Conjuring with Coca and the Inca: The Andeanization of Lima's Afro-Peruvian Ritual Specialists, 1580-1690 Author(s): Leo

J. Garofalo Source: The Americas, Vol. 63, No. 1, The African Diaspora in the Colonial Andes (Jul., 2006), pp. 53-80 Published by: Catholic University of America Press on behalf of Academy of American Franciscan History Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4491178 Accessed: 15/06/2010 22:29
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TheAmericas 63:1 July 2006, 53-80 Copyrightby the Academy of American FranciscanHistory

CONJURINGWITH COCAAND THE INCA: THE ANDEANIZATIONOF LIMA'SAFRO-PERUVIAN RITUALSPECIALISTS,1580-16901

throughout African diasporic creatingcolonial societies, providingbothplayed a popimportantroles in
ulationbase and ways to organizeeverydaylife as evidenced in subsistence activities, housing, language, religion, and artistic expression.2In the Andes, Afro-Peruvian ritualspecialists providean example of black participationin forging a place in colonial society duringthe sixteenthand seventeenthcenturies.They earnedboth respect and fear, statusand stigma, for their ability to solve a variety of problems and illnesses believed to be forces. These ritucaused by the malice of other people or by supernatural alists also show how people of African descent helped invent widelyemployed strategiesto bridge culturesand link heterogeneouscolonial populations in Andean cities. The cases collected here reveal a gradual and progressive shift in the emphasis of ritual practice among the colony's non-indigenousritual spein cialists, particularly urbanareas.First, Native Andeanpracticesserved as
Archival researchin 1995 and 1996-1998 for this article was supportedby Tinkerand Vilas travel grants,a Social Sciences ResearchCouncil Grant,and a FulbrightDissertationFellowship.A University the of Wisconsin Fellowship for Dissertatorssupported originalwriting.Commentsfrom Kelvin A. Yelvington on my AmericanHistoricalAssociation paper delivered at the Annual Meeting in Boston, 2001 and from the participants the 2003 Workshopon MarkingDifferencein Colonial LatinAmericahelped in me improve the analysis. Ben Vinson, III, helped me present my ideas more clearly. I owe a special thanksto the archivistsin Peru and Spain who helped me locate the documentsused in this article. 2 New works are appearingto document the diversity of the African experience in colonial Spanish America.Among the collections offering an overview are a special issue edited by MatthewRestall and Jane Landers, The Americas 57:2 (October 2000), and Matthew Restall, ed., Beyond Black and Red: New Mexico, 2005). The participaAfrican-NativeRelations in Colonial LatinAmerica (Albuquerque: tion of blacks in the militias of Mexico and coastal Peru show one way that membersof this population carved out a place and limited privileges in a colonial order that defined them at the racial and social bottom of society. For examples see Ben Vinson, III, Bearing armsfor his majesty:thefree-colored militia in colonial Mexico (Stanford:StanfordUniversityPress, 2001) and the special issue on African diasporic militaryhistoryin LatinAmericaedited by Ben Vinson, III and StewartKing, TheJournal of Colonialism and Colonial History 5:2 (Fall 2004).

communities

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a key source of special powers; then a more hybridized,"colonialAndean practice"emerged that drew upon Iberian,indigenous, and African knowledge and eventuallyresultedin the inventionof unique"colonial"ritualconcepts. For instance,rites includeda newly imaginedIncaprotectorthatoversaw the well-being and desires of his supplicants, as well as coca leaf ceremonies that showcased the plant's curative and divinatorypowers. As these practices developed, particularlyover the course of the 17th century, Lima's Afro-Peruvianritual specialists often led the way in creating a new rooted in collection of ritual practices and ideas about the supernatural, established,but still dynamic, traditions. Fromthe 1580s to the 1690s, manyAfricansand theirchildrenand grandchildrenfiguredprominentlyin establishingcommon practicesof witchcraft and amatorymagic in Peru's cities. In an initial phase (1580s and 1590s), Afro-Peruvianshelped adapt Iberianand Catholic traditionsto the Andes.3 Early Afro-Peruvian and Spanish involvement in Native Andean ritual remained limited to hiring indigenous practitionersunder special circumstances. In the 1620s and 1630s, a second phase began as Afro-Peruvianspecialists took the lead in tentativeexperimentation with Andeanproductsand techniques. By the 1650s, tentative exploration of indigenous knowledge gave way to urban specialists' desire to more directly control and revise indigenous methods of exposing the occult and activating supernatural power. Afro-Peruvianspecialists, therefore,incorporatedand then reinterpreted Native Andean concepts in urbanwitchcraft.Black specialists coupled these colonial versions of indigenous ideas with their own magical inventions utilizing colonial drinks and pre-Hispanic remains. From the 1660s to the 1690s, Afro-Peruvianritual specialists helped blend together Catholic prayers,Native Andean coca leaves, invocations of a re-imagined Inca ruler,grape brandyand other colonial drinks,into a unique and coherent body of urbanwitchcraftthat the Catholic Churchfailed to effectively suppress,even when using ecclesiastical investigationsand the Inquisition. Lima's skilled ritualistsworkedto serve clients and developed theirbody of specialized knowledge during a period of intense Churchinterestin the
3 The analysis offered here focuses primarilyon Iberian and Andean ritual elements and notions, leaving a more extensive examinationof possible Africancontinuitiesand sensibilities to anotherstudy. The degree, nature,and shape of this African influence in both the Americas and Iberianeed to be fully explored for this period. Juan Carlos Estenssoro Fuchs follows Jean-PierreTardieu and Fernando Romero (see below) in assertingthatAfrican magic did not appearin an identifiableform in the Inquisition trials.JuanCarlosEstenssoroFuchs, "Laconstrucci6nde un mis alli colonial: Hechicerosen Lima (1630-1710)," Entremundos. Fronterasculturales y agents mediadores,eds. B. Ares Queija and Serge Gruuzinski(Seville: Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos,1997), p. 431, n. 30.

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colonial population'sreligious beliefs and ritualactivities.The campaignsto extirpateidolatrieslaunchedby Lima's archbishops(1609-1622, 1649-1670, 1720s), and the Inquisitionestablishedin Lima in 1570, constitutedthe two principalinstitutionalmeans used to expose, document,and controlthe populace's religious beliefs and ritualpracticesin Lima and its surrounding hin4 These sporadiceffortswere designedto re-director suppressbeliefs terland. in specific ways, and they createdthe documentsthathistoriansrely upon to reconstructthose beliefs.5 Idolatry investigations in Lima's archbishopric began in 1609, following the denunciationby the ruralpriest Franciscode Avila that his indigenous parishionerswere continuing to worship their former deities during Christiancelebrations. Over the years, the idolatry burnedancestormummiesandothersacreditems (sometimesin investigators Lima), orderedfloggings, and exiled Andean religious teachers, often to a school in Lima's Jesuit-run, Cercadoparish.Designed to correctbackslidEl ing among indigenous converts, the extirpationcampaigns sufferedfrom a lack of consistent institutionalsupportand funds. The intrusive and harsh measures adoptedto impose standardChristianworship, and the economic burdenof supportingthe investigatingjudges and theirretinues,often alienatedcommunitiesfromChurchpersonnelandChristianity. the Together, idolatry trials reveal that local religious life-including devotion to ancestors and-huacas (regionalor local divinity occupying a sacredplace or object regularlynourishedby offerings), along with the use of conopas (personal divinity guaranteeingfecundity and often representedby a small figurine) and a variety of rites/offeringsto guaranteefertility,harvests,and watercontinued at the local level in the Andes, and in many cases blended with Catholic elements and Christianconcepts. Saints, for instance,became protectors and intercessorsalongside native deities, local celebrationsmerged with official Church celebrations, offerings were made simultaneouslyto saints and huacas.6 The documentationalso reveals that the campaigns'
4 A similar campaign had been carried out by Crist6bal de Albornoz to root out the 1560s Taqui Onqoy nativist revival movement in the central highlands. Luis Millones, ed., El retornode la huacas (Lima: Institutode Estudios Peruanos, 1990); GabrielaRamos, "Politica eclesiaisticay extirpaci6n de idolatrias:discursosy silencios en torno al TaquiOnqoy,"Catolicismoy extirpacidnde idolatrias, siglos eds. GabrielaRamos and HenriqueUrbano(Cuzco: Centrode Estudios Regionales Andinos XVI-XVIII, "Bartolom6de Las Casas," 1993), pp. 137-168. 5 For examples of the manualsused to expose and eradicateindigenous practices see; Pablo Joseph de Arriaga,La extirpacidnde la idolatria en el Peru (1621), ed. HenriqueUrbano(Cuzco: CBC, 1999); and Pedro de Villag6mez, Cartapastoral de exortacidne instruccidncontra las idolatrias (Lima:Jorge L6pez de Herrera,1649). 6 Pierre Duviols, Cultura andina y represi6n. Procesos y visitas de idolatrias y hechicerias, Cajatambosiglo XVII (Cuzco: Centro de Estudios RuralesAndinos "Bartolom6de Las Casas," 1986); KennethMills, Idolatryand Its Enemies: ColonialAndeanReligion and Extirpation,1640-1750 (Princeton: PrincetonUniversity Press, 1997); Nicholas Griffiths,The Crossand the Serpent:Religious Repres-

