Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Salvatore Cosentino
ailed
it
Dara, the
Anastasiopolis
a the Byzantine
rtably testimony
Persian territory,
new foundation
s
of the Persian
Roman army
is
is
some
sort of
ambiguous and
elusive concept.
The
ambiguity,
city-citadel
is
rth-eastern
>
Iran,
if
of course, is not concerning the chronological development to which this definition refers, nor the different stages stressing such a development. The
I.
And
was
the
recruitment of barbarians
that
is
non-Roman
citizens
in the
Roman
e for an Achae)aras
also a
army was
view of
From
the point of
political nature,
it
began
at
by the
captured
in
11 (324-337). under the reign of Constantine the Great background in which this process developed seems quite
If the general
clear,
on the
it
tries
to submit
to a
Christian celshrine
locality
1
:
:ance
known
site
to
.
modern historiography seems to maintain that "barbarization" chiefly means "germanization'VSuch is, for instance, the authoritative position held by A. H. M. Jones in his Later Roman Empire, which may have influenced many scholars. The special
Taken
as a whole,
iristian
shrine M>
emphasis on the
German element
is
a consequence of historiographical
imes the
?ry over
of
Achaeun-
interest being traditionally focused more on the West than on the eastern empire. However, since the fourth century the role played by the Arab
me manner
>st
it
has been
the Batde of
During the fifth and the sixth century the must have been based more on Illyrians, Isaurians, 4 Arabs, Armenians, Caucasians, Turks, Iranians' than on Germans. Military
by
Irfan Shahid
(3)
'
*>
would
like to
this paper.
the
Greek sigma.
> Cf.
<
2>
<3)
tes.
(4)
Whitby 2000,
p.
246
born
in a vilk
As
a matter of fact,
is
well
known
that in the
course of the Late Antiquity cavalry and archery came to acquire a more
prominent
tactical role
by the
took
which the Germans did not excel according to the Strategicon by Maurice. The same notion of "German" has been undergone a deep revision since the sixties of the last century. The ethnic structures of the Germanic peoples in the age of the Volkerwanderungen were not at all cohesive in their identities'5 They were formed by groups of clans gathered around the families of their kings lacking of any form of ethnical homogeneity. Tribal confederations were based on linguistic and cultural affinities and on the capability of their leaders to attract under their rule other groups by means of military enterprises. Some
military specializations in
'.
this latter
lemics in Late
its
contents an
rusticity
of th
.
monks
<10)
On
the fashion of
as Ostrogothic
be very
sensitr
the privileges
tribes, as the
Even more
the broader so
in the passage
M. Whitby has army were not less "civilised" (in a broader sense) than the majority of Romans coming from the less developed areas of the empire. Here the aspect of barbarization is not clearly distinguishable from the most general theme of
some degree of
ambiguity. In a recent contribution,
(6)
known, the pr
crucial worries
who were
enrolled in the
experimented
militaris,
stipe)
J.
M.
whole body o
fourth century
by
way
case,
itary
of doing (7)
in opposition to
would have been represented emphasize a technocratic and active the ideals of "measure" and contemsenatorial nobility. If such
is
allowance of
(that
is
native
on by the Roman
the
must be underlined that some elements of contrast between milsenatorial mentality take place since the third century
Roman admini
same importan
empire, probab
in the perspec
and
- and
army.
Roman
The
manner the
personality
century. Settinj
upper class, which was shaped on the stoic ideals of calm and impassibility, the emperor was used to speak in a so low voice during his public audiences that nobody was able to hear him. Herodianus qualified the emperor Maximinus the Thracian (235-238) as a ni2;o|3dQ|3aQoc; just because he was
Illyricum. In order to imitate the behaviour of the
was carried ou
ture of terribl
<
9>
10)
<
p. 4.
< <
RUGGINI 19 RUGGINI T
See Szidat
>
12 >
Carrie 1986,
p. 486.
For
Carile 1986.
<>
CTh VII
Cf. Cass.
(8)
Brown
1992, p. 881.
