Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
LEVEL: 400L
GROUP 2
NAMES MATRIC NO
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OMIDIJI TOLUWALOPE 070206060
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TABLE OF CONTENTS. PAGES
1.0 Introduction of comparative methods 5
1.1Meaning of comparative industrial relations 6
1.2 Relevance of comparative industrial relations 7
Chapter 1
2.0 History on Russia and Political System 8
2.1 Trade Unions in Russia 10
2.2 Collective Bargaining 13
2.3 Employers’ Association 14
2.4 Industrial conflict in Russia after the collapse
Of Communism 15
2.5Workers Participation in Decision Making 16
2.6 Globalization on Industrial Relations Multinationals
Corporations in Russia 17
Chapter 2
3.0 History on Taiwan 19
3.1. Trade unions in Taiwan and Political structure 20
3.2 Collective Bargaining and Dispute Resolution in Taiwan 22
3.3 Employers Association 23
3.3.1 Statutory Requirement in Taiwan 24
3.3.2 Other Labour Regulations 24
3.3.3 Working hours 24
3.4 Effect of Globalization in Taiwan 25
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Chapter 3
4.0 Comparative analysis of Industrial Relations in Russia and Taiwan. 27
4.1 Difference in Practice of Trade Union 27
4.2 Similarities in their Trade union 28
4.3 Difference in Taiwan and Russia`s collective bargaining 28
4.4 Similarities in their Collective Bargaining 29
4.5 Differences in Employers Association 29
4.6 Similarities in Employers Association 29
4.7 differences in Industrial Conflict and Strikes 30
4.8 Similarities in Industrial Conflict and Strikes 30
4.9 Similarities in Workers Participation 30
Chapter 4
5.0 History of Venezuela 31
5.1 Political environment 34
5.2 Photo Gallery 35
5.3 Trade union Composition in Venezuela 35
5.4 Employers Association 37
5.5Industrial Conflict 39
5.6 Workers Participation in Decision Making 39
5.7 Industrial Relation in MNC 39
5.8Impact of Globalization in Venezuela 40
Chapter 5
6.0 Overview of Cameroon 42
6.1 Land & Resources 48
6.1.1 History of Cameroon 50
6.2Trade union Composition in Venezuela 51
6.3 Collective Bargaining 51
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6.4 Role of State 52
6.5 Industrial Conflict 52
6.6 Impact of Globalization in Venezuela 53
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strikes, industrial relations in multinationals corporations, industrial relations in
developing countries and the effect of globalisation. The study of industrial
relations in one country can not be transplanted into another country. Even the
industrial relations of a company in one country can not be transplanted into the
branch of the same company in another country. For example Unilever Nigeria can
not transplant its industrial relations practices into Unilever Ghana.
But comparative industrial relations make it possible to assess whether there are
any features of industrial relations system in other countries that should be
imported and applied.
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others as determining the type of industrial relations adopted by different
countries,
1. It helps to provide more knowledge and experience to use. It can bring about
policy alteration or deviation.
2. It enables management of a firm to know whether a system borrowed from
elsewhere is practicable or not within their own framework.
3. It can provide a new method of production for a firm; this could be achieved
through suggestions from other quarters.
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2.0 HISTORY ON RUSSIA
Russia was founded in the 12th century from more than two centuries of Mongol
domination with its capital city named Moscow. During the 19 th century, more
territorial acquisitions were achieved in Europe and Asia and consequent to that,
was the revolution of 1905 after the defeat of Russia by the Japanese war of 1904
to 1905. The brutal or fierce rule of Losif Stalin (1928-1953) strengthened
communist rule in Russia which in advertently increased their dominance of the
Soviet Union economy and society stagnated in the proceeding decades. By 1991,
the USSR was splintered into Russia and 14 other Independent Republics.
Russia has the largest city in the world with an estimated population of
141,927,297 million people. Russia covers a total 17,075,400 square kilometers.
The official language is Russia and ethnic groups’ ranges among Tatars,
Ukrainians, Bashkirs, Churash, Chechen and Armenians. The Current President is
Dmitriy Anatolyevich Midvale and the Prime Minister Vladimir Putin. Russian
federation is in Northern Eurasia. It is a federal, semi-presidential democratic
republic comprising 83 federal subjects. Russia shares borders with Norway,
Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Poland (both via Kaliningrad oblast)
Belarus, Ukraine, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, China, Mongolia and North
Korea.
Russian has a large reserve of Mckel in the world’s national resources. It is blessed
with crude oil, natural gas, mineral resources and energy resources.
Russia extends across the whole of northern Asia and 40% of Europe, spanning
eleven time zones and incorporating a wide range of environment and land
reforms.
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Russia established worldwide power and influence from times of Russian Empire
to being the largest and leading constitutionally socialist state and a recognized
super power that played a decisive role in the allied victory in World War II.
Russian Federation was founded following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in
1991.
