Gujarat University

Title of Dissertation

Analytical Study of Purdah Taking Newspaper as a Medium

A dissertation submitted to the Department of Mass Communication and Journalism in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Mass Communication and Journalism

By Farhana Khan

Supervised by Dr. Ila Joshi

May 30, 2012

DECLARATION
The work submitted in this dissertation is the result of my own investigation, except where otherwise stated.

It has not already been accepted for any degree, and is also not being concurrently submitted for any other degree.

Signature: _______________________ Name of the student: Farhana Khan Date: 29/5/2012

I endorse the declaration by the student.

Signature: _______________________

Name of the Supervisor: Dr. Ila Joshi Designation: Research Officer, EMRC (Retired) and Former HOD, Centre for Development Communication, Gujarat University.

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ACNOWLEDGEMENTS
and special thanks go to
my supervisor Dr. Ila Joshi for giving me the freedom to think, to work independently and to follow my ideas, yet providing support and help whenever needed.

Dr. Sonal Pandya, for ever being so helpful and encouraging. I am greatly indebted to her for it was because of her that I had my first ever dissertation.

the most beautiful sisters on earth, Sabiha and Safura, the handsome brother, Muhammed Uzair and my dearest friends, Suruchi Agarwal, Kalindi Joshi, Himaly Mehta and Poonam Kapadia for keeping a constant check on my progress. For all the lively chats which proved to be a source of great relief during the stressful period.

my brother-in-law, Niyaz Khan, for his unrelenting support.

the little lovely angel of my family, Zaynab Khan.

my deepest appreciation goes to my parents for their unconditional love and care. Their confidence in my abilities helped me achieve this milestone in my life. For this and much more, I am forever in their debt. It is to them that I dedicate this dissertation.

Dedicated to My Loving Parents

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ABSTRACT
Are the purdah (veil or curtain) and the mass media compatible? Apparently not. Purdah and media stand in opposition between closure and openness. The mass media are broadly perceived as part of the public/political sphere, whereas purdah is a matter of private life. Then why do we need to understand the relation between the purdah and the mass media? Because both of them invoke the question of right to space, where the frontier of changes in women's lives now lies. Today, we live in a mass-mediated environment, as several communication scholars argue, rather than in reality itself. Harold Lasswell pointed out half a century ago; todays mass media have replaced gurus of the past as teachers of the young and the masses. The mass media are considered powerful agents of socialization and social change, transmitting attitudes, perceptions, images and beliefs. Therefore, in feminist inquiry, the role of the mass media in gender socialization has become an area of considerable concern. There is an emerging recognition that the media play a crucial role in preserving and reinforcing gender stereotypes. At the same time, media can reconstruct the notions of femininity and masculinity. While the focus is on purdah in order to understand the spatial and behavioral restrictions imposed on women, I emphasize the necessity of seeing the various interlinkages between the forms of purdah and the wider socio-economic and ideocultural structures of the society. It should be made clear that even in the absence of purdah practice, a preoccupation with the purity and chastity of women and the familys social status tends to define appropriate female behaviour across cultures. I deny therefore that any such thing as a universal Muslim purdah culture exists. As I analyze the systems of purdah, so I also question the assumption that there is an undifferentiated form of purdah in the study of social reality. The present thesis establishes that purdah is symbolic of a form of religiosity that claims modesty. It explains purdah as dynamic clothing that has both symbolic and functional value for the wearer and the observance of which authenticates the identity of women who practice it.

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Table of Contents
DECLARATION ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ABSTRACT TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1 Arriving at the topic 1.2 Research Question 1.3 Objectives of the Study 1.4 Chapter Outline CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW 2.1 Definition of Purdah 2.2 A Brief History 2.3 Purdah: The all Concealing Dress 2.4 The Veil, Hijab and Burqa 2.5 Dress in Anthropology 2.6 The Purdah Zone 2.7 Papaneks Model: Separate Worlds and Symbolic Shelter 2.8 Mandelbaums Model: Womens Seclusion and Mens Honor CHAPTER 3 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 3.1 Content Analysis 3.1.1 The Sample 3.1.2 Coding Scheme CHAPTER 4 FINDINGS 4.1 Content Analysis 4.1.1 Enumeration of Articles by Editions 4.1.2 Enumeration of Articles by Years 4.1.3 Sections of the Newspaper 4.1.4 Number of Words 4.1.5 Stories by Topic 4.1.6 Inclusion of Photographs I II III IV 1 1 2 2 3 4 5 7 9 10 13 17 19 20 23 23 24 25 26 26 26 27 27 29 31 32

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4.1.7 Tone of Coverage CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION CHAPTER 6 SUGGESTION BIBLIOGRAPHY LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES Table 1: Top Ten Newspapers in India Table 2: Distribution of Articles by Editions of the Times of India Table 3: Distribution of Articles by Years Table 4: Number of Articles in Different Sections Table 5: Numeration of Words Table 6: Purpose behind Purdah Table 7: Number of Photographs Table 8: Tone of Articles Figure 1: Sections of the Newspaper Figure 2: Number of the Words Figure 3: Story by Topic Figure 4: Total Photographs According to Editions Figure 5: Tone of Coverage APPENDICES The Times of India Article Content Analysis Coding Sheet 24 26 27 28 29 31 33 36 29 30 32 35 37 43 43 45 36 38 40 41

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION
Clothing poses an interesting aspect of social and cultural studies. Different people dress differently because dresses are culture-oriented, value-based and perform multifaceted functions. There are professional dresses like the doctors white gown, the lawyers black coat; there are institutional dresses for example different colleges maintain a specific and uniform dress code: there is pop-dress-culture, for instance, the jeans culture: and then there are the religious dresses, the veiled Muslims, the nuns with their headdresses and the priests with their robes; in all its manifestations it reflects occupation, status, affiliation to an ideology and worldview of the wearer; it is a marker of identity. In short, embedded in our dress is a whole value system; we are enculturated to wear a certain type of clothing. Clothing like all the other forms of material culture is a reflection of the society and people among whom it is worn. It is not mere cloth but cloth worn in appropriation to a value system established by a society. The code of dress thus developed over a period of time corresponds to all the potent variants; culture and tradition, values and ideals, religion and rituals, ceremonies and celebrations, profession, gender and space etc. As discussed above clothing and dressing performs numerous functions simultaneously, physical and symbolic, it helps conceal or reveal body contours; determine the social positioning and economic status of the wearer; is a marker of identity on both levels, individual as well as group. Clothing while a well-known and well-comprehended feature within a particular group or a society sometimes does not communicate the same symbols to a foreign observer.

1.1 ARRIVING AT THE TOPIC

In the lands of India the actual translation of the word purdah is screen or veil. Purdah is the practice that includes the seclusion of women from public observation by wearing concealing clothing from head to toe and by the use of high walls, curtains, and screens erected within the home. Purdah is practiced by Muslims and by various Hindus, especially in India. The limits imposed by this practice vary according to different countries and class levels. Generally, those women in the upper and middle class are

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more likely to practice all aspects of purdah because they can afford to not work outside the home. Some people see purdah as an evil influence that has only suffocated the rights of women and perpetuated male chauvinism. They point towards the Muslims in India who have shut off women from the outside world in order to make them ignorant of the practicalities of life. To them it has deprived the woman of economic independence and forces these females to produce chauvinistic boys and submissive girls. They see women who practice purdah as having no voice or free will. Others see purdah as a very positive and respectful practice that actually liberates women. It is viewed as liberating because it brings about an aura of respect. Women are looked at as individuals who are judged not by their physical beauty but by their inner beauty and mind. By covering themselves, women are not looked at as sex objects that can be dominated. For some, purdah is an act of faith that entails the acts of honor, respect, and dignity. The role of purdah in any culture has become more controversial since the rise of the women's movement. Purdah has almost disappeared in the Hindu practice and is practiced to greater and lesser degrees in many of the Islamic countries. Either way the practice of purdah is looked at, whether in a negative or positive light, it stills remains an integral part of everyday life for some people and marks a part of their culture.

1.2 RESEARCH QUESTION

How purdah (veil) is observed, defined, illustrated and regulated; and what meaning and significance does purdah (veil) hold in newspaper, the Times of India, Ahmedabad?

1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

The main aim of this study is to examine the use of purdah (veil) in the newspaper the Times of India. It has been argued that the use of purdah is not only an Islamic institution, but it also commonly associated with the seclusion of women. Moreover, the use of purdah has directly been related to womens socio-economic status because Hindu women also practice it. Some specific objectives of this study are as follows: 1. To examine representation of purdah in TOI. 2. To evaluate overall coverage of purdah.

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3. To know whether the donning of purdah has religious aspects or not. The main focus of the research is to know how purdah is mentioned in newspaper. In order to present a complete picture and detailed analysis it was important to study the notion of purdah in relation to its context. Therefore, the study outlines a brief history of purdah. In discussing purdah as a dress worn in relation to a particular ideology, the study focuses on the relation of purdah with women and media.

