The Gorgon

Author(s): Furio Jesi

Source: East and West, Vol. 10, No. 1/2 (MARCH-JUNE 1959), pp. 88-93
Published by: Istituto Italiano per l'Africa e l'Oriente (IsIAO)
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The Gorgon
^^^^^^ ^^^^^^^^V J^^^^^k

||wf^^^ ^^^^^^^f^^^^^^^^j^B '

Notes and documents

relating to the
66 Prolegomena zu einer historischen

Gestaltlehre"
Head of Gorgon, from a Corinthian crater.
Go//. Dr. S. Schweizer Basel

The amphora of Nessus in the Archaeological

Museum of Athens (1) has preserved for us

one of the traditional images of the Gorgon.

The monster, fitted out with two great wings,
is represented in the customary posture of the

ritual race (corsa in ginocchio) found in many

of the designs coming from Western Asia, in
which Frobenius identified the solar motif of

the swastica (2).

The Gorgon's head is broad and flattened

and ends in a kind of conventionalised mane.

The enormous mouth with prominent fangs

and protruding tongue, wide nostrils and round
staring eyes, give the head a bestial expression.

An image closely resembling this is painted on

a scyphus decorated with black patterns belong?

ing to the Robinson collection (3).

Frobenius identifies in this portrayal of the
Gorgon the motifs of the lion, the eagle, the
serpent and the bird, pertaining to the arche?
typal imagery of prehistoric Europe and of
Africa fused together in the mythical concep?

tion corresponding to related emotions, in

by Leo Frobenius

This strange head is fixed to a rather long

neck, on either side of which rise a couple of
serpents with lowered heads, two other ser?

pents occupy the corresponding position on

a level with the mouth.

While we have a frontal view of the head,

the body of the Gorgon is seen in profile.

The chest is square with rounded corners and

the arms are stretched forwards.

The only clothing worn by the monster is

a long skirt, tied at the waist, falling over the
leg drawn back as she steps.
The solar symbolism of the frontal view of
the lion is evidently found again in the Gor?
gon; but it would perhaps be unduly restric?
tive in an Asian work to attribute this meaning
to the fontal view only, although this frontal
view expresses very clearly the characteristic
features of that symbol. That same motif that
Frobenius noted also in the representation of

an astral phenomenon commonly known as

that of the plunderer (predatore) may indeed

lend itself to such an interpretation, if we

conformity with the characteristic features of

the rhythmological environment. The correct?

also take into account the fact that examples

exist of a frontal view of predatory animals.

evident if the image described above be com?

pared to that on a large amphora coming from

Byzantine basrelief embedded in the rear wall

of the Ancient Metropolis of Athens, repre?

ness of these observations becomes more

the necropolis of Eleusis (4). The conventio?

nal head of the monster is roundish in shape,

I should like to note in this connection a

senting a frontal view of a felid (a lion)

attacking an animal that looks like a deer (?).

flattened at the poles and divided into two

The representations of the frontal view of

drawn obliquely at the upper ends of the head,

I may therefore speak of solar symbolism

both in the case of representations of felids
seen in a frontal position and for those seen
in profile in special designs, and this state?
ment is justified by the alternation of frontal

halves by the horizontal line of the mouth in

which the teeth are suggested. The eyes are

and a stepped triangle represents the nose.

Immediately above it, and running the whole

length of the triangle, is a circle of small deco?

rative patterns.

lions, mentioned by Frobenius, have much in

common with the felid in this basrelief.

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and profile views as well as by the analogy

between these positions and those of the repre?

sentatives of the predatory animals. But it is

in the Corinthian ceramics that we find quite

frequently images of more or less fantastic

animals with a frontal view of a lion's face,
matched by representations of roaring lions
seen in profile.
An olpe preserved in the Etruscan museum

in Florence (5) is decorated with animals

arranged in four rows (registri). We find

many goblets from Cyprus belonging to the

Mycaenaean age, often ascribed to the so-called

Bull Painter of Enkomi, the animal is clearly

a bird of prey.

One of these is in the British Museum (8).

