The Roman Empire and Beyond: Archaeological and Historical Research on the Romans and Native Cultures in Central

Europe
Edited by

Eric C. De Sena Halina Dobrzanska

BAR International Series 2236 2011

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The Roman Empire and Beyond: Archaeological and Historical Research on the Romans and Native Cultures in Central Europe
Archaeopress and the individual authors 2011

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THE EMPEROR AND THE CITY: A CASE STUDY ON THE LINK BETWEEN HADRIAN AND PHILIPPOPOLIS, THRACE Ivo Topalilov (University of Shumen, Bulgaria)

Abstract. This paper reviews evidence of one or two visits by Hadrian to the Thracian city of Philippopolis. This author indicates that depsite a lack of literary evidence for this emperors permanence in Philippopolis, the extent of building during Hadrians reign, evidence of games in honor of Antinoos and statues of Sabina all point to at least one visit to the city in the 120s or early 130s AD.

I. Introduction. Indeed, no Roman emperor devoted as much personal attention to cities throughout the empire as did Hadrian, except perhaps Augustus himself writes M. Boatwright and it seems she is quite right.1 The comprehensive study she has made on the link between the emperor Hadrian (AD 117-138) and the cities in the Empire shows that more than 210 cities were affected by his favor. It is not by chance that Hadrian was commemorated on the coins as restitutor of the provinces. His influence is found in different aspects, such as the change of the citys status. The emperors intervention in the daily life of towns involved the appointment of high magistrates, priesthoods and curators, land attribution, the determination of boundaries, the remission or exemption of taxes, the organization of games and festivals, conferring titles and names, as well as impressive building programs. Building programs, which were indeed common, may have consisted of major engineering projects and new construction, completion of previously initiated work, renovation and decoration of older buildings and complexes and so forth.2 The study reveals that most cities on Boatwrights list received just a token of the emperors favors, which may or may not be simply due to scanty evidence. The list could be augmented with the names of other cities for which we currently have no proof of any emperors presence or benefits.

to reveal, if possible, the true nature of Hadrians benefactions to the city, which were the grounds for its prosperity for over the next century and half. It seems that these changes were of consequence for the city, especially when one considers that the only commemorative arch in Philippopolis was devoted to Hadrian. Before we begin our analysis of the given facts, it is necessary to mention that until this moment we do not have concrete historical proof of the emperors visit to Philippopolis, as we do for other cities, especially those in the provinces in Asia Minor.3 The numismatic data and the epigraphic material, however, indicate Hadrians travels through Thrace during both of his eastern provincial tours in AD 124-125 and AD 128-132. The primary sources do not mention Hadrians visit in Philippopolis, but Bulgarian scholarship based upon epigraphic and numismatic data accepts the thesis that during his first provincial tour Hadrian passed through Thrace at which time he renamed the indigenous settlement Uscudama after himself, Hadrianopolis, and then continued north to the military base Cabyle and then to Durostorum and Tomis.4 During his second provincial tour, on his way back to Rome, it is presumed on the basis of ADVENTVS type coins that the emperor visited Thrace once again.5 This coin type of AD 134-138,6 combined with epigraphic evidence of the erection of the basilica in Pautalia, devoted to Hadrian in AD 135 as well as the establishment of the new borderline between Thrace and Lower Moesia in AD 136, clearly reveals his route from Athens to the north at the limes.7

II. Hadrian and Philippopolis. One of these centers is the primary city in Thrace - Philippopolis. The grounds for such an assumption lie in the sudden change that occurred in the urban development of the city when one compares the city under Trajan to that of Antoninus Piuss time. In fact, such change is clearly observed not only in Philippopolis, but also throughout Thrace, which makes some scholars believe that the cities received consecratio during Hadrians time. It is, therefore, the aim of this paper to combine the study of various sources (e.g., archaeological, epigraphic and numismatic) in order

3 4

1 2

Boatwright 2000, 12. Cf. Boatwright 2000.

