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CHAPTER 5
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This paper was written by Luciana Jaccoud, Instituto de Pesquisa Econmica Aplicada (IPEA) and Maria Luiza Amaral Rizzotti, Universidade
Estadual de Londrina
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UN Photo/Eskinder Debebe
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Brazil is a federal republic and is divided politically and administratively into 26 member states, a federal district and 5,570 municipalities.
It has a population of 204 million inhabitants.
3
The organization of the education policy is also based on pacts and collaboration among the different levels of government. The
government is preparing to create a national educational system, as determined by Constitutional Amendment 59/2009.
TABLE 1
SOCIAL SECURITY AND SOCIAL ASSISTANCE BENEFITS
(DECEMBER 2014)
NON-CONTRIBUTORY BENEFITS
CONTRIBUTORY BENEFITS
PBF
BPC
14 million
4.13 million
26.96 million
TOTAL
45.09 million
Source: Data from the Matriz de informao social database of the MDS, and MPS, 2014.
4
The Constitution created a special insured party category in the social security system to protect the family incomes of rural workers
from classic social risks. It uses a flexible contribution rule. To be eligible for benefits, rural workers must have previous employment ties, but
access is not conditioned on the number of contributions they have made. The contributions are set at a special rate of 2.3 percent of the
value of the production sold.
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Local health and social assistance councils are operational in 100 percent of the 5,570 municipalities in Brazil.
UN Photo/Pernaca Sudhakaran
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For example, there is the Fundo Nacional de Sade (FNS, National Health Fund), Fundo Nacional de Assistncia Social (FNAS or National Social
Assistance Fund), Fundo Nacional de Educao Bsica (FUNDEB, or National Basic Education Fund), among others.
7
Of the 5,570 municipalities, while the majority are small (up to 20,000 inhabitants), there are also a few metropolises with more than 11
million inhabitants each.
8
The Censo SUAS (MDS, 2014a) is a successful example of the new IT systems being generated. It is an information-gathering system that
collects data annually on the systemic components of the SUAS from all Brazilian municipalities. The MDS publishes its results annually.
9
The Cadastro nico para Polticas Sociais (CADNICO, or Unified Registry for Social Policies) provides a good example. In its latest edition,
it began to collect information on traditional and specific populations (such as indigenous people, people engaged in extractive activities or
populations in rural communities with specific historical origins) by locality and specific identity.
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CHART 1
DECLINE IN EXTREME POVERTY IN BRAZIL BY AGE GROUP (1992-2013)
25%
0-4 years
20%
5-14 years
15-24 years
25- 59 years
15%
over 60
10%
5%
0%
1992
1993
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2011
2012
2013
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10
The BPC assists poor people over 65 in situations of vulnerability and those with disabilities affecting their ability to work. Beneficiaries
monthly per capita family income must not exceed one quarter of the minimum wage. The monthly amount of the benefit is set at one minimum wage (BRL 788.00 as of 1 January 2015).
11
One of the advantages of this integration is that the social security system has a vast network of experts and doctors trained to assess the
situation of people who apply for the BPC.
12
For more on the PBF and the BPCs impacts on income inequality in Brazil, and the evolution of these benefits and their expansion, see Campello and Neri, 2013, and Instituto de Pesquisa Econmica Aplicada, 2012.
13
The Unified Registry records information on families with a per capita family income of up to half of one minimum wage (BRL 394.00). It
includes the beneficiaries of the PBF, which targets families with a per capita income of up to BRL 154.00. In 2011, BPC beneficiaries and their
families also began to be included in the Cadnico database.
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S U A S ( U N I F I E D S O C I A L A S S I S TA N C E S Y S T E M )
Foreseen in the law since 1993, the SUAS began to be
built in 2004. Its task is to overcome the historical gap
left by the virtual absence of state action for families
living in extreme poverty and individuals facing
vulnerabilities linked to the life cycle (childhood, old
age, disability or dependency), the risk of violence or
abandonment, or the need to rebuild a community
network and social life. It was a situation where social
assistance freed the state from all responsibility in
relation to services and care - that is, when it was
not treating extreme poverty and inequality as the
natural state of aairs.
