 55 Constructions with auxiliaries have been amongst the most widely discussed of Middle Egyptian constructions . A grammatical analysis of sentences with iw in Middle Egyptian (University of London PhD thesis.4: m sm3 s îw. Indeed the only difference between the 'real' and the 'virtual' relative clause seems to be connected with defmiteness: definite antecedents require a specially converted form exhibiting adjectival agreement (and its attendant effect on the form of the resumptive pronoun).fsw3 $w hrSee you aire as a chief of the storehouse who does not let one who is lacking pass in areas/immediately(?). which 56 5 4 It is thus preferable to distinguish strictly between terminology of form and terminology of function.8. However.f k3w nw nht It means that his heart is covered like a man who has eaten the unripe fruit of the sycamore.34 M a r k Collier tend to be overt.f What is that which is greater than burying my body in a land in which I was born. 1989). c) prepositional object 39) Sin B159-60: ptr wrt r ^bt h3t. Transpositions'.kwl im.3-4: hbs ib.S 147-8: mi Irrt n tip. a revision of id. things have been done which never used to happen. 1 54 4. 36) Peas B 1. 56 The literature is now too extensive to cite here.173-4: mktwm hry-$n w n rdi. Compare 36) with: 41) Adm 7.nX hßw pw iw. A better term for the 'virtual relative clause would be the unconverted (paratactic or juxtaposed) relative clause which contrasts with the converted relative clause (the 'real' relative clause). see M. In this framework.S 61-2: gm. consider the following classed according to the function of the resumptive pronoun: a) subject (cf 29 above) 35) Eb 102. The most common auxiliary element is iw. Verbal syntax in Middle Egyptian (in preparation). b) object (cf 30 above^ 38) Sh. d) possessor of noun (cf 31 and 32 above) 40) Meri 5. 'virtual' relative clauses may be said to function 'adjectivally' in that they modify nouns. . Separating form and function. omission under relevance can also occur. However.n. whereas indefinite antecedents do not require a specialized converted form and unconverted forms are used. 5$ For detailed discussion.n.mrr rmt mt3w3 nrhsw rmt As is done for a god whom men love in a far land which they do not know.tî 3hw.A. Collier. in addition to examples 29)-32) above. c 37) Sh. The most influential discussion remains Polotsky. the 'virtual' relative clause is as much a true relative clause as the 'real' relative clause.1: mtn Is ir ht n p3. this does not necessitate that they be adjectival by form . now. Thus.k rh.0 hpr See. c ih (And) I found that it was a snake which was coming.i m t3 ms. full exemplification and comparison with the adverbial analysis.

iQdi Sovereign l.k m sht Your land-plots are in the countryside. ii) iw + circumstantial sdm.i shr m nbw My statue was overlaid with gold. in environments where there would be no other morphological support for a pronominal subject.i iw in. 337-43. iwf sajn. Cf P. in Crossroad. g/. of course. In particular. nb.k You are silent with your mouth.65: iw Sdw.n.g. At first sight. 3 c c 3 5 9 . the representative examples of the patterns in a) have been chosen with nominal subjects. Patterns with nominal subjects and patterns.h.. pr. there are two well known issues which have complicated the discussion of this construction and have led to a rather different view dominating the field. Vemus.Circumstantially adverbial? 35 57 will form the focus of the exemplification provided here . u. in 'virtual' relative clause. my lord. this might suggest an analysis of the tw-construction with iw as an initializer before the bare sentence with adverbial predicate. the bare pseudo-verbal construction and the bare circumstantial sajn(-f)/sd/n. such as those in b). For homogeneity of function. sdr.n. adjunct/focus and coordinate usage of the patterns in a). it can save him. MIO 1 (1953).n. 197-212 and id. 379-80.1: ïw gr. 4 times a day.n. However. 323). following W.p. iw co-occurs with the following (basic) patterns: a) iw + noun/suffix pronoun + 'adverbial'expression * i) Iw + noun (suffix pronoun* prepositional phrase/simple adverb 42) Peas B2.8: try w. This pattern would sometimes seem to behave as a simple construction with iw (indeed it is more common than iw sdm( f)). iii) iw + passive sdm(w)(f) 47) Sin B297-8: iw in n. e.n.f) (and their passive equivalents). Indeed a number of researchers.S 17-8: îw r n s nhmfsw The mouth of a man. A good example of this is: 5 c c 59 51 The discussion can be extended to cover the other auxiliaries which exhibit a similar behaviour noted in EG §§469-83. I have brought Djedi. The first is the common occurrence of the pattern: iv) iw + nounisufix pronoun + circumstantial sajn(f) 48) Sh. Westendorf.f) is itself a pseudo-verbal construction. do not exhibit ïw-support in such usages (cf fn 78). However.f) 45) Kag 2.2.n( . in Festchrift Westendorf.s. e.n( f) 46) West 8.n.f can exhibit a functional paradigm with the SVO patterns of the simple pseudo-verbal construction with iw . and forms of wnn.i$3b m hsp3sp4 n hrw Meals were brought to me from the palace 3. b) Iw + suffix conjugation verb-form + noun/suffix pronoun i) iw + circumstantial sa/n(. Indeed this will be the analysis suggested below. The internal syntax of cases with w-support is. where the pronominal subject follows the verb. have proposed that the pattern noun + sdm(.S 119-20: iw dpt r iit r hnw A boat will come from the residence. that of a construction with ïw. 5% Constructions with iw are initial main clause patterns. iii) iw + noun/suffix pronoun + preposition + infinitive 44) Sh. h .k m r.g. ii) iw + noun/suffix pronoun + Stative 43) Sin B307-8: iw twt. the auxiliary Iw is invoked to supply the necessary morphological support (cf £G §§ 117.

f).f) Although the details of this analysis have been much discussed.f)/sajn. m Junge Rd'E 3 0 (1978).3 note and 6.f Now I was stood (nearby) and I heard his voice as he was speaking.n( f) adverbial status on the basis of substitution with prepositional phrases and pseudo-verbal predicates.f as a basic construction with lw and this has lead to general acceptance of an omitted pronominal element after the auxiliary in the patterns lw sajn(. 6 1 Polotsky assigned the circumstantial sdm( f)/sdm.fhr mdt Sin R25: iwfmdw.4. it does not require an omitted pronominal element in a pattern such as lw sdjn.f Sin B2: îw. 1978). Cf below in the text 6 2 A notable exception is F . cf F .fl construction with noun + sdjn(. However.n(f) in a substitutional relationship with the entire bare sentence with adverbial predicate/bare pseudo-verbal construction after iw. Equally.f SQjn.n. but places the circumstantial sd (f)/sdjn. GM 115 (1990). Indeed both issues clearly influenced Polotsky in arriving at his most developed analysis of the construction with iw : 60 nominal subject lw noun/suffix pronoun lw nounlsuffix pronoun iw noun/suffix pronoun lw nounlsuffix pro nounl. 1989). Satzinger. rather than on the 'adverbial' expression which follows. Although this analysis shares the basic noun-adverb division of the construction. However.2. Materialien zur Vorlesung. Moreover. The second issue is the morphological evidence that suffix pronouns suffix to the auxiliary (cf 49) and hence are standardly treated as being grammatically dependent on the auxiliary. 96-100. as noted in sections 1-3 above.0 adverbial predicate prepositional phrase Stative preposition + infinitive circumstantial sa}n(. most significantly in terms of the proper analysis of iwf sdmf (and hence of lw sdm. The most recent addition to the discussion is H.f) analysed as a pseudo-verbal construction.4.î hrw. 0 iw. 6 3 cf the three alternative proposals for the analysis of the construction with lw proposed in W .36 M a r k Collier c c 49) Sin Bl-2 « R24-5: ist wi h sajn.0 IW. Einführung in die klassisch-ägyptische Sprache und Schrift.n(.8-9. 3.n(.f) passive sgjn(w)(. .f) and lw passive sajn(w)(. most of these analyses include iw. iw.f) . 99-102.f) circumstantial sajn. Syntax der Mittelägyptische Literatursprache (Mainz. Some subsequent work has maintained the noun-adverb binary division of the construction. this remains the most influential analysis of the construction with lw.2 note 2 . the volume of subsequent discussion reflects the continued disquiet concerning these central problems and their role in the analysis of the construction with 61 62 The analysis of constructions with Iw (and other auxiliaries) in the present framework differs somewhat from the traditional analysis.n(. Junjp. Wintersemester 1989/90 (Tübingen. such a substitutional relationship is not necessarily indicative of adverbial behaviour. Schenkel. 76-8. there has been wide acceptance of the proposed syntactic-morphological division.n(. Junge proposes an analysis with iw as the nominal subject to a following adverbial clause predicate (cf last footnote). The basic noun-adverb division of the construction has been followed by all subsequent research within the same tradition .f) with or without an 6 0 Polotsky 'Transpositions'.f sdmf is analysed as lw + [noun + sdjn. 4.

However. see Collier. Equally. there is a clear paradigm of form (as opposed to function.S 151: ntyw n. Here anticipatory emphasis licenses an expression in a special position at the front of the construction serving as the antecedent of the resumptive pronoun which occupies a position ordinarily available within the construction (here as the subject). the latter can also precede an ir expression or both the ir expression and the following construction (cf Hek 1. Borghouts.ï-lm(y) sw ntyw.0 sdm. there is no place for a ïw. which is not available in the simple construction. a wide range of patterns allow an extra expression (usually.f sdmf pattern in the analysis of the basic construction with iw. For comparison. rather than to indicate an analysis of its communicative function. As an exception to the normal antecedent-resumptive dependency. EG §114. Since these issues have played a major part in recent discussions of this pattern.f] [m pr] division which its morphology would seem to require . ?r-fronted expressions ordinarily precede auxiliaries and initial particles (although. see below) exhibited by the suffix conjugation (in common with other major Middle Egyptian patterns) in the following contexts. it belongs to me. see J. although little studied. from die discourse function of topic.f. In the present analysis. Unfortunately the discussion of topicalization in relation to the suffix conjugation has been obscured by the status of the noun + sdm(. although he does not follow through the repercussions of this analysis. where an expression occurs in a fronted position not available with the simple pattern and which is linked to a construction-internal position as the antecedent to a resumptive pronoun.n(. As a consequence. property of Middle Egyptian .F.rather a morphology-syntax mismatch is suggested. 6 5 6 7 3 3 . although this is to be taken to indicate the presence of a special position.f) pattern in Middle Egyptian noted above for iw. To distinguish this special position.f). Topicalization is not be confused with fronting with ir. Topicalization is a common.Circumstantially adverbial? omitted pronoun after iw) and the proper analysis of the ability of suffix pronouns to suffix to auxiliaries. but not necessarily.4. As is well known. the suffix conjugation forms are compared with the pseudo-verbal construction: 64 65 66 c c 67 6 4 The term 'topicalization' is in common usage and is retained here.16-7)). in contrast to TOPICs.f) pattern: this formation is analysed simply as Iw sajn. topicalized adjuncts do not exhibit a dependency with a resumptive expression. a noun phrase) to be placed in a special position (usually at or near the front of the construction) which is not available in the simple nontopicalized pattern and which is usually resumed by a pronominal expression in an appropriate position ordinarily available within the construction : 51) Sh. in Crossroad. 'The relative clause and the verb' MS for discussion. rather it is analysed as a topicalization or anticipatory emphasis construction. Borghouts adopts a similar analysis of topicalization in the ivv-construction to that presented here. there is no place for the iw.f sdm. the former will be termed the TOPIC. The basic word order in this pattern is adjectival predicate-nominal subject . On the "emphasis' standardly exhibited by TOPICs. the construction is not divided syntactically into the [iw. 66 This dependency exhibits the standard antecedent-resumptive dependency also found in relative clauses and certain other constructions.n(. as 'unbound particles'. the view presented here requires some defence. Cf£G §§146-8. 51-3 (under 'focus').

fwl Because.s (And) everyone alike is burdened by wrongs. having brought away living captives of the l/i/tw-people and all the cattle without limit. JNES 39 (1980). For Doret. the land. e) pseudo-verbal construction i)bare 6 c c c c c c c c 69 6 8 For discussion of the form and functions of this pattern.ny 'fhe friends of today. . iii) after auxiliaries 54) Sin B174-6: wn.7-8: h . (they) do not love.nt hr-nsw s3w.f Then the person of the nsw-blty Huni he died (lit.f In. so that he might gladden the heart of this servant just like any foreign ruler.i) s(y) Now this flight which the servant made.n b3k n hmt(. Doret.f) i) bare * 52) Sin R20-2: n sp slnfrssy bik hfhn Smswfnn rdlt rh st ms . ii) after initial particles 60) Sin B223: is w rt tn irt. cf fn 77.n.nh(w) n thnw mnmnt nbt nn drw. iii) after auxiliaries 57) Kag 2.n.m(.n hm n nsw-blty Hwl-ny mni. 69 in the pseudo-verbal construction the subject is ordinarily placed before the other members of the bare construction. ii) after initial particles 53) Sin R15-6: tisw hm ly. he flew with his followers. it has been knotted with confederacies.n(.ln hm. c) passive sd. ii) after initial particles 56) Adm 7.f) i) bare 59) Leb 104: hnmsw nw min n mr. he was returning.n. old age has descended and feebleness it has hurried upon me. in fact.w)(. the back has been placed to it ii) after initial particles: no examples in the literary material iii) after auxiliaries: no examples in the literary material. Hence we would not expect tofindexamples exhibiting a TOPIC-subject dependency except under exceptional circumstances. see E. <as for> it. respect. without causing that his expedition know it. 37-45. d) n sdm(. moored).7: mtn t3 ts.f He did not delay at all.f) i) bare 55) Sin B168-9: <n>-ntt <r>. noun + circumstantial sdm(.f) i) bare 58) Kha 12: hr nb twt hr iw sfyt rdlw s3 r. he sent me gifts of the king's favour.n(.f skr(w).f n. (J) did not plan it.fï3w h3w wgg 3s. The falcon.fib n b3k-im mi hk3 n h3st nbt So his~person.n. b) circumstantial sajn.fhr sm3y See.l 3wt.f)/n sdm.s Now.f) is a pseudo-verbal construction which has the additional function of optionally placing 'emphasis' on the subject.f h3b.Mark Collier 38 a) circumstantial sdjn(.

Inkelas.fiîy .n. Vocatives address the interlocutor directly and can occur at the beginning. the coward takes away his property. as noted by Polotsky. due to the thematic organization of the text around the object of the particular admonition and the reiterative usage of mtn is and iw ms.nJ r.Circumstantially adverbial? 39 61) Adm 7. However.s Every land against which I advanced.l hd im. Prosodically constrained syntax'.s. in The phonologysyntax r rdit. Most interesting to note are the occurrences of vocatives before initial particles.. I made an attack against it. When we turn to the construction with iw. Transpositions'. these patterns are to be carefully distinguished by form (and indeed function) from vocatives. 'Companions..f . this does not account satisfactorily for the antecedent-resumptive relations in this pattern where a resumptive expression within the pseudo-verbal partem is linked to the TOPIC antecedent. 1932) 24a n 1 la. its limits are revealed.7-8: dd. constructions with iw (just like the other constructions with auxiliaries noted above) exhibit patterns where an extra expression appears in a special position after the auxiliary and before the remainder of the pattern which is not available in the simple 1Q 11 72 c c 73 c 7 0 'Admonitions' is arichsource of topicalization patterns ill-evidenced elsewhere.f ib.4: mîn sSt3 n î3 hmm drwf sh3w See the secrets'of the land which were unknown.p. then the pre-auxiliary expressions found are vocatives : 66) West 8. However.12: wn. Zee (Chicago. 3 7 2 7 3 .s ïw lr.7.1 and £ G §215. n. Notice that the TOPIC precedes the suffix conjugation or pseudo-verbal construction but is itself preceded by both initial particles and auxiliaries. n. which thus contrast with the position of TOPICs: 64) Nef 5-6: dd. A possible example with tw maybe: FN1) Sin BlOl-4: h3st tn rwit. I have brought Djedi. Zee and S. 71 This pattern is quite common with parts of the body subjects.s So his person. see I have had one call to you to cause 65) Peas B 1. 365-78). see you are reached. ii) after initial particles 62) Adm 7.l iw in. as noted by Blackman Middle Egyptian stories (Brussels.f The brave man. iii) after auxiliaries 63) West 9.t(ï) Fool. the auxiliary was added to the manuscript later.ïn s3-nsw Hr-dd.n. So his person l. nb..p.7: kn hsy hr nhmw [htj.h said to them. 1990).iDdî So the king's son Hordedef said.. S.8.h.wt hr. Both Polotsky and Gardiner analysed these constructions as exhibiting a pseudo-verbal construction with a clausal predicate. eds.w.i i3 s". throughout or at the end of constructions . although the latter noted the alternative possibility of analysing the pattern as a topicalization construction. In each of these cases. Equally.219-20: wh3 mktw ph. 'Sovereign l. my hm. 3 There may be prosodie restrictions on the 'size' or 'heaviness' of the TOPIC which can separate an initial particle/auxiliary from the following pattern and large TOPICs may be forced to precede the initial particle/auxiliary (cf D. his heart fell into sadness because of this.s.w. EG § rhw min rdl. Inkelas and D.fw3 r d.

44-5 with fh.k tr sdm hr-m iw min 3 hsf.n.M a r k Collier 40 construction and which exhibits an antecedent-resumptive relation with a resumptive pronoun in a position ordinarily available within the construction: a) iw + pseudo-verbal construction 67) Peas B 1.281. However. Notice that the peasant has already alluded to Rensi's sluggardly properties (iw wsf. as noted by Polotsky Transpositions' Surely. you are not listening.nfn.S 17-8: lw r n s nhn.fsw The mouth of a man. their writings have been destroyed.f çattem would seem to find a natural place: 72) Sh. 71) Sin B189-90: lw mln is $3 .f As for the sluggard. As the discussion in the text indicates. his heart is washed.k r tht.n. If these constructions with iw are not analysed as topicalization constructions. then constructions with lw (and indeed constructions with auxiliaries in general) would exhibit an unexplained gap: alone amongst main clause formations.f) 68) Adm 6. D. I have warded off the savage one. mln can occur initially infrontedpositions (cf the difficult Adm 12. c) iw sdm.f) In terms of this paradigm of form. ii) lw + sdm-n(f) 70) Peas B 1.i 3dw Hearer. the iw.n(.f) As is well known. d) iw sdm(.180-1: sdmw n 3 sdm. However. important corroborative evidence is provided by adjunct topicalization of the time phrase min : i) iw + pseudo-verbal construction 69) Sin B149: iw min ib. there are no standard examples of lw noun sdm. Why don't you listen? Today.252 understands "Will a sluggard who petitions wait at the door of his house?' with the comment that wsfw cannot be in anticipatory emphasis because 'we would expect it to appear outside the question'.n.8. The reason for the lack of standard iw TOPIC sdjn.n(f) patterns in other Middle Egyptian source genres remains obscure but is perhaps to be sought in terms of functional/communicative concernsratherthan in terms of syntax.k) in B 1. this does not hold. the scribes of the cadaster(?).f sdm. However. ?6 Gardiner considered min to function as an enclitic particle in these examples (EG §208). At the same time. object and adjunct As a topicalized adjunct min is not linked to a resumptive expression (cf fh 66 above).3. unlike enclitics.f'm (most) Middle Egyptian source genres . they would not exhibit topicalization at all. since there is no other likely candidate for such a pattern. Interrogative constructions with jn and jn-ßv in Old and Middle Egyptian (Malibu. 1980).k tni Today.5. he has opened the perfect ways for him. 7 5 3 . Silverman.k tm. it can save him. examples do occur in the Coffin Texts: FN2) CT I 74i: iw Wp-w3wt wp.7) and in standard word order positions as subject.284: In iw wsfwspry r h rrnpr.n. now.8-9: iw ms sX nw tm(3) drw ss(w). you have begun old age. they would exhibit patterns which would seem to display an extra expression in a special position and which seems to participate as the antecedent in an c c 74 75 76 c 7 4 3 After £G §148.fï Today. will a petitioner stand at the door of his house ? b) lw + passive SQjn(w)(.fw3wt nfr(w)t Wepwawet.

and omission under agreement. As a topicalization construction by form. constructions with the form of a simple declarative statement can be used interrogatively (£G § 491) or where constructions with the form of an interrogative statement can be used conditionally (EG §489. by form.0 sdm. Firstly.n(.which is optional.f sdjnf exhibits 'emphasis' on the TOPIC and indeed examples seem to be forthcoming (cf Doret.0 n kwy He is a fool the one who is greedy when (things) belong to others. he answers. Tieview'. 3 3 .215-7: sw3 hr sp îwf r snwy in wnm dp iw wiSdw wtb. It is the sleeper who sees the dream.e. noun + suffix conjugation patterns (including iw.f) and the change in function of iw. Silverman. It is the eater who tastes. iw.f) as iw. However.5: hm-ht pw hnty iw.n(f) has also been compared to examples such as: FN 4) Sin B43: lw. we would expect to find examples where lw. It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that. He who is addressed. 43): FN 3) Peas Bl.n(. non-topicalized) construction with iw.f (It) was done like he said.f'can exhibit functional usages where it would seem to behave as a simple declarative clause like the simple SVO ordered pseudo-verbal constructions with Iw .f in sdrw m33 rswt Pass over a case and it will become two.f sdjn.antecedent-resumptive dependency. this 11 78 ' ' That is to say without necessarily exhibiting the informational effects commonly found with TOPICs (cf fn 64). Concerning iw. The repercussions of this re-analysis of the paradigm for the simple construction with iw are major. it is not surprising.f) are topicalization constructions exhibiting a TOPIC in a special position as the antecedent to a resumptive pronoun.f sdm.0 sdrn. once word order has been taken into account.f sdm.f) (see below). Given this 'tension' between form and function. as in many languages. cit. 78 The postulated omitted pronoun does not abide by the standard conventions for pronoun omission (cf section 3): omission underrelevance.f sdm. the purported lw. i. 105-8).f) with an omitted pronoun after iV . However. Collier. (cf M. DE 18 (1990) forthcoming for brief arguments against analysing iw as the direct subject of the adverbial predicate).e. cit. If we adopt this analysis. although iW-support is required both with overt pronominals (cf the iw. it would seem necessary to conclude that by form this pattern belongs to the paradigm of topicalization constructions. op. The pattern lw. which is clearly inappropriate here. I suggest. the iw.fsdmf pattern has no place in the paradigm for the analysis of the form of the simple (i.f pattern in 49) and non-overt pronominals: FN6) Meri 4. However by function (courtesy of the resulting 'SVO' order).f.f s&m.nif) pattern is not used in contexts where fw-support is required. The parallel with the initial particle construction and other constructions with auxiliaries where the TOPIC follows the initial particle and precedes the remainder of the pattern is striking. along with other evidence.f pattern (and indeed noun + suffix conjugation patterns in general) can be finessed. where the non-overt pronominal subject follows the verb-form (cf below in the text).0 ml shr ny (It) was like the plan of god. Compare the standard Linguistic distinction between the form of a construction and its usage.A. op. that two of the major changes in the transition to Late Egyptian are the loss of the circumstantial sdm(. Rather this pattern is to be analysed simply as iw sdm.0 sdjn. it is clear that the equivalent suffix conjugation pattern is: FN 5) Herds 23: iw ir. with an extra noun phrase in a special structural position not available in the simple non-topicalized pattern. Moreover. where.n(. it removes the motivation for an analysis of the pattern iw sdm. Secondly. then many of the traditional problems associated with the iw.0 mi dd.

Klavans.f sdm. this applies when the pronoun is a TOPIC: 76) [iw. 8 The syntactic and morphological behaviour of pronouns (and expressions which exhibit a similar morphological behaviour) is the subject of my post-doctoral project for the British Academy entitled 'A generative grammar of pronominals and anaphors in Middle Egyptian'. Over the last few years it has come to be realized that syntax and morphology do not necessarily stand in a transparent relationship. 81 From S. 1988). Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 3.Mark Collier 42 discussion of topicalization undermines the analysis of the structure of the entire construction with iw as basically that of either a sentence with adverbial predicate or a second tense.e.B. eds. 1988). Sadock. as discussed above. 96-7. "The auto-lexical classification of lexemes'. with iw as the nominal subject to an adverbial predicate (cf 50 above). Anderson. The ability for such 'mismatches' to occur is. Hammond and M Noonan (San Diego. as one would expect Consider the following two examples: 73) Kwakwala: k ix id-ida beg anema-x-a q'asa-s-is t'elwag ayu clubbed-the man-OBJ-the otter-INST-his club The man clubbed the sea-otter with his club. In 73). "The independence of syntax and phonology in cliticization'. although they are grammatically related to the following noun . not after the nominal subject (whether simple nominal or that-form) . in Theoretical morphology. Adm 9. For typographical reasons. 82 From J. pltn. Cf Baker. cit.f However. the syntactic analysis of the iw. 74) West Greenlandic Eskimo: Tuttu-p neqi-tor-punga reindeer-REL meat-eat-INDIC/ls I ate reindeer's meat. 379^439. In Middle Egyptian. 'e' is used in the gloss in place of Anderson's inverted 'e'. 1984). the detenniners are enclitics which cliticize to the immediately preceding word. 271-90 and M. In the synonymous non-incorporated sentence (ibid. Sadock. 95-120. which can be treated as incorporated pronouns . certain determiners (nb. eds. since in these construction types the TOPIC occurs before the entire construction. In 74). op. 83 Cf J. however.4 (1985). 'Auto-lexical syntax: a proposal for the treatment of noun incorporation and similar phenomena'. 'Kwakwala syntax and the government-binding theory'. Incorporation is important for the understanding of suffix pronouns. 80 Convenient discussion in J.D. Gerdts (San Diego. i. 309 ex 33). Language 56 (1980). the noun root and the possessor form a phrase. Language 61 (1985). 4 . Baker. Cook and D. Equally.M. Incorporation: a theory of grammatical junction changing (Chicago. the morphological analysis of a construction may not agree exactly with the syntactic analysis of the construction . in Syntax and semantics 16: the syntax of native American languages.L.5 (second tense). cliticization is important for the understanding of the behaviour of dependent pronouns. 24 ex 1).C. pltf) and enclitic particles. As noted above. the noun root incorporates with the verb but is directly grammatically related to the external noun possessor. it is clear that the morphological analysis of the simple construction with lw with following pronominal subject is: 75) [ïw. ex 32). extremely limited. "Noun incorporation in Greelandic: a case of syntactic word formation'. The second innovation follows recent developments in generative grammar. n+ pronoun.R. M. E. id.M.f] sdm.f construction as a topicalization pattern (along with other evidence not discussed here) 79 80 w 9 w w 81 S2 83 84 7 3 9 Cf £G §148 and 61) above (pseudo-verbal construction).f] m pr where the pronoun incorporates with the auxiliary.

the circumstantial sdm(.n(.f)lsdm. 3. then. there is subject-to-aux incorporation exhibiting standard ECP locality effects (cf Baker.0 sdjn. but with the entire bare sentence with adverbial predicate and bare pseudo-verbal construction.f) bare sentence with adverbial predicate bare pseudo-verbal construction In this analysis. Transpositions. Similarly. however. Auxiliaries impose the further collocational restriction that such patterns be headed by non-nominal predicates. this suggests that the grammatical relation between ïw and the following pattern is not to be analysed in terms of subordination and predication relations based on nominal and adverbial substitution.n noun/pronoun 8 5 In generative terms. op. but is to be analysed in much the same way as the grammatical relation between converters and initial particles and the patterns which follow them. rather it must be treated in terms of the inherent non-nominality of (unconverted) verbal expressions and adverbial expressions (see section 0).8. cf fn 78. Notice that when the pronoun is not locally available to iw. iw is an initializing auxiliary which co-occurs with the clausal patterns just noted.f)/sdjn.f)lsdm.n(. however. rather than as forms specialized for adverbial subordinate behaviour . Morphologically. as in the case of iw sdm. c c .2 on h .f). there is no pattern iw. Syntactically. it may be that such constructions developed diachonically from original second tense formations. Synchronically.f). There is thus a syntax-morphology mismatch. the bare sentence with adverbial predicate and the bare pseudo-verbal construction. From this discussion. non-nominality does not reduce to adverbial properties in this case.f) (+ other dependents) and the bare sentence with adverbial predicate and bare pseudo-verbal construction: 86 AUX ïw Iw non-initial main clause noun/ adverbiallpseudopronoun verbal predicate sdm. There is thus no morphological requirement to invoke an omitted pronominal dependent after ïw in this pattern (i.n(. Thus the substitutional relations between verb-form and prepositional phrase/pseudo-verbal predicate are those within the clause forms of the circumstantial sdm{.nf. Along with the discussion of the position of the TOPIC above. cit. the pronominal subject cannot incorporate with ïw (rather the pronoun incorporates with the verb in this case) and hence iw remains without a morphological affix.n(. the auxiliary is an incorporation host and can incorporate a pronoun as long as it is locally available to the the auxiliary . chapters 2 and 3). cf Polotsky. the patterns which follow ïw and other auxiliaries are to be treated synchronically as unconverted clauses behaving as non-initial main clauses. However.f) do not exhibit a substitutional relationship with adverbial predicates in the construction with ïw.f)lsdm.n. auxiliary + non-initial main clause constructions do not display the syntactic properties of second tenses (nor indeed of the sentence with adverbial predicate). the paradigm for the syntactic analysis of the form of the simple construction with iw reduces to: 85 initializer iw non-initial main clause circumstantial sdjn(.n.Circumstantially adverbial? 43 indicates that iw stands at the periphery of the clause and co-occurs with the bare circumstantial sdjn(.e. 86 it must be stressed that this is a synchronic analysis.

f)lsdm. in fact. They occur in a paradigm which also includes expressions which do not exhibit a form specialized for adverbial behaviour.n{-f) do not substitute just with prepositional phrases.k wSd. Ram II vs ii 5).44 Mark Collier Here the adverbial/pseudo-verbal predicate follows its subject in the sentence with adverbial predicate and pseudo-verbal construction with iw. in 85) hrw co-occurs 88 c c c 90 87 3 Cf£G §§27and28.n.n.t [hr]w. e) bare pseudo-verbal construction 84) Sin Bl-2: sdm.fhr mdt (And) I heard his voice as he was speaking. c) circumstantial sdm(.t(w). 87 5 Adjunct/focus position The adjunct/focus position allows a rather wide range of expressions.k hr-ntt twmrh Do not fill your heart because you are a wise man. b) prepositionally converted clauses 80) Ptah L2 1.8) and n-ts negated nouns (Ptah 6. forms which we have seen can also occur in non-adverbial substitutional environments.î r s3.n(.f) 81) Sh. Collier. discussion and arguments against an anaysis of bare time phrases as unmarked adverbial transpositions is given in M.e. you know that they are not lenient on that day of judging the poor.k tm. he was returning after he had brought away living captives of the r/t/nv-people.i r S" stsw hr rmn . Equally.n. but is ordered simply as a suffix conjugation verb-form. non-focused) adjuncts * a) simple prepositional phrases 79) Sin B17-8: Ssp.fiw.k Then you will answer when you are addressed.S 14-5: ih ws2>. Thus.ï ksw m b3t (And) I took up a crouched position in a bush.n. whereas the suffix conjugation verb-form precedes its subject (and hence there is no predicate constituent) in accordance with the well known word order properties of these patterns found in the other environments in which they occur .sn sfn hrw pfn wdp m3Îr The southern d3d3t which judges the needy. . The syntax of time phrases in Middle Egyptian' MS.5-6: h3. Ptah 7.i I will go down to the lake with the staves upon the shoulder of my arm and my poles at my back. the circumstantial sdm{.A.nh(w) n ihnw Now. 89 Bare time phrases are used as the exemplars of bare nominals used as adjuncts. Thus the verb-form is not ordered according to any purported 'adverbial' properties.f)lsdjn.7-8: dßdßt rsy wdf s3ryw rh. 82) Sin R15-16: ii sw hm ty. f) bare time phrases® 85) Men 5. it is clear that bare time phrases display the syntax of noun phrases . Using hrw as an example. Other examples include ds reflexives (Adm 2. 88 The discussion holds equally for focused adjuncts in 'second tenses'.\ w.14: m mh ïb. The following exemplification is of simple (i.1 and P. 90 Details.f skr(w). In adjunct/focus position. d) bare sentence with adverbial predicate 83) Fish B4. the clause forms of the sentence with adverbial prediate and bare pseudo-verbal construction occur in adjunct/focus position.f în.12.

in terms of form. the circumstantial sd/n(. since they would be left without a role in the resulting situation. simple nominals are incompatible with this function. Equally.f)/sajn. it would be preferable to distinguish strictly between the terminology of form and function. it would seem that their properties of conversion and part of speech (and relative tense/aspect properties) conspire to enable them to function as adjuncts. Concerning the circumstantial sdjn(. the bare sentence with adverbial predicate and the bare pseudo-verbal construction are suited for adjunct usage. can be suitably added to another expression to convey additional information . By function. the bare sentence with adverbial predicate and the bare pseudo-verbal construction. however. bare time phrases are uniformally analysed as nominal expressions which can function as subjects.n(. Hence there would seem to be little motivation in assigning bare time phrases adverbial properties of form in adjunct/focus position.l hr hs(w)t nt hr-nsw r-iwt hrw n mnî I received the king's favours until the day of mooring came. a behaviour characteristic of simple nominals .k hrw n krs (And) you have considered the day of burial. b) object 87) Sin B190-1: sM. lacking specialized conversion for specialized subordinate distribution incompatible with adjunct requirements. which.f)lsdjn.f). In the present framework. but is rather a heterogenous collection of expressions which are suited to being adjoined to a predication to add additional information without the mediation of some other expression. there is no doubt that adjunct usage does not naturally favour nominals. Of course. §15. nominally headed patterns or forms converted into a form specialized for nominal usage. Moreover.f)/sdjn. There is no requirement for these expressions to be analysed as forms specialized by conversion/transposition for adverbial behaviour to treat their occurrence in adjunct/focus position./). bare sentence with adverbial predicate and bare pseudo-verbal construction may be said to behave 'adverbially' in adjunct/focus position.Circumstantially adverbial? 45 with demonstrative and indirect genitive dependents in adjunct/focus position. the adjunct position does not present a homogenous paradigm./). as unconverted inherently non-nominal clauses. objects and adjuncts. However. 91 92 93 9 1 3 EG §§85. however by form they are clearly noun phrases. By function. ordinary nominals do not carry inherent semantic roles and need to be assigned a semantic role in a situation/proposition by some other expression. 92 Once again. the circumstantial sgjn(. . by form they are unconverted forms. they describe situations. Thus. exactly the same forms can occur in typical nominal positions such as subject and object: a) subject 86) Sin B309-10: Iw. However. As unconverted clauses. indicating a temporal setting. Since adjuncts are expressions which are added to a construction to convey additional information. 111. bare time phrases in adjunct/focus position might be said to behave 'adverbially' .n. time phrases do carry an inherent semantic role. 93 Cf Polotsky's discussion of 'parataxis' in "Egyptian tenses'.n(.n(. such as a verb or a preposition. It would seem that. and are thus eminently suited to adjunct usage. ordinary bare nominals do not occur in adjunct/focus positions.

