Our objectives therefore are to vigorously communicate the ANC's outlook and values (developmental state, collective rights,,

values of caring and sharing community, solidarity,, ubuntu, non-sexism, working together) versus the current mainstream media's ideological outlook (neoliberalism, a weak and passive state, and overemphasis on individual rights, marker fundamentalism, etc.) One thing about colonialsim, Apartheid or otherwise did affect its subject in various ways to emulate their masters. When the oppressor slave were under the boot of segregation, some harbored feelings of envy of their masters accumulation of wealth, culture and other intellectual and academic trappings. In the course of the displacement of colonialism as whites only to black rule or empowerment, we see a petit bourgeoisie, in post segregation America and post-colonial Africa, escape into what Franklin Frazier calls "escape into delusions". and I add "of grandeur" about their role and purpose in society(especially the poor African society in all cases. Franklin Frazier reminds us of another time period in America which is the same as we are seeing in South Africa when he writes in this excerpt:

"The self-hatred of middle-class Negroes is often revealed in the keen competition which exists among them for status and recognition (Italics mine). This keen competition is the result of the frustrations which they experienced in attempting to obtain acceptance and recognition by whites. Middle-class Blacks are constantly criticizing and belittling Negroes who achieve some recognition or who acquire status above them. They prefer to submit to the authority of whites than be subordinate to other A Blacks. For example,Negro scholars generally refuse to seek the advice and criticism of competent African scholars and prefer to turn to white scholars for such co-operation. In fact,it is difficult for middle-class Blacks to co-operate in any field of endeavor. This failure in social relation is, as indicated in an important study, because "in every Negro he encounters his own selfcontempt. It is as if he said, "You are only an African like myself; so why should you be in a position above me?"

Franklin Adds: "This self-hatred often results in guilt feeling on the part of the Negro who succeeds in elevating himself above his fellows. He feels unconsciously that in rising above other Negroes he is committing an act of aggression which will result in hatred and revenge on their part. The act of aggression my be imagined, but very often it is real. This is the case when middle-class Blacks oppose the economic and social welfare of Blacks because of their own interests. In some American cities, it has been the black bourgeoisie and not whites who have opposed public housing projects for black workers. In one city two wealthy black doctors, who have opposed the building of low-cost public housing for Black workers workers,own some of the worst slums in the United States. While their wives, who wear mink coats, "drip with diamonds" and re written up in the "society" columns of Black newspapers, ride in Cadillacs, their black tenants sleep on the dirt floors of hovels unfit for human habitation. The guilt feelings of the middle-class Blacks are not always unconscious. Some even go on the radio and proclaimed that the Black people did not want social equity. The blacks were conscious of their guilt feelings and their self-hatred in playing such a role, for they sent word privately to the writer that they never hated so much to do anything in their life, but it was necessary because of their position as head of a state college with was under white supervision. The

self-hatred of the middle-class black arises, then, not only from the fact that he does not want to be black but also because of his sorry role in American history.

The black bourgeoisie, has created a world of make-believe to shield itself from the harsh economic and social realities of American life. This world of make-believe was created out of a myth of black business, the reports of the black press on the achievements and wealth of blacks, the recognition accorded them by whites, ant the fabulous life on black "society". Some of the black middle-class intellectuals were not deceived by the world of make-believe. They would have nothing to do with the black "society" and refused to waste their time with frivolities. They took their work seriously and lived in relative obscurity so far as the black world was concerned. Others sought an escape from their frustrations by developing, for example, a serious interest in black music - which the respectable black bourgeoisie often pretended to despise. In this way, these intellectuals achieve some identification with the black masses and with the traditions of black life. But many more middle-class blacks, who were satisfied to live in the world of make-believe, but must find a solution to the real economic and social problems which they face, seek an escape in delusions"(Franklin)

The state of the ANC governance in South Africa is that of dependency on the Imperial MultiCorporations. Kwame Nkrumah aptly summed it this way: "A state in the grip of neo-colonialism is not master of its own destiny." To which Julius Nyerere further elaborated: "What we have in common is that we are all, in relation to the developed world, dependent not interdependent nations. Each of our economies has developed as a by-product and a subsidiary of development in the industrialized North, and is extremely orientated. We are not prime movers in our destiny. We are ashamed to admit it. But economically, we are dependencies - semi-colonies at best - not sovereign states." Rodney had this to say about the European/African slave trade in Africa: "When one tries to measure the effect of European slave trading on the African continent, it is very essential to realize that one is measuring the effect of social violence rather than trade in any normal sense." The depopulation of the African communities, the decline of African agriculture and manufacturing industry, a general shift in social and state activity to slave raiding, kidnapping and fratricidal wars, which went on for over three hundred years, have had severe effects in the East, Central and Southern Africa. The havoc reigned upon these people, along with those in the Americas, Latin america and South America, things like conquest, plunder, forced labor, taxation, and forced specialization in an export monoculture, reversed the relative positions, and these peoples and their lands were progressively reduced to underdevelopment too. 20 million people were decimated in the Congo, physically, economically and culturally by the primitive exploitation of the Leopoldian "system." It is estimated that at least 10 million died as a result of this system in the twenty-year period between 1891 and 1911(Morel),more than the number of Jews killed in Hitler's concentration camps. The case of the Congo is but one amongst the many other such types of murderous extermination of a people, and in the meantime, these colonists made untold riches which have continued to be the foundation capital of the modern imperial corporate wealth