It shows a bull with lowered head about to

charge, while a bird attacks it, fastening its
beak on the bull's neck and stretching out its

claws. The scene is repeated twice on the

goblet without any noticeable alteration in the

composition. The only changes are in the

there examples of both modes of representa?

ornamental marks which fill the threefold

divisions of the bull's body. A similar scene

Louvre (E 436) and of the University of

now in the British Museum. Lastly, an

tion. We would mention as prototypes of

fontal representation, the aryballoi of the

Dunedin, an amphora in the Art Gallery of

Yale University, some goblets and ampho

riskoi. Some of the aryballoi of Florence and
famous alabaster belonging to Yale Univer?

sity (6) are decorated with felids presented in

profile.

This parallelism found in the decorations

of Corinthian ceramics once more offers

indirect evidence for the identification of the

is found on two other goblets from Klavdia,

amphoroid goblet, discovered by the Swedish

Mission at Enkomi, is decorated with a design
of eight bulls all intent on driving off a flock
of birds who have attacked them (9).
The interpretation of representations of this
kind offered by Karagheorghis might perhaps
be valid, but only if the scene of the bull and

the birds were an exclusive feature of the

Mycaenaean ceramics from Cyprus, and if the

meaning of the representations on the strength

of which both may possibly belong to an epoch

even more remote than that of the mythical

age, a reflex of which may be noted even in
the later iconographical developments I have
referred to, in which almost all trace of the

original meanings and consequently of the

original emotions had been lost.

On the other hand, a singular documentary

proof is offered by the so-called (< Stone of the

lions ?, Arslan-tash, at Hailan-Veli in Phry

gia (7) It is a basrelief on which two lions

rampart, facing one another, are represented,

both seen in profile, and between them is an
image presumably related to the betilic cult.
The composition is almost identical to that of
the Gate of the Lions; only at Mycaenae the

faces of the lions are seen in the frontal

position. In this case the parallelism is more
than ever evident. The identity in meaning
of the frontal and profile representations is
thus once more confirmed.

A more thorough examination of this same

motif of predatory animals, the study of which

has enabled me to come to these conclusions,

may lead us to enlarge somewhat the horizon
directly connected with the Gorgon.
Indeed, the study of a large number of these
representations shows that the predatory qua?
druped (the lion) may easily be replaced by a

bird.

In some of the ceramics from Susa and in

Lion by profile, from a Corinthian alabaster. Art Gallery,

Yale University

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The possibility of making use sometimes of

the lion and sometimes of the bird in repre?

senting the predatory motif is matched

moreover by the frequency with which some

fanciful animal such as a griffin is used to re?
present the bird of prey, In the griffin, indeed,

the characteristic features of the lion and of

the bird are combined, one or other alternately

taking the leading part.

In the great Etruscan candelabrum of Cor
tona (10) the Gorgon's head is surrounded by
a circle of designs representing the beasts of
prey: on one side a bull is attacked by a f elid
(a lion), and on the other by a characteristic
winged griffin.

A deer (?) attacked by two winged griffins

with the characteristic features of a bird and
of a lion, is represented on a silver amphora
coming from Nikopolis in South Russia (11),
part of which is gilded.

Lastly, another example of a griffin as a

r
r

r
r
r

predatory animal is offered by a mosaic of the

4th century B.C. now in the Museum of

Corinth (12).

The possibility of replacing the lion by a

bird in the predatory motif, presupposes a

marked affinity ? if not identity ? of mean?

ing attached to the two animals in the idea

Lion, front view, from a Corinthian alabaster. University

of Amsterdam

bird of prey were not found in the iconography

of other civilisations. The Greek archaeologist

believes that the artist was probably inspired

when composing his design by a scene of

common occurrence in the countryside of

Cyprus where herds of bulls are often tormen?

ted by swarms of insects which are generally

eaten by magpies, who thus deliver the herds

from their tormentors. But in doing so the

birds have to peck the bulls who, annoyed by
this, try to drive them off.

A comparison with the ceramics from Susa

justifies me in seeing in the design I have just
described a representation closely resembling
the decorations on those ceramics and which
must therefore be one of the many predatory

motifs.
The image referred to by Karagheorghis
should be considered as an occasional way of

expressing a different motif: it can be explain?

ed by the usual mechanism of the theory of

archetypal connections.