. Secondly. 505. JEA 57 (1971).n. cit.f)/sgjn. Serapis 6 (1980). Firstly.s hrw hsy .idJ shpr.s must be a circumstantial sdm. the sajn.f)s syntactically dependent on the preceding pattern (or any member thereof) as a 94 c c 95 c c c 96 9 4 3 Cf EG §§91..n. the circumstantial sg/n(. this Wekhhotep. see E.n t3 wb3t wn. pi 8: ïw w°b ïw hwy nn r-drw n Wsir h3ty.i sb-n-sdt n ntrw I cut a fire drill.n(.z .Wh-htp pn All these are pure and abundant(?) for the "Osiris.n( f) clauses must be temporally coordinate rather than relative past and hence are to be analysed as circumstantial sdm.n.f)/sdm. GM 4 (1973).n(. 71. 23-8. two properties of coordination have not received the attention they deserve.n. op.H.. 13-22 and J.1: S3s pw ir. Hence wn. the h3ty. regardless of the proper interpretation of Stfr. In this section.n.n sdm.S 54-6: Ut. The servant girl went and she opened the door. this is because clausal coordination in Middle Egyptian is not overtly marked. Ï made a fire and I made a burnt-offering to the gods. Indeed.n(. 487-8. Examples occur between j'w-constructions (initial main clause patterns): 88) Meir II. the ability to coordinate with main clauses is not restricted to non-initial main clauses. the two sdm. sentence with adverbial predicate and pseudo-verbal construction and with these constructions introduced by the auxiliary iw. in neither case are the circumstantial sajn. In recent treatments. 58-69) or narrative infinitive (cf W. since they exhibit main clause usage both with and without introductory expressions.f) functioning as a non-initial main clause in coordination with the preceding initial formation. 95 Contra Johnson. Then she heard sounds of singing In this example wn. 9 .n(f) can occur in coordination with constructions within which they themselves cannot occur (except as adjuncts) : 89) West 11. 6 Whether analysed as sdjnt(f) (cf H.fl in coordinate clauses. For the circumstantial sdm(.n( f)s coordinated in non-initial main clause usage.i ht ir. Johnson.n(.f) 'leans' temporally on the preceding context for tense/aspect support. Satzinger.26-12.f). 90) Sh.s t3 t h . Doret BSEG 2 (1979).n(. In 88) the first conjunct with ïw shares the subject and other dependents of the second conjunct with iw. nor can it be a that-form in a second tense since there is no following 'adverbial' expression which can be focused. However. it is extremely difficult formally to identify coordination between most main clause types.n.. Coordination Coordination is another area of Middle Egyptian grammar which is in need of detailed investigation . 69-73.f)/sajn. Fortunately the patterns under consideration here can be studied. Schenkel. This is particularly problematic for the analysis of coordination between main clause patterns. Partly. unless two coordinated clauses 'share' some information which is present in only one conjunct.s cannot be an adjunct clause with relative past interpretation (she could hardly open the door without reaching it).Mark Collier 46 6. In both examples. Once again. coordination is discussed in relation to the bare non-initial main clause patterns of the circumstantial sdjn(.

the coordinated non-initial main clause coordinates either with the Iwconstruction or (perhaps more likely) with the non-initial main clause which follows iw in the first conjunct. In these cases. the bare sentence with adverbial predicate and the bare pseudo-verbal construction as exhibiting 'gapping' of an auxiliary (cf Johnson.n( fl 91) Meri 9.f w t hr mw kt hr it Its one side was under water and the other was under barley. i.e. However.n(-f).f)/sdjn. hare sentence with adverbial predicate and the bare pseudoverbal construction as a property of relative tense/aspect rather than of adverbial form. the present framework again makes use of the analysis of these patterns as unconverted expressions.f)lsa\rn. 57-94. As unconverted expressions. . e. c) bare pseudo-verbal construction 93) Leb 107-8: iw sf3k nht hr h3w n bw-nb Gentleness has perished and the strong man descends upon everyone.f)/sd/n.n.Circumstantially adverbial? 47 subordinate expression. an ideal pattern for the circumstantial sdrn(. the bare sentence with adverbial predicate and the bare pseudo-verbal construction are clearly syntactically well-formed without the presence of the auxiliary and hence occur in a variety of main and subordinate clause usages. 71-2).A. the bare sentence with adverbial predicate and bare pseudo-verbal construction to enter into coordination with.n(.f).i mnmnt.1 (1989). it would seem inappropriate to posit an analysis of the coordinate usage of the circumstantial sdjn(. op. 22 fn 41 refers to the coordination of the circumstantial sdjn(f)lsdjn.l farw. this does not require that they be syntactically subordinated to the first conjunct or any member thereof. by treating the non-initiality of the circumstantial sd/n(. these forms can be used as non-initial main clauses. along with other 'sharing' of material.f)/sdm. Hence non-initial main clauses are syntactically independent clauses which require temporal support to satisfy their relative tense/aspect properties. nhm. cf I caused that t3-mhw strike them.i hwi st t3-mhw h3k.g. Rather. I carried off their inhabitants and I seized their cattle. Given this discussion. does occur in coordination in Middle Egyptian. Gapping.f)/sd_m. as forms which are not specialized for subordinate behaviour. 'gapping' refers to a particular kind of omission in coordination of an element without which the pattern would not be syntactically well-formed (with the required meaning). c t n e 97 y / Doret. it is certainly the case that the circumstantial sdjn(.f). non-initiality is treated as a relative tense/aspect property. rather they are coordinated with the preceding pattern as noninitial main clauses. cit. since they can 'share' the time point of the first conjunct.n(. Journal of Linguistics 25. However.fl. subordination or predication relations between the conjuncts.n(f).n.n(. of course. the bare sentence with adverbial predicate and the bare pseudo-verbal construction in terms of adverbial behaviour.4-5: iw di. In the present framework.n. 'Gapping and grammatical relations'. cit. Sin B307-8. The circumstantial sdrn(. b) bare sentence with adverbial predicate 92) Peas R46-7: iw w3t. In this framework. rather than a property of adverbial form.f). An already 'tensed' initial main clause pattern is. Hudson. such examples can be analysed simply as sentential coordination between main clause patterns involving no gapping . the bare sentence with adverbial predicate and the bare pseudo-verbal construction prefer coordination with constructions within which they themselves can occur: a) circumstantial sd/n( f)/sajn. op.n(.

cf section 5.t(w)). this is simply treated in terms of the shared non-nominality of the circumstantial sdm(.n(. the understood subject of the pseudo-verbal predicates is.'s hr m3st. c 1 0 2 c .l msw Hwt-ihyt hr km[(3)] wx3yt I see the children of Hwi-lhyt throwing at the wi3yt birds. arguably. where the adjunct clause is not as closely related to the main verb and merely adds to the construction rather than being a lexically determined oblique complement required to complete the sense of the verb. where the subject argument of a predicative 98 99 100 101 102 98 Polotsky. 'Egyptian tenses'. It is significant that the pseudo-verbal predicates must appear in this environment without an overt subject (nominal or pronominal). gmi/m33 can also occur with ordinary adjuncts. of course.f r pdj(yw) When he is seen going down against the bowmen.n.s (And) he found Reddjedet sitting with her head on her knee. 99 As in Polotsky's original discussion.k It is ill-will because he sees me doing your commissions.4-5: m33.f)/sdm. e. bw nb nt(y). However. .f) and prepositional phrases/pseudo-verbal predicates (cf section 0). In this environment.ti tp. 100 m33 and gmi prefer the circumstantial sdjn(-f) in oblique complement position. 110 fn 1) However. §4. clearly the object of gmt/m33 .t(w).dt hms'.t(l) hft-hr./ is the subject of the passive form m33.m.Mark Collier 48 7 Control Polotsky first isolated the circumstantial sgjn(. this section focuses on verb-forms in the oblique complement position after gmi and m33. In this case.n( f) in the substitutional environment of the oblique complement after verbs such as gmi and m33 and after the prt pw ïr. 96) West 12. The interesting case is with the gmï/m33 type of verb which will form the focus of this section : a) circumstantial sdm( f) 94) Sin B52-3: m33.f construction . so that that man may see you stood opposite him in whichever place he is in.l m3 tw s pf h . b) pseudo-verbal predicate 95) Fish B2.n(. passivization (cf 94 where.20-1: gm.f/ps&\ido-\eibäl predicate] clausal complement is indicated by examples such as: FN8) CT II ll0i-j: Is sp sn b3.f h3. there is no mandatory restriction on the nature of the subject. it must be emphasized that 'incomplete prédication' is a lexical property and holds equally for gml/m33 in occurrences where the oblique complement is not in focus: FN7) Sin B116-7/R141-2: rkt lb pw hr m33.g. where the oblique complement is required to complete the sense of the verb in this usage and hence is suited to the role of focus in a second tense (RdE 11 (1957). the suffix conjugation verb-forms must appear with an incorporated pronominal subject coindexed with the object of gmî/m33 and not with an overt nominal subject or non-coindexed pronominal s u b j e c t . Such a distribution. Here the object pronoun of m3 cliticizes to the verb and precedes the subject noun separating the object from the oblique complement which it controls. there is another issue involved in this paradigm. my b3. Equally.f Rd-Q.fwl hr Irt wpwt. simple prepositional phrases and pseudo-verbal predicates. Polotsky had earlier noted gmi/m33 as verbs of 'incomplete predication'.n. the object can undergo standard grammatical function changes. In the present framework. the circumstantial sdm( f)/sdjn.flm Go go. 101 That this is indeed the correct analysis of this construction and not gmi/m33 with [noun + sd.f) do substitute with.f)/sdjn. and indeed only with.

Cf J. Within the present framework. Since the coindexed pronominal subject cannot behave independently. op.f construction which exhibits adjunct control. 103 104 105 106 107 103 j h i g e covers both the 'equi' and 'raising' constructions of early transformational grammar. Allen. the suffix conjugation verb-form must appear with a suffix pronoun subject. the pseudo-verbal predicates clearly behave here as phrasal predicates lacking a subject expression which they find indirectly in the object of gmï/m33) . 'Control and complementation'.sn prr. 9. Moreover.kwl m k3r When they see me leaving the shrine. However.e. is often termed 'control' . however.f/sg/n.n. it is not simply a matter of substitution that the circumstantial sd/n(. Thus. The ability to control an incorporated pronominal is to be analysed in terms of small clauses and government (MS in prep). 106 Thj j stated in the most informal of terms. 14-5). the ability of controlled pseudo-verbal (and indeed simple adverbial) predicates to occur in a substitutional paradigm with the controlled circumstantial sdjn. exhibits simple adjuncts without control and hence a wider paradigm of forms is to be found. 2. this pattern also. In the particular case of gmi/m33. following early transformational grammar (cf J. Hence. Moreover.n + noun have no place in this paradigm. the object of gmî/m33 may be said to 'control' the pseudo-verbal predicate/suffix conjugation verb-form . A good example is provided by the following variants of CT I 391a: FN9) SIC 481: m33. However. as a predicate which indirectly finds its subject in some preceding nominal element under control . cf section 3. cit. Linguistic Inquiry 13 (1982). of course. Cf Bresnan. In particular. it is also a product of control .l m k3r FN10) S2C 267: m33. these patterns co-vary with patterns where gml/m33 takes an object clause. "Egyptian tenses'. As a consequence.n. Bresnan. 343-434. particularly 372. whose synonymy is accounted for by control.f) occur in a strictly delimited paradigm with pseudo-verbal predicates (and indeed simple prepositional phrases) in the oblique complement position after gmï/m33. Control can be thought of as 'indirect predication'. Outside of wl pr.P. this subject pronoun must be coindexed with the controller. In the present case. the oblique complement is effectively restricted to being phrasal rather than clausal.f)/sd/n. as a lexical property both gmi and m33 can co-occur in this usage with either an object clause or with an object nominal and a non-nominal object-controlled oblique complement. However.f can be readily explained by the inherent nonnominal properties of both forms and by control. the morphological properties of the suffix conjugation verbform disallow it from appearing without a subject except under particular and welldefined circumstances. in Crossroad. s u s a s s . gmilm33 lexically select the two observed patterns.n(. it is to be noted that the bare pseudo-verbal construction and the circumstantial sd/n/sdm. This particular form of control is often termed 'raising to object'. the suffix conjugation f*>rm has the behaviour of a predicative phrase . 107 Similarly for the prt pw ir. the only exceptions are locally licensed by omission under agreement (which is clearly not appropriate here) or omission under relevance (which is optional and once again inappropriate here). following work in the unification tradition in generative grammar.Circumstantially adverbial? 49 complement (or adjunct) must be coindexed with an argument of the matrix predicate. even in control environments.i. In work within the unification tradition. 21 !05 Contra Polotsky's heading II "Verb-forms in clauses of circumstance'.6 with fig. cf section 5.

Indeed the framework leads to novel interpretations of grammatical phenomena which have proved problematic for the Polotskyan tradition.f) is reduced to the distribution of simple adverbial parts of speech (principally prepositional phrases and pseudo-verbal predicates) based on substitutional paradigms. as a strictly delimited environment in which to identify the circumstantial sdm(. the syntax of the circumstantial sgjn(.f)/sdjn.e. the adverbial analysis faces significant problems in accounting for this distribution.n(f) in Middle Egyptian. However.n('.g. In contrast.f)/sdjn. This contrasts markedly with the Polotskyan approach where the syntax of the circumstantial sdjn(.f) in a strict substitutional relationship with prepositional phrases and pseudo-verbal predicates. in adjunct/focus positions).n(-f) are indeed only circumstantially adverbial. when we investigate environments where the circumstantial sdm(-f)/sdjn.f)lsçbn.f) on the basis of this environment without first taking control into account. From the perspective of the present framework.e.n(.f)lsfjjn. since it exhibits the syntagmatic dependency of control (indirect predication) which severely restricts the range of expressions which can appear as the oblique complements of gmi/m33.f)/sQjn. It would seem then that the circumstantial sdjn(.n(. exhibiting direct predication).f) in Middle Egyptian and hence compares favourably. sg/n noxmjsdjn. In such cases. then these patterns behave as clauses which share a close substitutional relationship with the bare sentence with adverbial predicate and the bare pseudo-verbal construction (even after auxiliaries). In this analysis. In particular.f)/sgjn.f)/sd/n./). they can also appear in other environments where prepositional phrases are not found (e. the bare sentence with adverbial predicate and the bare pseudo-verbal construction) have no place in this paradigm. after initial particles and after converters). It is thus unsatisfactory to present a generalized adverbial analysis of the circumstantial sgjn(. However.Mark Collier 50 Conclusion It has been argued that the verbal analysis of the circumstantial sg/n( f)/sd/n.n(. the verbal analysis has the flexibility to deal with the overall observed distribution of the circumstantial sdjn(. . i.f) is to be analysed in terms of their nature as unconverted inherently non-nominal verb-forms. discussed in section 7. this distribution cannot be treated simply in terms of paradigmatic substitution.n(.e.n(. Although all three constructions can appear in paradigmatic relationships with prepositional phrases (e.f)lsdjn. as simple verbal verb-forms. This environment does indeed present the circumstantial sdjn(.f) occur with both pronominal and nominal subjects (i.n noun and noun + prepositional phrase predicate/pseudo-verbal predicate patterns (i.n(.g. Polotsky was misled by an unfortunate historical accident: he utilized the control environment of the oblique complement position after gmi/m33.n(.f) and the framework in which it is couched can provide a satisfactory analysis of the distribution of the circumstantial sg/n(.

This feature is often described in egyptological studies with words like "elimination" or "breaking the power" . 413ff. 28-29 April 1988. Dynastie (Europäische Hochschulschriften.. II. vielmehr drängt dieser Tatbestand zu der Annahme. und III-1 > Das kann kaum Zufall sein.THE CAREER AND THE OF KHNUMHOTEP SO-CALLED III.A. (PhD Columbia University 1980) 164ff. So scheint die * This is an altered version of my paper for the Colloquium "The Residence and the Regions in the Middle Kingdom". 1/2. . cited by W. in: CAH . of a n o m e ) disappears from our records in the time of Sesostris I I I .. I.G. held at Cambridge.Hayes.. der jünger wäre als diese beiden Könige [Sesostris II. My abbreviations are those of the Lexikon çter Ägyptologie (LÄ).Hayes.. in: GM 71 (1984) 55f. The so-called "Decline of the Nomarchs" In Egyptology.. W.Delia. daß unter Sesostris III. in: LÄ. "Nirgends [ist] in Aegypten ein Nomarchengrab oder auch nur ein Denkstein eines Gaufürsten erhalten. Band 279.. literally "Great Overlord". Die letzten Könige der 12. in: JNES 12 (1953) 31 ff.. it is generally accepted that the title and office of Nomarch (provincial governor w i t h the title hrj-tp 3. W.Matzker.Fischer. 1 R.Ward. Frankfurt/Main-Bern-New York 1986) 11. H.. 3 51 . Its second part on the interpretation of the finds from the sanctuary of Heqaib will be dealt with in my book "Studien zum Heiligtum des Heqaib auf Elephantine".. Reihe III. suggesting that the King has by a forceful. c 1 The idea seems to derive who wrote in his "Geschichte from the work des Altertums": of EDUARD MEYER. eine tiefgreifende Umwandlung durchgeführt oder wenigstens . .. 505f.C. conscious action overcome the group of nomarchs. who had become too powerful and diminished the authority of the King. A Study of the Reign of Senwosret III. "DECLINE By Detlef OF OF BENI THE HASAN NOMARCHS"* Franke I.C. zum Abschluß gelangt und das Gaufürstentum beseitigt worden ist.

Amenemhet I.. Meyer. "As each nomarch died.2 (Stuttgart/Berlin 1909) §285.cit. abbreviated as HA MHN) and "Great Overlord " (Hrj-tp 3 ~ HTA) of their nome." Sesostris III. conscious action ("Beseitigung" "Macht brechen"). vollständig gebrochen Adels unter zu sein.2 (1913) 276. his description of the elimination of the nomarchs is basically right. = I .cit. 3 But is this picture of a "revolution" from the King's correct ? side First of all. earlier and later. first of all. 1 1 1 ) . The disappearence of a title could be due to changes in the mode of government that happen to occur in Egypt from time to time. ) .1 1 1 . . who are wearing the titles of "Mayor and Overseer of Priests (of the local tempel)" (ff3tjJmj-rS hmww-ntr.. 2 3 3 I cannot agree with Cruz-Uribe's interpretation of the "Enseignement loyaliste" and the "Hymns in Honor of Sesostris III. to take the "Lamentations of Khakheperre-seneb" and the "Admonitions" as propaganda pieces of the nomarchs in response to their threatened situation." in the Illahvm-papyri as literary works to justify the King's policy against the nomarchs. it seems to be wise to make a distinction between the disappearence of the title "nomarch" and the disappearence of great rock-tombs in Middle and Upper Egypt. began to replace all of the nomarchs with local mayors" {loc. But he also maintains the common opinion. Both traits can but need not be interrelated.. The w i s h and the possibility to build or not to build a great tomb are not dependent on a specific title but personal wealth and common élite funerary beliefs and custom. that "Sesostris III. und 2 The last scholar writing on this subject was EUGENE CRUZ-URIBE.. appointed men in specific regions of Egypt. It is also impossible. the king would refuse to appoint a heir" (loc. because none of these four literary works was originally written in the time of Sesostris III. I . Geschichte des Altertums. I think. The construction of a great tomb depends on wealth and access to royal and local resources and craftsmen. These nomarchs originate from local families.cit. At the beginning of the 12th dynasty. . in: Varia Aegyptiaca 3 (1987) 1 0 7 .Detlef Franke 52 Macht und Selbstherrlichkeit des Amenemhet III. 108) . and his son Sesostris I. I have to point out that there is much difference between a long-term socio-political process ("tiefgreifende Umwandlung") and a single. p. but their status and power was due to their apc c 2 E. 1 0 8 f . His arguments are in favour of "a slow elimination of the office by not appointing successors to current holders of the title" (loc..252 f.

The career of Khnumhotep III


pointment by the King. Sesostris I. and h i s son A m e n e m h e t
I I . supported the heredity of office and titles w i t h i n the
same family, perhaps to ensure stability and c o n t i n u i t y in
the g o v e r n m e n t .
We have such nomarchs in Elephantine (nome 1 ) , H i e r a k o n polis ( 3 ) , Achmim ( 9 ) , Deir R i f e h ( 1 1 ) , Assiut ( 1 3 ) , M e i r
( f.
H.G.Fischer, in: LA, II, 4 1 3 f . } .

This is a very limited set of r e g i o n s . Actually, Egypt was
no more divided into nomes, but the administrative r e g i onal areas were towns (n't)
and the surrounding d i s t r i c t s
governed by a HA MHN ("Mayor").
We have officials with the title "nomarch" from the b e g i n ning of the 12th dynasty and most of them seem to be
recorded not later than the reign of Amenemhet I I . (nome 3
(Hierakonpolis), 9 (Achmim), 11 (Deir R i f e h ) , 13 ( A s s i u t ) ,
14 (Meir), 16 (Beni H a s a n ) ) .

The last officials with the title Hrj-tp
S (+• nome)
during the reigns of Sesostris I I . and I I I . :


Elephantine : Sarenput
II. (tomb 31) [Sesostris II./III.]
Deir Rifeh: Nefer-Khnum
(tomb I) and Nekht-anch
(tomb VII)
[Sesostris I./Amenemhet II./Sesostris II.?]
Assiut: Djefai-Hapi
I I . (tomb II) [Amenemhet II.]
Meir: Ukh-hotep
I I . (tomb B No.2) [Sesostris I.]
El-Bersheh: Djehuti-hotep
(tomb 2) [Sesostris III.]
Beni Hasan: Amenemhet
(tomb 2) [Sesostris I . ] .
These are the only officials we can call " n o m a r c h s " .
It is true that the last of them disappear from
records in the time of Sesostris I I I . But I think, no one
seriously can call a group of about 6 men - though of h i g h
rank and with local followers - a "powerful
that could be a threat to the might of the King.
From other regions or nomes we do not have any comparable sources about nomarchs. Instead we have p e o p l e
with the titles HA MHN only, who were probably the highest
local administrators. Some of them were owners of d e c o rated rock-tombs like the n o m a r c h s . But to classify them
under the heading 'feudal nomarchy' is certainly w r o n g .
They were powerful and wealthy local administrators
nevertheless officials of the King.
Some of these HA MHN built great rock-tombs, but most of
them not, while other members of the élite, who were not
HA MHN, have built rock-tombs of considerable size, too
(e.g. Qubbet el-Hawa N o . 2 8 ) .
The custom to construct such tombs came to
the reign of Amenemhet III. at the latest:

an end


Detlef Franke


Elephantine; HA MHN Heqaib,
son of Sat-Hathor
(tomb No.30)
[Sesostris III./Amenemhet III.]
Oaw el-Kebir: HA MHN Wachka II. (tomb 1 8 )
[Sesostris III./Amenemhet III.]
Assiut: HA MHN Djefai-Hapi
III. and IV. (tomb VI and VII) a
[Amenemhet II./Sesostris II.]
Meir: HA MHN Ukh-hotep
IV. (tomb C No.l) and HA MHN
[Sesostris III./Amenemhet III.]
El-Bersheh: HA MHN HTA Djehuti-hotep
(tomb 2)
[Sesostris III.]
Beni Hasan: HA MHN Khnumhotep
I I . (tomb 3) and his son HA
IV. (tomb 4, unfinished)
[Sesostris II./III.]


Interesting enough, some of these last great
tombs show common features, part of them were classified
under the rubric "usurpation of royal p r e r o g a t i v e s " :
a distinctive symbolism connected with papyrus-plants and
the heraldic plants of Upper and Lower Egypt (Heqaib
Qubbet el-Hawa No.30, and Ukh-hotep
IV. at Meir, tomb C
No.l) ;
women performing
tasks which
normally done by men {Ukh-hotep
IV. at Meir and Wachka I I .
at Qaw el-Kebir); processions of fecundity figures
II. at Qaw e l - K e b i r ) .



There is no proof that any of the so-called nomarchs of Qaw elKebir had the title HTA, cf. C.Liliquist, Ancient
from the Earliest
Times through the Middle Kingdom (MAS 27, München
1979) 139 n.1588. H.Steckeweh/G.Steindorf, Die Fürstengräber
Qaw (Leipzig 1936) 7(3), only mentioned that Wachka (I.) had the
title hrj-tp
S nj
without giving any further evidence.
His tomb (No.7) dates to the middle part of dynasty XII, while his
statue and stela (Torino Cat.No.Suppl.4265 and Cat.No.1547) are
clearly posthumous, perhaps from the beginning of dynasty XIII.


III. more often has the title Jmj-rS
and he is
also Jmj-rS

(P.Montet, in: Kemi 6 (1936) 131* f f . ) ; for tomb
VII see: R.Moss, in: JEA 19 (1933) 33 = P.Montet, a.a.O., 134 f.


Meir, VI; A.Kamal, in: ASAE 14 (1914) 74 ff. (not decorated (?)).


H.W.Müller, Die Felsengräber
der Fürsten
von Elephantine
(AT 9,
Glückstadt 1940) 93ff., Abb.46, Taf.XXXIX; Meir, VI, pl.XIII, XVI,
and on his statues CCG 459 and Boston MFA 1973.87 (W.K.Simpson, in:
Boston Museum Bulletin 72, no.368 (1974) 100 ff.; LÄ,VI, 821f.).


W.M.F.Petrie, Antaeopolis.
The Tombs of Qau (BSAE 51, London 1930)
pl.XXV, XXVIII; H.G.Fischer, in: Cl.Vandersleyen (ed.), Das
(Propyläen Kunstgeschichte Band 17, Berlin 1985) 295, 302;
J.Baines, Fecundity Figures (Warminster 1985) 238f.

The career of Khnumhotep III


d e p i c t s in his tomb at E l - B e r s h e h the t r a n s port of his colossal statue, a scene of p u r i f i c a t i o n , and
he and his father are wearing 5at-Amulets
{El Bersheh,
pis.XII, XV, X, X X X I I I ) .
At three {or four) distinct places of Egypt we h a p p e n to
find at about the same period
a special and
of r e g e n e r a t i o n . This is a new trait in
of tombs, which represent at the same time the end
dynasty. I do not think that any of these features h a v e
been a threat to royal p o w e r . I would like to connect t h e m
with the changes in funerary beliefs during the reigns of
Sesostris I I I . and Amenemhet I I I . that had i n f l u e n c e on
the elite-custom of constructing great decorated tombs.
I think, the existence of powerful administrators - called
"nomarchs" - was limited to certain regions due to the
specific history of these r e g i o n s . We happen to find them
in the region called "the middle n o m e s " in M i d d l e E g y p t
(from nome 9 to 16, cf. H.G.Fischer, Dendera,
6 5 f f . ) . In
these regions there is a tradition of this office since
the end of the Old Kingdom. At Elephantine, there w e r e n o
HTA in the Old Kindom and First Intermediate Period, but
there is a tradition of r o c k - t o m b s . Elephantine was the
relations of the Egyptian state to N u b i a .
Nomarchs like Djehuti-hotep
of Bersheh were living fossils
even during
their life-time. And - as we know the
dinosaurs died out, because they lived in an u n f a v o u r a b l e
need for
the King

'elimination' of the nomarchs - if there was any
it! - perhaps was not that difficult as it s e e m s :
just had to refuse to appoint the heirs to their

One way to facilitate this without force was the t r a d i tional practise to educate the n o m a r c h s ' male children at
the King's residence.
These children became loyal to the King and perhaps w e r e
co-educated with the future King. They grew up to b e c o m e
specialists in administration. Some of them were then a p pointed to local offices, others to jobs for the central

pl. J. B. For Asiatics and the eastern desert see: R.XXXVIII. 10 11 9 D. maintained that there is no proof for the assumption. in: BSEG 13 (1989) 173ff. of Beni Hasan Perhaps the precedent and proof for this hypothesis is the case of Khnumhotep I I I .l.. we read that they were brought by the "Sonof-the-Count" Khnumhotep in the 6th year of Sesostris I I . II. 11 Urk.) was the leader of the expedition. He is labelled with the epitheton "whom the God (King) made (to someone)". people of the north-eastern regions outside Egypt proper.Trigger et al. of Beni Hasan. B. 1 0 P. Beni Hasan I (London 1893) (cited here as BH. pointing out.G. this means inhabitants of the eastern desert) are bringing gifts... A social history (Cambridge 1983) 142 n. P.XXX. See also the remarks with a different interpretation on kjj wr and z3 wr shpr n t r by H. especially black eye-paint. .Saleh. . where there was procured galena.1 6 0 ) . in: SAK 8 (1980) 111. 3 .G..Goedicke. ( BH. in: BIFAO 81.Redford. I. 121. pl. 80 (1973) 53ff. I.VII. The case of Khnumhotep III. They are led by two officials. and 81 (1974) 321ff. to Khnumhotep I I .Couroyer. Suppl. I ) .2) .Kessler. See the stimulating article with some improbable readings and conclusions by H.. and he is depicted behind his father overlooking the whole scenery.Newberry. the son of Khnumhotep II. that the people called "Asiatics" were living in the eastern desert. 32. in: LA. in: JARCE 21 (1984) 203ff. in: Revue Biblique 81 (1974) 329f. lines 1 4 9 .56 Detlef Franke II. tomb N o . Egyptian Studies I: Varia (New York 1976) 86. but from the only region. X X V I .. In the famous and much debated "scene of the A s i a t i c s " in Khnum-hotep 's tomb at Beni Hasan a group of so-called Asiatics ( 3mw. {BH. 815f. in: Revue Biblique 78 (1971) 558ff.Couroyer. c 9 On the writing-board presented by one of them towards Khnumhotep II. This son Khnumhotep (III. For the reading of the pertinent inscriptions cf. p. in: JARCE 23 (1987) 125ff. p l . that he was educated at the King's court. I think that the dwellers of the eastern desert were counted by the Egyptians in their mode of mythographical thinking under the rubric "Asiatic". This is stressed also by his mention in the long autobiographical inscription of Khnumhotep II. the material for black eye-paint: Gebel Zeit. B. A.Fischer.Vernus.Osing. (1981) 107ff.. and the interesting contribution by D. in: SAK 14 (1987) 147ff. They do not come from the Sinai.Gundlach. Ancient Egypt.E.

he has to do with gifts and is bringing useful.9: ndw is nowhere attested as a title 'counselor' (as J. datable to Dynasty XIII. is described h e r e in some d e t a i l .cit." c 12 13 The role and status of Khnumhotep I I I . which they had to deliver to the p a l a c e . as role of the King: Pyr. a 'Sole Companion'. closing (other) mouths.. who equipped the mansions of the one. EG... S1030 b)). also p. 2 A big one among the courtiers. 32. Altäg. born of the Lady Khety. 1.1/2 (E. n. op. 14 3 "door".M. perhaps the determinative of the "sitting man" is wrong (it should be: A. the King).87.1130 from Semna. 3 One who brings useful things to their owner (i.6 (HTBM.cit. §263 [248]. II. from Qaw el-Kebir (H.. perhaps also Vachka II.1/2). p r e cious products for his Lord from foreign c o u n t r i e s . The graffito from Kumma (D. Sign-List A2) . 1.. op. numerous of gifts (jnw) of the palace.e. Lesestücke. 1. there is no one of his kind: 2 Bearing to him are those.Steindorff.7). Edel.Blumenthal.3.A. See. 1. I. Königtum. whose presents made the palace festive. Door-post of the foreign countries: Neheris son Khnumhoteps son Khnumhotep. barrier".74.151 = Urk. He is called "Door-post of the foreign lands".Gardiner. All other holders of this rare title have to do with the frontiers of Egypt and foreign people and products.H.e.8 = K.Gramm. §633.(o).. 1 3 Compare E.The career of Khnumhotep III There his father wrote about him 57 (FIGURE 1 A ) : 9 2 "A great favour The other great on the part of the King: one (i. 75.H.1130. .Dunham. I would like to compare this phrase with stela London BM 574. pi. and Djehuti-hotep from Bersheh (El Bersheh." (D. the sole mouth. we have "whom the King trusted in strengthening his monuments and in being a door-post for Egypt" (1. meaning here "fortress. 1.15.3/4: "whose products inundated the two Lands. 14 1 2 BH. 380 (G 7. pl.Steckeweh/ G. Die Fürstengräber von Qaw..7/8.265 n. I. 1. and p.Dunham.I. 90). who had advanced him. H.).Breasted. Khnumhotep IIIJ was appointed to Sole Companion' (Smr w tj).For the last phrase see stela Boston MFA 29.VII. On stela Boston MFA 29.Sethe.G. But more i m p o r tant. He was a courtier with the rank of "Sole Companion" and has to deal with judges. pis. Urk. who are heard (judges: sdmjw). thought). Sarenput I. Ancient Records I.Dunham/J. and CCG 20485.17).XXVI. c .9. 16) were wearing this title.Fischer. in: JNES 19 (1960) 261f. 216. 49 No.(a). Second Cataract Forts I (Boston 1960) 59f. 156) No. Deir Rifeh. Janssen.20 = CCG 20254.5: D. is perhaps the latest example for this title. Tomb VII.

D. (his tomb is u n k n o w n ) . also named Khnumhotep (the fourth in the l i n e ) . is not known at Beni Hasan. 367 (G.' F." For the name of the town . pl. Perhaps he never got the possibility to become heir of his father in Menat-Chufu.6) by Sesostris I I . as one gives his son as ruler of the 'Goddess-with-a-shell (? or basket ?)'-town. Obscestvennye otnosenija v Egipte epochi srednego carstva (Moscow 1978) 205f. in Menat-Chufu. the female Treasurer ' Tjat.XXIX fig. pi. There is said about a Khnumhotep. W. p. but his half-brother. III. I.A. who was appointed "Ruler" (hqS) in nome 17 (Urk.combined with Hathor or Pachet? . as we can perhaps find some outside the tomb of his The only inscription in the whole tomb. From this description of his role at the King's court follows that Khnumhotep III. XXXII. who is Khnumhotep III.7.6..Gomaà. by his second wife. O.Berlev.68).. is that accompanying the bird-hunting scene (BH. traces of his life and career father. . Not he. This Khnumhotep IV.A.Ward. II.. Königtum. in: GM 71 (1984) 51ff. justified. or IV.see BH. left). w h e r e he is called "Noble" and "Count" (or "Mayor": H A ) . in: GM 71 (1984) 56. he is never shown with his father's main title "Overseer of the eastern desert". Khnumhotep.. 31. which seems to contradict this view. 12. I. * 1 A tomb of Khnumhotep I I I . With him the line of administrators of the Oryx-nome and the eastern desert came to an end. to whom is given the heritage of the rulership. Wiesbaden 1986) 327f. and courtier and expedition-leader. 956.91. BH.I am not sure if this really means that Khnumhotep III. owned the big unfinished tomb next to Khnumhotep I I .VII. Oberägypten und das Fayyum (Beihefte TAV0 66/1. as administrator in the O r y x -nome. was the heir of his father in full sense. seems to be the heir of Khnumhotep II.Detlef Franke 58 No other member of the Khnumhotep-tamily has the same titles and is described in this way. I. I.Ward. Die Besiedlung Ägyptens während des Mittleren Reiches. W. LA.: "Son of the Count of his body. 16 17 But if I am right in identifying of the Count Khnumhotep I I . 4 ) . 1 3 " 17 Khnumhotep III. was not a local administrator like his father or his brother Nekht. For a different translation see Blumenthal. the son of Khnumhotep II. (tomb N o . the son his first wife Kheti. is certainly wrong in his translation. BH.

with the ranking title of "true King's confidant". Janssen. G." c c King). The text r e a d s : 1 8 14 "Year 1 (of King Sesostris II. c 20 1 8 A. 19 This stela represents an expedition-leader in the reign of Sesostris II. kept n o w in the G u l b e n k i a n Museum of Oriental Art at Durham. (and) educated of Horus. A. The title-sequence Rh-Njswt + Jmj-r3 hnwtj is found in several expedition-inscriptions.. of his Autobiography). in: GM 53 (1982) 20). Who not transgresses the order of the palace ( h) (and) the declarations of the court (stp-zS). too (see 1.).M. pi. II.1. is called in the autobiographical inscription of his father's tomb only "Sole Companion". (and) who is in the heart of his Lord. 99ff. 3 . who worked in that remote a r e a .. Who knows the laws. God's Sealer (and) true King's Confidant whom he (the King) loves in his heart. II. The owner of the stela bears the normal titles of a leader of an expedition "God's sealer" and "Chamberlain". in: JEA 62 (1976) 45ff. Sinuhe B264. establishing of his monuments in the God's Land.25/26).8a (the text is written retrograde!).XXI.Nibbi. El Bersheh. who was made in the palace ( h). who advanced him. (Rh-Njswt). because his father Neheri was a Courtier. 146f.X. Königtum. 68-71. Blumenthal. The sole one of the (Lower Egyptian) King (Bjt).. It should be mentioned that Khnumhotep II.Franke. by h i s father in Beni Hasan tomb N o . which a c t u a l l y replaced the court-rank "Sole Companion" (Smr w tj) in the Middle K i n g d o m . Lord of the two Lands (the Who causes the Courtiers to ascend to the King. V. 29 1 9 s r here probably has the same meaning as st3w "to usher in" in other inscriptions. (and) who is clever in acting.WILKINSON in the Wadi Gasus near the Red Sea. Autobiografie. cf. with No. one truly precise like (the God) Thot: the Chamberlain Khnumhotep. c 2 0 Remember that Khnumhotep III.1935 (FIGURE I B ) . 1.Sayed. c . D. 382 (G 7. Dh7. found by J. N o r t h umberland. This was the lowest court rank and replaced in the MK by Rh-Njswt "King's Confidant". in: RdE (1977) 140ff. but there is no difference in rank between them (LA. pl. pl.9. too was Rh-Njswt and perhaps educated at the King's court. who follows the path of the one.. The inscription of this stela shows some similarities to the description of the career of Khnumhotep I I I .The career of Khnumhotep III 59 First I would like to m e n t i o n a stela.

2.Castel/G. Materials. I. I. in: CdE 58 (1983) 28. Acl2.12. id.C). shpr ntr (BH. I. So I would assume that this Khnumhotep is the very same Khnumhotep III.)... in search for copper and malachite .DE MORGAN and his co-workers found north of the pyramid of Sesostris III. left).. 80ff. in: ASAE 70 (1984-85) 99ff. 1166ff. down the Nile to the king's residence. found on the Sinai. Ssmt is the mineral Malachite (green copper ore).Detlef Franke 60 Further on he is described as one "who knows the laws" and "one truly precise like Thot". The concept of education and training of the children of the élite was of course important for the continuity and stability of the political system.LXXI. 2 4 The Asiatics at Beni Hasan are presenting msdmt "black eye-paint" (galena = grey ore of lead)..Soukiassian. see: A.. . These epitheta could be compared with the mention of the judges above. 21 22 He was educated as courtier and . educated of Horus.bestowed with the office of an expedition-leader. in: BIFAO 85 (1985) 285 ff. The roads to the Red Sea will be surveyed in future and of course there were more than the Wadi Hammamat (cf. in year 6 of Sesostris II. but at Gebel Zeit.. pi. who was made in the palace.perhaps accompanied by a group of native inhabitants of the deserts . Then there is the description "The sole one of the King. 286 (G. at Dahshur a brick-mastaba once belonging to a Khnumhotep (Mastaba No. he conducted an expedition .Sayed. Then he led the expedition . Blumenthal. 297f.12~).p a i n t .. On the stela the God Sopdu "Lord of the East" and "Lord of the Ssmt-land" is depicted. where the Egyptians extracted galena for black e y e .Lucas. 1.19) and stela London BM 1213 (HTBM. Ill. III. in: RdE 29 (1977) 147ff. 2 3 A.perhaps due to his origin from the Oryx-nome and his father's office as an "Overseer of the eastern desert" .Bell et al. pi. Königtum. in: JNES 43 (1984) 27ff. In 1894 J. .For "near-eastern" influence in the eastern desert compare the objects from a tomb of a hunter(?) found near Gebel Zeit (BIFAO 86 (1986) 382. id. L.M. he participated in an expedition to the Gebel Zeit. G..2. which is not found in the Sinai. 31f. 567ff.. LÄ. 826f. 23 24 Perhaps we can follow his line of career a step further.through the Wadi Hammamat and passing Coptos back to the Nile valley. pl. 2 2 Compare with the epithet of Khnumhotep III.2 in De Morgans 2 1 Janssen.7). 288 (G.. Lord of the two Lands". XXX. Autobiografie. In Year 1 of Sesostris II.via the port at Mersa Gawasis. via his home-town Menat-Chufu and the local residence of his father.presumably to the Sinai .

. 30 2 5 26 J. Wadi Hammamat M 113.66/67 (Mastaba No. enough is preserved to confirm GUSTAVE JÊQUIER's old idea. Compare also PM. Khnumhotep is described as one "to whom was given the gold of favour (by the King) in front of the nobles". Die Besiedlung. 2 8 This town was located on the westbank of the Nile opposite Beni Hasan/Speos Artemidos. 20 fig. The most important fragments are combined here. op. plan of the tomb: p. but part of the inscriptions from the limestone walls survived in the debris of the p i t . 1.6 [Amenemhet III.21 fig. 2 7 De Morgan. 21 fig.23. W. I think we can identify two themes: some phrases belonging more to the religious sphere.26.16 fig.. Hatnub Graffiti 16 and 24.Petrie.20 fig. 896. F.28.19 fig.cit. 2 had the h i g h e s t ranking titles. also the inscription of Inpy at El-Lahun.19 fig./Amenemhet III.(q) [Sesostris III.cit. his office was that of "Chief Steward of the King's property" (Jmj-rS p r wr). 23. He also bears the titles of ° a Vizier and a juridical e p i t h e t o n . p. But I think. a favour achieved sometimes by expedition-leaders as w e l l . The juridical epitheton is "Master of the secrets of hearing alone". Fragment 62: H. Lord of Her-wer.24. in FIGURE 2.20/21. in: JEA 43 (1957) 27 n. 25 26 The owner of Mastaba N o . .G. 3 0 De Morgan. cf. 27 28 2 9 Unfortunately the fragments of the autobiographical inscription cannot be restored to a continous n a r r a t i o n ..Gomaà.25/26.Simpson. 31ff. op. III. » e.. Wadi Hammamat M 43. Memphis I (London 1909) pl. T o m b . fig. p. op. that the owner of the tomb b e l o n g e d to the Khnumhotep-iamily of Beni H a s a n and that he w a s in fact Khnumhotep III.cit. Inscriptions: p. On the front of the Mastaba there was mentioned the God Chnum.V.and s t o n e r o b bers had destroyed the tomb to a great e x t e n t . the only mention of this God outside Beni Hasan in the Middle K i n g d o m . . general plan: p.18.De Morgan.The career of Khnumhotep III 61 n u m b e r i n g ) .. De Morgan. Wiesbaden 1981) 120 ff. Some scattered fragments of i n s c r i p t i o n were p u b l i s h e d .cit. For the same unusual sequence of the vizieral titles: W.Fischer. p.17). D. with some emendations.K. Historische Topographie der Region zwischen Mallawi und Samalut (Beihefte TAVO 30. cf. 1.22 fig..]. Fouilles à Dahchour I (Vienna 1895) 18ff. others belonging to the (ideal-)biographical sphere.2. Further on.10. 1 8 « .24.Kessler. in: JEA 68 (1982) 49 n. op.g..F. I. 312ff. and cased with limestone. 2 ] .M..