Recognizing that in addition to cash transfer
programmes, there was a need for a network of
facilities that oers other public services to those
in need, the SUAS constructed a series of support
systems: public facilities, human resources, stable and
regular financing, an integrated network of services,
and IT and monitoring systems (Jaccoud and others,
2010).
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14
This programme has reduced child labour continuously, which can be observed both in the five to nine years age group (fell from 1.8 percent
in 2001 to 0.4 percent in 2012) and the 10 to 13 age group (from 9.8 percent to 3.2 percent in the same period) (MP, 2013). Recently, the PETI
introduced strategic actions targeting municipalities with a higher incidence of this problem.
15
According to the Censo SUAS 2013 (MDS, 2014a), there are 4,400 units in the country offering shelter to people in a variety of situations. Of this
total, 2,860 are run by charitable organizations.
16
Beneficiary families must meet the following conditions: minimum school attendance of 85 percent for children of six to 15 years of age
and 75 percent for youth between 16 and 17 years of age; in the area of health, the growth and development of children under seven must be
monitored, pregnant women must attend pre-natal classes and nursing women are monitored.
17
The programmes monitor 15.4 million students and individual information on their school attendance is gathered every two months. In
regards to health care, 8.7 million families are monitored; their information is gathered twice a year. Of this total, only around 3 percent are
not complying with the conditions in the area of education, and less than 2 percent in relation to vaccination programmes. There is up-to-date
nutritional data on 86 percent of the children (MDS/Senarc, 2014).
CHART 2
DROPOUT RATES (%) OF CHILDREN FROM PBF BENEFICIARY FAMILIES AND NON-PBF
BENEFICIARIES (2012)
Students with PBF
Elementary school
High school
17.5
11.3
7.3
2.8
3.2
Brazil
7.7
7.4
3.8
Northeast
Brazil
Northeast
17.5
CHART 3
PASS RATES (%) OF CHILDREN FROM PBF BENEFICIARY FAMILIES AND NON-PBF
BENEFICIARIES (2012)
11.3
Elementary school7.3
100
2.8
85.2
3.2
3.8
88.2
100
82.6
80
60
Brazil
80.3
80
Northeast
60
40
40
20
20
Brazil
Northeast
79.7
75.5
Brazil
82.6
72
Northeast
0
Brazil
Northeast
100
90
80
85.2
88.2
99
82.6
80.3
S O C I A L P R O T E C T I O N F O R S U S TA I N A B L E D E V E L O P M E N T - S P 4 S D
CHART 4
SCHOOL ATTENDANCE OF BPC CHILD BENEFICIARIES (2007-2012)
350,000
329,801
300,000
296,622
306,371
281,220
263,135
250,000
230,708
204,590
200,000
150,000
140,274
120,524
100,000
139,518
107,478
78,848
In School
school
In
50,000
Out in
of school
School
Not
0
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
Source: Data from Cadastro Administrativo do BPC/MDS and Censo Escolar/MEC. Prepared by: DBA/SNAS/MDS.
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Analyses on how PBF conditionalities were implemented and their impacts on the health of children and infant mortality can be found in
Campello and Neri, 2013, and Ximenes and others, 2014.
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C O M B AT I N G P O V E R T Y A N D T H E D E V E L O P M E N T O F
SOCIAL PROTECTION IN BRAZIL
Moves to universalize the provision of services
and benefits are also part of the fight against
poverty in Brazil, as mentioned earlier. They are
complemented by the commitment to tackling
exclusion and extreme poverty, which is the result
of institutional choices and political decisions. This
was the case with the implementation of the PBF
and the SUAS, as well as the food and nutritional
security agenda, which was a priority of the first
Lula administration. In 2003, the launch of Fome
Zero (Zero Hunger) confirmed the governments
commitment to a new generation of public policies
to combat poverty. The Poltica de Segurana
Alimentar (Food and Nutrition Security Policy),
the Programa de Aquisio de Alimentos (PAA,
or Food Acquisition Programme), the Programa
gua para Todos (Water for All Programme) and,
more recently, in 2011, the Plano Brasil Sem Misria
(PBSM, Brazil Without Extreme Poverty Plan) have
served to advance social policy for the poorest.