1.4 CHAPTER OUTLINE

The dissertation consists of five chapters: 1.4.1 Introduction: In this chapter, a brief introduction is given to make a point of concern for the present study. This chapter also covers brief of the topic, research question, objectives of the study and brief write up on chapterization. The main aim of this chapter is to express overtly from which perspective this dissertation is written. 1.4.2 Literature Review: This chapter is all about purdah its definition, a brief history, purdah as a dress, synonyms of purdah, i.e. veil, hijab, and burqa, the purdah zone where the brief study of Mandelbaum is present, Papaneks model and Mandelbaums model. 1.4.3 Research Methodology: Basically content analysis is employed for analyzing the data. The sample is collected randomly and coding sheet is also prepared to examine the articles. Thereon, interpretation of all the collected information will be done. 1.4.4 Findings In this chapter the account of all the findings will be mentioned. The coverage the word purdah got in the articles to the tone of that coverage. 1.4.5 Conclusion Broad conclusions were drawn from the analysis of purdah keeping in mind the research done and the literature reviewed along with all the findings.

CHAPTER 2 REVIEW OF LITERATURE

The present study shows Purdah as an important part of the life experience of many Indian women and is a central feature of the social system of the area. The purdah zone comprises of the Indian states like Punjab, Rajasthan, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, and Gujarat, together with adjoining parts of Madhya Pradesh, Kashmir and Himachal Pradesh. These areas, though not exclusively Muslim, are heavily influenced by the former presence of Islam. Veiling and seclusion are customs shared by both Hindus and Muslims in the purdah zone, but they are used in each community for different social purposes and in differing context. Whereas Muslims use this practice to safeguard their women from men outside the family and to keep them in their own separate feminine world, Hindus use the same device to enforce women's subordination to their in-laws, generally to order the domain of family and kinship. Purdah, which literally means curtain, refers to the physical segregation of living space, as well as the covering of body and face. In broader terms it also refers to the beliefs and values about the behavior of women, the restrictions on their movements and the requirements for their respectful and deferential demeanor. These include a set of norms which govern the behavior of women in the presence of males within the home and outside in public areas. The concept also governs the proper behavior towards male and female elders, which should be respectful of their superior status. Thus a daughter-inlaw will cover her head even in the presence of her mother-in-law and an adolescent daughter will assume a respectful posture when her father arrives. The institution of purdah provides, what Hanna Papanek terms "symbolic shelter" for women, seeking to protect women from the hardships and dangers that dealing with society at large involves. According to Papanek, underlying the entire system of seclusion are certain assumptions about human interaction and about the nature of men and women. Symbolic shelter is provided against real dangers of a segregated world but also, and not least significantly, against the strong impulses such as sexual desire and aggression which are clearly recognized as being part of the human condition. Women's

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proper behavior as sheltered persons becomes an important source of the status of their protectors and their behavior becomes important in terms of honor and family pride for the entire kin group. In a culture where male pride is very significant, and very fragile, the seclusion of women is an important aspect of male control. It elucidates two theoretical frameworks concerning purdah: purdah as womens seclusion and mens honor (Mandelbaum, 1988) and purdah as separate worlds and symbolic shelter (Papanek, 1973). Notwithstanding the common features and arguments presented by both models, the way the topic has been approached by the two varies significantly. While Mandelbaum views the purdah system with the reference to the notions of honor and shame, Papanek approaches the topic primarily as division of labor between the segregated sexes. Following is an introduction to each of the categories, starting from different definitions of purdah, a brief history to the detailed theories of Papanek and Mandelbaum.

2.1 DEFINITION OF PURDAH

Derived from Persian, the term Purdah literally means curtain. In the field of social sciences it has been invariably defined; primarily identified as a social-cultural institute and an institutionalized system: a system that segregates sexes by secluding women. In order to grasp the basic features of purdah as a system it would be worthwhile to note some of the ways in which it has been defined: Ring identifies it as a social-cultural institute that demarcates mens space from the womens. She states that purdah is a system of veiling and the segregation of women in zenana, or womens space. (Ring, 2006: 139). White explains that the system segregates unrelated men and women; the practice of secluding women prevents them from contact with men outside of the immediate family (White, 1977: 31). Like Ring, she also considers the demarcation of space as an essential feature of the purdah system. The space is separated in both spheres; the public and the private; as virtual imprisonment in separate quarters in the home, veiling in public, and the

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provision of segregated public facilities (White, 1977: 31). Papanek notes the two basic instruments of purdah as secluding system; the covering of the female face and body and the segregation of the female space (Papanek, 1973: 294). Marker elucidates it as an institutionalized system operating at three levels: the physical segregation of womens living space which is the secluded world of the zenana (womens quarters); social segregation, which allows women interaction only with the immediate kinship circle; and the covering of the female face and body (Marker, 1989:98). In all these definitions and other similar ones it is clear that: purdah is a social-cultural institute; it is a system of gender segregation; it segregates unrelated men and women; demarcates mens space as separate from the womens in both public and private spheres; and suggests female body covering. But Sehmina Chopra differs modesty and chastity, very important ideologies with Islam, are achieved by prescribing standards on behavior and the dress of a Muslim. A woman who adheres to the tenements of Islam is required to follow the dress code called Hijab; other synonyms are Veil, Purdah, or just covering. It is an act of faith and establishes a Muslim's life with honor, respect and dignity. The Hijab is viewed as a liberation for women, in that the covering brings about "an aura of respect" (Takim, 22) and women are recognized as individuals who are admired for their mind and personality, "not for their beauty or lack of it" (Mustafa) and not as sex objects. Contrary to popular belief, the covering of the Muslim woman is not oppression but liberation from the shackles of male scrutiny and the standards of attractiveness. In Islam, a woman is free to be who she is inside, and immuned from being portrayed as sex symbol and lusted after. Islam exalts the status of a woman by commanding that she "enjoys equal rights to those of man in everything, she stands on an equal footing with man (Nadvi, 11) and both share mutual rights and obligations in all aspects of life.

2.2 A BRIEF HISTORY

In India the actual translation of the word purdah is screen or veil. Purdah is the practice that includes the seclusion of women from public observation by wearing concealing clothing from head to toe and by the use of high walls, curtains, and screens erected within the home. Purdah is practiced by Muslims and by various Hindus, especially in India. The limits imposed by this practice vary according to different countries and class levels. Generally, those women in the upper and middle class are more likely to practice all aspects of purdah because they can afford to not work outside the home. Purdah probably developed in Persia and later spread to Middle Eastern lands. Purdah flourished in ancient Babylon. No woman could go outside unless masked and chaperoned by a male from the family. Even parts of the household were separated as a practice of segregation. The ancient Assyrian women also had to remain inside behind curtains where darkness and little breeze prevailed. In the 7th century A.D., during the Arab conquest of what is now Iran, the Muslims probably adapted the idea of purdah to their religion. The Prophet Muhammad reintroduced the custom as part of the Islamic tenets of faith. As time went by the laws associated with purdah became more severe. During the British domination in India, the observance of purdah was very strictly adhered to and widespread among the Muslims. For the Muslims, purdah is an act of faith that entails the acts of honor, respect, and dignity. Islam exalts the status of women by commanding that women should enjoy equal rights with men and remain on the same footing as them. When a woman covers herself she places herself on a higher level and allows men to see and respect her for her intellect, faith, and personality. The physical person is to play no role in social interaction. The role of purdah in any culture has become more controversial since the rise of the women's movement. Purdah has almost disappeared in the Hindu practice and is practiced to greater and lesser degrees in many of the Islamic countries. Either way the practice of purdah is looked at, whether in a negative or positive light, it stills remains an integral part of everyday life for some peoples and marks a part of their culture. Such rules of feminine modesty are not considered purdah but merely proper female behavior. For traditional Hindus of northern and central India, purdah observances

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begin at marriage, when a woman acquires a husband and in-laws. Although she almost never observes purdah in her natal home or before her natal relatives, a woman does observe purdah in her husband's home and before his relatives. As a young woman, she remains inside her husband's house much of the time (rather than going out into lanes or fields), absents herself or covers her face with her sari in the presence of senior males and females related by marriage, and, when she does leave the house in her marital village, covers her face with her sari. Through use of the end of the sari as a face veil and deference of manner, a married woman shows respect to her affinal kin who are older than or equal to her husband in age, as well as certain other relatives. She may speak to the women before whom she veils, but she usually does not converse with the men. Exceptions to this are her husband's younger brothers, before whom she may veil her face, but with whom she has a warm joking relationship involving verbal banter. Initially almost faceless and voiceless in her marital home, a married woman matures and gradually relaxes some of these practices, especially as elder in-laws become senescent or die and she herself assumes senior status. In fact, after some years, a wife may neglect to veil her face in front of her husband when others are present and may even speak to her husband in public. The association of the purdah system with religion made it particularly hard for Muslims to leave the practice during the British colonial rule in the region. Purdah became a central feature of local tradition and culture and a symbol of ethnic identity during the colonial times. Ring notes that it acquired a fundamental position in the nineteenth century anticolonial Islamic reform movements (Ring, 2006: 139). A common feature of cultural encounters entail that in case of a threat to traditions cultural survival often leads to the hardening of attitudes, and the members of the threatened culture take up a revivalist, protectionist approach. This happened during the colonization of India, the colonial India rushed into restrictive practices where purdah was concerned in order to protect its cultural identity and prevent British intrusions into the personal sphere (Jain, 2008: 233). Purdah was reinforced for the nationalists defense of women as custodians of culture. This resulted in spatial division of public and private, the public being the outside world of political life while the private referred to domesticity and women. Purdah in the colonial times, with its essential

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feature of segregation began to appear as the last bastion of culture against both modernization and Westernization (Jain, 2008: 237).