Galsterer-Krll 1972. 1987, 11-12; 1991, 14; 2005, 10; Weber 1904, 57, 148; Henderson 1923, 84, 283; Vladkova 2002, 32. 5 Birley 2000, 145. 6 Mattingly 1966, clxxi-clxxii. 7 1952, 60-63; IGBulg. IV, 2057; 2005, 94.

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Topalilov

Map. 1. Province of Thrace with major cities (after R. Ivanov (ed.), 2002 - Early and Roman Byzantine cities in Bulgaria, vol. 1, Sofia).

Despite these indications, there is no direct evidence that the emperor passed through Philippopolis. The funeral stela of M. Ulpius Statius (Fig. 1), a soldier in equites singulares Augusti found in Philippopolis suggests that Hadrian did indeed have a sojourn in the city.8 M. Ulpius Statius, the emperors horseman, died in Philippopolis during Hadrians reign; therefore, it is quite likely that the death occurred during a visit by Hadrian. One of the most important reforms of Hadrians rule was the unification of all the provinces and ethnicities within the Roman Empire through the doctrine of PATRIA.9 In order to achieve this, the emperor undertook major reforms in urban as well as provincial life. We have already mentioned that a major part of his reforms affected more than 210 cities in the empire. The reforms of the provinces were not of less importance, since their goal was to encourage local autonomy in different aspects.10 For example, we can point out the giving of local communities the right of self-governing, with the forthcoming privileges and obligations. These reforms also affected Thrace where the first symptoms of organized urban life appeared.

Philippopolis, a metropolis of the Roman province of Thrace and, therefore, the seat of the provincial assembly ( ), was also affected by those reforms. The change of the citys status was clearly demonstrated by the most widely used propaganda medium of the time local coinage. The Latin title of the emperor on bilingual coins minted during the reigns of Domitian and Trajan was exchanged with a Greek title. On the reverse of the new coins, the emperors title is simply recorded (Fig. 2).11 This seems to indicate that during the reigns of Domitian and Trajan the responsibility of minting local coinage was entrusted to the central Roman government, represented by the provincial governor, while beginning with Hadrians reign, the minting of coinage was transferred to the local city authorities.12 Hadrians deeds and accomplishments lead some scholars to believe that Philippopolis gained its civic status after the Roman administrative norms and rules during Hadrians reign.13 This thesis is doubtful due to the fact that the tripartite political organization of the polis with the advisory council (), assembly (\) and phylai, is recorded in Philippopolis on inscriptions dating

AE 2001, 01751, Dis Manibus/ [M(arco)] Ulpio Statio / eq(uiti) sing(ulari) Aug(usti) / M(arcus) Ulpius Silvanus / frater heres f(aciendum) c(uravit); , 1994, 29-32. 9 For this doctrine, see mainly Perowne 1976, 54, 67-76. 10 Boatwright 2002, 37ff.

11 12 13

1924, 213-214. See 2002, 234-235. 2002, 238.

