1 You dont try to be a lama; you either are or youre not.

.1 This quote, uttered by the snobbish Chane Wassanasong, comes from the satirical television series King of the Hill in an episode entitled Wont You Pimai Neighboor. In the episode the main characters son Bobby inadvertently reveals himself as a possible tulku to a group of monks looking for the reincarnation of their leader. More than anything, the episode points out the reservations that the satirized American has about the tulku system. While no one in the episode questions the first part of Chanes statement, that Bobby cant try to be or not be a lama, they do frequently question the second part. Even if the monks decide Bobby to be their lama, many of the characters are skeptical that Bobby, generally a fun-loving and immature preteen, could be a wise, eternal being. This skepticism in fact is not special to the fictional Bobby Hill. Though it would be nice if you either are or youre not, controversies in the selection process continually seem to challenge this proposition. Compounding this problem are the political and economic ramifications that come along with the tulku system. The result has been a collection of large issues facing Tibet, centralizing around Chinas influence, the Karmapa, the Panchen Lama, and the Dalai Lama. While spiritually the tulku system even may offer some advantages, though that may should not be taken too lightly, when it branches outside religion is when the systems disadvantages begin to shine luminously like the clear light nature of mind.

Wont You Pimai Neighboor. King of the Hill.

2 The tulku system dates back to the 12th century.2 The first officially recognized tulku was Dusum Khyenpa, the originator of the Karmapa lineage, or in more appropriate terms, the 1st Karmapa.3 On a basic level, the idea of a tulku is tied to the idea of reincarnation. Cyclic rebirth means beings are continually being reborn, and this is the base assumption that has to be made when analyzing the tulku system. To question reincarnation in such an endeavor is rather spurious and quite unproductive. The system is only meant to span a culture that believes in reincarnation. An American president being a tulku, for example, would be a completely different discussion. Similarly, if a person wanted to discuss the validity of the integration of religion and politics in Tibet, that may be an appropriate question to raise. The discussion here will be more on the current state of the integration than its validity. Validity is more an issue for the people who live in the system. They have chosen to live with the tulku system; that should be all the validation the system needs to exist. In fact, it was largely the will of the people, as opposed to that of a few powerful tulkus, that led to the political, economic, and even spiritual power that tulkus now have. Initial tulkus were actually recognized by their aptitude and not some divine right. When a spiritual leader died and a new one stepped in, often times that person was so apt and the transition was so seamless that people thought the new leader had to be a reincarnation of the old one.4 This point should stress just how interconnected the idea of tulkus and reincarnation are. Tulkus came about because the people they have power over Logan, Pamela. Tulkus in Tibet Powers, John. Introduction to Tibetan Buddhism. 189 4 Logan, Pamela. Tulkus in Tibet
2 3

3 believed in reincarnation and saw it as the most logical method of succession. This is an important point with respect to the validity of the system, and should not be forgotten or overlooked. A tulku is more than just a reincarnate though. This should be obvious, as we all are reincarnates according to Buddhism, but we are not all tulkus. Tulkus are a special breed of reincarnate lamas. The idea is that at a certain level of spiritual enlightenment, a lama should be able to control his rebirth. Typically rebirth is a fairly random process. Outside of Karma there is little a layperson can do to control his or her rebirth, and Karma is far from an exact science. As a result, the odds are not good for a person to be reborn back into the human world. Tulkus not only can control their ability to continually be reborn into the human world, but they can also control where into the human world they are to be reborn. This allows for a tulkus followers to find the general vicinity of his rebirth. How exact the instructions are can greatly vary from lineage to lineage. One of the 13th Dalai Lamas clues was to look east for his body, because his body would repeatedly and inexplicably turn so that his head would face east after his death.5 Conversely, the Karmapa lineage is notorious for leaving clear and precise instructions, though this tradition may have drifted a bit judging from the recent controversy.6 Some instructions may even be unintentional. In the case of the 6th Dalai Lama, one of his poems was used as a clue: White crane, lend me your wings;

5 6

Powers, John. Introduction to Tibetan Buddhism. 190 Powers, John. Introduction to Tibetan Buddhism. 189