2.3 PURDAH: THE ALL CONCEALING DRESS

Purdah is closely linked to the covering of the body. Marker notes that purdah finds its strongest expression in dress and explains the different forms of dress that are used to cover the womens body. She explains burga, (most commonly transliterated as burqa), as a material attached to a skullcap, covers the wearer from head to foot, the only opening being a netted section for the eyes, the chadar an ankle-length shawl, also covers the wearer completely, though the face and eyes can be left exposed, the dupatta a two-meter-square scarf, drapes over the shoulder and usually covers the head (Marker, 1989: 99). Papanek observes the dynamic feature of dupatta as a scarf or veil, worn with several different dress styles. It can be draped in various ways over the head and face, and can obscure-or emphasize- the outline of the breasts (Papanek, 1973: 295). She notes that purdah in dress, particularly manifested through the all concealing burqa, symbolizes the status of the wearer as a secluded female (Papanek, 1973: 295). Burqa as a socially inscribed dress code functions as a controlling mechanism. Purdah as a means of social control operates in a complex manner simultaneously signifying diverse aspects of the society: evaluation of status, the ownership and inheritance of property, the arrangement of marriages, the division of labor, and impulse control (Papanek, 1973: 290). It also signifies Interpersonal dependency, social distance, and the maintenance of moral and standards as specified by the society (Papanek, 1973: 292). Jain views purdah as an institution with a variety of implied meanings which goes much beyond the covered face and the hidden body to encompass notions of respectability and virtue, class and caste, protection and exposure (Jain, 2008: 232). The purdah system reflects the vulnerability of both the genders; with varying degrees and in differentiated ways. Mandelbaum explains that women within the system are considered as physically weak, perhaps sensually willing, and certainly exceedingly vulnerable. It is quite probable that women give in quickly to sexual assault because of their weakness as well as because of the stringent training of being submissive. The purdah-providing-protection involves the concepts of honor (izzat) and shame or

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modesty (sharam) (van der Veer, 1994: 100). Honor and shame of men seem to emanate from women. Although, women bear more restraints from the purdah system the honor of both men and women are protected by its observance. Mandelbaum notes that man too is socially vulnerable and a degradation of a woman of his family damages/ harms his honor (ibid: 19). He observes that in case of illicit sexual encounter, whether by force or consent it is the womans reputation that suffers the most and consequently the whole family suffers grave dishonor (ibid: 10-11). Marker too observes a close link between the behaviour of the women of a family and its respect; to deviate from the prescription of purdah is to dishonour and shame the entire clan (Marker, 1989: 99). It is important to note that purdah as seclusion cannot be easily afforded. Traditionally, it has often been associated with the economic prosperity. Women belonging to the families that fall in the lower social ranking in the society are more visible publicly. Mandelbaum notes a close link between purdah and prosperity and argues that only those families who can afford to seclude their women follow the purdah rules while the ones who have to worry about the daily food, their women often do not observe purdah (Mandelbaum, 1988: 3). He also notes that prosperity once attained leads to adoption of purdah, most often a stringent seclusion (ibid). The differential levels in purdah have a close link to the social stratification and mobility within the stratified groups in a society.

2.4 THE VEIL, HIJAB AND BURQA

The veil is a form of dressing that requires covering of the body as well as hiding the hair. Daly describes it as a piece of fabric draped as a head and upper or full body covering that functions as an item of dress (Daly, 2005: 391). She explains that the related English terms veil (noun), veiling (verb) and veiled (adjective) have two-fold meaning and function to perform, regardless of their use as an item of clothing or adornment; veils are physically used to cover and conceal, yet simultaneously draw attention to some visual aspect of the wearer. The act of veiling she argues is to conceal some visual and social aspect of the wearer yet by doing so the veil inadvertently, marks their identity (Daly, 2005: 391). Recent scholarship on veil associates it specifically to Muslim womens head and body covering but such a narrow perspective would not do justice to a form of dress that has a long history and is rich in cultural variations. Few studies establish the universality of

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veil and its presence across history, cultures and religions (Daly, 2005). These studies also establish that the use of veil cannot be strictly regarded as a feminine attribute; the wearing of veil among Tuareg men is one instance of covering of hair and face of men in public. However, it is by no chance that veil has come to be associated with Muslim women, the fact that its observance among men is significantly low compared to that among the women and that veil is most commonly visible within Muslim cultural settings led to the development of this widespread conception. The veil can be traced back to 13th Century B.C. in ancient Assyria (Mesopotamia). At that time, wearing the veil was a mark of social class and not religion. The law required all Assyrian women except prostitutes to cover their heads in public. Similarly, ancient Greek and Roman artifacts suggest that wearing a veil was not an uncommon practice. Although the veils significance in Greek and Roman society is unclear, its custom cannot be discounted. Beginning with Judaism, wearing a veil took on religious significance. It was a symbol of propriety and modesty. Jewish women would cover their heads in public in observance of Jewish law. The veil elevated a womans high status in Jewish society. Today some orthodox Jewish women still practice traditional Jewish teachings by wearing scarves or wigs. Similarly, the Bible taught the wearing of a veil long before Islam. In the Old Testament we read: When Re-bek'ah raised her eyes, she caught sight of Isaac and she swung herself down from off the camel. Then she said to the servant 'who is that walking in the field to meet us?' and the servant said 'It is my master' and she proceeded to take a head cloth and to cover herself. (Genesis: 24:64-65) In the New Testament we read: But every woman that prays or prophesies with her head uncovered shames her head for it is one and the same as if she were a (woman) with a shaved head. For if a woman does not cover herself, let her also be shorn; but if it is disgraceful for woman to be shorn or shaved, let her be covered. (1 Corinthians: 11: 5-6)

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As explained from these verses, the Bible treats the wearing of a veil as an inherently righteous undertaking. The Virgin Mary is often depicted in works of art with her head covered. In fact, for a time it was obligatory upon Catholic women to don a headscarf while attending church service. Today Christian nuns and Amish women continue to cover their heads. Finally, traditional Hindu women also wear head coverings while in the company of men, further highlighting that hijab is not exclusive to Islam. Sometimes veiling is accomplished with a loose end of the womans sari, and sometimes it is done with a scarf- like fabric. Thus, hijab must be understood in the context of the veils cultural and religious roots. While many Muslims call Hijab, an Islamic dress code, they completely ignore the fact that, Hijab as a dress code has nothing to do with Islam and nothing to do with the Quran. In reality, Hijab is an old Jewish tradition. Any one of the Jewish traditions will see that head cover for the Jewish woman is encouraged by the Rabbis and religious leaders. Religious Jewish women still cover their heads most of the time and especially in the synagogues, weddings, and religious festivities. This Jewish tradition is a cultural, not a religious one. Hijab was observed by the women of the civilizations that preceded the Jews and was passed down to the Jewish culture. Christian women cover their heads on many religious occasions while the nuns cover their heads all the time. This religious practice of covering the head was established from traditions thousands of years before the Muslim scholars claimed the Hijab as part of the Muslim womens dress code. The traditional Arabs of all religions, Jews, Christians and Muslims used to wear Hijab, not because of Islam, but because of tradition. In Saudi Arabia, up to this minute most of the men cover their head, not because of Islam but because of tradition. North Africa is known for its Tribe (Tuareg) that have the Muslim men wearing Hijab instead of women. Here the tradition has the Hijab in reverse. If wearing Hijab is the exclusive sign of a pious and righteous woman, why do we see so many Hijabi women completely disregarding other essentials of modesty, like wearing tight shirts and jeans, showing the body parts that must be concealed, plus immodest behavior? In brief, Hijab is a tradition and it has nothing to do with Islam.

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The burqa has become a polarizing symbol of modern conflict in the Middle East, especially in Afghanistan. The origins of the burqa, however, go back thousands of years. The burqa (burqua, burqa) is a cloak worn over regular clothing that covers the head, shoulders and torso of a woman. An embroidered mesh screen covers the eyes. It is worn by Muslim women in Afghanistan and in some rural parts of Pakistan, India and Bangladesh. Adult Muslim women wear the burqa in response to the Quranic principle to dress modestly. It is not worn within their home. Burqas are usually blue or gray. The original one-piece burqa is called a "shuttlecock" because it resembles the target in badminton. In the 1950s and 1960s, a two-piece version began to appear in Pakistan and India. In recent years the Burqa has become a symbol not just of modesty, but also of political affiliation. As Arabic culture and Islam have spread and are challenged in other nations, like France, this political identity has become increasingly important. The Burqa has been in existence for approximately 7000 years. It is doubtful that it will be eradicated in the modern world as there have been and always will be people who seek to keep this tradition alive for political, social and religious reasons. And it will, for this reason, continue to be a source of controversy.