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The Emperor and the City Hadrian in Philippopolis to the time of Domitian and Trajan.14 As a matter of fact, the earliest evidence of one of the major civic institutions may date as early as the 3rd century BC.15 Bearing in mind that the Romans usually preserved the pre-existing institutions they found in the cities of the Greek East and only later established new, more loyal ones,16 it is unlikely that the political organization of a new polis was established during the time of Hadrian: the city already had its institutions. In fact, written sources and a statue dedicated to Domitian in AD 88 indicate that these preexisting institutions allowed Philippopolis to become a metropolis of Thrace prior to the reign of Hadrian.17 As to its civic status, Philippopolis as a peregrine city with preRoman institutions automatically accepted the status of civitas stipendiarae. The importance of self-governing local authorities as a result of these reforms led to certain changes in the topography of the city. The archaeological excavations in Plovdiv show that a huge reconstruction of the northern part of the main city square (agora) took place. This consisted of erecting the city council building (bouleuterion), whose faade was embellished by marble Corinthian capitals dated to the second decade of the 2nd century AD.18 s emphasized by B. Gerov, the Romans paid special attention to the establishment of a privileged circle in society which the imperial administration relied upon when necessary.19 Such an organization remained very close to the emperor and his administration was regarded as the so-called Sacred Gerusia (^ s@ ). This group was responsible for erecting statues of the emperor and the nobility, new construction and renovations, as well as organizing celebrations and religious rites connected with the Imperial cult.20 In fact, the only known statue of Hadrian in Philippopolis was set up by a gerusiast(s) (Fig. 3).21 Paleographical features as well as the emperors title show that the statue was erected during the early reign of Hadrian, demonstrating that the Sacred Gerusia was established during Hadrians time.22 It is noteworthy to mention that the establishment of this institution in other cities in the empire generally coincided with an emperors presence.23 It is possible that at this time in Philippopolis, some other institutions were established, not related to civic life, but rather to provincial life in Thrace. The questionable institution is that of the tabularius provinciae. The
2004, 204. IGBulg. III, 1, 879. 16 Dmitriev 2005. 17 Sharankov 2005, 241-242; 2007. 18 2009. 19 1980, 105-107. 20 2004, 205. 21 IGBulg. III, 1, 1046 : [ ] [ s]/[ s, {] { [{]/[------------------------------]../.YI; N. Sharankov (2004, 203) suggests that IGBulg. III,1 , 1047 belongs to this inscription; Gerassimova-Tomova 1987, 245; 2004, 203. 22 2004, 203-204. 23 Oliver 1941, 4ff; Oliver 1989, 401-413.
14 15

inscriptions found in Philippopolis mention tabularius provinciae as well as commentaries provinciae Thraciae,24 as the latter exercised control over the tabularius.25 The earliest mention of tabularius provinciae is on the funeral stela of Titus Aelius Euphrosynus, who, according to his stela, was a freedman of the emperor (Fig. 4) .26 Modern scholars accept the notion that augg. lib in this stela should be developed as Augg(ustorum) lib(erto), which means that Titus Aelius Euphrosynus had become a freedman in the period AD 140-161, when Antoninus Pius was Emperor and M. Aelius Aurelius Verus was Caesar. According to L. Botoucharova, it was exactly during this time when Titus Aelius Euphrosynus was appointed as tabularius provinciae.27 If the proposed date is correct, this means that during Antoninus Piuss rule the institution of tabularius provinciae had already been established in Philippopolis. As mentioned above, at the beginning of Hadrians rule, a major reconstruction campaign was carried out in the northern part of the agora, serving as the new administrative centre of the city. Here, with the construction of the city council, a second building was erected which is generally interpreted as a library.28 The grounds for such an assumption lie in the specific planning of the buildings, which have a surrounding marble path and niches in the walls. Libraries were not the only structures planned in this manner, however, and similar architectural schemes can be found in archive buildings (tabularium). These observations coupled with the fact that archives should be situated on the main square allow us to put forward the thesis that the building discovered on the north side of the agora was not a library, but an archive.29 It is also worth mentioning that while there is no historical evidence for the existence of a library or a librarian in Philippopolis, we do have evidence of a tabularius provinciae. It is reasonable to speculate that the institution of tabularius provinciae was established in Hadrians time amongst his many administrative reforms within the province. Simultaneously a vast building program had begun. It comprised not only the construction of the main buildings of the city, but changed radically the urban topography of Philippopolis. Among the major urban structures constructed or renovated at this time were the agora, an aqueduct, a bath complex, streets, a stadium and an honorary arch. These monuments will not be discussed here in detail; however, it is worth noting that several of these projects were completed during the reign of
Kalinka 1906, 374 1968, 43-45. 26 D (is) M(anibus)/ T(ito) Aelio Aug(ustorum; usti) lib(erto) Eu/phrosyno tabula-/rio provinciae Thra-/ciae. Aelia Parthen-/ice coiugi karissi-/mo et dulcissimo/ aram posuit 27 On the freedmen of Antoninus Pius, see Weaver 1972; 1968, 45. 28 1992, 36; 2006, 275 . 29 See Gros 1996, 207.
24 25

