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Introduction Profile of the founder of Theory The Background of Theory Explanation of the Theory Examples from the work of Marvin Harris Contribution to Anthropology Criticism Bibliography
Introduction
Cultural Materialism is anthropological theory that tend to explain that how the practical conditions of human beings influence the cultural patterns. In Harris words Cultural Materialism is based on the simple premise that human social life is a response to the practical problems of earthly existence(1979: ix) It places key importance to the empirical science, focusing on the observable phenomenon rather than on subjective thoughts and behaviors It emerged in late 1960s
Conti
Dr Marvin Harris (August 18, 1927 October 25, 2001) Was born in Brooklyn, America in the times of Great Depression He joined army toward the end of the 2nd World war, in order to receive funding for his higher studies in Columbia University He was a voracious reader and a very intelligent man, in his graduation years, he spent hours on race track, and managed to evolve a complex mathematical formula to win a bet, he used to support his wife Madelyn with his winnings. He produced his early work with his mentor Charles Wagley, who was also his supervisor in graduation, in Brazil under the influence of Boasian tradition (Which he would denounce in his later works) He was given assistant professor post in Columbia University in 1957, which turned and refined him as a vibrant anthropologist. He remained in columbia university till 1980
Conti
In 1968 he produced his magnum opus, The Rise of Anthropological Theory he traced the origins of Anthropological theory from 1750 to date, he also set himself as the future cultural materialist in this work. The book also included the systematic postulates of the cultural materialism Cows, Pigs, Wars, and Witches: The Riddles of Culture, published in 1974, provided a cultural materialist analysis of phenomena Harris referred to as "cultural riddles. In 1977, Harris's Cannibals and Kings: The Origins of Cultures provided a more systematic presentation of his evolutionary approach to culture and society. Harris outlined a precise theoretical model of social evolution, applying it to the last ten thousand years of human existence. In Cannibals and Kings Harris identified the historical processes of population growth, ecological depletion, and technological change as the primary forces behind the evolution of all major cultural forms. When Cultural Materialism: The Struggle for a Science of Culture was published in 1979, Harris introduced his complete cultural materialist perspective. In addition to his more systematic presentation of the basic principles of cultural materialism, this work also contained many illuminating critiques of other major anthropological theoretical perspectives, for example boasinian tradition.
Conti.
In 1981, Harris produced a short volume entitled America Now: The Anthropology of a Changing Culture, which provided a cultural materialist analysis of significant transitions in American culture since World War II. Four years later Harris published Good to Eat: Riddles of Food and Culture, This work was devoted to an examination of food taboos and dietary patterns throughout history and around the world. Utilizing a cultural materialist framework, Harris explained how the material circumstances of everyday life have historically influenced nutritional practices in a variety of cultural settings. One of Harris's most recent and influential publications Our Kind: Who We Are, Where We Came From, and Where We Are Going, a collection of essays published in 1990, focused specifically upon the origin and evolution of human beings. In Our Kind Harris explained how humans evolved from lower primates. Harris also asserted that the human acquisition of the ability to speak was integral to the historical development of the variety of diverse cultures throughout the world Although Harris has been slow on producing a book after 1990, but not idle. He is been actively writing articles, book reviews and giving many interviews and participating in public debates until his death in 2001.
Conti..
Harris gives explanatory priority to infrastructure, and that emphasis is fundamental in his 1968 magnum opus, The Rise of Anthropological Theory. The Rise of Anthropological Theory is a sprawling critique of Western thinking about the nature of culture and its evolution. Harris assessed the contributions of thinkersfrom Plato to Montesquieu to Hegeland anthropological schools from culture and personality to structuralism to cultural evolution. In the process, he expressed an opinion, frequently negative, on almost every social thinker since the Enlightenment. Although Harris apologized in advance for his severe attacks on anthropologists past and present, he felt justified because at this particular moment in the development of anthropological theory . . . critical judgments deserve priority over polite ones (1968:7). Harris attacked the dubious factual foundation on which [Ruth] Benedict reared her psycho logistic portraits (1968:404), accused Alfred Kroeber of making statements about changes in style and artistic achievement based on the effete standards of salon gossip (1968:331), and suggested that Claude Lvi-Straussfar from plumbing the hidden structures of another culturemay not even understand whats going on in his own head (1968:511).
Conti..
3. Superstructure: systems of meanings religion, symbols, philosophy, ideology, worldview, aesthetics (art, design, music, dance) Thus, Cultural materialism is the view that infrastructure shapes or determines structure, which in turn shapes or determines superstructure Aspects of culture can be ultimately explained in terms of survival and reproduction- these explanations usually involve subsistence, ecology, and/or economics the material realities of life largely determine the rest of culture.
Conti.