Lion, front view, from a Corinthian amphora. Art Gallery,

Yale University

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Figuration of the ? piun- ""?^?- "^/g^^^^^ "XH^IHIk ^EBR

derer?. Ancient Metro- ^^^^^HHg^^^^Afc - -^J^fifl

underlying the transformations introduced

into the Gorgon motif.

In addition to this, we have come across a
special demoniacal figure belonging to Etruscan
mythology, usually portrayed in a way which
may give rise to some further considerations
on the same subject.

The image of a winged demon has been

preserved in the tomb of the Ogre at Tarqui

nia. It has a large beak which it has thrust

into a broad flat face of relatively anthropo?

morphic shape. The head is crowned by wiry

hair out of which two serpents arise while

The special care taken in depicting them,

points to a marked interest in the morbidly

terrifying developments of which the image
was susceptible. Here again, as in the figures
of the Gorgon, the serpent plays a specific part

and, taken as a whole and considered from

the iconographic standpoint only, the two
images seem closely akin.

We can at least recognize in them motifs

held in common by both and indeed the whole

purpose of this study is to prove the existence
of certain archetypal motifs which authorise

one to speak of a special symbolism, motifs

another serpent is coiled round the arm of the

demon. An inscription above the figure gives

which intermingle, are assimilated and identi?

fied in the mythical unconscience of each of
the individuals who have created them. Thus

The (haracteristcs of the bird as an expres?

sion of the daimon are very clearly indicated.

what may be described as a rhythmological

its name: Tuchulcha (13).

determination of a biotype common to both is

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obtained, as far as the original emotions

underlying each myth are concerned. And
each image ? in this case images of animals ?
is found to be linked to another. This gives
rise to a reciprocal relation between them, due
to the existence of an archetypal connection,
and therefore each image may be considered
as expressing the meaning and the reason of
the other, and viceversa.

The connection in question ? to state it in

the terms of my theory of the archetypal
connections in the origin of myths ? is seen
to be the result of a quite special emotional
phenomenon. This phenomenon is, indeed,
an unconscious one, of which the connection
is the conscious manifestation. The passage
of this connection from potential to effective
as the result of the occurrence of an uncon?

scious phenomenon, is conditioned by the

special features of the rhythmological envi?

ronment.

Head of Gorgon, Amphora of the Gorgon. Museum of Eleusis

this image we find the same features as in that

of the Gorgon, except for the serpent. From

New Zealand comes also a toki hohupu made

of jade with an image, no less demoniacal in
character, resembling in part the griffins of
Etruscan iconography to which we have already

referred. It is also designed in conformity

with the conventions characteristic of the art

of the Maoris.

Demoniacal image. S. Petronio, Cappella dei Re Magt.

Bologna

The characteristics of the bird, which can

be noted also in many representations of the
Gorgon, are found again in an image akin to
it coming from New Zealand. It is one of the
usual hei-tiki figures, carved in this case on

the facade of a house (14). The body of the

monster is intentionally distorted and contrac?

ted on conventional lines. The lower part of

the head consists of an enormous mouth,

strangely resembling that of the corresponding

representation of the Gorgon, with protruding

tongue; the upper lip so folded as to suggest

a beak. Above the mouth are flat, animal?

like nostrils, and the diagonally shaped eyes
under two very high eyebrows emphasise the

demoniacal expression. Two little flakes of

mother o'pearl imitate in a masterly way the

pupils of the eyes, staring straight ahead. In

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The anthropomorphic features are always

present in these demoniacal compositions;
indeed, all the theriomorphic features are
fused and dramatised in an anthropomophic

design in which the corresponding human

features are presented with demoniacal defor?

mations. Attention must be called to this fact

if we wish to have a full understanding of the

importance of the Gorgon as shown by two

representations of kindred divinities. The first

is that of the god Bes, who occupies a special

place in the Egyptian Pantheon, and who may
have been introduced into it in a very remote

age (15). He is represented in the charac?

teristic shape of a deformed dwarf, and this

leads us to suspect an African origin, a sup?

position confirmed by some iconographic

Hei tiki, of Uriwera Tribe, New Zealand. Pigorini Museum,

Rome

features of which we will now speak.

His head which, as he is the protector of

many objects in common use is frequently

represented, comes within the number of de?

moniacal images related to that of the Gorgon,
displaying more or less leonine features. Here,
however, the anthromorphic features prevail,
though the face often recalls the frontal view

of a lion; the tongue hangs out of the large

mouth and the expression is that of a brute

beast.

The face of the god of the Mahalbis (16),

Edschu, resembles that of Bes, though more

decisively anthropomorphic. The fact that it
is placed beside and above the images of the

Universe leads us to suppose that a meaning

similar to that assigned to the Gorgon was
attributed to it, and this supposition is con?
firmed by iconographic resemblances.

It would thus seem that all the mythical

archetypal motifs (lion, bird, serpent, etc.),

reveal reciprocal relations existing between all
of them, arising from archetypal connections,

which, with the subsequent changes in the

meaning given them, were transmitted right

down the Middle Ages without losing their

essential characteristics. One need only observe

the leonine patterns woven into some materials

dating back to the early Middle Ages, the

demoniacal motifs dear to Gothic iconography,

etc., to confirm this. But along with these

shapes we always find the human image (17)

which indeed is frequently the predominant
feature, for all the theromorphic features are
modified to bring them within its scope.
The representation of the divinity with its

universal attributes is confined within the

limits of an image which is generically that of

a human being.

This is a fact of special importance for the

history of religions, as it throws light on the
reciprocal relations existing between the mean?

ings attributed to the images of animals and

to the representations of the human figure, as

conceived in most of the rhythmological

environments.

Furio Jesi
NOTES
(1) An Attic Pithos of the 6th century B.C.
(2) Frobenius, Kulturgeschichte Afrikas. Prolegomena zu
einer historischen Gestaltlehre, Italian translation by C. Bo
vero, (Turin, 1950) p. 144.
(3) Robinson, American Journal of Archaeology, LX, 1,
(1956) 1-27, Tab. 13, figg. 61-62.
(4) Description given in the Guide to Eleusis, in Greek,
by Kourouniotis, (Athens 1924).

(5) Benson, American Journal of Archaeology, LX, 3

(1956), 219-231, Tab. 70, fig. 11-12.

(6) Idem, Tab. 71-73.

(7) A photograph of a bas-relief, taken from the Journ.

of Hell Stud, and reproduced in Springer's a Handbook of
the History of Art ? in the Italian translation by A. Delia
Seta, Vol. 1, fig. 167.
(8) Karagheorghis, American Journal of Archaeology, LX,
2, (1956) 95-102, Tab. 56, fig. 3-4.
(9) Sj?qvist, Problems of the late Cypriote Bronze Age,
fig. 21.
(10) Museum of Cortona, N. 10332.
(11) Springer, op. cit. p. 222, fig. 392.

(12) Comes from the excavations carried out by the

Mission of the American School of Classical Studies at
Athens; described in the Guide to the Museum, 1935.
(13) The fresco dates back to the Vth century B.C.

(14) Grottanelli, La figura umana nelVarte dei primi

tivi, (Florence, 1956), fig. 41.

(15) Erman, Die Religion der Aegypter. Ihr Werden und
Vergehen in vier Jahrtausenden, (Berlin und Leipzig, 1934);
Cfr. Vandier, La religion egyptienne, (Paris, 1949), pp. 220

221; Jesi, ? Bes initiateur. Elements destitutions prehis

toriques dans le culte et dans la magie de l'ancienne Egypte?,

V. Internationaler Kongress f?r Vor- und Fr?hgeschichte,
(Hamburg, 1958).
(16) Frobenius, op. cit. p. 236, fig. 122-123.
(17) An example of possible human representations in
wich the essential features are identifiable with those of
theromorphic images, is offered by the well-known type of
terracotta idols coming from Troy. See K?hn, Abstrakte
Kunst der Vohrzeit, (Hanover, 1957).

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