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investigatingjudges questionedand sanctionednon-Indians,too. They carried out investigationsin and aroundthe city of Lima, where similar ritual combinationswere taking place. An examinationby AlejandraB. Osorio of the women accused by the campaigns of witchcraft in the city of Lima showed "complex combinations of 'dominant' (i.e. Counter-Reformation Catholic) and 'subaltern'(i.e. Andean,African and Spanish 'popular'pracwere at work in tices) elements, revealing that processes of transculturation colonial Peru" and that marginal women's roles could be pivotal in such processes.' In Lima and on the coast in general, Afro-Peruviansappear Thereamongthose involved in the communitiesand activitiesinvestigated.8 role within these communitiesand activitiesneeds to fore, the Afro-Peruvian be more fully studied, particularlyfor Lima with its black majority.When combinedwith documentsfrom the Inquisitionand secularcourts,these trials open a rarewindow into the beliefs and ritualactivitiesof people of Africandescent duringthe first centuryand a half of Spanishrule in the Andes. Perhaps the richest-and most problematic-source on the beliefs and practices of Lima's African-basedpopulation is the Inquisition.Approved by King Philip II in 1569 and beginning operationsin Peru in 1570, Lima's Tribunal the Inquisitionheldjurisdictionover the viceroyalty'sblacks and of all other non-Indians. Charged with enforcing religious orthodoxy, the inquisitors punished a variety of crimes in Lima including Judaizing blas(secretly observingJewish rites while publicly practicingChristianity), solicitationof women in confession, Protestantism, phemy,bigamy, possession of heretical books, witchcraft,and superstition.The most spectacular and terrifyingtrails and public punishmentsin Lima's autos de fe involved
sion and Resurgencein Colonial Peru (Norman:University of OklahomaPress, 1995); Antonio Acosta Rodriguez, "Los clerigos doctrinerosy la economia colonial 1600-1630,"Allpanchis 16:19 (1982), pp. 117-149; Antonio Acosta, "Laextirpaci6nde idolatriasen el Perni: Origen y desarrollode las campafias. A prop6sitode Culturaandina y represi6n," RevistaAndina5:1 (1987), pp. 171-195; JuanCarlos Garcia "Porqu6 mintieronlos indios de Cajatambo? extirpaci6nde la idolatriaen Hacas entre 1656La Cabrera, 1665,"RevistaAndina 14:1 (July, 1996), pp. 7-53. 7 AlejandraB. Osorio, "El callej6n de la soledad:Vectorsof CulturalHybridityin Seventeenth-century Lima," Spiritual Encounters:InteractionsBetween Christianityand Native Religions in Colonial America,eds. Nicholas Griffithsand FernandoCervantes,(Lincoln:Universityof NebraskaPress, 1999), en p. 218; AlejandraB. Osorio, "Hechiceriasy curanderas la Lima del siglo XVII. Formasfemeninasde control y acci6n social," Mujeres y gdnero en la historia del Peru',ed. MargaritaZegarra F (Lima: CENDOC-Mujer,1999), pp. 59-75. 8 Ana Sinchez, ed., Amancebados,hechicerosy rebeldes(Chancay,siglo XVII) (Cuzco:CentroBartolom6 de las Casas, 1991); Juan Carlos GarciaCabrera,Ofensas a Dios, pleitos e injurias: Causas de idolatria y hechicerias, Cajatambosiglos XVII-XVIII (Cuzco: Centro Bartolom6de las Casas, 1994). Afro-Peruviansalso appearin the coca-distributionnetworksin seventeenth-century Lima and its environs. See: ArchivalArzobispalde Lima (AAL), Hechicherfas,Leg. 6, Exp. 5, 7, 9, 12, 14, 15, 1668-1669; and the analysis of these documentsin Leo J. Garofalo,"TheEthno-Economyof Food, Drink,and Stimulants:The Making of Race in Colonial Lima and Cuzco," dissertation,University of Wisconsin, 2001.

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those accused of Judaizing. However, numerous blasphemy, bigamy, and solicitation cases were also tried in Lima, and periodically,interestin prosecuting witchcraft and superstitionarose as people voluntarilydenounced themselves, and as the Holy Office found the time and finances to hearthese cases.9 Afro-Peruviansappearedfrequentlyin the investigations into blasphemy, bigamy, witchcraft,and superstition. Witchcraftand superstitiontrials provide an unparalleledand complex source for researchinto gender relations and ethno-cultural change. Maria Emma Mannarellifound thatmost of the accused witches in Lima and those who consulted them were women. Many female solicitors often crossed ethnic boundariesto meet ritualistsand to participatein clandestine ceremonies. In these ceremonies,they frequentlysought to control male behavior--especially male sexual behavior-and even discussed theirown sexuality.10 Having examined the Inquisition documents in detail, as well as documents from extirpationcampaigns,Juan Carlos EstenssoroFuchs and JavierFlores conclude thatprofessionalhechiceros (sorcererswidely known for theirtalentsandpossessing the clout to chargefor theirservices) emerged from among the poorestsectors of Spanish,Indian,black, mestizo, and casta society living in and aroundLima. The multiple contacts these professional ritualistspossessed, and their clients, who sometimes learnedto reproduce the rites that they witnessed, ultimately facilitated access to distinct traditions, encouragedsome forms of hybridity,and expanded and enrichedthe IreneSilverblatt'sstudyof Inquisitioncases knowledgeof each practitioner.1 finds this same "triumvirate racial cultures"in Lima's witchcrafttrials of

9 Jose Toribio Medina, Historia del Tribunalde la Inquisici6n de Lima (1569-1820) (Santiago: Fondo Hist6ricoy Bibliograifico,1956), v. 2, pp. 34-40; Ren6 Millar C., Inquisicidny Sociedad en el Virreinato Peruano: Estudios sobre el Tribunalde la Inquisici6nde Lima (Lima. Santiago:Ediciones UniversidadCat6lica de Chile, 1998); Gustav Henningsen,"La evangelizaci6n negra;difusi6n de la magia europeapor la Americacolonial," Revista de la Inquisicidn,3 (1994), pp. 9-27; PaulinoCastafiedaDelgado and Pilar Hernindez Aparicio, "Los delitos de superstici6nen la Inquisici6n de Lima duranteel siglo XVII,"Revista de la Inquisicidn4 (1995), pp. 9-35; Paulino CastafiedaDelgado and Pilar Hernindez Aparicio, La Inquisicidnde Lima, v. 1 (Madrid:DEIMOS, 1989); Paulino CastafiedaDelgado and Pilar Hernindez Aparicio, La Inquisicidnde Lima, v. 2 (Madrid:DEIMOS, 1995). 10 MariaEmma Mannarelli,"Inquisici6n mujeres:las hechicerasen el Peri duranteel siglo XVII," y Revista Andina 3:1 (1985), pp. 141-156; Maria Emma Mannarelli,Hechiceras, beatas y expdsitas: Mujeresy poder inquisitorialen Lima (Lima, Peru:Ediciones del Congreso del Perni,1999). " For example, Estenssoro Fuchs identified various seventeenth-century ritual elements including the culturallysignificant conversion of the Spanish prayerto the anima sola into the invocation of the "threesouls" (espafiol-negro-indio). EstenssoroFuchs, "La construcci6nde un maisallai," 415-439; pp. JuanCarlos EstenssoroFuchs, Del paganismo a la santidad: La incorporacidnde los indios del Peru'al catolicismo, 1532-1750, trans.GabrielaRamos, (Lima: PUCP,IFEA, 2003), pp. 373-438; JavierFlores, "Hechiceriae idolatriaen Lima colonial (siglo XVII)," Poder y violencia en los Andes, ed. Henrique Urbano(Cuzco: Centrode Estudios Regionales Andinos Bartolom6de las Casas, 1991), pp. 53-74.

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and links it to the Inquisition'spromotionthroughoutthe populationof the race thinkingthatcategorizedpeople as espafiol,indio, or negro.12 The investigationsconductedby the Inquisition,ecclesiasticalcourts, and royal officials gatheredinformationunderpotentiallyvery coercive circumstances and must be used with tremendouscare. Researcherscan avoid the question of what really occurredor what ideas people really acted on by focusing primarilyon what was said, by whom and why. This discourse approachrendersrich results and importantinsights into the creation and of maintenance systems of power and the labelingthatgoes along with them. the Equally important,however, is the effort to reconstructand understand actionsandideas thatmay have really takenplace andexisted behindthe web of accusations,charges,countercharges, denials,andpositioningthroughdiscourse thatis always presentin these cases. This articleattemptsto carefully bring forwardthese insights about actions and ideology. Wheneverpossible the analysisuses the first testimonygiven or testimonynot guidedby leading questions or respondingto accusations.To the best extent possible, the article combinesecclesiastical,criminal,andInquisitioncases to achieve a broad view of social behavioras documentedby variouscolonial institutions.So as to acquirean understanding routine,ordinarydaily conduct, the analysis of the activities and actions that were not questionedby the parties highlights involved in the cases, as well as the rites and elements of behavior that nobody disputed.These practiceswere more likely to have formedthe basis of the ritualforms employed by Peru'scolonial ritualspecialists. In the body of the court cases, oftentimesthe most contentiousaspects of the litigationproceedingswere not the ritualpracticesthemselves,but rather who was creditedwith leadingthe rites,who knew the most abouttheirpower, who provedeffective or ineffectivein executingthem,and who receivedpayment but never delivered or never properlyperformedthe rites in question. People also hotly debatedwhether these actions really contradictedChurch or teachings,or whetherthe devil was invokedas a collaborator not. The cases analyzed here span several decades, involve various sets of inquisitorsand local informants,as well as many groups of women practitioners and their clients. Interestingly,the language of witchcraftfound in the cases was also quite uniqueand distinctfrom thatfound in the witchcraft
12 Silverblattalso arguesthat the Inquisitiondefended Spanish colonialism's culturalhegemony and hierarchiesagainst a transgressivewitchcraft ideology and an enthusiasm for stereotypes of "Indianness." Irene Silverblatt,Modemrn Inquisitions: Peru and the Colonial Origins of the Civilized World (Durham:Duke University Press, 2004), pp. 162-185.

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manualsthat were circulatingin Peru.13Lastly, it appearsthat the efforts of Lima's Inquisitionto curb witchcraft,no matterhow serious and disruptive. of individualpeople's lives, did not seem to halt or reducethe importanceof ritual specialists in Lima. More people were denouncedor mentionedthan the Inquisitioncould ever investigate,forcing the Tribunalto concentrateon the most notorious cases. Additionally, the people investigated and even forced to penance by the Holy Office sometimes reappearedin court, charged with having returnedto prohibitedpractices.Despite the real fears officials had about the appealof indigenous cultureto non-Indiansin urban centers (as mentionedby Irene Silverbaltt)and the seriousness with which individual cases of witchcraft were viewed by those directly affected, Lima's Tribunaland in its supervisorybody (the Supremain Madrid)generally viewed witchcraft as mere superstition,a much lesser offense than demonic pacts or idolatry-both of which entailed an outrightrejection of If Christianity. used carefully,much can be learnedabout how colonial residents of Lima actually thoughtand acted from these documents. The vigor and diversityof Afro-Peruvian religious and ritualparticipation reflected the size and centralityof Lima's African-descentpopulation.14 A
and 13 GustavHenningsen,The Witches'Advocate: Basque Witchcraft the SpanishInquisition(16091614) (Reno: University of Nevada Press, 1980); Silverblatt, Modern Inquisitions, p. 165; Carlo Ginzburg,Clues, Myths, and the Historical Method, trans.John and Anne C. Tedeschi (Baltimore:The John Hopkins University Press, 1989). 14 The Inquisitionwas not the only institutionexaminingor bearingwitness to Afro-Peruvian spiritureview of Lima'sparishesand churchespraisedthe religiousconfraternity of ality.The 1619 Archbishop's NuestraSefiorade los Reyes, foundedby "negrosde diferentescastas,"as one of the city's best and most illustriouslay brotherhoods. was one among at least fourteenAfro-Peruvian It confraternities Lima.The in in towns and ruralparishesoutsideof reportalso mentionedseveralotherbrotherhoods the archbishopric's Lima,andit notedthe importance to given at times in these organizations Africanethnicorigins,as opposed to black creole heritage.Archivo Generalde las Indias(AGI), Lima 301, "Relaci6nde las ciudades,villas, y lugares... parrochiasy doctrinasque hay en este Arqobispadode Lima," 20-IV-1619, ff. 1-37r. The Archive of Lima and in the archiveof the Sociedadde Beneficencia cofradia recordsin the Archbishop's Piblica, as well as bequests and last wills and testaments,help to complete the pictureof a vibrantand active African-descentpopulationin Lima that was engaged with multiple forms of religious and ritual life. AAL, Cofradifas, Jean-Pierre Los Tardieu, negrosy la igleLegajos 10, 20, 21, 42; AAL, Testamentos; sia en el Peru',siglos XVI-XVII (Quito:CentroCulturalAfroecuatoriano,1997). Not all African-descent people active in confraternities belonged to those cofradfasfounded by people tracing their origins to Africa.For example,the mulattoactorand soldierDiego Suirez participated anddonatedmoney to varin ious confraternities Seville and in Peru,none was specifically linked to African-descent. in AGI, Contrataci6n, 255, N1, R5, "Bienes de difuntos,Diego Suirez," 1590-1600, ft. 1-185r.Perhapstwo of the bestdocumented in examplesdrawnfromChurchsourcesincludethe devotionto the Crucificado Pachacamilla (later appropriated the viceroys and the cabildos as the Sefiorde los Milagros) and the popularblack by religious figures-like San Martinde Porras(1579-1639) and Ursula de Jestis (1604-1666)-living as membersof prominentreligious communitiesin Lima. Celia LangdeauCussen, "FrayMartinde Porres and the religious imagination of Creole Lima," diss. University of Pennsylvania, 1996; Maria Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, Pachacamac y el Sehor de los Milagros. Una trayectoriamilenaria (Lima:

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growing body of scholarshipon Afro-Peruviansin the last two decades has built upon a small set of seminal studies to offer an increasinglycomplete and complex pictureof Lima's populationof African-descent.James Lockhartdocumentedthe presence of Africans andAfro-Iberiansfrom the beginning of the Spanish invasion and noted their importancein re-producinga Hispanic society in Peru's colonial cities between 1532 and 1560.15 Frederick P. Bowser, along with GermanPeraltaand FernandoRomero, explained how the growing demand for urbanand agriculturallaborersand slaves as status symbols in Lima, and on the coast more generally,fueled the establishment of the commercial, financial, and governmentalnetworks necessary to make Lima a majordestinationfor the slave tradethrough1650. The traffic of slaves along the Pacific coast and the growth of the local population made Afro-Peruviansforty percentor more of Lima's population,with significant representationof multiple African ethnic groups. Bowser's indepth study of the centralityof enslaved and free Africans in the Peruvian economy duringthe first half of the colonial periodalso examineddaily life, resistance and manumission,social integration,and social control.16 Emilio showed how Lima's indigenous population interacted extenHarth-Terr6 sively with Afro-Peruvians,even to the point of owning slaves and involving them in artisanwork.17The agency of slaves and freedmenand the logic behind their decisions to enter into court battles, working with notariesand scribes to write their own documents,cannotbe ignored.Jose Ram6nJouve
Institutode Estudios Peruanos, 1992); Susy Sanchez Rodriguez, "Un Cristo Moreno 'conquista'Lima: Los arquitectosde la fama pdblica del Sefiorde los Milagros (1651-1771)," Etnicidady Discriminacidn Racial en la Historia del Peru, Ana Cecilia Carrillo Saravia, Ciro Corilla Melchor, Diego Levano Medina,RobertoRivas Aliaga, RosarioRivoldi Nicolini, and Susy SanchezRodriguez(Lima:Pontificia UniversidadCat61lica Pert, InstitutoRiva Agtiero, Banco Mundial,2002), pp. 65-92; Nancy E. van del Deusen, The Souls of Purgatory: The Spiritual Diary of a Seventeenth-century Afro-PeruvianMystic, Ursula de Jesu's(Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2004). 15 James Lockhart,Spanish Peru, 1532-1560: A Colonial Society (Madison:University of Wisconsin Press, 1968), pp. 171-198. 16 FrederickP. Bowser, TheAfricanSlave in Colonial Peru, 1524-1650 (Stanford:StanfordU. Press, 1974); GermanPeralta,Los mecanismos del comercio negrero (Lima: KunturEditores, CONCYTEC, Interbanc,1990); FernandoRomero,Safari africanoy compraventade esclavos para el Perd: 1412-1818 (Lima: Institutode Estudios Peruanos, 1994); CarlosAguirre's excellent overview of Peruvianslavery cites these figures and mentions that an estimated 100,000 slaves were broughtto Peru duringthe colonial period,Breve historia de la esclavituden el Peru'.Una herida que no deja de sangrar (Lima:Fondo Editorialdel Congreso del Perti,2005), pp. 21-22. Negros e indios: un estamento social ignorado en el Perdicolonial (Lima: 17 Emilio Harth-Terre, EditorialJuan Mejia Baca, 1974). Research into the late colonial relations between Indians and AfroPeruviansin Limas has generatedtwo differentviews: one of cooperationand coexistence based on matrimonialrecords,and anotherof conflict anddistrustbased on courtcases. See: Jesuis Cosamal6nAguilar, Indios detrds de la muralla. Matrimonios indigenas y convivencia inter-racial en Santa Ana (Lima, 1795-1820) (Lima: PUCP, 1999); and Alberto Flores Galindo, La ciudad sumergida. Aristocracia y plebe, Lima (1760-1830) (Lima:Mosca Azul, 1984).

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Martin demonstratesjust how importanttheir interaction with legal and writtenculturewas in Lima between 1650 and 1700.18 Togetherthese studies establishthe crucialrole Afro-Peruvians played in every aspect of Lima's the colonial life and the need to continue the efforts to understand personal and communalgoals thatmotivatedtheir actions and interactionswith other groups in colonial society. In this article,consideringthe place of Afro-Peruviansin Inquisitionand extirpationcampaignsin Lima allows us to explore aspects of black agency and interethnicrelationsin the earlyAfricanexperiencein Lima. The prominence and activities of Lima's black ritual specialists lead us to question of interpretations Afro-Peruviansas primarilyconduits of Hispanic culture and values. Although typically associated with Spaniardsand Americanborn Spanish colonists, Lima's African immigrantsand their descendants also labored with, and learned from individuals of various African and Andean ethnic groups. In orderto attractclients and expand their networks in multiethnic neighborhoods, Afro-Peruvian experts in healing, ritual cleansing, and amatoryor love magic selectively combined variousmagical traditions,inadvertentlybecoming culturalmediatorsand helping to establish a unique colonial culture in Andean cities. This urban culture under Spanish rule both emphasizedthe crossing of multiple ethnic lines for purposes of ritualproblem-solving,while at the same time continuingto retain importantethno-racialdistinctions outside of these circles. In the coastal viceregal capital of Lima and Peru's other colonial centers, Afro-Peruvian magical specialists resembled other groups of cultural mediators, such as those who producedand sold food and drink in marketplaces,taverns, and In dry-goods stores.19 both forums,each groupof mediatorsdeveloped ways
18 Jose Ram6nJouve Martin,Esclavos de la ciudad letrada: Esclavitud,escrituray colonialismo en Lima (1650-1700) (Lima: Institutode Estudios Peruanos,2005). For individualand collective efforts to secure manumissionand abolition in late colonial and early republicanPeru see: ChristineHiinefeldt, Paying the Price of Freedom:Family and Labor among Lima'sSlaves, 1800-1854 (Berkeley:University of California Press, 1994); Fernandode Trazegnies Granda,Ciriaco de Urtecho: Litigantepor amor del (Lima: Pontificia UniversidadCat61lica Perni,1995); and CarlosAguirre,Agentes de su propia libertad. Los esclavos de Limay la desintegracidnde la esclavitud, 1821-1854 (Lima:PontificiaUniversidad del Cat61lica Peru, 1993). MarcelVelizquez Castrooffers an equally innovative study of the construction of the image and discourse about slaves and slavery from the perspective of literary analysis for the El periodfrom 1775 to 1895, Las mdscarasde la representacidn. sujeto esclavista y las rutasdel racismo en el Peru'(1775-1895) (Lima: UniversidadNacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2005). 19 Leo J. Garofalo, "La sociabilidad plebeya en las pulperfasy tavernas de Lima y Cusco, 16001690," Mds alld de la dominacidny la resistencia: Ensayos de historiaperuana, eds. Paulo Drinot and Leo J. Garofalo(Lima: Institutode Estudios Peruanos,2005), pp. 104-135; Leo J. Garofalo,"Labebida del inca en copas colonials: Los curacasdel mercadode chicha del Cuzco, 1640-1700,"Elites indigenas en los Andes: Nobles, caciques y cabildantesbajo el yugo colonial, eds. David Cahill and Blanca Tovias (Quito: Ediciones Abya-Yala,2003), pp. 175-211.

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WITHCOCA AND THEINCA CONJURING

of drawing simultaneously upon the various cultural streams present in urbanAndean society to markettheir product,without necessarily erasing the ability to markdifferencesin the process.
WITCHCRAFT EARLYAFRO-PERUVIANS AND IBERIAN& INDIGENOUS TRADITIONS,1580S-1590s

As the royal administrativepresence maturedinto an effective colonial state and the Holy Office was establishedin South America in the late sixteenth century,the Inquisition'srepresentativesreceived reports of people in acts"in Peru'smajorurbancenters,particularly engaged in "superstitious and American-born the viceregal capital. In Lima in the 1590's, Europeanmulattas and European-bornSpanish women admitted to seeking-with broken pieces of altar stone and Catholic-style prayers-sources of power for attractingluck and controlling men. The women questioned agreed on the general properties of altar stone. By carrying the stone with her, a woman would enjoy good luck. If she then touched a man, he would desire her. In order to calm an angry husbandor seduce or marryan eligible but reluctantman, a woman could grind this potent materialinto a powder and give it to him in food or chocolate. In one case, a freed black woman born in Lima (negra horra) colluded with other poor, free black women to use altar fragments sewn into a sash or in a powdered form to bring material These friendsbelieved thatthey could win a wealth or secure male partners. man by kissing him with the fragmentor powder in their mouths and while invoking its power by saying "sacredaltarfallen from the sky, thrown into the sea and by the virtue God bestowed upon you, may I be desired and loved."20 In addition to the altar stone itself, these women borrowed the
20 users of the altarstone and those mentionedabove employed similarwords. These Afro-Peruvian Each mentionedthe altarmaterial'scelestial and wateryorigins, its sacredquality,and its ability to affect human affections and fortunes.Archivo Historico Nacional (Madrid)(AHN), Inquisici6n,Lima, Libro Lima, 1595, ff. 321-322. The 1028, "[Relaci6nde causas despachadasde abril 1594 a 14-111-1595]," in and hechiceriacases againstAna de Castafieda Joanade Castafieda the 1580s and 1590s documentsimilar uses of ara and prayersto Saint Marthafor similarends. Both women continuedtheirwork aftertheir initial chastisementby the Inquisition:in 1611 and 1612, the two unrelatedmulattasagain found themselves accused of amatorymagic and of mixing the sacred with the profane.AHN, Inquisici6n,Lima, de Libro 1029, "Relaqion las personasque salieronal auto publico de la fee que se qelebropor la Inquisicion del Piruen 10 de deziembredel afio de 600 y de sus causas y de las que se han despachadofuerade auto desde abrilpassado hasta fin de Marqode 1601," Lima, ff. 4v-5v.; AHN, Inquisici6n,Lima, Libro f. 1030, "Relacionde causas despachadasentre 1-V-1613 y 31-111-1614," 20; AHN, Inquisici6n,Lima, Libro 1028, "[Relacionde personasque salieronen el auto de fe 30-XI-1587],"Lima, ff. 180-180v.;AHN, en Inquisici6n,Lima, Libro 1028, "Relaci6nde causas determinadas auto publico de fe, domingode Quasimodo [5-IV-1592],"Lima, ff. 231v.-233; AHN, Inquisici6n, Lima, Libro 1029, "Relaci6n de causas despachadas...entre 30-IV-1611 hasta 30-IV-1612,"Lima, ff. 478v.-479; AHN, Inquisici6n,Lima, Libro 1029, "Relaci6nde causas despachadas...[entre 17-VI-1612 hasta 30-IV-1613],"Lima, ff. 499-507.