). we have the exact parallel. n .. For Km-wr see: Gauthier. 1... V. DG.2].. II. in: ASAE 33 (1933) 3. The term "Land of the Asiatics" is also occuring in the just mentioned (n.99. see: B.f tSS. Jmj-rS mä (fragment 11). seeking for the Land of the Asiatics . The only locality near the eastern frontier of Egypt called with this term are the Bitter lakes (cf. XIII. For a map of this region see G. fragment 1 ) .Van den Brink. Sinuhe B21..Couroyer. hmw (fragment 2 ) ." 24 No.who overthrows the Nubians. •\ ' j * I . For this term see: B.6ff. in: CdE 26 (1938) 258. in: Revue Biblique 78 (1971) 59ff. P. In El Bersheh..moving on a brook (or canal). I. 3 2 shrt sbj hpr.(FIGURE 2. in: MDAIK 43 (1987) 7ff..while [I] opened. perhaps due to the "typhonic" quality of the enemy..?) (or: ".Vernus. 165 = LD.). (1. in: Fs Dunham. But normally "God's Land" is written with the "God's sign(s)" in honorific transposition. I. 33 34 3 1 c wd-Njswt n hqS . in: Revue Biblique 81 (1974) 332f.i n s c r i p t i o n s . nfw...1935.. 123d. LA.Detlef Franke 62 We can identify the mention of an "order of the King to Ruler the title "Chief of troops of .. 344ff.. map pl. pi.. but here in a ritual context.Redmount.") some of the activities took place at "the frontiers of the Bitter Lakes" perhaps a hint that they took the land way to the Sinai via the Wadi Tumilat and the Bitter L a k e s .29) Graffito from Wadi Hammamat M 43. 1. 216. when he raises normal phrase of e x p e d i t i o n . II... Géographie. Blumenthal. C.(c).l33 (Spring 1986) 19ff.8) and traverses all hill-countries .7: ".. (E 2. Königtum." and the mention "ships". C.. in: Newsletter ARCJ?No. Montet. The determinative of the Hippopotamus or Pig is unusual.. A MK-graffito in this region: T.Townsend/ R. opens the Land of the Asiatics. E.8 = E. I. des Mon. himself" is a 32 Some hints about the way of the troops are g i v e n : ". 80 (1973) 53ff. Le Caire 1978) 329. 274ff. 1. Another possibility would be to emendate the term into tS-ntr "the God's Land".. For the emendation cf. dpwt (fragment 1 ) . the of 3 1 The phrase "overthrowing of the rebel.CM..A. Cat.. 18 n..Kuentz." [Amenemhet III. compare Graffito De Morgan. I. Merikare. opening (?) (the Land of. in: BIFAO 17 (1920) 121ff. Km-wr (fragment 6 ) . 201f.f (fragment 5 ) ..Couroyer. a "captain" and the "steering-oar" (see FIGURE 2) .Engelbach. Athribis (BE 74. Posener. 186f. for a recent survey. j ! ! ! :i I < i c .Brovarski. which is written in nearly the same way on the above mentioned Stela Durham N. ]n. 3 3 Fragment 7.C. 34 [ h3.

. 170-173. When we discussed the matter. The Reign of Senwosret III. pyramid at Dahshur. this would make the elimination of the highest provincial families superfluous. thought . he . He did not invest it in his nome. Perhaps after the s u d d e n death of Sesostris II. 35 To summarize: Khnumhotep III. at Beni Hasan is a hint that he simply had not e n o u g h money for that big tomb. which was fully legal on the King's side. Because he was so strongly connected with the King and involved in residental matters. we realized that we had come to the same conslusions. There are no signs for an elimination of Khnumhotep IV. The result would be their 'desiccation' not by throwing them out of their offices and rank. after being educated at the r e s i d e n c e . but by not appointing the heirs to their fathers offices . If the career of Khnumhotep I I I . w h e r e he was born.but of an expedition to a mining country. by force. The provincial élite would be transformed into members of the residence élite.Delia. but perhaps part of the wealth of his rich provincial f a m i l y .was p r a c t i cally excluded from his heritage. Khnumhotep R. 3 8 Khnumhotep presumably was not a leader of a military campaign .an put it in the words of H . He was "'promoted' away to the residence" . because the wealth of the r e g i o n was accumulated in the residence. Perhaps the unfinished tomb of his half-brother Khnumhotep IV.not at Beni H a s a n .. from a p r o v i n c i a l born boy to courtier and "Chief Steward" was not a single case. after his 8th regnal year. it was the evening in Leiden I met Dr .Willems. did not get his father's office. Pollock. was appointed Chamberlain by Sesostris II. but as courtier he had to spent it at the residence. to build his tomb there for instance .as the possible h e i r of his father's local office at Menat-Chufu . 3 8 H. 36 Instead he got the highest court-ranks and t i t l e s . Chests of Life (Leiden 1988) 61f. as far as I remember . He conducted expeditions to the mining a r e a s . Khnumhotep III. but was followed by other provincial families. W i l l e m s . achieved the office of "Chief Steward" and built himself a tomb north of S e s o s t r i s ' I I I .M.The career of Khnumhotep III 63 I think that Khnumhotep is describing here his curriculum vitae from an expedition leader to "Chief Steward" with the same rank and authority as a real V i z i e r ..

3 8 Near the royal pyramids at Lisht. (Petrie. 1. There is only one other official with this title: The "Chief Treasurer" Meru in the time of Mentuhotep II. 21 of his uncle. W. 339-341 (all llth/early 12th Dynasty).Ward. rich finds from the memphite a r e a or religious like Abydos. which must have been buried there also. 37 The potential heirs were fully integrated in the rows of courtiers and rewarded with the highest ranks at the residence. pl. The power and w e a l t h was concentrated in this way in one center: the m e m p h i t e area. but I think it with the p i c t u r e of the relatively poor provincial with people who left not much to our knowledge. Overseers of the King's property.Detlef Franke 64 Of course this is only a description of the way it could have been.23. were destroyed long ago or were not excavated. Thebes and Elephantine from the time 38 3 7 The main title of Khnumhotep II. Was it "business as u s u a l " or something extraordinary that the King did not appoint the heirs to their fathers office in the provinces? Was it some form of i n n o vation in egyptian policy? Was there any opposition against these administrative acts ? We do not know. the Chief treasurers.. Dahshur. II. He restored the tombs of two of his predecessors in office at Beni Hasan (tomb No. Index of egyptian administrative and religious titles of the Middle Kingdom (Beirut 1982) Nos. And it w a s concentrated in a few hands. and No.XV No. But there are some instances for the title "Overseer of (all/the Western) desert(s)": cf. We do not have any idea of the m o t i vations and the way of decision-making that led to these results. And the loyal o f f i c i a l s .XXIIA.6) [Sesostris III.A. . Season. office and income by the King.290a-291a. too: the King and a s m a l l . The King thus won power and wealth through the funds accumulated in the residence. Illahun and Hawara the highest officials of administration were buried: The Viziers. Apparently Khnumhotep II. year 19]. Of matches regions and the centres course this is an risky h y p o t h e s i s . pl. never was a 'nomarch'. and others. selected group of officials. where also the Kings and highest officials were buried. cf. was "Mayor in Menat-Khufu". the Chief Treasurer Ikher-Nofret is the latest example (CCG 20683. XXIV). This b a l a n c e of power remained in force until the family of the Kings of the 12th Dynasty came to an end and in the first p a r t of the 13th D y n a s t y . rewarded with rank. would have had no reason for rebellion. BH. but perhaps more important for his relation to the central administration was the title "Overseer of the Eastern desert". Most of the tombs of lower-rank people. was the last holder of this office. And I have to stress that Khnumhotep I I .459). not scattered in the provinces.

o n . . what . In the following 13th Dynasty. other military m e n . w h o o r i ginate from the town. From the beginning of Dynasty XIII on. the officials of the c o u r t could gain perhaps even more power and w e a l t h .and temple-administration or the army. The so-called "Decline of the Nomarchs" was a socio-political process which resulted in the centralization of power and wealth at the King's residence and in the hands of the court é far as we can deduce from the sources. forceful single action by King Sesostris III.The career of Khnumhotep III 65 of Sesostris I I I .happened in egyptian s o c i e t y in that period. It was the result of a shift in the d i s t r i b u t i o n of wealth and reputation between residence and r e g i o n s : the higher social strata in the provinces were d e s c e n d i n g . of Beni Hasan. w e have a r e markable increase in the number of donated stelae and statues from people of different social and regional origin. to eliminate a group of nomarchs . when there were w e a k e r (and probably poorer) K i n g s . Abstract: There was neither a powerful political group of nomarchs nor a conscious. and employees of the different administrative d e p a r t m e n t s and workshops) from the residental r e g i o n are i n c r e a s i n g . on the donations at these places from people of m i d d l e and l o w e r ranks (the numerous nhw nj n't. the people of the residence and central administration (high and lower) were ascending. whose curriculum vitae from a provincial-born boy to courtier perhaps gives us an idea of how the King dealt with the provincial nobility in the middle part of the 12th Dynasty. Perhaps this accumulation of w e a l t h and power in the residental region was also one r e a s o n for the fact that from the time of Sesostris III. This is exemplified by following up the career of Khnumhotep III. down to the end of the 12th D y n a s t y . c But there is an obvious and clear gap or d e c l i n e in the quantity of finds of stelae or statues from p r o v i n c i a l towns like Edfu and even Elephantine from the t i m e of Sesostris I I I .we s t i l l do not know exactly. T h i s is an indication for the fact that something . as w e l l as a new growing stratum of provincial d i g n i t a r i e s .

1.66 Detlef Franke 1*3 .3 Beni Hasan. pl. I. 1935 3i• — I8 + .XXVI. 145 . • - Xi LLJ IF M.160 *ii r A i l : rr'H • r FIGURE 1 B: Stela Durham N. •A • « T • FIGURE 1 A: Beni Hasan. • •iSS f IÏ T ü i l "if? mm LT -* A 4 k I I I K 111 • 11 +1 111 i & 1 II i? JL. tomb No.

De Morgan. Fouilles à Dahchour. (adapted from: J. fig.26) . I. p.The career of Khnumhotep III 67 FIGURE 2: Fragments from the Biography of Khnumhotep III.21.


Illinois 60187-5593 The wooden coffins of the Middle Kingdom are one of the most celebrated artifacts of the period for their artistic value as well as for the significant corpus of funerary texts found inscribed or painted on them.e. These two features of the lid must have been regularly included on early coffins and sarcophagi to have been reproduced so faithfully in the coffin determinative (Gardiner's sign-list Q-6) in the word krs from the Old through the Middle Kingdoms. The coffins of Dynaties 2-3 are anepigraphic. Hoffmeier Wheaton College.6 These motifs are regularly included on coffins of the Middle Kingdom. with false door.^ Before we examine relationship between the coffins of the residence and the regions for the Middle Kingdom. are also found on sarcophagi and coffins of the Old Kingdom. that of Men5 kau-re ) and nobility.^ These show the panelled pattern characteristic of Archaic period architecture. 4 (We shall return later to the history of the arched lids as they relate to the Middle Kingdom). a short history of the development of the coffin and its decoration is necessary. Archaeology Department Wheaton. both for royalty (i.The Coffins of the Middle Kingdom: The Residence and the Regions James K. Thus there has been considerable scholarly investigation of Middle Kingdom coffins over the years. Wooden coffins are first attested in Dynasty 2 at Saqqara.^ Dynasties 5-6 also witnesses the appearance in coffins of the polychrome 69 . These earliest coffins have convex or arched lids with flat parapets on the ends. Decorative panels and/or the palace façade motif. Funerary inscriptions appear in and on sarcophagi and coffins in Dynasties 567 The frieze d'objet scenes and offering lists that had adorned the walls of tombs in earlier centuries are found on the inner walls of coffins and on the underside of lids early in Dynasty 6.2 Similar coffins are found in Dynasty 3. Recently there have been a number of studies concerned with the distinguishing and dating of coffins of the 1st Intermediate Period and the Middle Kingdom.


James K. Hoffmeier

matwork that had been painted in early tombs (sometimes associated with the palace
façade/false door). The magical eyes that are a regular feature on the outsides coffins of

1st Intermediate Period and Middle Kindom are introduced at this time too. Thus we can
see that before the Old Kingdom ends most of the standard features common to Middle
Kingdom coffins are known, in some cases with prototypes that reach back to the Archaic
period. The fact that these artistic features are continued into succeeding centuries makes
the task of determining the date of coffins of the 1st Intermediate Period and Middle
Kingdom, and distinguishing coffins from the centers of politcal power and the regions
difficult indeed.
The 1st Intermediate period is a formative one in the evolution of the coffin, with
some innovations, but mostly experimentation with earlier motifs. The most important
innovation of this period is the introduction of Pyramid and Coffin Texts to the coffins of
non-royal individuals which is recognized to be a part of the "democratization" of the
funerary cult in the aftermath of the Old Kingdom.


Perhaps owing to the limited

amount wall decoration and inscriptions in tombs of the 1st Intermediate Period, the
interior of the coffin becomes more significant in the funerary cult, and thus is more
elaborately decorated, including agricultural and domestic scenes, the false door, as well
as portrayals of the decedent seated before the offering table.


Coffins of this type are


frequently called "Heracleopolitan" or "Middle Egyptian" -^ and originated in the 9th10th Dynasties.
The exterior of coffins of the 1st Intermediate Period through the early part of
Dynasty 12, by and large, contain little decoration (Figure 1). The magical eyes on the
side of coffins are faithfully included throughout the period and beyond. At Bersheh a
single wide band containing the htp ii nsw formula is painted or inscised around the
upper part of the coffin, with another band running the entire length of the l i d .



pattern prevails at Gebelein (Figure 1), Gournah (CG 28022), Beni Hasan, Sedment, Abu

Sir and Saqqara. ^ At Assiut, there is more variation in the number and arrangement of

the columns containing inscriptions, as Donald Spanel's dissertation has shown. *' Added
to the horizontal band are three or four vertical ones on a side and one to three may be
found on the ends. A coffin of one at Emory University Museum in Atlanta
contains single bands (Figure 2), as does Mallawy Museum #569 belonging to a lady named

The coffin of it.f ib or tf.ib (FM 88917), on display at the Field Museum of

Natural History in Chicago, and a virtually carbon copy of Nakht (FM 881917) are
decorated with a double band of inscriptions on the coffin while a triple band occurs on

the lid. ** Triple and quadrupal bands are also attested. An example of the latter is
Mallawy #567, belonging to Hor-Hotep. In the Assiut group one can find combinations in

The coffins of the Middle Kingdom


the numbers of bands on a coffin; e.g. double vertical bands on the walls and triple on lid
(Spanel's IIF - e.g. the Field Museum coffins), double on the sides and triple on lid and
ends (Spanel's EH), triple columns on the coffin and quadrupal on the lid (Spanel's II I),
etc. The introduction of the vertical collumns, which is known elsewhere during the
latter part of the 1st Intermediate Period, (e.g. Bersheh), is an important development
that laid the groundwork for placing the the niched panelling, palace façade and false
doors on the sides and ends of coffins that began towards the end of the 11th Dynasty and
becomes a regular feature of the Dynasty 12.
E.L.B. Terrace^ described the coffins of Upper Egypt from the 1st Intermediate
Period as being the product of "untutored provincial artists of those unsettled times" who
"were experimenting with the forms of decoration in an effort to determine the the most
suitable one (i.e. type)." These "unturored artists" produced cruder quality work and
experimented with a variety of scenes on the outside of the coffin, and Gebelein, located
just south of Thebes, is cited as an area where such experimentation took p l a c e d Cairo
28033 contains a scene depicting men doing laundry, while another example from Gebelein
in the Cairo Museum shows a man leading his dog by a leash.
Akhmim, situated between Thebes and Assiut, has yielded a number of coffins
with peculiar idiosyncracies. A number of these coffins have the offering list on the
outside^ (Figure 3). Other scenes, including the mummy of the deceased lying on a bier
(CG 28015, 28016), are painted on the exterior. A development found at Akhmim, and
attested elsewhere towards the close of the 1st Intermediate Period, is the addition of
the false door under the magical eyes (CG 28015 & CG 28033). The combination of these
features is a part of the canon of the Middle Kingdom.
Diana Magee,20 in her investigation of an Akhmim coffin in the Ashmolean,
draws attention to the inclusion of the palace-façade type false door at the north end of
this coffin. A pair of wdßt eyes surmount the lintel, which is often included of Middle
Kingdom coffins.

According to Henry Fischerei this detail occurs first during the

Herakleopolitan period at Saqqara. M a g e e ^ points to epigraphic and paléographie
characteristics that she considers to be Theban as evidence for dating the Ashmolean
coffin to just after the reunification under Montuhotep Nebhepetre.

In view of the

difficulty of dating the Akhmim coffins, her observations are significant. However, we
must bear in mind H.O. Willems' recent caution that Theban influence north of the
Diospolite nome could have begun prior to uniiication.23
The simplicity of the external decoration of Theban coffins from the latter part of
the 1st Intermediate Period or the first half of Dynasty 11 can be seen in CG 28022 from
Gurnah and that of Aashyt, wife or concubine of Montuhotep Nebhepetre (JE 47355). It


James K. Hoffmeier

has been observed that this coffin stands within the Theban provincial tradition, "* with
some Memphite modifications which suggest that this burial equipment dates to just

after the reunification. "*
The Middle Kingdom witnesses the transferal of some of the decoration that
had, by and large, adorned the interior of coffins of the 1st Intermediate Period to the

exterior. E. Brovarski ^ has traced the evolution of external decorations of the Bersheh
coffins from the DynastylO through the mid point of Dynasty 12 which proceed from

simple to complex. Although the addition of the vertical bands, Spanel ^ has shown, is

attested in the Assiut coffins earlier than at Bersheh. Hayes ** discerned a similar
development, from simple to complex exterior decorations, in the coffins from Meir and
Assiut. It is probably fair to say that this pattern is true throughout Egypt for the
Middle Kingdom. Let us now turn to consider the coffin types for the Middle Kingdom.
Mace and Winlock, in their publication of Senebtisi's funerary equipment, spoke
of "Court and Provincial types" and three geographic / chronological classifications for
the Middle Kingdom: 1) Heracleopolitan, 2) Upper Egyptian and 3) the Court style, the
latter appearing with kingship of Amenemhet I which "dominated the royal cemetaries

throughout his dynasty." ^ For Mace and Winlock, and subsequently W.C. Hayes,30 the
simply decorated coffins of Senebtisi, which have vaulted lids, were classic examples of
the court type. (Figures 4-5)
The palace façade that had appeared occasionally in coffins of the
Herakleopolitan period becomes a regular feature of 12th Dynasty, "polychrome"
coffins-^ Those coffins which had a single false door, surmounted by the w3d_t eyes,
might have blank space between the remaining vertical bands on the front and back
(these generally are from earlier in Dynasty 12), or they might be filled with panels or
additional false doors.^


These latter two patterns continued throughout the 12th

Dynasty even after the false door ceased to be painted on the interior. The earlier
decorative traditions continued in the provinces with some borrowing of the court type by
nomarchs, which then filtered down to lesser officials in that region.^3
The foregoing classification scheme, advanceded by Mace and Winlock has

received considerable support over the years, especially by Hayes.^ Recently, however,
Bruce Williams-^ has questioned the dating of the Senebtisi funerary materials which
would effectively dismantle the classification scheme of Mace and Winlock. He notes
that beyond the burial shaft of Senebtisi being in the Amenemhet II mortuary complex,
there is no other evidence for a synchronism.^^ The Senebtisi coffins, according to
Williams,^ show a remarkable similarity to the 13th Dynasty coffins of King Hor,
Princess Ita, and others discovered by de Morgan at Dashur. However, Awibre Hor's

"Do we dismiss these because 1 they were made of stone rather than wood? I'm not sure we can do that. The tradition continues in the 5th Dynasty at Abu Sir with the two sarcophagi 48 4 in the Mastaba of Ptahshepses. 39 If Williams is correct. coupled with the evidence on the vaulted coffin lid presented here suggests that Senebtisi's burial should be placed in the 12th Dynasty. It is well recognized that the coffin is a microcosm of the archaic period mastabas. I discovered C. ^ The tomb of Imhotep at Lisht is situated within the pyramid complex of Senusert I. and has been dated to the 13th Dynasty. ^ It is difficult to believe that the arched coffin or sarcophagus lid.T h e coffins of the Middle K i n g d o m 73 coffin lid is flat. . After coming to these conclusions. ^ For Emery. 51950. from Dynasty 2-6. The popularity of the arched lids in the 13th Dynasty and beyond does not preclude the use of such lids in the Middle Kingdom.g. The ceramic evidence. then some of the major differences in coffin types between 4 the residence and the regions during the Middle Kingdom are eliminated. ^ as well as many examples from Giza now on display at the Cairo museum (e. the coffin evidence led him to reconstruct the arched tops with flat parapets on 4 the ends of certain mastabas of the archaic period. and 53149 where they are absent). Williams reminds us that the juxtaposition of Senebtisi's burial with that of Amenemhet I is not a sure criterion for dating since there are 13th Dynasty burials intruding upon. as well as the staves and scepters. Janine Bourriau's study of the pottery from Senebtisi's tomb supports a 12th 43 Dynasty date for the tomb. While recognizing that vaulted sarcophagi date back to the Williams argues that the "arched" lid coffin is a development of the 13th Dynasty and thus cannot 38 be the so called "court type" of the 12th D y n a s t y . he failed to investigate the the pottery. 18220 with parapets. ** Cairo 67567 continues in the tradition of the Archaic period into the 3rd Dynasty. Lilyquist's^O short article on the subject in which she raises similar questions. The convex sarcophagus lid is also 4 attested in Dynasty 4 at Meydum. She points to stone sarcophagi and canopic chests from Lisht that have arched lids and asks.'* 1 However. and at Saqqara in the 6th Dynasty. 42 While Williams gave careful consideration to the construction of the coffins and canopic chest. which in turn developed from domestic architecture. or being located adjacent to 12th Dynasty royal funerary structures."^ . 44 4 The wooden coffins of the 2nd and 3rd Dynasties have curved lids. which had such an early and continuous history. 48078. should suddenly drop out of use. only to reappear in the 13th Dynasty. the recent ceramic analysis of materials from the Mastaba of Imhotep by Dorothea Arnold suggests an earlier date during the reign of Senusert I I .

and reused at Dashur. then one might to expect that there should be wooden coffins of the same variety for that period.74 James K. BM 30482). V. Aidon Dodson recently has made the ingenius suggestion that two of the alabaster sarcophagi found in the Senusert Ill's pyramid complex were in fact removed from Saqqara. and is quite convinced that this coffin dates to the 12th Dynasty when there was an attempt to revive the funerary cult of King C Raneferef of Dynasty 5.59 Presently.g. Ladislav Bares of the Czechoslovak Institute C announced recent the discovery of the tomb priest Hrvy. 601) and nb nh (Wb_. with parapets on the ends (Plate 1). 228.58 He reports that the lid was vaulted with "raised ends". In fact there are such wooden coffins that can be dated to the 12th Dynasty. I am not aware of any coffins of the Heracleopolitan period that exhibit this type of lid. However. In his extremely thorough study of Middle Kingdom coffins. I believe is artificial. not function.nh appears to have been a priest assoicated with that cult. drw(t) (Wb. Hoffmeier If the arched lid is found on the stone sarchophagi of the 12th Dynasty. which has the four transverse support battens typical of wooden coffins.^^ has a slightly curved lid. II. discovered by Garstang. Perhaps the term "outer coffin" should be replaced by sarcophagus. 6 Lilyquist-* presents to the inner coffin and canopic chest of Hapi-ankhtifi at Meir as examples. likely from Djoser's pyramid galleries. 2 Hayes^ points to a gray granite sarcophagus from el Lisht (CG 28102). Harco Willems lists four coffins with vaulted lids of Theban provenance which he dates to the late Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate period.^5 There seems to be ample evidence for convex lids on sarcophagi of Dynasty 12 to believe that some wooden coffins of this design should date to the same period. The difference between a wooden outer coffin and a stone sarcophagus is only a matter of material. At the International Congress of Egyptology in Cairo (November 1988). Some clarification in terminology is necessary. The distinction between these terms. 60 still are determined with the sarcophagus sign of the Old Kingdom that shows the vaulted lid . as evidence that this 12th Dynasty sarcaphagus was fashioned like the coffins of the period (e. A 12th Dynasty coffin from Beni Hassan. Hwy. a number sarcophagi with curved lids were found that appear to date to Dynasty 12.14) in texts of the 1st Intermediate p e r i o d . c V.nh at Abu Sir. A number of sarcophagi from Dashur discovered by de Morgan also were covered with the arched lids/>3 but whether these can be securely dated to Dynasty 12 is not certain. 63-65).^ 4 In the Teti pyramid cemetary at Saqqara. the words like krs/krst (Wb.

based on some of the surviving royal names. the more simple rectangular coffin predominated. This development is similar to what we saw in the 12th Dynasty. 64 From the 11th to 12th Dynasties a clear evolution in the exterior decoration of 6 the coffin is evident. while the inner coffin also displays the eyes. 63 Thus we might expect the arched coffin lid to be an earlier convention that they continued just as they followed other 12th Dynasty artistic traditions. and I suspect that a thorough investigation of the coffin corpora. with or without decorations (CG 28106. that the older. Stevenson noted that Amenemhet brought the court within the range of old Memphite influences which still survived in the form of ancient monuments. the outer coffin might pass for one Dynasties 9-11. published and unpublished. Could it be that with the establishment of Lisht as the capital. Smith 62 61 W. In the 1st Intermediate Period. Further. moving from simple to . and the effect is strongly evident in the art of the Twelth Dynasty. that the 13th dynasty rulers considered themselves to be legitimate successors of the Irj-towy Dynasty. viz. despite our limited knowledge of the 13th Dynasty. t—J 75 . if Dodson's suggestion concerning the reuse of sarcophagi from Djoser's burial complex is correct. although some variations exist. 66 If the arched lid was not considered. Then too. would reveal more examples. The classical "black coffin" with vaulted lid of the 2nd Intermediate Period generally has decorations between the panels or more panels. the continuity of the 12th Dynasty cities in the north. developing from simple to complex. it seems. and it does seem compelling.The coffins of the Middle Kingdom with parapets. The outer coffin (sarcophagus) has a single horizontal band around the top and four vetical bands on each side and the rectangular panel with zv3dt eyes. The arched-lid coffins cited above from the Archaic Period through Old Kingdom are found in Saqqara and nearby necropoli which suggests that the origin of this design might be a northern one. followed by the building of other adrrdnistrative centers in the north during the 12th Dynasty. ^ It is with this development in mind that one should examine Senebtisi's coffins. with or without parapets in Dynasty 12. and retaining practices of the previous century. but has only a single band on the lid with a spell from the Pyramid Texts. then we have direct evidence of the 12th Dynasty monarch's looking at earlier prototypes for inspiration. So indeed there are examples of wooden coffins which exhibit the curved lid. 3103). northern tradition of the arched-lid sarcophagus and coffin made a come-back? Amenemhet I and his successors regularly reached back to the Old Kingdom for inspiration in art and architecture. by Amenemhet I.

76 James K. 827-28. e. However. ^ A question that must be raised is what if any religious significance there may be to the vaulted lid. 825. andl607).^ The figure of Nut is found on the underside of sarcophagi of the New Kingdom onwards. <She> has made them hale for you. The association of the coffin lid with Nut may be in mind when the PTs speak of the sky-goddess being "spread over" the deceased (PT §§580. Bruce Williams' study has certainly forced us to re-examine the so called "court style" of Dynasty 12. you having been given to your mother Nut in her name of 'Sarcophagus'. although. *> The idea of Nut protecting the dead may have developed from this expression (PT §§825. Admittedly. Beginning in the New Kingdom. Horhotep. PT §616 reads: Nephthys has collected all your members for you in this her name of 'Seshat. Just as Nut or the sky is over the earth. If he is correct in his assesstment of Senebtisi's date. and you have been brought to her in her name of 'Tomb'. wife of Montuhotep Nebhepetre. the evidence for the First Intermediate is scant (further research is needed). 67 It is true that King Hor's queen. one can find illustrations on the inside bottom of the coffin. and thus she could be called the "Great Protectress" (PT§§ 827. 777. 7 0 Commenting on this line. if there was a hiatus. The arched shape lid might have been so designed symbolize the celestial vault which would be closely associated with the sky goddess.1629 and 1896. and this is widely recognized/ 2 Some flat lids are decorated with stars and constellations on the underside (as in not a few New Kingdom tombs). and CT VII. Hoffmeier complex exterior decoration.838. 637. The evidence from the PTs and CTs make it clear that Nut is associated with the coffin . Willems sees the the appearance of this type of lid in the latter half of the Middle Kingdom. Nut's association with the coffin is well established and can be traced back to the Old Kingdom Pyramid Text's. and found as late as 74 Roman times. not the 13th marks its return. ** But this might mean that the "court style" of Dynasty 12 was continued into the 13th Dynasty. VII. with or without the parapets.g. she has embraced you in her name of 'Coffin'. there is evidence for a near continuous history for the vaulted coffin lid from the Archaic Period through the Middle Kingdom. he suggests that the slightly vaulted 6 underside of some earlier flat lids might be a precursor to the arched lid. and. it might be suggested that the 12th Dynasty. Faulkner observed that the lid is being a "simulacrum of the 7 sky" which was identified with Nut. and 1607). 118 and 264. 9). 842. then we need to redefine what is the "court style" of Dynasty 12. This 7 expression is found in CT VI. * There is ample evidence for connecting Nut with the coffin lid. Aashyt. Neb-hotep's coffin is 6 similar in decoration to that of Senebtisi. 834. the micrcosm of the coffin illustrates this theology. 3. Lady of Builders'. Nut. Mallawy 567.

Another artistic feature that occurs on some 12th Dynasty coffins is a polychrome 8 cavetto cornice bordering the top or actually on the side of the lid. 81 Even if a few occurrences of "The Book" do come to light from other areas. the construction of some Middle Kingdom coffin lids reveal that the outline of the pf -sign when viewed from the end. originating around the . The "Book of Two Ways. have iconographie features which tie them directly to the sky-goddess Nut. that the vaulted coffin and sarcophagus lid.g. 6 e. Lady Nakht. The writing of Nut's name is regularly determined by the sky sign. a head of lapis. then. This phenomenon is found in some of the coffin lids found by Garstang at Beni Hasan. Sinuhe B 192-93 states: A funeral procession is made for you on the day of interment." This same expression is also found on the anthropoid cover of Userhet in the 7 Fitzwilliam/' as well as on the lid of the outer coffin of Userhet. Brovarski ^ has noted that this cornice occurs on some coffins at Bersheh (e. In fact. it appears. has the pf-like lid. the coffin of Lady Nakht from tomb 23 at Beni Hasan (E68 1903). a mummy case of gold.g. Also at the Fitzwilliam. oxen drag you. There are a few other new features of 12th Dynasty coffins that should be mentioned. appears early in Dynasty 12. Since there is an obvious connection between the sky-goddess and the coffin lid. Nut is spread over you. In conclusion.. as if to confirm suggestion offered here. now in L i v e r p o o l / 8 The connection between the sky and the coffin lid may be in view in the "Tale of Sinuhe" when the prospect of being buried in Egypt is dangled before the Egyptian exile to lure him to return from Retenu. CG 28099). 1 J . says. one might wonder why more lids were not arched to give the appearance of the celestial vault. And this factor may well be behind the more common flat lid. it be that with further investigation additional examples will come to light. Cambridge/ and another Beni Hasan coffin from tomb 3 (Plate 2). the concentration at Bersheh suggests that this indeed is a peculiarity of the Hare nome where it likely originated. as well as the flat variety." with its guide map on the bottom of some coffins. E70 1903 in the Fitzwilliam Museum. and the sky (pt ) above you as you are placed on the sledge. can be cited now. This type of lid is considerably more difficult for a carpenter to make than the simple flat lid.T h e coffins of the Middle K i n g d o m 77 lid which may explain the vaulted shape of coffins and sarcophagi that enjoy a long history from the Archaic period all the way down to Roman times.7 9 While only few examples of the pf-like coffin lid. and inscription on the lid of the coffin which. which suggests that there is something significant in the form itself. In 1972 L e s k o 80 noted that all of the 18 published and 4 unpublished examples with the "Book of Two Ways" were from El-Bersheh. "Oh Osiris.

Assiut and Rifeh Might this cornice be another Upper Egyptian innovation? At the outset of this paper. retain such a high quality of workmanship in coffin decoration when other areas lapse into cruder forms? And related to this. decoration. Schenkel. Similar decorations are painted on coffins from Meir. Hayes. 1981) 14-30.K. "Zur Redaktions.: Harvard University Press.D. and since outer wooden outer coffins function as a sarcophagus? 3) Why does the Hare nome. "Repères Chronologiques de l'histoire Redactionalle des Coffin Texts. "Repères chronologiques de l'histoire rédactionelle des Coffin Textes. H. Archaic Egypt (Baltimore: Pelican. Donald Spanel. Egyptologie. Wb V. W." in Actes XXIXe Congres des Oreintalistes.g. especially in light of Williams' questions about the so called "court style. 98103. even in Dynasties 9-11. (Toronto: Ph. Emery. Frühmittelä gyp tische Studien (Bonn 1962). The Scepter of Egypt I. Die Datierung des Nhrj Graffiti von Hatnub. (Cambridge." in W. The Nomarchs of the Hare Nome and Early Middle Kingdom History. 1985). it was noted that much of the recent scholarly investigation of coffins has concentrated on distiguishing those of the 1st Intermediate 4 Period from those of the Middle Kingdom. For the Middle Kingdom see Beni Hasan I (London: Kegan Paul.) Studies in Ancient Egypt. In conclusion some questions need to be posed for our discussion and further investigation.und Überlieferungsgeschichte des Spruchs 335 a der Sargtexte. Paris." Taarbericht Ex Oriente Lux 28 (1985) 80-102.M.C. ed. ed." Brovarski's study is a good start. Beni Hasan in the Herakleopolitan Period." Götttinger Totenbuchstudien Beiträge zum 17. Davies (eds. how do we explain the apparent origin of the "Book of the Two Ways" at Bersheh? 4) Can we detect any Theban influence on coffins of the memphite region after Amenemhet's move to Ijt-towy? E. (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts. (Paris: L'Asiatheque. but it utilizes far to few examples to draw firm conclusions. 1961) plates 24-25. the Aegean. Dissertation. Mass. G. 1975) 37-79. Willems. Elke Blumenthal. . Simpson and W. Posener. W. Westendorf (Wisbaden: Otto Harrassowitz. W. and the Sudan. plates VIL XII & XV. "The Bersheh Nomarchs of the Intermediate Period and the Middle Kingdom. Brovarski. The foregoing survey.B. 1953) Figure 30. vorgetragen auf dem 29.** The same rigorous analysis of 12th Dynasty coffins is now needed. E." Altoreintalistiche Forschungen 4 (1976) 35-62. 1973) 29-36. 1) What is the "court style" of Dynasty 12? By when is this standardization established? 2) Should we continue to use the terms sarcophagus and coffin since they are so similar in form. 1893). Internationalen Orientalistenkongreß. 1975) 98-103.O. W. Figure 77. especially Dynasty 11. Hoffmeier time of Senusert III. has raised more questions that it has answered. Kapitel." (Referat. 63.78 James K.

7-8. 181-182. E. Sarcophages Antérieurs au Nouvel Empire [Catalogue Général des Antiquités de L'Égyptiennes du Musée du Caire.. the coffin of Aha-Nakht in Philadelphia in S. 1916) 54-55. Scepter I.and Others.C. 23. Garstang. Vol." Artibus Asiae 22 (1959) 240-252. Senebtisi 55. 9 J. Fischer.B. 16 A word of thanks to Mr. 1897) plate XXVII. "An Example of Memphite Influence in a Stela of the Eleventh Dynasty. Petrie. 26 Brovarski. The Egyptian Mummy. Secrets and Science (Philadelphia. Hassan. p.F. cf. 1975) plates XLII-XLIII. Frank Yurco of the staff of the Field Museum for helping me with my inquiries and assisting me with records and photography. Spanel 194. pp. Spanel 188-189.The coffins of the Middle Kingdom 79 ^ Cyril Aldred. "Inscriptions from the Coptite Nome. plate XXVII. cf. 1988) Nos. pp. Fig.. 32. 1972) 5-6. Scepter 1.. 28008 & 28013. Scepter 1. Textes Des Sarcophages Egyptiens Du Moyen Empire (Paris: Editions Du Cerf. pp.. 13 on p. The Mastaba's of Hemet-Rc_ and Others [Excavations at Saqqara 1937-38. The University of Pennsylvanian. 248. 23 & Figure 13. 28005.317. Egyptian Paintings of the Middle Kingdom (London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd. H. Magee. Spanel." TSSEA XIII-No. Lacau. Brovarski. 1986) 9-10.E. (Cairo: Government Printing Offices." 23. Deshesheh. The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Two Ways (Berkeley: University of California Press. Deshesheh (London: EEF. 57-58. Egyptian Paintings. 34. Winlock.318. Hassan.M. L. S. al. 181. 1965) 96. 315.477). 28006.l911. Vol. Senebtisi 55. 85 & 91). Nos.. 1975). S. 1968) 32. Spanel. Figure 31.L. 1980) #13. Vol." Analecta Orientalia 40 (1964) 40. 156.G. The Tomb of Senebtisi at Lisht (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art.. Barguet. 315. 29.. Terrace 33.G. The coffins of Nakht and Userhet in the Fitzwilliam exhibit illustrate the pattern of the latter. 12 Senebtisi 50-54.. et. Ü Terrace. The Mastabas of Hemet-Rg. 1 Terrace 32. Bourriau Pharaohs and Mortals (Cambridge: The University Press. Mace & H.. The Burial Customs of Ancient Egypt (London: Constable & Co. Plates IV. Figure 9. 70-71. 21 H. 6 7 8 3 1 4 1 5 7 1 8 2 0 2 2 2 3 2 4 2 5 2 7 2 8 2 3 0 3 1 3 2 3 3 . Ill]. 11 & 14]. Terrace. Spanel 188. 19 p. ^ P. Lesko. W. Fischer. 1903) 28001. 28004. J. ^ A. Egypt to the End of the Old Kingdom (LondonrThames &: Hudson. Fleming. The Mastaba of Nv-cankh-Pepy and Others [Excavations at Saqqara 193738. 28001-28086. 1907) 166. illustrations IA-E and IIA-M. II] (Cairo: Government Printing Press.4 (1983) 241-248. Scepter I. Brovarski. Willems 93-101. "The Bersheh Nomarchs. Cairo. 1 Terrace. plates MIL Diana Magee. "An Early Middle Kingdom Coffin from Akhmim in the Ashmolean Museum (No.

p. J. 4. pointed out that Janine Bourriau is studying of the ceramics and other materials in Senebtisi's tomb for publication and has concluded that the tomb dates to Dynasty 12. since the coffins of Senebtisi have become the lynch-pin in the debate over the "court style" of Dynasty 12. Her dating by ceramic measurement is most compelling. E. squarely in Dynasty 12. Lilyquist. Dr. The Canopic box of Hap-Ankhtifi is depicted in Scepter I. 3^ Bruce Wiliams. entitled "The Mastaba of Imhotep at Lisht South" argued for at date during Senusert II's reign. (London: British School of Archaeology in Egypt. 3 6 3 3 8 3 9 4 0 4 1 4 2 4 3 4 4 4 5 4 6 4 4 8 4 9 5 1 5 2 5 3 5 4 . Archaic Egypt (Baltimore: Pelican. pl. 1903. We look forward to seeing the published results of this study. But one was able to view these granite sarcophagi in November 1988. The Mastabas of Hemet-Rc. de Morgan. "Two Wooden Statues From List: Do They Represent Sesostris I?" TARCE XVII (1980) 11-20. 50 Christine Lilyquist. Mass.B." Serapis 3 (1975-1976) 41-55. 1961) 130-131. Plate 24-25. in her presentation at the colloquium. The Scepter of Egypt 1. fig.F. Archaic Egypt.C. Nu. "Egypt's First Antiquarians?" Antiquity 62. 56 Lilyquist. Hoffmeier Scepter 1. Egyptian Paintings of the Middle Kingdom (London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd. Williams 47-49. (Cairo: IFAO.: Harvard University Press. Dr.M. Hayes. Aidon Dodson. Terrace. ^ W. Vol. Emery. (Cairo: Government Printing Office. Dr. W. 27. 1926). Johnson. 1953) 312-313. does not show a picture of these sarcophagi. Figure 30. Firth & B. Gunn. Williams 41-44. "The Date of Senebtisi at Lisht and the Chronology of Major Groups and Deposites of the Middle Kingdom. Dorothea Arnold. Preliminary Report on the Czechoslovak Excavations in the Mastaba of Ptahshepses at Abu Sir (Prague: Charles University Press. Sally B. Figure 77. and would consquently push back the date of wooden statues. She was kind enough to confirm in writing (22 August. 28102. 209. Williams 43-44. Zdenëk Uherek & Miroslav Verner. 27. entitled "The Mastaba of Imhotep at Lisht South" argued for at date during Senusert II's reign. 74-76 = Cairo Cat. The Scepter of Egypt I. Scepter of Egypt I..L. which Sally Johnson has dated to Dynasty 13. in her presentation at the colloquium. Hassan. Pétrie. Ill]. W.319-320. in the comments that followed my presentation." Serapis V (1979) 27-28. S. Archaic Egypt 131. (Cambridge. 55 C. 1910). X. Meydum and Memphis III.M. 1975). E. Wainwright.80 3 4 James K. 1968) 32. "A Note on the Date of Senebtisi' and Other Middle Kingdom Groups. Mackay & G. ^ Wiliams 45.303-320. 1990) her view which she mentioned at the colloquiium at Cambridge. 1976. 236 (September 1988) 513-517. Fouilles A Dahchour 1894-95 (Vienna: Adolphe Holzhausen. 4. Williams 49. Dorothea Arnold. and Others [Excavations at Saqqara 1937-1938. Dorothea Arnold. Excavations at Saqqara: Teti Pyramid Cemetaries I.

