INTRODUCTION AUX GENDER STUDIES

The role of Machismo and Marianismo in the construction of sexes in Latin America.

Written by: Juan Fernandez Professor: Alexandre Jaunait Winter 2009

INTRODUCTION. So God created man in his own image, in the image of God he created him; male and female he created them. (Genesis 1: 27) The difference between sexes is perceived as an unquestionable natural axiom, a selfevident reality legitimized by religion, society, biology, history; however, a groundbreaking field of study and research known as Gender Studies appeared around the 1970s to challenge the traditional perception on sex relations. With the present essay, we would like to shed light on one of the subjects of study of this field: the construction of sex roles. Most evidently, this purpose raises two main questions we would like to clear in order to simplify understanding. On one hand, the first idea to clarify is the concept of social construction; we perceive it as the process by which history is transformed into nature, by which the unnoticeable culturally arbitrary is turned into something appearing as natural. On the other hand, sex roles are the degree to which an individual acts out stereotypical masculine or feminine role on a daily basis. Moreover, the two terms are linked by definition as the second one implies the existence of the first. This construction of sex roles seems omnipresent and dynamic as we perpetuate it even unconsciously through acts of speech, prayers, fashion, media, etc. It is precisely in the latter, that we have seen in recent years a progressive increase on the diffusion of images and stereotypes associated to Latin American men; the latino is portrayed as a bronzed, libidinous and, above it all, macho man. Even if cartooned by the simplified vision of the media lens, this depiction leads to a significant questioning of the construction of sex roles in Latin America. Indeed, we can find particular patterns of construction of sex roles in this area of the globe which merit a deep study we consider neglected by the academe; in this sense we would like to study the role of Machismo and Marianismo as patterns of construction of sex roles in Latin America. In order to puzzle out this question we will firstly tackle the issue of the contingency and variation of the construction of sexes in order to; secondly, approach directly the question of sex roles in Latin America, evidenced by two main patterns: Marianismo and Machismo.
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The construction of sexes: contingency and variation of a natural model.

Our intention with this first part of the work is to demonstrate how differences are submitted to the dichotomizing force of gender in order to create sexes and how this dichotomy can be altered by the context. It is rather simple to accept that every individual of the human species is born biologically a male or a female. Hence, humans are naturally either women or men; if youre not a man, then youre a woman and vice-versa. However, this division has been contested for decades by a plethora of authors. The first obstacle of the dichotomic model of sexes was raised by Margaret Mead in 1963. In spite of the fact that she recognizes that the division of society in two fields according to different traits of human beings is perfectly arbitrary, she thinks this division between women and men can be explained by factors as the difference of physical force and the reproductive capacities of most of the members of each sex and. Thus, according to Mead, it is not totally inconvenient. In 1972, Ann Oakley is going to go a step further to theorize this division and affirms it comprises two components: a biological one and a social one. The former is called sex and it is related to the biological differences between female and male (even if initially genital, these differences will evolve in time to include bone structures, chromosomal configuration, genetic characteristics, etc); sexes are invariable, universal and, in the same way, incontestable. The latter is named gender and it comprises a series of social roles attributed to the feminine and the masculine. Nonetheless, this natural existence of two biological sexes is contested by nature itself. Indeed, even if the dichotomy of sexes pretends to be appropriate for each biological level used to determine the biological sex (genital: vagina/penis, gonadic: ovaries, testicles, chromosomic: XY/XX, etc) we can find exceptions for each one of those biological levels as, in most cases, these traits are expressed as continuous (vs. absolute) variables. Hence, the concept of biological sex is the result of a dichotomized perception of biology thats possible only because of a simplifying reduction made by society. Thus, we can see how the sex/ gender as natural/social model is obsolete.
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In the absence of a solid biological basis, gender and sex are denaturalized and a new model is presented based on Gender as a social category. For the critics of the social gender/ biological sex model, this new proposal has three main advantageous consequences: Firstly, it concentrates everything that appears as social and arbitrary in the relation of sexes in one concept; secondly, it allows to focus on the division principle itself (Gender) instead of in the divided partitions (sexes) and; finally, it contemplates the hierarchic relation between the divided parts (DELPHY, 2001). Gender is, thus, associated to other social categories which constitute principles of division in themselves: Race, Class, etc. Through this new prism, the differences between human beings are grouped in two ideal types no individual can escape: male or a female, the two possible sexes to which society attributes a certain amount of psychological, behavioral and biological traits. Nevertheless, this social construction is not the result of a single moment; on the contrary, the construction of sexes is a continuous task that starts playing its part from birth: babies are attributed either a blue ribbon or a pink ribbon with their name engraved while staying at the maternity ward, specialized physicians correct every physical condition falling out of the norm in newborns, advertising, clothing and toys condition what is acceptable and right for girls and women, etc. As we have seen, sexes are the result of a dichotomic dividing principle widely subjected to the influence of social norms. However, the structure of this duality varies according to the context, demonstrating the arbitrary and contingent qualities of this model. In Latin America, this dichotomy is articulated in a particular way and the construction of sexes is conditioned by two main conceptual patterns: marianismo and machismo.