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words of the CatholicCredoandthe prayersto St. Marthaand the Holy Trinity. In the 1580s and 1590s, Afro-Peruvianwomen believed in St. Martha's capacity to intercede on women's behalf and make men "as tame and humble as Christ coming to the cross."21 Strikingly similar activities Spanappearedin highlandcities, too, amongAfro-Peruvian,Spanish-born, words and ish creole, and mestiza women. They used these Church-derived materialsfor theiramorousends and in clandestineeffortsto placateunfaithful or violent spouses for themselves or female clients.22 In this initial periodin the sixteenth-century, Afro-Peruvian magicalpractices in urban areas most resembled southernIberianbeliefs. Not surprisingly, many of the women involved as ritualistshad grown up in the Spanish and PortugueseAtlantic slave system. Many had lived in Cape Verde, towns Lisbon, or Seville, or were born in these cities and their surrounding to enslaved or free mothers from Africa, and European or Afro-Iberian fathers. Several witnesses and defendants,including Spaniards,testified to the importanceof learning ritual practices in Seville or from women who were raisedin that greatcity. Indeed,for the CatholicChurchand the Spanish Inquisitionmore specifically, this famous gateway to the Americas representedsomethingof a blot on the religious body of the Peninsula.Located in Andalusia, Seville once sheltered Muslims and Jews. Even after the expulsions and forced conversionsof these groups,many families and communities of uncertainfaith remainedor moved to Portugueseports or Portuguese holdings overseas. Furthermore,the concurrence of merchants, sailors, and otherforeignersin the portraisedfears in the Holy Office about the introductionof Protestantism.23 Inquisition'ssuspicions found conThe
21 In popular Iberian traditionduring the early Catholic Reformation,the faithful considered St. Ana Martha,the sister of Maria Magdalena,the female conquerorof the tyrannicaldragon-man-devil. Sanchez, "Mentalidadpopular frente a ideologifaoficial," ed. Enrique Urbano, Poder en los Andes (Cuzco: CentroBartolom6de Las Casas, 1991), pp. 50-5 1; Nanda Leonardiniand PatriciaBorda, Diccionario inconogrdficoreligioso peruano (Lima: RubicanEditores, 1996), p. 172. 22 AHN, Inquisici6n,Lima, Libro 1028, "Relaci6nde causas determinadas en el auto publico de fe fuera de auto hasta 16-V-1592," celebradodomingo de quiasimodo5-IV-1592-y de otras determinadas Lima, 1592, ff. 233-235, 262-262v., 282-282v. 23 Henry Kamen, Inquisition and Society in Spain in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Bloomington:IndianaUniversity Press, 1985); Henry Kamen,Spain, 1469-1714: A Society of Conflict (New York:Longman, 1991); Antonio Dominguez Ortizand BernardVincent,Historia de los moriscos. Vida y tragedia de una minoria (Madrid:Biblioteca de la Revista de Occidente, 1978); Luis Garcia Ballester,Los moriscos y la medicina. Un capitulo de la medicinay la ciencia marginadasen la Espaiia del siglo XVI (Barcelona:Labor Universitaria,1984); Ricardo GarciaCircel, Herejia y sociedad en el siglo XVI:La Inquisicidnen Valencia,1530-1609 (Barcelona:Ediciones Peninsula, 1980); Jos6 R. Abascal y Sainz, Brujeriay Magia (Evasiones del pueblo andaluz) (Seville: Foundaci6nBlas Infante, 1984); Stephen Haliczer,Inquisitionand Society in the Kingdomof Valencia,1478-1834 (Berkeley:University of CaliforniaPress, 1990). In the Novelas ejemplares,Miguel de Cervantesincorporatedthe stories he

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firmation in a vibrant community of sophisticatedritual specialists, who, despite Churchhostility, continued to flourish in Seville and inspired the Lisbon and Seville-and more spread of their practices to the Americas.24 southern Iberia-stood out as the source for many Peruvian generally colonists' beliefs and practices,particularly the 1580s and 1590s. in Enslavedpeople's effortsto performand maintainotherceremoniesfaced stiff opposition in Peru. In the late sixteenth century, Lima's municipal authoritiesand ecclesiastical courts cooperatedsuccessfully in suppressing drumming,dancing, and virtuallyevery other attemptby people of African underthe supervisionof descent to gatherpublicly.Religious confraternities and friars may have provided more leeway for preservingelements priests of Afro-Peruvianceremonies, as special efforts were made to understand and evangelize African populationsarrivingto and living up and down the beliefs regardingthe superIn Andes.25 the 1580s and 1590s, Afro-Peruvian survivaland transmissionin naturalseemed to experiencea betterchance of the context of hidden IberianandAfricanpracticesalreadyin the process of changing and flowing throughthe Atlantic world and into the Americas. Indigenousinfluences on African and Europeanimmigrants'urbanmagical practices, likewise, remained weak in the sixteenth century,except in ruralareas. Where colonists lived in greaterisolation from the developing urban society, Native Andean diviners and curers found believers among immigrants. Along with amatorymagic, divinationrapidlybroughtcolonists in to consult indigenous practitioners, particularly heavily indigenous rural areas.However,the non-Indianclients still treatedNative Andeanspecialists as expertsin a body of knowledgethey deemed separatefrom theirown, and to rarelyattempted learnor copy theircraft.For example, a Spanishcleric in a ruralIndianparishbelieving thattwo pieces of silver plate had been stolen of from him, fully assentedto the authority an ethnic chief, consultingan old
heardabout a famous and historic witch in the Andalusiancountryside,a region where he worked as a procurerfor the Spanish Armada.Alvaro Huerga, "El proceso inquisitorialcontra la Camanch,"Cervantes su obra y su mundo,ed. Manuel Criadode Val (Madrid:EDI S.A., 1981); Miguel de Cervantes, Novelas ejemplares,v. 2, ed. HarrySieber (Madrid:Ediciones Caitedra, 1985). 24 AHN, Inquisici6n,Lima, Libro 1028, "Relaci6nde causas...,"Lima, 1592, ff. 233-235. 25 Religious strategiesto classify, evangelize, and controlAfricansin Spanish SouthAmericacan be found in Alonso de Sandoval, De InstaurandaAethiopumSalute, ed. EnriquetaVila Vilar (Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1987) and Diego de Avendatio,ThesaurusIndicus, trans.Angel Mufioz Garcia(Pamand plona: Universidadde Navarra,2001). Many examples of the extraordinary day-to-dayrestrictions 1942-1963) appearin the Librosde cabildo de Lima, 14 libros, ed. JuanBromley (Lima:Torres-Aguirre, and in the unpublished"Librosde Cedulas y Provisiones de Lima"and "Librosde Cabildo de Lima"in the Archivo Municipal de Lima. Restrictions and their violations and enforcement are analyzed in Bowser, TheAfrican Slave in Colonial Peru, 1524-1650, and Harth-Terr6, Negros e indios.

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Indian woman about the silver's whereabouts.Meanwhile, in anotherhighland village, an encomenderasought the local priest's aid to find an Indian herbalistwho could help her locate missing household items and determine the cause of her illness. Anotherruralpriest boasted of possessing his own indigenous "witch"for consultations.All of these cases point to sixteenthcentury efforts by colonists who were isolated in the countrysideto enlist Native Andean authoritiesand specialists to help restore good health and missing property.In moments of personal crisis or need, these immigrant clients even accepted indigenous theories about divination or disease. For example, they came to believe (at least on the surface)that social disequilibrium, such as adultery,caused bodily illness.26Notably, these immigrants avoided attemptingto personallyreplicatethe magical services renderedto them. Instead they hired or manipulatedthese indigenous specialists and eventuallycountedthem among theirotherhouseholdservantsand retainers. Signs of this same phenomenonof seeking indigenousspecialists for speBorn in Chile to an cific tasks also appearedin Lima amongAfro-Peruvians. Indian mother (described simply as an "india")and a black father (negro) but living in Lima's port,Callao, at the end of the 1500s, the forty-five-yearold Joana de Castafiedareached out to Lima's indigenous population for help in solving life's problems,but withouttryingto masteror transmitthese teachings herself. To improve her chicha corn beer sales, for instance, she enlisted the aid of indigenous men whom she called hechiceros (sorcerers). They gave her special herbs to rub on her earthenjugs that were filled with chicha so that the corn beer would sell well.27Her networkof contacts with native hechiceros was facilitated by the settlement patternsof indigenous migrantsthroughoutthe city of Lima and its neighboringtowns. Despite the efforts of the Spanish government,indigenous people resided amongst peoples of African descent, just as in the countryside blacks resided among In Andeans in their communities.28 short,however, duringthe first phase of
26 AHN, Inquisici6n,Lima, Libro 1027, "[Relaci6nde causas que se han sentenciadosy determinados desde IV-1580 hasta IV-1581],"Lima, f. 149v.;AHN, Inquisici6n,Lima, Libro 1027, "[Relaci6nde causas que se han sentenciados desde 10-III-1571 hasta 12-11-1573],"Lima, ff. 6v., 16v., 36; AHN, contraDofia Ines de Villalobos y Inquisici6n, Lima, Procesos de f6, Leg. 1647, Doc. 19, "Informaci6n Dofia Francisca de Villalobos, su hermana,sobre sospechas de supersticiones, hechisas," Huamanga, 1588, ff. 38v.-40v. 27 to AHN, Inquisici6n,Lima, Libro 1029, "Relaqion...[10-XII-1600 IV-1601]," Lima, f. 5v. 28 Miguel de Contreras,Padrdn de los indios que se hallaron en la ciudad de Los Reyes del Peru' de Montesclaro Virreyde el, ed. Noble hecho en virtud de comision del excelentisimo sehiorMarques David Cook (Lima: Universidad Nacional Mayor San Marcos, 1968 [1613-1614]); Teresa Vergara Ormefio, "Migraci6ny trabajofemenino a principios del siglo XVII: El caso de las Indias de Lima," Hist6rica (Lima) 21:1 (July 1997), pp. 135-157; Paul J. Charney, "El indio urbano: un anilisis econ6mico y social de la poblaci6n india de Lima en 1613,"Histdrica (Lima) 12:1 (1988), pp. 5-31.