Russia has the world’s eight largest economy by nominal GDP or the sixth largest
by purchasing power parity with the eight largest nominal military budgets with
the possession of world’s largest stockpile of weapon of mass destruction.
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The government is regulated by a system of checks and balances defined by the
constitution of Russian Federation. The President is elected by popular vote for a
six-year term and eligible for a second term. But constitutionally barred from a
third term. Election was last held in 2008. Ministers are composed of premier and
his deputies, minister and selected other individuals. The National Legislature is
the Federal Assembly consisting of two chambers, 450 member state Duma and
176 member Federation council. Leading political parties in Russia include United
Russia, the Russian Communist Party, the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia and
Fair Russia.
Before the Bolshevik revolution of 1917 unions were not independent they were
made to be what is called ‘production unions’ that would manage compulsory
labour programmes, improve productivity and enforce labour disciplines.
In the present day Russia, the Federation of Independent Trade Unions of Russia
(FNPR) is the largest National Trade Union Center in Russia with a membership
estimated between 28 and 31.5 million. The FNPR is widely recognized as the
defector successor to the Soviet era trade unions system. Although the General
Confederation of Trade Unions as the umbrella organization of trade unions in the
former Soviet Republic, that is which is technically the equivalent of the former
system.
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The FNPR was established in 1990, one year before the dissolution of USSR
(Union of Soviet Socialist Republics). After the break up, with the exception of
the military, the FNPR was one of the few national institutions to restrain its
power and function. The abilities included:
Control over the disbursement of insurance and funds
The right to contest and veto dismissal of workers
Automatic deductions from workers wages.
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That of social partnership within a framework of tripartism (Article 15.1)
- Voluntarism, the law specifying the minimum of obligations of trade
unions, leaving them to regulate their internal relations including conditions
of membership, form of government, formation of primary groups and
designation of its representation according to their constitution.
- Sources of funds and its use are determined by its own constitution
- Equality of rights of all trade unions under law
- Welfare Corporation: Although trade unions have lost many of their former
state functions, the law still defines their rights and responsibilities in
relation to labour and social issues within a capitalist framework.
- Existence of any other representative body of employees cannot be used to
impede the activity of the trade unions.
In 1998, Russia was hit by a severe financial crisis, and the FNPR was at odds
with Yeltsin calling for his resignation in an open letter. The union preferred
Yevgeny Primakov, the dismissed Prime Minister and the Otechestro coalition.
However, this support appears to have been relatively weak, as regional trade
unions had their own positions and interest, and it was Vladimir Putin who was
appointed Prime Minister and then Acting President, four months later.
In 2001, a new labour code was introduced in the State Duma and it was strongly
opposed by all but one of the trade unions.
The FNPR was granted observer status in the International Confederation of Free
Trade Unions (now the International Trade Union Confederation) in April 2000,
and was accepted as an affiliated member in November of the same year. Since the
affiliation, the FNPR has been active in supporting ITUC in the area, providing
facilities for an ITUC regional office. The key people in the FNPR are President
Mikhail Shmakov and International Secretary Eugene Sidorov
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2.3 COLLECTIVE BARGAINING IN RUSSIA
Collective bargaining refers to the process by which workers and their
representatives, one hand come together with the employer or its representatives
on the other hand for the purpose of determining and regulating terms and
conditions of employment. It is a form of industrial democracy which allows
workers in the determination of terms and conditions of employment. The core of
this part is to look at how collective bargaining has faired in Russia.
In Russia, the liberalization of the labor market, with the removal of a large part of
the statutory and administrative control of payment systems and of the terms and
conditions of work. The law on trade union specifies the right of trade unions to
conduct collective bargaining and conclude collective agreement in the name of
employees and in conformity with federal law.
Regional Level Bargaining: At the regional level, trade unions try to bargain
with the regional employers’ representative or regional public authorities to
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improve the general standards put forward in the general agreement and the branch
level agreements. The success of the trade union at this level depends heavily on
the strength of the trade unions regionally and how important the sectors for the
regional economy.
Local Level Bargaining: the ability to implement general standards at the local
level, enterprise depends on the strength of the local trade union. Sometimes
general agreements, branch level agreements or regional agreements are not being
obtained, as the local union is not being obtained. The local union is not strong
enough to force the employers to implement common policies. At other times,
local trade union is strong enough to greatly improve the standards and the
leverage to force the employers to implement higher standards.
Since the structure of the trade union representative in Russia gives considerable
decision power over economic resources to the local representatives, the quality of
the local representatives decides the effectiveness of trade unions locally and the
standard may differ widely between enterprises in the same sector.
That employer shall have right to local self-governance with the objective of
representing their legitimate interest and protect rights of members.
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That employers’ association legal status shall be defined under the constitution of
Russian Federation, International Treaties and Agreements.
That member of employers’ association shall have equal right to participate in
formation of governing bodies as prescribed under the Russian charter of
employers’ association
- The obligation of members of employers association in Russia shall be
abide and comply with terms, conditions and requirements, provided by
those contracts and agreements.