Egypt of the Pharaohs (Oxford: The University Press. My thanks to Professor A. Death in Ancient Egypt (Middlesex: Penguin. Garstang. 216-217. which will be published in a forthcoming issue of ZÄS. Fig.New York: Penguin.K. (Cambridge: The University Press). Loc. 1982). 1981 ) 168. n. Smith.H. Hayes. See also the Abstracts of the Fifth Internatinal Congress of Egyptology. p.K. 44-48. Burial Customs. November 1921. 1969) 119.l & 9. Willems. W. Shore and his staff for assistance in my research. 16567. part 1. "Egypt: From the Death of Amenemes HI to Seqenenre II. 172. Cit. Stevenson Smith. 175 and 191. The Ancient Neart East: A History. Janine Bourriou for allowing me to study and photograph these coffins during my visit in April 1988. Simpson . Chests of Life.4. I am indebted to L. #68. Garstang. My thanks to Dr. A. The Art and Architecture of Ancient Egypt (Revised edition with W. op.S. Sarcophagi. Excavations at Thebes". 1988).C.J. (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovisch. Spencer. The Art and Architecture of Ancient Egypt.E. Harco Willems. her figure is found on the bottom floor of the coffin. and for providing me with photographs of this coffin. ties this Nut-spell with the coffin lid. cf. 15 Brovarski. In the 3rd Intermediate period. cü-.1. 7 6 7 7 7 8 . W. p. The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts (Oxford: Clarendon. eds.49 fig. 1935) 67. outer . 7.Fig.F. III. Davis. Simpson & W-M. 1961) 147-154.3. that of Thutmose III. e. Dahchour I. C Hayes. W. n. 45. 24.K. Senebtisi.. R. Hayes. op. Faulkner. The Aegean. Pharaohs and Mortals 92. W. Willems. "The Bersheh Nomarchs of the Intermediate Period and the Middle Kingdom". A.1. 5 A variation of garbled version of this spell occurs in CT I. 171-172. In May 1988 I had the opportunity to examine the Gartang archives at the School of Archaeology and Oriental Studies at Liverpool. cf. E . Brovarski. Inc. Winlock. 13. "Egyptian Expedition for MCMXX-MCMXXI. BMMA H. 88. 29. 312b-c. op_. 29. cit. The photographs (B. Bourriou. plate viii. Spencer. cit.. Simpson. (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts. W. 1981) p.. The outline of the pf-sign can be seen in the phtograph of this coffin in Janine Bourriau. Pharaohs and Mortals. O. plate XXXVI. Gardiner. 209-210) make it very clear that the lid is arched and the parapets are very obvious. plate 30. and for the permission to use this photograph (B 210) and that in Plate 2 (B 213) in this publication." in Cambridge Ancient History II. a development which is puzzling. 191. Garstang. J. 178. Bares for sending me a copy of the paper he presented. and the Sudan.g. and 116-117 An example of this writing is found on the Stela of Pepi Seneb (Dynasties 8-9) from Nag ed Deir which was recetnly displayed in an exhibition at Berkeley Univeristy. 189. in Studies in Ancient Egypt. n.The coffins of the Middle Kingdom 5 7 58 59 6 0 61 6 2 6 3 6 4 65 6 6 6 7 68 69 7 0 7 1 7 2 7 3 7 4 7 81 J. 1971) 245-246. Chests of Life (Leiden: Mededelingen en Verhandelingen van het Vooraziatisch-Egyptisch "Ex Oriente Lux" XXV. inner plate XVII a-b & Fig.l. Burial Customs of Ancient Egypt. Royal Sarcophagi of the XVIII Dynasty (Princeton: The University Press. H. Burial Customs. along with slides of the coffin in situ.

Chests of Life. The Literature of Ancient Egypt (New Haven: Yale University Press. 204 & 207. 25. p. Scepter I. Fig. Ancient Egyptian Literature I (Berkeley: University of California Press. idem . Simpsom. note #1. I am not sure if they take this to mean the canopy of the sledge as Wilson does in Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament (Princeton: The University Press.82 James K.K. Jac. and W. 81 Prof. 8 0 8 3 8 4 . 29. J. 1972) 68 render pt as "sky".". 1975) 229. 1969 .3rd edition).. Lesko The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Two Ways (Berkeley: University of California Press.. 1907) Plate X.M.F. in the dialogue that followed the presentation of this paper stated that the de Buck archive at Leiden contains no examples of the "the Book of the Two Ways" from anywhere but Bersheh. Hoffmeier 79 Lichtheim. Willems. L. W. Gizeh and Rifeh (London: BSAW. 1972) 3. "The Bersheh Nomarch. Petrie. 45 understands pt as the coffin lid. Janssen. 82 Brovarski. 21 n.

after Brovarski. late 11th Dynasty.(s) Assiut.268. Gebelein.The coffins of the Middle Kingdom James K. i .2. coffin of Nbt it . not to scale) (Figure 1) Turin Supplement 13. Hughes Festschrift 9th Dynasty (?). Hoff meier's "The Coffins of the Middle Kingdom: The Residence and the Regions" (Facsimile drawings. (Figure 2) Emory University Museum 1921.

Hoffmeier (Figure 3) Ashmolean No. 1911.477. after Mace & Winclock / / / / / / / / / / / / / / ! .James K. mid-llth Dynasty •/////////////////////////////////////////////// (Figure 4) Senebtisi's outer coffin. Akhmim.

after Mace and Winlock .The coffins of the Middle Kingdom (Figure 5) Senebtisi inner coffin.

Liverpool.86 James K. Hoffmeier PLATE 1 (Courtesy of the School of Archaeology & Oriental Studies. Liverpool. B210) PLATE 2 (Courtesy of the School of Archaeology & Oriental Studies. B213) .

1989. and especially from the North Cemetery area behind the old 'metropolitan' temple of Osiris. Simpson's wellknown monograph. As for publication. can still be accounted-for today. Belträo. most appear to come from Abydos.4. Kitchen. and a second [Inv. (and seemingly the famous one 'contentious' so father-in-law since about 1907) of Neferhotep still in belongs to I and Sobekhotep c "IV" (really III) of the 13th Dynasty.Catalogue of the Egyptian Collection in the National Museum. 198-199. K. 3. according to the 1844 inventory (the earliest known).A. M . Rio de Janeiro. on the 'Terrace of the Great God'. to borrow the title of W. 646 = 2436) and stylistic peculiarities (Inv. for the rest. Kitchen - Liverpool Introduction In 1826. as cited in some earlier monument private c literature). Of the rest. One [Inv. it alone names H a a n k h e f s as well as his mother. Catâlogo da Coleçâo do Antigo Egito existente 2 no Museu Nacional. Dewachter. 645 = 2435] also by cartouche to Amenemhat IV (not III. figs. plus three blanks. the entire corpus (plus the rest of the Collection) is included in a comprehensive new Catalogue. reputedly from the prior excavations of Belzoni. 87 . 2 iSee M. 1 father Until the present writer was granted access to it in September 1987.A. Possible genealogical links (for Inv. a century and a half later. Out of that series. 627 = 2419] is dated by cartouche to Sesostris III. only a general date can be surmised. RdÉ 35(1984). perhaps occasionally of the late 12th. hands Ha ankhef. These included 51 inscribed stone stelae and one wooden one. 640 = 2430) date some clearly to the 13th Dynasty. Most of the stelae are probably of the 13th Dynasty. 22 or nearly half are from the Middle Kingdom. Rio de Janeiro . All of these. and to the period of Sobekhotep "III" and "IV" (II and III). K. c Excluding the Ha ankhef stela (from Heliopolis?). no Egyptologist had seen it for 60 years.Non-Egyptians recorded on Middle-Kingdom in Steiae Rio de Janeiro K. the National Museum in Rio de Janeiro acquired an entire mixed collection of Egyptian antiquities. with one query.

Twti.n Imi. Twti'. Herunefer ('Happyday') seems to be the lesser son of the stela-owner Iunefer by an 'Asiatic' secondary wife or concubine.21 in the new Catalogue. cf. family indicating unambiguous examples of West-Semitic in Middle Egyptian (using the vertical sjk-sign. in S. Cf. No. the West-Semitic root DWD. Groll (ed. of this Skr nisbe-typ& has the Sokar-barque determinative. of is also a common MK In the bottom lines of this same stela occurs s3. 'the Asiatic and chief of craftsmen .. 3m.88 K.A. Dodo.f 'his [stela owner's] son. from the clear. is the 3m Asiatic Gebgeb. "Early Canaanites in Rio de Janeiro and a 'Corrupt' Ramesside Land Sale". therefore. Stela Rio Inv. 'mother' (hypocoristicon for 'Ummi-DN. etc.f. name Sokari ('he of Sokar'). 18 of the foreigners Papyrus Brooklyn 35. as attested in the Mari cuneiform archives for example 3 See my paper.n mwt. personal name is to be taken as Dawdi. of gb'.). etc. at bottom).. Personennamen. Dawdaya. has in the bottom register two people of interest (both c are named. 4 Gbgb.'tall'. Jerusalem. Most explicit is 3m. 1990. Hayes long since. Wb. 25:17. quite different Sfcr-names k). bottom register. Hebrew Dodi.1446. Ranke. and directly comparable early-2nd-millennium in Our Rio with Amorite later Dawdi. Heru-nefer the With a purely Egyptian name. the parent of Reri is not V likely to have been a West-Semitic Sukru. Aeg. edited by W. The name comes from attested already in our period (c. bora of 'Ummi'. but only one depicted). but his mother's name may very well be 'Ummi. and not Semitic (only a reduplicated form might be compared). Hrw- Asiatic. Studies in honour of Dr. the name Dodi-(h)uatu (Eg.and certainly not a Semitic name. ir. 680 (No. 'the goddess X is my mother'?). not just s + Also a Reri son of Skr js same (i) because the orthography is group). 4 5 . later Sety . a possible where otherwise attested (Cairo CGC 20296. although it should be noted that 'Imi personal name. to deserve On the selfsame stela (end. belonging to a foreman(?) Kara. Kitchen Foreigners on the MK Stelae 3 c On Inv.1730 BC) in twt-(h)w3t). pl.C. Cf. 'the His name is almost certainly Egyptian. imy-r hmwwt.!. 627 [2419). ir. 165:9-10. perhaps meaning 'the lame'. Miriam Lichtheim..45). Skr his epithet 'Asiatic'. V. born his mother'. c 5 nfr.

Varia Aegyptiaca 3(1987).35. (progressive Evidently. Second. 67).w. (n. in Egyptian. L.F.8 become currency and entered Hebrew to give us Shoshan(na).H. Final 6 c hry irw hrr n t hnkt Pr. 21-27. in either ssn West sssn 'Susan'. (JSOT Supplement Series. corded/candlewick The type On his Rio stela. 8 9 . Sheffield. Cf. our candlewick bedspreads in more recent times. hururu(m). No. Craigie. as is evidenced by its frequent presence in the Mari archives. 643 reverse process: an [2433]. L. S e e Kitchen. pr personal names in the Middle . corded or striped cf. ed. Ibi 6 c If Epir was a Semite. Albright. occurs. . This term is used for a bedspread of a particular type. s. nearly the psalmist-king. W. is a and Late Bronze ages (i. op. Oriental Socty 74(1954). To the onomastic data proper two other items may be briefly added. etc. 652 [2440]. in Ascribe to the Lord: Biblical and other studies in memory of Peter C. on Rio Inv.n c Ibi. Amer. MK and NK).cit.9. Journ. and helps to clinch its meaning: the word hrr.5). been one also. so. later Hebrew. we have fresh data on the Egyptian name that Semitic (and. assimilation) or ssn sssn (regressive assimilation). the stela Rio Inv. G. via Greek. 'the chief of craftsmen. in Semitic haruru(m). the variant ssn could gained It is well known that Eg..Non-Egyptians on Stelae in Rio de Janeiro 89 our man is a "David" of patriarchal times. fruitful a millennum Also named (with figure) is the imy-r source of West-Semitic before c hmwwt. 29-31. 1988.' is entitled bedspreads was evidently favour. and was then made in Egypt itself. then his mother may well have can be a good Egyptian name. 17. bedroom Egypt. attests (in the NK) a foreign loanword that goes straight back to the Middle Kingdom era. Cat. Kitchen."Of Bedspreads and Hibernation: from Rio de Janeiro to the Middle Euphrates". ir.e. On this Rio stela. pr c Epir bom of 'Abiya'. No. of found 9 Perspective Cf. Again. Cat. ?Cf. Eslinger. that would give an even closer equivalent for the borrowed Semitic form. in modem usage). shortened to ssn. in the Brooklyn Papyrus and in the Execration Texts.P. Taylor. No. 7 but the West-Semitic name 'Abiya (hypocoristic for 'Abi-DN) is well attested in Amorite (as at Mari). 1. First.19:16. the owner Haunefer 'Chief maker of Pharaoh. 20:7-10. c for imported the into c . references. Ranke. 225.3.

90 K. the Rio monuments continue to show links with Western Asia. 1. No. Suffice it to recall Raia of stela Inv. boss'. fig. 218-220. rich are the gains to be made thereby! up M rj—i .on the Middle Kingdom as on all else . so that our work .may have available the maximum amount of first-hand data upon which to draw for its findings.. Kitchen After the Middle Kingdom itself.11 o HI III £U hörnern man 2 mulheres 2 women oferendas offerings T t A « 15 mulher woman . 'leader. 654 [2442].* ^ Thus. m a If n oferendas offerings . who bore the the Canaanite title qasin. PL I0 man U f«*/i ^? 13 h o m e m t oferendas offerings oferendas offerings n ° m a n Kitchen. Cat. JEA 73(1987). the continuing publication of such museum collections should have a high priority.A.33. a term found in both Ugaritic and Hebrew.

that it is not an essentially unique form of discourse. Eagleton.). 130-33. 73-87. Critical theory has seen a movement from semantic and structural definitions of what is literary to historical definitions: literature is analysed as a cultural construct. in Baines et al. P a r k i n s o n INTRODUCTION One of the landmarks in the study of Egyptian literature is Posener's pioneering article 'Les richesses inconnues de la littérature égyptienne' (RdE 6 [1951]. The meaning of this term can. A. Loprieno. S. Assmann et al. passim. 2 above). Assmann. J. This is not the place to attempt a definition of literature. Structuralism has 'recognized that the literary work. and yet this can be lacking in a clearly literary text and present in a non-literary one.which is itself a good Egyptian genre. 1988). E. A n accessible guide to literary theory is: A. is a construct'. 289-314. 91 Pyramid . 'An Abydos List of Gods and an Old Kingdom U s e of Texts'. requires a few preliminary remarks on 1 2 3 4 1 Egyptological discussions include: J. T. Although he was careful to explain why certain texts were omitted fi Dm his catalogue of 'oeuvres purement littéraires'. 1987). like any other product of language.) Studies and Other Essays Presented to I. 1983). Baines. This. Literature is an institution. DISCOURSES AND TALES FROM THE MIDDLE KINGDOM R. Olsen. however. 117-20). Topos und Mimesis: zum Ausländer in der Ägyptischen Literatur ( Ä A 48. and much discussion has attended the problem of defining 'literature' in any context. H. no longer be taken for granted. 1986). in J. what I wish to do is to provide a revised version of the Middle Kingdom sections of Posener's catalogue . Literary Theory: a 2 See for example S. and should be approached accordingly. Kaplony. Semantic theories have identified certain linguistic features of a text as the distinguishing marks of literary composition: thus 'semantic density' is one such mark. B. (ed. LÄ III. supplemented in RdE 9 [1952]. 'Die Definition der schönen Literatur im alten Ägypten'. Robey. Fragen an die altägyptische Literatur: Studien zum Gedenken an Eberhard Otto (Wiesbaden: Reichert. T. OLZ 69 (1974). 1977). Brunner. (ed. 1067-8. 'Der literarische Text im alten Ägypten: Versuch einer Begriffbestimmung'. Literary Theory: an Introduction 3 4 (Oxford: Blackwell. Modem Comparative Introduction (London: Batsford. Edwards (EES Occasional Publications 7). 1-16. 106. 27-48. Jefferson & D . he offered no definition of 'literary' qualities. P.TEACHINGS. 117-26. The End of Literary Theory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. however. Eagleton (n.

Baines. 259. No specific designation for a tale is known. 1982). (1981). See also E. 6 above). 256-72. 17. Compare the approach o f G. The coherence of the generic group of wisdom texts is established by form. the wisdom texts themselves are predominantly sapiential discourses. Buccellati. 46-7. Dubrow. which have often been correlated intuitively with modern impressions of what constitutes 'literature': wisdom texts and tales. ihre "Lehren" und "Prophezeiungen" in ägyptischer Sicht". cf. RdE 6 (1951). 1985). all concerned with certain ultimate values. and this is particularly true of Egyptian genres. Genre (The Critical Idiom 42. 32-33. the wisdom texts are a group of various genres. Brunner. The genres of Posener's corpus can be described as follows: the tales are non-commemorative narratives. and the terms sb3jt 'teaching' and mdt 'discourse' can describe a wide range of texts. 35-47. Validity in Interpretation ( N e w Haven: Yale University Press. some explicitly defined and others less so. 6 above). His catalogue consists of two groups of texts. Evidence is provided from within the texts by their treatment of genre and topoi. What I discuss here is the association of these two generic groups in the institution of Egyptian literature. . While the wisdom tradition is expressed in other genres. namely the audience and the occasions of reading. Posener's corpus cannot be upheld as the totality of Egyptian literature. 1982). 'the processes of generic recognition are . and more external evidence can be found in the context of the texts. 7 H.B. 130-48. . I discuss the context first. D . Fecundity Figures: Egyptian Personification and the Iconology Fowler (n. beyond the immediate and practical conveyance of information. THE DEFINITION OF THE CORPUS In the light of modern theory. Parkinson principles of selection and dating. 5 6 7 8 9 10 The context of literature is a deeply problematic criterion for a historical definition: the See Eagleton (n. Posener. which have no direct posterity in western tradition and are not characterised by a consistent terminology. which might be defined. This absence does not imply that no concept or system of genre existed. such as the funerary autobiography. Kinds of Literature: an Introduction to the Theory of Genres and Modes (Oxford: Clarendon Press. Fowler. as a recorded body of statements of cultural value. Hirsch. such as comprehending the nature of the ideal life. G. although they have a more specific reference to genre in certain contexts. o of a Genre (Warminster: Aris & Phillips. 2 above). ZAS 93 (1966). On the general phenomenon s e e the remarks of J. nor is there any Egyptian critical discourse or analysis of individual texts. 36. fundamental to the reading process'. A general definition of genre is problematic. the textual tradition.92 R. theme and style. No explicit ancient definition of literature as a cultural construct is preserved. as it has been for 18th century England. H. and the status of the author (including the fictionality of the protagonist). 1 0 JAOS 101 . 1967). London: Methuen. 'Wisdom and Not: the Case of Mesopotamia'. The place of Posener's corpus within the wider entity of Egyptian literature must be inferred. ^A. 'Die "Weisen". 8 Fowler (n.

B.g. can be posited. On the compositional background to literature s e e C. rituals. and medical and magical texts. if not exclusively. 131). one of which is known from the Middle Kingdom. The wide range of texts in this (the 'Ramesseum library') has suggested the broad definition of literature already advanced: texts from Posener's corpus were present together with an onomasticon. Prisse 2. This description of an audience often includes a portrayal of the audience's response. .2. 160-5. It seems. Israelit-Groll (ed.10-2). Genre and Functions of Literature' in S. J. 69 (Bb. De traditioneele egyptische Autobiografie voor het Nieuwe Rijk (Leiden: Brill.g. 1 4 1 5 Loprieno (n. hymns. More indirect evidence for the nature of this institution is supplied by the groupings of texts in libraries. 507-87). 122-5 (He. 1990). in which they are 'perfect (nfr) to the heart'(e.4).). Urk. Studies in Egyptology Presented to Miriam Lichtheim (Jerusalem: Hebrew University. the mode of address is itself personal. 1 3 J. These features accord with Loprieno's definition of literary texts as 'die von den zwei Variablen eines selbstständigen Autors auf der einen Seite und gewisser ästhetischer und gesellschaftlicher Erwartungen des Rezipienten auf der anderen ausgehen'. Helck. They do seem to be particularly. See R.6-7. the children for whom the Teachings are made). The Tale of the Eloquent Peasant (Oxford: Griffith Institute. but they are self-referential . 9.Teachings. t o have contained only tales and a wisdom text. n. discourses and tales 93 social Sitz im Leben is unknowable. 84-97. Another. Although it is not necessarily any single private individual who is addressed. A . passim). 80. and the existence of a text on papyri or ostraca does not correspond to a distinction between it and other texts preserved on other media. 2j-k). 1. however. as is shown by the 'perfect words and choice phrases' of Neferti which are for royal 'entertainment (dßjj-hr)' (ed. 2 above). the 'Berlin library'. associated with Posener's corpus. and in the Tale of the Court of Cheops a similar phrase describes king Snefru's reaction to the sight of maidens rowing (P. 12 see Loprieno (n. 685. and the 'perfection' which is mentioned in wisdom texts can be an ethical quality (as is seen in Ptahhotep's evocation of his son's response as obedience and wisdom resulting in ethical behaviour rather than pleasure: ed. See Eagleton (n. might not then didactic texts on other funerary monuments be 11 1 13 14 15 J. I. Eyre. Westcar 5. aesthetic pleasure is a relevant concept. 1946). 1 above). but its exact extent is unknown. 14. 'The Semna Stelae: Quotation. but the 'implied readers' of a text must have been members of the élite. in press). The physical context of the copies of texts is not a unique or infallible criterion for the isolation of a genre or a group of genres within the literary institution. Berlin 3025. P. 1 above). Janssen. P.14-15). To give a practical example: the 'Loyalist' Teaching was first known only from a copy on a stela. such as eulogies and hymns (e. but are themselves defined by an awareness of the literary institution. " The discursive texts often address an audience directly. These expectations and responses are not inherent in the literariness of the discourse. In autobiographies there are the epithets 'one who speaks well (nfr) before his lord' and 'one who says what is good (nfrt)'. M.that is. However. an audience is defined within the setting of the text itself (for example. The same reaction is evoked by other genres. These instances suggest that 'perfection' of words is not necessarily or exclusively an aesthetic quality. Zâba. Parkinson. Baines (under xxi) JEA 76 (1990). A favourable reaction is given to teachings and discourses. IV. 57.

but occur throughout the For example. teachings and discourses. the fragments of the autobiography from the tomb of Inpy at el-Lahun (now in Chicago) include a didactic address to his children: H. including tales. Mississauga. although they were perhaps still known. such as hymns. as is the case with the Tale of the Eloquent Peasant. but both are organised round the figures of eminent men from the past rather than by literary form. Yoyotte. Daressy: Contnbution à l'histoire littéraire'. Fischer Egyptian Studies I: Varia ( N e w York: M M A . 18-19. Consider the numerous examples of funerary. Other texts are unattested. 1. Gardiner. 6 4 n. such as the funerary autobiography. 67-72. 19 above). . however. B. with a list of kings and illustrious ancestors. See also Assmann (n. 1976). Titles are not a phenomenon restricted to Posener's corpus. xxviii). xxvi. 'A Didactic Text o f the Late Middle Kingdom'. Commentaries include Brunner (n. 7 above). Ostraca provide the most numerous copies (ii-iii. Both include names known from wisdom texts. G. This tradition as a whole reflects a general codification of earlier 'classical' compositions. JEA 68 (1982). The preserved textual tradition is more extensive from the Ramessid period. Third Series: Chester Beatty Gift (London: British Museum. though rarely in such large quantities. v-viii. Ont. Parkinson 94 16 copies of otherwise lost wisdom texts? A text could also be transferred from a monumental context to a manuscript. 17 18 19 20 21 Indications of the attitude towards a text can be sought in titles and colophons. van der Pias. 19 above). does not isolate this corpus from other groups of genres. 'A propos d'un monument copié par G. 2 6 . but they also include texts and genres from outside this corpus. D . One is a 19th dynasty tomb-relief from Saqqara (the 'Daressy Fragment'). such as that of the Semna and Uronarti stelae. 1986) I. 20 J. They provide little specific information about the classification of these texts. Wildung. Assmann (n.R. 'Gibt es eine "Klassik" in der ägyptischen Literaturgeschichte? Ein Beitrag zur Geistesgeschichte der Ramessidenzeit'. 15 above). others. magical and technical texts. Berlin 3029).some genres. Annals and Daybooks: a Contribution to the Study of the Egyptian Sense of History (SSEA Publication 4. the transmission of a text in multiple copies is not a distinguishing feature of the corpus. Pharaonic King-lists.B. 42-3. 21 A. G. xix. 1986). are known to have existed in more than one copy. fig. were unsuited to multiple copies. 26. when some texts from the corpus were much copied. The type of transmission is related to the genre of the text . D . 35-52. which was quoted in a Ramessid literary letter. II. Hieratic Papyri in the British Museum. 19 J. Sesostris und Amenemhaî: Ägypten im Mittleren Reich (Munich: Hirmer. 'Menna's Instruction to his Son'. 6 (1985). 1984). 45-50. 14. 1935) I. including Posener's corpus. 38-44. The attested historical figures are not all arranged in chronological sequence: H . 13. The other is a eulogy of sages from a didactic composition in praise of scribedom preserved in P. such as the building inscription of Senwosret I preserved on the 18th dynasty Berlin Leather Roll (P. Redford.5.: Benben. The selection was probably determined by the context in which the copies were made. ZDMG Suppl. 39 n. were suitable. H. pi. xv. Chester Beatty IV. and two documents provide more specific information about this codification of the past. 18 D . Fischer. BSFE 11 (1952). commemorative inscriptions. L'hymne à la crue du nil (Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor net Nabije Oosten. see Parkinson (n. The method of transmission alone. 4. Similarly. and it may be related to teaching practices which drew on a codified group of 'set texts' in Middle Egyptian. 11-4. Assmann.

12. ^11 25 Although lost in a lacuna the restoration is fairly certain: s e e KRIII.g. 101. Gardiner (n. the colophon is best known as jw=f-pw h3t=f r-phwj=f] I mj-gmjjt m-sh: 'it is come from beginning to end / as found in writing'. P. In one case. 2 3 C T V n . 33. magical texts (e.1-4). Sallier II. . 71). and B 1 L t o Senwosret II-III: H. With the same genres . Sallier III. Chester Beatty I. 45. Leningrad 1116a. Berlin 3022. 7. have titles. 74.g. Two similar forms occur: the first. Prisse 19. Bulaq 17 [CG 58038].10).g. but does not embody a classification of the genres so marked into a single group. P. P.ieachings. but the earliest document with a colophon known to me is a funerary text. 186-9). and a copy of the Qadesh text known from monumental inscriptions (the 'poem': P. 380d. Anastasi III. V .10-1)..7-10). by their nature. Harris 500 verso. Leningrad 1115. O'v^-pv). Berlin abbreviated form of this colophon is found: jw-f-pw (P.g. 75-7. Kahun LV. P. The colophon is placed at the end of a copy of the texts of the corpus with great consistency (Wb I.g. P. The second. 311. including mathematical texts and onomastica. P. The variations in its form probably reflect changing scribal practices rather 23 24 25 See the examples of U . 7.1). which is found in 19th dynasty copies of Middle Kingdom texts (e. 8. 1988). Totb [Naville]. This also occurs with a contemporaneous mathematical text (P. Prisse 2. 2. .and once in the same manuscript . P. the name of the copyist is also given (P. 3. medical texts (e. is found with copies of Middle Kingdom wisdom texts (e. See also C T II. 154-5.9.g. 'Zur Einleitung der Liebesgedichte auf Papyrus Chester Beatty I ro X V I 9 ff. 21. Some genres. jw=s/f-pw m-htp. P. 3024. The jw-f-pw colophon appears in manuscripts from the second half of the 12th dynasty.8).6. 11. BM 10474 27.9. and it is later attested with a wide variety of texts: with rituals (e. occurs with Late Egyptian tales (e. Chester Beatty IV recto. well and in peace'. d'Orbiney 19. P. BM 10371/10435. B 3 C has been dated to the very early 12th dynasty.18). Leiden 347. Leningrad 1116b. . Hearst 18.g. The most common New Kingdom version is jw=s-pw nfr m-htp: 'it is come. and these facts raise the possibility that the colophon arose originally in the funerary context. Bremner Rhind 17. miscellanies (e. 21 above).g. and others do not.'. The colophon marks a wide range of texts as parts of the transmitted body of literature. P. with a slight variation). as well as Late Egyptian tales (e.18-9. V I . whose influence pervades the written forms of Egyptian literature. Turin 138). 127 A17. This concludes both tales and wisdom texts (P. as well as with later wisdom texts (P. 'for the spirit of . medical texts (e. discourses and tales 95 22 body of literature. 33. magical texts (e. 12. which concludes: jw=s-pw m-htp sp-sn 'it is come in peace!'. 149 [Ab] 103). 3. and some funerary spells (e. P. Luft. ZÄS 99 (1973).13-4) and hymns (e. P.8. P. 471g (B1L). Ostracon BM 5629. 205b. v"'.l).g. 27). Their use is genericälly determined.'. P. 11. Kahun LV1 verso.7-8.5).g.4. 108-16. jw=s-pw nfr. 262j (B3C). as became standard practice in the New Kingdom..g.12. I. P. Willems. P.12-4. 11.13) and religious texts (e. Ostracon Deir el Medina 1106. Chests of Life: A Study of the Typology and Conceptual Development Kingdom 2 4 Standard of Class Coffins ( M V E O L 25. This is Coffin Text Spell 1130/1031 at the end of the 'Book of Two Ways'. This is similar to versions of the most widely attested form of the colophon in the New Kingdom and in later periods.5. 3-4).g. P.g.8-11). .3). 4 5 0 e Middle 193o. 16. 32. 144-50. 21. In the Middle Kingdom. In those the person for whom the manuscript was copied is often introduced with n-k3 n-.

Ancient Egyptian Onomastica (London: Oxford University Press. A 26 27 28 Although redactional activity is well attested in the transmission of texts. and this is probably a matter of the date and provenance of these manuscripts: the hands and orthographies suggest closely similar dates from the second half of the 12th dynasty. Parkinson 96 than changes in the concept of the classifications of literature. only the wisdom texts are explicitly identified (in titles) in terms of a protagonist who is their supposed creator. V . The fullest form of the colophon implies that the text is an accurately transmitted unity: 'from beginning to end'. 28 A. has a similarly personal title. In one exceptional case. Contextually. 205. 1985). In an extreme form.218-24. a teaching is made 'by a man for his son'. The identity of the author is as irrelevant to the definition of Posener's corpus as it is to Egyptian literature as a whole. An expectation of unity in the audience of these texts has important implications for modern criticism. and the defense of determinable meaning proposed by critics such as E. . s e e the strategies of J. and the colophon implies that unity was of s o m e importance in this. D . which is a modern preconception. Fox. however. the redactional criticism of such Egyptologists as Herrmann has certain dangers. although it may have been of a different order from that demanded by the N e w Critics. The teaching of wisdom and the discussion of the problems facing it are exemplified and validated by the experiences of individuals who possess it. there has been a continuing readiness to accept the protagonists of discursive texts as the actual authors. D h o r m e . The Song of Songs and the Ancient Egyptian Love Songs (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. The only form which occurs exclusively with Posener's corpus is the full Middle Kingdom colophon. xxi). 27 The question of authorial identity is distinct from the interpretative problems of the 'implied author* who is involved in creating the unitary meaning of a text. Gardiner. 6 above). which were. The concept of authorial identity has played a prominent rôle in some definitions of 'literature'. I d o not wish to pursue these issues here. In Egyptology. . they had a single 'implied author' (see next note). 1947). The New Kingdom Onomasticon of Amenemope. 4 Commentary on the Book of Job (London: Nelson.B. 24-6. redactional criticism relies o n a severe view of the exclusive unity of genres. E. lxi-cx. Hirsch (n. which is perhaps a result of the critics' unease at dealing with an authorless literary tradition. its anonymity being proclaimed presumably in order to emphasise the universality of its wisdom (a similar rationale probably lies behind the anonymity of the protagonist in the Tale of the Shipwrecked Sailor and the constant designation of Khunanup in the Tale of the Eloquent Peasant as 'the peasant'). 'literature is what gets taught'). and modern theory has often lessened the rôle of the author. often made in an educational setting (this institution of education is not unrelated to that of literature: as Barthes remarked. Of Posener's two generic groups. Almost all the texts of the corpus were presented as unified wholes. In defence of a non-redactional approach to ancient texts see M. or of the degrees of literary decorum. in the later examples. I. H. Interpretative criticism is concerned with the meaning such as it was available to the audience. This feature need not indicate a profound difference between the groups. and the provenance of all the three copies where provenance can be proposed is Theban. 1967). and I suggest that it may be present only because wisdom was perceived as a personal quality. which is a teaching of classified items and categories.R. the colophon shows that private ownership was possible for copies of these texts. Baines (listed under xix. although this has been recognised as a legacy of the romantic period. and although they may have had many creators.

Teachings, discourses and tales


similar disregard for authorial identity can be detected in the copy of 'Loyalist' Teaching
on Sehotepibre's stela; this is entitled so as to make him the protagonist, which would
be a strikingly blatant plagiarism, if identified authorship was important in the literary
tradition (later parallel in a ms of the Onomasticon of Amenemope: n. 28). The
supposed composers of teachings frequently are - or resemble - known prestigious
historical figures from the élite, and three are royal. While the actual authors must have
been members of the élite, to associate statements of wisdom with an established figure
would validate its values, regardless of authorship. Some of the protagonists also feature
in the tales (e.g. Hordedef), and both wisdom texts and tales use the same settings,
which include the troubled Herakleopolitan period and the 'golden age' of the Old
Kingdom. Critics have been ready to admit that the often fantastic tales are unhistorical,
but are reluctant to admit the same about the wisdom texts' settings and protagonists.
In the case of the Teaching for Kagemni, there is a discrepancy between the text's
statements about the vizier and what is known of a historical vizier of the same name,
which suggests that the father of the historical Kagemni was not the actual author of the
teaching. In one case - the Teaching of Amenemhat - this pseudonymity of the text was
explicitly acknowledged by Ramessid scribes. None of the protagonists of other wisdom
genres, such as Sasobek, is a certainly attested historical figure; this lack of historical
fame may relate to those genres' embodying of troubled conditions, which it would be
inappropriate to link with figures of established eminence. This hypothesis of the
fictionality of the protagonist's identity, which is shared by several scholars, is supported
by the Words of Neferti, in which the setting has been convincingly analysed as a
validation of his discourse; it cannot represent the period of the text's composition, but
is evoked as the idealised past. No Neferti from the Old Kingdom could have
composed the Words. All available indications suggest that the 'authors' of Teachings
and other wisdom discourses were as fictional as the protagonists of the tales. This
hypothesis is also supported by the dates of composition suggested by more objectively
verifiable criteria (see below).
It is true that some protagonists were later presented as if historical, most
notably in the 'Daressy Fragment', where they accompany aftested viziers, high priests
and kings. This presentation, however, is determined in part by the context of the relief
(see n. 20 above; the same is true of R Chester Beatty IV - see below). It cannot be
known how far the audience regarded the claims to authorship as fictional, or how far
they were intended to do so. It is, however, easy to blur the distinction between fiction
and fact in literature, both for the audience (without intention) and for the author
(deliberately). Many early British novelists presented themselves in prefaces as the editor
and publisher of a true account rather than as the author of a novel, and fictional
protagonists have often come to be thought of as actual figures. There are some


G. Posener,

Littérature et politique dans l'Egypte de la Xlle dynastie

( B E H E 307, 1957), 29-36.