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Peru's urbanwitchcraftfrom 1580 to 1600, Afro-Peruviansand other city residents' tentativeuse of indigenous techniques for bringing good fortune and divining remained indirect-in Native Andean hands-and coexisted with ritualpracticesof Iberianorigin. Cases triedbefore secularauthoritiesin the sixteenthcenturyconfirmthis general pattern,or at least a patternof accusationsclaiming that indigenous of people were the practitioners sorcerycontractedby others, especially by Afro-Peruvians. Lima, for example, the slave Sim6n (labelednegro in the In documents)was accusedby his owner andothersof going to an Indianhealer called Poma with soil collected from the places his masterhad stepped and wool from his pillow, in order to change in his master's angry behavior towardhim.29In anothercase, a priest estrangedfrom the favor of the new Viceroy Francisco de Toledo followed the court to Cuzco. Here, he either tried to affect a reconciliation,accordingto some witnesses, or to harmthe Viceroy, accordingto others. Either way, he allegedly consulted a woman identified as a free black (morena horra) pastry maker who had lived in Cuzco for thirtyyears to put him into contactwith an indigenouswoman that could eithermagically win back the Viceroy's favor,or poison him.30 Catholicism provided anothersource of supernatural power for colonial ritualists.By incorporating altar stone and appealingto St. Marthain their ceremonies, Afro-Peruviansand other immigrantsembraced Catholicism; but they did so in ways thatblended the sacredwith the profane.Afro-Perusourcesof Chrisvians turnedto both altarstone and St. Marthaas important tian supernatural when addressingconcernssuch as marriage, aid pregnancy, economic support, and respectful treatment.Women of African heritage relied upon the altar stone's association with Catholic mass and its central location in the church to bring them beneficial relationships.31 They also
29 Also includedin this residenciais the testimonyof dofia Ines, wife of Franciscode Ampuero,who sought help from an indigenous women, Ylonga Yanque,to stop her husband'sbeatings. AGI, Justicia, 451, "La querellade FranciscoSanchez cirujanoante el licenciadoCepeda sobre que dice que un negro suyo le quiso matarcon hechizos con induzimientode unas indias,"in "Residenciatomadade los licenciados Diego Vizquez Cepeda,... [1549]," 1547, ff. 623r.-623v., 877-889r. contrael PadreLuna sobre haberqueridodarhechizos a su Exce30 AGI, Lima, 300, "Informaci6n lencia," 1571, ff. 2r.-20v. 31 AHN, Inquisici6n, Lima, Libro 1028, "[Relaci6n de causas despachadasde abril 1594 a 14-1111595]," Lima, 1595, ff. 321-322; AHN, Inquisici6n, Lima, Libro 1029, "Relaqionde las personas que salieron al auto publico de la fee que se gelebro por la Inquisiciondel Piru en 10 de deziembredel afio de 600 y de sus causas y de las que se han despachadofuera de auto desde abril passado hasta fin de Marqo de 1601," Lima, ff. 4v-5v.; AHN, Inquisici6n, Lima, Libro 1030, "Relacion de causas f. despachadasentre I-V-1613 y 31-111-1614," 20; AHN, Inquisici6n,Lima, Libro 1028, "[Relacion de personasque salieronen el auto de fe 30-XI-1587]," Lima, ff. 180-180v.;AHN, Inquisici6n,Lima, Libro

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believed in utilizing andchannelingthe sacredpower of Catholicprayersand Churchitems to empowertheirown lives. The Church,of course, objectedto Afro-Peruvians' claims of holding privileged Christian power, and the mixing of Catholicicons and sacredmaterialswith ordinaryfood, drink,and bodily fluids. The Inquisitionused fines, whippings, public shaming, and exile to punish magical practitioners, scarcely discouragedthe spreadof but remefaithin the efficacy of these remedies.32 Indeed,Afro-Peruvian popular dies combining the sacred with the profane enduredthroughoutthe seventeenthcenturyand existed in a milieu of numerousfemale intercessors,both inside and outside of the Church,as highlightedby the case of one of Lima's famous mystics-the Afro-Peruvian formerslave, Ursulade Jesus.33 and Africantraditions understandings influencedPeruvianbeliefs and also and of Lima's Afro-Peruvianspecialists or their parentspassed practices.Many throughthe Portugueseand Spanish slave tradingsystems and Iberianports and Atlantic Islands before reachingthe Andes, making it difficult to determine the exact origins of their contributions the colonial cultureof ritual to and healing. Nevertheless, a fundamentalepistemologicalbelief in practice the supernatural's in causing and combatingillness no doubt informed role African-descent of ritualists'understandings how to recognize and eliminate the causes of sickness and adversity.Ancestors, deities, and spirits were ambivalentforces that could either help or harm a person or a whole community.Trainedritualistshelped manage the relationswith these supernatural forces and theirimpacton the living. Furthermore, specific techniquesfor and diviningexisted in west andcentralAfrica and may have been protection combinedwith IberianandAndeantechniques.In many cases, specific colonial Andean ritual practices resembledboth African and Native Andean or of the Europeanritualpractices.Divining by interpreting arrangement sticks, or leaves tossed onto the groundor into a liquid, for instance, found beans, Africantraditions, therefore,quitepossibly parallelson all threecontinents.34
1028, "Relaci6n de causas determinadasen auto publico de fe, domingo de Quasimodo [5-IV-1592]," Lima, ff. 231 lv.-233; AHN, Inquisici6n,Lima, Libro 1029, "Relaci6nde causas despachadas...entre 30IV-1611 hasta 30-IV-1612," Lima, ff. 478v.-479; AHN, Inquisici6n, Lima, Libro 1029, "Relaci6n de causas despachadas...[entre 17-VI-1612 hasta 30-IV-1613],"Lima, ff. 499-507. definof 32 Silverblattargues that the rationalization the Inquisition'sviolence and the bureaucratic ing of these practiceshelped create Spanish imperialismand the modus operandiof the modernstate in ModernInquisitions,pp. 163-185. 33 van Deusen, Souls of Purgatory,pp. 14-19. 34 These influences are the subjectof on-going researchin Spain, Portugal,and Mexico. For African Africansand theirDescendantsin Sevinfluences in Mexico see JoanC. Bristol, "NegotiatingAuthority: enteenth-CenturyNew Spain," dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 2001; Frank T. Proctor, III, "Slavery,Identity,and Culture:An Afro-Mexican Counterpoint,1640-1763," dissertation,Emory University, 2003; and the classic study by Gonzalo AguirreBeltrin, Medicinay magia: El proceso de aculturacidnen la estructuracolonial (Mexico: Fondo de CulturaEcon6mica, 1963).

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contributed both at an epistemologicallevel and with specific ritualforms in cases in colonial Andeancities, and west and centralAfricantraditions many resonancesand parallelsin Iberianand Native undoubtedlyfound important Andeantraditionsin the sixteenthcentury. In the 1580s and 1590s, what the Inquisitioncalled incidentsof witchcraft and superstitionin the viceroyalty's majorcities involved mainly Hispanic or African women and men. Their practices most obviously drew heavily to upon a rich store of Iberianfolk knowledge transported the Americas by immigrantsand colonists' Europeanpredecessors.Among these Iberiantraditions, southernSpanishinfluences stood out. By the late sixteenth-century, amatorymagic and divinationbecame mainstaysof urbanAndean people's magical and ritual methods of meeting pressing needs and allaying uncertainty. In this first period, colonists and African immigrants and their descendants consulted indigenous practitionersof divination and amatory magic; but they treatedthe Native Andeans as the possessors of specialized knowledge that non-indigenouspeople neitherpresumedto understandnor tried to replicate.35
RITUALISTS IN EARLY SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY LIMA,

1620S AND

1630s

In the early seventeenth century, however, a partial Andeanization of select rites and rituals occurred. Individuals within Lima's Afro-Peruvian populationexperimentedmore confidently with Native Andean methods of predictingthe future, discovering the unknown, and returningharmonyto relations between men and women. Longer, more sustained associations between Native Andeans and blacks in the city's neighborhoodsand households seem partially to account for the skilled specialists' new confidence with indigenous knowledge. In this second period, the fundamentalcharacteristics of Lima's witchcraft universe from the first period-a focus on amatorymagic and divinationand the favoring of southernSpain's magical traditions--did not disappear.Of course along with city officials, Lima's Churchfeared negative spiritualconsequences from the increasingcultural and racial proximity of the indigenous and non-Indianpopulations in the city and, therefore, the Archbishop and the Inquisitors felt compelled to launch anti-idolatrycampaigns in the countryside and an anti-superstition campaignin Lima.

35 For sixteenth- and seventeenth-centuryMexico, Laura Lewis argues that blacks mediated the and Caste in power of witchcraftbetween Indiansand the Spanish,Hall of Mirrors:Power Witchcraft, Colonial Mexico (Durham:Duke University Press, 2003), pp. 132-166.

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In the Peruvian viceroyalty's major cities, men and women-although primarilywomen--employed special baths, fetishes, and potions to be conIberian sumed by the object of affection.While these activities incorporated Lima they also took on increasin seventeenth-century magical elements, This partialAndeanizationof select rites and ingly strongAndean attributes. and ritualaids took place as the casta or "mixed-race" plebeian populations ritualspeunderthe purview of the Santo Oficio grew, and as Afro-Peruvian cialists experimentedmore boldly. In the early seventeenthcentury,ritualspecialists begin to identify multiple sources of inspirationfor their acts. The mulattaMariade Bribiescas in Lima's port of Callao provides a useful example. Born in Panama, Bribiescas grew up in Lima where a multi-ethnicgroupof women taughther different ways of influencingpeople's desires and of predictingthe future.For instance, when Bribiescas sought help at moments of crisis in her own life, a certaindofia Petronillade Saldafiainstructeda jealous Bribiescas on how to predict in a glass of water,her futurewith a lover who absconded stealing her clothes. Meanwhile, her mulattafriend Marqelashowed her how to use a rosary to accuratelydeterminea lover's returnand a mestiza named Juana Diaz, along with a Galician woman, explained the "suerte de las habas." Through this process, broad beans (habas), charcoal, salt, and a lodestone were randomlytossed onto a floor and their scatteredarrangement Finally, an Indianwoman instructedher in furtherritcarefully interpreted. uals and spells. By 1628, Bribiescas had mastered these techniques and became a resourceto other women seeking similar aid.36 In the 1620s and 1630s, ritual cleansing proved to be a point in which common pan-Andeantraditionsinfluenced a multi-ethnic group of urban of practitioners amatorymagic. In one case, a woman asked for Bribiescas's help in taming (amansar) her husbandwho was mistreatingher. Bribiescas gave the aggrieved wife baths with differentherbs and maize while reciting certainwords to herself and rubbinga guinea pig over the supplicant'sbody. Both the baths and the use of a guinea pig to rituallyclean and re-empower and a body figuredprominentlyin the accountsof pre-Columbian post-Conrituals.The practiceassumed that the guinea pig absorbed quest indigenous the illness or impuritythat afflicted a person or broughton their affliction. By slaughteringand then examining the internalorgansof the guinea pig, a Native Andean healer might even succeed in pinpointingthe cause of sickness or social imbalance. There is no indication that Bribiescas killed the
AHN, Inquisici6n,Lima, Libro 1030, "[Relaci6nde causas de 1631]," Lima, 1631, ff. 383v.-386; AHN, Inquisici6n,Lima, Libro 1028, Lima, ff. 522-523v.
36