These programmes and policies treat poverty
not as a question of scarcity or deprivation, but
as the result of the lack of social protection and
opportunities, and in terms of basic rights.
The strengthening of public food and nutrition
security policies sought to combine support
for family farming with greater access to food
(CONSEA, 2009). A good example is the inclusion
in the legislation that no less than 30 percent of
food provided to students in state schools must be
purchased locally from family farmers. In addition
to substantially improving the quality and diversity
of fresh food and respecting local food customs,
this initiative expanded the market for family
farmers.
Even so, at the end of the 2000s, it was clear that
the sectors who had benefitted from the PBF were
benefitting very little from the economic growth
that had marked the decade. The capacity of these
groups to take advantage of the new opportunities
was limited. Once again, this proved that economic
growth alone is not the driving force of equality
and does not distribute benefits equally across all
sectors of the population.
19
This benefit aims to supplement family income so that it exceeds the threshold of BRL 77.00 per person. Its value varies from one family to the next and
aims to close the gap between per capita income (which includes other PBF benefits) and the extreme poverty line.
20
The Retorno Garantido (Guaranteed Returned) measure is also worth mentioning. This measure ensures that all adult PBF beneficiaries who take up paid
work that allows their family to cross the extreme poverty line - which means renouncing PBF benefits - will be automatically re-admitted to the PBF if they
lose their job.
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The goal of gua para Todos (Water for All) is to provide universal access to drinking water and increase access to water for production. The programme
has promoted the construction of more than 750,000 cisterns, which were delivered between 2011 and 2014 (Campello and others, 2014).
22
In relation to the right to health, for example, priority was given to increasing access to the PSF, the Unidades Bsicas de Sade (UBS, or Primary Health
Care Units), and the Programa Mais Mdicos (More Doctors Programme). In education, incentives to expand full-time school programmes in areas with
high poverty rates are worth highlighting due to their impacts on the provision of full-time schooling. As for social assistance, in addition to the new
benefits and the expansion of the basic social assistance network, the Servios Especializados para Pessoas em Situao de Rua (Specialized Services for the
Homeless) were also prioritised, along with mobile teams offering support in hard-to-reach areas.
23
The PAA, the Programa Nacional de Fortalecimento da Agricultura Familiar (PRONAF, or National Programme for Strengthening of Family Farming)
and the national technical assistance and rural extension policies and programmes (PNATER and PRONATER) should be highlighted. See Campolina and
others, 2013; Grossi, Kroeff and Rickli, 2013.
24
More than 2 million young people have benefitted from the programme. For more information on PRONATEC, see Falco and others, 2014, and
Montagner and Muller, 2015.
F I N A L C O N S I D E R AT I O N S
By way of conclusion, we will highlight aspects
of Brazils recent experience that can contribute
to the international debate on social protection
models. The content presented above aimed to
fuel reflection on Brazilian social protection by
highlighting advances in coordinating among
dierent fields of intervention and bringing
together actions to eradicate extreme poverty,
reduce inequality and expand social rights.
Furthermore, we drew attention to the new
organizational design that is rooted in the primacy
of the state, but also connected to a network of
non-governmental service providers and social
control.
Brazil sought to confront the considerable
challenge of designing and implementing
nation-wide policies in a federative context and
a territory marked not only by its size but also
economic, social and cultural dierences. The
country outlined a national arrangement based
on the Constitution, regulatory developments and
policy and programme protocols that all levels of
government could feasibly adopt. The institutional
structures for coordinating among national and
sub-national spheres have played a key role and
contributed to advances in not only the provision,
but also the standardization and universalization
of social services and benefits.
This regulatory framework has played a strategic
role in and guaranteed the necessary legal
support for the recognition of the right to social
protection and for demanding that this right be
fulfilled. Nevertheless, Brazils system is far from
simple, as it operates with contributory and
non-contributory cash benefits, while offering
services with universalizing guidelines and scope
and running programmes aimed at promoting
equality. In addition to combating poverty,
Brazils social protection project seeks to reduce
inequality by offering universal public education
and health services with ever-increasing
standards of quality to the entire population.
With the aim of improving living conditions and
opportunities, social policies have also been
expanding actions to promote the productive
inclusion of rural and urban populations who
face greater economic vulnerability.
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