2.5 DRESS IN ANTHROPOLOGY

In Anthropology the study of dress is not limited to cloth and clothing; rather it extends far beyond the textile and includes as well ornaments, body modifications and adornments as significant sartorial expressions. Arthur defines dress as including not only clothing, grooming, and all forms of body adornments but also behaviors related to the control of the body, such as dieting, plastic surgery and cosmetics (Arthur, 2005). The term dress has been most comprehensively defined by Eicher and Roach-Higgins as an assemblage of body modifications and/or supplements displayed by persons in communicating with other human beings (Eicher and Roach-Higgins, 1992). The codes of dress include visual as well as other sensory modifications (taste, smell, sound and feel) and supplements (garments, jewelry and accessories) to the body which set off either or both cognitive and affective processes (Eicher, 1995). They argue that the Dress, so defined, includes a long list of possible direct modifications of the body such as coiffed hair, colored skin, pierced ears, and scented breath, as well as an equally long list of garments, jewelry, accessories, and other categories of items

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added to the body supplements (Eicher and Roach-Higgins, 1992). Having given this all encompassing definition of dress, they also advocate the use of the term dress in place of other terms frequently used in Anthropology like appearance, ornaments, clothing, apparel, costume and fashion, believing that the term dress is best suited for the description of clothes, clothing, modifications and ornamentations. Nevertheless, a variety of terms have been used interchangeably during the course of development in anthropological interest in the study of dress. 2.5.1 Gender Dress The Ethnographical studies interpret cloth as an indicator and a producer of gender. There is a realization that even the seemingly insignificant items connote important ritualized gender functions (Taylor, 2002). This association of gender with clothing in Anthropology dates back to the works of Crawley, who used the term sexual dress to indicate the gender distinction communicated by means of dress. Eicher and Roach-Higgins use the term gendered dress to connote the learned gender roles depicted through it (Eicher and Roach-Higgins, 1992). Associating gender with dress is a universal phenomenon; however, what is held as appropriate dress for either gender varies tremendously. Eicher notes that designating gender by dress is common throughout the world and has been associated with both prescriptive and proscriptive behavior (Eicher, 2000). It is one of the most consistently gendered aspects of material and visual culture which is consumed on daily basis. The gendered meanings communicated through dress are cultural specific for Gender is a socially constructed phenomenon, and not all cultures aspire to the same physical ideal for men and women as those in Western societies. Gender-specific dress and appearance are closely linked to sexuality (Barnes and Eicher, 1992). Gender is a social, psychological, and cultural construct whose polarization is based on sex the biological dichotomy of male and female. Barnes and Eicher establish that gender distinctions are a crucial part of the construction of dress, whether they are made on biological or social grounds (Barnes and Eicher, 1992). Dress codes developed within a culture reflect well-understood gender meanings. These codes reiterate gender behavior patterns using dress as a means of visual communication. Wiener and Schneider present a dual stranded approach whereby clothes on one level are interpreted as a cultural signifier/ indicator of gender

15
difference while on the other level it is the carrier/ producer of socialized gender meanings within a cultural setting (Taylor, 2002: 205). The norms governing gender-appropriate attire are powerful in their own right requiring the members to conform to them. Gender specific attire enhances the internalization of expectations for gender-specific behavior. The process of internalization starts at an early age; Through the subtle and frequently nonverbal interactions with children regarding both their appearance and behavior, parents either encourage or discourage certain behaviors often related to dress that leads to childs development of their gender identity. The relationship between dress and gender is not fixed; the appropriate dress not only varies from one culture to another but it undergoes various shifts within one cultural setting over a period of time. The change of the color rule over the period of time is one example that establishes the dynamic relationship between gender and dress. Paoletti and Kregloh note the reverse in color rule; in 1918 pink was interpreted as a stronger and more assertive color hence associated with boys and blue as more dainty and delicate and attributed with girls whereas in present times blue is for boys and pink is for girls. In addition to constructing gender, dress codes, also define relationships and status within a given cultural setting. For instance, it is considered appropriate for the married women in India to wear bangle bracelets on each wrist. The type of bracelet (plastic, glass, conch shell, silver, ivory, or gold) is appropriate gendered dress as well as an indication of the womans place in the social hierarchy. Certain aspects of dress mark the gender of an individual more than the others, for example, the corsets are associated with female morality; a right laced corset reflects moral and chaste woman while the unlaced woman is considered as loose and immoral. Close to the notion of gendered dress is the concept of embodiment. Entwistle argues that dress is always located spatially and temporally; the act of dressing is then a situated bodily practice. The body moves through time and space with a sense of itself as gendered. This experience of embodiment is depicted by the differential use and experience of the spaces in the public sphere by both, men and women. An example can be the spaces of work, which are experienced differently by women and men and impacts upon the ways in which the body is dressed and presented. Entwistle quotes various theorists to develop the argument that women are more likely to be identified

16
with the body than men and this may generate differential experiences of embodiment. It could be argued that women are more likely to develop greater body consciousness and greater awareness of themselves as embodied than men whose identity is less situated in the body. 2.5.2 Religious Dress Dress plays a significant role in communicating affiliation to a particular religion. Arthurs detailed discussion on the relationship between religion and dress is particularly significant with reference to the present study. According to her organized religions use dress in two ways: to maintain the customs and traditions of the organization, thereby establishing a visual identity for the religion, and to simultaneously control the individual identities of its members by symbolically denoting dress as in-need of control (Arthur, 2005: 96). In preserving the traditions and rendering a religion-based identity, the dress reflects religious ideology. Arthur argues that conformity to religious ideology is a sign of; one a persons commitment to the group and the religious value system (Arthur, 2005: 98) and second religiosity. Since conformity is equated with religiosity compliance to strict codes of behavior is demanded. And as religiosity cannot be objectively perceived therefore visual symbols such as dress are an expression of a person being on the right and true path. In doing so religious dress codes enable the most conservative of the religious social bodies to exert control over their members physical bodies. Body is socially controlled both internally as well as externally, through constraints on emotions (voices and laughter are muffled and appetite for food, knowledge and sex are constrained) and visible features (dress) respectively (ibid). An important feature of this social control is that it often rejects fashion which is dynamic, on the basis that fashion emphasizes individuality rather than salvation (Arthur, 2005: 96). Religious dress codes seem static and an example of fossilized fashion. Fossilized fashion has been explained as a sudden freezing of fashion whereby a group continues to wear a style long after it has become outmoded for the general public. The relationship between fossilized fashion and ethnicity of religious group seems apparent as it represents dignity and high social status and/or the groups religious, old-fashioned, sectarian identity (Arthur, 1999: 5 & 2005: 98). Among the most conservative ethno-religious groups who follow fossilized fashion, the members wear the dress that was generally prevalent at the time their sect originated (Arthur,

17
2005: 98). Some studies show that fossilized fashion in contemporary times is a visual symbol emphasizing traditional gender roles for women. Religious dress codes influence the gendered dress as well as the social roles and norms that it entails. Eicher and Roach-Higgins establish that dress plays an important role in the creation of gender identity (1992). The gendered dress encourages each individual to internalize as gendered roles a complex set of social expectations for behavior (1992: 19). Arthur notes that gender issues are paramount in the dress codes of conservative religious groups since the control of female sexuality is often of great importance in patriarchal religious groups. The relationship between gender-dressreligion is complex and is conflated with power issues. The control over the female sexuality among some religious groups is a requirement for maintaining social order (ibid). One of the key considerations of various conservative religions is to ensure womens modesty by defining dress codes. Arthur notes that modesty in womens dress and behavior is demanded by all the major religions and is considered as a gendered norm (2005: 98). She argues that the notion of modesty does not only include covering of the body but also hiding of the female body curves and secondary sexual characteristics. An important corollary to the notion of modesty among the conservative members of the major religious groups is the covering of womens hair because of its association with female sexuality. The veil is one such form of gendered dress which requires covering of the head and is often explained in terms of female modesty.