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guinea pig or aspiredto be able to read its entrails;nonetheless, it is noteworthy that she had learned and employed this rite along with her ample store of European-styledivination practices (interpretingglasses of water, rosaries, and invoking various saints and a heavenly choir). The baths on Monday,Wednesday,and Friday with select herbs and other additives constituted a practice of shared Andean and Iberian ancestry. Both cultures placed importance on this form of cleansing and divining to improve a person's lot in life. Bribiescas sought to secure a spouse's affability, love, and economic supportfor her clients.37 The presence of maize in particular baths points to an Andean inspirationfor Bribiescas's version of this ceremony or at least her willingness to incorporatehighly valued Andean elements. In short, European and indigenous traditions coexisted and were carefullyjuxtaposed in Bribiescas's repertoire,and in the kinds of services specialists in the 1620s and 1630s were typically expected to provide. When elaboratingher testimony before the Holy Office's commissioner in Callao, and later before the Inquisitionjudges in their tribunalhall, Bribiescas often referredto both indigenous and Catholic sources of her power. The indigenous sources included the knowledge she culled from her female teachersand the Andean sacrificialitems featuredso prominentlyin her rituals: she used guinea pigs to dispel evil and rejuvenateher subjects; she offered chicha to a desiccatedbird;and she even called upon the strengthof the sun. Perhaps,like her fellow specialists in Lima, she began to replace powdered altar stone with ground seashells in her rituals, a sacred item in Andean ceremonies. Yet, Bribiescas and her clients also believed her to be able to mobilize specific saints and even Christhimself with special prayers and invocations. Conjuringwith broadbeans, for instance, derived efficacy from calling upon them in the name of Christ. Meanwhile, Bribiescas also was known to repeat prayers to St. Peter and St. John three times over glasses of water, egg, and wine covered with a handkerchief;she also recommendedthat her clients employ a rosaryand pray the Credo. Despite her deviant Christianpractices, her being the mother of illegitimate children, and the blatant disapproval she incurredfrom the Inquisition, Bribiescas faithfully identified herself as a baptized Christianwoman who dutifully confessed each year.38 Bribiescas and other urbanspecialists of this era, For
tentative experimentation with Andean products did not entail an automatic
37 AHN, Inquisici6n, Lima, Libro 1030, "[Relaci6n...],"Lima, 1631, ff. 383v.-386; AHN, Inquisici6n, Lima, Libro 1030, "[Relaci6nde las causas despachadasen el auto publico que se celebro en al capilla de la Inquisici6nde Lima en 27-11-1631],"Lima, 1631, ff. 373v.-377v., 380-383v. 38 AHN, Inquisici6n, Lima, Libro 1030, "[Relaci6n de las causas... 27-11-1631],"Lima, 1631, ff. 373v.-381v.

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rejection of Christianityor even foregoing participationin the rites of the Catholic community.39 women broughtbefore Bribiescastypifiedmanyof the otherAfro-Peruvian the Inquisitionunderthe suspicionof witchcraftin the 1620s and the 1630s. in She found multiplesources of inspiration Andeanand Hispanictraditions, she made stronger her ferventCatholicconvictionin the willingby practices ness of her God and the saints to intervene-when properlyrequested-to changeevents on Earth,or to at least help her predictthe course and outcome of of those events.40 She disagreedwith the Inquisitionover the propriety her with profane requestsand her associationof sacredprayersand personages and everydayobjects such as eggs, handkerchiefs, broadbeans. Fearful of the popularityof these practices and the prominenceof AfrothreatPeruvianand otherritualists,Lima's Inquisitionissued a particularly edict of faith in 1629. It warnedof the city's dire spiritualsituationand ening called upon all Limefios to confess attackson the faith, or to denounce the attacks made by others. The overwhelming response stymied the Holy Office's capacity to effectively investigate, prosecute, and punish the tremendousnumberof recently identified plebeian-class ritualistsand participants. Therefore,Lima's Inquisitiondeclared the majorityof these acts (i.e. "superstition" requiringless vigorous prosecution)and limited itself to catching the most renownedmagical specialists that came to its notice.41 The flowering of religious and ritual activity paralleled and intersected with an expansion in the opportunitiesand forms of petty commerce and daily consumption.Both small-scale productionand marketing,as well as religion and ritual, opened up creative cultural spaces in urbanlife. In the first half of the seventeenth century, blacks' engagement with Native Andeans and their economic activities deepened. Afro-Peruviansmastered and transmittedNative Andean practices and technologies (such as chicha certainprofessions that broughtthem into brewing).They also appropriated contactwith indigenousproducers-fish mongeringfor instance. permanent
39 By contrast,Ruth Behar found in seventeenth-and eighteen-centuryMexican Inquisitionaltrails that women more frequentlyagreed with judges and denouncedtheir ritualand magical acts as unchristian and illegitimateuses of power. RuthBehar,"SexualWitchcraft,Colonialism, and Women'sPowers: Views from the Mexican Inquisition,"Sexualityand Marriage in Colonial LatinAmerica, ed. Asunci6n Lavrin,2nd ed. (Lincoln and London:University of NebraskaPress, 1989), pp. 178-206. 40 AHN, Inquisici6n, Lima, Libro 1030, "[Relaci6n de las causas... 27-11-1631],"Lima, 1631, ff. 377v.-380v. 41 Jose ToribioMedina,Historia del Tribunalde la Inquisicidnde Lima (1569-1820), v. 2 (Santiago: Fondo Hist6rico y Bibliogrifico, 1956), pp. 34-40; Castafiedaand Hernandez,La Inquisicidnde Lima, v. 1, pp. 369-374.

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CONJURING WITH COCA AND THE INCA

In addition,blacks came to run many commercialestablishmentsof Iberian origin (such as pulperias) as sites for socializing, granting loans, offering mutualaid, andeven engaging in prohibitedceremonies.Even underChurch auspices, Afro-Peruviansfound places to congregate that shielded them from the municipal constables. They formed confraternitiesand organized to elaboratefuneralprocessions thatprovidedthem with opportunities comIt bine and reinvent distinct culturaltraditions.42 is importantto stress that Afro-Peruvianeconomic and ritual activities/associationsnot only helped ensure their own survival in the colonial system, but also helped to better unite the Andean city's various populations in common enterprises.The Crown's efforts to normalizeunsanctionedeconomic activity throughvarious composiciones, and the Church's efforts to normalize unsanctioned or ritualactivityby dismissing it as "superstition" channelingit throughconallowed a degree of flexibility in city life for all populations.In fraternities, the following decades, Afro-Peruvianritualistsexploited this flexibility to move themselves and othersin the city to createnew colonial symbols, concepts, and ritualpractices.
THE COLONIAL RECREATION OF NATIVE ANDEAN COCA AND THE INCA,

1650s-l1690s ritualspecialFrom the 1650s until the end of the century,Afro-Peruvian ists helped colonial urbanmagic blossom by incorporatingNative Andean coca, Inca symbolism, newly introducedalcoholic drinks,and pre-Hispanic remainsinto theirpractices.For non-Indians,embracingcoca and a defeated Indianleaderin theirculturalpracticeswas a surprisingdevelopment.In the sixteenthcentury,the colonial state had designatedthe stimulantcoca as fit only for sustaining Indians' grueling manual labor in the mines. By the beginningof the 1600s, most missionaries-especially those in Lima--denigrated coca as "dirty" and "vice-ridden"whenever the leaf was used socially, or as a ritual item. Consequently,the incorporationof coca chewing, divination,and medicine into the daily social routineand magical practices of Lima's diverse, non-Indianpopulationwas unexpected.Not only did and manyAfro-Peruvians othernon-Indiansaccused of witchcraftin the late seventeenth century personally employ Native Andean techniques to the or unleash supernatural personalpower, but they also attributed efficacy of these ritualaids to the items' Andeanorigins and their indigenousor Inca
associations. Stripping away the cultural validity of Native Andeans, remov-

42 Bowser, African Slave, pp. 247-251: Jean-PierreTardieu.L'Eglise et les noir aul Pdrou (Paris: L'Harmattan, 1993).

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ing their leaders' legitimacy, and segregating the indigenous population from other groups had been cornerstonesof the colonial model of Spanish administration the Andes since the 1500s. Yet by the 1650s and 1660s, in Afro-Peruviansguided other city residentsprecisely to the indigenous culturalconnections that colonial rulershad hoped they would shun. However, during this third period of Afro-Peruvianritual genesis the strategies used to comprehend the occult and surreptitiously influence human relations and fortunes shifted away from more clearly defined or "indigenous" "Peninsular" origins, to more hybridizedstyles and colonial sources of inspiration.This shift includedemploying the power of new colonial drinksand tobacco to transform behaviorand a person's state. Fromthe 1650s to the 1690s, Afro-Peruvianritual specialists found effective ways to appeal to a wider range of clients and to intervenein their lives by conjuring with colonial versions of coca, invoking the reinvented figure of the Inca, and utilizing brandyor cane alcohol. Over the course of the seventeenthcentury,coca ritualsand Inca invocations evolved to form the core of strategiesemployed by Lima's ritual specialists for resolving specific kinds of personalproblems.The popularization of coca from the1650s until an ecclesiasticalcampaignto suppressthe leaf's urbanuse in1666 focused on three interrelated ritual activities. First, many specialists and non-specialistgroups masticatedcoca in intimatesocial settings comprisingsmall groupsor pairs.Second, when chewing the leaf, users focused on sensing changesin the taste or textureof the coca in theirmouths. Third, when revealing the unknownor predictingthe future,coca ritualists attemptedto decipherfigures and motion in the masticatedleaf once it was spit into a basin of water or wine. For example, Ana de Ulloa, a daughterof a Spaniard a mulatta,convertedcoca into a focal point of her social interand actions with a group of friends. In the evenings, de Ulloa and her daughter to regularlymet with a Spanishwoman and her acquaintances socialize and chew coca. Using coca and tobacco, togetherthe friends divined the resolution of personalaffairs.43 Over time, Spanish creole women followed AfroPeruvianwomen into taking leading roles in coca circles and in promoting the use of the leaf for divination. Their groups included Afro-Peruvian women and other Spanish creoles; and they employed masticatedcoca to summonmen to love them, to improvetheir fortunes,and to ferretout sickness. In group settings, coca use facilitated personal connections with the in supernatural orderto allay everydaydilemmas.
43 AHN, Inquisici6n,Lima, Libro 1031, "Relaci6nde causas de Fe," Lima, 1666, ff. 508-509v., 527-

531.