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Topalilov
Hadrians heir, Antoninus Pius. For instance, in Hadrians time the construction of an aqueduct began, which brought water from the Rhodopa Mountains 22 km away.30 Hadrians aqueduct, possibly a component of the PATRIA doctrine, encompassed a smaller, pre-existing aqueduct;31 the enlargement probably reflects a growing population. Because of the vastness of the project it was completed during Antoninus Pius time and commemorated on local coins where the arches of the bridge were depicted. Personifications of two river gods were presented on other coins.32 The building of the new aqueduct allowed the construction of Roman thermae in Philippopolis, which have been partially excavated.33 Similarly, we note changes in the road system whereby the old gravel roads were replaced with improved ones composed of large sienite slabs with drainage and waterpipes beneath.34 This construction project was initiated in Hadrians time, as attested by the latest coin found in the lower level,35 and was completed during the reign of Marcus Aurelius. One of the projects completed during Hadrians lifetime was the new architectural decoration of the main square where repairs were made to some of the older Dorian capitals and new Ionian style capitals made of marble were added.36 Another structure erected during the reign of Hadrian was the stadium. Until recently, the exact date of the construction has been under much discussion,37 but the games T that took place through to AD 136 provide a terminus ante quem for the construction of the stadium. Until this point we have discussed the various benefits that Philippopolis gained during Hadrians probable visit(s). The archaeological excavations, epigraphic data and sculpture, however, also show how the city expressed its gratitude to the emperor. The foremost expression of gratitude is an honorary arch in the NE district of the city. Situated on via diagonalis, the arch later became the main gate of Late Antique Philippopolis (Fig. 5).38 The arch itself belongs to the tripylon type, but only the lower part is preserved. Despite this, we can conclude that the arch was richly decorated with statues in niches, semicolumns, capitals, friezes/architraves and cornices. The architectural decoration dates the construction of this monument in the second decade of the 2nd century AD.39 A fragment with a single-line inscription reading
1938; for the uncovered section of the aqueduct, see 2009; for this type of aqueduct, dated to the 1st and first half of the 2nd centuries, see Biernacka-Lubaska 1973, 145-146 ff. 31 1983, 72. 32 1966, 77-78. 33 1940, 129 . 34 1993, 92; 1994, 196. 35 1977, 59. 36 Djambov, Mateev 1983, 285-289; , 1979, 52; 1993, 65; 2004, 17; 37; 2009. 37 1971, 136; 1977; Tsontchev 1947, 40-41; 2000. 38 Botucharova, Kessiakova 1980, 267, fig. 4-5; 1993, 85-86, . 3-6; 1999, 93-94, . 115. 39 2009.
30

was found in close proximity to the arch (Fig. 6). It is clear that this is the beginning of the emperors title in a votive inscription that would have read [ ]. Paleographically, the diagonal hast of the A and the two small hastae of the Y as well as the shape of letters are parallel to the official Trajanic inscriptions of Philippopolis. Not only was Hadrian honored with an arch, but also with special games dedicated to Antinoos. Our knowledge of these games is based on a marble plaque with his image depicted and the inscription: a the hero Antinoos (Fig. 7). The written sources (Cass. Dio LXIX, 11; Script. Hist. Aug., Hadr., XIV, 5-7; Aur. Victor, De Caes., 14, 7-9; Eus. Hist. eccl., IV, 8) clearly reveal the attachment of Hadrian to the young boy from Bythinia who was ideal for his beauty and after his death became the symbol of self-sacrifice in the name of love. A city with his name was built and he was pronounced at first as a hero, and later as god, and celebrated with games in the Greek East. A plaque found in Philippopolis shows that similar games, in our case T , were held here and that the disciplines included athletic events requiring a stadium.40 It is worth mentioning that Antinoos is presented as a hero rather than the widely spread , which demonstrates that the games in Philippopolis were organized shortly after his death in AD 130 when he had not yet been declared a god. Knowing that the cult to Antinoos flourished during the period AD 134-138, the Philippopolis games were likely organized prior to AD 134 by local authorities or the provincial assembly of the Thracians. It appears that the cult to Antinoos gained great popularity in Philippopolis and he was honored a second time with games during the later part of Hadrians reign. Antinoos is represented again on a local coin minted for the adopted son of Hadrian, Lucius Aelius Caesar (AD 136-137), but this time as a god (Fig. 8).41 In some cities where this cult gained a large following, as it had in Matineia, such games were organized every four years. The marble plaque of Philippopolis dates soon after his death, but the aforementioned coin is a bit later, indicating that games similar to the ones in Matineia were also organized in the Thracian city. If the second ones took place during the time of Lucius Aelius Caesar as the coin suggests, we can assume that the first ones were held here in AD 132-133. As a consequence of Hadrians benefits to Philippopolis we might expect the development of the imperial cult in the city. Archaeological excavations show that a temple of the Imperial cult was built on the agora at this time,
2004, 164-168. The coin is published in 1924, 214 . , 22, who identified the image as Apollo. For the interpretation that the image is of Antinoos, see 2004, 167.
40 41