2.6 THE PURDAH ZONE

Mandelbaum in his detailed study of purdah in India introduces the term purdah zone, which refers to those parts of the sub-continent that practice purdah extensively (Mandelbaum: 1988). These include mostly the northern parts of the sub-continent where purdah practices are taken to be central elements of social life (1988: 2). Observance of purdah in the purdah regions is so frequent, commonplace, and reflexive an action that often it is taken-for-granted and scarcely noticed by those who observe it (Mandelbaum, 1988: 3). The purdah zone comprises of all of Pakistan and Bangladesh plus the Indian states of Punjab, Rajasthan, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, together with adjoining parts of Madhya Pradesh, Kashmir, and Himachal Pradesh (Mandelbaum, 1988: 27). There is no abrupt shifting from a purdah to a non-purdah

18
region, but rather a gradual transition through the intervening regions to the quite different gender relations of South India (Mandelbaum, 1988: 3). Jain, on the other hand, enumerates various terms that refer either, metaphorically or synonymously to the purdah system in South Asia. These include ghunghat (a veil pulled over the face), odhni (a head scarf that is used for the ghunghat), chunri, and chadri (sheet, mantle, and cloak) to name a few (Jain, 2008: 231). Papanek, however, notes that in South Asia purdah is the most commonly used term to denote the system of secluding women and enforcing high standards of female modesty (Papanek, 1973: 289). Purdah exists among both Muslims and Hindus in South Asia but operates entirely differently among them (van der Veer, 1994: 99). Papanek notes that the purdah system exists within a two-fold context: on the one hand, a social structure based on highly differentiated, hierarchically ordered, ascriptive units called castes, which are closely related to the great religious tradition of Hinduism, and on the other hand, the great religious tradition of Islam which stresses the equality of all believers before God but clearly puts men a step above women. The purdah system she argues cannot be studied in isolation from its wider social context. In each of the two contexts, the secluded system of purdah affects the ideologies of the family. It is differentiated on the basis of the time the practice starts and the relations from which it has to be observed. Papanek notes that for Hindu women purdah rules start at marriage and the seclusion is based on a set of avoidance rules between a woman and her male affines (Papanek, 1973: 289). It is related to relations of respect between affines (van der Veer, 1994: 99). It exercises patriarchal control which is native to the Hindu (Jain, 2008: 23) and articulates womens marginal and ambivalent position in the marital household (Ring, 2006: 141). Among Muslims, it starts at puberty and the immediate kin unit (mahram) is excluded from the purdah rules (Papanek, 1973: 289). It is related to the unity of the kindred vis--vis the outside, non-kindred world (van der Veer, 1994: 99). It involves seclusion from the public sphere which associates it with the status of the family (van der Veer, 1994: 99). Mandelbaum studies the distinct functions that purdah performs within the differentiated contexts: among Hindus purdah is observed to avoid the danger to familys unity and honor from within, from the younger wives who come as aliens to the family and who may alienate their husbands from it. Among Muslims it is to

19
protect familys honor from the without, that is, the encircling world of mistrustable strangers (Mandelbaum, 1988: 82). In so doing, Hindu purdah separates the consanguine of one lineage and their affines from other lineages while the Muslim purdah lays emphasis on the individuals network of kinship ties, traced through both mother and father, with the more intimate kinship affiliations formed at a familys discretion (Mandelbaum, 1988: 92). An important difference among Muslims and Hindus regarding the rationale for purdah is that while among Muslims the popular belief associates purdah as a fundamental precept of Islam, ordained in the Koran and a hallmark of the true Muslim way of life while for Hindus it is not an integral part of the religion it is rather a matter of social concern for family and caste-group (Mandelbaum, 1988: 87). This is because in South Asia Muslims cultures are more closely knit around holy writ whereas the Hindu societies more centrally concerned with social bonds and obligations (Mandelbaum, 1988: 127).

2.7 PAPANEKS MODEL: SEPARATE WORLDS AND SYMBOLIC SHELTER

Papanek finds two complementary concepts of separate worlds and symbolic shelter as valuable for the analysis of the purdah (Papanek, 1973: 290). The two concepts function parallel to each other within a purdah system (ibid: 292). Separate worlds refer to the division of labor in terms of actual work allocated to different categories of people. The two worlds are sharply segregated, yet the separation is accompanied by a high degree of mutual dependency between men and women (ibid: 293). The separation is based upon the beliefs regarding human nature, and is guided by the rules about utilization of the living space; the public spaces allocated to the men while the private sphere of home to women. Interdependency between the two is a direct reflection of the specificity of the division of labor, but such feelings of dependency are likely to be incompatible with standards of male pride in the world outside the home, and are therefore usually confined to the private family unit and not otherwise acknowledged (ibid: 293). Purdah as symbolic shelter suggests the complementary and asymmetrical relations between the sexes; embedded in the basic conception of a strongly felt tension between the private domain of the immediate kin unit, which includes the women and the outside

20
world (ibid). The segregation of the sexes as per symbolic shelter characterizes it with asymmetry, dominance and dependency (ibid). It implies that women, who are vulnerable, need to be protected from the real dangers for the segregated world and against the strong impulses such as sexual desire and aggression (ibid: 316). Purdah acts as a social control mechanism (Papanek, 1971: 518-19). Individuals, according to this model, are not viewed as independent single individuals rather with reference to their social context and women who are sheltered become important demonstrators of the status of their protectors, and their behaviour becomes important in terms of honor and family pride for an entire kin group (Papanek, 1973: 293). In making women honor of the family the purdah system fundamentally uses the shame mechanism to control the human impulse (ibid: 316). Unsheltered women in the purdah observing social settings are assumed to be lacking in modesty and shame (ibid: 323-25).

2.8 MANDELBAUMS MODEL: WOMENS SECLUSION AND MENS HONOR

For Mandelbaum the gender systems manifest as purdah-izzat duo; purdah which is observed as seclusion with the basic features mentioned above is deeply interconnected with mens honor or izzat. His study on purdah establishes that there exists a reciprocal relationship between purdah and izzat, between womens seclusion and mens honor (1988: 96). As men assume the public positions they are the primary referents of izzat (ibid: 20). The purdah system controls and guides the behaviour of the women since their behaviour is of cardinal consideration to the honor of their family (ibid). The purdah-izzat duo requires women to remain sub-ordinate to men. She is secluded from the public space and easy personal interactions outside her home, the only exceptions are women who attain prestigious office in the public space; a matter of izzat for the family. Within the private domestic space a woman should submit to the hierarchy and express it through frequent flashing signs of respect. For men it is important to reiterate their izzat; to show a constant concern and remain especially vigilant about the conduct of the women within his family lest they do not impugn his honor (ibid: 125). Much has already been said about purdah but the concept of izzat needs elaboration; following is a brief overview of this concept as existing in the purdah zone.

21
Izzat is the local term used for honor. It has various overlapping meanings with a frequent referent for carrying out groups values that are reflected in a persons actual behaviour (ibid: 20). Such qualities as prestige and status, rank and esteem, respect and self-respect are included as essential features of izzat (ibid: 21). Although izzat can be both, corporate or personal quality, but since the behaviour of a person is often associated with the group behaviour, izzat is regarded as a group quality and more than that a family quality (ibid). There are several determinants of izzat that simultaneously promote it, including desirable achievements, such as tangible wealth, unimpeachable piety, success in competition, the besting of ones enemies, the retention of followers and dependents, the skillful managing of allies, the tactful distribution of gifts and, critically, the conduct of the women of the family (ibid: 22). Izzat reflects a persons success in life. It is also closely related to power, the more izzatdar (respectable) a person is the more power he may enjoy. In the words of Mandelbaum, izzat is a symbolic summary of past achievements and a main element in present power which when properly deployed, enhances izzat: izzat legitimates power (ibid). Izzat has individual and internal aspect too. An individual aspires to live a life so that his name lives even after his death. In such a case izzat helps to overcome oblivion, of defeating death (ibid: 23). In the patriarchal society, having heirs bears immense significance for carrying on ones name. Womens sexuality is protected and controlled through the purdah system for the purity of the lineage. In such system women are relegated to the private sphere of home and their izzat for the most part lies in rising set of vigorous, united, dutiful, children (ibid). Tangible and material things also enhance womans izzat, as Mandelbaum suggests that a married womans izzat is accrued by gifts generously, judiciously, and publicly presented by her natal family (ibid: 24). Be it a mans or a womans, izzat is not a static concept, it is a process which has to be continually reaffirmed in practice, reinforced in action, defended against challenge, and re-won and advanced in competition (ibid: 23). Shame argues Mandelbaum, is the antithesis of honor and as much as honor is sought shame (sharam) is diligently avoided (ibid: 21). Shame also has positive connotation; when sense of shame makes one avoid breaking of the culturally accepted norms it is appreciated (ibid).

22
Mandelbaum argues that izzat and purdah carry both, positive as well as negative connotations respectively, izzat embraces what a man should do if he can while purdah covers what a woman might do but should not (ibid: 24). They are interdependent and for the enhancement of izzat unfailing observance of purdah is required (ibid: 24).

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CHAPTER 3 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

In conducting this research project, quantitative measures, as well as opinions and guidance offered during discussions with an assigned dissertation supervisor and various course lecturers, was taken. Content analysis was utilized to analyze the newspaper representation of purdah. For this the sample was taken and code sheet was made.