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CONJURING WITH COCA AND THE INCA

The specialistsin coca divinationselaboratedupon EuropeanandAndean methods of prediction.The practices described above included the use of liquid-filled basins and glasses or vials of water hailing from Iberiantraditions. Lima's specialists also followed more indigenous patterns, such as reading masticatedcoca juice that they spit on their hands or into a pot of boiling liquid. Or they simply burnedcoca leaves andotheritems in a candle or other flame.44Both forms of techniques centered upon activating the power of Andeancoca and decipheringits messages for the purposeof solving men and women's personalproblems. However, when dealing with membersof the opposite sex, women generally tended to gathermore frequentlyto chew coca in a man's name. Typically they sought to bring back an errantand stray husbandor lover, seeking to keep him dedicated to treating his wife and children with love and For providing for their materialsupport.45 example, dofia Luisa de Vargas, an Afro-Peruvianinnkeeperand native of Lima, masticatedcoca to returna man to her with amatorymagic. She spoke to her coca, "Mamamia, coca mia, I chew not you, but the heartof fulano as many turns as I give you in my mouth, you give his heart,as ground,as I grindyou in my mouth,bring him to me without sleep, without eating unrested,Inca."Womenmight also ask the chewed coca to lift the curse of a husband'sjealousy.46Men knew about and often feared the coca magic that was mobilized against them by women and Afro-Peruvianspecialists; their awarenessmade the practitioners' acts all the more effective. Coca consumptionprovideda forum for colonial women to consult with each otherand, in this sense, offered a degree of social solidarityamong city residents.In one case, a mestiza and a black slave met in a Callao corn-beer tavern to chew coca and consider the prospects of the younger woman reuniting with her beau. In another instance, an Afro-Peruvianpulpera (operatorof dry-goods and wine shop) hosted a group of three Spanishcreoles and anotherblack woman in her fish-marketstreet pulperfato chew coca together.47Such groups customarily focused their attention on the
44 GuamanPoma de Ayala, El primer nueva crdnica y buen gobierno, v. 1, eds. John Murra,Rolena Adorno, and Jorge Urioste (Mexico City: Siglo Veintiuno, 1980), pp. 247 (274)[276], 251 (278)[280]; Arriaga,La extirpacidn,pp. 97, 135, 137. 45 AHN, Inquisici6n,Lima, Libro 1032, "[Relaci6nde las causas de fe pendientesen el Santo Oficio de la Inquisici6ndel Peru en 1655]," Lima, 1655, f. 389v. 46 AHN, Inquisici6n,Lima, Libro 1032, "Relaci6n...de 1692- 1696,"Lima, 1696, [case begins 1689, auto in 1693], ff. 383. 47 AAL, Hechicerfas, Leg. 7, Exp. 1, "Proceso de ser hechicera y supersticiosa contra Juana Bernarda,mestiza tuerta, que vive en la casa que era del regidor Figueroa,"Lima, 1669, f. 6; AAL, Hechicerfas,Leg. 6, Exp. 13, "CausacontraClarade Ledesma, mulata,por bruja,"Lima, 1668, ff. 1-7.

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person with greatest ritual knowledge, but among gatheringsof non-specialists, the woman with the greatestcharismaor imaginationfor using coca to entertainthe group might hold sway. Coca consumptionserved to bring women together within a distinctive hierarchy that was based upon a woman's ability to manipulateand read the leaves.48 Coca consumptionmay have also facilitated bridging social divides. A poor, Afro-Peruvianwidow in Lima, not even a specialist, gatheredpeople in her home to chew coca. The gatheringsalso includednuns, but sometimes women. The proxies masticatedthe coca on behalf of more "respectable" and two otherwomen formeda separatecoca circle thateven included proxy an unnamedman who workedfor the Holy Office of the Inquisition!49 Like sharinga meal or drink,or as in the coca exchange (hallpay)between kin or equals among Native Andeans today, Lima's colonial coca sessions often fostered a medium of cooperationand conviviality. By masticatingcoca in a group, social coca chewers retrievedloved ones, bestowed wealth and esteem, and harmedenemies or rivals. Lone specialists and women's coca circles respectfully conjuredthe force in the herb itself and of the Inca whose empirethey imaginedhad reveredthe stimulant.With careful propriety,specialists and their apprenticesstrokedand caressed the leaves, lovingly murmuring"coca mia, madre mia" and invoked both the leaf and the Inca in deferentialtones. For the coca's help in bringing a man to her clients, an Afro-Peruvianwoman (quarterona)from the city of Pisco south of Lima reportedlychanted: you My coca, my master, darling, beloved,I conjure in the nameof my my for to I cocamine,I do notconjure (andrefers thesaidman)although conjure to the said(herethe saidname)I conjure withthe lamedevil,beinglighter, I you bringhim in a flightto wherever mightbe: I conjure withthe earthin whichtheyplanted withthe water withwhichtheywatered withthe you, you mattock withwhichtheydugyou,withthe sunthatdriedyou,withthemoon andstarthatilluminated my CocaI conjure withtheInca,withallhis you you vassalsandfollowers ....50
48 ANH, Inquisici6n,Lima, Libro 1031, Lima, 1664, ff. 487-487v.; AHN, Inquisici6n,Lima, Procesos de F6, Leg. 1648, Doc. 18, "Relaci6nde Causas despachadasentre 16-II-1659 y 8-VII-1660 y auto publico de 23-1-1664,"ff. 51v.-56. 49 ANH, Inquisici6n, Lima, Libro 1031, "Relaci6nde las causas... VII-1660 hasta X-1662," Lima, 1662, 487-487v., 494-501v.; AHN, Inquisici6n,Lima, Procesosde F6, Leg. 1648, Doc. 18, "Relaci6n...," Lima, 1664, ff. 31v.-53v., 56-58v. 50 "Coca mia, iaia mia, queridamia, amada mia, io te conjuro en nombre de (i refierie a el dicho hombre) aunque te conjuro coca mia, no te conjuro a el dicho (aqui el dicho nombre) conjuro con el diablo cojuelo, por ser mas lijero, que lo traigaen un vuelo donde io estubiere:io te conjurocon la tierra

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WITHCOCA AND THEINCA CONJURING

One includedtoastinghim with on Variations invokingthe Inca abounded. in Quechuato be beloved as he was by men and wine and calling upon him women, and to be wealthyas he was afterdiscoveringgold and silver.Other verbalpetitionsin the 1650sofferedto baptizehim withwine to replacethe holy waterhe had never received.Some specialistscalled him "Incadon Melchor Whenpeeringinto a basinfilled with coca and wine, they even claimed Sara." to see the Incaastridea horseandaccompanied his wife dofiaIsabel.51Praisby ing the coca leaf and its inherentpower (talkingabout its growing, harvest, drying,andpacking),andinvokingthe Incaandhis officialconsortas beingrepfeaturesof resentative indigenousnobilityand power,constituted of important ritualceremonyduringthis periodandcontinuedinto the 1690s.52 The production of unique colonial drinks and the looting of Andean tombs offered additionalopportunitiesfor ritual innovation and for better
en que te sembraroncon el agua con que te regaron,con la lampa con que te cabaron,con el sol que te seco, con la luna y estrella que te alumbroCoca mia io te conjurocon el inga, con todos sus basallos y sequaqes...."AHN, Inquisici6n,Lima, Libro 1032, "[Relaci6nde las causas de fe pendientesen el Santo Oficio de la Inquisici6ndel Peru en 1655]," Lima, 1655, f. 383; AHN, Inquisici6n,Lima, Libro 1031, "Relaci6n de un auto particularde Fe que se qelebro en la yglesia de el hospital y del Collegio de la Charidadque esta en la Plaza de la Inquisici6nen 16-11-1666," Lima, 1666, f. 531; AAL, Hechicerifas y Idolatrias,Leg. 6, Exp. 10, "Proceso contra hecha de oficio contra Alonso Carillo, negro, verdugo," Lima, 1669, f. 6; AHN, Inquisici6n, Lima, Libro 1032, "Relaci6nde las causas de fe, que se han sentenciado en el Santo Oficio de la Inquisici6ndel Peru desde... VI-1672 que la haze el Senor Inquisidor Doctor Don Juande AvertaGuttieres...VI-1675," Lima, 1673, f. 181. 51 Don Melchor Inca and some of the other Incas mentioned by name were actual Inca nobility in colonial Cuzco and apparentlyknown elsewhere. For Don Melchor Inga, for example, see AGI, Lima 300, "Relaci6ndel pleito criminal,"1600; AHN, Inquisici6n,Lima, Libro 1031, "Relaci6nde las causas que estan pendientes...,"ff. 375, 389v., 390-390v.; AHN, Inquisici6n,Lima, Libro 1031, "Relaci6nde las causas que estan pendientes...,"ff. 382-383v.; AHN, Inquisici6n, Lima, Libro 1032, "Relaci6n de las de Lima desde el afio de 1692 asta [enero] causas de fee despachadasen el santo officio de la Inquisition 1696," Lima , 1696, ff. 427v.-427v.; AHN, Inquisici6n, Lima, Libro 1031, Lima, 1666, ff. 508-509v., 527-531. AHN, Inquisici6n, Lima, Libro 1032, Lima, 1693, ff. 380-384v.; AHN, Inquisici6n, Lima, Libro 1032, Lima, 1696, ff. 458-465v.; John Hemming, The Conquest of the Incas (London:Abacus, 1972), pp. 451-473; Guillermo Lohmann Villena, Los americanos en las drdenes nobiliarios (15291900), v. 1 (Madrid:Consejo Superiorde InvestigacionesCientificas, 1947), pp. 199-200; Teresa Gisdel bert, Iconograffay mitos indigenas en el arte (La Paz: Talleres Escuela de Artes Graificas Colegio "Don Bosco," 1980), pp. 153-157; Ella DunbarTemple, "Don Carlos Inca,"Revista Hist6rica del Instituto Histdrico del Peru, 17 (1948), pp. 134-179; Ella DunbarTemple, "El testamentoin6dito de Dofia Beatriz ClaraCoya de Loyola, hija del Inca Sayri T6pac," Fenix 7 (1950), pp. 109-122; CarolynDean, Inca Bodies and the Body of Christ: Corpus Christis in Colonial Cuzco, Peru (Durham:Duke University Press, 1999), pp. 102, 112-113. 52 AHN, Inquisici6n, Lima, Libro 1031, "Relaci6nde las causas... VII-1660 hasta X-1662," Lima, 1662, ff. 383-383v.; AHN, Inquisici6n, Lima, Libro 1031, "Relaci6n de las causas que estan pendientes...,"Lima, 1656, 389v.-391; AHN, Inquisici6n,Lima, Libro 1031, "Relaci6nde un auto particular... 16-II-1666,"Lima, 1666, ff. 531-531v.; ANH, Inquisici6n,Lima, Libro 1031, "Relaci6nde las causas... VII-1660 hasta X-1662," Lima, 1662, ff. 496v.-499; AHN, Inquisici6n,Lima, Libro 1032, "Relaci6nde de Lima desde el ahiode 1692 asta las causas de fe despachadasen el Santo Officio de la Inquisition 1696," Lima, 1696, ff. 458-465v.