- The employers’ association shall have the right to work out a coordinated
position of the employers’ association members regarding the regulation of
social-labour relationships.
It is quite evident that employers’ association in the Russian federal is distinctly
organized according to the democratic tenets of industrial and labour relations.
The independent unions generally supported Yeltsin in 1991 but got little support
from the government. In analyzing patterns of industrial conflict in Russia, it will
be helpful to examine past nature of unions in Russia before the collapse of
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communism which is evident in the stiff degree of autonomy which unions do not
enjoy. The unions had little status compared to proletarian parties until March
1992 law on collective agreement paved way for equal rights to all properly
constituted trades union. After the collapse of communism, the forms of industrial
protest in the Russian federation nosedived into a staggering low level which
became resolved peacefully in all ramifications as result of the 1993 law of
collective agreement. Various statistics is evident to show the increase in wage
survey from 60% to 70% and the wave of strikes also declined from 23% in 1993
to 19% in 2005.
In Russia, the 1983 law on labour collective established the elected labour
collective council as an advisory body with very limited powers. The law on state
enterprise (Association) of July 1987 strengthened the STN, which had power to
decide all production and social questions. Although, it simultaneously reaffirmed
the traditional principle of one man management. This is a form of which workers
participate in the work place.
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There is social partnership between workers and employers which was a means of
securing their institutional reproduction. In a nutshell, employee participation is
the process of whereby employees are involved in decision making processes,
rather than simply enacting an order. It is part of a process of empowerment in the
work place.
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The Russian case clearly supports the theme of the task force of the need for a
negotiated compromise between democracy and the market. The Russian case
strongly supports the need for social guarantees negotiated with government and
employers at the national level and the need to strengthen industrial relations
framework, especially tripartism, to link economic and social organization and
restore social organization and restore social stability and social integration. While
the institutional framework exists in Russia, the weak mass of trade unions as
independent framework exists in Russia.
It is clearly the case that globalization has destroyed the traditional soviet system
of national social policy and industrial relations, and has destroyed a lot of good
together with bad.
Russia has been particularly ill served by foreign experts and advisers in the fields,
who have proposed quiet inappropriate neo-liberal policy reforms which have
been of dubious success in the west but which have proved disastrous in the
Russian content.
To this end, it is clear that specific national arrangement are being undermined by
growing international competition and the changed balanced of power between
capital and labour.
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3.0 HISTORY OF TAIWAN
Taiwan is mostly mountainous in the east with gently sloping in the west of
Taiwan is called PENGHY ISLAND.
Taiwan is known as Formos in an island located in the Western Pacific and East-
Asia with a tropic climate, annual typhoons and occasional earthquakes. It is
governed as Taiwan province under the Republic of China (ROC), along with the
Islands of Pescadores, Orchid, Green, Taiping and Pratas.
The Island of Quemoy and Matsu Island are administrated under a separate Fukien
province by the ROC government. Although Taipei city and Kaohsiung city are on
Taiwan Island, they are directly administered by the ROC government under the
municipal system.
Taipei city is the defected capital of ROC and the government of Taiwan province
is located in Jhongsing village, Nantou County.
POLITICAL STRUCTURE
The political status of Taiwan is complex because it is claimed by the People’s
Republic of China (PRC) established in 1949. The political status of Taiwan is a
sensitive issue due to the existence of two Chinese governments that both claim
sovereignty over all of China.
Since the 1970s, many nations switched diplomatic recognition of China from
Taipei to Beijing after the ROC lost its seat at the United Nations to the PRC. The
ROC government has governed Taiwan since 1945, whereas the PRS has never
had any jurisdiction over the island.
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The Chief of state is President Ma Ying-Jeou
Head of State: President of the Executive Yuan Liu Chao Shiuan.
Vice president - Vincent C. Siew
Government structure:
Five government Branches ate the executive Yuan, the legislative Yuan, the
judicial Yuan , the examination Yuan and the control Yuma
The major political parties are Democratic progressive party (DPP), Kuomintang
(KMT), New party (NP), People first party (PFP) and Taiwan Solidarity Union
(TSU)
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To deal with the changing environment in Taiwan, TCTC has established several
committees. First, the organizing committee promotes the formation of Union
federations among industries or regions, and raises the union participation rate in
Taiwan.
Second, the Labour Law Polian Committee fights for reforms of the present
system of labour-regulations and prepares for future attacks on worker’s interest
by the government national pension Plan. TCTC has set up a committee on
privatization to critique and monitor the government’s privatization schemes. To
deal with the crisis of unemployment and plant closures, it established a committee
for unemployment and employment.
Under the globalise capitalist economy, the situation, conditions and struggles of
Taiwan’s workers are shared by the working class around the world. Therefore,
TCTC also tries to communicate and cooperate with the International Labour
Organization, participating in conferences, and international campaign through its
international department.
The Taiwanese’s labour movement has fought towards the creation of TCTC for
more than a decade Kuomintang’s Trade Union policy: From the state contract to
societal controls.