3.1 CONTENT ANALYSIS

Content analysis is potentially one of the most important research techniques in the social sciences. The content analyst views data as representations not of physical events but of texts, images, and expressions that are created to be seen, read, interpreted, and acted on for their meanings, and must therefore be analyzed with such uses in mind. Analyzing texts in the contexts of their uses distinguishes content analysis from other methods of inquiry (Krippendorff, 2004). Content analysis entails a systematic reading of a body of texts, images, and symbolic matter, not necessary from an author's or user's perspective. Although the term content analysis did not appear in English until 1941, the systematic analysis of text can be traced back to inquisitorial pursuits by the Church in the 17th century (ibid). Religions have always been captivated by the written word, so it is not surprising that the first known dissertations about newspapers were defended in 1690, 1695, and 1699 by individuals pursuing academic degrees in theology. Quantitative newspaper analysis seemingly provided the needed scientific ground for journalistic arguments. The respect for numbers has a long history, and facts that could be quantified were considered irrefutable. (ibid: 3-4) This quantitative method was pursued under the assumption that by noting the frequency with which certain words or phrases appeared in the text, it would be possible to glean the general style and aim of the article. However, quantitative measures only form the basis of the desired analysis.

24
It is worth acknowledging that content analysis does not allow for inferences of impact or causality. Furthermore, the research was carried out with the utmost objectivity and rigor to avoid accusations of deliberately creating a technique to support the stated hypotheses. 3.1.1 The Sample: The Times of India is the most outspoken newspaper all over the world. The author contends this coverage in particular significantly impacted the stories on purdah not because the Times of India has the largest circulation of all India dailies but because of its readers demographics. As the paper of choice for most of the people, the Times of India wields considerable influence on public opinion. The paper now turns to the findings of the quantitative analysis. Table 1 Top Ten Newspapers in India Name of the Newspaper 1. The Times of India 2. Dainik Bhaskar 3. Dainik Jagran 4. Malayala Manorama 5. The Hindu 6. Eenadu 7. Deccan Chronicle 8. Ananda Bazar Patrika 9. Amar Ujala 10. Hindustan Times Language English Hindi Hindi Malayalam English Telugu English Bengali Hindi English

Circulation of the newspapers is certified by the Audit Bureau of Circulation (ABC). The list of the Top 10 Newspapers in India is compiled by the ABC according to the circulation of the dailies. The content analysis involved a sample, covering newspaper the Times of India of fifteen cities from April 1, 2007 up to April 1 2012. A total of 602 articles were considered for analysis. Of those, 439 articles were excluded because they involved

25
only a single, passing mention of purdah. Hence, the findings will be done of total 163 articles. 3.1.2 Coding Scheme: The coding sheet can be found in Appendix 1. In addition to coding several general criteria, such as the length, prominence and format of the article, the journalist/author and their specialty (e.g., general reporter, health reporter) were also included. 3.1.2a Section of the Newspaper This is the category where sections of the newspapers are mentioned. There are total of 17 sections in which purdah is noted. This will show what kind of status purdah has in a particular article. 3.1.2b Inclusion of a Photograph To know whether the photograph has been included in the article or not and if it is included, does it have any relation to purdah or women? 3.1.2c Key Words The words like hijab, burqa, veil, which are synonyms of purdah, are added to see if they are included along with purdah in the article. And if they are included then with what meaning. 3.1.2d Tone of Article Is the article in favor, opposed or occupying the middle ground when it comes to the purdah? This is a subjective measure whereby, having taken every effort to separate from the study, the author attempted to read the article as an average news consumer. Having done so, the question was asked: would the article likely be in favor or opposed to the purdah jab after reading it?

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CHAPTER 4 FINDINGS
The following section outlines the findings from the authors quantitative (content analysis) research.

4.1 CONTENT ANALYSIS

The content analysis yielded several interesting findings. 4.1.1 Enumeration of Articles by Editions The newspapers from the cities Ahmedabad, Bangalore, Chandigarh, Chennai, Delhi, Goa, Hyderabad, Jaipur, Kochi, Kolkata, Lucknow, Mangalore, Mumbai, Nagpur, and Pune were chosen to cover a varying spectrum of editorial slants. Table 2 shows the distribution of 602 articles across cities from which 439 articles have single, passing mention of the word purdah while 163 articles have more than once mention of purdah. Table 2: Distribution of Articles by Editions of the Times of India Editions Ahmedabad Bangalore Chandigarh Chennai Delhi Goa Hyderabad Jaipur Kochi Kolkata Lucknow Mangalore Mumbai Nagpur Mumbai Pune # of Articles 51 65 30 30 77 53 31 1 50 56 15 72 26 44

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4.1.2 Enumeration of Articles by Years The sample has been taken of five years starting from April 1, 2007 to April 1, 2012 of all the 13 editions of the newspaper the Times of India. Generally, there are total of 15 editions but in the Goa edition, there is not any mention of purdah while in the edition of Kochi, there is only a single mention. Below is the table where the articles are distributed as per the year and edition. Table 3: Distribution of Articles by Years Cities/Years 2007 08 2008 09 2009 10 2010 11 2011 12 Ahmedabad Bangalore Chandigarh Chennai Delhi Goa Hyderabad Jaipur Kochi Kolkata Lucknow Mangalore Mumbai Nagpur Pune 22 25 21 0 31 23 0 0 20 24 15 27 24 20 2 11 9 8 15 9 9 0 8 6 0 10 2 1 9 8 0 11 11 8 12 0 9 12 0 14 0 8 9 14 0 5 11 6 5 0 7 7 0 10 0 8 9 7 0 6 9 8 5 1 6 7 0 11 0 7

4.1.3 Sections of the Newspaper There are many sections to a newspaper. They all play an important part, and when they act together, they make a newspaper. A newspaper is any published paper that purports to report news of some kind of interest to a local community or to a specialized group. Since no newspaper can survive just on selling its papers, newspapers also carry advertising, usually divided into "showcase" or "display" ads that can take two pages, a

28
whole page, half a page, a quarter of a page, etc., and "classified" ads that are only a few lines each and a lot cheaper than the display ads. Table 4: Number of Articles in Different Sections Sections 1. Front Page 2. Union Budget 3. Times city 4. Instant IQ 5. Deep Focus 6. Dance of Democracy 7. Times Nation 8. International 9. Review 10. Times Global 11. Open Spaces 12. Special Report 13. Editorial 14. Times Business 15. All That Matters 16. Times Supplementary # of Articles 9 11 17 2 5 8 21 13 7 8 9 13 10 7 9 14

Modern newspapers also carry things to entice people who don't care for news, but are interested in entertainment, self-improvement, etc. To provide some stimulus to people to buy their papers, many also carry "op-ed" columns, opinion pieces written by people who are known and sometimes respected for their opinions.

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Figure 1: Sections of the Newspaper

# 25 o f A r t i c l e s 20 15 10 5 0 9 11 8 5 2 17 21

Sections
14 10 7 9

13 7 8 9

13

Sections

Sections of the Newspaper

A wide variety of material has been published in newspapers, including editorial, opinions, criticism, persuasion and op-eds; obituaries; entertainment features such as crosswords, Sudoku and horoscopes; weather news and forecasts; advice, food and other columns; reviews of radio, movies, television, plays and restaurants; classified ads; display ads, radio and television listings, inserts from local merchants, editorial cartoons, gag cartoons and comic strips. In the Times of India, there are number of sections. The articles on purdah are distributed among them. 4.1.4 Number of Words The word count has been done of 163 articles from the total of 602 articles. In many articles, there is just a passing mention of the word purdah. Thus, 439 articles were omitted from the research so as not to waste time on them. Moreover, the total number of words is also taken into account so that the importance given to the word purdah and woman/en can be known. Table 5: Numeration of Words Editions of the Times of India Ahmedabad Bangalore Total words per 100 75.86 101.96 Word Purdah Appeared 55 59 Word Woman/en Appeared 80 78

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Chandigarh Chennai Delhi Hyderabad Jaipur Kolkata Lucknow Mangalore Mumbai Nagpur Pune 45.66 40.17 132.27 89.41 50.72 71.86 75.83 27.98 125.58 40.21 56.17 43 31 77 41 50 42 44 25 82 48 44 46 33 97 66 41 52 78 27 152 44 56

The total words are counted per 100 because the quantity is in thousands and it is very difficult to put it in a graph along with the counted words purdah and woman/en as they are in two digits. The following graph will show the entire quantity of words in a particular article, full numbers of purdah cited, and number of times woman/en is mentioned. Figure 2: Number of the Words

160 # 140

Number of Words

o 120 f 100 A r t i c l e s 80 60 40 20 0 Total Words per 100 Word Purdah Appeared Word Woman/en Appeared

Cities

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4.1.5 Stories by Topic Figure 1 shows the topics of purdah coverage during the study period. Purdah or the broader notion of veil is vested with concepts such as modesty, chastity and respect and to preserve them insists on gender segregation as Agarwal notices that the purdah ideology which works in the form of physical containment of women (the veiling of women or the gender segregation of space) as well as their social containment (the gendered specification of behaviour), functions to restrict male female interaction. Table 6: Purpose behind Purdah Purpose Behind Purdah # of Articles (in %) 3.68 17.79 As a Family Status As Female Seclusion As Social Cultural Norms 46.63 31.90 As Religious Belief

She argues that despite the variations among region, religion, caste, class and circumstance purdah observance is frequently rationalized in terms of izzat (family and personal honor), female chastity and modesty, the need to control female sexuality, and so on (Agarwal, 1994: 299). She further argues that such an interpretation of purdah leads to a general belief that women who observe the norms are chaste and good and those who transgress them to be of questionable moral character (Agarwal, 1994: 301). These norms are internalized by the girls at a very early age and generally require no external policing (ibid). Moreover, in her autobiographical graphic novel Persepolis: The Story of a Childhood, Marjane Satrapi traces her childhood in post-revolutionary Tehran. The first section, entitled The Veil, speaks of 1980: the year it became obligatory to wear the veil at school. Born into a very modern and avant-garde family, Satrapi faces an identity crisis caused by the clash between the pro-revolutionary undercurrents at school and opposing opinions at home, until she really doesnt know what to think about the veil. Along with the mandatory veil law, came additional limitations on womens freedom, so the veiled woman was more restricted to the home than her previously unveiled self.