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ritualists harnessingpre-Hispanicsupernatural power.Lima'sAfro-Peruvian new colonial productsinto theirpracticesby following the new incorporated products' inherent properties and logical associations. Afro-Peruvianspecialists in Lima adaptedto their rites the variouscolonial versions of chicha they brewed and dispensedin Lima's households and markets,includingthe chicha blanca supposedly preferredby Spanish colonists.53As sugar cane productionexpanded,Afro-Peruvianbrewers specialized in a drink of fermented cane juice called guarapo.Black specialists taught Lima's indigenous residentsto include guarapoin foul potions dumpedat an enemy's door to harm the inhabitant.The advent of Peruvian grape brandy in the mid1600s and the popularizationof cane alcohol by the end of the centuryled to their incorporation offerings to the coca leaf, as mediums in which to as dissolve the small wad of chewed leaves for examination, and for boiling masticatedcoca leaves.54 As Afro-Peruviansrealized the superioralcoholic potency of the cane drinks, they revered the intoxicant's power and combined it with their coca rituals.55 a like manner,urbanritual specialists In to use Native Andean bones, figurines, as well as other human began remains and offerings taken from pre-Hispanicburial and ceremonialsites. force, They treatedthese remainsas if they were endowed with supernatural almost like Catholic relics. Lima's ritualistscalled them "Inca"and made offerings to them. During the second half of the seventeenth century, the

53 AHN, Inquisici6n, Lima, Libro 1032, "Relaci6n de las causas... VI-1675," Lima, 1673, f. 181; AHN, Inquisici6n,Lima, Libro 1032, "Relaci6nde las causas de Fee despachadasen esta Inquisici6nde Los Reyes del Perudesde 10-VI-1678 [hasta21-VIII-1678],"Lima, 1678, ff. 225-225v.; Jose de Acosta, Historia naturaly moral de Indias (Mexico: Fondo de CulturaEcon6mica, 1962), pp. 170-171; Bernab6 Cobo, v. 1 (Madrid:Biblioteca de Autores Cobo, "Historiadel Nuevo Mundo,"Obrasdel Padre BernabW Descripci6n del virreinatodel Peru',ed. Espafioles, 1956 [1653]), p. 162; Pedro Le6n de Portocarrero, Boleslao Lewin (Rosario:Universidaddel Litoral, 1958 [composedca. 1615]), pp. 49-50. 54 With the leaves, the spell-caster symbolically boiled the person they hoped to attract.AHN, entre 1696 Inquisici6n,Lima, Procesos de F6, Leg. 1648, Doc. 19, "Relaci6nde causas de fe despachadas hasta 1707," Lima, 1707 [1690, 1692], ff. 87-94, 103-110;AAL, Hechiceriasy Idolatrias,Leg. 6, Exp. 10, "Proceso hecha de oficio contra Alonso Carillo, negro, verdugo," Lima, 1669, ff. 3-4v.; AAL, Hechicerfasy Idolatrifas, Leg. 6, Exp. 6, "CausacriminalcontraJuanade Mayo,"Lima 1668, ff. 17-17v.; AAL, Hechicerfasy Idolatrifas, Leg. 6, Exp. 6, "Causacriminalcontra Juanade Mayo," Lima 1668, f. 37; AHN, Inquisici6n,Lima, Libro 1032, "Relaci6nde las causas... VI-1675," Lima, 1673, f. 181;AHN, Inquisici6n, Lima, Libro 1032, "Relaci6n de las causas... [hasta 21-VIII-1678]," Lima, 1678, ff. 221221v.; AHN, Inquisici6n, Lima, Procesos de F6, Leg. 1648, Doc. 19, "Relaci6n de causas de fe despachadasentre 1696 hasta 1707," Lima, 1707 [1696, 1698]. ff. 113, 119. 55 AHN, Inquisici6n, Lima, Libro 1032, "Relaci6n de las causas... desde el ahiode 1692 hasta 1696," Lima, 1696, f. 426; AHN, Inquisici6n, Lima, Procesos de F6, Leg. 1648, Doc. 19, "Relaci6n de causas de fe despachadasentre 1696 hasta 1707," Lima, 1707 [1690], ff. 106v.- 110;AHN, Inquisici6n, Lima, Procesos de F6, Leg. 1648, Doc. 19, "Relaci6n de causas de fe despachadas entre 1696 hasta 1707," Lima, 1707 [1705], ff. 179v.-180. Limefios also offered aguardiente to coca when mochandola. AHN, Inquisici6n, Lima, Procesos de F6. Leg. 1648, Doc. 19, "Relaci6n...," Lima, 1707 [1692], ff. 97-98v.

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ritual complex of coca and its incorporationof colonial alcohols and preHispanic remainsexemplify the ritualspecialists' willingness and ability to bridgeculturaltraditionsfor theirclients withoutfully erasingthe ethnic distinctions of the concepts and items in use. In fact, these distinctions bestowed much of the power thatritualiststappedin orderto solve theirpetitioners'problems. The proliferationof magical items, coupled with the colonial recreation of Native Andean coca thatAfro-Peruvianspromotedby the 1660s, forced the Archbishops'campaignsto extirpateIndianidolatriesand Lima's Inquisition to reachever more frequentlyinto Lima's city parishes.They targeted coca distributionand the expanding ceremonial use of the leaf among all ethno-racialsectors of the city. Witnesses and judges fully believed a specialist's knowledge of herbs and magic could be used to harm or control another person. Despite the rationalistorientationof the Spanish Inquisition's highest authorities(the Suprema)who reviewed Lima's decisions, the majority of the functionariesof Lima's Inquisitionlived immersed in the society they watchedover; these functionarieswere not indifferentto superstition and the threat of witchcraft.56 seventeenth-centuryLima and its In threats and fear of magical attack arising over sexual surroundingtowns, rivalry,conflicts over male and female obligations, and economic disagreement became a centralpart of a common conceptual universe.57 Investigators and prosecutorsalso feared that coca magic and Inca invocations could lead beyond witchcraft to idolatry and a wholesale rejection of Church authority.Therefore, the groups that the inquisitors, and later the Archbishop's investigators,most vigorously sought to find and discouragewere the coca suppliers, sellers, and conjurers. Ironically, despite their best efforts, in 1664, the Inquisitionconceded that prohibitedritualpractice and divinationappearedso prevalentin Lima so as to make the eliminationof its practitioners-much less their clients-impossible. As a result, Church courts again retreatedto a plan of selective persecutionof the most famous offenders of the faith.58

56 AAL, Hechicerfas, Leg. 9, Exp. 2, Lima, 1691. Conflicts over property and theft when compounded by illness or sudden death sparked battles over sorcery. AAL, Hechicerfas, Leg. 2, Exp. 9, Huacho, 1646, ff. 1-9; AAL, Hechicerfas,Leg. 9, Exp. 4, "QuerellacontraMatias de la Rosa y su mujer Francisca por hechiceros," Lima, 1694; AAL, Hechicerfas, Leg. 7, Exp. 3, Lima, 1670; AAL, Hechicerfas,Leg. 7, Exp. 10A, Lima, 1674. 57 AAL, Hechicerfas,Leg. 7, Exp. 3, Lima, 1670; AAL, Hechicerfas,Leg. 9, Exp. 2, Lima, 1691; AAL, Hechicerfas,Leg. 7, Exp. O1A,Lima, 1674. 58 Castafiedaand Hernandez,La Inquisicidnde Lima, v. 2, pp. 336-337.

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Peru's populationof African descent actively participated creatingthe in traditionsof cooperationand argumentthat constitutedurbancolonial culture.Only between the years 1580 and 1600, did Afro-Peruvians' ritualpractices seem to partiallyconfirmthe theorythatAfricansand theirdescendants in Peru served to increase the numberof Spaniards,therebymagnifying the colonizers' culturalimpact. However, even during this period, many practices consideredto be Iberianmay have alreadybeen changedby Sub-Saharan Africans living in Portugal and Castile. Afro-Iberiansprobably contributed to shaping southern Iberia's heterogeneous witchcraft and other populartraditionsbefore helping carrythem to the Americas. In the 1620s1630s, a period of limited cultural experimentationand borrowing,AfroPeruviansbegan leading other urbancolonists away from a primarilyHispanic ritual model into learning Native Andean ritual practices and skills. Interestingly, in addition to teaching non-Indians, Afro-Peruvians then helped transmitthese native Andean skills, as well as their knowledge of HispanicandAfricanceremonialpractices,to new indigenousarrivalsto the city. In the 1660s to 1690s, when magic specialists began giving new emphasis to pre-Hispanicmaterials and symbols, Afro-Peruvianritualists helped society overcome the stigma of the coca leaf as an Indianidolatrous item. During the late seventeenth century,Afro-Peruvianritualists scrambled to take direct control over Native Andean ritual knowledge, products, and icons, often to reinvent them with new colonial significance. In the process, the Afro-Peruvians'own cultural creativity and contributionsto magical elements and ritualknowledge became clear. Afro-Peruvianritualists'reworkingof Andean and Hispanic magic and witchcraftalso markedthe Church'schanging definitions of religious culLima. The 1629 Edict of Faith had called pability in seventeenth-century all Lime-ios to examine their consciences and memories for any upon thoughtsor acts againstCatholicism;however, the inquisitorsand ecclesiastical authoritiesfound themselves unable to investigate and prosecute the numerous cases of religious infractions brought before them. Mixing the sacredwith the profane,therefore,remainedcentralto what could be termed a popular Catholicism and evidenced a degree of reconciliation among varied cultural streams emanating from the IberianPeninsula, the Andes, and perhapsWest Africa. Between the 1660s-1690s, the effervescence of local magic once again outstrippedChurch mechanisms to suppress what churchmenconsideredharmfulto the faith (idolatry,witchcraft,and superstition).Forcedto accepta colonial cultureof breachesbetween strictureand practice,Lima's Catholic establishmentprosecutedonly the most notorious

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CONJURING WITHCOCAAND THEINCA

of practitioners the artsof amatorymagic and divination.The Churchchose to distinguishbetween genuine heresy,to be combatedvigorously,and mere superstition and magic, to be grudgingly tolerated or lightly punished. Despite its repressivepower, the PeruvianChurchcould not derailthe longterm,culturallegitimacy won by popularmagical beliefs and coca use in the capital. This culturallegitimacy sprang from a firm conviction in the usefulness of magical interventionin relationsbetween men and women, coca's religiously inoffensive function in revealing the unknown, the re-invented Inca's magical benevolence, and the camaraderieand mutual supportthat often took place duringmagic ritualsand gatheringsof coca chewers. Such practices, fostered by Afro-Peruvians,served an essential role in Limefios' lives by the mid-to-lateseventeenthcentury. In this process, magical specialists broughttogetherand conjuredpowers thatwere consideredto exist in the diverse ethnocultural traditionsof magic and supernatural power presentin colonial Peru.The widerpopulace'sbelief in the existence of such powers in each tradition,even hidden ones, made them particularlyuseful resources in the hands of skilled ritualistsas they solved problems and sought clients. To convey a mystique of success and attractnew clients into their network, specialists by necessity recognized and drew upon differentkinds of culturalknowledge. By drawingtogether differentkinds of powers, the specialist built a reputationand drew together differentsorts of people. In their coca ceremonies for example, the ritualist bound diverse people together,even though outside the ritual circle ethnic distinctions and social hierarchiesremainedrelevant. In this practicalway, magical specialists mediated contradictorytendencies in the society. They worked with people who might not normally associate with them or with each other.The specialist's mediationcreatedthe paradoxof a society with few specialists and no social consensus, but with many users of magical practiceand many circles of sociabilitythatrancontraryto official and unofficial norms without necessarily overturningthem. ConnecticutCollege New London, Connecticut
LEO J. GAROFALO