247
;ation
of army
born
vn that in the
icquire a
more
Doubdess, the increasing on the Thracian frontier presence of gentiles in the army from the fourth to the sixth century may have contributed to enlarge the influence exerted on the Roman
in a village
(9)
.
society
by the
military mentality;
it
is
The
anti-barbarian po-
been
ethnic
The
lemics in Late Antiquity joined both pagans and Christian authors and the its contents are never the same. For the learned Eunapius of Sardi
rusticity
erwanderungen
ned by groups
tg
monks
(10)
On
all
of any form
on
linguistic
ders to attract
srprises.
rith
Some
For instance Theoderic, that as Ostrogothic king was especially a military leader, showed himself to be very sensitive towards the classical legacy of Rome and respectful to the privileges of senate for the most part of his reign.
the fashion of the culture of
elites.
Roman
the Goths,
is
ization"
shows
(6>
the broader socio-economical transformations of the Mediterranean world in the passage from the Late Antiquity to early Byzantium. As it is well
Whitby
'
has
to supply the
Roman
stipendia in
cash,
donativa,
theme of
J.
rding to
M.
en represented
itic
'
fourth century they constituted the object of special measures, as the (11) or to the gentiles allowance of land to the laeti in Italy and Gaul
,
(that
is
natives)
{n)
.
If
t
the
mil-
between
must have represented only a small part of the initiatives taken by the Roman administration for the solution of how to supply the army. The
century
)
- and
army,
Roman
the personality
empire, probably might turn out to be exaggerated by scholars if analysed in the perspective of long duree, that is from the fourth to the seventh
audiences that
problem of the real means through which it was carried out, the sources do not seem to handle down to us a picture of terrible upheavals of contemporary Gaul and Italy. Ennodius and Cassiodorus (13) praise the praefectus praetorio Liberatus for the good manner by which he gave lands of Roman landowners to the Goths
century. Setting aside the
(9)
p.
18.
(10)
<
p. 46.
>
<
12 >
13 >
CTh VII
15,
1.
<
248
during the Odoacer's regime. If it is true that this evidence pervaded with a purpose of pro-Theoderic propaganda, it not
that the
ly
is
surely
cia,
Scythia,
Mi
less true
mentions the na
partially at leasl
accommodation of Germans
can hard-
have represented a dramatic event for its society. Otherwise, we could not explain why both Ennodius and Cassiodorus have chosen a similar
clibanarii Parthi,
et
secundi (two
argument
rial
magistri militum
latina
aristocracy.
under
th(
From
its
made
forces at the di
rization" of the
Roman
tries to
penetrate into them, their implications with the social tissue of the world
of Late Antiquity are so close that they can barely be singled out as
merly limitanei,
ala
;
prima Parthi
{2i)
.
autonomous phenomena.
nae
In the ^
niores
and the
The
Iranian recruitment
ly linguistic,
meaning -
into
Roman army
does
This does n
qi
By using
on the geographical
com
The
(
prosopography made by F. Devijver (15) on the equestrian officers, we do not find any name which can be traced to an Iranian onomastics. After conquering Ctesiphon in 197 or 198,
origins of the legionarii or the
Parthii. In this
of clibanarius (G
Septimius Severus
(AD
new
left
legions, the in
I,
II
from
be,
a Persian
and
III Parthica,
of which the
and the
III
were
as presidium of the
new
province.
We know
tered at Singara;
maybe the
legio III at
Rhesaenae m
the meaning of
the differen
The
existence of a
clibanarius
and
ii
Apadana
article written
legio
I,
convincingly,
fighters'
I
th
an inscription <17)
It
is
possible, therefore, in
26
'.
The
l
the quartering areas to the Parthian (after Sasanian) territory, that during the third century these legions
cruits
may have
some Iranian
re-
Khurds or Persians). Herodianus states that in the Severus Alexandrer's campaign of 234-235 against the Germans there <18) In 337 were some oriental auxilia of Oshroeni, Armenians, Parthians
(Parthians,
.
horseman
riding
(19) <20)
'
Constantine or Constantius
territory
II
is
Roman
1
''
who were
see also
scattered
by him
in Thra-
(21)
(22 >
(23)
See
Form
1953,
Appendix B and C;
Form
Devijver 1986.