In view of the fact that labour management relationships are a major factor
in business operations, the Taiwan government has initiated a review of Taiwan’s
labour Union laws in recent years. In this review process, cultural social, and
environmental factors as well as and corporate structures, were taken into
consideration with the aim of better developing smooth labor-management
relationships.
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According to the department of statistics, LCA, as of the end of 2007 there were
approximately 4,588 unions (including the Chinese National Federation of
industries) in Taiwan, with almost three million members. During this review
process, however, it was discovered that the structure of Unions in Taiwan is
different from the structure of Unions in western countries unlike traditional
western Unions; Unions in Taiwan do not mainly function to exercise collective
bargaining power.
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LABOUR DISPUTES IN TAIWAN FALL INTO THE FOLLOWING
CATEGORIES
Wages
Labor contracts
Occupational hazards
Retirement
Labor insurance
Welfare benefits
Management
Most disputes revolved around an issue of rights. Means to seek relief included
Civil Litigation and Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR), both offered by local
authorities. The manufacturing industry was involved in the bulk of the disputes,
followed by the wholesale/retail industry other services industries, and the
restaurant/hotel industry.
Conciliation and mediation are effective methods for resolving labor disputes.
Dispute usually occurred when employers do not follow the legal requirements
with regards to the payment of retirement benefits, severance pay, or wages. Most
petition and protests that government encounters are a result of such disputes.
CNFI serves as a forum for views and opinions on Taiwan’s industrial sector, with
the aim of upgrading and promoting economic development.
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The CNFI is a nonprofit organization consisting of almost 150 members
associations in their respective manufacturing industry with each member
association representing its specific manufacturing area, all the associations
together represents more than 80,000 industrial companies in Taiwan. CNFI is an
influential body on the enactment and amending labor laws, as well as in
formulating government labor policies.
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3.5 EFFECT OF GLOBALISATION IN TAIWAN
Taiwan is a country with only limited natural resources. In 1960’s a lot of foreign
capital was attracted, and labour intensive industries were developed due to this
Taiwan developed a great deal economically.
During late 80’s, many of Taiwan’s labor intensive industries were moved to
Southeast Asia according to the southward policy, a worldwide trend then.
Local industries in Taiwan, on the other hand, were transformed into high value
added and capital and technology intensive industries. These upgrade industries
distinguished Taiwan from other Asian countries in terms of the world
specialization system.
Also, they allowed Taiwan to reach a higher level in technology. However, not all
people benefited from these structural changes. From the 50’s to the 80’s,
educational resources were mainly confined in the plain areas where the Han
people, the ethnic majority among the Chinese lived, while many indigenous areas
could not share those resources. At that time, Taiwan’s indigenous people were
not aware of the importance of education and skills. The Chanars in the 80’s did
bring any brighter chance for them.
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Foreign laborers soon substitutes for the Taiwanese indigenous people as the main
work force because of their low wage rate. Exploitation of these foreign labourers
is very rampant. The urban indigenous people, therefore, lost their regular jobs of
about 10 to 15 days per month and turned into temporary labourers working only 3
to 10days per month. In 1997, the number of foreign labourers in Taiwan (256,246
legal foreign workers), including the illegal ones, was greater than that of all
Taiwanese indigenous people (total 357, 582). Unemployment forced the
indigenous people, who worked in the urban areas, to move to slum areas, usually
new garbage dumps, where no water and electricity are supplied. The places where
the indigenous people are dwelling have now become targets for future bullet train
railways or golf courses.
Indigenous people staying in the mountains however are no better than those
living in the suburbs of cities. They do not have access to lands. All of the land
was possessed by the government. Only the plutocrats possess large pieces of
lands.
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2. Trade unions in Russia are said to possess more independence compared to
unions in Taiwan.
4. Trade unions labour unrest in Russia was aimed at the government rather than
employers.
5. Trade unions in Russia sourced for funds and the use of it was determined by
its own constitution.
6. All trade unions in Russia were organized voluntarily and had equal rights
under the law. While the small scale of most private establishment in Taiwan
had restriction on workers rights to organize.
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3. In most small scale private establishment in Taiwan, collective bargaining is no
regarded as an important tool for negotiating employment terms and
conditions. Whereas in Russia collective bargaining was the right of all trade
unions.
4. Collective bargaining in Russia took place at three different levels such as the
branch, regional and at the local level.
5. Russia labour laws gave trade unions the right to ensure that employers
implemented agreements reached at the end of each bargaining exercise and
failure to respond within a week will be at the Federal Law discretion.
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Federation. Whereas in Taiwan, employers association was organized along
international economic and industrial cooperation.
2. Both had equal rights to participate in the formation of governing bodies and
labour policies as prescribed under the laws that allowed for their formation.
2. Industrial protests in Russia were at a staggering low level and were peacefully
resolved in all ramifications as a result of increase in wages as the statistics are
evidence to show the increase and the wave of strike also declined.