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Figure 3: Story by Topic

Purdah
80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 As a Family Status As Female Seclusion

As Social Cultural Norms Purdah

As Religious Belief

Recently, loaded phrases such as looking beyond the veil, behind the veil and you cant judge a woman by her cover have been used as the clichd titles of documentaries and feature stories, perhaps because the veil denotes a symbolic barrier between the public, veiled woman and her private, unveiled counterpart. The veil is more than just an article of clothing; it is, in fact, an entire mode of conduct. As discussed earlier, the mandatory veil law was accompanied by other restrictive laws concerning how a woman must actor, in Scotts terminology, performin public. Thus, the differences between a woman when she is veiled and when she is unveiled extend beyond her speech to her behavior, actions and gestures. 4.1.6 Inclusion of Photographs The advent of photographs mechanically printed into newspapers opened up market for press photography. Pictures were mostly taken for their action and content rather than any aesthetic consideration. Today, they are used in the newspapers for different reasons.

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Photographs in Journalism inform, educate and enlighten readers about current issues and also reflect on the past as well. Photographs in Newspaper enhance the credibility of the stories. As they depict reality, they also furnish evidence to show the authenticity of a news story or give proof of an event that occurred. Table 7: Number of Photographs Editions of the Times of India # of Photographs (in %) Ahmedabad Bangalore Chandigarh Chennai Delhi Hyderabad Jaipur Kolkata Lucknow Mangalore Mumbai Nagpur 9.10 11.24 3.11 5.26 11.96 9.57 5.26 9.09 7.66 2.39 13.16 5.02

34
Pune 7.18

Its aesthetic values enable a photograph to serve as a tool to attract readers attention and break the monotony of news content. Thus, photographs enhance and beautify the pages of a newspaper.

A photograph in Newspaper speaks more than a thousand words. No formal education is required to understand a picture. Photographs are therefore able to break through literacy barrier to effectively communicate a message. It is a universal language. The pictures in the articles are most of the time of a woman wearing purdah, burqa, hijab or veil in case of Muslim women and ghunghat, odhni in case of Hindu women.

Ghunghat Moreover, at a micro level, Purdah/Burqa/Hijab/Veil does not prevent communication. Technological advances have made it easier for society to communicate virtually without face-to-face dialogue.

35
The face has never been the only essential tool for effective communications. Prime Minister Blair can be effective communicating to the British public over the radio just as he can in person. A Muslim woman can be effective communicating with others even with her face covered. Quite obviously, it is the substance of what is said that counts more than the appearance of who said it.

Figure 4: Total Photographs According to Editions

60 50 40 30 20 10 0 13 38 47 50 40 22 38 32 22 21 10 30 55

# of Photographs

Photographs are meant to express a message and not just function as aesthetics. Photojournalism is a powerful medium of expression and visual communication that involves the process by which events are mirrored in pictures, which reveal something too brief for the eyes alone to define. Photographs serve as an instrumental view of reality by disseminating information that enables viewers make an accurate response to whatever is going on.

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Purdah/Burqa/Hijab/Veil In addition, efforts at integration should not come at the expense of restricting the fundamental human right of religious freedom. Essential to successful integration in a democratic society is the enmeshing of divergent religious cultures and traditions. 4.1.7 Tone of Coverage The tone of coverage was unsurprisingly not balanced with approx. 10% seemingly in favor of purdah, 50% against and 40% projecting a neutral stance. Many of the articles are written where society is the cause for wearing purdah. Next is the religious aspect (Refer figure 1). Moreover, the systematic distribution of the tone is graphed. Table 8: Tone of Articles Tone of Articles In Favor of Purdah # of Articles (in %) 16.3 81.5 65.2 Against Purdah Neutral

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Figure 5: Tone of Coverage

Tone of Articles (in %)

90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 In favor of Purdah Against Purdah Neutral Tone of Articles (in %)

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CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION
Starting from the beginning, the newspapers from the cities Ahmedabad, Bangalore, Chandigarh, Chennai, Delhi, Goa, Hyderabad, Jaipur, Kochi, Kolkata, Lucknow, Mangalore, Mumbai, Nagpur, and Pune were chosen to cover a varying spectrum of editorial slants. It shows the distribution of 602 articles across cities from which 439 articles have single, passing mention of the word purdah while 163 articles have more than once mention of purdah. The sample has been taken of five years starting from April 1, 2007 to April 1, 2012 of all the 13 editions of the newspaper the Times of India. Generally, there are total of 15 editions but in the Goa edition, there is not any mention of purdah while in the edition of Kochi, there is only a single mention. Below is the table where the articles are distributed as per the year and edition. There are many sections to a newspaper. They all play an important part, and when they act together, they make a newspaper. Modern newspapers also carry things to entice people who don't care for news, but are interested in entertainment, self-improvement, etc. To provide some stimulus to people to buy their papers, many also carry "op-ed" columns, opinion pieces written by people who are known and sometimes respected for their opinions. In the Times of India, there are number of sections which shows the importance the article on purdah is given according to geography, locality etc. The word count has been done of 163 articles from the total of 602 articles. In many articles, there is just a passing mention of the word purdah. Thus, 439 articles were omitted from the research so as not to waste time on them. Moreover, the total number of words is also taken into account so that the importance given to the word purdah and woman/en can be known. The total words are counted per 100 because the quantity is in thousands and it is very difficult to put it in a graph along with the counted words purdah and woman/en as they are in two digits. There is a figure which shows the topics of purdah coverage during the study period. Purdah or the broader notion of veil is vested with concepts such as modesty, chastity and respect and to preserve them insists on gender segregation as Agarwal notices that the purdah ideology which works in the form of physical containment of women (the

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veiling of women or the gender segregation of space) as well as their social containment (the gendered specification of behaviour), functions to restrict male female interaction. Thus, the differences between a woman when she is veiled and when she is unveiled extend beyond her speech to her behavior, actions and gestures. The advent of photographs mechanically printed into newspapers opened up market for press photography. Pictures were mostly taken for their action and content rather than any aesthetic consideration. Today, they are used in the newspapers for different reasons. Photographs in Journalism inform, educate and enlighten readers about current issues and also reflect on the past as well. Photographs in Newspaper enhance the credibility of the stories. As they depict reality, they also furnish evidence to show the authenticity of a news story or give proof of an event that occurred. The pictures in the articles are most of the time of a woman wearing purdah, burqa, hijab or veil in case of Muslim women and ghunghat, odhni in case of Hindu women. Moreover, at a micro level, Purdah/Burqa/Hijab/Veil does not prevent communication. Technological advances have made it easier for society to communicate virtually without face-to-face dialogue. The face has never been the only essential tool for effective communications. Prime Minister Blair can be effective communicating to the British public over the radio just as he can in person. A Muslim woman can be effective communicating with others even with her face covered. Quite obviously, it is the substance of what is said that counts more than the appearance of who said it. In addition, efforts at integration should not come at the expense of restricting the fundamental human right of religious freedom. Essential to successful integration in a democratic society is the enmeshing of divergent religious cultures and traditions. However, in recent times, women have been changing their attitudes through new influences, and their participation in different activities. Womens roles, responsibility, and mobility are changing due to these activities. This evidence suggests that norms, social cultural understandings, and choices are not fixed. Womens lives are not purely determined by social norms such as purdah (in the conservative sense).