4 I go no further than Litang And from there, return again.7 The message in it is rather vague and shows no intention that this poem should be used to decipher his will for rebirth. In fact, the 6th Dalai Lama is thought to have been assassinated, and so that he would have given any sign of his place of rebirth by the time of his death is debatable.8 This actually presents a rather interesting issue. If a tulku abdicates or dies, then how does his lineage continue without that persons skillful emanation? The answer to this lies in the Trikaya, along with a greater understanding of what exactly tulkus are. Much of the idea of tulkus lies in the Trikaya: the Nirmanakaya, the Sambhogakaya, and the Dharmakaya. These are the three ever-present bodies of an enlightened being, though a closer breakdown can group these into the physical body, the Nirmanakaya, and the formless body, the Sambhogakaya and the Dharmakaya. Actually, the name tulku derives from this distinction, as one type of Nirmanakaya, the Nirmanakaya of birth, is called kye wai tulku, and refers to highly evolved beings who continue to reincarnate in Nirmanakaya form for the benefit of others.9 The existence of a tulku is defined in part outside of the physical world. Therefore, simply a Nirmanakaya not taking the time to skillfully emanate is not nearly enough to end a tulku lineage. For instance, the Dalai Lama is considered to be the physical manifestation of Avalokitevara. The 6th Dalai Lama being Powers, John. Introduction to Tibetan Buddhism. 171 Paul, Robert. The Tibetan Symbolic World. 297 9 Rinpoche, Traleg. The Three Kayas: The Bodies of the Buddha.
7 8

5 prematurely killed would not be enough to delete a deity from existence. A tulku is much greater than just his physical body. While all of this is true, in reality the tulku practice differs slightly. It turns out that all tulkus may not be embodiments of divine beings. As Professor Robert Paul puts it, The usual word for a reincarnated personage is sprul-sku [Tibetan], which means emanation body. This term implies that the sprul-sku is really an emanation or avatar of a divine being. According to my Sherpa informants, however, this is not always the case. They identify three different grades of sprul sku.10 Pauls Sherpa informants classify tulkus into three different levels in which only the highest level tulkus are the proper tulkus mentioned in the paragraph above. The lowest level tulkus are lower lamas who live good lives and are rewarded by their ability to return to the human world. The middle level tulkus are lamas who are on the path to enlightenment and are in the process of attaining an important goal. These lamas are allowed to skillfully reincarnate to fulfill their mission.11 These two lower levels are quite different from the higher level, proper tulku. Obviously, the two lower levels contain much greater subjectivity. While it can be difficult to establish a lama is an incarnate boddhisatva, it is much easier to say the lama is being rewarded for a good life. The result is tulku proliferation, which has become

10 11

Paul, Robert. The Tibetan Symbolic World. 40 Paul, Robert. The Tibetan Symbolic World. 40

6 an important issue with the tulku system. The discussion of this will wait until later though, as this issue is heavily related to the Chinese influence. Before leaving this aspect though, an important point to note is how much these levels of tulkus stress the predominance of the human world. The lower tulkus are rewarded by a return to the human world as opposed to one of the worlds of gods. The human world is the destination for the best of all beings. Even the higher tulkus, the Nirmanakayas, are in the human world over any other place. Aside from all their other symbolisms, tulkus are a constant reminder to their followers of how fortunate they are to be human. Though the Karmapa was the first tulku lineage, the Dalai Lama would prove more powerful, but only through clever manipulation of the tulku system. Before the control of the Dalai Lamas, the Mongols controlled Tibet. Around the 14th century though, Mongol interest in Tibet began to wane.12 In the 15th century, the Gelukpa school was founded by Tsong Khapa. Initially the school gained favor due to a general disinterest in politics, though this trend would obviously change.13 This odd bit of irony happens to be a common theme in the rise of political power. George Washington, for instance, came into power due to his general distaste for it. In the 16th century the title Dalai Lama was created and the 4th Dalai Lama, the reincarnation of Sonam Gyatso, was discovered to be part of a powerful Mongol lineage.14 Though the 4th Dalai Lama would not wield much power, the 5th Dalai Lama, Ngawang Losang Gyatso, dated 1616-1682, became the first Dalai Lama to Powers, John. Introduction to Tibetan Buddhism. 161 Powers, John. Introduction to Tibetan Buddhism. 163 14 Powers, John. Introduction to Tibetan Buddhism. 165
12 13