3. Taiwan had procedures that had to be followed in the settlement of dispute from
Advisory, to Conciliation and Mediation and Arbitration services.
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and the rights of workers.
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POLITICAL PARTIES
The leading political parties in Venezuela are the Fifth Republic Movement Party
(Movimiento V República, MVR), led by President Hugo Chávez; the Democratic
Action Party (Accíon Democrática, AD); Movement Toward Socialism
(Movimiento al Socialismo, MAS); Project Venezuela (Proyecto Venezuela); and
Social Christian Party of Venezuela (Partido Social Cristiano de Venezuela,
COPEI).
Basic facts
Official name Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela
Capital Caracas
Area 916,445 sq km
Population 26,414,815 (2008 estimate)
Government
Form of government Federal Republic
Head of state President
Head of government President
National assembly 165 members
Legislature Unicameral legislature
Largest cities with population
Caracas 2,085,488 (2007 estimate)
Maraca Ibo 1,450,665 (2008 estimate)
Barquisimeto 1,085,483 (2008 estimate)
Highest court Supreme Tribunal of Justice
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Ethnic group
Mestizo 67 percent
White 21 percent
Black 10 percent
Native America 2 percent
Languages
Spanish (official), English, Portuguese, Native America dialects
Religion
Roman Catholic 94 percent
Protestant 2 percent
Non-religion 2 percent
MAP OF VENEZUELA
FLAG OF VENEZUELA
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5.2 TRADE UNIONS IN VENEZUELA
Unions in Venezuela are extremely weak, this is due to the government opposition
of the Confederation of Venezuela Workers (CTV) as part of the political
opposition, and to the fact that it is not recognized as a partner in negotiations. On
the other hand new unions that are faithful to the regime, and whose goal is not so
much in improving wages and working conditions as providing political support
for Chavez’s “revolutionary” projects, have formed under the hospices of
National Union of Workers (UNT).
The CTV which is the main opposition in Venezuela has the largest size of
members leaving the three other unions with little membership base.
Political parties and unions have no place in President Chavez’s political concept
of “delegative democracy” because they will only disrupt direct communication
between the leader and the people and the will of the people will be falsified.
Organisation of employees only makes sense if and only if they are an integral part
of the revolutionary unity party. The Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela, which is
working to change the political and economic structure of Venezuelan society in
favour of the poor majority, is also creating a mini-revolution in the nation’s
labour movement.
May 2003, the National Union of Workers (UNT) was formed in opposition to the
existing corrupt and bureaucratic Trade Union Federation, the confirmation of
Venezuela worker involvement and demand for workers control over production.
Although, the GV initially spoke against the aggressive neoliberal legislation
unordered in1989, by the mid- 1990 it abandoned all such criticism, even gone so
far as to sign on to Venezuela- IMF agreement. With increasing unemployment
made a unionization rate reduced by 50%. According to Jonah Gind who write a
two part article on union for Venezuela analysis (Published on October 28 and
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January 2003) respectively. It was discovered that 14% of those employed in the
formal sector were organized into unions.
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The government policies on freedom of association contained to be heavily
influenced by the political context, which has seen a deterioration of the
arrangement for dialogue between unions, employers and government, which has
impractical, been virtually the only actor involved in the devising labour policies
collective bargaining arrangements have been considerably weakened as a result,
largely owing to the interference by the CNE (National Electoral Council) in union
elections. This has undermined the union works and their involvement in national
social policies, despite the fact that for the first time an appeal court judge and the
Director General of the Ministry of Labour have questioned the CNE’s
interpretation role.
It is of important to lay emphasis on gender issues as it related to collective
bargaining. Collective bargaining constitutes a major instrument for promoting
equal opportunity in the world of work. However, introducing gender issues
within collective bargaining process is still in the early stages Venezuela. The
main reason for this lag is the fact that women workers are less covered by
collective bargaining processes, because they are over- represented in the most
precarious sectors of labour force and the least regulated segment of the job
market, the lack of women among union leadership and on bargaining teams, the
lack of training of workers of both sexes to negotiate equal opportunity clauses
covering opportunities and treatment, and still low priority that unions assign to
these issues with their strategies.
As a result important progress has been made as reflected by advances in
maternity and paternity protection. In a climate in which collective bargaining
remains weak, such as that apparent in several Latin America Countries.
INSTANCES
Transnational companies violating workers right: the general secretary of Sintra
(Sindicato de trabajalones). The union at the Jan Yan Mining Company, which
belongs to the Chinese Company shading gold, was arrested on the 28 June 2003.
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The union had called an indefinite strike at a gold minute in EL called on 9th June,
which was joined by more than 350 members belonging to the union, as a result of
the company’s failure to respond to various demands from SINTRA to guarantee
their rights.
COCA COLA avoided collective bargaining with its workforce: the workers at
Femsa de Venezuela, the distribution company for coca cola in much of Latin
America, have waited two years but still failed to obtain a collective agreement.