The Emic and Etic debate Distinction is between emic and etic. Emic perspectives convey a participants point of view; Etic perspectives are from an observerspoint of view. Emic operations have as their hallmark the elevation of the native informant to the status of ultimate judge of the adequacy of the observers descriptions and analyses. The test of the adequacy of Emic analyses is their ability to generate statements the native accepts as real, meaningful, or appropriate. Etic operations have as their hallmark the elevation of observers to the status of ultimate judges of the categories and concepts used in descriptions and analyses. The test of the adequacy of etic accounts is simply their ability to generate scientifically productive theories about the causes of sociocultural differences and similarities. Rather than employ concepts that are necessarily real, meaningful, and appropriate from the native point of view, the observer is free to use alien categories and rules derived from the data language of science. Frequently, Etic operations involve the measurement and juxtaposition of activities and events that native informants may find inappropriate or meaningless. (Harris 1979:32)
Conti..
In short, understanding cultural patterns first requires explaining phenomena in terms of infrastructurethe culture/nature interface, as expressed by such dimensions as subsistence, settlement, population, demography, and so onand then understanding how such changes reshape structure and superstructure.
Examples cont
Harris cites Vedic texts describing a beef-eating past (before 600 B.C.) when cattle were slaughtered for communal, carnivorous feasts. But as the human population increased and grazing lands were converted to farmlands, beef became too expensive and eventually was limited only to privileged castes. Beginning in the fifth century B.C., religions (Buddhism and Jainism) developed that banned killing, and during subsequent centuries milk, not meat, became the ritual food, and cow worship became part of Hinduism. But the need for oxen as plow animals meant that cows were always necessary. Animals are needed on small farms. Today tractors are only more efficient on larger farms, and they break down and are expensive to repair. The poorest of Indias farmers are the real owners of the supposedly stray animals wandering in the landscape; with no pasturage, the cows scavenge food from roadside vegetation, food stands, and garbage heaps. Producing little milk and only an occasional ox, the cow is nonetheless cost-efficientsufficient reason for protection from slaughter Cows are needed to pull plows (male cattle: bulls, bullocks, oxen)provide fertilizer (dung)
Examples..
provide fuel (dung) provide milk (female cattle: cows) provide leather, horn, meat, etc. to non-Hindus Supporting Indian humped cattle is almost cost-free In times of drought or famine, people would be tempted to eat them but this(eating cow in famine) would be disastrous in the longer run since next season, there would not be enough cattle to plow, fertilize, provide milk, etc. a simple rule against eating cows would not be enough to stop hungry people from doing so so a really strong, religious prohibition does the job necessary to overcomes desperate individuals short-term needs for the long-term survival benefit of the group
Contribution to Anthropology
Cultural materialism contributed many feathers to the tapestry of Anthropological knowledge, main contributions are a. Its research strategies that challenged anthropology to be grounded on scientific methods b. Its holistic view of anthropology, which integrates the methods and findings of all sub-fields of anthropology c. Use of clear and intelligible language and aim to communicate anthropological knowledge across boundaries. d. The belief that cultures can be studied across geographical and temporal boundaries. e. Aim to develop broad theories of culture
Criticism
Harriss argument is this: anthropology is a science, science is based on laws, infrastructure is (most likely) governed by laws, therefore anthropology should focus on infrastructure. But what if anthropology is not a search for law like generalizations? What if it is a humanistic discipline, or one that is not an experimental science in search of law, but an interpretive one in search of meaning, as Clifford Geertz (1973:5) stated. Finally, how can we be so dismissive of the informants emic viewpoint if culture is rooted in values and meanings held by individuals? Why should we give research priority to etic research focused on infrastructure when as anthropologists we are interested in the rich diversity of human cultures? Doesnt cultural materialism reduce human culture to mere matters of eating and breeding? These are some of the issues that emerged in the 1970s and later as American anthropology split into two major camps: those who argued for an anthropology grounded in the humanities and thosesuch as Marvin Harriswho advocated an anthropology modeled on natural science.
Bibliography
1968 The Rise of Anthropological Theory: A History of Theories of Culture. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell. 1974 Cows, Pigs, Wars and Witches: The Riddles of Culture. New York: Random House. 1977 Cannibals and Kings: The Origins of Cultures. New York: Random House. 1979 Cultural Materialism: The Struggle for a Science of Culture. New York: Random House. 1985 Good to Eat: Riddles of Food and Culture. New York: Simon and Schuster. 1992 Distinguished Lecture: Anthropology and the Theoretical and Paradigmatic Significance of the Collapse of Soviet and East European Communism. American Anthropologist 94:295305. 2009 Visions of culture : an introduction to anthropological theories and theorists / Jerry D. Moore. 3rd ed.
Web links
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cultural_materialism_(ant hropology) www.as.ua.edu/ant/Faculty/murphy/cultmat.htm www.cultural-materialism.org www.faculty.rsu.edu/~felwell/Theorists/Harris/Index.ht m epistemic-forms.com/FacSite/.../marvin-harris-culturematerial.htm http://www.bookrags.com/biography/marvin-harrissoc/ www.ishk.net/cultural_materialism_riddles.pdf