7 consolidate power and rule Tibet, becoming known as the great 5th Dalai Lama.15 The careful selection of the 4th Dalai Lama led to the power of the 5th, which continues to this day. That the 4th Dalai Lama was found in a powerful Mongol family shouldnt be taken as a coincidence though. Strategic selection is an intricacy fairly unique to the tulku system; the system is subjective in an objective process. Feudal succession simply follows birth patterns; the process is objective for the most part. Similarly, succession in a democratic system, while not objective, never claims to be. The idea is the will of the people picks the candidate. The tulku system claims to have an objective process, but must incorporate subjectivity into its selection of new leaders. There should only be one reincarnate, but on a purely statistical process, the odds are stacked against finding the correct one. This discrepancy, subjectivity in the claim of objectivity, has created a wide array of issues in the tulku system. The selection process really starts with the birth of the tulku. It is possible, and probably helpful, that a tulkus birth contains auspicious circumstances, similar to that of the Buddha. The following is a description of the circumstances surrounding the tulku Osel Hita Torres birth, documented by the Foundation for the Protection of the Mahayana Tradition, Osels lineages foundation: He came into the world without causing his mother any pain, his eyes wide open. He didnt cry. The atmosphere in the delivery room was charged very quiet and yet momentous. The hospital staff were unusually touched. They

15

Powers, John. Introduction to Tibetan Buddhism. 165

8 sensed that this was a special child. Outside, the heavens opened. Maria, the mother lying with her newborn child, was scares. Lightening flashed, the rains poured down, filling the streets with so much water that they looked like a river in full flood.16 Of course this may be, and probably is, historically inaccurate, as the report comes from Osels followers. Still, the similarities to the birth of the Buddha display the incredibly high esteem in which tulkus are held by their followers. As was mentioned earlier, proper tulkus are the incarnate form of gods and boddhisatvas. The result is a unique form of worship that allows for followers to come into close contact with their deities. The birth of a tulku is far more than just its political ramifications. The birth signifies the newest emanation of a greatly enlightened being, bringing with it new opportunities for continued worship. For the most part though, tulkus do not have such circumstances surrounding their birth. For this majority of tulku births, the search is considerably more difficult than identifying auspicious natural phenomena. Typically, signs should begin to appear in the child around age two, though there is no solid rule about this.17 Ideally, the predecessor has given indications of where to look, like those that were mentioned earlier. Outside of this, the measures taken to locate the correct child can vary depending on how important the tulku is.18 Monks from the

Mackenzie, Vicki. Reincarnation: The Boy Lama - The Birth. Paul, Robert. The Tibetan Symbolic World. 40 18 Powers, John. Introduction to Tibetan Buddhism. 189
16 17

9 tulkus monastery are supposed to conduct the search.19 For important tulkus, the actual search often starts at Lhamo La-Tso, a sacred lake in the mountains of central Tibet where visions can help instruct the search party on where to find the boy.20 Another method is for an oracle to enter a trance and become possessed by a deity.21 Other monks assist the one being possessed and copy down what he says, as monks who have undertaken this task claim to have no memory of what they did or said.22 Astrology also may be used in the process.23 Overall, many parts of the process are fairly mystical, fitting with the process they are investigating. This is in contrast to the birth of Osel Hita Torres described earlier, where the events surrounding his birth are highly physical and scientific, such as weather patterns. Where the rituals fit the mystical process in the previous examples, in the case of Osel, it is strange how strong the physical signs are that point to the significance of Osels birth. In fact, Osels prior emanation, Lama Thutben Yeshe, had been infamous for spreading Buddhism in the west. He even knew Osels parents, parents who had shown a devout interest in spreading Buddhism, as they had built a monastery in their native Spain.24 It would have been convenient if his successor would be a westerner with strong family ties to the FPMT, much like the way the 4th Dalai Lama was found to be a Mongol. Outside scrutiny has suspected this may have been the case.25 Of course the argument against such allegations would be that the prior tulku Kolas, Ashlid. Thowsen, Monika P. On the Margins of Tibet. 75 Kingdom of the Lost Boy. Dir. Gordon Moore. 21 Kingdom of the Lost Boy. Dir. Gordon Moore. 22 Kingdom of the Lost Boy. Dir. Gordon Moore. 23 Unmistaken Child. Dir. Nati Baratz. 24 Pontones, Diego. Oselss Illumination. 25 Pontones, Diego. Oselss Illumination.
19 20