Sex roles in Latin America: virgins vs. machos.

As we have seen, the dichotomic model created by gender is submitted to variations which can be linked to geographical contexts. In this sense, Latin America doesnt escape this bipolar division executed by Gender and we can identify particular characteristics on this model that make it distinct. Indeed, two patterns emerge in order to define sex roles in Latin America: marianismo and machismo. Marianismo: following the steps of the holy woman. The inclusion of a woman in the monotheistic Christian pantheon is not a result of hazard but the consequence of a long set of enchainments rooted in Ancient History. In order to explain Marianismo we are compelled to find its origins in the presence of (pseudo) goddesses in (pre-)religious history and its heritage in Latin America. One starting point to study the particular perception society has of women can be found unearthing artifacts from the upper Paleolithic era. As a matter of fact, it is during this era that the production of female figurines reaches a first boom. Brassempouy, Willendorf and Lespugue are the first exaltations of the reproductive capacity of women and the subsequent admiration/adoration of their life-producing power. Further ahead, this cult of a mother goddess spawns in southern Russia, the Near East, the Indus Valley, Crete and the Aegean Sea. Initially, the female figure appeared alone, unaccompanied by any male figure (STEVENS, 1973). To illustrate this first stage of this figure we can mention the importance of Ishtar, goddess of fertility and love, in Mesopotamia. Later on, this figure experiences a series of mutations related to the presence of a young male figure near her, generally dying. In this stage, the goddess becomes not only a life-giver but a grieving and searching mother (a precedent of the mater dolorosa). A prehistorical Aegean example of this figure is Cybele and his son/lover Attis. According to Stevens, the cult of the mother-goddess spread to the south of Europe from Crete, conditioning prehistorical Spain and Italy and the ulterior implantation of Christianity in the region. In fact, some theorists point out that the dead, bleeding, naked, limp Christ so common in Catholic statuary even if not theologically, on the psychological level is the equivalent of AdonisAttis (OBEYESEKERE, 1984).
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Furthermore, we have to mention that the importance of female figures for early Christians is very low, which is perceived as an attempt to establish a powerful monotheism. However, once Christianity is consolidated, the Council of Ephesus in A.D. 431 instills Christianity with the dogma of the Theotokos, Mary the Mother of God; allowing the reappearance of the female figure, this time in the Christian pantheon. As our intention is not to write a detailed account of the Marian cult in Christendom, a leap is to be made until the migration of this cult to the New World. Mexico seems to be the first relay point with the appearance of Our Lady of Guadalupe, declared as patroness of New Spain by Pope Benedict XIV. The cult of the patroness of Mexico, whose dark-skinned complexion appeals to ethnic feelings of a plurality of the Latin American population, will become associated with nationalistic sentiments and will be erected as a vector of marianismo. Nonetheless, marianismo as we understand it is not a religious practice focussed on the special veneration of the Virgin Mary (cf. Mariology), but the secular edifice of beliefs and practices related to the position of women in society associated to the cult of the Mother of God from the Mexican Rio Grande to Argentinean Tierra del Fuego. This practice generates a stereotype of the ideal woman based on qualities akin to those observed in the life of the the Virgin Mary such as moral integrity and spiritual strength (STEVENS, 1973). The two main qualities of real women are associated with marianismo: On one hand, at home, they have to display abnegation and self-sacrifice in relation to their families (specially towards the other superior mother figures in the extended family) and the pain they might go through because of their role as a woman and mother. Likewise, women are supposed to be infinitely patient and bear with her husbands bad habits and decisions as they are like kids and cant help the intemperance of their nature. And on the other hand, on the sexual level, marianismo is closely linked to the Christian mandate of chastity before marriage (virginity) and frigidness vis--vis sex after marriage (MALLEY-MORRISON et HINES, 2004). Let us not forget that the Mother of God never engaged in coitus according to the Catholic tradition, making intercourse a private matter contrary to purity. Briefly, women are not supposed to enjoy sex, a mundane pleasure akin to
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mens moral baseness but forbidden to good women. These women ought to endure sex as one of the duties of marriage and should not talk about it in foul terms; instead they should appeal to a rich lexicon of circumlocutions (...) to refer to sexual intercourse (STEVENS, 1973). This last point is particularly evident in phrases used by married woman (Ex. In Mexico they might say Le hice el servicio1 ) or by unwedded women (Ex. In Venezuela: Me hizo la maldad2) when referring to intercourse Other characteristics expected in women emerge from marianismo: sadness, mirroring the lost of the mater dolorosa and mourning, for example, were for a long time deemed as very positive qualities on a Latin American woman (STEVENS, 1973); acceptance of domestic violence as a part of abnegation (MALLEY-MORRISON et HINES, 2004); responsibility of the integrity of the household chores (CHONG et BAEZ, 2005), etc. Clearly not all women in Latin America comply with this series of requirements in order to be deemed good women. In fact, some even might challenge the pattern and consciously move against it. In this case, despite the progress achieved by feminist movements in Latin American, a woman might find herself being considered many things but not a real good woman. Instead, terms which relate these individuals to the masculine or the animal might be used. A sudden judgement might imply women are just tyrannically oppressed by men unilaterally; otherwise, why would a woman accept to be a part of this oppressive pattern? The answers to these assumptions can tell us a great deal about sex roles in Latin America. In fact, these spiritually superior women are in charge of most of the upbringing of children in these societies, it is them who imbue these roles appropriate for their status as they consider them natural and right. Consequently, machismo emerges in opposition to the image of the gentle and pure virgin in order to rule the patterns reigning the sex roles attributed to men in Latin America.

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English: I did him the service English: He did me the evil thing 6

Machismo: the other side of the coin. Whereas marianismo refers to the ideal of a woman, machismo is the adaptation of patriarchy in the Latin American context created in parallel opposition to marianismo. Nevertheless, to find the reason behind this evidence is not an easy task, as our society has accepted patriarchy as a natural model. In order to avoid the colossal influence of the society in the which we have been brought up, authors like Peggy Reeves Sanday turn to cross-cultural data on sex roles and sexual stratification in order to explain the origins and variations of female power and male dominance in tribal societies. The result of her studies are particularly helpful to understand how the roles attributed to each sex are established in an early stage of these cultures. Firstly, Sanday associates the productive activities and cosmology of the tribal societies to their perception of women and men. She divides the tribal societies in three main categories: The first of these categories exhibits an inner orientation towards power, they depend on hunting small prey and gathering food in order to survive and their cosmology is based on the myth of a fertile mother-goddess. A second category is characterized by an outer orientation towards the forces ruling the sources of life, they are hunting societies living in hostile territories who focus on death, killing and male aggression; in this type of societies, women appear as dangerous and need to be controlled. Finally, Sanday deals with societies living equally out of gathering and hunting; in these dual orientation societies, cosmological myths are associated with an original couple. Even if we cannot say the tribes studied by Sanday mirror the patterns of sex-roles defined in our Western culture, we consider the argument of a conditioning cosmology particularly clarifying for the purpose of our study. Furthermore, we know Latin American society is influenced by the Judeo-Christian doctrine and tradition. In this sense, a brief analysis of the cosmology of the world according to this tradition becomes necessary. According to the book of Genesis, the original couple populating Earth was the product of a divine creation. However, the account of creation makes specifically clear that the first woman wasnt a result of Gods original volition but the consequence of mans need of a helper (Genesis 2: 20). Further on, this narration makes it obvious women are unreliable and potentially dangerous; in her naivet, the woman (named further on Eve by Adam) ate
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from the forbidden fruit and led Adam to do as she had causing the doom of humanity. Because of this tremendous error, womens desire will only focus on their husband and their respective husband will rule over them (Genesis 3: 16). Regardless of the modern interpretation that the Catholic church makes of this account, in terms of dominance we can see the Judeo-Christian tradition has led to a mythical male-dominant society; a society were females are allowed to hold significant economic and political power but men act as if they are the dominant sex (SANDAY, 1981). To trace the path of patriarchy from the beginning of civilization until our days is irrelevant to our subject of study. What we must be able to grasp is that the dichotomization of the sexes and the attribution of particular behaviors to each one of them is a product of a collective labour of socialization of the biological and of biologization of the social [that] combine to overturn the relationship between causes and effects, and end by making them appear to be a naturalized social construction. We assist, thus, to the naturalization of a contingency. This supposed naturalness of the social order makes it difficult to contest and leads the members ruled by it to accept it with its relations of domination, its rights and prerogatives, tis privileges and its injustices (BOURDIEU, 1998). We are not to look very far to see examples of this conformity to the patriarchic model. In most societies, women obtain the right to vote decades after men do. To illustrate this point the case of France is particularly interesting as this country is considered one of the first bastions of republican principles; while the French proclaimed the universal male suffrage in 1792 for the first time, women had to wait until 1944. As we see, patriarchy is rooted in many different cultures and it subsists as its considered natural. This affirmation does not vanish when we analyze the situation in Latin America, on the contrary, patriarchy is expressed very strongly and particularly by a pattern known as machismo. Machismo refers to the stereotype of the ideal man in Latin American culture3. This image comprises a series of attributes that define men in the region and, while some authors

In fact, the word is the result of the sufxation of the word macho in Spanish, which means (animal) male. 8

are very critical of this model and highlight the potentially negative qualities of it, some others praise the positive connotations of the word. On one hand, machismo is considered as the cult of virility, an extreme endemic form of patriarchy marked by exaggerated aggressiveness and intransigence in male-to-male interpersonal relationships and arrogance and sexual aggression in male-to-female relationships (STEVENS, 1983), the belief that men are the sole, unquestionable authority within the household (GARCIA, 2002) and the idea of men as tough, dominant and insensitive (KORZENNY, 2005). However, on the other hand, some authors belief this negative image of machismo men is a stereotype instrumentalized by sectors in power to vilify the lower socioeconomic strata. Instead, the view in machismo a positive image associated with dignity, strong family values, respect for women (specially his mother) and a strong sense of self-identity and character (CASTRO, 2000). We believe the previously mentioned conceptions of machismo are Manichaean; in other words, they try to define the characteristics of the ideal Latin American men as good or bad, a debate were not looking forward to poke. Our idea is to bring forwards how, from both fields, the characteristics attributed to male Latin Americans conform to the naturalized patriarchic model and oppose (in the second case we might say complement) marianismo. In spite of the incapacity of authors to agree on the correctness of the model, it is impossible for us not to realize machismo consists on a series of behaviors which are clearly patriarchic: superiority in relationships, paternalism, protective attitude, pre-eminence on the stratification of authority and whose most complete expression is typical of Latin America (CHONG et BAEZ, 2005).

CONCLUSION Briefly, we have seen how the perception of sexes and the relations between them has clearly evolved in the last decades. We have passed from accepting gender and sexes as natural concepts to question their existence by showing the way they emerge from social conventions. By accepting this construction of gender we have shown how theyre submitted to variations in different societies. Amongst these different ways of perceiving the relations between sexes, we have concentrated on a particular area of the globe: Latin America. In this region, we have seen how the dichotomizing model created by Gender is very much valid but ruled by particular patterns according to the sex in question: On one hand, marianismo conjugates religious fervor with the perception of the ideal woman to generate a stereotypical feminine figure. On the other hand, and in opposition to the first, machismo emerges as a patriarchal pattern tinged with aggressiveness and lustfulness characterizing the ideal masculine figure in the region. Clearly, these patterns are progressively contested by social movements lauding sexual equality and freedom to the extent that nowadays they seem to be deteriorating and confined to the most conservative sectors of society. Nevertheless, it would be inappropriate to dismiss these patterns as useless because they constitute a set of key concepts that help us understand patriarchy and sex relations in Latin America. Nevertheless, it would be adequate to examine the link between patriarchy and male violence, which is not a singularity of the Latin American region. In fact, a new study by Sanday published in 2007 explores extreme male violence in the universities of the United States and how this violence materialized in gang rapes work as a sexual expression and display of the power of the brotherhood to control and dominate women.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

BOURDIEU, Pierre. On Male Domination. Le Monde Diplomatique, online edition. October, 1998. Available at: http://mondediplo.com/1998/10/10bourdieu CASTRO, Rafaela. Chicano folklore: a guide to the folktales, traditions, rituals and religious practices of Mexican Americans. Oxford University Press. New York. 2000. CHONG, Nilda et BAEZ, Francia. Latino culture: a dynamic force in the canging American workplace. Intercultural Press. Bensalem. 2005. DELPHY, Christine. Lennemi principal. Vol. 2: Penser le Genre. Syllepse. Paris. 2001. GARCIA, Alma. The Mexican Americans. Greenwood Press. 2002. KORZENNY, Felipe. Hispanic marketing: a cultural perspective. ButterworthHeinemann. 2005. MALLEY-MORRISON, Kathleen et HINES, Denise. Family Violence in a Cultural Perspective. Sage Publications, Inc. Thousand Oaks. 2003. OBEYESEKERE, Gananath. The Cult of Goddess Pattini. University of Chicago Press. Chicago. 1984. SANDAY, Peggy. Female Power and Male Dominance: On the Origins of Sexual Inequality. Cambridge University Press. New York. 1981. STEVENS, Evelyn. Marianismo: The Other Side of Machismo in Latin America. Female & Male in Latin America: Essays. University of Pittsburgh Press. Pittsburgh.1973.

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