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The Emperor and the City Hadrian in Philippopolis despite the fact that the institution of B already existed during the time of his predecessors. On the other hand, it seems that the newly established Sacred gerusia was also practicing the Imperial cult. The Sacred gerusia decorated the lodge dedicated to the emperor and the high ranking Roman magistrates in the province at their own expense.42 The section of the loving the emperor () was placed next to the lodge.43 As some other epigraphic monuments reveal, could be regarded as an epithet of magistrates and organizations responsible for practicing the Imperial cult.44 Except for the emperor himself, some other members of the imperial family were also honored by statues in Philippopois, namely Hadrians wife, Sabina. Two marble heads of the empress have been found so far. The first one represents the empress as a goddess45 (Fig. 9) following the official propaganda in womens fashionable portrait practices, while the second one belongs to the group of private portraiture (Fig. 10).46 The former was found near the stadium and may have belonged to the decoration of this building together with a statue of Hadrian, as the closest parallel of this head from Perge shows,47 while the latter was found near the eastern gate of Philippopolis. It is suggested that both marble heads should be dated soon after AD 128 and they are regarded as a consequence of the emperors visit in Thrace.48 As for Sabinas head, which belongs to the group of private portraiture, we suggest that this results from the popularity gained by the imperial family in Philippopolis at this time. Until now these are the only known statues of Sabina found in Thrace.49 of an honorific arch,50 the beginning of large-scale urbanization and so forth. This clearly shows his intentions based upon the PATRIA doctrine. We might assume that during his journey the aforementioned M. Ulpius Statius died in Philippopolis. Moreover, the organization of games dedicated to deified Antinoos, the use of small portraiture and the minting of coins in the local monetary atelier for Lucius Aelius Caesar are good grounds to propose a second visit by the Emperor to Philippopolis in the period AD 135-136.

REFERENCES BIERNACKA-LUBASKA, M. (1973), Iconographic sources for the history of Roman aqueducts in Northern Thrace, Archaeologia Polona XIV, 315-329. BIRLEY, A. (2000), Hadrian to the Antonines, in Cambridge Ancient History, volume XI. The High Empire, AD 70-192, Cambridge. BOATWRIGHT, M. (2000), Hadrian and the cities of the Roman Empire, Princeton, N.J. DMITRIEV, S. (2005), City government in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor, Oxford. DAMBOV, H. and M. MATEEV (1983), Elments de la dcoration architecturale de lagora et du forum de Philippopolis, Pulpudeva 4, Sofia, 284-290. GALSTERER-KRLL, B. (1972), Untersuchungen zu den Beinamen der Stdte des Imperium Romanum, Epigraphische Studien 9, 44-145. GERASSIMOVA-TOMOVA, V. (1987), Die Administration der Stdte in Thrakien whrend des 1.-3. Jhdts. u. Z. (im Gebiet des heutigen Bulgarien), Terra Antiqua Balcanica II, 239-246. GRIMAL, P. (1961), Les villes romaines, Paris. GROS, P. (1996), Larchitecture romaine du dbut du III sicle av. J.-C. la fin du Haut-Empire, Paris. HENDERSON, B. (1923), Hadrian AD 76- 138. The life and Principate of the Emperor, London. HLTE, J.M. (2005), Roman imperial statue bases from Augustus to Commodus, Aarhus University Press (Aarhus Studies in Mediterranean Antiquity VII). IVANOV, T. and R. IVANOV (1983), Aedes thensaurorum von Philippopolis, Pulpudeva 4, Sofia, 190-196 MATTINGLY, H. (1966), Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum, vol. III. Nerva to Hadrian, London.