Not. dign.,
(
1
Form
Herod.
1953, p. 94;
Mann
1,
<
1983, p. 44; Isaac 1992, p. 360, nn. 169-170. Alex. Sev. 61, 8 and Max.
23
See Bivar
<17 >
<18)
can be found.
2,
1;
7,
8;
7,
9 e
H. A.
vit.
11, 7;
both
;
(26)
Eadie 1967,
p. 34, n. 83.
p. 28, n. 66.
249
lence
t
is
surely
not
less true
[taly
can hard-
vise,
we
could
osen a similar
of the senato-
Macedonia and northern Italy <19) The Notitia dignitatum mentions the names of several reparts which might have been composed, partially at least, by Iranians. In the East we find a corps of equites clibanarii Parthi, composed by three squadrons, that is the equites primi et secundi (two vexillationes comitatenses under the command of the two magistri militum praesentales) {20) and the equites quarti (a vexillatio pa(2l) latina under the magister militum per Orientem) Always among the
cia,
Scythia,
:pt
of "barba-
forces at the disposal of the magister militum per Orientem are listed
{22)
,
two formations
for-
one
tries to
of the world
merly limitanei,
ala
who
later
is
singled out as
prima Parthorum
.
had received the status of comitatenses. An assigned under the orders of the dux Osrhroese-
nae (2i)
niores
ian" a basical-
and the
among
lan
army does
This does not mean, of course, that simply on the basis of the
all
the above mentioned units must the contrary, this seems highly
is
geographical
On
Devijver (15) on
The
we
as originating
II
from a Persian etymology, *grwpan that is, literally "neck-guard" with the meaning of "life-preserver" (i.e. the armour) <25) Whatever it may be, the difference existing in the military Roman vocabulary between clihanarius and cataphractus must be emphasized. In a well- documented
.
third centu-
article written in
1967 John
these
my
opinion
of
the basis of
convincingly,
fighters'
26
'.
that
two terms
to
two
different
figures
proximity of
ory,
The
first
that dur-
le Iranian re>
that in
the
from the head to the knees, mounting an horse which is, in its turn, protected by a mail; the second one, the cataphractus, describes a mailed horseman riding a horse without protection. Now, we very well know
rermans there
ms (18) In 337
.
<19) (20)
(21) (22)
Re
2.
R.,
by K. Kretschmer,
.
c.
2547.
'
the
Roman
him
in Thra-
Not. dign., Or. VII, 32. Not. dign., Or. VII, 55, 58. Not.
dign.,
(23)
Or.
XXXV,
Gabba
p.
same name
is
already mentioned in
141.
9-170.
(25)
can be found.
Max. 11,
7;
both
(26)
Eadie 1967,
p.
170;
on
is
the opinon
by Gabba 1974,
p. 28, n. 66.
Jl
250
Achaemenian times, had developed a military tradition of an heavy armoured cavalry, deriving it from the Sarmatians. Plenty of evidence of that can be found in the repertory of images of horsemen depicted on reliefs, graffiti, coins, sculptures, luxury objects which has been analysed in 1972 by Bivar (27) As to the written
that the Iranian world, since the
.
appointed
pro
have become a
Hormizd from
an
elite unit,
fo
Sasanian clibanarius
Roman
cavalry,
on
one of the Parthians or the Sasanians. The famous companies of equites Dalmatae or the promoti created by Gallienus, for example, were un-armoured riders (29) In order to organize an efficacious squadron of
to the
.
beginning of se
prefer to achiev
needed to have first of all a special kind of extremely resistant horses, which had to be able to carry the weight of the horseman's armour and that of their own protections. Then, a strong military training for
clibanarii
it
orderly
approad
03 '.
Dennis)
This
Roman comman
the Roman's on<
the rider was needed, which had to be able to violendy charge the
Such a thing was not easy at all, especially because until the end of the sixth century the horsemen did not use stirrups. In short, one has to be a very skilful and well-equipped rider for fighting as a clibanarius. For such a reason, it does seem not
loosing his
stability.
enemy without
foundation of
it!