Olsen (n. 2 above), 192. Examples of fictional characters and settings presented as historical truth:
until recently a plaque commemorated the site o f the Tabard Inn as the place from which Chaucer's pilgrims
set out; Merlin has at various times been regarded as a historical author; Dickens' picture of London has
been influential as fact. Perhaps the supreme (fictional) example of such confusion is Beerbohm's E n o c h


R.B. Parkinson

indications that Egyptian genres accommodated an awareness of their fictionality (which
is different from what we might term the 'dogmatic fiction' of the way in which religious
or royal texts pattern experiences of reality). In the Tale of the Court of King Cheops,
Hordedef remarks of the tales which were set in the past - about 'those who have passed
away; truth cannot be known from falsehood' (P. Westcar 6.23-24). For the reader of
the 15th dynasty P. Westcar, this would also be an implicit comment on the Tale as a
whole. Many tales seem to evoke their own fictionality, apart from including inherently
fantastic elements: the choice of a sailor as a narrator in the Tale of the Shipwrecked
Sailor may imply that it is a tall story, and attention is repeatedly drawn to Khunanup
as a supremely unlikely source of eloquence in the Tale of the Eloquent Peasant.
The convention of fictionality is not, however, detected so easily in all the genres
of the corpus. The 'pessimistic' discourses are now approached by critics as fictional,
rather than historical, accounts of chaos (see n. 45), although the protagonist Neferti
claims that his prophetic words will earn him respect by their veracity (ed. Helck, 15g),
a claim which is repeated in the eulogy of P. Chester Beatty IY (see n. 21). Yet his
prophecy is certainly fictional. Khakheperresoneb says of his lament 'I have spoken these
things as I have seen', and dismisses matters formulated in terms of the past in similar
terms to Hordedef: 'this is falsehood' (recto 1. 6). His desire for a 'new speech' (1. 2) is
a desire for a non-fictional discourse, that is, one not compromised by being in the
past. The same problem is raised by the teachings: if they were acknowledged as
fiction, how could Ptahhotep says of his maxims 'As for their Truthfulness (sp n-m3't),
this is their value' (ed. Zâba, 509; parallels include the 'Loyalist' Teaching, ed. Posener,
9.2). These statements do not indicate that these texts were non-fictional; it should be
remembered that the question 'how can fiction be true' is not unique to these texts, but
is a central problem of literary aesthetics in general. If these texts were non-fictional,
it is difficult to see how the audience could have been expected to believe Ptahhotep's
statements that virtue invariably brings prosperity, not only because general human
experience suggests that this is not so, but because this assertion is contradicted by other
wisdom texts which present the laments of a righteous sufferer (such as
Khakheperresoneb, or the 'Lebensmüder'). This suggests that the statements of wisdom
texts can have made no direct truth claims on reality. The language of even the didactic
texts is distinct from 'normal goal-directed functions of language'; when Ptahhotep
says 'report your conduct without dissembling' (ed. Zâba, 249), the reader will not have
made such a report. The injunctions are both gnomic and distanced from the audience.
This autonomy is structurally indicated-by the fiction of the teacher addressing his son
and not the actual audience of the text. This distinction is lacking in other genres:
in the autobiography, the address to the living has (in part) a practical aim, and the
language retains a goal-directed function of evoking a pious response. If the convention
of a protagonist makes the language not goal-directed and its assertions self-referential,




A similarly dismissive attitude to the past is revealed in the Words of Neferti, when Sneferu requests
a discourse about Nvhat will come, for today has come, and is (already) passed by' (ed. Helck, 2n). Unlike
Ockinga (see xiv), I see no reason to regard Khakheperresoneb as a literary revolutionary.
3 2

Olsen (n. 2 above), 156-95, esp. 161. See also Loprieno (n. 1 above), 48-9.

3 3

Olsen, (n. 2 above), 84-5.

3 4

Kaplony (n. 1 above), 299-300.

Teachings, discourses and tales


it also distances the statements made from the reader's reality. No complete wisdom text
is presented as the objective truth, like the information in funerary spells or technical
treatises. It is always set in a personal frame, the truth is the protagonist's interpretation
of reality, and he is frequently fallible. Thus the teacher of Merikare draws attention to
the difference between the omniscience of the ideal king and his own partial knowledge
(compare ed. Helck, 41a and 42d). Similarly, the ironic structure of the Tale of the
Eloquent Peasant is based on an awareness of the innate subjectivity of discourse: the
peasant speaks the truth, but his speeches spring from his ignorance of the actual
situation with regard to his audience. These settings, whether timeless or past,
distance the text from the audience: this is different from simply ascribing a text such as
that of the Shabaka Stone, accurately or not, to the past in order to validate it. Unlike
commemorative, religious or technical texts, the wisdom texts make no direct truth
claims on reality, but have their own logic: the genres' treatment of perennial sapiential
themes is its 'truth'.

As I have argued, the boundaries of Posener's corpus cannot determined in relation to
its context, its textual transmission or the actual author's identity. However, the
acknowledged fictionality of the settings and protagonists is probably a significant
common element between the genres. The texts display indications that they are to be
read as fiction, and, as such, to be approached with particular aesthetic expectations.
Posener's corpus can be analysed as a coherent group of genres. However, the
presence of several identifiable genres in a single text raises the question of how to
assign that complete text to a genre. Any doubt as to whether a single generic definition
is appropriate when texts display a variety of genres can be met with the fact that in all
the well preserved examples one genre is dominant. In the wisdom texts concerning
Neferti, Ptahhotep and Kagemni, the narrative elements are only a frame to the genre
of the discourse. In the Tale of the Eloquent Peasant, although most lines are discourse,
the meaning and context are provided by the Tale. (For examples of the problem of
categorising unparalleled and fragmentary texts see nn. 74, 75, 77, below). In the
catalogue I group according to the following dominant modes and genres. The wisdom
texts can be divided into two groups: the didactic genre (sb3jt), and a group of more
reflective genres. The latter includes a genre entitled 'Discourse' (mdt), and other
discursive genres (for which I use the title 'Words', from their self-designation mdt or
tjw). Closely related to these is a genre in which the audience of other discourses
assumes a significant speaking rôle, and which are structured as dialogues. The tales are
non-commemorative narrations in both first and third persons. Structurally they include
complex sequences of tales, as well as incorporating other genres. The genre also shows
great flexibility with respect to form, as can be seen from the example of the Tale of
Sinuhe, which is presented as a monumental inscription (see also n. 74 below).
I suggest that the genres of the corpus are distinct in their capability to exploit
genre. The inclusion of genres is often ironic (as in the parodies of eulogies in the
petitions of the eloquent peasant: e.g. P. Berlin 3023, 168-78). Not only are genres

Text xviii is untypical in this respect, and problematic. It lacks a frame and protagonist, being a nonunitary text, but a sense of personal subjectivity may be implicit in its genre as spoken maxims.

58.g.g. but signifies both 'perfect speech' and 'spoken perfection'. This.R. and his teaching is self-referential. although it is particularly explicit. Although no one style can be regarded as typical of Posener's corpus. 159. 507-634). 36 37 38 39 Fowler (n. 179-81. Ptahhotep speaks a great deal about speech (e. like the European 'belles lettres'. is a feature of Egyptian literature in general: many minor genres which can be identified as included within tales and wisdom texts. verso ii. 'Gedanken z u m Thema "Lehre-Testament-Grab-Name"'. 129-30. 'Ancient Egyptian Rhetoric'. Königsnovellen and autobiographies. the texts often display a more self-conscious treatment of style than is found in other genres. Also M.4). 9-22. which are 'elemental not generic'. Particularly significant in this respect is that the narrative genre and wisdom genres show a tendency to incorporate one another. in E . where the plot is motivated by the production of the text itself: the tale describes its own making and its own eloquence. Framing devices and the inclusion of numerous genres are phenomena which often occur together: s e e Fowler (n. The royal eulogy. and play a more fundamental rôle in patterning texts. 399. 6 above). which is a formal indication that they are compatible and were regarded as a group in terms of literary decorum. See Kaplony (n. 370-1. Blumenthal (see v below). The Tale of the Eloquent Peasant is perhaps the supreme example. Yet the texts of the corpus display this capacity for mixing and cross-fertilisation to a unique degree: compare the richness of the tale of Sinuhe with the much more restricted range of genres included in an actual autobiography of the early 12th dynasty. 82-3. It is not a term for exclusively 'rhetorical virtue'. A term which was often applied to the wisdom discourses is mdt-nfrt. while the importance of framing devices has already been noted. relates to style. s e e J. to content. and the Tale of the Court of Cheops consists chiefly of a tale about the telling of various tales. Bergman. Assmann. seems to be more strongly present in the corpus than in other genres. not only about teaching (e. is a genre known from hymns. and the Tale of Sinuhe. ed.B. 1 above). 12-3. There is a tendency to bipartite structures. TO For the eulogy-genre. The structures of many tales show the same concern with their own style and form: the Tale of the Shipwrecked Sailor is a tale of a tale told by a sailor of a tale told to him. This capacity. also occur within other genres. such as the 'Loyalist' Teaching. 48.). recto 1-9). 6 above).g. as well as from texts of Posener's corpus. Studien zu altägyptischen Lebenslehren. Hornung & O. for example. Zâba. 3 7 See J. the refrain of this poem is attested elsewhere in a description of the sufferings of the just: "The wise man says "To whom shall I speak today"?' (P. though not always exploited. Berlin 3024 103-30). Posener (see vii below) L'enseignement loyaliste. Any analysis of the style of a past age is problematic. LA Ü". Rhetorica 1 (1983). however. Keel (ed. The Words of Khakheperresoneb is not unique in its selfconcern (BM 5645. 624-5). The interweaving and flexibility of genres. V . One poem in the Dialogue of a Man and his Ba is similarly devoted to the problem of finding an audience for the speaker's formulations of woe (P.566) but also about how it is to be received and retold to future generations (e. Fox. 40-6. ZÄS 111 (1984). 73-104 ( O B O 28. 95-9. 235-7. Likewise. 1979). Ramesseum II. Parkinson 100 combined extensively but so are the two 'representational modes' of narrative and discourse. 293-4 on the possible origin of this concept. and to the response evoked by these (see above). .

40 41 42 These genres shared a common context. 1984). as defined by Loprieno: s e e n. 1. occurs in tales and discourses. Posener. this darkness is not simply dismissed. Few texts can be reliably dated by their ostensible historical setting or content. exactly 'contemporary' settings are a very recent phenomenon in fictional narratives. if fictional texts refer to historical information. zur und Struktur ( H Ä B 22. The teachings are. ZÄS 109 (1982). The wisdom texts as a whole are concerned with sages' formulations of the ideal Maat. listed under xix and xxi. Although every complete text offers a positive resolution. in that they display 'the counsel of eternity. The unity of tone. For the motif s e e Blumenthal (see xv below). where vice is simply shunned as a quality which was 'lacking' in the deceased. I suggest that this corpus can be distinguished by the tone in which the genres treat their t o p o i . textual transmission. similarly. in terms of their audience. 2. but also in those which seem 'optimistic' on a superficial reading and which have a positive conclusion. authorship and fictionality. This tonal treatment of topoi is different from the question of 'topos' and 'mimesis'. / the way of living truly / and the traversing to blessedness' (the 'Loyalist' Teaching. ed. I suggest that the settings were either in the past or timeless. for example. but also with its actual embodiment in individual behaviour and experience. Stylistically this can be seen in the frequency of vetitive constructions. The corpus often shows the dark side of human life more fully than other texts. However. Many of its motifs are attested in other types of text. predominantly positive.Teachings. which are uttered in troubled individual and social circumstances. which are in any case arguably fictional. Die Textüberlieferung Qades-Schlacht: Analyse Ramses' II.for example . 4 1 For Königsnovellen see A. which suggests that the genres which Posener grouped together were similarly associated in the institution of Egyptian literature. they dwell on the nature of evil and of the evil-doer. Aspects of the Military Documents of the Ancient Egyptians (Yale Near Eastern Researches 9. 17-21. It is present not only in the so-called 'pessimistic' texts. Baines. by their nature. von der Way. and is deeply problematic in the discourses. Spalinger. THE DATING OF THE CORPUS The question of dating has aroused much discussion and controversy. they do not necessarily present it as literally accurate. this is attainable and unproblematic (if difficult) in the Teachings. together with common formal and stylistic capacities. that of the king's council. which focus attention on the dangers facing the ideal life. such as the Tale of Sinuhe or that of the Shipwrecked Sailor.6-8). far more than . 1982). J. as say commemorative annals do (although standards of historical A later example of how two genres treat the same subject matter in very different ways is that o f the 'Bulletin' and 'Poem' of the Qadesh inscription: see T. Moreover. discourses and tales 101 As well as emphasising this often extreme stylistic self-awareness. the 'mythical' tales seem also to deal with problematic episodes. New Haven: Yale University Press. . also imply that these genres shared a common decorum in these respects. but in the lives of gods. 101-5. and also plays an important rôle in monumental inscriptions. 4 2 S e e the analyses of J.the moralising sections of autobiographies.

as more detailed studies of such phenomena appear. the text has been reassigned to the later 12th dynasty by several analyses. has been challenged repeatedly in critical theory. 'Repères chronologiques de l'histoire rédactionelle des Coffin Texts'. II." p — . 1 above). 'Die Erste Zwischenzeit im Spiegel der pessimistischen Literatur'. 'Königsdogma und Heilserwartung: politische und kultische Chaosbeschreibungen in ägyptischen Texten'. 170-7. Zâba. Junge 'Die Welt der Klagen'. Welleck & A. more specific dating criteria must be sought.g. Vernus and Parkinson listed under xx below. in G.). Compare W. Rather. DE 16 (1990). the assumption that literature is a direct reflection of a historical situation. More generally. Assmann et al. The correlation of textual styles and 'Geist' with specific periods is overschematic. This can be seen in the 'intellectual movement' of the Heracleopolitan period which has been posited on the basis of an essentially undated group of texts.g. An over-literal approach has pervaded much discussion of the 'pessimistic' wisdom texts which treats them as illustrations of the historical chaos of the First Intermediate period. 49 G. The Egyptologist's assumption of historicity also goes against the tendency of many texts to view their subject matter sub specie aeternitatis: Ptahhotep's instructions on etiquette are presented not as specific practical information about the behaviour of the élite at table. 119-22 on 'Geistesgeschichte'. 'Egyptology and Historical Method'. as in Dante's Divina Commedia or Shakespeare's History plays. 48 Berlev. One example from these is the Tale of the Eloquent Peasant which was assigned to this period not only by its setting but also on plausible 'Zeitstil' grounds (such as its attitude to 'greatness'). 276-84. Assmann. Schenkel. in D . recently. W. Apocalypticism in the Mediterranean World and the Near East (Tübingen: Mohr. Parkinson 102 accuracy are notoriously changeable). 46 See Welleck and Warren (n. which underlies the interpretation of texts as political 'propaganda'.R. 142). Actes duXXIXe congrès international des orientalistes: Egyptologie (Paris: L'Asiatèque. Warren Theory of Literature [Harmondsworth: Penguin. in J. As Björkman and van der Pias have argued. The paucity of securely dated literary texts makes the identification of 'Zeitstil' particularly hazardous. 2 above). JEOL 2 4 (1975-6). Barta. 1977). the presentation is shaped by artistic ends. CrSu 13 (1964). 1975). 9-23. Ä A 48]. 44 E. 49-56. 50-61. Linguistic and philological features are perhaps becoming the most important criteria.35-6). however. Björkman. GM 73 (1984). Statements of cultural and ideological value are different from 'propaganda' in a narrow sense. 1962]. van der Pias. especially if this is then to be used to date other texts. Posener (ed. 1983). It is uncertain how appropriate a loosely defined concept of political 'propaganda' is to the social context o f Egyptian literature: S. both literary and non-literary. 98-103. — -nr — . 92. F. 345-77. Quirke. Fragen an die altägyptische Literatur: Studien zum Gedenken an Eberhard Otto (Wiesbaden: Reichert. although they must be assessed within the framework of the individual composition. 193. The names and titles of non-royal protagonists also offer valuable specific 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 ™ Olsen (n. 170-4. Loprieno. 47 E. 4 4 above).). These criteria should allow comparison with other more securely dated evidence. [Review of A. in a broader sense one might affirm that 'all artists are propagandists' (R. Jefferson and Robey (n. (ed. Hellholm (ed.B. . 45 Against this fallacy see for example. D .). 'On Criteria for the Dating of Egyptian texts'. but because 'eating bread is according to the council of god' (ed.

need not be related to an early date in the evolution of literary form.. Burkard. Textkritische Untersuchungen zu altägyptischen Weisheitslehren des Alten und Mittleren Reiches [ Ä A 3 4 . 246-7. which could be earlier than the 12th dynasty. linguistic evidence may be more reliable. discourses and tales 103 evidence. Prisse.77. 1967]. and it is reasonable hypothesis that those Middle Kingdom compositions which show 'Ramessid features' such as an apparently close relation to folklore. 298-9.Teachings. These features provide a broad framework for dating. Both the teachings it contains are set in the Old Kingdom and are written in an older style of hieratic. rather than the date when they were copied. in all but one manuscript. Daumas (1986 in iii below). Dévaud. 5 1 Assmann (n. are later than those which do not. Fecht's analysis of the metrical patterning of texts has gained widespread acceptance. id. A useful summary is G. xxxiii to the 18th dynasty. 125 n. N o full analysis o f Old Egyptian metre is published. However such a phenomenon as Old Kingdom metre could be archaising (compare representational art). I consider Dévaud's judgement correct. Fs. which contains the only copy of the Teaching with Old Kingdom metre. For the other end of the period. . The text for which the earliest date can be plausibly proposed thus is the problematic Kemit. but can be more comprehensively attained in metre than in the linguistic idiom of a whole text. 53 See the remarks of E. and he has proposed a clear distinction between Old and Middle Kingdom metre. 50 At present. although assessments of a text's general tone and content (such as its treatment of loyalism or of predestination) are often dangerously impressionistic. H e assigns xxvi. Later examples of archaising script are listed by Kaplony (n. For Ptahhotep see Fecht. Assmann has summarised the contrasting features of Middle Kingdom and Ramessid literature. which is convincing enough to have misled Möller at first. into Middle Kingdom metre. 'Prosodie'. Its unusual epistolary form. Fecht. L'âge des papyrus égyptiens hiératiques d'après les graphies de certains mots (de la Xlle dynastie à la fin de la XVIIIe dynastie (Paris: Geuthner. 19 above). whereas I place them at the end of the Middle Kingdom. Two aspects of literary form have been considered in connection with this: metre and quotations. He has used this distinction to posit that an Old Kingdom archetype for the Teaching of Ptahhotep was later translated into Middle Egyptian and. 337). a notable exception is Blumenthal's study of Ptahhotep. 11. 109. no reliable analysis of the evolution of literary form can be provided. however. 1924). 1 9 7 7 ] . 48-9. for example. the metre could reflect the setting rather than the date when they were composed. 1127-54. xxix-xxx. Thus. The increased length of the Ramessid texts offers a possible dating criterion. and I prefer to regard the Teaching of 51 52 53 Listed under iii. LA IV. Archaising can affect all criteria.1). The script reflects the settings of the texts. The potential evidence of the link between the formulae of wisdom literature and datable texts such as autobiographies remains to be fully exploited. Literarische Zeugnisse zur 'Persönlichen Frömmigkeit' in Ägypten: Analyse der Beispiele aus den ramessidischen Schulpapyri ( A H A W 1965. Seibert Die Charakteristik: Untersuchungen zu einer altägyptischen Sprechsitte und ihren Ausprägungen in Folklore und Literatur I Philologische Bearbeitung der Bezeugungen [Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. as can the incidental background information in a text. 6 8 n. Prisse remains controversial (see. although the date of P. 1 above). G. A palpable example of literary archaism is the script of the late 12th dynasty P.

C.104 R.i i i H. formulae which were standardised in relation to motifs. W. Ong. Since the totality of literature was comparatively small. Hornung & O. 60-70. Guglielmi.B. but explicitly marked examples are very rare. Brunner. and which the quoted. On formulae in literature see W. 'Zur Adaption und Funktion von Zitaten'. 'Zitate aus Lebenslehren'. 34-6. J. 1982).). 153-60. Eyre (n. 347-64. The usage of supposed quotations to establish a comparative chronology of texts also ignores the difficulties of telling which text is the quoter. Quotations have attracted discussion. Orality and Literacy: the Technologizing of the Word ( N e w Accents. Keel (ed. J. similarities between different compositions are in my view more likely to be reflections of a common literary phraseology. However. 105-71. . London: Methuen. SAK 11 (1984). 23-7. 54 . 11 above). even without marking the allusion. in E. it is plausible that a text could have alluded specifically to the words of another text. Studien zu altägyptischen Lebenslehren ( O B O 28. 1979). rather than a partially modernised Old Kingdom text. Parkinson Ptahhotep as a Middle Kingdom composition written in an archaising style.

Each entry provides brief details of the manuscripts (especially when only one is known). and only eight texts are complete. and of the date of the setting.H. despite the composition's recorded fame (see P. in the order: Teachings. Kagemni is almost certainly the pupil rather than the teacher. It remains to stress how partial and fragmentary our sources still are. Schrift und Gedächtnis: Archäologie der literarischen Kommunikation Beiträge zur (Munich: Fink.) Lexikon der Ägyptologie. 55 i The Teaching for Kagemni (2) The final section of this wisdom text is preserved on the first two columns of the late 12th dynasty P. The date is very uncertain.22). WZKM 63/4 (1972). although low dates. P. Reconstructions include those o f J.Teachings. Dialogues and Tales (Posener's numbers are provided in parenthesis). It is attributed to an attested historical figure of the 4th dynasty. Chester Beatty verso 3. T o d und Identität' in A Assmann et al. (ed. are becoming more generally accepted. 49 above). and was perhaps based on the historical vizier Kagemni of the 6th dynasty who was revered in the early Middle Kingdom. which accord with critical theory and which allow convincing reconstructions of the evolution of literary form. 5 6 It is uncertain what form the name would have taken in Middle Kingdom manuscripts: Hr-dd=f is the form of the name in P. and these provide an incomplete text. For bibliography. Snefru. 5 7 J. W. 980-82. Prisse (see n. P. Helck et al. discourses and tales 105 CATALOGUE OF TEXTS The dating of the corpus is still uncertain. and may be identified with Kaires(u) (see below). W. despite the great achievements of Posener's researches. 49-51. Only fifteen of the texts listed here are known from manuscripts of the 12th dynasty. 'Zur Frage der Entstehung der ägyptischen Literatur'. omitted and subsequent important articles are also listed. A. Anastasi I 11. LÀ I. 'Schrift. Assmann. 6. Westcar (e. 1099.g. Helck. 'The Instruction addressed to Kagemni and his Brethren'. This list makes no claims to completeness: I have passed over the many New Kingdom ostraca with unidentified literary texts. (ed. together with a narrative conclusion in which a Kagemni becomes vizier under the new king. 6-26. Barta. Gardiner.).5). Remarks on the date of composition have been left imprecise. van Beckerath. references are given to a primary publication. ii The Teaching of Hordedef 5 6 (3) Only copies from the Ramessid period survive. of the form and completeness of the preserved text. 41). 53 above). and to the relevant entries in W. Thus this catalogue is arranged by genre rather than by date. 1983). and later renowned for wisdom apart from this teaching. 64-93.1-2. The son for whom he makes the teaching is otherwise 57 On low dates see. . The father was probably a vizier. with a few exceptions. Discourses. van der Pias (n. for example. Words. 71-4. of which not enough is preserved to guarantee an attribution to the Middle Kingdom. while Hr-dd=f occurs on a Middle Kingdom graffito (BSFE 16 [1954].6-7. who was revered from the late Old Kingdom. LÄ III. Harris 500 6. JEA 3 2 (1946).

while the other (LI) is essentially that found in a late 18th dynasty papyrus (L2). there is a narrative prologue. it must come from the very start of the Middle Kingdom. Goedicke. the King's son. followed by 37 maxims with a reflective epilogue. 1181. beloved of the god. LÀ IV. the career of the first would fit the setting more exactly. named Au{t}ibre. excellent for him who shall hear it. 1977. the god's father.B. 1956. Prague: Académie tchécoslovaque des sciences. 989-91. but although the song may be from the Middle Kingdom. 97-102. LÀ II. Ramessid copies are also known. zu altägyptischen Weisheitslehren des Alten und Mittleren Reiches. Posener. Les maximes de Ptahhotep. 978-80. W. Harris. Textkritische Untersuchungen Ä A 34. Prisse (P) is complete. Helck. 1976. see. E. Hordedef for his son. Dév. 975-6. The date is very uncertain. H. originated under a king Intef of the 11th dynasty. H. however. G. Max. that date is probably fictional. the Vizier Ptahhotep. Section de la linguistique et de la littérature.106 R. 1984). G. If the Harpist's Song of P. and two historical viziers Ptahhotep (I and II) are known from that time. and he may have been the basis for the character here. 1-24. ZÄS 113 (1986). iii The Teaching of Ptahhotep (4) Two distinct versions of this composition are attested from the second half of the 12th dynasty (P and LI). whom he nurtured. LÀ HI. Only the version preserved in P. however. Brunner. 2-4. 596-8. Fecht. to be the standard of perfect speech. 92-103. 'Eobèse de Ptahhotep et de Samuel'. as teaching the ignorant to be wise. or that the text originated in the Old Kingdom. Martin-Pardey. 'Ptahhotep und die Disputierer (Lehre des Ptahhotep nach Pap. Die Lehre des Djedefhor und die Lehre eines Vaters an seinem Sohn (KÄT. The teaching is set in the old age of Ptahhotep during the reign of Isesi. JARCE 6 (1967). 60-83)'. Burkard. C. 'Unrecognized Spottings'. Prisse. Z. In the complete copy. the Overseer of the City. ? Both of their tombs may show signs o f later reverence ( P M III . Zâba. Parkinson unknown: Beginning of the Teaching made by the Patrician and Count. The text begins: 59 The Teaching of the Overseer of the City. the Vizier Ptahhotep and after the scene-setting prologue the maxims are entitled: Beginning of the phrases of perfect speech spoken by the Patrician and Count. which cites Hordedef. baneful to him who shall transgress it. Assmann. Cannuyer. 600-5). LÀ III. this divergence need not imply that there was a long period of transmission before then. . 58 G. 5 8 59 See J.

RdE 25 (1973). but he could have been a fictional sage known from the Teaching of Khety (q.). 986-9. 6 1 6 2 S e e Lopez (n. unless the goose-sign can be connected with the title. the Lord to the Limit. E. 227-51. 13. ZÄS 107 (1980). 37-47. but preserved only in New Kingdom copies. 2 0 above). although his position in the Herakleopolitan dynasties is unsure. 'Die Lehre für König Merikare'. 1977. The identity of the teacher is uncertain: 60 [Beginning of the Teaching made by the Dual K i n g ( ? ) 61 Khet]y for his son Merikare. Posener. Blumenthal. Chester Beatty IV (verso 6.v. Osing & G. Fecht. Blumenthal. According to a prayer for the scribe Khety in P.6). with corrections on a sheet with MDAIK 3 8 (1982). 178-91. Khety is also listed among other sages in P. 6 0 above). It is entitled: Beginning of the Teaching made by the person of the Dual King: Sehotepibre. The king Merikare named in the title is attested.).11-14). Lopez. but the identification with Nb-k3w-r' is no more than a plausible hypothesis. which is known only from New Kingdom papyri. W. discourses and tales 107 MDAIK 37 (1981). The date of the composition is probably post-Heracleopolitan. Guillamont (ed. Hommages à François Daumas. the n a m e must be the unattested Sakhety. 'Ptahhotep und das Alter'. Helck 25i). Sprache und Kunst des alten Ägypten. Helck. ST"? . 1986). as he spoke in a revelation to his son. P. or the patronym 'Khety's son' (which would be without parallel o n the rest of the fragment). Form und Mass: Beiträge zur Literatur. in A. Chester Beatty IV (verso 3. v The Teaching of Amenemhat I (23) The text is complete. G. 19-30. Son of Re: Amenemhat. Die Lehre für König Merikare.). 'Eloquence et politique: l'opinion d'Akhtoy'. The reading [Ht]jj is defensible. (Montpellier: Université de Montpellier. G. H e probably does not figure o n the Daressy Fragment (see n. true of voice. Festschrift für Gerhard Fecht ( Ä U A T 12. an error for ' < X ' s > son Khety*. 5-41. 9. to whom the 62 T h e matter is very cautiously discussed by J. Derchain. LÄ III. 1987). ZÄS 115 (1988). Burkard. 14) und das Alter der Lehre'. KÄT. 143-150. The text implies that the author is a successor of a king Mrj-[jb(?)]r' (ed. 84-97. and therefore has been assigned to the reign of Senwosret I or later. I. 'Ptahhotep und der "Stab des Alters'". is complete. G. Dreyer (ed.Teachings. There is mention o f a Master o f Largesse (hj-wdb) s3 Htj. 186-7. iv The Teaching for Merikare (10) The body of the text. 'L'auteur de l'Enseignement pour Merikare'. RdE 40 (1989). in J. the Teaching was composed by him after the death of the king. He was perhaps a historical figure. 'Cruces Interpretum in der Lehre des Ptahhotep (Maximen 7. E. although the start is extremely fragmentary.

H. SAK 10 (1983). He could also have been a fictional sage. Ä A 34. 63-9 (esp. 1970]. vii The 'Loyalist' Teaching (27 + 33-4) Although the complete text is known only from New Kingdom copies. Thus. H. Milan: La Goliardica. Vercoutter (ed. 1988. G.. H. 104-15. San Antonio: van Sielen Books. 85-107. Fischer-Elfert.. 1977. 57048. 968-71. 57126. 1978-84) III. GM 70 (1984). Although the text is complete. J. nos. 112 (1985). passim. Livre du 1880-1980 (MIFAO 104. The Report about the Dispute of a Man and his Ba (P Berlin 3024) [Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Lopez. The scene of the teaching is set as Khety takes his son to the school in the Residence: Beginning of the Teaching made by the man of Sile(?) Duaf's son(?) Khety. Goedicke. 63 n. he was presumably the same scribe Khety who is acclaimed as the author of the Teaching of Amenemhat in P. Burkard. 'L'auteur de la satire des métiers'. he may have been a historical figure and the actual author of this teaching. named Pepy. 1977-80. H. LÀ III. 57363. Helck. 'Die Lehre des Königs Amenemhet'. Studies in 'the Instruction of King Amenemhet I for his son' (Varia Aegyptiaca Supplement 2). 1978-84) III. 'Ostrakon München AS 396'. 64 vi The Teaching of Duaf s son Khety (22) The earliest copy is from the 18th dynasty. 57023.g.-W. A. Goedicke. 64 Reading of Posener. acclaims Khety as the source of much Middle Kingdom writing. 977-8. 5-8). Centenaire: . nos. 57066. 'La "Satire des Metiers" et les marchands'. J. a similar fate has befallen Shakespeare recently. in particular. DFIFAO 20. W. G. 39-69. 2 vols. von Beckerath. in J. but without valid justification (e. including the name of the protagonist. 57082. W. Helck. Annuaire de l'Institut de Philologe et d'Histoire Orientales et Slaves 15 (1958-60). 57298. for his son. Milan: La Goliardica. Catalogo del Museo Egizio di Turino (2nd ser. 1970.). E.2). Chester Beatty IV (see v above). 55-9. J. KÄT. while more general injunctions form a shorter concluding section. 1980). the corrupt nature of the predominantly Ramessid copies makes its interpretation problematic.108 R. This reflects the uneasiness of a modern scholar faced with the anonymity of the works. Posener. Catalogo del Museo Egizio di Turino (2nd ser. LÄ III. Der Text der 'Lehre Amenemhets I fur seinem Sohn'. Lopez. 57363. E. which would then date to the early 12th dynasty. 1442-1590. KÄT. 'Textkritische Kleinigkeiten zur "Lehre des Amenemhet"'. 1969. Blumenthal. Die Lehre des Dw3-Htjj.B. Parkinson Ramessid scribes attributed another composition. an edited version Khety's corpus has been enlarged by the attributions of modern scholars. 89-90. Textkritische Untersuchungen zu altägyptischen Weisheitslehren des Alten und Mittleren Reiches. ZÄS 111 (1984). If it is 'Duaf's son Khety'. Catalogue des ostraca hiératiques littéraires de Deir el Médineh. Brunner. nos. Blumenthal. The first part comprises a series of satiric descriptions of various professions which advocates the scribal profession. Théodoridès.

almost 'Everyman': Beginning of the Teaching made by a man for his son. H e who is over the secrets of the King. viii The Teaching of a Man for his Son (6 + 26) The Teaching of a Man is preserved in New Kingdom copies only.. discourses and tales 109 of the first half occurs on the Abydos stela of the King's Sealbearer Sehotepibre. the chief of the entire land. 13-25. Helck. Posener. Lopez. E. JEA 6 4 (1978). 197-211. Most of what survives seems to make up a first half which is loyalist in tone. 'Un nouvel ostracon de l'Enseignement loyaliste'. the Sem-priest and Kilt-controller 1 ] as a teaching before his children. J. 57547. Die Lehre des Djedefhor und die Lehre eines Vaters an seinem Sohn (KÄT. Posener. and the Teaching might be of similar date. Milan: La Goliardica. no. no. 'Pour la reconstruction de Renseignement d'un h o m m e à son fils'. G.-L. The second. Gaâl. Lopez. 4c-d). Catalogo del Museo Egizio di Turino (2nd ser. 'Texts of the Egyptian Composition "The Instruction of a Man for his Son" in the Oriental Institute Museum'. Foster. The surviving titles are suggestive of a vizier. 142-3. J. 1977. LA III. 1978-84) III. L'Enseignement loyaliste: sagesse égyptienne du Moyen Empire. This part enjoins loyalty to the king from officials. and perhaps originally longer. 'Zur Datierung der "Lehre eines Mannes an seinen Sohn'". Posener. Helck. Milan: La Goliardica. The date of composition is very uncertain. and the suggestion of the early 12th dynasty is based on a very dubious historical allusion to the death of Senwosret I (ed. while the second half concerns the individual's responsibility to the rest of society. 65 W. Posener. (Centre de recherches d'histoire et de philologie II . Burkard. Chappaz. masr *zamr . 1-5. The structure was probably bipartite. G. pi. BSEG 7 (1982). J. like that of the 'Loyalist' Teaching. beloved of the god. half seems to be concerned more with official conduct than with the king. RdE 36 (1985). 115-19. Textkritische Untersuchungen zu altägyptischen Weisheitslehren des Alten und Mittleren Reiches. although a date in the middle of the dynasty has also been suggested. the god's father. 1976. The stela of Sehotepibre was modelled on that of the Vizier Montuhotep from the start of the 12th dynasty. Catalogo del Museo Egizio di Turino (2nd ser. J. from the reign of Amenemhat III. 1978-84) III. The name of the 'author' was edited out by Sehotepibre. 25-72.. Brunner. and is lost in the later copies: Beginning of the Teaching made by the Patrician and Count. 3-9. G. and remains incomplete. 984-6. 982-3. The title is universalised. 58006. ix The Amherst Wisdom Text (32) The Amherst Papyri included five small fragments in a hand very similar to those from 6 5 H. LA III. G. L. G. Geneva: Droz. 'Eine neues Ostracon zur "Lehre eines Mannes für seinen Sohn"' MDAIK 40 (1984).Teachings. Ä A 34.Hautes études orientales 5). 1984). JNES 45 (1986).

hand. The structure of the whole probably resembled the Words of Neferti. 71-6. pl. 67 66 Speech which reflects the circumstances is also presented favourably in the Semna Stela: K.l H-L. perhaps imprisoned. Hathorhotep's son Sasobek. B M 10751: Frags. to whom the text is addressed. JEA 5 4 (1968). the Sealbearer) and members of his court. the fragments do not belong to any of the other texts. though similar. M. one of which reads 'I shall teach (sb3) you'. but is released on the petition of a dancer of the Count Nefer's son Ineni (who is otherwise unknown). Ägyptische Lesestücke zum Gebrauch im akkademischen Unterricht: Texte des Mittleren Reiches (Leipzig: Hinrichs. Sasobek is in mortal trouble. The bottom half is particularly damaged. one of which mentions 'officials' and another reads '[he who makes] an end for himself . D ) seems to be in a distinct. -6 7 . 66 what was placed before mankind(?). comes the title: The Discourse spoken by the scribe. On this basis the text has been considered a teaching.he is an ignoramus'. After 16 lines of an introductory narrative. in preparation. Oxford. 1). The Amherst papyri will be included in a new catalogue to be published by the Pierpont Morgan Library. Parts of three lines are preserved. The date is very uncertain. of which a large proportion may be missing.R. B. They preserve parts of at least nine lines. it was probably Ineni (or his representative. This is presumably from the Ramesseum library. Sethe. xi The Discourse of Sasobek (29) This discourse is preserved in a very fragmentary manuscript from the Ramesseum library (P. as his mouth turned according to what o c c u r r e d . The hand suggests that the copy dates to the Hyksos period. J. not mentioned by Barns or Gardiner.2. and is apparently part of an apparently otherwise unknown text. In the introduction. Westcar. The date is uncertain. and probably coming from the same source. 'A New Wisdom Text from a Writing Board in Oxford'. His subsequent speech seems similar in tone and subject to the petitions of the eloquent peasant. 1924). The Amherst papyri (London: Quaritch. Newberry.B. has seven lines of text on each side. x The Oxford Wisdom Text A fragmentary writing board in the Ashmolean Museum. This phrase suggests that it is part of a discourse or teaching. Barns. and both presumably contain the same text. To judge by the hand. the lines on the other side are more didactic and less reflective. The audience of his discourse is referred to in both the second person singular and plural. but parts of at least 162 lines remain. Both sides were written by the same hand. Ramesseum I). xib A Ramesseum Fragment: A small fragment mounted in the same frames as the Discourse of Sasobek (P. from the second half of the 12th dynasty. copied in the second half of the 12th dynasty. It is unknown how much is lost. 1899). Parkinson 110 the 'Berlin library'. which seems to be either a discourse or a teaching. P. although there was at least one narrative interlude (C ii. W. a date similar to that of P. One side concerns the relationship of the 'god' (king) with the duties of an official. 84 1. The language is classical Middle Egyptian.

pi. 'Fragments of Old Egyptian Stories from the B M and Amherst Collections'. Nine lines are missing from the start of P. . Stele U C 14. W. The style of the discourse resembles that of the petitions of the eloquent peasant. see n. MDAIK 25 (1969). He is also depicted with the title 'lector-priest' on the 'Daressy Fragment' (see n. Deir el-Medineh 27. PN I. and which is almost certainly the same composition.] in Retenu. Butler. A new edition of the Ramesseum Papyri is planned by the British Museum. The date is very uncertain. The text is arranged into three paragraphs. He is apparently '[. which were copied at different times on the front of the board. Necterlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten Leiden . xiii The Discourse of the Fowler (31 + 12) The start of this text is preserved on the verso of the same manuscript as the preceding. which begins: Beginning of the Discourse spoken by the priest of Sekhmet. xiv The Words of Khakheperresoneb (25) The text is known only from an 18th dynasty writing board (BM 5645). while the protagonist is acclaimed in P. after three lines (and a small additional fragment). 18. A title and traces of an introductory prologue are preserved: The Beginning of the Discourse spoken by Hori's son. At this point the manuscript breaks off. 'Fragment littéraire de Moscou.1695). 68 The name Iuru is attested in the 12th dynasty.11 cites o n e example.Pushkin Museum of Fine Arts . Rensoneb. His name indicates that the text cannot predate the reign of Senwosret II.Nederland . It shows strong signs of being a selection only. 101-6. 451-72. lacks any colophon. discourses and tales 111 J. named Iuru. 20 above). . 458. Five Ramessewn Papyri (Oxford: University Press. to include P. Butler (P. PSBA 14 (1982). 'Fragment littéraire de Moscou'. GM 111 (1989).430 und P. Barns. . xii The Discourse of Rensoneb (30) This is known only from an incomplete manuscript from the second half of the 12th dynasty (P. I-I. F. Fischer-Elfert 'Der ehebrecherische Sohn (P. Its partial nature may be alluded to in the title as given in the copy: 68 Ranke. Posener.Teachings. and comprises four lines. Butler verso)'. 1-10. Chester Beatty IV (verso 3. who was summoned after he had been in the palace. Butler. and one on the back. 1956). MDAIK 25 (1969). 1-16. LI. 21 above). B. G.-W. Posener. Griffith. 23-6. G. and.7.he is a fowler (h3mw) of the Southern City. Moscow . pi. in the following of the Overseer of Sealbearers. 3-[5]. A British Museum catalogue of Middle Kingdom papyri is planned. The verso of P. 101-6. SenebtifP. of which the last has been partially erased like the subsequent lines. BM 10274) contains 39 numbered lines of a discourse which is spoken by a fowler. perhaps significantly.

1. and 'takes concern for the events of the land. Leiden 1. KÄT. of c. from a Hieratic Papyrus in Leiden Hinrichs. 'The Burden of Kha'kheperre'sonbu'. who is given no title. . On the basis of the eulogy of Ameny / Amenemhat I the composition has been assigned to his reign or shortly afterwards.R. The identity of the Lord is uncertain. Ockinga. and choice phrases (tsw)'. Helck.B. W. There is a narrative introduction set in the court of Snefru. Seny's son xv The Words of Neferti (24) The text is completely preserved in New Kingdom copies only. DasAmduat: verborgenen Raumes III Die Kurzfassung [Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. 1970. One of these days . There is no epilogue. the earliest being from the 18th dynasty. pi. This chaos will be ended by the arrival of a king called Ameny. The same word is used of the short 'abstract' of the Amduat (Hornung. Die Prophezeiung der Nfr. was benevolent king in this entire land. 977. LÀ I. E. 95-110. made by the priest of Heliopolis. containing 17 columns. JEA 6 9 (1983).13. Gardiner. 16. 'The History in the Prophecies of Noferti: Relationship between the Egyptian Wisdom and Prophecy Literatures'. although last lines allude to Neferti's future fame. the seeking out of utterances Qinw) with heart searching. Foti. 1-27. H. 3-18. ZÄS 109 (1982). who is usually identified with Amenemhat I. which is addressed to his unresponsive heart (a dialogue manqué. Otto. 'Die Prophezeiung des Neferti'. who replies with at least two speech (15.344 recto). (Leipzig: B. A. die Schrift des . true of voice. . Neferti is asked for 'a few perfect words (mdwt-nfrwf). verso 3. 1967].who is also addressed (e. which is attested in P. Chester Beatty IV. W. 7. E.perhaps the Lord's entourage . Blumenthal. LÀ TV. It is uncertain how many columns are lost at the end. 380-81. The date of composition is much disputed. the gathering of phrases (tsw). He responds with a lament for a chaotic period.1). which begins: It happened that the Person of the Dual King Snefru. As it stands internal evidence suggests the 13th dynasty. The Admonitions of an Ancient Egyptian Sage. E. is addressing the 'Lord to the Limit'. StudAeg 2 (1976).g. L. The Dialogue takes place before an audience . as it were). The great lector priest of Bastet. It is a reflective lament about 'these things which are throughout the land' (verso 1). called Ankhu. xvi The Dialogue of Ipuur and the Lord to the Limit (8) This dialogue is known from a fragmentary 19th dynasty manuscript. 88-95. The text is a lament about the state of the land: Ipuur. Parkinson 112 The selection of words. 14 lines each (P. 896-7.6. but the text's concerns are theodic even if the Lord is not himself divine. LÄ III. 36). Blumenthal. Helck. 1909). at least one is missing from the start. 17-18. although the text has been subjected to redactional criticism. / he recalls the state of the east'.11).

Hinrichs. It is a dialogue in various literary styles. G. from the second half of the 12th dynasty. 1981). 50-51. 1. xviii The Maxims of P. Bolshakov. Ipuur' (n. Gardiner. 184. poski. 65-6. BSEG 12 (1988). 11-14. 1-95. E. Barta. Catalogo del Museo Egizio di Turino ser. 7-9. 1-16. 20 above).). 6-15 J. from a Hieratic Papyrus in Leiden (Leipzig: J. Faulkner.I. and has been much analysed. (2nd . The text is complete. xvii The Dialogue of a Man and his Ba (Beacon Hill.early 13th dynasty Papyrus Ramesseum II comprises two fragments. containing six columns which seem from the hand to have been copied at different times.1). O. the divisions between maxims (not metrical lines) are marked by red 'verse points'. A new edition of the Ramesseum Papyri is planned by the British Museum. ' D o e s God Exist?'. LÄ I. 1956). 571-3. JEA 48 (1962). W B. ZÄS 100 (1974). Spiegel. On the verso. O. 19-33. 49-56. Many new readings are supplied by G.0412. 'Der Lebensmüder und sein Ba'. xix The Tale of Sinuhe (14) The composition is preserved in five Middle Kingdom manuscripts (with variants) and over twenty New Kingdom copies. The earliest manuscript is P. 155 lines remain. Fecht. The text is a loose collection of reflective maxims of a generally pessimistic nature. while from the second column of the verso the writing is continuous. Berlin 3022. J. Milan: La Goliardica. H. 6238). Young (ed. Five Ramesseum Papyri (Oxford: University Press. JEA 4 2 (1956). A. but a brief statement as prologue. (7) The dialogue is preserved in papyrus from mid-12th dynasty 'Berlin' library (P. Fecht. Williams. Barns. 1984). M.1. SAK 1 (1974). Renaud. between a man (the 'Lebensmüder') and his b3 on the nature of death. each maxim is written on a separate line. (59) The late 12th .W. 'O dialogizme "spora cheloveka i ba'". 71-5. discourses and tales 113 The sage is mentioned on the 'Daressy Fragment' as 'the Overseer of Singers. not seen]. "The Man who was Tired of Life'. 'Reflections on the Lebensmüde'. 'Das Gespräch des Ipuwer mit dem Schöpfergott'. 'Ägyptische Zweifel am Sinn des Opfers'. which is recounted by the unnamed man. pi. 1909). O. Gilula. such as occurs in the New Kingdom 'Dialogue of the Head and Belly'. The Admonitions of an Ancient Egyptian Sage. Ü. A H A W 1972. it is unlikely to be an abstract of a single unitary text.4. R. in D. Studies Presented to Hans Jakob Polotsky MA: Pirtle & Polsen. including the end of the composition. Brunner-Traut. J. 17-29 \AEB 85. its / u Turin Writing Tablet 58004 ( = Cat. at least half a sheet is lost. . 21-40. On the recto. pi. 390-400. J. Ramesseum II Vostoka: problemi. which would have contained around 35 lines.Teachings. There was probably no title.. ZÄS 94 (1967). in Kultumoe Nasledie suzhdeniya (Leningrad: Nauka. pi. A. Der Vorwurf an Gott in den 'Mahnworten des Ipu-wer'. Osing. Lopez. 6-16. This is the earliest attestation of 'verse points'. Berlin 3024).possibly one and a half sheets. At the beginning. See J. It seems to take place before an audience of accessors (addressed in the plural in 1. 'Ipouer le mal-aimé'. 70 R.C. W. LÄ II. 1985).

JEA 68 (1982). as such. 'Interpreting Sinuhe'. GM 70 (1984). Goedicke. Goedicke. The Ashmolean Ostracon of Sinuhe. 95-103. 1983). Israelit-Groll (ed. ZÄS 117 (1990). 264-348. London: Oxford University Press for Griffith Institute. M. 38-59. Middle-Egyptian Stories ( B A e 2. VA 4 (1988). Görg (ed. J. Festschrift Jürgen von Beckerath: zum 70. in M. Patané. DE 4 (1986).). L. Eggebrecht (ed. P. 197-201. I. 'Three Passages in the Story of Sinuhe'. "The Syrian and Lebanese Topographical Data in the Story of Sinuhe'. Fontes atque Pontes: eine Festgabe für Hellmut Brunner ( Ä U A T 5.. M.n=f m the Story of Sinuhe and the Theory of Nominal (emphatic) Verbs'. ibid. W. J. Studies in Egyptology Presented to Miriam Lichtheim (Jerusalem: Hebrew University. in F. Barns. JARCE 21 (1984). 5-28. Governor of the domains of the Sovereign in the lands of the Asiatics the true acquaintance of the king. G. Berg 'Note on Sinuhe B 5-7'. 'Note à propos de Sinouhé B 133-4. 'Cleaning up Sinuhe'.R. Baines.). 'Die Rubren in der Überlieferung der Sinuhe-Erzählung'. 11-3. 'Quelques remarques sur Sinouhé'. Topos und Mimesis: zum Ausländer in der ägyptischen Literatur M. Koch. Geburtstag am 19.). Derchain. 1932). A. GM 8 8 (1985). 167-74. Assmann. 'Sinuhe's Self-Realization (Sinuhe B 113-27)'. 'Sinuhe's Foreign Wife (reconsidered)'. Green. "The Riddle of Sinuhe's Right'. there is no title: The Patrician and Count. 'Der "Vorwurf an Gott" in der Lebensgeschichte des Sinuhe'. The setting and the eulogistic elements may suggest that it was composed shortly after the reign of Senwosret I. Green. JARCE 23 (1986). 42-6 M. H. The narrative is introduced as the autobiography of a courtier whose service began under Amenemhat I. 1952 W. the follower Sinuhe. A. H. Schmitz and A. H. Théodoridès. says: The first person narrative includes a particularly rich variety of other genres. Allam. Barta. Loprieno. C. CdE 5 8 (1983). G. Goedicke. Cannuyer. Greig. RdE 35 (1984). J. Goedicke.). 'Essai de réconstitution de la composition de l'Histoire de Sinouhé'. ( Ä A 48. H. 11-3. 41-59. 201-6.B. 7-13. Orient. 27-29. in M. J. S.)'. 'Sinuhe's Duel'. in S. GM 79 (1984). and. LÀ V. 'Zu Sinuhes Zweikampf mit d e m Starken von Retjenu'. W. for the Fondation Egyptologique Reine Elisabeth (1990). 960-65. Goedicke. Junge (ed. 'Eamnistie et la raison d'état dans les 'Aventures de Sinouhé' (début du Ile millénaire av. SAK 12 (1985). Blackman. Goedicke. A new synoptic edition is in press by R. D . 1990). 129-39. 31-44 (with recent bibliography). H. M. 'The Encomium of Sesostris III'.-C. 'Sinuhe's Foreign Wife'. A. 15-6. H. E. Koyama. Simpson. RIDA 31 (1984). 1984). BSEG 13 (1989). Goedicke. 103-7. JSSEA 12 (1982). S. Foster. 1 9 9 0 ) . . at the expense of other less accessible works. Februar 1990 ( H Ä B 3 0 . 131-3. Tokyo 18 (1982). w h o m he loves. J. Fecht. Parkinson 114 tale of voluntary exile and return under Senwosret I is widely valued as the masterpiece of Middle Kingdom literature. 21-7. 'Sinouhé et Ammounech'. H. Görg (ed. BSEG 9-10 (1984-5).). GM 87 (1985). B. 'The word ng3w in Sinuhe B 13'. 465-84. K. 18-41. 'Sinuhes Zweikampf als Handlungskern des dritten Kapitels des Sinuhes-'Romans"'. 75-144. 41-64. Studien zu Sprache und Religion Ägyptens zu Ehren von Wölfhart Westendorf"(Güttingen. 1988). in B. Blumenthal. 81-5. 'The sdm=f and sdm. 1-41. 'Readings V: Sinuhe B 10'.

Blackman. P. Fecht. J. W. in J. Baines. I. 1913. which is a mock titulary similar to that of Senwosret II. there is nothing lost before this. Semantics and Physics: the Shipwrecked Sailor's Fire'. which occupy most of the composition.) Fragen an die altägyptische Literatur: Studien zum Gedenken an Eberhard Otto (Wiesbaden: Reichert. The tale begins: There was a man called Khunanup Within an ironic narrative are set nine discursive petitions on the nature of Maat. W. 95-9. Berlin 3023. H. Groll (ed. Various factors suggest that the Tale was composed in the mid-12th dynasty.keine Halbinsel!'. Bulletin.Teachings. Théodoridès. A. Israelit-Groll (ed. B. in S. 1056-64. of which two also contain the Tale of Sinuhe. The structure involves a tale within a tale. Assmann et al. Association Montoise dEgyptologie 1. 1990). 619-22. Israelit-Groll (ed. 503-9. Berg. 'Die "Geschichte des Schiffbrüchigen" . [11-9].2 (1990). 'Interpreting the Story of the Shipwrecked Sailor'. K. D . Vandersleyen. 'Syntax. xxi The Tale of the Shipwrecked Sailor (15) This is preserved in one manuscript. C. in S. 'La Date du Paysan Eloquent'. Miscellanea Aegyptologica: Wolfgang Helck zum 75.). Middle Egyptian Stories ( B A e 2. 1977). JARCE 12 (1975). It is a first person narrative. 'The Wages of the Eloquent Peasant'. Berlev. 1989). The narrative. II.). 5 8 = R 101'. Leningrad 1115). R. 'Sur une théorie du droit à la vie par la propriété privée'. Westendorf. 1019-24. 1990). Studies in Egyptology Presented to Miriam Lichtheim (Jerusalem: Hebrew University. from the second half of the 12th dynasty (P. told by a serpent. 168-70. 41-8. Sprache und Kunst des alten Ägypten. II. LÄ V. JEA 76 (1990). Altenmüller. Studies in Egyptology Presented to Miriam Lichtheim (Jerusalem: Hebrew University. Vogelsang. 3025). R. (ed. 1987). which is introduced thus: Speech by an excellent follower: Although the preceding margin is unusually narrow. U G A Ä 6. A M. discourses and tales 115 xx The Tale of the Eloquent Peasant (11) The complete text is known from four Middle Kingdom manuscripts. G. Westendorf. II. Kommentar zu den Klagen des Bauern. Form und Mass: Beiträge zur Literatur. Simpson. The tale ends as the follower relates his lord's laconic and dismissive reply. J. LÄ I. The Tale of the Eloquent Peasant. 'The Date of the "Eloquent Peasant'". 1033-47. JEA 76 (1990). Parkinson. ostensibly a simple tale of adventure. F. 'Das strandende Schiff: zur Lesung und Übersetzung von Bauer B l . The earliest are the two partial copies from 'Berlin library' of the second half of the 12th dynasty. O. Oxford: Griffith Institute.). W. Festschrift fur Gerhard Fecht ( Ä U A T 12. with bibliography). 55-72 (with recent bibliography). Simpson. 1990). Leprohon. however. is the mode which determines the meaning of the whole as an allusive theodicy. . Altenmüller & R. Vernus. GM 120 (1990).). Geburtstag (Hamburg Archäologisches Institut. 'Die Insel des Schiffbrüchigen . 'The Political Background of the Eloquent Peasant'. W. which present slightly different versions (P. 638-51. K. in H.ein Aufruf zum Loyalismus?'. 7-21. Germer (ed. a more precise date may be provided by Bl 65-8. in press (synoptic text edition. in Osing and Dreyer. 1932). 'Bauerngeschichte'. D . 'En relisant le Naufragé'. Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam Lichtheim (Jerusalem: Hebrew University. 97-8. in S. 7 8 83.

The Tale ends with his burial (11.R. 1 2 2 3 4 . perhaps a 'district overseer' (1. 16-17. . but he is unlikely to have been the main protagonist. 'Papyrus Lythgoe: a Fragment of a Literary Text of the Middle Kingdom from el-Lisht'. . 244-66. apparently of a literary character. these may belong to this text or to others as yet unknown (S. The hand is from the second half of the 12th dynasty.180. Neither vizier is historically attested. 'The Story of the Herdsman'. 25). 72 There are additional unpublished fragments. pi. and the verso includes an episode of violence. 1909). A.l verso). 'Hirtengeschichte 17-22 = CT VII 36m-r'. personal communication). GM 26 (1978). Griffith. Lythgoe and Ostr. the name Hay occurs twice. Die Erzählung des Sinuhe und die Hirtengeschichte (Literarische Texte des Mittleren Reiches II. in the London group of el-Lahun papyri. and with the resolution of a conflict. 65-70. This might suggest a setting in Old Kingdom Memphis. A Vizier Wehau is. M. it is uncertain how much has been lost before and after these. 15. MMA 09. LÀ IV. Parts of one and a half columns are preserved. J. 23). Recto and verso each contain 11 lines of narrative text. 4. Hieratic Papyri from Kahun and Gurob (London: Quaritch. I. 722. Ll. A Hitherto Unrecognised Metaphor of Death in Papyrus Berlin 3024'. Ogdon. JEA 46 (I960). similar to that of the Tale of Neferkare and Sasenet. 19-21). CdE 45 (1970). mentioned in a N e w Kingdom list of otherwise unknown and presumably fictitious officials: W. xxiii The Tale of P. Four lines were erased at start and four at the end. 71 W. ] ' and a 'field of the vizier Wehau'. 'The Vizier Weha'u in P. 6. and presumably form part of a single composition. W Helck. H. LÀ II. Drenkhahn. 21-2.B. Lythgoe This fragmentary manuscript from Lisht can be dated by the hand to the second half of 12th dynasty (P. 172. Simpson. Gardiner. pl. in an older style than that of the Dialogue. perhaps Pepy II (1. GM 100 (1987). 72 F. Moscow 4478'. The Tale remains unstudied and untranslated. In these. A group of (Hay's?) friends plays a rôle. 4. H. Parkinson 116 xxii The Tale of the Herdsman (16) This fragmentary tale is preserved in the same manuscript as the Dialogue of a Man and his Ba. JEA 4 9 (1963). Goedicke. R. 73-80. and the date of both setting and composition is uncertain. . K. II. on a sheet which was partially cleaned and then added to that roll from another manuscript. On the recto there is mention of 'the Vizier Djefa's son Ne[. Kahun LV. which is probably the work of the protagonist. the recto of which contains hymns to Senwosret III (late 12th dynasty: P. describing in the third person an incident featuring a herdsman who tells of his meeting with a goddess in the marshes. including the colophon. Gilula. 25 lines remain. xxiv The Tale of Hay (20) The conclusion to a third person narrative survives on the fragment of papyrus from elLahun. and there is mention of 'the [pyramid] (?) of Neferkare'. K Simpson. R. however. Leipzig: Hinrichs. Quirke. 1898).535).

LÀ IV. Son of Re: [Pepy]. 15-21. and these open with a series of tales set in various Old Kingdom courts (Djoser. G. . ostracon and writing board from the New Kingdom and Late Period. Posener. . The royal characters are historical (although Prince Bauefre is slightly problematic ). W. Blackman (ed. 744-6. Richter-Aeroe. Snefru). Derchain. After this comes a third person narrative describing the birth of the first three kings of the next dynasty. is tracked by Hent's son Tjeti. while in the Tale the mother is the wife of a priest. RdE 11 ( 1 9 5 7 ) . von Beckerath. 'Deux notules à propos du Papyrus Westcar'. 'Der Kanal der Beiden Fische'. 957. . The non-royal characters are not otherwise known and are presumably fictional: the actual mother of the first two 5th dynasty kings was Khentkaus. V. Rudjdjedet. L Ä I. The names and titles are suggestive of the Middle Kingdom. which suggests that at least two columns are missing. discourses and tales The Tale of the Court of King Cheops (17) XXV The one fragmentary copy of this tale was written in the 15th dynasty (P. DE 16 (1990). Altenmüller. 1988. Davies). The first tale is lost apart from Cheops' response. 223-35. xxvii The Tale of a King and the Ghost of Snefer (64) Four fragments of a late period papyrus amounting to pieces of 22 lines (P. VA 1 (1985). Goedicke. 161-70. The language and style suggests a later date than that of preceding tales. true of voice was beneficent king in this entire land. zur 5. 7 I differ from H . Chassinat II). and may date from the same period or later. Simpson. E. CdE 45 (1970). 77ie Story of King Cheops and the Magicians: Transcribed from Westcar. and the manuscript breaks off in the middle of an incident. Instead of a fourth tale. 119-37. Reading: J V Books. Now . The end is lost. which are told to King Cheops by his sons. That tale was probably introduced by a narrative prologue similar to that of the Words of Neferti. Edel. K. M. LÀ V. There is not necessarily very much missing. perhaps the historical Pepy II. there is a narrative about a wonder done in the presence of Cheops himself. Goedicke. and the king. In style and tone it is reminiscent of the Tale of the Court of Cheops. W.117 Teachings. H. Berlin 3033). who sees Rudjdjedet as a pseudonym in a roman à c/e/:'Die Stellung 4 der Königsmutter Chentkaus beim Ubergang von der 4. Berlin Papyrus 3033. 12 columns survive. VA 2 (1986). Nebka. H. 31-3. E. The beginning is preserved: It happened that the Person of the Dual King: Neferkare. a 'pleader of Memphis' attempts to denounce the general. 73 74 A. P. 600. There is mention of a king and an 'excellent spirit' who identifies himself as 7 3 See J. 'Le Conte de Néferkarè et du general Siséné (Recherches littéraires IV)'. 'Gentlemen's Salutations'. 19-26. The tale is set in Memphis and concerns the affair between a king and his general. GM 8 9 (1986). 'Rudjedet's Delivery'. Dynastie'. xxvi The Tale of King Neferkare and General Sasenet Papyrus (21) Three short episodes are preserved on fragments of a papyrus.

57551-4. Although the letter is a selection of epistolary and didactic formulae. 1 9 5 1 ) . The term can be translated 'Compendium' (referring to its teaching aspect) or 'Fulfilment' (referring to a theme of the narrative). W. 57307-8. is preserved only in these numerous copies. called Au. nos. and more compatible with the epistolary form. . Parkinson 118 'Khentyka's son Snefer' (both names attested in the Old and Middle Kingdoms). Fischer-Elfert. made by the Treasurer Sehotepibreankh. similar to that of the Tale of King Neferkare and General Sasenet.1-3). Posener. The fragments are sufficient to reveal a narrative interspersed with long eulogising speeches.g. 57054. xxix The Account of the Sporting King A late 18th dynasty manuscript contains parts of 18 columns (P. 1590. and is unparalleled. 57545-6. Moscow. 1978-84) III. which is complete. to the king 'Two Ladies: Fisher and Fowler' (B 1. VII)'.10).R. to prosper. Posener. which it must thus predate (ed. pi.. 75 G. LÀ III. 57060. LÀ III. 57448. It is quoted in the Teaching of Khety. 75-82. whom he wishes to live. RdE 12 (1960). Later examples show that the epistolary form occurred in tales and in discourses (e. 383-4. 1977-80).B. 2de). Caminos. xxviii Kemit (13) This letter was used in scribal training in the New Kingdom. It is composed in good late Middle Egyptian. Catalogue des ostraca hiératiques littéraires de Deir el Médineh III (DFIFAO 20. it also forms a first person narrative concerning an errant son. 6-14. Catalogo del Museo Egizio di Turino (2nd ser. the 'Tale of Woe': R. to be healthy! The designation Kmjjt is known only from Khety's citation. Helck. Milan: La Goliardica. unnumbered). Barta. The generic structure is not The fact that it is quoted in a teaching may allude to its use in education rather than to its genre. The name of the sender is not given. C 1. and it simply opens with the formulae: The servant speaks before his lord. an official otherwise unknown. when it was written in cursive hieroglyphs. Anastasi I: H. nos. Brunner. 57286. the 'Satirical Letter Sequence' o f P. Thus it can be dated no earlier than the second half of the 12th dynasty. There is mention of Amenemhat II (E 2. J. G.-W. Die Satirische Streitschrift des Papyrus Anastasi I. 1066-7. H. Within the genres of the Middle Kingdom.12). Lopez.3. 1983). which is suggestive of the 11th or early 12th dynasty. ZÄS 105 (1978). and a similarly early date is supported by the epistolary style. 'Das Schulbuch Kemit'. or was it viewed solely as a model letter and 'school book'? I have treated it here as a moralising tale. 1442. that of the tale is formally more flexible than the didactic texts. it is uncertain how much is lost at each end. who is presumably the king who requests these speeches during a court hunting trip (A 2. Posener. KÄT. 'Une nouvelle histoire de revenant (Recherches littéraries. The text. G. 57549. The epistolary form is also unparalleled in this period. and poses a problem of genre: can it be said to belong to the corpus of tales and wisdom texts. Catalogue des ostraca hiératiques littéraires de Deir el Médineh I I I (DFIFAO 1 8 . 1-21.

The parallel of the previous text. 78 S e e n. 75). pi. 6-7. 1-7. and the Early Written and Iconographie Record'. I have used the neutral term 'account'. 1956). 'Egyptian Myth and Discourse: Myth. Posener. JSSEA 12 (1982).11: 'I shall teach (sb3) you of the Lake-land of Sobek'. unnumbered). 7 5 . It is worth noting that a commemorative inscription of Amenemhat II from Memphis mentions a Fishing and fowling trip. T h e descriptions of the pastoral life as the ideal profession recall the illustrations o f the ideal and unideal professions in the Teaching of Khety. and even their existence. Literary Fragments in the Hieratic Script (Oxford: University Press for Griffith Institute. 'A N e w Royal Inscription of the X l l t h Dynasty'. Since one would expect some introductory statement. Since tales with at least one divine character are attested (e.2 5 + X . They are distinct from other tales only by their non-human setting. which is also an account of an expedition addressed to a superior. 1956). 8-16. It is requested with the question 'Like what is [that which you say] you have [seen]?' ( A 2. 77 R. xxv). and possibly by the degree to which they were regarded as fictional. This is paralleled in the Account of the Sporting King. 7 7 11. the speech requested by the king is not itself immediately recognisable as a narrative or a wisdom discourse. H e r e there are more directly didactic elements. but Assmann has suggested that the first two were parts of magical texts rather than tales. S. pi. . pi.8 2 . 78 R. ' U n e inscription memphite d e la X l l e dynastie'. It is uncertain whether the text as a whole was a narrative or some form of discourse: the closest parallel is the Account of the Sporting King. discourses and tales 119 76 exactly paralleled. but not its date. Caminos. T h e annalistic inscription describes events of the reign. s e e J. The first column begins 'Like what is the [craft of] my [belov]ed (Sokhet)?'. Since the relationship between narrative and discourse in the genre of the whole is not certain.Teachings. Literary Fragments in the Hieratic Script (Oxford: University Press for Griffith Institute. including a celebratory hunting trip. 2 3 + X . 79 While the royal setting is similar to that o f the Words of Neferti and the Tale of the Court of Cheops. although it has loyalist elements. 3-5. notably that introduced by C 3. Farag. at least one column is probably lost. XXX The Account of the Pleasures of Fishing and Fowling (35) This problematic text is likewise known only from a papyrus from the end of the 18th dynasty (P. Gods. Any third person narrative within the text can only be inferred. xxii. Baines. The genre of the third is more certain. where the speeches are requested with a similar question (see n. A possible narrative parallel is the Tale of the Shipwrecked Sailor. RdE 3 2 ( 1 9 8 0 ) . The position of tales about the gods within Middle Kingdom literary genres.2-3). 75 above. There are three possible examples of such narratives. 8-16. Moscow. Caminos. T h e Account may draw o n this tradition of Amenemhat's activities. which provides fragments of 12 columns occupied by a monologue in praise of pastoral activities. 1-7. but the discourse itself has narrative episodes in the first person. in print (JNES). and the fact that a 'lord Inseni' (an otherwise unattested name).g. are disputed. I see no reason to doubt the identification as tales. G. is addressed suggest that some narrative prologue has been lost.

are paired. 19 above).the works attributed to these sages vary from teachings to reflective discourses. including Hordedef. 1 (London: Walker. It narrates 'an episode in which some one is bitten by a snake and dies. pi. Parkinson 120 xxxi A Tale of Horus and Seth (19) Fragments of two columns and two lines survive. there are several allusions to other apparently lost works: The Sages of P. 1956) 40-50. while Hordedef and Imhotep. which is perhaps an early form of the Tefnut legend. No. Nevertheless. see n. pi. 1931). 80 A H. In addition to these (albeit often partially) preserved texts. no number).' 80 xxxiii The 'Mythological Narrative' Eight columns of a fragmentary manuscript from the end of the 18th dynasty (P. Chester Beatty IV Eight 'sages' (rh-ht) are mentioned in the scribal eulogy of P. the list shows no consideration of literary forms . without any apparent distinctions between fictional and historical characters. 3 . . Apart from this concern with enduring wisdom. Ptahhotep. it may date to the early New Kingdom. 17-23. Gardiner. Helck. and pieces of at least another four by Korostovtsev (P. etc. W. 724 (3 + 5c). Kahun VI. Griffith. Caminos. Cairo CG 58040) was described by Posener as 'un feuillet et un fragment'. Nefer<t>i. LI. 12) dates from the late 12th dynasty. S. whose supposed works are extant. xxxii The Cairo Myth (18) This as yet unpublished 12th dynasty manuscript (P. Korostovtsev. LÄ IV. 119-34. . The sages are listed in pairs. so are Neferti of the 4th and Khety of the 12th. 1960). Moscow 167) were identified by Caminos. whereat "this god (?Re') spoke to Sia". Moscow. F. involving Meret. of the 3rd and 4th dynasties. M. because it is commending writing as a means of ensuring individual survival: it would not strengthen the argument to draw attention to the fictionality of the exemplars. 167 gosudarstvennogo muzeya izobrzitel'nykh iskusstv im. Pushkina v Moskve' in Drevnii Egipet [Golenishchev memorial volume] (Moscow: izdatel'stvo vostochnoi lityeratury. II. . the arrangement does not reflect the figures' fictional dates consistently. Si Assmann (n. and bade the council be convoked. 1898) I. This presentation is understandable. Hieratic Papyri from Kahun and Gurob (London: Quaritch. 21 above). A. Literary Fragments in the Hieratic Script (Oxford: University Press for Griffith Institute. Chester Beatty . A. Chester Beatty IV (verso 3. narrating Seth's attempted seduction of Horus. The Library of A. 4. 'Egipetskii ieraticheskii papirus no. Although the tale is written in good Middle Egyptian.B. The papyrus (P.R. 48. Khety and Khakheperresoneb. This contains a tale of gods.: The Chester Beatty Papyrus. 9. 81 R.5-7. These names form a group of sages whose written wisdom ensured their immortality.

PN I. e. He was perhaps of sufficient cultural fame for inclusion without being the 'author' of a specific text. 21 above). 85 G. and his name is an Old Kingdom one.1).' (ed. although its form can be paralleled in the Middle Kingdom. P M I I I . 8 4 no. Fecht has identified the work with the 'prophecy (sr) of the Residence' mentioned in the same Teaching (ed. but in the 'Harpist's Song from the Mansion of King Intef ' (P. Helck. one verse reads 'Khety ordained as a teacher (sb3) that . 6 3 1 2). Fecht. 82 Ptahemdjehuti (28) Ptahemdjehuti is paired with Khakheperresoneb. 2 2 83 84 L'Enseignement loyaliste (see vil above). The name is otherwise unattested.25 (an Abydos stela). The same factor is sufficient to explain his presence on the 'Daressy Fragment' (n. . T h e title vizier may be a later fictional attribution. but seem unlikely to include that of vizier. The suggestion that Kaires is the 'author' of the Teaching for Kagemni is plausible. 20 above). 172-86. 4 7 9 ) . cf. Kaires(u) (5) Kaires(u) (K3-jr-s(w)) is paired with Ptahhotep. T h e r e is also a tomb at Saqqara belonging to a K3-jr of unknown rank from the 5th to 6th dynasties ( P M I I I . 11. 26d). Edel has noted the possibility of identifying Kaires with the Vizier K3jj from the end of the 5th dynasty (MIO I (1953).Teachings. whose sayings (sddwt) are so told'. s3 'ordain' and sr 'foresee' could denote oral statements. discourses and tales 121 Imhotep (1) Imhotep is paired with Hordedef. 20 above). He proposes that these were incorporated into the Dialogue of Ipuur and the Lord to the Limit. A closer possible identification is provided by a fragment of a grand 5th-6th dynasty false door with the name K3-jr-s(w). however. He is presumably identical with the Vizier Kaires(u) shown on the 'Daressy Fragment' (see n. Wsjr-m-r': Ranke. 14 n. . T h e titles are broken. 39a).g. pers. Even this. 83 84 The Teaching of King Khety (9) In the Teaching for Merikare. 33. which has been recently discovered at Mit-Rahina (J.). Posener tentatively suggested the 'Loyalist' Teaching as a possibility. Harris 500 6. Chester Beatty IV. Der Vorwurf an Gott in den 'Mahnworten des Ipu-wer' ( A H A W 1972. could refer to oral wisdom rather than a text. Nothing else is known about him. Brunner (n. although he might be associated with one of the surviving wisdom texts which lack the name of a protagonist. A reference to a lost work has been seen in this. I do not consider it likely that they refer to specific written compositions: although sr describes the wisdom of the sages in P. 224-5. Helck. which has been taken to imply that he is a figure from the Middle Kingdom. Malek. comm. . E.6-7) there is a more specific-sounding reference: I have heard the words (mdwt) o f Imhotep and Hordedef. No historical vizier Kaires is known from the Old Kingdom.

R.B. Parkinson


Finally, two texts should be listed which are often mentioned in discussions of the
literature, but which are not part of this corpus:
The Hymn to Hapy

The hymn (dw3) is known from New Kingdom copies only. Three of the more complete
copies also contain the Teaching of Duaf's son Khety, and one of these also includes the
Teaching of Amenemhat. This grouping has been explained by a hypothesis that all three
were works of the scribe Khety of the beginning of the 12th dynasty. The hymn shows
similarities with Middle Kingdom wisdom literature, leading Assmann to describe it as
'eine Naturlehre in Hymnenform'. Van der Pias has challenged the Middle Kingdom
dating and has argued for a composition date in the New Kingdom. Even if the hymn
was composed in the Middle Kingdom by Khety, and one allows for its wisdom-like
features, it lies outside the genre-defined corpus under consideration.
J. Assmann, LÀ IV, 489-96.
D . van der Pias, L'hymne à la crue du nil. 2 vols. Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor het nabije oosten, 1986.

The Stela of Montuhotep son of Hapy

An early 12th dynasty stela in University College London has been considered to contain
a Teaching (UC 14333). The relevant line, however, is not a title, but an epithet: 'a
teacher (sb3wtj) of children through speaking calmly'.
H. M. Stewart, Egyptian Stelae, Reliefs and Paintings from the Petrie Collection.
Second Intermediate Period (Warminster: Aris and Phillips, 1979), 20, pi. 18.
W. Schenkel, 'Eine neue Weisheitslehre?' JEA 50 (1964), 6-12.

Part Two: Archaic

Period to

Royal power in the 13th Dynasty
Stephen Quirke

During the 13th Dynasty the Eastern Delta and Thebes came to
replace the Memphite-Fayum region as dominant centres within Egypt.
However, betweer^kte 12th and early 13th Dynasties little changes in the
material culture, system of administration or selection of cults for royal
patronage. The main difference between the two dynasties lies in the
pattern of the royal succession; in the 12th Dynasty eight rulers span two
centuries, whereas the one hundred and fifty years of the 13th Dynasty saw
upwards of fifty kings on the throne. This collapse in length of reign
presents the historian with an unusually clear dilemma in explaining
simultaneous continuity and change. Efforts have been concentrated on
identifying presumed kingmakers, because kings with short reigns are
deemed to have lost power to their high officials. Hayes suggested quite
specifically that in the 13th Dynasty the vizier inherited his office, while
the kings were elected by the courtiers, chief among them the vizier.
This argument has found broad acceptance, and J.von Beckerath
summarises the state of debate in his article on the Second Intermediate



Period in LA VI, 1443: "Als "Königmacher" kommen vor allem die
Truppen (auch auslandische Soldner) in Betracht oder auch machtige
Wesire (die Familie des Anchu hat das amt in drei Generationen

mehrere Konigsregierungen hin inne)". In this paper I aim to test this
notion of kingmakers against the surviving record.
Before I consider the sources for "royal power" I should make
explicit my understanding of that term. The word power on its own
designates for me ability to produce an outcome; power is an aspect of
animate and inanimate entities. Political power denotes the ability of a
person or group to achieve ends within a polity. It could be argued that
the words political, politics and polity belong within European tradition,
because they derive from the Greek polis and its life, and are therefore
unsuited to objective analysis particularly of societies outside classical


Cf B.J.Kemp in B.G.Trigger et al., Ancient Egypt, a social history
(Cambridge 1983), 149-152 and 160-1.
On the chronology of the 13th Dynasty see now D.Franke, Orientalia
(1988), 245-274. The absolute dating of the period depends on the Sothic
date from the reign of Senusret III; too little exchange exists as yet between
Egyptology and astronomy to allow great confidence in the absolute dates,
but an authoritative recent article is that of U.Luft, SAK 16 (1989), 217-233.
3 W.C.Hayes, A Papyrus of the late Middle Kingdom in the Brooklyn Museum
(Brooklyn 1955), 144-149.
Cf Peter Morriss, Power, a philosophical
analysis (Manchester 1987), esp.
p.13: "Power, then, I claim, is always a concept referring to an ability,
capacity or dispositional property".


Stephen Quirke


Greek and later European history. However I take the word polity as a
synonym for the state, and political as the adjective required for what is of
the state /polity. The state I would define in turn as a territory with a
single executive authority; the mature state is characterised by fixed
borders and a fixed centre at one geographical location, but may not differ
greatly in its operation from states that are less developed or shortlived.
When we consider political power we must remember that each human
being carries within him or herself a complex web of often contradictory
experiences and reactions; human relations forge a still more complex
between two or more individuals, and political power is an aspect of the
sum of all human relations in a society. Questions of political power
cannot lightly be reduced to the relations between two persons in a group,
such as king and vizier; they must embrace the full complexity of human
relations and allow for the gulf between reality and ideal, and for conflicts
of interests both within the group and within a single individual. I
define political history as the account of the past exercise of political power
by individuals and groups. By royal power I understand the ability of the
holder of the title 'king' to obtain his desired results from others in the



When Le Goff asked "is politics still the backbone of history ?" he
replied in the affirmative, but I would sooner take topography and
chronology as the natural backbone to studying features across time,
because the first framework for study is precisely relative position in space
and time. In ancient Egypt relative position in the passage of time was

5 Cf Anthony Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence, volume two of a
contemporary critique of historical materialism (Cambridge 1985), esp. p.4;
I attempted to try these ideas for an Egyptian context in A.Nibbi (ed.), The
Archaeology, Geography and History of the Egyptian Delta in Pharaonic
Times (Oxford 1986), 261-274.
Cf the formulation by Stefano Passigli, L'analisi de lia politico (firenze
1971), 157-158: "una visione relazionale del potere implica che il potere in
questione variera a secondi dei singoli rapporti considerati, e fa si che ogni
tentativo di misurazione globale del potere présente in un sistema divenga
un problema
Daedalus (winter 1971), 1-19.
8 The primacy of the political in historical writing had led Voltaire to
complain famously that "il semble que depuis quatorze cents ans, il n'y ait
eu dans les Gaules que des rois, des ministres, et des généraux". Resistance
to political history led in tum to its defence, as by Marc Bloch who asked
concerning the word politique in Melanges d'histoire sociale (1944), 120
"pourquoi en faire, fatalement, le synonyme de superficiel". I would
counter that the superficial, that which is on the surface, need not be
unimportant; the surface of the planet is of supreme importance to its
inhabitants. Yet it does not reveal the structure or behaviour of the planet
nor is it the only aspect for study. In historical terms the political
superficies is the first area to suffer erosion in the course of time, and may
often lie beyond the bounds of study; without political diaries, memoirs and
minutes of meetings or other such detailed source material it becomes
awkward to assert a detailed political history for a particular period or


their distribution broadly supports both TC and the "dynasties" or groupings of kings given by the extracts from Manetho.134. and has not found any satisfactory explanation. and between the purposes of the ancient compiler and those of the modern researcher. For later periods the historian must rely on relations between reigns established by primary sources (ie those contemporary with the reigns) or on the imperfect early Christian and Jewish citations and abstracts of the history written by the Egyptian scholar Manetho for Ptolemy n in the third century BC.112. This dating system makes it necessary to compile kinglists. Of surviving ancient kinglists the Ramesside papyrus known as the Turin Canon (cited hereafter as TC) provides the most detailed sequence.1-18 on the Turin Canon and especially the general remarks on pp. unfamiliar names 125 to 130 Upper Egypt Manetho (in Africanus) 13th Dynasty late 13th Dynasty 14th Dynasty following: 15th Dynasty 16th Dynasty 17th Dynasty- Fragment 142 has a line noting "5 kings" followed by two cartouches with User-[. 41-42. Annals and Day-Books (Mississauga 1986).150. to set each set of regnal years in proper relation to one another. whether the compiler is an ancient Egyptian concerned with administrative or judicial (and secondarily religious) order. with pp. The concordance of TC.10 Eastern Delta/no sources IX.3-27 Upper Egypt only Vin-IX.. and take these as the 17th Dynasty.Redford. The attestations indicate that the 13th Dynasty ruled over Egypt in succession to the 12th Dynasty from the 12th Residence Itjtawy between Memphis and the Fayum.]-ra. and covers the period from the mythical beginnings of the line of kings to the period immediately preceding the 18th Dynasty.11-XI = unplaced fragments. each reign beginning afresh with year 1. and any historian using them must retain a critical awareness of the gap between the reigns and the date of compilation.163-164 no sources. The sequence of kings in TC can be adopted by the modern historian only in conjunction with the primary sources. or a modern historian attempting to put features of the past in relation to one another as accurately as possible. Papyri from Lahun and Thebes document the continued and unbroken operation of the same system of administration in early and mid 13th Dynasty reigns as had been introduced in the reign 9 For the ancient kinglists and their cultural setting see D. It is possible to amend to "<1>5 kings". Pharaonic Kinglists. distribution of primary sources and Manetho may be tabulated as follows: 9 TC column distribution of primary sources VL5-VIL3 Upper and Lower Egypt VII.Royal power in the 13th Dynasty 125 secured by reference to regnal year of the reigning king. ie later than the reigns that they help us to connect. .xiv-xvi.B. including the [no no.] (Upper and ?) Lower Egypt 22+25. but the five kings might equally refer to some other grouping within the period.122-123. All lists of kings are secondary sources.

. Therefore the label 13th Dynasty may be applied to the kings who ruled from Itjtawy after the 12th Dynasty. but that would be sufficient to undermine central rule from Itjtawy. These include blocks at Gebelein in Upper Egypt. Although the later kings of the Dynasty are not attested directly in Lower Egypt. a social history (Cambridge 1983).G. the Edfu stela of one Horemkhauf records his visit to the king at Itjtawy apparently late in the dynasty. I would note that fragmentation occurs more easily among the various branches of the Nile Delta than along the single stream of the Nile river in Upper Egypt.Trigger et al. publishing a stela of the king before the god Sopdu-Horseped. 17-63. and that I see no evidence for any local kingdoms seceding from the main 13th Dynasty line in Upper Egypt. Josephus cites the description by Manetho of the arrival of the "hill-land rulers" (in Egyptian hq3-h3swt. For Nehesy see M. Ancient Egypt. I would set the unattested rulers of this line at the beginning of the sequence. and Khyan and Apepi at the end.Kemp in B. rendered in Greek as Hyksos) who sack Memphis and other sources speak of their devotion to Seth and their Residence at Avaris (Egyptian hwt-w rt ). At the same time that kings of the main line ceased to erect monuments in Lower Egypt the Eastern Delta provides evidence for two kings not attested in Upper Egypt. contrary to Kemp I consider it feasible that blocks from dismantled buildings might move large distances along the river by ship. Whether they represent a single line at a single city or a number of different lines at one or more centres must remain a subject for speculation given the present state of the evidence.J. Whether or not these kings acknowledged the suzerainty of the Itjtawy line. 1 1 1 2 . the appearance of a separate line of local rulers marks the end of the second great period of Egyptian unity. because that would provide a progression from foreign to more l 1 2 1 0 The title of treasurer so characteristic of the higher reaches of late Middle Kingdom administration occurs at Lahun in the person of Senebsumai. and the royal monuments accrue to the same cults as those that benefited from the patronage of the late 12th Dynasty kings. SAK 11(1984). Khyan and Apepi. as ballast. They and their otherwise unattested companions in columns VIII-IX of TC form the 14th Dynasty of Manetho. but it is disputed whether these attest to temple-building on that site or whether the blocks might have been brought as ballast from Lower Egypt. attested there both on seals and in fragments of an accounts papyrus (among the unpublished items to be edited by the writer with Mark Collier).2. 159 with n. The private monuments of the same period evidence no change in patterns of personal names. BSFE 114 (1989). for Merdjefara see J. 1 1 The 15th Dynasty appears on the TC unnumbered fragment as a note of "6 hill-land rulers" reigning more than 100 years. the Middle Kingdom.Stephen Quirke 126 1 0 of Senusret HI of the late 12th Dynasty.Bietak. Although the sequence and identity of the six Hyksos who ruled from Avaris for a century remain contentious.Yoyotte. Aasehra Nehesy and Merdjefara. See B. At present the 14th Dynasty covers only the Eastern Delta. 59-75. Only two left substantial bodies of primary sources.

The Josephus citation from Manetho refers to the arrival of the Hyksos as a sudden disaster. Note however that B. 158-159. of the south" see my The Administration of Egypt in the late Middle Kingdom (London 1990). The scarabs occur in Palestine as well as Egypt and are open to various interpretation that remains speculative. 4 and 7 n. Along these lines the 15th Dynasty is sometimes called the main Hyksos line. the Two Lands.9. or again the stone vessel donated by Apepi to the sun-god Ra.J. the Egyptian pattern would amount to uneasy cohabitation with equal constitutional claim to the same territory. ruling from Thebes rather than Itjtawy. and I take the lack of access to archival 1 5 1 3 The stone vessel fragment is BM 32069. It might also be proposed speculatively that the 13th and 14th Dynasty represent two rival lines in the Egyptian pattern attested in the First Intermediate Period with Heracleopolitan and Theban lines. and it remains possible that the Hyksos gradually acquired power in the vacuum left by the 13th Dynasty when it abandoned Itjtawy. Ancient Egypt..G. The system of administration appears to have survived intact. to be published by Christine Lilyquist. the royal temple and burialplace. presumably because the "head of the south" had already functioned as a separate entity for centuries. points out that the pattern of overlord and vassal cannot be 'securely identified as Semitic in the absence of comparative source material. including those entrusted with preparing the cult and its crucial ingredient. 1 3 The 16th Dynasty comprises on the one side a horde of unfamiliar names on TC and on the other a horde of Semitic and other names on scarabs dated to the period preceding the 18th Dynasty. for example. Semitic. pattern of rule with a high king (15th Dynasty) ruling over a territory in which many local rulers (16th Dynasty) acknowledge his authority. a social history (Cambridge 1983). For the "head. whereas the 15th and 16th Dynasties form a foreign.Kemp in B. whereas the Semitic pattern would form a stable system of rule without written administration. Pascal Vermis argues elsewhere in this volume that the orthography and composition of 17th Dynasty monuments betray a loss of the hieroglyphic Hochkultur that belongs in the national centres Memphis and Heliopolis.Royal power in the 13th Dynasty Ï27 Egyptianised rulers. but Weill noted how much the imagery of that scenario owed to historiography of the New Kingdom. 1 4 The 17th Dynasty is essentially the 13th Dynasty in another place.Trigger et al. 1 4 1 5 . but the presence of the king brought with it the royal workshops. that may have acknowledged the suzerainty of the Avaris kings (15th Dynasty). the "head of the south" of Middle Kingdom administration. the move to Thebes entailed the contraction of the Egyptian state to its southern province. they may attest local rulers at many places. and the 16th Dynasty consists of the minor Hyksos. culminating in the entirely Egyptian features of the Belegliste for Apepi such as the title to the Rhind mathematical papyrus or the text on the palette of Atu. Whether it abandoned the city in the face of a military threat or by choice.

17.Vandersleyen.Stephen Quirke 128 prototypes for hieroglyphic art to support a literal reading of the Josephus citation from Manetho. 151-153. thereby opening the third period of Egyptian unity. Cf D. and the Sudan (Boston 1981). A peaceful withdrawal to Upper Egypt would have given time to move archives deemed valuable. 18 Cf MBietak. that site acted as a strategic campaign headquarters. 1 7 1 9 . the New Kingdom. The location of the royal tomb provides further evidence for periodisation. and a sudden move of Residence from Itjtawy to Thebes might account for the new and radical revision that is the Book of the Dead.). the Aegean. 120-124. I see no evidence for any separate kingdoms in Upper Egypt at the same time in competition with the 17th Dynasty.Lacovara in W. that tradition of funerary literature. 15-16 and JEA 74 (1988). The Austrian excavations at Tell ed-Daba in the Eastern Delta have revealed the gradual transformation of a large Egyptian settlement of the 12th Dynasty into a mixed Egyptian and Semitic town and finally into a purely Semitic town before its abandonment at early 18th Dynasty levels. followed without signs of intervening life by the 18th Dynasty revival of the community. and then by the establishment of a rich royal necropolis 1 8 1 9 1 6 To appear in Festschrift Gwyn Griffiths (in press). The last kings of the 17th Dynasty. Studies in Ancient Egypt. first attested in the burials of 17th Dynasty royal family members. The label 17th Dynasty thus covers all kings ruling Upper Egypt from Thebes in direct succession to the 13th Dynasty ruling Egypt from Itjtawy. Avaris and Piramesse: archaeological exploration in the eastern Nile Delta (London and Oxford 1981). followed by impoverished royal burials at Dra Abu el-Naga in Thebes West. represents an extraordinary contraction from the number of spells extant in the Middle Kingdom tradition ("Coffin Texts").K. In view of its scale it seems probable that the site is Avaris the capital of the Hyksos (15th Dynasty). For Deir el-Ballas see P. fought against the Apepi of Avaris in the campaigns that led to the eviction of the Hyksos in the reign of the Theban ruler Ahmes. In other words the line of Egyptian kings runs unbroken from the 12th Dynasty through the 13th (still at Itjtawy) and the 17th (moved to Thebes) to the 18th Dynasty. Seqenenra Taa and Karnes. 1 6 1 7 Meticulous archaeological work in recent years has provided a firmer base for an historical reconstruction. I am pursuing the hypothesis of the violent arrival of the Hyksos and the destruction of Memphis with reference to the Book of the Dead. RdE 19 (1967).G.Davis (eds. The EES work at Memphis shows conversely the density of late Middle Kingdom suburban settlement. These three kings appear to have resided at Deir elBallas (Egyptian Sedjefatawy "Nourisher of the Two Lands").Simpson and W. with pyramids of the 12th and early 13th Dynasties in the MemphiteFayum area. and C. JEA 73 (1987). and was not used after the expulsion of the Hyksos.Jeffreys et ai.

In the third the Hyksos (15th Dynasty) emerge violently or otherwise in Lower Egypt and the 13th Dynasty withdraws to rule Upper Egypt from Thebes (from this point being the 17th Dynasty). I would take the cartouches of "Ameny Qemau" and "Qemau's son Hornedjitef" as evidence for father to son succession. Father to son succession is attested securely only once. Semna Kumma (Boston 1960) (= Second Cataract Forts I). and the sum of archaeological material. distribution of contemporary attestations of kings.Janssen. D.Dodson. where the form is 2 2 qm3. There seems no room for doubt on the interpretation in connection with the verb "to create" in nos.Reisner. and the second and third phases together make up the Second Intermediate Period.A.Nyholt where he reinterprets the double names of 13th Dynasty kings as filiation. Since periodisation of Egyptian history uses the criterion of national unity. ZAS 114 (1987). 36- 45.n(. later kinglists.S. The double names are 2 1 2 2 2 3 2 0 For the royal tombs of the 13th Dynasty see A. 2 3 GM 119 (1990). In the second the 13th Dynasty loses control of the Eastern Delta where the town at Tell ed-Daba becomes mixed Egyptian and Semitic.B. The principal problem with the number of kings lies in identifying the mechanisms for the royal succession. although it is also possible to interpret the two names in other ways. For the same reasons I would hesitate to accept the interesting hypothesis of K. For the personal name qm3w in the Middle Kingdom see Ranke. since Qemau is not a rare late Middle Kingdom name. . conform to a single historical pattern in which three phases may be distinguished between the 12th and 18th Dynasties. indirectly in the titles of a 13th Dynasty queen Nubhetepti who was "king's wife" and "king's mother". In the first a line of kings (13th Dynasty) rules over Egypt and Lower Nubia from the Residence at Itjtawy in direct continuation from 12th Dynasty. 2 1 G. PN I.5 and 6.A.4 on the same page gives the strong man determinative as if the name could be reinterpreted as "winnower. whereas Qemau is a common personal name of the late Middle Kingdom. harvestworker". The New Kingdom begins with the expulsion of the Hyksos in the middle of the reign of Ahmes. Other examples of father to son succession have been imputed from cartouches of 13th Dynasty kings. On the other hand. presumably on the root qm3 "to create" ("the created") rather than qm3w "harvestworker". 28. 2 and 3. 2 0 The different sets of evidence. note however that no. it may be too ambitious to identify the Qemau in the two names as one and the same person.M.i). the first of these three phases belongs within the Middle Kingdom. 101-113. 334. The signs for Qemau seem to me unlikely to read Aamu "Semite" because that occurs rarely in the position of a personal name.Dunham and J.129 Royal power in the 13th Dynasty nearby in the Valley of the Kings during the early 18th Dynasty (in the reign of Amenhotep I or Thutmes I). and a line of local rulers (14th Dynasty) leaves monuments without reference to the Itjtawy line.

XI. but there are further explicit instances of non-royal succession. in G. CG 9433. The accession of three brothers recalls the tale of the divine birth of kings on a literary manuscript. The other objection to considering the double names as such comes with the triple name Ameny Intef Amenemhat. and not as filiation without s3. but I would suggest that the Amenemhat represents a formalised version of Ameny from the double name Ameny Intef. Neferhotep and Iykhernefret. curious in itself for an object type associated with women and children.Davis. brother to brother. The name "Seb Kay" occurs on a magic knife/wand fragment. Nubkau or Khakau in private names of the Middle Kingdom. for Sedjefakara. though I would note the emergence of nonroyal features on royal monuments of the 13th Dynasty.Vernus. 77-81. the triple name Ameny Intef Amenemhat. The reading of "Seb Kay" as Sedjefakay. I would like to suggest for the discussion an explanation in line with the view that the double names are to be understood as examples of the surnames collected by Pascal Vernus.K. a "Seb Kay" and Kay Amenemhat. Le surnom au Moyen Empire (Rome 1986). the Aegean and the Sudan (Boston 1981). Finally I would note that the two nomina of Sekhemrasankhtawy of the late 13th or early 17th Dynasty. These sources establish the existence of two forms of succession. pl. the names are given separate cartouches. the signs read in my opinion Sedjefakay.Simpson and W.Stephen Quirke 130 Amenemhat Snbef. Ameny Qemau. it remains established that the 13th Dynasty included kings who were sons of kings. 2 5 2 6 . in W. Tesxtes et dessins magiques (CG) (Cairo 1903). Non-royal examples of triple naming are absent. While I accept that these two instances should provoke debate and lend support to the hypothesis of Nyholt. Studies in Ancient Egypt.Habachi. the third name would have been adopted at accession. Brother to brother succession cannot be adduced elsewhere in the dynasty. show that double naming was a possibility for the king as much as for commoners at least at that period. from non-royal background and. unless entirely within coregency. Cf L. Of these names the difficult features that lead to the alternative interpretation by Nyholt are the unusual name Kay and the triple name Ameny Intef Amenemhat. papyrus Westcar of the 15th/17th Dynasties. The lack of royal parallels for the abbreviation may prove an insuperable obstacle. A series of scarabs gives the parents of Sekhemrasewadjtawy 2 6 2 4 P. would remove the only uncommon name from the list of double names. it is not impossible that the tale drew the motif of three brothers not from the Old Kingdom succession but from more recent 13th Dynasty experience. and also kings whose fathers were not kings. 2 4 2 5 Whether or not one the Nyholt interpretation is accepted. The brother kings Neferhotep.Daressy. similarly to Sehetipib. and form a version of Sedjefakara by omission of Ra. Sahathor and Sobekhotep identify their parents on their monuments as a god's father Haankhef and a king's mother Kemi. and reduce the possibility of interpreting the names as filiation. but this reflects different means of writing double names in the nonroyal sector (alternating or adjacent) as documented by Vernus.

even the probability. PN I. On the one hand they might be concealed behind Egyptian names. 350. 12. Ranke. I am hesitant to accept the foreigrmess of Wegaf before the Egyptian names formed on gwf have been explored. if such a generalisation is permitted. Foreign kings are also less easy to identify than one might suppose. I would also hesitate to take Wegaf as a Semitic name without considering neighbouring linguistic groups less prominent in Egyptological reception such as Berber and Nubian. In the titles held by people on their monuments I would consider the late 12th and early 13th Dynasties as bureaucratic in ethos. Wegaf and Khendjer. which might comfort exponents of the role of the military in the royal succession. after the nomen and without a cartouche. military titles such as 3tw n tt hq3 "commander of the crew of the ruler" (ie commander of the national forces. I hold the same objections to the identification of Khendjer as a foreigner of a particular group. 2 8 of . that foreigners played a part at the royal court in the e 2 7 2 8 2 7 Rio Inv.10 gw3.47-48. Khendjer would thereby mean "strength". and perhaps cf on the same page no. In discussion of the royal succession I should mention two groups generally supposed to be present among the kings of the 13th Dynasty. I would note that neither of these military connections seems strong. In this case there may be an Egyptian base to the name under the Middle Egyptian pattern }m + adjective to form abstracts. and the name Imyermesha could similarly reflect a family tradition rather than the supposed influence of the army. the military and foreigners. given in TC VL21 as if a soubriquet. since I regard as limited our methods for identifying either the foreignness or the particular foreign identity of the name.Kitchen. can be given secure foreign identifications. but I would deny that the evidence for the 13th Dynasty points to a stronger role for the military at that time than at other periods. rather than the local town militia) comes to predominate only in the Elkab record of the late 13th and 17th Dynasties. on the other neither of the names deemed foreign. Again as with the military I do not seek to deny the possibility.637/638 (2428). Rio de Janeiro (Warminster 1988). Catalogue the Egyptian Collection in the National Museum. Sahathor and Sobekhotep holds on a stela now in Rio the title nh n niwt "member of a town militia". The grandfather of the brother kings Neferhotep. and one king bore the name Imyermesha "overseer of troops". Though the idea remains speculative in the absence of parallels for the name. and one TC entry seems to give non-royal filiation for another king.Royal power in the 13th Dynasty 131 Sobekhotep as a god's father Mentuhotep and king's mother Iuhetibu. 66-71 with pl. there is no evidence that the son and grandsons of the militia member remianed in the military sphere. as Late Egyptian adopts mdt + noun/adjective. John Ray points out to me that the Semitic wqf might provide a meaning "commander" and that this might in conjunction with the Egyptian name Imyermesha give a picture of military as well as foreign domination of the royal court.No. I do not wish to deny the role of the military in succession in any system of government. now published by K.A.

Father of Ankhu. estate accounts papyrus Boulaq 18 (smaller MS). Iymeru Neferkara Attestations: statue Heidelberg 274. that the vizier inherited office and dominated the court at the selection of each new figurehead king. Wadi Hammamat inscription.) 2 9 1. Abydos sealing (this Iymeru ?). The sources for the viziers can be summarised following Franke as follows. Stele Juridique. D. statue Karnak. royal accounts papyrus Boulaq 18 (large MS). the place in the sequence of nos. two royal decrees on papyrus Brooklyn 35. Iymeru son of Ankhu Attestations: statuette. Karnak stela.1y Attestations: Elkab tomb of Sobeknakht. Ankhu Attestations: donation text of statue for father. stela of brother-in-law. statue Louvre A 125 given by the favour of king Khaneferra Sobekhotep. The commonest Egyptological explanation of the rapid turnover in 13th Dynasty kings remains the idea put forward most persuasively by Hayes. Viziers known from chapels only: 9. he is probably also the owner of one statue and the donator of another to a woman (his mother ?). 18- . 6.16-18 may belong to the 17th Dynasty. Samont Resseneb 2 9 19. statue Heqaib shrine. Personendaten aus dem Mittleren Reich (Wiesbaden 1984). 4. Resseneb son of Ankhu Attestations: stela of brother-in-law. 5. Khenmes Attestations: 1st Cataract inscription. 7.Franke. chapel of sealer.1-8 are listed in chronological order. 2. since both were found in the Karnak cachette with that for his father.1446.Stephen Quirke 132 13th Dynasty. 7-8. stela of priest Amenyseneb. Stele juridique. statue given by the favour of king Sekhemkara. I merely doubt whether our sources indicate a stronger hand for them then that at other periods in Egyptian history. stela of son-in-law. 8. (Note: nos. name unknown Attestations: statue donated by Ankhu.9-18 is uncertain. Iymeru son of Iy Attestations: Elkab tomb of Sobeknakht. 3.

. Djedptah Dedtuseneb Viziers attested only at Thebes: 16. Minhotep 13. this formula provides another indication of the status of the reigning king at least on the formal and official level of recording. Within these limits the sources for the viziers of the 13th Dynasty include two remarkable dossiers. and by Ankhu. a stela. that occurs also on the statue of vizier Khenmes of the reign of Sekhemkara. even if that appears likely to us. known from monuments of himself (?) and others as well as original documents. Senebhenaf (as father of queen Mentuhotep on her Theban coffin) This list of attestations reveals a remarkable lack of concordance between viziers attested on documents or seals (nos. In that reign local non-royal stelae at Edfu return to the sporadic 12th Dynasty practice of recording the cartouche of the reigning king.17). an unknown number of viziers may have failed to survive the destruction of the Residence nécropoles. even when we can place them in sequence.9-10.4.5. Hori 14. all of his son imy-r hurt Senebhenaf) Viziers known from seals only: 12. an expedition record and possibly an Abydos seal. known from four statues. and we cannot assume that son succeeded father directly. Amenemhat (in a juridical report on a leather roll) 17.7-8. no text records the immediate succession of one vizier to the preceding. or brother succeeded brother. a feature that Berlev has noted as significant for measuring the status of royal authority in the country.6. Khaneferra Sobekhotep. but these date him to the reign of the very king to leave the most substantial body of sources in the dynasty. Nor can we be sure of the gaps in time between one holder of the office and the next. Sobekaa Bebi 15.12-16).Royal power in the 13th Dynasty 133 10.1.18) and viziers who have left monuments of themselves (nos.2 (?). The occurrence of some viziers only on funerary chapels and of others only on seals should remind us of the hazards in the surviving record.ll. Furthermore one of the statues of the vizier Iymeru Neferkara bears the formula "given in the favour of before the king". Dedumont Senebtify 11. and does not encourage the notion that the kings were ruled by their viziers. The pattern of exclusive source types is broken only by Iymeru Neferkara. viziers attested on the monuments donated for or by others (nos. those of Iymeru Neferkara and Ankhu. The contemporaneity of vizier Iymeru Neferkara and king Khaneferra Sobekhotep underlines the complexity of relations between holders of those two titles. stela and Asasif gravegoods) 18. Ibia (on two stelae and a statue. Iymeru Neferkara has left the most impressive series of monuments securely assigned to him. Iuy (on a seal.

Stephen Quirke 134 This leaves the dossier of Ankhu as the mainstay of the theory that viziers ruled Egypt in the 13th Dynasty. the family included four viziers within three generations. 50-55. on the grounds that Ankhu remained vizier while five kings came and went on the throne. Hayes dated the Amenyseneb stela to Khendjer and the Boulaq papyri to Sekehemrasewadjtawy Sobekhotep. in Drevniy Mir (Moscow 1960). The five reigns are those from Khendjer (TC VL20) to Sekhemrasewadjtawy Sobekhotep (TC VI. three statues at Karnak appear to have been set up by Ankhu for his father.VI. the immediate predecessor of Khendjer according to TC (col.Berlev. The final argument for an allpowerful vizier lies in the number of reigns of kings covered by the tenure of office by Ankhu. present in the cartouche on stela 2. and either or both of the cartouches may have been added at the end of the process. It should be noted that Ankhu does not act like a king in the Brooklyn papyrus. The dossier includes three most exceptional features. but I would dispute the notion that these sources indicate a measure of power beyond the scope of his title. and O. as their rather irregular alignment and form might indicate. one of Nimaatra and one of Khendjer. This 3 0 3 u J. presumably the king. That dating can no longer be maintained from the particular sources. one describing one deed and referring to orders collected from the vizier Ankhu in his bureau. The statue of Henutipu. I would go further and doubt the dating of Ankhu to the reign of Khendjer. Hayes founded the idea that the vizier controlled the court.von Beckerath. as Hayes had asserted. which tends to deflate the notion that Ankhu enjoyed absolute power over a series of reigns. The Boulaq papyri have been redated independently by both Berlev and Beckerath to the reign of Sekhemrakhutawy Amenemhat Sobekhotep. Given the brevity of reigns at this period. I do not find it difficult to allocate the event of stela 1 to the reign preceding that of Khendjer.D. is the only statue of a woman from Middle Kingdom Kamak.24). . clearly designed to complement one another formally: first the episode of stela 1 took place. Secondly. and the other describing a second deed and bearing in the roundel two crude cartouches in two different styles. his mother and himself. The third point is the mention of Ankhu on a non-royal stela. including the king. It should also be noted that the royal monuments of both Sekhemrakhutawy Amenemhat Sobekhotep (especially the temple-building at Medamud) and Khendjer (his pyramid at Saqqara) omit all mention of officials. 47-8. and plays no regal role. then the stelae would have been commissioned and carved. Similarly in the Boulaq papyri and the Amenyseneb stela Ankhu carries out orders of a higher authority. There are several stages in the procedure of setting up this pair of stelae. Untersuchungen zur politischen Geschichte der zweiten Zwischenzeit (Giuckstadt and New York 1964). from the father of Ankhu to his two sons Iymeru and Resseneb. recounting the efficient service of a priest Amenyseneb in the Osiris temple at Abydos. then the episode of stela 2 took place. thought to be the mother of Ankhu. including the vizier. This reduces the number of reigns from five to two.23). First. The priest Amenyseneb left two stelae. Clearly Ankhu must have been an official of outstanding importance at the royal court of the day.

3 1 Relatively few sources allow direct comparison of the high officials among themselves. They never refer to the vizier. such as Sekhemkara. and those two titles as well as others with the prefix title htmty bity should be explored for a fuller picture of court relations. Royal monuments refer to high officials only with titles connected with the treasury. Ankhu and Iymeru Neferkara. At the very least it would be necessary to take into account all high officials and all members of the most prominent families.765 on . Rekhmira and Useramen. In the royal narratives known in Egyptology as the Konigsnovellen the court is no more than a shadowy backdrop to set off the vigour and decisiveness of the king and to chorus praise of his actions. indicating that the king or the office of kingship retained its authority over those officials and the circles in which they moved. gave the opportunity for more impressive monuments on the part of officials such as the viziers Khenmes. Hayes ignored these two crucial factors in the life of a court. (see n. and that a powerful family might attain high office through different members and across two or more generations. Personendaten p. but it would undermine further the claim made for Ankhu that he dominated the court. and so involved in building operations.441. The high stewards and treasurers left monuments as noteworthy as those of viziers. This does not distinguish the 13th Dynasty from the other periods of Egyptian history. and the role of the family. Against this background it is worth asking further whether prosopographical data alone can secure any one reconstruction of political history. In sum there is no evidence that the relations between the king and his court changed in the 13th Dynasty as compared with preceding and following periods. Sekhemrakhutawy and Khaneferra Sobekhotep. A number of sources provide some information on the relations between the king and those at his court. the number of officials (and others) present. and that the stability of the stronger reigns of the 13th Dynasty. It is symptomatic that the latter two left the most imposing dossiers of attestations in the surviving non-royal record and yet date to kings known from monuments among the more solid of 13th Dynasty royal achievements. The Abydos chapels and the sanctuary of Heqaib 31 Franke. It should be recalled that the highest officials of state often left exceptional sources.Royal power in the 13th Dynasty 135 cannot be established beyond doubt. dossier no. The monuments of officials sometimes bear the formula "given in the favour of before the king". The early 18th Dynasty might be taken to represent a peak of royal power and it is particularly rich in examples of powerful officials such as Senenmut. to the dossier compiled by Franke it may be possible now to add a fine quartzite lintel in the Fitzwilliam Museum. The family of queen Nubkhas illustrates how an unassuming title such as wr màw sm may conceal a man closely related to the wife of the reigning king and prominent through a series of attestations. In short I would conclude that the fortunes of the court seem united. or with the title rh nswt.29 for full reference).

implying that the relative power of the king over his court may not have suffered. Some royal monuments betray a loss of precision in hieroglyphic monument-making.D. the volume does not compare with that of the 12th Dynasty. The king no longer appears in prayers within the Appeal to the Living on funerary monuments. The single largest obstacle to assessing the relations between court members (including the king himself) remains the lack of diachronic as much as of synchronic sources. Certainly administrative and juridical documents continue to use only regnal years for dating.Stephen Quirke 136 provide statues and stelae of holders of different titles alongside one another. unlike the occasional local use of double dating by year of rule of both king and local governor in the early Middle Kingdom. and these two may be part of the only substantial body of 13th-17th Dynasty evidence in the Eastern Desert. Sinai and Wadi el-Hudi produce no attestations for the 13th-17th Dynasties. the galena site 3 2 3 2 O. If no change at court can be detected the position in the country at large does change in the surviving record. where the evidence does not even supply the name of the father of Ankhu. The countrywide power of the king also declines visibly in the nature of the sources for the kings themselves. and the high steward made only a brief appearance. For example the dynasty produced no genealogies with high officials across more than one generation other than the family of Ankhu. The most prominent reference to the reigning king remains the formula "given in the favour of before the king" which. . but his prestige in helping individuals to attain a good afterlife had declined. Wadi Hammamat yields evidence only of one expedition under the brother kings Neferhotep and Sobekhotep and another under Sekhemrawadjkhau Sobekemsaf. Although much fine work continued to leave the royal workshops.Berlev. notably the Medamud temple edifices of Sekhemrakhutawy Amenemhat Sobekhotep which directly copy and so can be compared directly with earlier work of the reign of Senusret m. establishes stable relations between the king and his court rather than between the king and the country. Equally significant is the lack of material from mining and quarrying sites in the Eastern Desert. the scale of the royal tomb is especially strikingly reduced. as proposed above. and dries up without issue at the generation after Ankhu. However from the end of the 12th Dynasty non-royal monuments seldom refer to the king or to the Residence. that discovered in recent years at Gebel Zeit. Broadly it is only possible to assess from the surviving evidence that no unusual features emerge in the 13th Dynasty to suggest any changes in relations at court. in Kratkie soobshchenia Instiuta norodov Asii (Moscow 19611965). and cartouches in the roundels of stelae become rare. but we are rarely able to date them to precisely the same point in a particular reign. 60-61. Even in the royal accounts papyrus Boulaq 18 (larger MS) it is difficult to compare the vizier Ankhu with his colleagues because the treasurer is entirely absent from the document.

a feature already important in the Late Egyptian tale of Apepi and Seqenenra. but the stuff of the sun-god. and calls equally strongly for some reasoning on the part of the historian to account for the end of the Middle Kingdom. attachment to a city brought with it the protection of its local deity.Mey et al. and the relations between king and courtiers show no signs of change. ZAS 114(1987). There was thus no concept of "royal blood" in ancient Egypt. MDAIK 36 (1980).D.Blumenthal. 1981). By this same set of beliefs royal power in ancient Egypt received legitimation after the event of accession to the throne. according to Egyptian belief. By this belief the sun-god might choose to impregnate any earthly woman with his seed. queen. 3 4 . Rather than looking to the human royal family Egyptian texts such as the Instruction for Merykara and the Admonitions of Ipuwer found the legitimacy of the reigning king on his pious deed. If the system of government remained the same from the 12th to the 13th Dynasties.80a. and to do this he would 'become' her earthly spouse. particularly in respecting the monuments of predecessors. in Studies presented to Hans Jakob Polotsky (East Gloucester. ( 3 4 3 3 One of the most useful discoveries at Gebel Zeit was the monument of a king with the nomen Sehetepibra. 361-377. we have still to account for the decline in royal power over the country at large. Mass. the sun-god was equally able to select a non-royal couple as the reigning king and • . of origin or of burial. and in the pious deeds of the king. Primary royal sources add to this list the conduct of military campaigns as a pious deed. O. In this network of beliefs the king is the ntr nfr or junior partner to the ntr 3 great god. particularly of the Late Period. Ahmes and Amenhotep I comes to straddle the 17th and 18th Dynasties. The poverty of the royal presence accords with the evidence for a breakaway 14th Dynasty in the Eastern Delta in the second half of the 13th Dynasty. Instead each dynasty is a group of rulers (men with dunamis) who share a common city. because the king at war exemplifies royal defence of settled Egypt and order against foreign lands and disorder. Study of the royal succession may be hampered by the European concept of dynasty as a ruling family. one or both might have Sehetepibra as nomina. see P. the royal succession. assembled by Berlev. This shows that the two names Sehetepibra in TC VI. Other texts of kingship. 35. sole feature of change in the move from the 12th to the 13th Dynasty. most often providing for succession on the principle of primogeniture. his seed upon earth. 8 and 12 might more easily be two different kings and not require emendation to Hetepibra. In the Manethonian scheme family seems secondary to the formation of dynasties. reveal the explicit belief that the king was direct and physical offspring of the creator sun-god. Here we may return to the central problem. the king was not human flesh and blood at all.Royal power in the 13th Dynasty 137 3 3 on the Red Sea coast opposite the tip of Sinai. 304-5 and pl. it became visible in the attributes of royal apparel and royal titulature.Berlev. and the expansion of those cults through monument making. to the extent that the family of Seqenenra Taa. maintenance of the cults of the gods. ie creator. On this article see the comments of E.

but I would urge that circulating succession affords one example of the means by which an elite can maintain stable succession. and some kings even proclaim on their monuments the non-royal status of their parents. The circulation of succession among the elite might also account for the very short reigns. even though the king was the substance of the sun-god on earth. both of which enjoyed stable succession under gérontocratie rule.l'heureux hasard d'une succession sans histoire: deux siècles de filiation masculine ininterrompue. and take the 12th rather than the 13th Dynasty as the exception. It could be incorporated into that theory only by asserting that the sun-god became the reigning king and impregnated the queen directly. in id. and circulating succession might allow the elite to maintain stability in the absence of a single ruling family.).138 Stephen Quirke This leaves the mechanisms of the royal succession entirely hidden. secondhand impregnation via the reigning king was not envisaged. with the disappearance of a single ruling family. without harm to Egyptian kingship theory. In practice one might expect a strong king and a strong ruling family to exert considerable influence over the selection of the next king. There is no evidence of strife at this period among the elite. I would borrow from Jack Goody the concept of a circulating succession.Succession to High Office (Cambridge 1966). qui fournit au royaume capétien une étonnante lignée de souverains maies". (cà. The question of the royal succession occasions little modern debate where the ancient examples meet modern assumptions concerning royalty. 1-56 and 155-169. 330: ". family ties are virtually absent from the record. 3 6 . Two centuries of uninterrupted male succession is an enviable record rare in the history of any family. by which a number of important families see members on the throne as the kingship passes by irregular rotation around the court and perhaps beyond. and the extraordinary biological success of the 12th Dynasty should not be taken for granted. echoing the relation between king on earth and sun in heaven. The 12th Dynasty secured the succession still more fastly within the family of the reigning king through the system of coregencies. from pluralist "democracy" to monolithic "monarchy". as in the Twelfth Dynasty with its straightforward history of primogeniture. superficially one might cite the examples of papal Rome and Ducal Venice.. to the extent that the elderly members of a family are the more likely to command respect at court. I would not propose that the 13th Dynasty consists entirely of a line of elderly kings from a group of mighty families. 3 5 3 6 3 5 Cf for an entirely separate case Elie Bamarvi. Finally I would note that the 13th Dynasty indicates. which gave a senior and a junior manifestation of the sun-god on earth simultaneously. économie et société 3 (1984). The 13th Dynasty provides a period in which. the oligarchic structure of government beneath the various guises of rule. I think it would worth standing our assumptions on their heads. Nevertheless this family element remained a practical feature secondary to the theory of divine birth in the textual expositions of royal accession and legitimation. Histoire. Jack Goody.

The second group indicates perhaps the emergence of a system of sorts for coping with the absence of a ruling family. 75-82. this system of succession is my "circulating succession" or similar. and a third group with fewer attestations again. a middle group with more attestations and longer reigns. . to supply a successor family. In conclusion the standing of the king at his court seems not to have altered at least in the official record. now confined to Upper Egypt. and perhaps with shorter reigns again. the consequences of the same trend in the absence of a strong central authority are evident in the stages of historical development. and yet the documentary record at Lahun and Semna and the expeditions to Gebel Zeit continued even under these ephemeral rulers. a" first with poorly attested kings and short reigns. long reigns allowed a king to wage war and build more substantial monuments in a centralised hierarchy. The first group provides the peak of the apparent succession crisis with reigns of months or even days. and the northeastern Delta seceded as the 14th Dynasty followed by the contraction of the Egyptian kingdom from Itjtawy (13th Dynasty) to Thebes (17th Dynasty). The third group reveals all too graphically the dangers of short reigns for the unity of Egypt. The relation between king and officials provides no evidence of change. Stronger central policy might have held the tide. after two centuries of rule by one family. Possibly the elite found itself ill-prepared. but the standing of king and court within the country as a whole declined. the inscription of Amenemhat II found at Memphis records the drastic measures of a strong dynasty in response to foreign population pressure.Royal power in the 13th Dynasty 139 Looking in greater detail at the 13th Dynasty it is possible to subdivide it into three groups. RdE 32 (1980). 3 7 3 7 The inscription of Amenemhat II is publicised by Sami Farag. but the demographic change at the Semitic frontier of Egypt is a possible key to the end of the Middle Kingdom and the disunity of the country in the Second Intermediate Period. Immigration went uncontrolled. but short reigns gave reduced royal monuments and perhaps reduced reflexes.

m»* : .

p. 147. 1979. 55-69.appelé par la suite TYPE I dans la présente étude -. OA 19. et Mumane. et où le signe A suivait le signe =ê=> . fap ii nsw. n° 41. 15-28. 271. mais opératoire grosso modo. Altägyptische Verwandschaftsbezeichnungen. Franke. 187. un important 1 2 changement s'était opéré: en ligne horizontale. à l'intérieur de ce type on gagnerait à distinguer deux sous-types. En effet. force est de faire flèche de tout bois pour essayer d'établir une datation: on met en oeuvre l'archéologie. les graphies du type T A (À . BES 3. 1939. 1973. voir le débat entre Delia. le règne du roi Dedoumes constituant la date le plus anciennement connue de la graphie nouvelle. n. d'un pharaon . 55.-82. qui n'ont pas manqué d'être relevées par divers savants . elle se contente d'observer un 4 1 Sur ces dates et leur interprétation. 2 3 selon que le signe » est suivi immédiatement ou non du signe . Berlev. et où le signe tu précédait le signe . 73. Aufbau und Bedeutung der altägyptischen Opferformel ( Äg Fo 24 ). JEA 25. OA 13. n. p. et BES 4. puisque seule une très faible partie comporte la mention du règne. Plus d'un demi-siècle après avoir été présentée. la prosopographie et la généalogie. D. En fait. l'othographe et la phraséologie. 4 141 . Ce changement serait intervenu "during the Second Period Intermediate Period and probably towards the end of that period". d'une part. qui a montré que dans la formule "l'offrande que donne le roi". p. 1941. 23. 1981. ( PASCAL VERNUS ) La documentation privée du Moyen Empire. Donadoni-Roveri. Barta. 157.appelé par la suite TYPE II -. le plus important a été dégagé en 1939 par Smither . la thèse de Smither se révèle somme toute opératoire. 1980. au sens le plus large et le plus vague. parfois de l'année de règne. a un avantage: son abondance. Parmi ceux-ci. 1982. avaient été supplantées par des graphies du type. des critères qu'on peut qualifier d"'épigraphiques" et qui mettent en jeu tout à la fois la paléographie. AEIB n° 6 2 0 6 0 . Benett. 54. BES 1. et. JEA 27. p.SUR LES GRAPHIES DE LA FORMULE "L'OFFRANDE QUE DONNE LE ROI" AU MOYEN EMPIRE ET A LA DEUXIEME PERIODE INTERMEDIAIRE. Rosati. elle souffre de nombreuses exceptions. surtout. . elle a aussi un inconvénient: la difficulté de sa datation. l'iconographie. 34-7. Livre du Centenaire 1881990 ( Ml F AO 104 ). 1. En l'absence de telles dates. Vernus. c'est le moins qu'on puisse en dire. D'autre part. W. 64.

en particulier les techniques iconiques qui gouvernent aussi bien les relations de l'écriture et de l'image. Leprohon. 6 Gardiner-Peet-Cerny. p. J. 16 ( étude des graphies ).I. Il ressortit au niveau le plus élémentaire de la culture écrite: la tradition culturelle mise en oeuvre dans les documents de la vie quotidienne et de la pratique administrative et juridique. Seyfried. Le premier type présente évidemment une recherche d'investissement à la fois dense et harmonieux de l'espace. Sur ce point essentiel. 91. p. -Au contraire. voir mon exposé dans BSFE 119. par ailleurs. Assurément cette graphie met en oeuvre des procédés "eugraphiques" sophistiqués. Il faut d'abord s'interroger sur la nature exacte de l'opposition entre le TYPE I et le TYPE H. Untersuchungen zur politischen Geschichte der Zweiten Zwischenzeit in Ägypten ( Äg Fo 23 ). entre les signes . Anthes. Beiträge zu den Expeditionen des Mittleren Reiches in der OstWüste ( HÄB 15 ). von Beckerath. le souci d'obtenir un groupement symétrique entraîne le placement du signe au milieu. K. p. XI. (itp. Die Opferformel des Alten Reiches. 5 R. C'est évidemment de cette culture que relève le TYPE I. ne vient qu'en dernière position dans l'énoncé linguistique. 8 9 . 1991. Le graffito n° 104. le TYPE I. la symétrie est parachevée par la superposition du signe de nsw. lesquels s'enracinent dans la tradition proprement hiéroglyphique de la culture égyptienne. 7 G. 1990. 3. Ici il convient de rappeler que dans la civilisation égyptienne. 9 ). allégué dans le même sens. Nouvelles inscriptions rupestres du Wadi Hammamat. Néferhotep I-Sébekhotep IV* : *r= A . est plutôt le produit de transcriptions plus ou moins mécaniques à partir d'un brouillon cursif. qui va jusqu'à modifier la position des signes par rapport à celui des élément de l'énoncé qu'ils encodent.Pascal Vermis 142 changement graphique sans en proposer d'étiologie le mettant en rapport avec la période historique pendant laquelle il s'est opéré. pl. qu'on dispose désormais de l'étude de G. an 2 d'Amménémès HI : r tti • . une tradition culturelle fondée sur la maîtrise de récriture hiéroglyphique et des techniques qui lui sont Hées. JEA 76. alors que le mot qu'il écrit. 163-4. Signalons. p. an 2 d'Ammémés DJ : -Graffito du Ouâdi el Houdi n° 24. 76.J. 32. pl. pour l'Ancien Empire. cf. ainsi: 5 6 -Graffito Hatnoub n° 50. n'est pas sans ambiguïté. dans certaines inscriptions. s'est penché sur la formule à la P. Récemment. ou encore à une période de la XlIIe dynastie où prévaut. avec toutes ses variantes. . The inscriptions of Sinai. Lapp. Goyon.Au sommet. 70-1. En effet.P. le TYPE jj. De plus. plus ou moins adaptées à un support lapidaire qui n'est pas le support originel. Voilà deux perspectives à travers lesquelles la thèse de Smither mérite d'être affinée. Cette opposition permet de rendre compte de ce qui pouvait sembler une anomalie inexplicable: le fait que le TYPE II soit attesté dès la XTIe dynastie. 7 -Graffito du Sinaï ( Maghâra ) n° 24. que T'eugraphie" ( sit venia verbo ) des inscriptions. Die Felseninschriften vo Hatnub ( Unt. l'espace de l'écrit est un espace à deux niveaux . n. an 20 d'Amménémès JJ : T" A . 8 -Graffito du Ouâdi Hammâmât ( NS ) n°70.

Laufer ( éditeur ). nécessitait la concentration de spécialistes et des techniques procédant de cette science. 23-8. p.Hayes. p 24. Cette substitution. W.Graphies de "l'offrande que donne le roi' 143 Ce dernier exemple est d'autant plus significatif qu'il appartient à un personnage. oeuvre de spécialistes. l'attribution du TYPE I et du TYPE II à deux niveaux différents de la culture écrite permet de donner sens à la substitution du second au premier sur les monuments privés sacralisés. malaisées. au sens que j'ai ailleurs défini ./alla chercher à Licht une statue de Horus de Nékhen et d'Isis ( Hayes. puisqu'ils visent à pérenniser le nom de ceux qu'ils commémorent. dans un ligne horizontale. Abh. Les indications disponibles montrent que les "prêtres-ritualistes" étaient fort souvent impliqués dans la rédaction et Yordinatio des inscriptions des monuments prives sacralisés: Vernus. à tout le moins. 100. n'a pu s'opérer qu'à la suite de la dégénérescence de la tradition culturelle "hiéroglyphique". ils sont apposés sur place. dans R. C'est à partir de ces grands centres qu' elle était dispensée à l'élite de tout le pays. Les monuments funéraires de l'Ancien Empire. pl. ils ont une vocation idéologique. RdE. Hommages à François Daumas. Il )• Ce n'est pas un hasard si les textes des pyramides. 10 ï ?A figure. essentiellement nourris de la tradition culturelle "documentaire". et surtout 11 12 13 14 15 16 1 0 D. T = 5 = Mi ! TJ est clair que l'utilisation du TYPE n à une époque où il ne prévaut pas. JEA 38. la substitution du TYPE II au TYPE I s'opère autour d'une époque où on a lieu de croire que la partition. Chr. voir Gasse. Les . On notera des traits archaïsants sur un monument d'un sacrificateur du temple de Pépy II: Vernus. at Lisht. tient à la nature même des inscriptions dans lesquelles il apparaît. constituent. Vernus. le rh-nsv/ rfiw-'n/i . celle-ci se maintient plus aisément dans les monuments votifs de la valllée. 1976. 1981. encore en activité au Moyen Empire. 1980. 1952. celle qui prévalait auparavant dans les inscriptions des monuments sacralisés. Spalinger. d'autre part. celle du niveau le plus élémentaire de la culture écrite. et à ignorer ou à oublier la sophistication "eugraphique" de la culture proprement hiéroglyhique. RdE 28. 41 ). entre autres. sont. Sur ce point. Ce sont des graffiti provenant des mines et carrières. D'où une tendance à manifester le plus rapidement les traits évolutifs. On est donc en droit de penser que si la culture "hiéroglyphique" se désagrège assez pour que la culture "documentaire" commence à la supplanter en son domaine spécifique. loin d'être purement fortuite et inexplicable dans son aléatoire même. par ailleurs. Personendaten aus dem Mittleren Reich (20. des cadres de radministration. JEA 33. 587-92. sur l'une d'elles. En revanche. Le non moins célèbre (ir-m-^'w. dossier n°389. Or cette tradition. En effet. connu par plusieurs stèles.C. Or. Il y a plus. possédant cette tradition culturelle "hiéroglyphique" . Ces graffiti sont souvent sujets à des contraintes contradictoires. ) ( Äg. d'une part.-16 Jahrhundert v. pl. I. RdE 32. ont été copiés dans les tombes privées 1 1 1 2 1 3 1 4 1 5 1 6 de Lisht: e. ou des partitions de l'Egypte étaient accomplies. Le célèbre sculpteur in fut envoyé de Licht à Abydos pour travailler dans le temple ( Faulkner. qui participent évidemment de la plus ancienne science sacrée. Franke. 136 (v) (ac). ou encore l'ancienne capitale Licht .g. The Texts in the Mastabeh of Se'n-wosret-ankh fouilles récentes en ont apporté d'autre exemples. pour ne rien dire des monuments des hautes dignitaires . des centres de conservation de la culture sacerdotale. 1947. en général. c'est que les communications avec ces grands centres qui la diffusaient étaient rompues. la graphie du TYPE I . dans la mesure où la construction et le décor des pyramides et des temples funéraires royaux. était avant tout l'apanage de grands centres théologiques comme Héliopolis ou Memphis . "sacralisante". Le texte et son inscription. leurs scripteurs appartenant donc au personnel des expéditions. précisément. Mais. la science nécessaire à la décoration des monuments sacralisés participe évidemment de la même culture que la maîtrise de l'écriture hiéroglyphique. émanation de la science sacrée. Or. ou. la stèle Berlin 7311.

porte lui20 22 2 3 24 25 1 7 Manéthon.e. p.i-i'w. 2 2 2 3 2 4 2 5 2 6 P. 17 La transition du TYPE I au TYPE II On a vu que Smither tenait le règne du pharaon Dedoumes pour la date de la plus ancienne attestation du type H Que ce pharaon soit ou non le Toutimaios de Manéthon . o. et sur un des monuments de /7/7 ). 258. 10 ). 204-7. 10 ). 1979. 19 du tiré-à- 1 8 El Sayed. 1990. Caire JE 87254. et sans doute un peu plus tard. qu'on a voulu identifier au directeur de la prison ib. les exceptions sont rarissimes ( voir cidessous. 1988. p. CAM II. Egyptian in the Middle Kingdom. 113-26. p. Lacau. dossier 62. Spalinger. 2 0 2 1 BM 1348 = J. p. chapter II.Une graphie relevant ce TYPE I est utilisée sur la stèle de si-fiwr. compte évidemment non tenu des quatre cas étudiés plus hauts. contemporain du pharaon fb. 8 Une nouvelle reconstitution de la généalogie complexe de sa famille a été proposée par Franke. dossier 11 ).fiS. fils du vizir /i. La datation de sné-fin .e. 10 ). ( n. aucune évidence positive ne permet de mettre en doute que Salitis ait effectivement résidé à Memphis . voir Franke. n°90. { cf. en tout cas postérieure à Néferhotep I et Sébekhotep IV. Labib Habachi. iy-mrw. 35. dans un ensemble où prévaut le TYPE I: Labib Habachi. 57.e. Or cette stèle est écrite en cursive. quand il fut devenu vizir . voir Hayes. indédite. H prévaut. Une stèle juridique de Karnak ( CASAE 13 ). daté du pharaon ib.Pascal Vermis 144 que Memphis était tombée sous contrôle Hyksôs: après tout. Bouriau. The Sanctuary ofHekaib y. Orientalia part. traduction dans Vernus. n. n. puisque le fils de iy. et dépend du moment où son père est devenu vizir. Sous ib. BIFAO 79. Franke. 48.i-tvt. 1 9 Pour le TYPE II dans un graffito des mines et carrières de ces règnes.i-t'w ou un de ses successeurs immédiats ? Sinon. enfin sur les monuments du hrp v/shtsnb1 hri. 230. o. Franke. probablement contemporaine du pharaon Sébekhotep V . SAK 11. sous presse. il n'a guère pu le devenir qu'après l'an 1 de Sébekhotep VI. Quels faits nouveaux ajouter à la documentation de Smither ? 18 l°)Les plus récentes attestations du TYPE I sous la XlUe dynastie 19 Le TYPE I est généralisé sur les nombreux momuments votifs privés attribuables aux règnes deSébékhotep IV et Néferhotep I. pi. 38. o. p. quand le vizir était îy. c'est là une indication significative. RdE 32. 69-70 2 7 ./demeure en fait incertaine. ( cf.i-tvP. The Sanctuary of Hekaib. en raison de leur nature particulière. n./-Av. Pharaohs and Mortals.. BiOr. Labib Habachi. 105. Franke. deuxième successeur de Sébekhotep IV. sur une des stèles de fir-\ dans une position particulière. Examinons attentivement comment est documentée le passage du TYPE I au TYPE H. donc antérieure à l'an 1 de Sébekhotep VI ( mr-firpr' ). 9. Pour le personnage. n est encore attesté sur la stèle de la reine rwb-kLs ( Louvre C 1 3 ) . 1980. voir cidessus. d'après Joseph. si elle pouvait être étayée ou précisée. 1984. De même le TYPE I se rencontre sur une statue de son gendre / y . statue dressée à l'époque où il était encore mr gs-pr. dossier n°661. JEA 76. Une autre exception qui pourrait bien être significative: une graphie du TYPE Il est attestée sur une stèle provenant du sanctuaire de fo-ib à Elephantine. n°45. et donc son scripteur ne maîtrisait que fort imparfaitement la tradition "hiéroglyphique". n.

21 ). la date d'érection de la stèle serait à placer autour des règnes des pharaons mr-n/r-r' fy . ( cf. Dodson. The Administration Documents. I. Alliot. assurément Sébekhotep TJ .ine saurait être défini exactement n doit être assez important puisque sné.e. p. du TYPE I. en un même heu. 21 ). 18. 31 (7°). Quoi qu'il en soit. 12-3. Quirke. 1987. et du classicisme dont il est la manifestation. mais TYPE II sur la stèle de son fils (ir-in-(tr{. Tell Edfou 1933 { FIFAO X ).. 1. XV M. n.e. XIII. 2. p. D'après la chronologie interne de la XIHe dynastie. Ibrahim ASAE 33. 226. pl. Alliot. 131-3. par là même. o. o. 2 9 hieratic S. dk. 20. 14. M. Mais ces extrapolations demeurent bien incertaine. Alliot. 1975.t)(ßn de la XJJIe dynastie-XVTJe dynastie ) . ce genre de raisonnement est sujet à caution. Ce prolongement en quelque sorte récessif tiendrait au fait que les monuments de ^-^. la datation de sné-hn'. M.e. En revanche. Alliot. pourtant le dernier pharaon dont on a lieu de croire qu'il tint encore Memphis . XVI. Ainsi. o. et rend plausible./-n. p. n. Bien entendu.Graphies de "l'offrande que donne le roi" 145 28 aussi le titre de vizir . mais TYPE TJ généralisé dans un atelier de stèles auquel appartient celle de son fils firi( fin de la XlUe dynastie-XVIIe dynastie ) . dk mentionné dans le papyrus Boulaq 18./provenaient d'ateliers royaux. o. 6 ) . Charles Ede. 38 (3°). transporté dans la région d'Avaris. Alliot. ses monuments pourraient bien illustrer le prolongement assez tard dans la XHIe dynastie. p. . car il n'est pas exclu que plusieurs personnes aient porté en même temps le titre de vizir. bouche de Nékhen". l'intervalle entre le règne de ce roi et la stèle de sne.TYPE I sur la stèle de y/s r-ht ( après le règne de Sébekhotep IV ) . dans cette dernière hypothèse. XV. lequel pourrait être identique au "juge. 3 1 3 2 Caire JdE 11/11/31/1 M. 3. p.f-n. 21 ). 30 (4°). mais TYPE TJ sur deux stèles de son frère (ir-(ir-h\*it.f. n./est assez âgé pour mentionner déjà deux de ses fils pourvus de titres. sans doute par les Hyksôs. ( cf. Writing and Littering in Antiquity IV.e. 3 3 3 4 3 5 3 6 .iîon tard dans sa vie. fils du "juge. 1933. 1. au moment où le TYPE U était bien établi.TYPE I sur la table d'offrandes du gouverneur iki-Fv* ( après le règne de Sébekhotep IV ) . p. ZÄS 114. p. pl. pl. on relève: . et CGC 20537. 16. appartenant à l'aîné du portail snè.fûms la période qui suit le règne de ce pharaon. pl. 36 (22).J'est fort loin d'être avérée. e t . of Egypt in the Late Middle Kingdom. on a de plus soudes indications quand on parvient à suivre le passage du TYPE I au TYPE II à l'intérieur d'une même famille.i. o. 2°) Les plus anciennes attestations du TYPE TJ sous la XlJIe dynastie Le TYPE JJ est attesté sur la stèle Marseille 24. pl. ou Sébekhotep VI ( mr-htp-r). l'une de ces 2 9 30 31 3 2 3 3 3 4 3 5 36 2 8 En fait.f-n. Mais il ne saurait excéder cinquante ans ou soixante ans. n. . 43. l'identitrfication de son père au contemporain du pharaon iki-Tw demeure plausible. à moins que dk ait procréée snb.TYPE I sur la stèle de rw ( au moins une génération après Sébekhotep PV) . dans l'état actuel de la documentation.f-n. 21 ). bouche de Nékhen". à Edfou.e. daté d'un pharaon Sébékhotep. ( cf. n. mais provenant vraisemblablement d'une pyramide memphite: voir von Beckerath. ( cf. n°15. ( cf. Mais cette datation tardive de snéhn. The 3 0 On possède un pyramidion JdE 43267.

mais sur la . Deux cas sont à distinguer: a) Le TYPE I et le TYPE II coexistent sur le même monument 1 o A =4^ ' -Sur une des stèle de hr-'£ . -La stèle du sr spJ-hr ( Khartoum 5320 ) a une graphie du TYPE I. dans A. Puis. 1. la formule est écrite en colonne. est d'abord exilée dans des positions secondaires: corniche.e. registre inférieur. prévaut le TYPE I. ( HÄB 12 ). Rocznik Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie 24. elle est écrite . dans les monuments sacralisés. -Dans l'inscription surmontant la scène principale de la stèle CGC 20313. dans la moitié inférieure. Kush 2. et qui ont vécu durant la XVIIe dynastie 37 3 8 39 3°) Fluctuations entre TYPE I et TYPE II sur un même monument. n. -Dans le cintre de la stèle BM 248. appel aux vivants. au bénéfice du m r m w w ^ . Corpus Antiquitatum Aegyptiacarum D.74-5. La graphie nouvelle. c'est le TYPE H. au bas de la stèle. qui est utilisé. -Dans le cintre de la stèle CGC 20043. A . les tâtonnements bien compréhensibles dûs à la prise en compte. o. 47. fig. Sprache und Kunst des alten Ägypten. . p. de manière aUfférente. Beiträge zur Literatur. Form und Mass. 4 1 4 2 Smpson. mais dans l'appel aux vivants. ( cf. 3 et XVIII. H. apparemment à un plus jeune âge. *r* c=â=. la formule Q 41 1 ° A est écrite T im . 24. id. 10 ).^ . 451. 38 ). il pourrait bien être le père de h et de spd-hr. la formule fitp di nw est écrite donc suivant le TYPE II. l'opposition entre TYPE I et TYPE II est donc neutralisée.e. dont certains sont datés de l'an 8 de Sébekhotep IV. 18. 136-41. Eggebrecht ( éditeur ). 3 9 4 0 p. la (trp dj nsvi 42 i formule (trp dinsw est écrite corniche. ou dans un groupe de monuments On observe aussi la fluctuation entre TYPE I et TYPE II dans les monuments d'un même personnage. Le TYPE I est utilisé sur CGC 20681 qui mentionne le même personnage. Szafranski. Festschrift für Gerhard Fecht. ( cf.e. contemporain du pharaon ( ou d'un des deux pharaons ) ddw-mss . le TYPE H. di nsw. Tous ces exemples illustrent. n. ( cf. donc ressortissant à la tradition culturelle "hiéroglyphique" d'une graphie issue de la tradition culturelle "documentaire". pl. la formule {tip dj /mv est écrite donc en suivant le TYPE II au troisième registre. Varsovie 141262: Alliot. The Fortress of Buhen. dont les monuments montrent la graphie du TYPE H. 3 7 3 8 Barns. Le monument est attribuabîe à la Xïïïe dynastie . Toutefois. 1980. 21 ). VII. mais on trouve le TYPE I. o.146 Pascal Vernus deux stèles est datée par le rajout du nom du "fils royal" fir-shr. n. 1954. The Inscriptions.S. pi. Smith.. dans l'appel aux vivants dd-tn(ttp dinsvt. sur les autres monuments du même personnage . au premier registre. Smith. donc en suivant le TYPE I . The Terrace of the Great God at Abydos: the Offerings Chapels of Dynasties 12 and 13. p. 0 A T = i = ui dans l'expression irr b. une fois ce Vernus. En revanche. dossier n° 428. 58. donc selon le TYPE II. Franke. 19-21.

BM 2 2 6 . 4 9 5 0 5 1 Voir P. n. Bourriau. ( cf. Labib Habachi.Graphies de "l'offrande que donne le roi" 147 type devenu prépondérant. 10 ). 34. pourrait être le fils de Sébekhotep VU ( mr-hw-r' ) . o.. 63-4. ( cf. etc. sur la stèle CGC 20556. sinon par le même artiste. pl. En revanche. la majorité utilise le TYPE I. 8. et dont l'une s'appelle iry 't titi-'nh . 42-4. dans ce cas il faudrait supposer qu'il a rempli la fonction de mr 'Anwri* n hp après celle de mr pr wr dont il se réclame sur les monuments montrant la graphie du TYPE I . quoiqu'elle soit moins soignée. il faudrait opposer les monuments de titi. Franke. qui a la graphie du TYPE II. D. bbi. désormais un trait récessif. à tout le moins. Le surnom au Moyen Empire ( Studia Pohl 13 ). Bresciani.e. et quelques personnes se retrouvent de l'une à 51 4 3 E. Deux explications à ce changement: -soit cette stèle est plus tardive. J. Or ce titi-'nb a érigé une autre stèle où est utilisé également le TYPE U ( CGC 20666 ). pl. n. Le TYPE I se rencontre aussi sur la stèle Vienna 143.nwti n hp. n. et Naples 1 0 1 8 ont été produites par le même atelier . Vernus. c'est-à-dire le TYPE TJ. la graphie de la formule 4 4 45 i A ? (irpdinsw . ( cf. o. pl. pl. pl. ce qui n'est pas évident.e. b) Fluctuations entre le TYPE I et le TYPE TJ sur les différents monuments d'un même personnage -Sur la stèle CGC 20578. ou évoquant titi avec le TYPE I. 4 5 4 6 Voir les cas cités dans Vernus. recours est fait au TYPE I. n. une des deux stèles dédiées par pth-> au "fils royal" bbi. 8 HTBM III. 20 ). 1= G. p. éventuellement postérieure à la mort de titi. Le stele funerarie délia collezione egizia. le traitement et l'attitude des personnages. 44 Franke. 78. et qui du point de vue stylistique et épigraphique provient du même atelier que la précédente. n. 6 4 7 c) Fluctuations entre le TYPE I et le TYPE TJ dans un même ensemble documentaire 48 49 50 -Les stèles BM 2 2 0 . p. IV. A Francesco Gabrieli. Studi orientalistici offerti nel sessantesino compleano dai suoi colleghi e discepoli. n. d'être relégué dans des emplacements moins dominants. p. Botti. la 43 graphie est .e. r m •=£=• . Le stele egiziane del museo civico archeologico di Bologna. Hôbl. le déterminatif des noms propres. p. p. sur l'autre stèle. 4 7 4 8 HTBM IV. relève du TYPE TJ. 47. o. n. évoquant tir/ . où titi porte le titre de mr 'b. 10 ). o. Toutefois.Parmi les mulitples monuments érigés par ou. -soit elle provient d'un atelier plus ouvert à l'innovation que les autres monuments où est mentionné titi. Bologne KS 1 9 2 7 . . 13. o. 10. 21 ). En conséquence. le nom est donc formé sur celui de tit A . ( cf.e.e. La communauté d'atelier se manifeste par le style d'ensemble. et la stèle dédiée par titi-'nh et son acolyte. ( cf. c'est au tour du TYPE I. dossier n° 228. Cette stèle pourrait bien avoir été dressée par deux personnes représentées en train de faire l'offrande à titi. dossier 732. 14. 44 ).

L'information historique. Cela posé. plus ou moins longue selon les ateliers et les scripteurs. Sur deux d'entre elles. en l'occurrence T tâi a • . î a elle est du TYPE H. . la graphie de la formule (itp dinsw est du TYPE I.g. mais sur la troisième. CGC 20335 BM 630. en conséquence. mntvi-'t. 18.^ 55 A cTB 1 7 ^ = • T A û D 56 57 Voilà donc un ensemble d'indications qui permettent d'apporter quelques précisions à l'histoire des graphies de la formule htp dinsv/. rirruption de traits propres aux traditions culturelles "documentaires" sur les monuments votifs des particuliers. de la difficulté des relations avec les grands centres de la science sacrée. toutefois. Il y eut. Elle n'a sans doute pas été immédiate. proviennent trois statues . 1988.148 Pascal Vernus 52 l'autre . Louvre E 20908 = Vernus. la première écrit htp di : . ou. au plus tôt une génération après ces règnes. alors que c'est le TYPE H qui prévaut dans les deux autres. 50/1. J. et on peut postuler une certaine période de transition et de tâtonnement. sous les graphies + A JLetT^ A ± . on relèvera des graphies bâtardes illustrant clairement les tâtonnement des scripteurs au moment où s'effectue le passage d'un type à l'autre: . à la suite de la rupture. probablement avec ou après le règne de Sébekhotep VI ( mr-(ttp-r ) . p. Vercoutter. iy-mri. 53 -De la même tombe de Mirgissa ( n° 130 ). le TYPE H est généralisé à partir de la fin de la XTfle dynastie. CGC 20544. à tout le moins. d) graphies bâtardes Par ailleurs. Cette substitution s'est opérée quelques temps après ce repère fondamental que constituent les règnes de Néferhotep I et de Sébekhotep IV. Mirgissa 111. des résurgences de l'ancien type qui méritent d'être énumérées. Pourtant.T" A c f u A 54 _ _ - = = ^ A ^ n A A _ . donc selon le TYPE I. 286. L'explication la plus naturelle pour ce genre de fluctuations est que les ensembles comprenant des monuments montrant l'un ou l'autre type datent d'une époque où est en train de s'opérer le passage du TYPE I au TYPE II dans l'épigraphie. On observera que la substitution du TYPE II au TYPE I illustre la déliquescence de la tradition culturelle "hiéroglyphique" et. Résurgences du TYPE I 1°) Résurgences sporadiques durant la XVIIe dynastie ^ 5 3 5 4 5 5 5 6 5 7 e.

MIO 1. qu'on s'accorde à placer dans la XVUe dynastie. Vernus. tout à fait différent. Aussi est-on surpris que la graphie de firp Ji nsw paraisse relever du TYPE I. 61 "touts les hommes qui entreront" . p. 132 (d). Pour l'absence du suffixe ty dans les graphies de la forme à l'Ancien Empire. ou encore. GM 120. même si le monument provient de Dendara. bien différente de la reconstruction de Franke. On relève sur la stèle le respect. perruque de l'homme assis. dans : ^ £ * P JP* o I I I l 'q-ry-sn. investissement maladroit de l'espace. et se voulait une production soignée ( pour l'épque ! ). 1976. En tout cas. Sur cette stèle se manifestent la quasi barbarie épigraphique et les innovations iconographiques caractéristiques de la seconde moitié de la XVIIe dynastie et des premières années de la XVnie dynastie: formule 'nh ntr im. qui provient vraisemblablement de Gébélein. n. la forme est remplacée par le participe: im \ . The egyptian Reliefs and Stelae in the Pushkin Museum of Fine Arts. Moskow. En fait. "celui qui dira" . peut-être. Orientalia 57. on croirait plutôt que c'est là une incohérence supplémentaire sur un monument dressé à une époque où les traditions culturelles "hiéroglyphiques" étaient réduites à de diaphanes ectoplasmes. Hodjash et O. p. 271. o. rmt nir'q. 20 ).e. Le monument émane d'un membre de la famille royale. en dernier lieu. Ägyptische Grabsteine und Denksteine aus 5 9 6 0 6 1 6 2 süddeutschen Sammlungen I. Spiegelberg et D. fig. 90-3. de la forme sjm-ry-fy . Pourtant. mentionne la fille du pharaon s/im-r-wd-ffw. par ailleurs bien malmenée. voir Edel. 14. 1988. dans : 58 59 Sauf à remettre en cause la place du roi dans l'histoire égyptienne. on tendrait à considérer ce trait comme une résurgence. 2°) La mode archaïsante des règnes d'Hatshepsout et Thoutmosis HI S. d'où. . exempli gratia: 60 w . 1991. alors que sur des documents pourtant antérieurs. se manifeste sur la stèle de iy à Karslruhe . 5 8 Voir. à première vue: T Q D M Mais. ( cf. Labib Habachi. la stèle date d'une période où le TYPE II est généralisé dans les graphies de la formule htp Ji nsw. il arrive bien souvent que cette forme ne soit plus identifiable dans les graphies. 'qui entreront" ( x+4 ). 37. RdE 28. l'hypothétique reconstruction de Dodson. Berlev. 79. n°6. le retour à la tradition classique. b) Un autre exemple de résurgence. plutôt que comme un fait de conservatisme provincial. brisée en deux morceaux conservés dans des collections différentes . W. cela procède-t-il d'une intention archaïsante consciente ? On peut en douter à en juger par la différence entre cette graphie maladroite et l'harmonieux équilibre de la 1 ? A graphie classique: T =É= til 1953. dd-(ty)-jy. c'est-à-dire Sébekemsaf I. Pörtner. III. 330.Graphies de "l'offrande que donne le r o i " 149 a) La stèle du "fils royal" imny. signe 62 . même si sa position exacte dans la succession des souverains de cette dynastie n'est pas assurée . attitude des officants. on rencontre le TYPE I à la ligne x+8. parce que la principauté nationaliste de Thèbes était coupée des grands centres de la science sacrée. dans les graphies. pl.

XL. n. N de Garis Davies. 208. Gebel es Sislsileh I. Caminos. R.S. -Statue de rft-msvtl^i-tn. 32. tombe n°73 . Voir aussi H. ZÄS 90. Voir LdÄ 5. Hatshepsout. tombe de sttw/y. 7 0 7 1 1043. fig. 3. sous les règnes d'Hatshepsout et de Thoutmosis m . p. pl. 7 2 7 3 7 4 J. Il. RdE 33. Wison. on rencontre la graphie du TYPE W sur d'autres monuments de bp^-^nb: Urk. pl. 225. IV. 303-23 ( textes hiéroglyphiques ). sont attribuables à la première moitié de la XVITJe dynastie. -Monument d'imn-m-fat. The Tomb of Amenemhet. de Garis Davies et A. pl. -Statue de Apw.H.A. 77. Die Stelen der thebanischen Felsgräber der 18. CXIV. p. 114 (v). P. Hatshepsout. 7 . n.e. XXV. 17b. par exemple: -Stèle de r-nvfils d'/ntß . CGC 20775 .Pascal Vernus 150 Alors que dans le cas précédent. 1982. voir aussi 1O30.A.G. tombe de rh-mi-r ( n°l00 ) .A. il s'agissait d'une résurgence épisodique. Eine prosopographische Untersuchung ( Hamburg Ägyptologischer Studium 2 ).A. p. 38). dédiée par son fils ftpv-snb . 180-2. Hatshepsout. Hatshepsout. -Thèbes. VII. et pour la date. ce qui paraît difficilement acceptable. -Stèle MMA 65-115. IV. Meyer. et T. dédiée par son fils imn-m-fiè . 1963. pour la bibliographie et les problèmes historiques. -Thèbes. p. -Stèle Munich AS 401. LXXVI. 29. à une résurrection assurément voulue du TYPE I de la formule (itp di nsw. Hatshepsout et Thoutmosis III. 1035-6. -Thèbes. Hermann. attribue la stèle à 7 5 7 6 l'époque d'Aménophis IV. Labib Habachi. style début de la XVIII dynastie. mais le TYPE II se rencontre pl. Cette résurrection est attestée par les monuments datés suivants: -Monuments de sn-n-mwr . Säve-Söderbergh. Helck. 63 64 65 && 67 6 9 70 71 7 2 7 3 Ces exemples frappent par leur cohérence chronologique puisqu'ils se concentrent pensant les règnes d'Hatshepsout et de Thoutmosis l u . ( cf. D'autres. Bonn A 124 = Spiegelberg et Pörtner. Vernus. TV. col. ( cf. N. pl. 478 et 482. 62 ). o. En revanche.H. XLVI. VIII. Die Denkmäler des Neuen Reiches. à défaut d'être datés précisément. Dorman. Thoutmosis lu ( à partir de l'an 32 ). IV. The Shrines. 6 4 6 5 T. pl. et peutêtre à peine consciente. p. 6 6 Turin 3061 = Urk.S. -Stèle Leyde AE. Edel. Sixteen Studies on Lower Nubia { CASAE 23 ). The Tomb of Rekhmire II. Sennemut. p. Dynastie ( ÄgFo 11 ). Hatshepsout et Thoutmosis III. 202. Voir aussi P. IV.Thoutmosis III. Zur Verwaltung des Mittleren und Neuen Reiches. Gardiner. ( n°l 10 ) . Urk. -Thèbes. . Boeser. voici qu'on assiste. 225. Hatshepsout et Thoutmosis DI ( dernière attestation connue en l'an 28 68 ). 4 75 7 6 6 3 Voir Ch. -Stèle Chicago 10510 . n°6.e. The monuments of Senenmut. tombe d'imn-m-fat ( n°82 ) . Smith. -Statue du vizir \wr . *31-6. Four Eighteenth Dynasty Tombs I. o. Beschreibung. James. En revanche. Urk. 1033. The Culture of Ancient Egypt. W. 67 6 8 6 9 A. p. 52. nouvelle graphie dans Urk.

n. Abb ) . au moment où s'imposent les graphies de TYPE II. 70. pour distinguer ce qui appartient à la Deuxième Période Intermédiarre de ce qui appartient au Moyen Empire. Athribis ( BdE 78 ). voir les belles pages de Brunner. Vernus. Saeculum 21. p. En voici quelques exemples qu'il serait aisé de multiplier: -Stèle de {ir-ès à Turin .p. Barta. Revue du Tarn 90. 194-5. en raison de la fréquence de la formule fttp Ji nnv. La concentration des attestations bien datées pendant les règnes d'Hatshepsout et de Thourmosis m ne surprend pas. 33. -Stèle de nny ( CGC 20564 ) . 33 ( XXIII ).Graphies de "l'offrande que donne le roi'' 151 77 -De nombreux autres c a s . Sur ces problè 78 3°) La mode archaïsante au début de l'Epoque Saïte Dans la mesure où les graphies de TYPE I de la formule fitp Ji nsw étaient senties comme des traits propres à laculture traditionnelle. Il y a un double avantage: -D'un point de vue pratique. et les cas de graphies du TYPE I ne manquent pas. utilisant une perspicace observation de Brunner. 175. je veux dire le début de la Basse Epoque et la XXVIe dynastie. 84 exempli gratia: Steindorff. 1970. 45-54. Bothmer. P. jusqu'à influencer non seulement les monuments sacralisé. on dispose d'un critère aisément applicable. on gagne beaucoup à situer le début de la Deuxième Période mtermédiaire à la fin de la XTTie dynastie. La généralisation des graphies de TYPE TJ sur les monuments sacralisés tels les stèles. pl. mais même le langage épistolaire des hauts dignitaires . p. autour du règne de Dedoumes. B. c'est une époque où le retour à la culture traditionnelle. Future at Issue { YES 4 ). o. p. P. Egyptology and the social Sciences. Aniba II. 1989. Cette attente n'est pas déçue. p. 151-61. souvent celle des monuments du Moyen Empire. GM 108. cf. 95. on s'attend qu'elles aient pu être remises à l'honneur à une autre période de l'histoire égyptienne où prédomine une mode "archaïsante". voir Redford. Pour cette complexe notion d'archaïsme". p.D e nombreux autres cas .effet. Autrement dit. ce n'est point fortuit. 1978. la mode archaïsante a été fort loin. Pour la datation de l'objet. 3. peut-être avec ou après celui de Sébekhotep VI. Vernus. 79 80 8 1 -Statue de z n^t-fir-^lß . dans K. 4 ). est manifeste. n. 281. 65. il appert que si le critère de Smither conserve une évidente pertinente.. En . Weeks ( éditeur}. on ne peut l'apprécier pleinement qu'à condition de bien comprendre les faits culturels dont il est. n. . si cette généralisation coïncide avec la fin de la XJJJe dynastie.l. en tout cas. 77 Brooklyn 7 8 2 7 9 8 0 8 1 8 2 8 3 8 4 Ramond. p. ( cf. voir la convaincante démonstration de Leahy. Die Geburt des Gottkönigs ( Äg. Au demeurant. De ce bref aperçu. 7"he Museum Annual II-III. en quelques sorte l'épiphénomène.e. C'est tout simplement une des conséquences indirectes de la situation politique de cette période. les statues et autres objets votifs consacrés par les particuliers résulte de reffondrement de la culture "hiéroglyphique" dont les graphies du TYPE I étaient le produit. document 101. 37c. dans le découpage que nous opérons sur l'histoire égyptienne . XIII. 83 . pl. 3-20. Dans ces conditions. 1960-1962.

J. alors que le plus souvent. il est impossible de faire le départ entre ce qui date de cette dynastie. 132. § 78. Ainsi. de faire commencer la Deuxième Période Intermédiaire avec le début de la XlIIe dynastie. 46 ). 86 voir Vernus. Einführung in die Ägyptologie.149. o. . 2. n. d'autre part.Pascal Vernus 152 -D'un point de vue historique. p. B. D. 85 86 85 Voir E.e. p. p. Ancient Egypt A social History. par l'appauvrissement progressif ou brutal des communications entre le sud de l'Egypte et les grands centres dépositaires de la culture traditionnel. Hornung. ( . même si c'est de manière indirecte. On évite. A. O'Connor. ce qui a l'inconvénient d'introduire une coupure là où la documentation disponible ne laisse guère entrevoir de solution de continuité dans les institutions et les traditions culturelles et artistiques . p. de placer le commencement de la Deuxième Période mtennédiaire avec la XVIIe dynastie. B. puisque le passage du TYPE I au TYPE U a été provoqué. n.G. LLoyd. ( cf. Trigger. o. et ce qui date de la période immédiatement antérieure de la fin de la XlJJe dynastie où est opérée la généralisation du TYPE n . 29 ). le découpage ainsi opéré reflète le changement de situation politique réel.B. Kemp. S. on évite d'une part. Quirke.1.e.