Reacting to the stalled negotiations and the company’s stonewalling, on the 2nd of
October 2003 the workers held a 24 hour strike to call for the speeding up on the
negotiations on the agreement.
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that these laws were anti-business, undermined private property rights, and was
passed without consulting them or anyone outside of government circles.
Venezuela’s main union federation, the Confederation of Venezuelan Workers
(CTV) quickly joined the fray. Ironically, their main argument against the laws
was that they were harmful to Venezuela’s business community and therefore
harmful to Venezuelan workers. A more likely explanation for the CTV’s support
of the employer federation, however, was that the CTV had just gone through a
pitched battle with the government over who would control the organization. A
month earlier the Chavez government had forced the CTV leadership to submit
itself to a grassroots vote, which the federation’s old established leadership won
amid the government’s claims of fraud, resulting in the government’s non-
recognition of that leadership to this day.
The result of this vehement CTV and Fedecamaras opposition to the government
was that the two organizations decided to call for a “general strike” on December
10, 2001. The strike met with moderate success, but the media and the private
sector’s lockout of their employees for a day gave the “strike” a heightened visible
effect.
5.7 WORKERS PARTICIPATION IN DECISION-MAKING
The rate of workers participation in decision making Venezuela is not very
impressive, though the current government of Hugo Chavez has tasked the
workers to take the bull by the horn and be more involved in the running of their
organisations. Though the “co-management” policy which allows equal
participation from both the employers and employees in decision making has only
been implemented by one organisation “ALCASA”. The report is cited in the
report the company released to their website
Venezuelan aluminum reducer Alcasa, a subsidiary of state heavy industry holding
CVG, will implement its co-management plan from Friday (Feb.11) with the
objective of recovering and re-launching the company through the participation of
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its workers in the management process. Under the co-management process,
workers will participate in the plant's direction, which will imply a revision of the
labour conditions, including the question of wages and other benefits as well as
their families and living conditions. Carlos Lanz, the new president of Alcasa, said
the process of co-management will be a success despite the difficult economic and
operating situation the company is going through. He noted that the transformation
will be made with the workers' participation without affecting labour conditions or
the workers' recent advances. Alcasa is 92%-owned by CVG, with the other 8%
belonging to US aluminum giant Alcoa
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Since the second quarter of 2009, Venezuela GDP FELL BY 2.4%. Part of the
reason for this is the lack of private investment in industry and manufacturing.
According to the central bank of Venezuela, private economic activity dropped by
4% in the second quarter of this year. A recent study revealed that the Venezuelan
bourgeoisie has closed 4,000 large or medium sized enterprises during the last ten
years.
One should also add to this the huge fall in state income from oil production. In
the second quarter of 2008 the state earned US$28.597 million from oil production
compared to only US$13.576 million in the same period of 2009.
This represents a drop of 51.9%. This is particularly bad in a country where
income from oil exports account for 30% of GDP and for 50% of the state budget.
World markets prices of other raw materials that Venezuela exports, such as
aluminium and iron has fallen.
Together with other Latin – American countries, Venezuela has also been hit by
the effects of the overall fall in FDI (Foreign Direct Investment). Already in 2008,
in the period between January- October, FDI fell by 18% compared to the same
period in 2007. All these factors have contributed to worsening the situation the
Venezuelan economy find itself in.
Whatever the immediate prospects are, any possible slight recovery of oil income
cannot make up for the serious problems that the Venezuelan economy is facing;
such as the strike of capital, sabotage, speculation and hoarding, on the part of the
bourgeoisie. To the normal effects of the economic cycle, in Venezuela we need to
add three other factors which are affecting the economy. One is the fact that there
is a revolution unfolding and the ruling class does not feel confident to invest. The
second is the conscious campaign of economic sabotage on the part of the
oligarchy. And finally, the fact that all the attempts on the part of the reformists to
regulate the market economy only serve to create further economic dislocation
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6.0 CAMEROON
Cameroon, Republic in Western Africa, bounded on the north by Lake Chad; on
the east by Chad and the Central African Republic; on the south by the Republic
of the Congo, Gabon, and Equatorial Guinea; and on the west by the Bight of
Biafra (an arm of the Atlantic Ocean) and Nigeria. The country is shaped like an
elongated triangle, and forms a bridge between West Africa and Central Africa.
The country has a total area of 475,442 sq km (183,569 sq mi). Yaoundé is the
capital, and Douala is the largest city.
LAND AND
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RESOURCES
Geography of Cameroon
475,442 sq km
Area
183,569 sq mi
402 km
Coastline
250 sq mi
Cameroon Mountain
Highest point
4,095 m/13,435 ft
A. Climate
Cameroon has a tropical climate, humid in the south but increasingly dry to
the north. On the coast the average annual rainfall is about 4,060 mm (about
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160 in). On the exposed slopes of Cameroon Mountain and the other peaks of
the west, rainfall is almost constant and in places can reach 10,000 mm (400
in) a year. In the semiarid northwest annual rainfall averages about 380 mm
(about 15 in). A dry season in the north lasts from October to April. The
average temperature in the south is 25°C (77°F), on the plateau it is 21°C
(70°F), and in the north it is 32°C (90°F).
C. Natural Resources
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Garoua, 160,000 (1992 estimate)
Infant mortality rate 65 deaths per 1,000 live births (2008 estimate)
Principal Cities
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Bantu-speaking peoples inhabit the south, and Sudanic-speaking peoples dominate
in the north. Among the more important ethnic groups are the Bamileke, a Bantu-
speaking people, and the Fulani, a Muslim people. French and English are both
official languages. French dominates, however; English is confined mainly to the
west.
C Education
D .ECONOMY
Economy of Cameroon
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Unemployment rate 7.5 percent (2001)
GOVERNMEN
T
Cameroon is governed under a constitution promulgated in 1972 and
subsequently revised. Citizens of age 21 or higher are eligible to vote.
B.Judiciary
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The judicial system of Cameroon is based largely on the French system, with a
mixture of elements from the British system. The highest judicial body is the
Supreme Court. Other courts are the appeals courts, regional courts, and
magistrates’ courts.
C.Political Parties
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6.1 HISTORY OF CAMEROON
The coast of present-day Cameroon was explored late in the 15th century by the
Portuguese, who named the estuary to the south of Cameroon Mountain Rio das
Camerões (“river of prawns”). Merchants established trading stations along the coast in
the 17th century, buying slaves, ivory, and rubber. British traders and missionaries were
especially active in the area after 1845. The Germans and British began to explore inland
after 1860, and in 1884 the former established a protectorate over the Douala area; the
British, taken by surprise, offered no resistance to their claim.
.
Transportation difficulties and local resistance slowed German development of the
area, but they managed to cultivate large cacao, palm, and rubber plantations.
They also built roads and began the construction of a railroad and the port of
Douala on the Atlantic coast.
Anglo-French forces invaded the German colony in 1916. In 1919 one-fifth of the
territory, which was contiguous with eastern Nigeria, was assigned to Britain, and
the remaining four-fifths were assigned to France as mandates under the League of
Nations.
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The British Cameroons consisted of the Northern and Southern Cameroons, which
were separated by a 72-km (45-mi) strip along the Benue River. The northern
territory, peopled by tribes of Sudanese origin, was always administered as a part
of Northern Nigeria. The Southern Cameroons, peopled by a variety of tribes, was
administered as part of the Nigerian federation but had a locally elected
legislature. The French Cameroons was administered as a separate territory.
Neither area, however, experienced much social or economic progress.
Independence
After World War II ended in 1945, the mandates were made trust territories of the
United Nations (UN). In the following years political ferment grew enormously in
the French territory, where more than 100 parties were formed between 1948 and
1960. The campaign for independence, intermittently violent, gained steady
momentum during the 1950s, until the French granted self-government in
December 1958; full independence was achieved on January 1, 1960. Ahmadou
Ahidjo, prime minister since 1958, became the first president. The new republic
was admitted to the UN in September 1960.
The following year the UN sponsored a plebiscite in the British Cameroons. As a
result, the Southern Cameroons joined the Republic of Cameroon to form the
Federal Republic of Cameroon in October 1961, while the Northern Cameroons
joined Nigeria.
When Cameroon became independent, President Ahidjo’s government was faced
with a rebellion incited by the Cameroonian People’s Union, a pro-Communist
party. By 1963, however, the revolt had been suppressed, and Ahidjo soon
established the authority of his regime. In 1966 the six major parties merged into
the National Cameroonian Union, which was declared the only legal party in the
country. In 1972 Ahidjo sponsored a national referendum that changed Cameroon
from a federal to a unitary state, called the United Republic of Cameroon.
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6.2 TRADE UNION COMPOSITION
Trade unions are allowed in Cameroon. The 1996 Constitution of Cameroon
guarantee the Freedom of Association and the right to strike and both rights are set
out in the 1992 Labour Code. It is illegal to form a Union that includes both Public
and Private Sector Workers.
For Unions to be registered, Labour Code provides they must get a Registration
Certificate from Union Registrar. If they don’t get the Certificate before workers
can form Trade Union and carry out Trade Union activities, the Labour Code has
made provision for prison sentence and fines for workers.
The Labour Code is not applicable to members of the Public Service, Judges,
Military, National Intelligence, Prison Administration and a auxiliary
Administrative Personnel. Public Servant may form Trade Union, but must have
prior approval of the Ministry for Territorial Administration and may not affiliate
internationally without obtaining prior authorization. The ILO has urged the
government to amend its Legislation to ensure that Public Service Workers can
form Union without government authorisation.
In 2007, the government indicated that it had introduced a bill to amend the
Labour Code before the National Assembly, under which the process of
registering trade union would be simplified.
It also indicated that the new procedure would imply an end to prison
Sentences and fines for failing to comply with registration provisions.