III. Conclusion. Analyzing the data of the archaeological excavations, epigraphic monuments, numismatic data, sculptures and architectural decoration of the buildings in Philippopolis, allows us to suggest a clear connection between the emperor and the city in both directions. This study shows different aspects of that link, which resulted in Philippopolis becoming a modern Roman city. We can even claim that other construction projects of such a great scale were not carried out in Philippopolis until the reign of Constantine I, despite the flourishing of the city during Severan times when it was fully renovated. Part of the data also indicates that Hadrian visited the city during his first provincial tour (AD 124-125). As a result, we propose the establishment of the Sacred gerusia as well as the dedication of a statue of the emperor, the erection

42

B()/ -/[] T / \ sA ()./. 43 2004, 199. 44 2004, 199. 45 Tsontchev 1959, 27, no. 35, pl. XII, fig. 35; 2005, 7-8. 46 2005, 8-9. 47 Tsontchev 1959, 25, no. 32, pl. X, fig. 32; 2005, 9. 48 2005, 9-13. 49 2005, 7-13.

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Hlte 2005.

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OLIVER, J.H. (1941), The Sacred Gerusia, Hesperia Supplement VI, Baltimore. PEROWNE, S. (1976), Hadrian, Westpoint, Connecticut. SHARANKOV, N. (2005), Unknown Governors of Provincia Thracia Late I-early II century AD, Zeitschrift fr Papyrologie und Epigraphik 151, 235-242. SPEIDEL, M. (1965), Die equites singulares Augusti. Begleitruppe der rmischen Kaiser des zweiten und dritten Jahrhunderts, Bonn. TSONTCHEV, D. (1947), Contributions lhistoire du stade antique de Philippopolis, Sofia. TSONTCHEV, D. (1959), Momuments de la sculpture romaine en Bulgarie mriodinale, Latomus XXXIX, 541. VLADKOVA, P. (2002), The Earliest Nicopolis ad Istrum, in The Roman and Late Roman city, Sofia, 3034. WEAVER, P.R.S. (1972), Familia Caesaris. A Social Study of the Emperors freedmen and slaves, Cambridge. WEBER, W. (1904), Untersuchungen zur rmischen Reichsprgung des Kaisers Hadrianus, Leipzig. , B. (1952), , [V. Beevliev, Epigraphische Beitrge, Sofia]. , . (1968), , 2, 4354 [L. Botoucharova, Three documents on the history of Philippopolis]. , . (1977), , [L. Botoucharova, Lamphithatre de Philippopolis, Plovdiv]. , . (2000), , 11, 135-141 [L. Vagalinski, Once again about the stadium of Philippopolis, Proceedings of the National Museum of History]. , . (1992), Nicopolis ad Istrum, 2, 32-38 [Kr. Vacheva, On the question on the bouleuterion of Nicopolis ad Istrum]. , . (1991), - : , . 2, , 7-53 [V. Velkov, Inscriptions de Cabyle, in Cabyle, vol. 2, Sofia]. , B. and M. (1994), , , 20, 27-40 [V. Gerassimova and M. Martinova, De nouvelles donnes sur -, B. (1985), , : 100 - , , , 91-95 [V. Gerassimova-Tomova, Philippopolis and the Roman imperial guards, in 100 years of Archaeological Museum-Plovdiv, vol. II]. , . (1980), (- .), LXXII, 2, [B. Gerov, Der Besitz an Grund und boden im rmischen Thrakien und Msien (1.-3. Jh.), Annuaire de lUniveriste de Sofia. Faculte des letters classiques et modernes]. , X. and M. (1979), , 3, 47-56 [Hr. Dzambov, M. Mateev, The Forum of Philippopolis]. , . (2009), , - XI [Zdr. Dimitrov, The development of the Corinthian order in Philippopolis during the Roman period, Annual of the Archaeological Museum-Plovdiv (under press)]. KE, E. (1977), , 2, 51-60 [E. Kessjakova, The urbanization of Philippopolis during the Roman period]. , E. (1983), , 1-2, 63-76 [E. Kessjakova, The aqueducts of Philippopolis]. , E. (1993), , XVIII, 79-97 [E. Kessjakova, New data about the urbanization of Philippopolis, Bulletin of the museums of South Bulgaria]. , E. (1994), -: , III, , 192-204 [E. Kessjakova, The urban development of Philippopolis, Studies on settlement life in ancient Thrace]. , E. (2004), , , 2, 9-74 [E. Kessjakova, The Agora of Philippopolis, Annuairy of the Archaeological Museum Plovdiv]. , . (1966), , -: , , 56-84 [K. Kolev, The coins as a source for the history of Plovdiv, Archaeological studies on the history of Plovdiv and Plovdiv region]. la necropole est de Philippopolis, Bulletin of the museums of South Bulgaria].

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The Emperor and the City Hadrian in Philippopolis , M. (2005), . , 4, 314 [M. Koleva, Portraiture during the Hadrians time in present Bulgarian lands. Official portraits, Art Studies Quarterly]. , . (2002), ( . .), , , . 3, 231- 244 [I. Lozanov, Notes on the urban development of Philippopolis in the early history of Roman Thrace (1st and early 2nd c. AD), Annuaire delUniversite de Sofia, Faculte dHistoire- Studia Archaelogica]. , M. (2006), , - : V, , 275-283 [M. Martinova, The library on the agora in Philippopolis, Studies on settlement life in ancient Thrace]. , M. (1971), , V, 135-151 [M. Mateev, The stadium of ancient Philippopolis, Annuairy of the Archaeological Museum Plovdiv]. , M. (1993), , [M. Mateev, Ancient Philippopolis]. , H. (1924), , 1924, 181-289 [N. Mouchmov, Les monnaies antiques de Philippopolis, Annuaire de la Bibliothque nationale Plovdiv]. , . (2005), Alia Pautalia, - , , 93-99 [I. Topalilov, Aelia Pautalia, in Proceedings of the Museum of History Kyustendil, vol. X]. , . (2007), Tiberius Claudius Sacerdos Iulianus, procurator provinciae Thraciae, Bulletin of the Stara Zagora Museum of History, vol. II, Stara Zagora, 256-260 [I. Topalilov, Once again on Tiberius Claudius Sacerdos Iulianus, procurator provinciae Thraciae]. , . (1938), , [D. Tsontchev, Contributions to the ancient history of Plovdiv]. , . (1940), , , 129-156 [D. Tsontchev, A newly discovered Roman Bath in Plovdiv Annuaire de la Bibliothque nationale Plovdiv]. , H. (2002), , ,164-168 [N. Sharankov, A Monument of the cult of Antonoos in Philippopolis, Annual of the Department Mediterranean and Eastern studies, New Bulgarian University]. , H. (2004), , , 198-208 [N. Sharankov, The Sacred Gerusia in Philippopolis, Annual of the Department Mediterranean and Eastern studies, New Bulgarian University]. , . (1987), (- .), , [J. Jurukova, The Coinage of the cities in Lower Moesia and Thrace (I-III AD), Hadrianopolis, Sofia].

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FIGURES

Figure 1. Funeral stele of M. Ulpius Statius.

Figure 2. Coin of Hadrian with Greek legend.

Figure 3. Base of a statue with dedication to Hadrian.

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The Emperor and the City Hadrian in Philippopolis

Figure 4. Funeral stele of Titus Aelius Euphrosynus.

Figure 5. Remains of dedicatory arch along via Diagonalis.

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Figure 6. Fragment of dedicatory arch with inscription AYTO.

Figure 7. Marble relief with dedication to Antinoos.

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The Emperor and the City Hadrian in Philippopolis

Figure 8. Hadrianic coin with reference to Lucius Aelius Caesar.

Figure 9. Bust of Sabina as goddess.

Figure 10. Bust of Sabina.

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