The emergence of monopoly capitalism in the petroleum, copper, and aluminum industries was marked by a number of characteristics common to all three. First, it was associated with rapid technological change in the last quarter of the nineteenth century in the capitalist countries, particularly. Such technological change had the effect of establishing these industries on a large scale; they produced essential inputs for the expanding industrial system and enjoyed a high rate of growth. Before this time, while oil, copper, and aluminum were produced, this production took place on a very small scale and at high cost, and was based largely on rich and easily worked deposits of basic material, such as surface seepages or oil and deposits of high-grade copper ores. Between the 1860s and and 1900, however, a revolution in production technology took place which made available supplies that were not only quantitatively greater but qualitatively different. The development of drilling techniques enabled subterranean oil to be brought to the surface; induced changes in the technology of refining and new methods of transport made it possible to move oil over long distances. Ores that contained so little copper that they were once considered worthless were brought into production by changes in the technology of mining and refining.Aluminum metal began to be produced in commercial qualities for the first time. (Girvan) The emergence of monopoly capitalism in the petroleum, copper, and aluminum industries was marked by a number of characteristics common to all three. First, it was associated with rapid technological change in the last quarter of the nineteenth century in the capitalist countries, particularly. Such technological change had the effect of establishing these industries on a large scale; they produced essential inputs for the expanding industrial system and enjoyed a high rate of growth. Before this time, while oil, copper, and aluminum were produced, this production took place on a very small scale and at high cost, and was based largely on rich and easily worked deposits of basic material, such as surface seepages or oil and deposits of high-grade copper ores. Between the 1860s and and 1900, however, a revolution in production technology took place which made available supplies that were not only quantitatively greater but qualitatively different. The development of drilling techniques enabled subterranean oil to be brought to the surface; induced changes in the technology of refining and new methods of transport made it possible to move oil over long distances. Ores that contained so little copper that they were once considered worthless were brought into production by changes in the technology of mining and refining.Aluminum metal began to be produced in commercial qualities for the first time. (Girvan)

The changes on the supply side were partly the cause and partly the effect of changes on the demand side, in which technology also played an important part. In oil and aluminum, it was the break-throughs in the technology of production in the 1850s and 1880s, respectively, that stimulated new uses and the search for new markets; in copper, the rapid growth of demand for wire resulting from the emergence of the electricity industry in the 1880s sparked the drive to mine and teat low-grade ores on a large scale. Subsequently, technical changes on both the demand and the supply side interacted with cumulative effects. Thus, the automobile revolution in the early 1900s created explosive growth demands fro the products of all three industries, and this induced further technical changes on the supply side. Accompanying these changes was a revolution in economic organization which was no less significant. By the early 1900s, the large number of small, single-stage, local firms in the petroleum and copper industries had been displaced by a small number of large, vertically integrated firms, national in scope and with oligopolistic market control.

In aluminum, monopoly of metal production was a feature of the industry from the outset because of Alcoa's acquisition of the patent rights, and the company soon set about integrating itself backward into raw material extraction and forward into fabrication. It appears that the emergence of the integrated, oligopolistic firm was an inherent and possibly indispensable part of the revolution that took place in the scale of production and demand, in the level of technology, and in the quantity of capital utilized in production. With much more capital committed to production on a much larger scale, firms had to minimize the risks of investment and make sure that their facilities operated at full capacity by acquiring their own raw materials supplies and market outlets. All stages of production and marketing had to be brought as far as possible within the bounds of corporate control. Those firms that got a head start because of strategic control over one stage of the industry or over production technology, because of capitalistic foresight and initiative, or because of a combination of all three, were able, in one way or another, were able to absorb the weaker and more vulnerable firms. This process continued until a small number of large firms faced one another, each with its own supplies of raw materials and its own market outlets. At that point, they discovered that their competitive struggles could be profitably diluted with collusive market control, that is, cartel arrangements to maintain prices and profits by restraining output. What usually set the limit on the entry firms or provided the opportunities for new entrants was the scarcity or availability of the natural resources indispensable for profitable production. Thus, the discovery of new copper deposits in Montana in 1880s provided the basis for the new Anaconda company to break the control of the Lake Michigan producing pool; the discovery of the Texas oil fields at the turn of the century made it possible for the Texas Company and Gulf Oil to challenge the hegemony of Standard Oil. In contrast, Alcoa's control of bauxite deposits and hydroelectric resources helped effectively to prevent the entry of new companies into the United States industry until after World War II, when Jamaican deposits began to be used by Reynolds and Kaiser. (Chandler)