The law prohibits anti-union discrimination and allows fines to be any restitution
in the form of re-instatement or compensation to the wrongfully dismissed
workers.
Firms operations in export processing zones (EPZs) are exempt from certain
aspect of the labour code, but must comply with internationally recognized labour
standards. An official notice from the national office for industrial free zones
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contains a list of incentives. It also states that employers enjoy flexibility in hiring
and firing workers.
An example is that the public service confederation has since its creation in year
2000 been one of the six trade union centres in Cameroon that have still not been
recognised.
Similarly when industrial dispute arise, the government chooses the union with
which it will negotiate.
The government sometimes demands that workers setting up a union produce job
description signed by the employer before a union can be registered. This
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impossible for workers in the informal economy and independent or self-employed
workers to form a union.
Only the most representative trade union centers, based on union election result,
may take part in the national social dialogue. Smaller independent unions are
excluded.
In January 2006,there was mass dismissal for striking 163 people working on the
road connection Yaoundé in Cameroon and Moundou in Chad, the workers had
gone on strike to protest against their working condition and demand on
accommodation allowance.
Also their union leader i.e. spokesperson was arrested in Yaoundé on
May 22nd 2006.
The violation mentioned above depicts the situation and status of the
Cameroonian Government on strike. In Cameroon, strike is prohibited and great
sanction including imprisonment, sacks and killings are imposed on strikes.
Although the 1996 constitution and labour code of
Cameroon guarantees the Freedom of Association and the right to
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Strike as workers can only strike after mandatory arbitration. Ignoring the
procedure can be sanctioned by immediate dismissal and fines.
Although globalization has helped increase growth and wealth in recent years, it
has not done so for all continents and all countries. In the least developed countries
and on the African continent in particular, a worsening of existing imbalances has
impeded development and aggravated poverty. The marginalization of these
countries is reflected in their small share of world trade (barely 2 percent), output
(not much higher), and foreign investment (1 percent).
Given these facts, we should examine the different facets of globalization and
assess its benefits and risks in light of the recent economic and financial crises that
have shaken various parts of the world and diverse economies, from the very rich
to the very poor. This approach should improve Cameroon’s chances of
successfully integrating with the world economy.
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the whole, recorded satisfactory rates of growth in recent years. The country
recorded growth of 5 percent or more in 1998, and averaged over 3 percent in the
last ten years; and the country is working to improve per capita GNP significantly
while controlling inflation. However, this performance has been achieved at the
price of costly structural reforms that have often negatively affected the most
vulnerable segments of society.
Moreover, Cameroon is still far from reaching its goal of an annual sustained
growth rate above 7 percent a year, which is essential if it is to achieve the quality
of life of other developing countries. It is not impossible for Cameroon to
accomplish this goal, but it can do so only by integrating with the world economy
and by accelerating reforms, with two fundamental objectives in mind:
i) creating the best possible conditions for private investment by
promoting greater openness in domestic and foreign trade; and
ii) making the economy more efficient by redefining the role of the state,
reforming the civil service so as to improve the business climate, and
introducing a transparent legal and regulatory framework that will
encourage private investment. Governments should focus on social
development, particularly health and education, to make up the large deficit
that the country has in this area.
The financial sector, an essential channel for implementing and ensuring the
success of these reforms, must be included in any reform program. The
consolidation, restructuring, and modernization of the banking sector and the
development of capital markets and financial institutions are both important.
However, past experience suggests that, to be successful, reforms must be adapted
to each country’s specific economic and social characteristics as well as to its
priorities and level of development.
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7.0Comparison between Cameroon and Venezuela
Trade Union
Similarities:
Unions are both allowed in both countries. Workers in both countries are allowed
to join unions.
Difference:
1) In Venezuela, no law prohibits anti-union discrimination while in
Cameroon, they law does.
2) The unions in Venezuela are very weak while unions in Cameroon are
strong.
3) The unions in Venezuela are not recognized as part of collective
bargaining while in Cameroon, these makes provision for unions to take
part in collective bargaining.
4) In Cameroon, both public servants and private employees must get
approval before formation of a trade union but in Venezuela, workers are
allowed to join unions freely.
Collective Bargaining
Similarities:
Collective bargaining has not been steady in both countries.
Differences:
1) In Venezuela, collective bargaining has been effective and dominant,
unlike Cameroon, no collective bargaining negotiations have taken place
since 1996.
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2) Social dialogue has been a major tool in dispute settlement in Venezuela
while reverse is the race in Cameroon because the major union cooperation
does not acknowledge US existence.
3) In Venezuela, collective bargaining run from 1 to 3 years after which,
all terms conditions of employment and all compensating any variables is
re-negotiated or reviewed while in Cameroon, there is no time limit on
collective agreement.
4) In Cameroon, unions are provided by law to collectively bargain with
employers while some companies in Venezuela avoid collective bargaining
with its work forces.
Differences
1) In Venezuela, civil servants are allowed to strike while in Cameroon, they
do not have the right to strike.
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