10 skillfully emanated, but such fortunate circumstances, just like those of the 4th Dalai Lama, should be highly suspect. Nothing suggests that a lama could control his rebirth that precisely. Even if the mysticism that surrounds the selection is questionable to outside sources, this is the accepted practice by the Tibetan people. That does not mean it should be okay for selection comities to use this mysticism as a front for strategic selection without at least admitting this is the case. Of course this would never work though, as such an admittance would undermine the entire system, one built around the idea of one correct and destined child. The purposes of the previous search techniques are all to find general instructions of where and how to find the reincarnation. Examples of these instructions are the first letter of the fathers name and the first letter of the region containing the boy.26 After the monks gather their information from various sources, the personal search begins. This search party can be as little as one monk, though there is nothing to suggest this is always the case.27 The search party goes into potential towns and poses questions to children of the right age.28 With the given clues, the search is made more difficult by both the terrain and undeveloped infrastructure of Tibet. The search party must be heavily motivated and disciplined, which makes the selection of the monk leading the search important. In the case of Lama Zopas search documented in Unmistaken Child, frequently he is shown struggling with the burden put upon him.29 Compounding the difficulties are the

26 27

Unmistaken Child. Dir. Nati Baratz. Unmistaken Child. Dir. Nati Baratz. 28 Unmistaken Child. Dir. Nati Baratz. 29 Unmistaken Child. Dir. Nati Baratz.

11 parents of the potential children, often resembling American stage-parents with their subtle aggressiveness.30 Lama Zopa often asks the children if an object of the old lamas is theirs, or if they would like to recite some Buddhist scripture. While it is unclear whether objectively this will find the reincarnation (as objectively it is unclear whether there is a reincarnation), questions such as these would seem to attract strong-willed and intelligent children, good qualities to have in a future leader. Conversely, asking children roughly age two if an object is theirs could simply be testing whether they have entered the developmental phase commonly known as the mines, where a child will frequently claim objects as his own. Additionally, there are pressures on the search party of not wanting to reject every child; it would not look good if no child was found and so the standards were lowered. The entire search is a pivotal period of time, and an objective, motivated, and pliant search party is very important. Lama Zopas journey additionally lends an interesting piece of insight on an earlier stage in the process (though as a forewarning, this is primarily a personal conjecture made by someone not intimately familiar with Buddhist practices). Early in the documentary, Lama Zopa says he asked his now deceased friend, Lama Konchog, if the Lama can return as a reincarnate. Lama Konchogs answer is that it depends on if people pray for him. This answer is counterintuitive to the earlier discussion of how tulkus reincarnate, where there are no chances of being reincarnated, as the human rebirth is accomplished through skillful emanation. Lama Konchog also does not leave any clues as to where he will be reborn, unlike
30

Unmistaken Child. Dir. Nati Baratz.

12 the more notable tulkus such as the Dalai Lama and the Karmapa. Instead, the search relies on clues that occur after Lama Konchogs cremation. A pattern in the ashes resembling a footprint and astrologic charts are the main pieces of evidence used to decide where to look for the reincarnation. It is my contention that this differentiation is key in understanding the difference between proper tulkus and non-proper tulkus. The reason Lama Konchog does not leave any clues and is unsure whether he will return is because his reincarnation process is out of his control. Because of the high status of being human, the karmic reward for Lama Konchogs good life is reincarnation as another human. There is nothing special about this necessarily, as many people possibly get reincarnated back as a human. However, Lama Konchog has important work that can be best completed by his reincarnate, so his reincarnate is born nearby and signs are left signaling where to look. Lama Konchog, however, does not skillfully emanate. This is the fundamental difference between proper and non-proper tulkus, and illuminates what the basic definition of a tulku really is: a reincarnated lama, and nothing more. The selection process is the key area where the tulku system shows issues. It has even been subjected to many criticisms for a lack of transparency.31 Most of the decisions are done in private, and of the monks who are present, factions typically form based on self-interest and other corrupting factors.32 This is far from an indictment on all Buddhists. It only takes a few bad influences in a process such as this to turn it into something impure and selfish. It is similar to crime in a bad

31 32

Logan, Pamela. Tulkus in Tibet Logan, Pamela. Tulkus in Tibet

13 neighborhood. The neighborhood is not bad because everyone is a criminal necessarily; it only takes a few people to cause problems for the larger populous. Money and power are very corrupting influences, and the tulku system often involves both of these. The Karmapa, for instance, is worth over $1.2 billion.33 So it should come as no surprise that there is a large controversy surrounding his lineage. In the selection of the last Dalai Lama, the regent who was chosen by lottery to lead the search was arrested for attempting to murder another one of the candidates, and then mysteriously died in while in jail.34 No matter the training and the selfdiscipline, people always can be corruptible. Once the child is identified and recognized, the education and upbringing of the child is the next stage. This stage is a positive one of the tulku system. While problems surround the selection process, the education and upbringing can serve to erase any mistakes from a functional standpoint. Even if nature is random, nurture is not. Tulkus are brought up in a manner similar to the Buddha, surrounded by constant positivity and given the best education available.35 The system succeeds in that it identifies leaders at an early age and spends the most time on their upbringing, as these children will grow into positions of power. Next comes the ascension to power, a process that has been riddled with issues for centuries. Every tulku succession contains a period of time where the tulku is too young for his important role, and so another monk known as a regent

Logan, Pamela. Tulkus in Tibet Logan, Pamela. Tulkus in Tibet 35 Logan, Pamela. Tulkus in Tibet
33 34

14 effectively holds the young tulkus power. Around age 20, the matured tulku fully assumes his position, and the regent must relinquish the power he had held for nearly two decades. This transition does not always happen smoothly. A large number of Dalai Lamas have been assassinated or largely subdued by their regents.36 Obviously, a problem exists in this process. For about 130 years, regents, and not Dalai Lamas, controlled Tibet.37 A famous case in this period was Reting Rinpoche, a 24 year old tulku who in 1934 ascended to power as a regent. He was widely respected, but turned out to be corrupt.38 Again, the problem here is mainly in the selection, only this time it is in the selection of the regent. Interestingly, the trend of murdering leaders in Tibet existed before the tulku institution; regicide was a common trend. As Robert Paul puts it, So while the old kings were killed when their sons reached majority, the Dalai Lamas were killed when they themselves attained majority.39 Thus, the initial violence towards the Dalai Lamas should be taken in context. Even still, the theme of issues with selection in the tulku institution remains as an unsolved problem. The current political situation with tulkus traces back to the 1950s when the Chinese began taking an interest in Tibet. The precursory stages of the Cultural Revolution in the late 1950s demolished the tulku institution. Chairman Mao viewed religion as poisonous and a symbol of the old, and had his armies destroy

Paul, Robert. The Tibetan Symbolic World. 297-298 Powers, John. Introduction to Tibetan Buddhism. 173 38 Powers, John. Introduction to Tibetan Buddhism. 187 39 Paul, Robert. The Tibetan Symbolic World. 298
36 37

15 monasteries, forcing many tulkus into exile.40 The only major Tulku to remain was the 10th Panchen Lama, the second in power in the Gelukpa sect, to whom China gave puppet control of Tibet, as they had tried using the Panchen Lama in the past to rival the power of the Dalai Lama.41 However, as the mistreatment of the Tibetan people by the Chinese grew, the Panchen Lama began to speak out, resulting in his jailing.42 In the 1980s he was released from jail, but along the way he was greatly humiliated and tortured and died in 1989.43 Suspicions remain that the Chinese are responsible for his death, as the day before he looked healthy while giving a speech condemning the Chinese intervention in Tibet.44 In the end though, China had failed to turn the 10th Panchen Lama into the divisive puppet they had hoped him to be for half a century, and so began a unique attempt at the takeover of a country that continues to this day, all made possible because of the tulku institution. If China could not successfully manipulate the 10th Panchen Lama, they could with the 11th. The search and selection of the new Panchen Lama in 1989 would prove to be a pivotal juncture. China demanded the search be conducted completely in China, once again utilizing strategic selection.45 In spite of this, the Dalai Lama, already in exile, conducted his own search and announced he has found Gedhun Chokyi Nyima, age 6, to be the 11th Panchen Lama in 1995.46 Actually, the Dalai Lama found the child in 1989, but feared what would happen if he came forward Logan, Pamela. Tulkus in Tibet Kingdom of the Lost Boy. Dir. Gordon Moore. 42 Kingdom of the Lost Boy. Dir. Gordon Moore. 43 Kingdom of the Lost Boy. Dir. Gordon Moore. 44 Kingdom of the Lost Boy. Dir. Gordon Moore. 45 Kolas, Ashlid. Thowsen, Monika P. On the Margins of Tibet. 74 46 Kolas, Ashlid. Thowsen, Monika P. On the Margins of Tibet. 75
40 41

16 with his own candidate, and hoped the Chinese search would find the same child.47 Though the Dalai Lama could not travel freely to see the candidate, he was able to make a choice by proxy by seeing pictures of possible candidates and by performing a test in which he put the names of the boys in balls of barley flower of equal weight, which he then placed in a dish. In the test, if the correct childs name is present, that ball should roll out of the dish when it is spun. The Dalai Lama performed this test numerous times, with each trial resulting in Gedhun Chokyi Nyima.48 The Chinese rejected the Dalai Lamas choice, jailed the boy, his parents, and several members of the search party, and in November of 1995 recognized Gyaltsen Norbu as the 11th Panchen Lama.49 The first step of Chinas new plan to undo the Tibetan government was now complete. The role of tulkus in politics has come about due to their informal power, which originated with them simply being competent leaders. Tulkus initially were frequent mediators between the government and the people, and so the Chinese saw it as convenient to simply incorporate tulkus into part of the government.50 The result has been a growing interest in the selection and regulatory processes of tulkus.51 Part of this lies in the issue of tulku proliferation. There are several inadvertent ways in which tulkus can proliferate. According to the 10th Panchen Lama, the most notable of these are lamas incorrectly labeled as tulkus after their

47 48

Kingdom of the Lost Boy. Dir. Gordon Moore. Kingdom of the Lost Boy. Dir. Gordon Moore. 49 Kolas, Ashlid. Thowsen, Monika P. On the Margins of Tibet. 75 50 Kolas, Ashlid. Thowsen, Monika P. On the Margins of Tibet. 14 51 Kolas, Ashlid. Thowsen, Monika P. On the Margins of Tibet. 14

17 death.52 Another way is when there is confusion in the selection process and multiple children are thought to be the correct emanation; they can all wind up becoming labeled as tulkus.53 While China did begin re-recognizing tulkus in the 1980s, it has not agreed with the amount of tulkus unofficially accepted in Tibet. The result is an official designation of tulku handed down by the Chinese government, which comes with monetary and educational backing.54 There are many Tibetans who view this Chinese influence as a form of control, as all official tulkus have to attend state run universities.55 Chinas influence in the tulku system may serve to end it. On a local level it has created seeds of distrust, and on a national political level, it may fracture it beyond repair. The Panchen Lama typically chooses the next Dalai Lama, and with the current controversy, when the current Dalai Lama dies, there may be no clear leader for Tibet. The most viable current savior is the Karmapa, who, while of a different sect than the Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama, has enough power to keep Tibets government centralized when the current Dalai Lama dies.56 Unfortunately, the Karmapas correct emanation is also in question, though the controversy is not as fierce as that with the Panchen Lama (or what may take place with the Dalai Lama for that matter). When the 16th Karmapa died in 1983, he left 4 regents to search for his reincarnate. Two of them found a boy named Ugyen Thinley, whom both the Dalai Lama and China confirmed as the correct emanation in 1992. Another Kolas, Ashlid. Thowsen, Monika P. On the Margins of Tibet. 77 Logan, Pamela. Tulkus in Tibet 54 Kolas, Ashlid. Thowsen, Monika P. On the Margins of Tibet. 76 55 Kolas, Ashlid. Thowsen, Monika P. On the Margins of Tibet. 78 56 The Wrong Side of the Mountains
52 53

18 regent found a different child, Tenzin Chentza, and denounced the other as a fraud. The main claim from his side is that China is both monetarily invested in the other child, Ugyen, and that they are using the controversy as another way to cause dysfunction in the Tibetan power structure.57 Even still, Ugyen is generally considered to be the correct emanation, and if he can assume full power over the Karmapa lineage, he may be able to save the tulku institution in Tibet, not to mention Tibet itself. Saving the tulku institution, or at least preserving it as it is, may not be such a good thing though. Even the Dalai Lama disagrees with much of the implementation of the tulku institution, saying in an interview: In the Tibetan case, unfortunately, certain institutions arose such as the lama institution, Tulku institution, recarnated institution and they became rulers of particular areas. When a particular lama is corrupted, you see corrupted institutions. This should change.58 Tulkus are not always good for the people. While more important tulkus receive a great deal of careful nurture to ensure them to be good leaders, lesser tulkus can often come into local power without such an upbringing. The result can be corrupt spiritual leaders of local communities. As Tibetan Professor of Education Palden Nyima puts it, The [Living] Buddhas often are of no help to the people, and simply

The Sect with Two Heads French, Rebecca, ed., Schneider, Joe, ed. Commentary: Law, Buddhism and Social Change: A Conversation with the 14th Dalai Lama.
57 58

19 live a good life at the expense of the common people.59 Such behavior can paralyze the economics of a small town and keep the majority of the people in deep poverty at the expense of one selfish, but supposedly eternal, person.60 Additionally, a bad tulku can be difficult to overcome, as the people he rules over see him as having an eternal spiritual authority. The result of this can be an unquestioned obedience to a bad tulku. No matter what a tulku does, because they are accepted as enlightened beings, whatever they do is seen as part of a divine plan and not questioned. 61 This also explains the abdications of tulkus such as the 6th Dalai Lama and Osel Hita Torres. The tulku institution does not allow itself to be wrong, and thus can become overly committed to a bad leader. The only solution to overcoming a bad tulku is often murder. This is one area the tulku institution needs to repair. Accepting mistaken selections could help eliminate the problems that exist on a local level with the tulku institution, as well as lend itself legitimacy to outside views. Change is sweeping over the tulku institution. Chinas influence is steadily undermining the Tibetan peoples faith in their tulkus on a ground level and dividing them on a national one. If the western world begins to seep into Tibetan culture, it will be interesting to see whether tulkus can maintain their formal power, or if they will go the way of the Queen of England, a figurehead and cultural symbol. Buddhism teaches non-attachment; should this not apply to the tulku system as well if its time to go is near? If that is true, then perhaps its time really is almost up. My belief though is to the contrary. Tibetans are not ready to accept the impermanence Logan, Pamela. Tulkus in Tibet Kolas, Ashlid. Thowsen, Monika P. On the Margins of Tibet. 76 61 Logan, Pamela. Tulkus in Tibet
59 60

20 of one of their most-beloved institutions. The people love their tulkus. In a way, the idea of a tulku even creates a new layer of attachment. The people of Tibet never have to say good-bye to their idolized leaders; they simply have to wait for them to be rediscovered. The process of tulku succession is greater than Buddhism; it is contrary to Buddhism; it teaches hope and peace through attachment. And so ultimately, the purpose of the selection process is not a religious one; it is a social one made for the people, by the people, as they deemed the best way to determine succession. The decision does not and should not rest in any karmic fate then, but in the decisions of individuals for the best interest of their society. In the end of the King of the Hill episode, the monks decide Bobby is not a tulku, though some believe he did pass the selection test. The lead monks response is simple: It was my decision, and I made it.62

Works Cited

62

Wont You Pimai Neighboor. King of the Hill.

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