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CHAPTER 6 SUGGESTION
The world has been timing in vain for thousands of years to determine the right place of woman, who constitutes half of humanity in the community life. Sometimes it swings to one extreme, sometimes to the other. Both the extremes have added to mans distress, and this is confirmed by his own experience and observation. The just and right course between the extremes which is in harmony not only with human nature and reason but also with roans worldly requirements in the modern age have made it difficult for the people to appreciate it properly. The various pillars of the system in harmony with which the pillar of Purdah has been provided are also before the reader. He has also been acquainted with the scientific facts on which this social system has been based. The reader may examine these closely and point out any weakness, any immoderation in the system. He may also consider where in the system a reform may possibly be affected on purely scientific grounds, apart from the trends of a particular section of the people. I assert on the basis of my insight that this system is based on the same principles of justice and equity, balance and proportion which one finds operating in the structure and order of the earth and the universe, the atom and the solar system. This system is wholly free from excess and one-sidedness, which is the inevitable weakness of human works. Man cannot reform and improve it. If he tries to effect even the slightest alteration in it by use of his defective intellectual powers, he will upset it balance instead of reforming it. There are many women out there who practice some sort of purdah. They are not oppressed, repressed or depressed. Women freely choose to wear the burqa are confident, engaged, powerful women, because they feel that it in some way shields them from the outside world. So really, it is important to emphasize that purdah is not necessarily a way of fading into the background but it can make you stand out instead. In the end, most of the things written in the women studies might be true; it is the coercion that is the problem, not the purdah itself.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY
Addwesh, A. (2000). Hijab. Riyadh. Retrieved March 12, 2012, from http://d1.islamhouse.com/data/en/ih_books/single/en_Hijab.pdf Agarwal, B. (1994). A Field of Ones Own: Gender and Land Rights in South Asia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Anonymous. (2006). Assessing British MP Jack Straws Comments Concerning Hijab In Islam. Retrieved March 9, 2012, from http://www.alislam.org/topics/islamic_veil.pdf Arthur, L. B. (2005). Religion and Dress in: Velerie Steele (ed.) Encyclopedia of Clothing and Fashion (Vol. 3). Barnes, R.& Eicher, J. B. (1992). Introduction in: Ruth Barnes & Joanne B. Eicher (ed.) Dress and Gender: Making and Meaning in Cultural Contexts. New York: Berg Publishers. Blakemore, S. (2009). The Burqa. Retrieved March 15, 2012 from http://sarah-blakemore.suite101.com/the-burqa-a166425 Chopra, S. (1998). Learning about Islam: Liberation by the Veil. Cooper, E. (1915). The Harim and the Purdah Studies of the Oriental Women. New York: Century Co.
Daly, C. M. (2005). Veils in: Velerie Steele (ed.) Encyclopedia of clothing and Fashion (Vol. 3). Detroit: Thomson.

Eicher, J. B. (1995). Introduction: Dress as Expression of Ethnic Identity in: Joanne B. Eicher (ed.) Dress and Ethnicity: Change across Space and Time. Oxford: Berg Publishers. Eicher, J. B. & Roach-Higgins, M. E. (1992). Definition and Classification of Dress: Implications for Analysis of Gender roles in: Ruth Barnes and Joanne B. Eicher (ed.) Dress and Gender: Making and Meaning in Cultural Contexts. New York: Berg Publishers. Jain, J. (2008). Purdah, Patriarchy and the Tropical Sun: womanhood in India in: Jennifer Heath (ed.) The Veil: women writers on its history, lore and politics. Berkley: University of California Press. James H., & Robert L. (1995). India: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress. Retrieved March 1, 2012, from http://countrystudies.us/india/84.htm Khattab, A. M. Hijb. Retrieved March 16, 2012, from http://imamkhattab.org/pdf/Hijab.pdf

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Krippendorff, K. (2004). Content Analysis An Introduction to Its Methodology. New Delhi: University of Pennsylvania, Sage Publications. Mandelbaum, D. G. (1988). Womens seclusion and Mens Honor: sex roles in north India, Bangladesh, and Pakistan. Tucson: University of Arizona Press.
Marker, M. K. (1989). Invisible women: Purdah in Pakistan in: Irene Dankelman and Joan Davidson (ed.) Women and Environment in the Third World: alliance for the future. London: Earthscan Publication.

Mernissi, F. (1987) The Veil and the Male Elite. New York: Addison-Wesley Publishing Co. Retrieved February 27, 2012, from http://www.guernicus.com/academics/pdf/brmernissi.pdf Mustafa, N. (1993). My Body is My Own Business. Shia International. Nadvi, M. (1991). Modesty and Chastity in Islam. Kuwait: Islamic Bk. Papanek, H. (1971). Purdah in Pakistan: Seclusion and Modern Occupations for Women in: Journal of Marriage and the Family (Vol. 33, Issue 3). Papanek, H. (1973). Purdah: Separate Worlds and Symbolic Shelter in: Comparative Studies in Society and History (Vol. 15, Issue 3). Ring, L. A. (2006). Zenana: Everyday Peace in a Karachi Apartment. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Sayyid, A. (1991). Purdah and the Status of Women in Islam. Kazi Publications Inc. Shaikh, A. (1998). Islam and Womanhood. Retrieved March 1, 2012, from http://www.hindutva.org/AnwarShaikh/Islam/IslamWoman1.html Takim, L. (1993). The Islamic and Muslim View of Women. Shia International. Taylor, L. (2002). The study of Dress History. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Van der Veer, P. (1994). Religious Nationalism: Hindus and Muslims in India. Berkeley, California: University of California Press. White, E. H. (1977). Purdah in a Journal of Women Studies (Vol. 2, Issue 1) Spring.

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APPENDIX 1: The Times of India Ahmedabad Article

July 02, 2007 HEADLINE: Beneath the veil BYLINE: Tahir Mahmood BODY: Did Islam bring the purdah system to India, did it learn it here, or did India adopt it for fear of Muslims? This old debate leads to undesirable polemics. In this context, it is important to make an appraisal of Islams stand on the subject. If the views of the 7th century Holy Book of Islam were to be rephrased in present-day language it would have said: Lower your graze and guard your modesty. Do not expose your femininity to strangers. Do not move about unnecessarily dragging peoples attention to your beauty and physique. Wear your outer garments while going out since that is a convenient way of avoiding harassment. These instructions were a pressing need of the hour in the society where the Quran was revealed. It is a different story how in the course of history these innocuous guidelines of the Holy Book of Islam about womens dress grew into the practice of hijab (purdah in Persian and Urdu) in several parts of the world. Local customs and traditions requiring women to remain in the privacy of homes and be overdressed while moving out interacted with a misreading of the Quranic injunctions. Gradually, womens confinement to homes and a top-to-toe covering when going out wrongly came to be regarded as essentials of the Islamic social order. There could have been diverse reasons for the prevalence of the purdah system tampering with religious texts, misinformation, orthodoxy, anachronism, and false sense of shame, feudal pride, masculine arrogance, family traditions and the like. The line on the title page of a book written by an educated Muslim woman in mid-20th century is revealing: To my dear husband who took me out of purdah and spent the rest of his life repenting it. Urdu poets in different ages have reacted to the purdah system in accordance with the trends of the time. Commenting on the trend of discarding the veil in the early 20th century among elite families, Akbar Allahabadi said: Having sighted yesterday some ladies veil-less/ Akbar got drowned in feelings of distress/ Questioned where the face cover had they laid/ It now blackens our mens intellect they said. Half a century later a young romantic poet of Urdu, Asrar-ul-Haq Majaz, known to many as the Keats of India, gave women an entirely different message: Better discard thy veil it may generate mischief/ Better let thy conduct secure the intended relief/ Thy lowered eyes will surely guard thy modesty/ The scarf on thy head may be seen as decoration/ Better transform it into a flying flag of liberation. In modern India, judicial acumen has enabled courts to read the Quranic injunctions on purdah in their true spirit. The high court of Calcutta once observed: There is no express injunction about keeping purdah. Moderation of social intercourse is advocated and it has been laid down that women should cast down their looks and not displays their ornament in public. Annotators hold that there is no absolute injunction against

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uncovering of the face or the hands. What have been laid down are questions of prudence and general deportment. The matter therefore rests not on religion but on social practice (AIR 1961 Cal 289). Mediaeval-age orthodoxy in respect of the so-called purdah, though conflicting with general Quranic teachings and early Islamic practices in respect of womens dress-code and mobility, is still observed by Muslims in certain places, even as most other societies have abandoned the practice. Going by the Indian Constitution and general humanitarian law, it will be unlawful to force any woman to observe purdah against her wish; but it will be equally unlawful to drag one out of purdah against her wish. In most western societies, including the Muslim-dominated European countries of Albania and Turkey, even the true Quranic guidelines for dressing by women in public which means moderately covering the head and shoulders are not allowed to be practiced. This is rightly seen by independent observers as denial of religious freedom. The writer is member, Law Commission of India.

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APPENDIX 2: Content Analysis Coding Sheet

1. Article #: 2. Date: 3. Word Length: 1. Total words 2. Word purdah appeared 3. Word woman/women appeared 4. Title: 5. Author: Name Muslim Nonmuslim

5. (a) Specialization: General Science

Health

Politics

Columnist

Other

6. Section: 1) Front Page 2) Union Budget 3) Times City 4) Gujarat/Other States 5) Instant IQ 6) Deep Focus 7) Dance of Democracy 8) Times Nation 9) International 10) Review 11) Times Global 12) Open Spaces 13) Special Report 14) Editorial 15) Times Business 16) All That Matters 17) Times Supplementary 7. Prominence in paper: Front Pg. 2 or 3 Page

> Pg. 3

Other section

Unknown

8. Photo Included: Yes No

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8. (a) If yes, Related to Purdah

Related to Women

Related to Both

9. Purdah focus: Primary

Secondary

Passing(Single Mention)

10. Key Words: Purdah

Hijab

Burqa

Veil

Woman/en

11. Tone of Article: In favor of Purdah

Opposed to Purdah

Neutral

12. Summary: