CHAPTER 4

GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
4.0 Rationale
In this chapter, a grammatical sketch of Qazaq is offered with a view toward providing a basic
understanding of elements that constrain rhetorical relations in Qazaq. Of course, not all the elements of the
grammar are directly related to Rhetorical Structure Theory (RST). In fact, some of the aspects of
derivational suffixes may not be considered closely related to rhetorical relations at all.
Some elements which might be thought to be extraneous to RST are also included in this grammar
sketch, since there is relatively little written in a systematic, coherent way interfacing Turkic grammar with
discourse considerations (Clifton pc 1999). Thus, this work is a first step toward a discourse grammar of
Qazaq. Additionally, it is hoped that students of Eastern Turkic languages who lack a reference grammar
may be able to find this portion of the thesis a useful supplement to their studies.
50

Even so, there are some low-level parts of Qazaq grammar that bear important realtions to RSA. It is
important to note that suffixes like -LIK 'nominalizer' and -DAn 'ablative of reason' combine with the
participializer -GAn to form reason clauses. Further, some inflectional mood suffixes like -SA form
conditionals or temporal clauses; which correspond to the RST relations cause/result and circumstance
relations respectively. It is important also to be able to recognize the various finite endings of verbs, since
they often signal the end of a clause. As noted in the chapter 3, Data and Methods, the clause is the basic
unit of RST segments.
Some elements of the grammar, such as tense-aspect-mood (TAM) have been omitted from this
present work, since they do not play as crucial a role as other features of the grammar in the hierarchical
50
Of course, not all the elements of grammar and syntax which interface with discourse (pragmatic)
function are included here.
48
structure of expository and hortatory texts.
51
Other components of grammar, like the nominal system and
pronominal reference, have more to do with the questions of thematicity and participant reference. For this
reason, they have not been included in the present work. It is useful though in performing Rhetorical
Structure Analysis (RSA) on texts to have a good handle on these aspects of grammar, since RST assumes
a familiarity with the language.
52
4.1 Phonology
The purpose of this section is to provide the reader with a basic understanding of morpho-phonemic
changes which occur in written Qazaq so that they will not be fazed by changes induced by vowel harmony
or apocopation (deletion) with regard to case suffixes.
4.1.1 Phonemic Inventory of Qazaq (Keyes 2000c)
4.1.1.1 Vowels
The vowels in Qazaq can be described by three parameters: front and back, rounded and unrounded,
low and high. Table 8 contrasts these features and gives the IPA equivalents for the Cyrillic letters which
are bracketed in parentheses. It is the vowel and consonant harmony of Qazaq that lead to positing LIK
(nominalizer) and others as morphemes. See further discussion below in footnote 53.
51
It is recognized, however, that many discourse analysts, such as Longacre and Talstra consider
verbal and nominal systems to be the backbone of foregrounding and backgrounding. Longacre views the
verbal system as of primary importance, while Talstra bases his approach on the nominal system.
(Longacre 2001a).
52
A sharing of the cultural conventions of the author is also assumed.
49
TABLE 8
CONTRASTING HEIGHT, ROUNDNESS
AND BACKNESS PARAMETERS
-back +back
-round + round - round +round
-low +high
{} - ~

o {y} , ~
- high
- ~ o {o}
+low
l ~
Source: Adapted from Reed 1997.
4.1.1.2 Consonants
Table 9 lists the phonemes in the Qazaq alphabet.
53
Sounds foreign to Qazaq are listed with a super-
script f. IPA values are given for the various Cyrillic letters.
53
In the RST charting with RST Tool, digraphs were used to represent // and /o/. These are ae and
oe respectively.
50
TABLE 9
CONSONANTS IN QAZAQ
54

Pl ace of articulation
voicing labials cor onal s palatal velar uvular glottal
Manner of articulation
stops vl
p () t(M) s() k(k) q()
vd
b (7) d(d) z(m) g(g)
fricatives vl
I (I)
f
j(M)
x h
f
vd
v()
f
() y()
affricates vl
t s ( c )
f
t j

(h)
f
jt j (E)
f
nasals vd
m(m) n(n) p ( i)
liquids vd
I(1)
trills vd
r(7)
semivowels vd
j() o()
4.1.1.3 Syllable patterns
Qazaq exhibits the syllable patterns outlined in table 10.
TABLE 10
SYLLABLE PATTERNS IN NATIVE QAZAQ WORDS
Syllable Structure Qazaq word Gloss
CVC
zap
law
CVC
sao
health
CVCC
buIt
cloud
CV
to.bc
ceiling
V
o
poison
VC
yj
three
VCC
uIt
ethnicity
54
As with the vowels, the phonemes /j/, // and /y/ were represented with the digraphs sh, zh, and
gh respectively in order to facilitate their incorporation in RST tool as ASCII text.
51

Onset Rhyme
Nucleus Coda
(C) (C) (X) V
4.1.1.3.1 Syllable Template
Figure 10 shows the syllable template used by Qazaq (Keyes 2000c). This diagram illustrates that
the syllable may or may not consist of an consonantal onset (beginning), but will definitely have a nucleus
consisting of a vowel. Qazaq words may or may not
include a coda (ending).
55
The coda of the syllable may be
complex, that is, a combination of consonants. The
consonants which may exist in the coda are symbolized by
(X) and (C). The (X) indicates that the elements are
consonants of different classes. In this case, the
consonants which may be included in (X) are the
sonorants, namely trills, liquids, nasals, and semivowels listed in table 10. The (X) may combine with other
consonants, provided that they are less sonorous than (X).
56
If (X) is not included in the coda, then (C) may
consist of any consonant except /h/.
4.1.1.4 Vowel Harmony
Vowel harmony in Turkic languages has been the subject of much linguistic discussion. In Qazaq
orthographic conventions, vowel harmony usually involves the opposition of frontness and backness and
vowel height, but not roundness.
57
Consider example 4.
(4) kotrr 'to lift'
In this word we note that both the vowels are front vowels. We note also, however, that the rounding
of the first syllable does not spread to the second syllable. A similar phenomenon can be seen in example 5.
55
The parentheses in the diagram indicate that the constituent is optional.
56
For a detailed discussion on the Sonority Dispersion Principle, see Clements 1990. See Keyes
2000b for its application to Qazaq.
57
Krippes (1996) claims that oral Qazaq displays a great deal of rounding harmony. Lars Huttar (pc
November 2000) concurs with this opinion.
52
Figure 10. The syllable template in Qazaq.
(5) qumarliq 'addiction'
In this example, the vowels are all 'back' vowels, but do not necessarily match in height or rounding,
though they may do so. Vowel harmony also extends to the consonants, since Qazaq associates certain
consonants with frontness and backness. Contrast example 6 with 5.
(6) merqendtk 'sharp shooting'
The /K/ in the deverbalizing suffix LIK
58
is manifested as [k] if associated with a front vowel, and
[q] if associated with a back vowel. An apparent exception to this is found in the phonemes / o/ and /i/.
Though these phonemes are back high and front high vowels respectively, they do not appear to participate
in vowel harmony.
59
See example 7.
(7) qifindiq 'difficulty'
4.1.1.5 Voice Assimilation
Voicing assimilation between adjacent consonants is another prominent feature of Qazaq
phonology. In Qazaq, the consonantal onsets of suffixes take the voicing of the consonants which precede
them. Consider example 8.
(8) qifindiq-tiq 'difficulty-GEN'
In example 8 we notice that the underlying representation of the nominalizing suffix /LIK/ has
become [-tiq].
60
In terms of feature geometry, the [+ lateral] feature has become 'unlinked.' Additionally,
vowel harmony has spread to the other parts of the morpheme.
61
Further, the voiceless uvular stop [q]
delinks the nasality and voicing of the onset in the underlying representation for the genitive morpheme
/NIp/, yielding the [t] as the initial consonant. Vowel harmony spreads to this morpheme as well, resulting
58
Archiphonemes (phonemes which may be manifested differently depending on considerations of
vowel harmony or voicing assimilation) are represented in capital letters.
59
Huttar (pc November 2000) believes these to participate in vowel harmony as diphthongs.
60
The features that made the /L/ an "l" have disappeared, leaving a voiced coronal [d].
61
That is, /IK/ has become [iqj.
53
in the surface representation [ij. In addition to voice assimilation, Qazaq often displays deletion of the
initial or medial segments of a morpheme. For example, words like bolip 'be-CNV' are often truncated to
bop. The phenomenon of apocopation is especially productive in the prominal system. This is an
interesting topic worthy of attention. However, it is beyond the scope of our present discussion.
4.2 Basic typology of Qazaq
According to Hawkins (1983:286), Qazaq belongs to language type 23. Qazaq's word order is
shown in example 9.
(9) SOV/Po/GN/AN
That is to say it orders its constituents as Subject, Object, Verb; it has postpositions (as opposed to
prepositions); it places genitives before the nouns they modify; and likewise, it places adjectives before the
nouns they modify. Turkic is said to be a 'rigid' SOV type language according to Hawkins (1983:137).
Greenberg (1966) proposed two types of SOV languages: rigid and nonrigid. In the former, exem-
plified by Japanese, the verb is rigidly final in the clause, whereas in the latter, exemplified by Basque, at
least one operator on the verb typically follows the verb as the basic order.
According to Hawkins, Qazaq appears last in the continuum between VSO type languages and SOV
type languages:
(i) V, S, DO, IO, OBL, ADV, VSO.
(ii) S, V, DO, IO, OBL, ADV, SVO.
(iii) S, DO, V, IO, OBL, ADV, SOV non rigid.
(iv) S, IO, DO, V, OBL, ADV, SOV non rigid.
(v) S, OBL, IO, DO, V, ADV, SOV non rigid.
(vi) S, ADV, OBL, IO, DO, V, SOV rigid.
54
Table 11 summarizes the ordering of constituents which are likely in an SOV language like Qazaq.
TABLE 11
ORDERING OF CONSTITUENTS
Word order Subject Object Verb
Relator order Postpositional
Relative clause order Relative clausenoun
Adjective order Adjective-noun
Genitive order Genitive-noun
Demonstrative order Demonstrative-noun
Number order Number-noun
Auxiliary order Verb auxiliary
Verb order Subordinate verb, main verb
Modifier order Adverb-adjective
Comparison Standard-marker-adjective
Yes-no/question particle Final
Wh-word Immediately before verb (Erguvanli 1984)
Ordering of common versus proper noun Proper nouncommon noun
Affixes Suffixing
Source: Adapted from Greenberg 1966 in Hawkins 1983:24.
4.3. Inflectional Suffixes and Postpositions
Inflectional suffixes often signal the relationships which hold between the words within a phrase,
clause or sentence. The inflectional suffixes include case markers and tense, aspect, and mood markers.
55
4.3.1 Case suffixes
Case suffixes carry a variety of meanings, many of which are derived from context. The range of
meanings is quite elastic, depending on the case suffix. These are equivalent to 'syntactic functions' in
classical philology; see Chisholm (1998) for Biblical Hebrew, and Brooks and Winberry (1979) and
Wallace (1999) for New Testament Greek.
62
These may be a source confusion for many students of
elementary Qazaq. It is important to note also that the system of case in Qazaq is both synthetic and
analytic (Zakir 1999:100). That is to say that case may be signaled either by means of suffixes or separate
words.
63
Additionally, it should be noted that the various adpositions govern certain cases (Krippes 1996).
Thus, case suffixes are important for RST analysis, since some of the case suffixes participate in rhetorical
relations. For the purposes of this paper, it will be assumed that Qazaq has seven cases. These are
nominative, accusative, ablative, dative, instrumental, genitive, and possessive.
4.3.1.1 Nominative Case
The noun phrase in the nominative case is usually the subject, hence the prototypical agent. It
usually takes a zero suffix. Example (10) demonstrates a typical example of a subject.
(10)
qambar ap auIaudi qumarIiq kopiI kotcru
qambar ap- auIa -u -di qumarIiq kopiI- kotcr -u
Qambar animal hunt -INF ACC addiction heart lift -INF
yjsIn asayan balii
cmcs.
yjin asa -yan batir cmcs
DAT(purpose) make PF.PTC hero NEG
Qambar is not a hero who does hunting ...to amuse himself (Ghabdullin1958:44)
62
Departure from the prototypical usage may carry nuances of control in causation as Comrie 1989
suggests. Comrie (1989), Erk (1982), and Erguvanli (1984) suggest that the accusative case overlaps with
the ideas of definite and indefinite, animate and inanimate. Other factors may be involved. The similar
syntactic functions among the various suffixes are worthy of comparison, and deserving of further study in
order to isolate the factors which may be involved.
63
The analytic system of postpositions will be mentioned in a separate section.
56
The subject, Qambar, is in the nominative case and receives no suffix. It is interesting to note that the non-
referential NPs: balii 'hero' (which acts as the predicate) and aq- 'animal' and koqtl- 'heart' (which act
as verbal complements) also do not take a suffix.
64
Qambar is considered the subject because of its sentence
initial position, which also marks it as topic.
4.3.1.2 Accusative Case
The noun phrase in the accusative case is usually the direct object. This is usually the object of a
transitive verb and encodes a number of case roles. It is often the prototypical patient, undergoer, or goal.
The accusative case is marked with the case suffix -(N)I. The accusative case suffix is homophonous with
the adjectivizer DI in many cases. The distinguishing factor is the role that the word with the suffix plays.
If the word modifies a noun or verb, the suffix is the adjectivizer DI. Additional confusion is added
because of the homophony existing between these and the past-evidential marker DI. In the following
examples, only (11) shows the accusative case marker.
(11)
miItiqti ta basqa pajda-Ian-yan.
miItiq-ti ta basqa pajda-Ian-yan.
gunpowder -ACC and others use-PASS-PF.PTC
gunpowder and so forth were used. (Ghabdullin1958:44)
(12)
kimdc kim ijincn kcrcktt soz tapsa
kimdc kim ij -i -ncn kcrck-tt soz tap-sa
whoever inside 3S.POSS -ABL need -ADJR word find 3S.COND
If anyone finds the words (they) needed from among them (Abai QS 1)
(13)
dcp ubatti
dc -p ubat - ti
say CNV encourage -3S.PST.EVD
...he said encouragingly (bdireev 1995)
In example (11) the word mIIliq 'gunpowder' is marked as the direct object by the suffix -li. In
example (12), the modal particle krrrk 'need' is marked as an adjective with the adjectivizing suffix -tt,
while in example (13) the 3S past-evidential marker is indicated by the suffix -li. Important clues in
64
In the case of koqtl 'heart,' it may be considered to be in the accusative case.
57
differentiating these suffixes are related to their word class and position relative to other words in the
sentence. It's fairly obvious for example, that ubat 'encourage' is a verb because it occurs immediately
after the gerundive suffix IP. It also occurs in the clause final position, which is usually, but not always
reserved for verbs.
4.3.1.3 Locative Case
The locative case is signaled by the suffix DA. It may indicate a spatial relationship or temporal
relationship. It often encodes the RST relation circumstance. Consider the examples in (14) and (15).
(14)
auiI -da
village -LOC
in the village
(15)
az -da
summer-LOC
in the summer (bdireev 1995)
4.3.1.4 Instrumental Case
The instrumental case is signaled by the suffix MEn. This case suffix has two main uses. First it
indicates that the suffixed NP is used to carry out an event (Larson 1998:222), as in example (16):
(16)
bykiI auiIdarin apnip kustip jctimen asirap urgcn
bykiI auiI-dar-in apnip kus-tip jct-i-men
whole village PL -3S.POSS
ACC
animal GEN bird
-GEN
flesh -3S.POSS -INSTR
asir -ap ur -gcn
feed CNV go PRF.PTC
(they) went about feeding whole villages with the flesh of animals and birds
(Ghabdullin1958:44)
58
Here the flesh of animals and birds is used to carry out the event 'going about feeding.' This would encode
the RST relation 'means.' Another identifiable function of MEn is that it can signal the direct object as in
example (17):
(17)
...irtqij apdarmrn arpaIisadi
irtqij ap-dar-mrn arpaIis -adi
ferocious animal -PL -INSTR struggle -FUT.3S.PST.EVDT
he struggles with fierce animals (Ghabdullin1958:45)
As mentioned in footnote 52 above, Comrie (1989) suggests that departure from the usual
accusative marker indicates a relative lack of control. Another possibility is simply collocation. That is, this
usage of the instrumental case may be restricted to certain verbs.
4.3.1.5 Dative Case
The dative case is signaled by the suffix -(G)A. This case suffix has multiple uses. In terms of
rhetorical relations, this case suffix is somewhat important because, when combined with the verbal
infinitizer -Au, it marks a purpose or reason clause. In this instance, it is the synthetic counterpart of the
preposition yjtn 'for, because.' Example (18) illustrates -(G)A signaling reason.
(18)
tamaq rcimin buzu scbcbIcrqc yana cmcs
tamaq rcimin buz-u scbcb-Icr-qr yana cmcs
food regimen destroy-INF reason-PL-DAT only NEG
Not only because of the reasons that destroy an eating regimin...(Komarova 1994:5)
The reason clause is also overtly signal by the lexical item srbrb 'reason.' Example (19) also illustrates the
signaling of reason by the dative suffix (G)A.
(19)
...bir botcn adamnip iqqanina maqtanarIiq nc orni bar1
bir botcn adam-nip iq-qan-i-na
INDEF whole person-GEN defeat-3S-POSS -PF.3S.POSS.DAT
maqtanarIiq nc orn-i bar
boast-IMPF-ADJR what place-POSS exist
what place is there for rejoicing over having defeated a whole person? (Abai QS 26)
59
Example (20) which is taken from a Qazaq cookbook (Komarova 1994) illustrates the suffix -(G)A
functioning to signal purpose. It is suffixed to the inifinitive of jrkrfl 'decorate.'
(20)
onip birncjc kcscgin jckcjIcygc aIip qaIu kcrck
o-nip birncjc kcscg-in jckcj-I-cy-qr aI-ip qaI-u kcrck
3S-GEN some piece-ACC ornate-VBLR-INF-
DAT
get-CNV remain-INF need
It is necessary to take some pieces of it in order to decorate ... (Komarova 1994:228)
In addition to introducing purpose and reason clauses, the suffix -(G)A functions in many other
ways as well. Possible functions of the dative suffix include: identifying the goal of an action as in (21),
identifying the recipient of an action as in (22), or identifying the source of an action as in (23).
(21)
auizina pijcnip kok qauiIdiryan otiqtiradi
auiz-i-na pijcn-ip kok qau-iI-dir-yan tos-ip
mouth-3S.POSS-DAT hay-GEN green dry-PASS-CAUS-PF.PTC stuff-CNV

otiq-tir-adi
eat grass-CAUS-3S.FUT.EVD
he weaned (it) by stuffing green hay into its mouth (bdireev 1995)
(22)
oIardip adam baIasina kcItirgcn pajdasin
o-Iar-dip adam baIa-si-na kcI-tir-gcn pajda-s-in
3S-PL-GEN adam child-3SPOSS-DAT come-CAUS-PF.PTC benefit-3SPOSS-ACC
...the benefits which they brought to people (children of Adam) (Ghabdullin1958:45)
(23)
oyan soz bar ma?
o -yan soz bar ma?
3S 3S.DAT word exist QP
Is there news about him? (Asabaev 1989:4)
In addition to these functions, other functions of (G)A include: identifying an object, as in (24).
This usage may be restricted to certain verbs. It may indicate a comparison as in (25); indicating the
manner in which an event occured as in (26); and finally, combining with the participializer GAn to
indicate temporal succession as in (27).
(24)
oyan nanba
o -yan nan-ba
3S -3S.DAT believe-NEG
Don't believe him (Abai QS 26)
60
(25)
aqiIya tcris
aqiI-ya tcris
wisdom-DAT incorrect
incorrect according to wisdom (Abai QS 26)
(26)
apjiIiq qambarya opajya tuspcjdi dc
apjiIiq qambar-ya opaj-ya tus-pcj-di dc
hunting Qambar-DAT easily-DAT fall-NEG.FUT-EVD FOCUS
Hunting didn't come easily to Qambar (Ghabdullin1958:45)
(27)
Iaqtayanina on jaqti kyn boIyan sari tujani
Iaq ta yan i na on jaqti kyn
kid -VBLR-PF.PTC -3S.POSS-DAT ten-about day
boI-yan sari tujan-i
be-PF.PTC yellow nanny goat-ACC
a yellow nanny goat which, after having given birth about ten days ago(bdireev 1995)
4.3.1.6 Ablative Case
The ablative case is signaled by the suffix NAn. The ablative suffix has several functions.One
common function of NAn is the identification of goal as in (28).
(28) jcjcsi bctincn syjip.
jcjcsi bctinrn syjip.
mother-3SPOSS cheek-3SPOSS-ABL kiss-CNV
...his mother, kissing him on the cheek... (bdireev 1995)
The case role sgnaled by the ablative case suffix identifies location, that is, the spatial placement of
an event (Larson 1998:222). Here goal is indicated. Therefore, this may be termed an 'ablative of goal.'
This may be conditioned by the collocation of certain verbs. Another case role signaled by the ablative case
suffix is source as in example (29).
(29)
oI orninan torip...
oI orn-i-nan tor-ip...
3S seat-3S.POSS-ABL stand-CNV
he got up from his seat (bdireev 1995)
61
In (29), the ablative signals the place from which the event (the person's standing) began. This may be
termed an ablative of source.
62
A somewhat interesting relationship is signaled by this next use of the ablative. The ablative works
in conjunction with the deictic (demonstrative pronoun) osi 'this' to point back to a previously mentioned
bit of discourse.
65
Consider the example in (30).
(30)
qambardiq
qambar-dip
Qambar-GEN
Qambar's [words]:
qus clin bciip bayamin... (poetry)
qus
clin bciip bayamin
bird flesh-ACC give-CNV go-PF.PTC-1S
I have gone to give the flesh of birds...
...dcjtini [osidanJ
dc-j-tin-i os-i-dan
say-PPOG-HAB-3SPOSS DEM-3SPOSS-ABL
attest of this (Ghabdullin1958:45)
Because this ablative serves an anaphoric function, that is, it serves to point back to a previous referent, this
usage might be termed an 'ablative of topic.' This relates to RST as the rhetorical relation 'summary.'
Another usage of the ablative signals the instrument by which an action is performed. Similarly, the
author has termed this an ablative of instrument. Consider the example in (31).
(31)
qas-qabayin qoIdan tyzcp...
qas-qabay-in qoI-dan tyz-cp
eyebrow-eyelid-ACC hand-ABL arrange-CNV
arranging one's eyebrows and eyelids with the hand, (Abai QS 18)
Much like the dative case, the ablative case can also signal a reason clause. It should be noted that it
usually does so in conjunction with the participializer Gan or the nominalizer -LIK + possessive suffix.
However, it seems that the suffix LIK may signal reason in conjunction with the possessive suffix and the
65
In this case, this is really part of an elaborate quote frame. It is paired with the quotative genitive in
mentioned in the subsequent section.
63
ablative case. Consider example (32).
(32)
ondaj oqsaqtiq...qoyamdiq omirdip oqsastiyinan ty-adi.
on-daj oqsaq-tiq... qoyam-diq omir-dip oqsas-tiy-i-nan ty-adi.
3S-
ADVR
similar-
NOM
commune-
ADJR
life-GEN similar-NOM-POSS-
ABL
bear-FUT-EVD
This sort of similarity stems from the similarities in their communal living...(Ghabdullin1958,
1996:7)
Here, Ghabdullin is pursuing the Soviet line of thinking that similarities among related ethnic groups were
not a result of intertextuality and language contact, but of similar lifestyles.
4.3.1.7 Genitive Case
The genitive case has multiple functions. Like genitives in many languages e.g., Greek or Hebrew,
66
it may signal many case roles (syntactic functions). Of course, the prototypical usage of the genitive signals
possession. As we will see, however, Qazaq uses the genitive suffix in unique ways which relate to RST.
As to the proto-typical usage of the genitive, its relation to the possessive case will be mentioned in the
section 4.3.1.8. Turkic languages have a system of posssessor agreement between genitives and the heads
they modify. That is, there is agreement between the NP which carries the genitive suffix and the
possessive suffix on the head it modifies. Consider the example in (33).
(33)
mcn-tq kitab-im
1S-GEN book-POSS.1S
my book
The pronoun and the genitive suffix modify the head noun (the arrow points to the head of the phrase) kitab
'book.' The possessive suffix (I)m agrees with the first person singular pronoun Men 'I.'
67

Some prototypical categories of genitive which may potentially affect RST interpretation include
genitive of attribute, genitive of kinship, genitive of class, and the partitive genitive. The genitive of attri-
66
English also uses the genitive to signal "syntactic functions," but Ancient Greek and Biblical
Hebrew are chosen as examples, because this phenomenon has been documented in excruciating detail.
64
bute indicates an attribute; that is, the NP modifies another NP.
68
Consider example (34).
(34)
kcrbczdtq is
kcrbcz - dtq is -
vanity-GEN matter-3S.POSS
(this is) a matter of vanity (Abai QS 18)
The genitive of kinship indicates a kinship relation. Consider example (35).
(35)
bizdtq qazaqtip
bizdtq qazaqtip
1PL-GEN Qazaq-GEN
our Qazaqs (Abai QS 26)
This can be considered a genitive of kinship because the Qazaqs refer to one another and other Turkic
peoples with fictive kinship terms
69
(Cirtautas 1992b).
The genitive of class indicates class membership. Consider example (36).
(36)
kcp ajiIyan pima irdiq biri 'kokcndct'
kcp ajiIyan pima -irdiq biri 'kokcndct'
wide place-PASS-PF.PTC story-ballad-GEN INDEF-3SPOSS 'sky-executioner.'
One of the widely circulated story-ballads is 'sky-executioner.' (Ghabdullin1958:45)
Closely allied to the genitive of class is the partitive genitive, which indicates a part-whole
relationship. Consider example (37).
(37)
apniq ctin, onin, tcrisin turmisindayi kcrcginc aratqan.
ap-niq ct-i-n on-in tcris-in
animal-GEN meat-3SPOSS-ACC fur-3SPOSS-ACC skin-3SPOSS-ACC
turmis-in-dayi kcrcg-in-c ara-t-qan.
life-3SPOSS-ADJR need-3SPOSS-DAT satisfy-CAUS-PF.PTC
Animal's meat, fur, and skin met the needs of life' (Ghabdullin1958:44)
67
The application of the genitive paradigm to the pronominal system is worked out in detail in the
section dealing with pronouns.
68
SSA would consider this relation 'item-IDENTIFICATION.'
69
Fictive kinshipa term borrowed from anthropology. People from outside the extended or
immediate family are assigned familial relationships such as "uncle" or "aunt."
65
The genitival relationship which most affects RST interpretation is the quotative genitive, which can
be interpreted as preparation.
70
Consider example (38) which illustrates the quotative genitive:
(38)
qambardiq qus clin bciip bayamin... (poetry)
qambar-diq qus clin bciip bayamin
Qambar-GEN bird flesh-ACC give-CNV go-PF.PTC-1S
...dcjtini osidan
dc-j-tin-i os-i-dan
say-PPOG-HAB-3SPOSS DEM-3SPOSS-ABL
Qambar's (words): " I have gone to give the flesh of birds" attest to this (Ghabdullin 1958:45)
The genitive of time also affects RST interpretation. It may be interpreted as circumstance. In the
case of temporal circumstance, the genitive may be suffixed to the participializer (G)An.
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Example (39)
illustrates the temporal genitive.
(39)
qoIina kczin aIip otiryaniq
qoI-i-na kcz-i-n aI-ip otir-yan-iq
hand -3S.POSS-LOC measure 3S.POSS.ACC take -CNV CONT-PF.PTC-GEN
when it is being measured in the hand (Abai QS 1)
Another interesting usage of the genitive is topicality (subjecthood minus agency) in example (40).
(40)
ozdim yoj dcmcktiq bri dc aqimaqtiq
oz-dim yoj dc-mck-tiq bri dc aqimaq-tiq
excel-PST.EVD.1S INTJ say-INF-GEN all CONJ foolish-NOM
the saying "I excelled indeed"is all foolishness. (Abai QS 26)
Genitive of object is indicated in example (41).
(41)
auizina pijcntq kok qauiIdiryan otiqtiradi
auiz-i-na ptjrn-tq kok qau-iI-dir-yan tos-ip
mouth-3S.POSS-DAT hay-GEN green dry-PASS-CAUS-PF.PTC stuff-GER
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This relates to the SSA relation set as orienter-CONTENT.
71
-(G)An is quite versatile, since it interacts with derivational suffixes to signal causal and
circumstantial relations.
66

otiq-tir-adi
eat grass-CAUS-3S.FUT.EVD
he weaned (it) by stuffing green hay into its mouth (bdireev 1995)
Here, the genitive signals the direct object in what appears to be a pragmatically marked construction.
The benefactive genitive indicates the beneficiary of an event. In this case, the genitive is suffixed to
the reflexive pronoun. Consider example (42).
(42) qiziyin ozq tygcI korc aImajtuyin
qiziy-i-n oz-tq tygcI kor-c aI-maj-tuyin
profit-3S.POSS self-GEN completely see-IMPF ABIL-NEG.HAB
(I am) completely unable to enjoy their prosperity myself (Abai QS 1)
4.3.1.8 Possessive Case
It is impossible to end a discussion of genitives in Turkic without mentioning the possessive
particle. As illustrated in example (33), the possessive case often works in concert with the genitive in a
sort of agreement.
72
Because Turkic languages are not consistent in their application of this construction,
Zakir (1999) terms it a "broken" system. The possessive particle is often, but not always, suffixed to the
head of the genitive phrase. These are known in the literature as Izafet constructions (Waterson 1980),
presumably after the terminology in Persian philology (Elwell-Sutton 1941, 1975:10-11; Thackston
1993:21), since this phenomenon occurs in Persian and Ottoman Turkish (an Arabic-Persian-Turkish
creole
73
) as well. The construction is illustrated in example (43).
(43)
kcrbczdtq ist
kcrbcz - dtq is - t
vanity-GEN matter-3S.POSS
(this is) a matter of vanity. (Abai QS 18)
The possessive particle has two forms which are phonologically conditioned. The first, as noted in
72
A similar kind of possessor agreement is found in Tzeltal, a language of Central America. See
Bickford and Daly 1996: F-3 (MINT);M-2.4 (SUPL) and M-4.4.3(CAGR).
73
The fact that Ottoman Turkish contains elements of Persian and Arabic is well known. However,
not many seem comfortable with calling it a creole language. The effort to rid Turkish of Persian and
Arabic was the main thrust of the language reforms carried out in the 1920s and 30s.
67
example (43), occurs after a consonant. The second adds /s/ if the stem it is attached to ends in a vowel.
Consider the example in (44).
(44)
apniq miqtisi
ap-niq miqti-si
animal-GEN might-3S.POSS
(The) mightiest of beasts (Ghabdullin1958:45)
Sometimes the possessive particle may appear without the genitive as in example (45).
(45)
jcjcst bcttncn syjip...
jcjc-st bct-t-ncn syj-ip...
mother-3S.POSS face-3S.POSS-ABL kiss-CNV
... his mother kissing him on his cheek... (bdireev 1995)
This is done where the identity of the referent is "known" or given information. It is thus 'backgrounded' to
give prominence to a new referent, or the referent in focus, such as in example (45).
Since possesive suffixes agree with their antecedents, In the case of the possessive case marking, the
suffixes are minimal. These suffixes are summarized by the paradigm in table 12.
TABLE 12
THE POSSESSIVE PARADIGM FOR
PRONOMINAL REFERENCE
Singular familiar formal Plural familiar formal
1S - m 1Pl - MIz
2S
- p
(Iz) 2Pl
- LArIp
(Iz)
3S - 3Pl - (LAr)
4.3.2 Postpositions
The postpositions in Qazaq are associated with the cases mentioned previously. Postpositions
govern the cases of their complements (Burquest pc 2001).Since one may consider the postpositions in
Qazaq the analytic counterparts of case suffixes (Poppe 1964:40, Zakir 1999:93) This gives rise to the
confusing situation that the case a postpostion will assign its complement, while the case that it signifies as
68
the analytic counterpart of a case suffix may be different. A case of this sort may be found in postpostions
which signal relations between constituents within the clause.
Postpositions in Qazaq are important from the standpoint of rhetorical relations since under certain
circumstances, they may indicate temporal, circumstantial, or purpose or reason relations between adverbial
and main clauses.
The postpositions listed in table 13 were attested in literature examined thus far by the author. The
table was compared with Krippes (1996) and Zakir (1999) for accuracy. Of course, this is not an exhaustive
list. Qazaq has many more postpositions than are listed here.
TABLE 13
PARTIAL LIST OF POSTPOSITIONS IN QAZAQ
Postposition Gloss Function Case Assigned To Complement
yjin
in order to indicates
benefective
relationship
nominative
mcn
with spatial proximity nominative
qarayanda
compared
with
ndicates
comparison
dative
qaraj
with a view
toward
manner or purpose dative
jcjin
until, before spatial or temporal
indicates extent
dative (goal)
kcjin
after indicates position in
terms of space or
temporality also
social status by
extension
ablative
basqa
other ndicates separation,
differentiation
ablative
iIgcri
before indicates temporal
or spatial relations
ablative
burin
before temporal or spatial ablative
aIdinda
before indicates location genitive
arasin(d)a
among indicates location genitive
arqasinda
behind indicates reason genitive
The postposition yjtn 'in order to' indicates purpose or a benefactive relationship. It assigns the
69
nominative case to its complement. Consider the example in (46).
(46)
batirIiq bcjncsin korsctu yjtn
batirIiq bcjncs-in korsct-u yjtn
heroic character-ACC show-INF in order to(DAT of purpose)
in order to show his heroic character (Ghabdullin1958:45)
The postposition yjtn 'in order to' is somewhat tricky, because although it assigns the nominative case to
its complement, it itself is the analytic counterpart to the dative case marker (G)A.
The postposition mrn 'with' indicates spatial or spatial proximity or accompaniment . It assigns the
nominative case to its complement. Consider example (47).
(47)
cscngcIdi mrn ctim Iaqti korip
cscngcIdi mrn ctim Iaq-ti kor-ip
Esengeldi with (DAT) orphan kid-ACC see-CNV
seeing Esengeldi with the orphan kid goat (bdireev 1995)
Of course, when affixed to a noun, -Men signals the instrumental case.
The postposition keftn 'after' indicates position in terms of space or temporality also inferior social
status by extension. It assigns the ablative case to its complement. Consider example (48).
(48)
ozincn krjtnqtqr
oz-i-ncn krjtn-qt-qr
self-POSS-ABL after-ADJZR-DAT
...to those who are (socially) inferior to him (Abai 18)
The postposition tlqrrt 'before' indicates temporal or spatial relations, and in a similar manner with
keftn 'after', it may indicate superior social status. It assigns the ablative case to its complement. Consider
example (49).
(49)
bizdcn kop tlqrrt
biz-dcn kop tlqrrt
1Pl-ABL much before
...much earlier than us (Abai QS 3)
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The postposition basqa 'other' functions to indicate separation in terms of categories. It assigns the
ablative case to its complement. Consider example (50):
(50)
jcndi munan basqa jcjbir umisim oq
jcndi mu-nan basqa jcjbir umis im oq
now DEM-ABL(from) other none work-1S.POSS Neg.
Now, other than this I have no other responsibility
The postposition burin 'before' indicates temporal or spatial relationship. It assigns the ablative case
to its complement. Consider example (51).
(51)
osidan tort iI ma bcs iI burin ba
osi-dan tort iI ma bcs iI burin ba
DEM-ABL four year QP five year before QP
perhaps four or five years before this (Asabaev 1989:4-5)
In this case, 'before' is indicating a temporal relationship between constituents.
The postposition qarayanda 'compared with' indicates comparison. It assigns the dative case to its
complement. Consider example (52).
(52)
byyan qarayanda
by-yan qarayanda
DEM-3S.DAT compared with
....in comparison with this...(Ghabdullin1958:44)
The postposition qaraj 'according to' indicates manner or purpose. It assigns the dative case to its
complement. Consider example (53).
(53)
auIajtin apina qaraj
auI-ajtin ap-i-na qaraj
hunt-HAB.PTC animal-3SPOSS-DAT according to
...according to the animal which was being hunted (Ghabdullin1958:44)
The postposition jrftn 'until, before' indicates a spatial or temporal relationship with regard to extent.
It assigns the dative case to its complement. Consider the example in (54).
(54)
ijck - qarnimizya jrjtn
ijck qarni -miz -ya jrjtn
71
intestine stomach-1Pl-DAT until
Up to our intestines and stomach (indicating intimate association) (Asabaev 1989: 3)
The postposition aldinda 'before' indicates a spatial relationship. It assigns the genitive case to its
complement. Consider example (55).
(55)
qazaqtip qosqan ati aIdinda kcIsc
qazaq-tip qos-qan at-i aldinda kcI-sc
Qazaq-GEN own-PF.PTC horse-3S.POSS before come-COND
If a horse a Qazaq owns comes in front (Abai QS 26)
The postposition arastn(d)a 'among' indicates location.
74
It assigns genitive case to its complement
(Krippes 1996) Consider the example in (56).
(56)
qazaq arasina kcp ajiIyan
qazaq arasina kcp aj-iI-yan
Qazaq among wide
place
PASS PF.PTC
Widely distributed among the Qazaqs (Ghabdullin1958:45)
The postposition arqasinda 'behind or because of' indicates location or reason.
75
It assigns the
genitive case to its complement. Consider example (57).
(57)
soIardip arqasinda
so-Iar-dip arqa-sin-da
DEM-PL-GEN back-POSS-LOC
behind them
4.4 Connectives
Connectives are essential to understanding clause combining and intersentential relations. Thus,
they play a key role in understanding rhetorical relations which are overtly marked. The connectives
identified in table 14 are classified with relation to their being additive, concessive, sequential, or causal
after Rudolph (1988:106). Additionally, the kind of rhetorical relation they occur with in texts examined by
the author are also listed. It should be noted that the particle DA 'also' has a special status as either topic or
74
The /d/ in DA has been assimilated into /n/.
75
The preposition arqasinda consists of several elements in combination which mean 'in back of it.'
72
focus marker. Erguvanli (1984) notes that the addition of DA in Turkish serves to create what she terms a
"strong" topic. That is, the constituent which is marked with DA may also serve as the "point of departure"
for the sentence. The author notes that DA is often found in high level moves of discourse (Keyes 2000b).
Table 14 shows the various relations which may be overtly marked by the various connectives. In the
discussion following in section 4.9 entitled Clause Combining and Connectives in Qazaq, these connectives
and their functions with regard to rhetorical relations will be discussed in detail.

TABLE 14
PARTIAL LIST OF CONNECTIVES IN QAZAQ
Connective Gloss Classification Rhetorical Relation
Mcn
and additive joint
DA and or but additive or concessive summary (satellite)
restatement
solutionhood (nucleus)
non-volitional result (nucleus)
non-volitional cause (nucleus)
-sa da
even though contrastive concession (satellite)
nc
and additive joint
ncmcsc
or additive joint
ja
or additive joint
jaki
or additive contrast
hcm
even contrastive elaboration
(concession)
circumstance
jtyir
nevertheless contrastive concession
Ickin
but contrastive concession
biraq
but contrastive concession
cgcr
if causal condition
aI
then causal solutionhood (satellite)
sop
since causal non-volitional cause
cndi
now causal preparation
summary
boImasa
otherwise causal solutionhood
volitional cause
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4.5 Verbs and Verb Phrases
Since the basic unit of analysis in RST is the clause, it will be necessary to examine the subject of
verbs and verb phrases. The details of verbal morphology will not be considered except to differentiate
between dependent, medial, and independent clauses. This is because verbal morphology operates within a
different subset of the discourse functions of grammar, namely foregrounding and backgrounding.
76

4.5.1 Intransitive Verbs
Intransitive verbs in Qazaq are represented by stative verbs, verbs of motion, and emotive verbs.
Some representative intransitive verbs are listed in table 15.
TABLE 15
INTRANSITIVE VERBS
Verb Gloss Verb Gloss
ojna dance, play
qajt
to return
jiq
come out
uj
to extinguish
bar
go
ara
to suffice
toj
to be full
kir
to enter
tin
to be silent
biIira
to act foolishly
mapir
to bleat
oqsa
to be similar
tus
to fall
oz
to excel
yr
to walk
toqta
to stop
aj
to open
qajran
to be surprised
otir
to sit
ct
to reach
tu
to be born
tur
stand
ajIan
to turn
at
to lie
basta
to begin
76
See Longacre 1981:33759, 1996:24; Hopper and Thompson 1980: 25199; and Dooley and
Levinsohn 1999:40-43.
74
4.5.2 Transitive Verbs
Transitive verbs seem to be a bit more numerous than intransitive verbs. A list of transitive verbs is
shown in table 16.
TABLE 16
TRANSITIVE VERBS
Verb Gloss Verb Gloss
c
to eat
qoj
to put
ij
to drink
iI
to catch (with claws)
otiq
to eat grass
tut
to catch
soq
to hit tap to get
qoIda
to use tart to pull
qu
to chase al to take
bapta
to prepare usta to master, catch
qos
to own, compose, join ti to touch
asa
to make ajqas to conflict with
ct
to make
cp
to defeat
qiI
to make
qorya
to rule
soj
to kill by slitting the throat
min
to ride
4.5.3 Ditransitive Verbs
Ditransitive
77
verbs are quite numerous also. The verb ber 'give' is an example of an inherently
ditransiitve verb. Derived ditransitive verbs are formed by a valence-raising operation such as affixing a
causative suffix to a intransitive or transitive root. In the case of asir 'to feed,' the stem is formed from a
nominal. The causative suffixes -(T)(Ir) and -GIz form a stem from the root. The sheer number of derived
ditransitive verbs in Qazaq is a testament to the power of agglutinative languages to synthesize words.
77
Ditransitive verbs are verbs which require two objects.
75