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Shefeld Hallam University, Shefeld Business School, Howard Street, Shefeld S1 1WB, UK
a r t i c l e i n f o
a b s t r a c t
Article history:
Received 11 July 2011
Accepted 23 October 2011
Government interventions can be important for determining priorities between heritage protection and
tourism related development at heritage sites. This paper uses a political economy approach to examine
the governments role in determining these priorities in China, for two heritage schemes at West Lake in
the city of Hangzhou. The study considers policy making for heritage protection and tourism develop
ment in the context of broad economic and political circumstances, the power and inuence of different
actors in the schemes governance, strategic selectivity in the policy choices, and whether views about
the policies exhibited a uniform hegemony among powerful and less inuential groups. Consideration is
given to how the relative priority for heritage protection and tourism development in policies reected
the states regulation of the economy and maintenance of its political legitimacy. A powerful policy
community was found that was beginning to consider other actors views, but tourism development
remained a prominent driver.
2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Keywords:
Heritage protection
Tourism development
Political economy
Governance
Policy community
China
1. Introduction
The governance of heritage can be fraught with tensions
between the requirements of protection and conservation and the
opportunities for commercial and economic development. On the
one hand, historic resources can be valorised to facilitate revenue
generation and economic growth through tourism, real estate
development and place marketing. The commercial use of historic
assets thus can promote local socio economic development. Heri
tage resources and their conservation sometimes have acted as, or
been part of, urban regeneration or rural revitalisation schemes in
that they have become integral with neoliberal strategies to improve
the competitiveness of places in the global capitalist economy
(Harvey, 2005). On the other hand, commercial activities may
damage historic resources, through physical damage caused by
tourist use or through commoditization, trivialisation and stand
ardisation (Ho & McKercher, 2004). Yet, attempts to preserve local
historic resources that deny socio economic development can
condemn places to economic impoverishment (Yang, Wall, & Smith,
2008). The commercial use of heritage may also be considered
necessary in order to generate the funding required to protect it
(Chhabra, 2009). As Timothy (2007, p. xvi) notes: Without an
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4. Study methods
Research on the two schemes covered the period 2002e2007.
Information was obtained from interviews, government documents
(including minutes of West Lake Protection Project meetings), four
local newspapers, promotional materials, blog websites, and site
observations. Purposive sampling for the interviews included actors
who were information rich and participants in key policy processes
or actors directly affected by them. Several respondents were identi
ed from interviewee responses about other actors involved in, or
affected by, the West Lake Protection Project and the two schemes.
Questions in the in depth, semi structured interviews were used
exibly according to the respondents roles and experience, and
probing explored the ideas that emerged. Each interview lasted
between one hour and one and a half hours and all were recorded.
Themes and issues in the interview transcripts were explored using N
Vivo software and Ritchie and Spencers (1994) framework approach
for qualitative data analysis. The same themes were considered when
consulting the documents and reecting on the site visits.
During the rst intensive eldwork phase in 2005, 37 interviews
were conducted with 22 government ofcials, nine private sector
actors, three tourism experts, and three community members
(including a villager and village committee member from Mei Jia
Wu). The government ofcials included two from the National
Tourism Administration, two from the Zhejiang Provincial Tourism
Administration and Zhejiang Provincial Peoples Congress, and 18
from the city government (including Hangzhou Legislation Ofce,
Hangzhou Tourism Committee, West Lake Management Committee,
Hangzhou City Planning Bureau and Hangzhou Environment
Protection Bureau). The interviews focused on decision making for
West Lake Protection Project and for the two schemes in this project.
They included questions on actors that were involved or affected and
their objectives, the actors interactions around this policy making,
and their views about these issues. During the second intensive
eldwork phase in 2006, an additional 22 interviews were con
ducted with six government ofcials, three private sector actors,
three tourism experts, and 10 community members (ve villagers
from Mei Jia Wu, three residents living near Leifeng Pagoda, and two
residents living near another West Lake scheme). The interviews
were with people also included in the rst eldwork period, but for
community members only three of the 10 had been interviewed
before. These interviews concentrated in more depth on certain
issues about the West Lake Protection Project, notably on the
decentralisation of governance and on power relations, and the Mei
Jia Wu and Leifeng Pagoda schemes were explored in more detail.
5. Results and discussion
5.1. Economic and political context
The structural context of Chinas recent economic and political
development inuenced the approach taken to heritage protection
and tourism development at West Lake. As explained earlier, within
a political economy approach all aspects of society are viewed as
inter connected with the broad economic and political environ
ment (Jessop, 2008). Thus, West Lake must be considered in rela
tion to wider economic and political trends. A key feature of these
trends has been Chinas transition to a more market oriented
economy within a socialist society, with this prompted by Deng
Xiaopings economic reforms announced in 1978. Since then the
Communist Party has emphasised the construction of a capitalist
market economy that incorporates neoliberal elements together
with authoritarian centralised control (Harvey, 2005).
Political economy suggests that changes in the economic foun
dation eventually are likely to affect the realm of superstructure,
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West Lake schemes may still have been affected by rising interest in
China in environmental issues and in heritage protection (Tseng,
1999).
5.2. Governance of the Mei Jia Wu Tea scheme
The Mei Jia Wu Tea Area scheme is located in the West Lake
heritage district but in hills about six km. from the lake (Han, 2006;
WLMC, 2004). It is a scheme within the West Lake Protection
Project, a project prompted in part by ambitions for the districts
designation as a UNESCO World Heritage Site. Tea has been grown
here since the Dongjin Dynasty (317e420 A.D.) The scheme sought
to celebrate the tea producing traditions in Mei Jia Wu village and
thus to enhance Hangzhous reputation as a traditional tea
producing centre and for the heritage of tea consumption (Shu,
2005; WLMC, 2002). It also promoted this tea producing village
to tourists, with economic benets for villagers and the develop
ment of a new destination for tourists (WLMC, 2004). The scheme
included creating a tea museum, refurbishing village buildings in
a traditional style and upgrading the teahouses where tea is drunk
(both the latter funded by government), increasing tourist car
parking in the village, and creating a new bus route for tourists
from the lake to the village (WLMC, 2002).
As a theoretical perspective, political economy directs attention
to the inuence of power in policy making processes. Thus, this
analysis of the Mei Jia Wu scheme identies actors involved in its
governance, their power within Hangzhous wider policy networks,
and their relative inuence on policy making.
Analysis revealed a relatively restricted and powerful policy
community of inuential actors, comprising of members of West
Lake Management Committee and of Hangzhou Tourism
Committee, the citys Mayor, staff in Hangzhous Legislative Ofce,
and several consultants. The West Lake Management Committee
and Hangzhou Tourism Committee had most power, partly due to
their overall management responsibilities for West Lake district. All
the schemes substantial policies were considered by Hangzhous
Legislative Ofce, with the citys Mayor giving nal approval.
Relevant policies thus were produced and enforced by a small
number of political institutions in the centre of power in Hang
zhous government. Decisions did not need to be considered by
higher government tiers or by Hangzhous or Zhejiangs Commu
nist Party Congresses because authority had been devolved to the
citys government. There were no private sector businesses or
community representatives in this concentrated and powerful
policy community, which very largely comprised state actors.
A group of consultants were the only non government actors
working closely with Hangzhou Tourism Committee and West Lake
Management Committee. They had specialist tourism and heritage
knowledge and were university academics who regularly advised
local government due to its limited tourism expertise. A government
ofcial suggested: The government ofcials lack professional
knowledge about tourism. So they rely a lot on tourism experts
opinions. Although the government makes the nal decision, the
experts suggestions are taken very seriously. According to Zhang
(2002a), municipal government in China often uses consultants
because it provides borrowed expertise, the experts recommen
dations can secure greater political legitimacy, and it exposes
government to less risk on decisions that follow consultants recom
mendations. He depicts their use as potentially a useful strategy used
by the municipal government to maintain control (p. 319) because
government appoints them, they report back to government, and they
often follow government preferences. One consultant described how:
What we have done is follow the instructions of the govern
ment. Usually the Hangzhou Tourism Committee or West Lake
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being more commercial and attracting more tourists. This led some
local people to rent their teahouses to operators from outside the
village who knew less about traditional tea culture and local dishes.
Also, some teahouses changed their type of business, teahouse staff
stood in the road encouraging people to visit their teahouse, and
some outlets left rubbish by the road (Wang, 2005). According to
Chen (2004), the village had been modernized and commer
cialised, and the changes were ruining the tea culture. An Envi
ronment Protection Bureau ofcial stated that The biggest problem
for the village at the moment is that it is being modernised, while
a villager argued that I dont think this helps in promoting the tea
culture. But surely it is good for the growth of business.
These difculties led the powerful West Lake Management
Committee and Hangzhou Tourism Committee members to revise
their strategic selectivity, and a second plan was developed for
the village based on new recommendations from the consultants.
This new plan began to pay more attention to cultural heritage
protection issues. It included encouragements for local villagers to
operate the teahouses, discouragements to external investors,
provision of training courses for teahouse managers about tradi
tional tea culture, assessments of the operational quality of each
business, and teahouse grading by quality so that tourists could
recognise the best establishments (WLMC, 2004).
The consultants, who were within the policy community but
less powerful than the two main organisations, led work on the
revised policies and they were able to soften the schemes original
focus on economic returns so that it paid more attention to
traditional tea culture. This non government group, therefore,
was able to tilt the schemes priorities more toward heritage
protection, helping the policy community in its seat of power to
adjust its policies and perhaps respond to wider criticisms. It
suggests that the policy community was perhaps beginning to
take on board the views of subordinate groups (Gramsci, 1971).
Thus, the policy makers were responding to threats to traditional
tea culture, to future capital accumulation and economic devel
opment based on that culture, and to the political credibility and
standing of the state. In this way the state organisations appear to
have sought to secure the future economic potential of the heri
tage resources and to maintain their own political legitimacy and
authority.
5.4. Governance of the Leifeng Pagoda scheme
The second scheme involved rebuilding West Lakes Leifeng
Pagoda, an ancient cultural symbol and tourist attraction located
near the lake shore and city centre. The original pagoda of 975 had
collapsed in 1924. Its ruins have long attracted tourists as they are
associated with the Lady White Snake legend (Zheng, 2001),
concerning a white snake which took the female form of Lady
White to attract a lover. Their love was forbidden by a Buddhist
monk, however, who caught the snake and kept it captive under the
pagoda (Yan, 2003). Most Chinese people are aware of this legend,
and Leifeng Pagoda has become Hangzhous iconic symbol (Lin,
1999). Again based on political economy, the assessment estab
lishes the actors involved in the schemes governance, their relative
political power, and their inuence on policy making.
The schemes most inuential policy community actors were
the same as for the Mei Jia Wu scheme: members of West Lake
Management Committee and Hangzhou Tourism Committee, the
citys Mayor, Hangzhou Legislative Ofce, and a few heritage and
tourism consultants. Thus, they were limited in number, in the
same politically powerful positions in the citys policy making
circles and, apart from the consultants, all were within government.
The consultants were from a different university to those involved
in Mei Jia Wu, but again they acted as advisors, with nal policy
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996
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