Because of
the
more
a conf
unreasonable to think that the units of equites clibanarii Parthi listed in the Notitia were recruited among individuals coming from Parthia, Armenia or Oshroene.
many
reasons:
fii
then, economical
ical survival, for
The
first
Roman army
found
we
'.
the equites Persae clibanarii, a vexillatio palatina under the the magister equitum praesentalis of Constantinople 00
command
fled
of
pr
be made
Persia to
peculiar onomat<
individuals.
Roman
territory
Betwi
I (324-337). Hormizd was used by the and Julian for challenging the political legitimacy of the "King of kings" and, by judging from the survived evidence, he is thought to be well integrated into Roman society 011 He accompanied
scutariorum tribu
capture the
emperors Constantius
Arm
t.
rank of magister
Constantius II in
Rome
383/384 we find
Narses <37) althougl
,
His son,
wing of the Roman Hormizd - he bore the same name of his father - was
is
qi
(32)
(27)
See supra,
Heliod.
n.
25.
On
Widengeen
Plre
Maur.
I,
pp. 44
(33) (34)
9,
Garsoian 1992, pp. 385-395 and Schippmann 1990, pp. 104-105. 15 (ed. by A. Colonna, Torino 1987, pp. 506-507).
p.
Strut.
X
p.
On
Plre Plre Plre
the Sasanii
I,
Eadie 1967,
See Plre
(35 >
(36)
168.
<37)
See Plre
I, I,
(30)
(31)
p. 803.
p. 443,
s.v.
Hormisdas
2.
(38)
pp. 61i
II,
pp.
1]
251
d developed a
g
te
it
from the
appointed proconsul Asiae in 379; under the reign of Theodosius I he may have become comes rei militarist. Doubdess, the men having followed
repertory of
Hormizd from
an
elite
his
Roman army
as
lptures, luxury
unit, for the reasons told above. Persian cavalry was appreciated
to the written
icription of the
lan cavalry, on
ce comparable
;
is
remely resistant
seman's armour
ry training for
tly
by Roman generals and its introduction into the Roman array would have been important in case of a clash on an open and flat ground. The tactical and strategic principles that distinguished the military Persian mentality were similar to the Romans' ones. In his Strategicon (end of sixth or beginning of seventh century) Maurice writes: for the most part they prefer to achieve their results by planning and generalship; they stress an orderly approach rather than a brave and impulsive one (transl. by Dennis) (33) This way of waging war could surely have been approved by
.
Roman commanders.
foundation of
its
It is also
like
at the
charge the
all,
ot easy at
horsemen did
well-equipped
Because of a phenomenon well known in the whole ancient world, the more a conflict between two political powers was rising in its vehemence, the more the betrayals and flights from one side to another
were
increasing.
To pass
of
to the enemy's
many
reasons:
first
from Parthia,
serving in the
then, economical convenience, as in the case of mercenary troops; physical survival, for prisoners
of war.
It is
if start-
that
is,
after
e talking
about
of
command
fled
one hundred years of war between the find a major presence of Iranians in the Roman army. Owing
Romans and
the Sasanians
some of - we
to their
hypothesis can
who
is
from
hr lis brother,
peculiar onomatology, we can consider in such a way the following individuals. Between 374 and 377 Ammianus mentions a Barzimeres scutariorum tribunus, who have been sent by the emperor Valens to
used by the
legitimacy
is
itical
Grazianus in 378 appointed at the rank of magister militum Sapores, sending him to re-establish in their sees
(35) capture the Armenian king Papak
.
evidence, he
t
he was
also
known by
Libanius. In
accompanied
of the
father
383/384 we find
Narses
(37)
,
in office in Britannia,
part in Julian's
;
also of
Roman
- was
is
(32)
Plre
Maur.
I,
pp. 443-44,
s.v.
Hormisdas
3.
(33) (34)
<
Strut.
XI
p.
1,
3.
On
35 >
See Plre
148.
<
36
Plre Plre
I, I,
p. 803.
<
37)
pp. 616-17,
s.v.
Narses
3.
1.
(38)
Plre
II,
pp. 1149-50,
s.v.
Varanes
T
252
according to Libanius, was son of a famous person,
Persians
maybe one of
the
created in 541
like
Hormizd. In 408 he was appointed magister peditum in the West; in the next year he possibly became magister militum praesentalis in Constantinople, reaching in 410 the high dignity of consul in the pars Orientis. In the same 409 we find
into
service with
come
Roman
Artabazes
the Italian
war
turn Persoiustin
unit continued
militum in Constantinople another Iranian, Arsacius (39) Towards the middle of the fifth century in Egypt is mentioned Chosroes
as magister
.
war.
By
this tir
a local recruitn
in the
rank of comes
(et
dux Thebaidis)
(41)
,
femia's epigrapl
had Iranian origins is Artacius cited in the Vita Auxentii in the period 450/457. During the reign of Leo I (457-474) the Leontoclibanarii (Aea)VToxA.i|3avdQioi), a cavalry unit, was created (42) that owing to its explicit military specialization, must have surely included some people of
,
R
t
recruitment to
civil administration we can observe an increased presence of Iranians starting from the second half of the fourth century. For example, Arsacius, keeper of the imperial lions around the
territory eastwai
political
influen
was incorporate
the rule of a
i
mid of
395/397
451
(46)
Artabas,
who
;
the
inhabitants were
deep process of
relationships ke<
Hormisdas praefectus praetorio per Illyricum in 408 and then praefectus praetorio Orientis in 451 (47) One new unit which must have been composed of Persian soldiers was created under Justinian's reign: the numerus Persoiustiniani, quoted
.
fluence
is
evidei
menians of a
throughout the
army. Therefore,
'in
S.
We
is
highly probable, however, that this unit was of the Persians contingents which surrendered to
cum
the Byzantines during the wars fighting between 530-531 or 540-561. Perhaps, this circumstance can be identified with the capture of the castle
near Faenza in
before the Tagin
in
of Sisauranon by Belisarius in 541, after which Procopius relates that its garrison was sent by Justinian to the West for being engaged against the
duel.
These
Goths m
If this
hypothesis
is
correct,
dwells
II,
p.
152,
s.v.
Arsacius
3.
(50>
II,
II,
p. 293. p.
154.
(51)
(43)
(44)
p.
110,
154. 154.
s.v.
Arsacius
Parsoarminiorum
1.
who
t
natium
(52) (53)
p. p.
p.
six onciae of
II,
See Yuzbashu
II, II,
154.
(54)
Armenia
havii
Plre
p. 571.
II,
Arsacid dinasty.
p.
See Cosentino
159,
s.v.
Iohannes 114
On
Anzalas
s<
(55)
Christiansen
253
created in 541.
Some
be one of the
like
the Italian
war
theatre <50)
The
numerus
equi-
tum Persoiustiniani, which is dated around 579, demonstrates that the unit continued to be quartered in Italy still after the end of the Gothic
war.
409 we find
<39)
.
By
this time,
however,
its
rsacius
To-
who
is
remembered
in the S.
Eu-
>ned Chosroes
name
of Iohannes.
who
possibly
is
Hi in the peri-
.eontoclibanarii
The name
falling
in itself links
is
its
owing to
its
roughly the
Sasanian
ame people of
jbserve an in-
down under
Roman -Persian
treaty of 390.
This region
to
its
was
the rule of a
kingdom after 428 and submitted <52) Even if marzpan appointed by the Persian shah
.
superioris
at
in
inhabitants were not Persians, since the ancient times they underwent a
zularius
the
deep process of linguistic and cultural Iranization due to the very close <53) Such an inrelationships keeping up between Parthia and Armenia among the Arfluence is evident in the military field by the existence
.
menians of
quoted
throughout the Late Antiquity served both the Roman and the Persian army. Therefore, the way in which the Persoarmenias fought should not
the church of
aackground in
1
this unit
was
surrendered to
be too much different from that of the Persians. In the helium Gothicum the above mentioned Artabazes, for instance, accepts the challenge shouted him by the Goth Walaris when the two armies were fronting (54) made the same exploit near Faenza in 542. The Armenian Anzalas before the Taginae battle (552, July), when he killed the Goth Kokkas
in
These episodes reflected the Persian attitude for the physical (55) on which Procopius often clash "man against man" ("mard u mard") of the Persoarmenias are exdwells upon in his historical work. Some
duel.
were
plicidy said
<50) (51)
Parsoarminiorum
who
pp. 180-81 (Artabazes); p. 238 (Bleschames). pap. 37; this document is concerning Tzittas miles numeri felicum allows his wife Rusticiana to sell to Iohannes adorator felicum RavenI,
natium
(52)
(53)
fundus Genicianus.
AD
to about
390 by
a cadet
branch of the
Arsacid dinasty.
(54)
On
I,
p.
169.
(35)
Jl
254
the extent to
.
Many
in the Byzantin<
the high rank of magister militum. At the beginning of the seventh century a certain vir gloriosus Tzittanus mentioned in a Ravenna's papyrus
is
ninth century n
ment
in the
im
It is
worth not-
or the Khurran
individuals bear
ing another
phenomenon
related to us
Huns among
depend on
who
is
mentior
West
century.
But
as a
it
the most favourite recruiting areas of the empire. I think that the primary
origins, since th
explanation
lies
recruits.
period
syn
In any case
two non-technical terms, which have not been be the equivalent of the Latin buccellarii. Doubdess, they pointed out figures of fighters characterized by a high military preparation and by peculiar relationships with their leaders. On the whole, they can be surely considered as elite troops. For this reason, it is a bit astonishing that Germans were not much mentioned among them. This circumstance has been rightly explained by stressing the importance of archery in the sixth century <58) Iranians, Pesarmenians, Armenians, Turks, Caucasians, were skilful riders, who were able to use on horse both the spears and the bow. By the
Soou^opoi or
vjtaojTtoTai,
far.
names
dignity,
are
docu
is
fully
explained so
which
tion of dux;
th
Greek
translatic
<
of the Iranian
Persarmenians.
of middle-Byzai
the subject of a
Saborios (67)
(2<xf
have not
.
667/668 unsucc
experience in fighting with bows, and they only employ spear and sword <59)
been Persoarme
tells
us that
am
the
if
army led by
is
foot than
on horse (61>
Greek
seal
eigl
/
The
fall
ning of the
on Byz-
Under the
narrates
a
man
(62'
On
Plre
Stephan
n.
(56)
On
I,
p.
II,
(63
(64:
44
p.
III,
(65
(66:
n.
64
19
(58) (59)
Dedeyan
n.
(67
64
(60) (61)
Maur.
Strut.
XI
1,
15-17. 11-12.
(68;
(69:
Paul. Diac.
n.
Maur. Stmt. XI
3,
10
255
stemmed from
erters
reached
the extent to which the Iranian recruitment continued to play some role in the Byzantine army. One source of recruiting from the seventh to the
ninth century must have been represented, as we will see, by the settlement in the imperial territory of eastern populations, like the Mardaites
>pius:
is,
:
Massagetae
or the Khurramites, which probably spoke an Iranian idiom. Sometimes individuals bearing the nickname of "the Persian" (6 neoaris) appear in 621 the sources of middle Byzantine period, as for instance Stephanos'
,
of important
II or the
illy
depend on
the primary
recruits,
rth century, of
iat
who is mentioned on a seal dating back to the eight or to the ninth century. But it is hard to maintain that they were surely of Iranian origins, since the term "Persian" is often used in Byzantine texts of this
period as a synonymous with "Arab". In any case, in the seventh century some people bearing Iranian (64) names are documented. Two seals hand down the memory of Chosroes
goto imdtcov
dignity,
aital"
rals
are called
which
is
relationships
considered as
tion of dux; the latter bears not tide, but undoubtedly his name is a Greek translation of the Persian "Sabuhr". Of course, we are not sure
of the Iranian origins of either of them, because they could have been Persarmenians. The increasing role played by the Armenians in the army of middle-Byzantine period
is,
skilful riders,
Dedeyan some
years ago
(66)
.
Also
in
bow. By the
not
',
< Sabuhr")
who
men have
:
667/668 unsuccessfully tried to usurp Constans IPs throne, might have been Persoarmenian, at least judging by his function. Paul the Diacon
the optimates forming the staff officer of the Italian army led by the same Constans II there was another Sabuhr - Saburrus of the Lomis the Latin form - who was defeated by Romualdus son <69) (68) A certain Chosroes Jtatpbaog is mentioned bard king Grimoaldus
tells
emen
in using
us that
among
shooters, their
fighting
on
in a
Greek
seal
dence on Byz-
Under the
narrates
AM
from verifying
a maritime
(62)
On
n.
6931.
226-27 (Isaakes),
<
63 >
PmbZ,
(64 >
<
Plre
PmbZ, PmbZ,
p. 308.
65)
n.
6477.
<
66 >
67
DfiDEYAN 1987.
n. 6476.
<
(68)
PmbZ,
n.
1075.
256
(7O) otQaxTiYog xtov Kv|3v0ai<yxcov
which Leo III gave orders for doing it is not clear; Ottorino Bertolini supposed the Byzantine navy to be directed against Ravenna (71) Anyhow, the expedition failed because the Byzantine fleet was destroyed by a storm. Its leader was called Manes (M<xvt]s < Mani). It is tempting to suppose that he
.
The purpose
for
able to say
contingent
Byzantines
al
Caliph
the Zagros
Al-M h
of the Mardai'tes settled down in the empire by These Mardai'tes are something of mysterious for scholars; since the middle of the seventh century groups of them plundered and robbed both Arab Syria and Byzantine Cilicia coming from
nan
Tl
Theophilus (79)
cavalry (soi
.
on Mount Amanus (72) (between Syria and Cilicia). In the course of the time, after some of them migrated southwards to Mount Lebanon, they became more and more dangerous for the Catheir strongholds
liphate. Therefore, during the treaty established in
however, pre
(Pontos), in
686 between
Justini-
majority havi r
emperor agreed to withdraw somewhat as 20.000 Mardai'tes from the caliphate and to resettle them along the
II
an
and
Abd
al-Malik, the
Here they constituted the backbone of the future theme of the Cybirraeots serving in it as oarsmen. I am not competent to deal with the problem of the Mardai'tes'
.
empire
in gra
identity; I limit
among
It
is
time
thirc
done on
this
topic,
also that of a
Another
from the
to
Byzantine general bearing the name Manes is the 0x001x^765 xcov BoweaAccqlcov holding his office in 766 (75) Unfortunately the source quoting him, still again Theophanes, does not give any information on the
.
the structi
investigation
especially in
armoured
late
cav*
because Theophanes describes him as an intimate friend of the emperor Constantine V whose family was coming from Germanikeia
than other pe
antique B
the end of th
name
the
first is
mentioned on a
seal
second on a
without any
tide.
tell
about a corps of
The
a
increasing
we
are
was performed
uniform pre
out as in
the
connected to
(70) (71) (72) (73) (74) (75) <76) (77)
Theoph. Chronogr.,
p.
410
ed.
De
Boor.
come
p. 327. p. 332.
II,
going from
1297 (by
A. Hollingsworth).
,78) (79)
p.
P.
Treadgolu
PmbZ,
n.
6483;
maybe
(80)
seal,
see
(81)
See Tkeadc
PmbZ,
n.
6506 (Saperozan).
Treadgold
T
257
Leo
tie
III
gave
more on
this
expression.
It
refers
to
huge
2d the Byzan-
expedition
Its
(about 14.000 men) who fled to the about 834, in the occasion of the attack launched by the Byzantines
contingent of Khurramites
rm.
leader
this
Dpose that he
be empire by
nysterious for
af
The
refugees, led
by
were
received with open arms by the emperor Theophilus after accepting to be converted to the Christian faith. Their chief Nasr received the new
Christian
name
(79)
;
.
of
his
Theophilus
cavalry
(80)
men were
enrolled in a
new
corps, a tagma of
id Cilicia).
The
faithfulness
showed by them
to
their
new
sovereign,
:outhwards to
3
:tween Justini-
however, proved to be very tepid during the battle of Dazimon (Pontos), in 838, when only few of them stayed with the emperor, the majority having fled from the battlefield. They took shelter to Amaseia,
then to Sinope, where they proclaimed emperor Theophobus - Nasr, but in 839 they came to terms with the emperor. After the death of
their leader, the
somewhat
as
sm along
in
it
the
onstituted the
as oars-
empire
It
in
Khurrammites were spread among the themes of the (81) groups of two thousand for each district
.
be
s
Mardaites'
is
having been
(74)
.
time to
come
to
in
Another
from the
to
made
CQarriyoc;
e
twv
source quot-
investigation
by the
scholars.
It
more power
nation
on the
om
East Ana-
archery,
friend of the
Germanikeia
rce having an
than other peoples. The idea of a very strong "Germanization" of the late antique Roman army has to be reconsidered, because starting by
the end of the fourth century the
elite
(Saxteooodv):
fjtaSdoiog; the
more by Iranians, Armenians, Caucasians, Arabs, Turks than by Germans. Even more inadequate it turns out to be the concept of "barbarization"
for categorizing the transformations
undergone
in the late
Roman
army.
at
s
corps of
time
we
are
The increasing penetration of non-Romans in the military structures was performed throughout a too long diachrony for being considered as a uniform process. Many aspects of this barbarization are so closely
connected to the socio-economical transformations of Late Antiquity to come out as impossible to be considered in their self. In the long period
going from the third to the seventh century the feeling of self-identity
gsworth).
(78) (79) (80)
Treadgold 1988,
PmbZ,
n.
p.
282.
8237.
century
seal,
see
(81)
See Treadgold 1988, pp. 282-283 and Haldon 1984, pp. 251-252. Treadgold 1988, pp. 301, 314.
258
changed and the opposition romanitas I barbaritas was characterized by different connotations. Of course, the interaction of the "barbarians" with Roman society and their integration into it was not without problems. I have not consciously dealt with this topic, because it would have deserved another paper. Military Byzantine culture was a quite refined one but in no military
treatises, to
Bertolini 1967
my
knowledge, there
is
Greek
rules
Bivak 1972
to deal with foreign peoples in their armies. In the taktika there are for dealing with the
renegades; rules
on how
to
array foreign
Brown
pushed on by the material need of men and a repulsion based on the traditional mentality must have been not easy. Obviously, as long as the Romania was working out the feeling of its cultural self-identity, the ways in which its intellectuals
integration
Carile 1986
looked
at
the
"other"
inclined to prejudice.
how
they exerted for the empire, but for what they represented in the
birth of a Byzantine identity.
paradigmatic case
is
given to us by
what happened to the Khurammites. Their flight from the battlefield of Dazimon opened the way to the Muslim army for sacking Ancyra. When the walls of the city were rebuilt, in 859, an inscription put on them by the ajra8aQoxav6i6aToc; Basil for commemorating the event seems to bring back the reader at the time of Sharbaraz's campaigns. Here is the text: since a long time destroyed by sorrow and brought to your knees by the bloody hands of the Persians (i.e. the Muslims), wake up now you (i.e. Ancyra), being revived from evils and get rid of any doleful ugliness (82) This is a splendid example for studying Byzantine self-identity and how they read their past; but we would like to know also what was the fate of the some thousands of Khurrammites scattered by Theophilus among the themes for the defence of the
.
Christiansen 1944
Cosentino
Cosentino 1990
Cracco Ruggini
19
Dedeyan 1987
empire.
Diethart
-
Dintsis
Eadie
Ei
Form
(82)
1953
2.
259
s
tie
is
characterized
"barbarians"
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